0' f-x 9 vOo. ct-^ <- ^i*- -^^^^'-^.-^ ^^:^ 3 a!< A^ '^'^^ '^^ v^' N^^ "'^^ Xv. A^ ->-, c - :v. ..^^' ^^^^' ^/> 3^^ n-V X ,A -•b^ -^ ^/ :^W- .\^^ '^ .%^ ,0' s - V^- ''/T.ss .A :%'. "^,. v^' C.. .^' %/^ >^"% '^• 0' -is"-' V :\ .-"?- 0'- ■■■'Ei. ^it* ' ^<^ ^oo^ ■^.. <>' .^-^ ^ ' ■'- v^^ ; .c,-^ -^^ o>' '-^A V^ i * A^ % \^^'^o\o: •^' '\^ oX>^ ^£U c '>'^ ,.^ A^^ '^r. -i*^ 40th Congress, ) HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, i Report 'Sd Session. ' ( j InTo. 45. ^ ' REPORT TREATMENT OE PEISOIEES OF AYAE. REBEL AUTHORITIES, DURING THE WAR OF THE REBELLION TO WHICH AUE APPENDED THE TESTIMONY TAKEN BY THE COMMITTEE, AND OFFICIAL DOCU- MENTS AND STATISTICS, ETC. THE LiCRARY OF CONGRESS SERIAL RECORD APR 1 5 1944 U9 f I » WASHII^GTOX: Government printing office, 1869. ■a \ Fortieth Congress, Third Session, House of Bejn'esentatives, Tuesday, March 2, 1869. Mr. Shanks, liy miauimons consent, submitted the following resolution ; which was read, considered, and agreed to : Besolved, That the report and accompanying evidence of the special conmiittee of the House appointed under resolutitm of July 10, 1867, touching the treatment of pris- oners of war and Union citizens held by the confederate authorities during the recent rebellion, be jtrinted. m* WALTER R. SIEIWI) \ //^ PROCEEDINGS IN THE HOUSE. F3 Congress of the United States, In the House of Representatives, First Session Fortieth Coiujress, July 10, 1867. Mr. Shanks siibuiitted the following ; which was agreed to : "Whereas it is expedient that the subject of the treatment of prisoners of war and Union citizens held by the confederate authorities during the recent rebellion should be thorouglily investigated : Therefore, " liesolved, That a special committee of five members of this Himse be appointed to make such investigation, and to record the facts thereby olitained, and to report the same to the House at any time, with such recommendations as may seem proper. " Be it further resolved, That such committee, for the purpose of this investigation, shall have power to send for persons and papers, to appoint a clerk and a stenographer, and to sit during any recess of the House ; and that the expenses of the investigation be paid from the contingent fund of the House." Ordered, That the said conuuittee consist of Mr. Jolm P. C. Shanks, of Indiana; Mr. William A. Pile, of Missouri ; Mr. Abner C. Harding, of Illinois ; Mr. Aaron F. Stevens, of New Hampshire ; Mr. William Muugeu, of Ohio. Attest : EDWARD Mcpherson, cierJc. Congress of the United States, In the House of Representatives, First Session Fortieth Cone/ress, Jutij 13, 1867. On motion of Mr. Pile — " Eesoh'ed, That the Select Committee to Investigate the Treatment of Prisoners of War and Union Citizens ]>y the So-called Confederate Government, are hereby author- ized to sit at such place and take testimony by such number of the committee as they shall deem proper." Attest : EDWARD MCPHERSON, Clerli. Congress of the United States, In the House of Representatives, Second Session Fortieth Congress, January 13, 1868. On motion of Mr. Paine — "Besolved, That the Committee on the Treatment of Prisoners of War and Union Citizens be continued, with full powers, from the last session, in accordance with the resolutions of the House of July 10 and 13, 1867." Attest ■ EDWARD Mcpherson, cierk. Congress of the Uj^ited States, In the House of REPRESJiNTATivES. Second Session Fortieth Congress, July 28, 1868. On motion of Mr. Shanks— '^Besolved, That the Committee on the Treatment of Prisoners of War and Union Citizens be authorized to continue their investigations during the recess of Congress, with full powers, in accordance with the resolutions of the House of July 10 and 13, 1867." Attest : EDWARD Mcpherson, cierk. 4 TREATMENT OF PRISOXEES OF WAR. COXGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, Ix THE House of Representatives, Third Session Fortieth Congress, Fehruary 6, 1869. Ou motion of Mr. Shanks — " Resolved, That the resolutions of the House authorizing the Special Committee on the Treatment of Prisoners of War and Uuiou Citizens be revived, to enable them to re- port; but this resolution shall not authorize any further expense for witnesses." Attest : EDWARD Mcpherson, Clerk. REPORT. Mr. Shanks, from the Special Committee ou tlie Treatment of Prisoners of War and Union Citizens held as prisoners by the confederate anthor- ities during- the recent rebellion, reported as follows: The committee appointed under the resolution of the House, of July 10, 18G7, to inquire iuto "the treatment of prisoners of war and Union citizens held by the confederate authorities during- the i-ecent rebellion," ask leave to report upon the first part of the subject assigned them, namely, "the treatment of prisoners of war held by the confederate authorities during- the recent rebellion," and to inform the House that they cannot make full report touching the treatment of Union citizens so held, for reasons hereinafter stated. The field of inquiry, necessarily embracing nearly every State of the Union, was so extensive that it was deemed prudent by the committee to divide its labors by assigning- to each of its members the duty of col- lecting and arranging the preliminary information within certain terri- torial limits. This was accordingly done, and in pursuance of the pur- pose the committee issued the following- circular, which was sent to a large number of persons in different sections of the country, and widely copied by the press in courteous response to the request of the com- mittee : Rooms of the CoMMrrxEE on the Treatment of Prisoners of Wak and Union Citizens, Washington, I). C, Jtily 17, 1867. Id pursuance of a series of resolutions passed by the House of Representatives, July 10, 1867, tlie undersigned were appointed a committee to investigate the *' treatment of prisoners of war and Union citizens held by the confederate authorities during the late rebellion." All persons in possession of important information ujion either of these subjects are earnestly requested to address the committee, as directed below, stating — First. The name,' age, and post office address of the writer. Second. If a soldier or seaman, his rank or position, and with what command he served. Third. A full statement of all facts known to the writer touching his own imprison- ment or treatment, and that of others, either soldier or citizen, giving, as far as possible, names, places, and dates, with names of confederate officers in charge. C()rrcs]i()iulents fioiii Xew York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia, Virginia, Noith Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louis- iana, Mississippi, Arkansas, Texas, and the States and Territories lying west of the Rocky Mountains, will please address John P. C. Shanks, M. C, Washington, D. C. Correspondents from Missouri, Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska, Nevada, and the Territories east of the Rocky Mountains, will addi'css William A. Pile, M. C, St. Louis, Missouri. Corresj)oudents from Illinois, Indiana, Wisconsin, and Minnesota, will address Abner C. Harding, M. C, Monmouth, Illinois. Correspondents from the New England States, will address Aaron F. Stevens, M. C, Nashua, New Ham]ishire. Correspondents from Ohio, Michigan, Kentucky, and Tennessee, will address William Mungen, M. C, Findlay, Ohio. Communications addressed to the members of the committee will be free of iJostage. It is the intention of the committee to collect all facts necessary to make a thorough official history of this subject. The various newspapers throughout the country are requested to give this circular a gratuitous insertion, together with such notice as they may deem proper. JOHN P. C. SHANKS, WILLIAM A. PILE, ABNER C. HARDING, AARON F. STEVENS, WILLIAM MUNGEN, Committee. John D. Larrabee, Clerk. 6 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR In response to this circular about three thousand letters have been received, from which selections deemed most ^aluable by the committee, together with the sworn testimony obtained in the course of the inves- tigation, are submitted with the report. OBJECT AND PURPOSE OF THIS INYESTIOATION. Impressed with the magnitude and importance of this work, the com- mittee have endeavored to so perform it as to give to the House and the country a faithful and true (official history of the wrongs and sufterings endured by the national soldiers and loyal citizens at the hands of the confederate authorities. During and since the war investigations have been ordered with referem^e to individual cases of cruelty and responsi- bility, but the committee understood that the House in ordering this investigation intended that the whole sid)ject should be carefnlly can- vassed and a complete history collected while the facts were fresh in the memory of living men. And here it may be proper to ])ause to consider and answer the incjuiry which has sometimes been raised as to the ne- cessity and utility of this investigation. Why should it have been ordered; and what reasons are there for i)rosecuting these inquiries! What is to be gained by spreading before this country and the world a picture so terrible, and an exi)erie]U'e so sickening and loathsome in its details, nnngled as it is with so much crime and atrocity on the part of the responsible authors? In the opinion of your committee, a neglect to place in ofllicial form aiul under ofllcial sanction a record of the southern cai)tivity of Union soldiers and citizens during the late war could not fail to occasion nus- construction and misap])rehension in all time to come. The transient and somewhat fngitive histories based on the personal experiences and observations of the authors, which have appeared from time to time, though truthful in character and interesting- in narrative, can hardly be trusted to convey to future generations in living and pernmnent form the horrors of southern prison life, though to the readers of the present day, to whom they are accessible, they furnish a startlnig tale of hitherto unknown suifering and brave endurance. But it may well be questioned whether these detached though numerous works are destined to live in the great future, or insure for themselves an extended historical repu- tation and existence. Their ^•ery number may hereafter serve to confuse the general reader searching for some comprehensive history of this great era, and linally banish most of them from the libraries of the people, when the personal suffering or individual heroism which now lends them their interest and popularity shall have faded from the memory of friends. Yet, in a national and historical sense, the subject of rebel im- \_ prisonment, its fearful conseipuMices to its victims, the causes in which it had its origin and development, and its bearing and influence on the civilization of the age, demand an enduring record, truthful and authentic, and stamped witli the national authority. Your committee feel assured that a perusal of the evidence and con- clusions, which are now submitted as the result of their labors, willfully Justify the ground here stated, while it will vindicate the motives which originat(Ml the investigation. They feel conlident that such perusal will confirm the Justice, as well as the importance, of preserving in ofticial form tlie narratives of our suflering soldiers and fellow-citizens who were the victims of southern captivity, and the evidence of the barbarous inlluences which led to the intiictiou of these indescribable horrors. They feel assured that the reader will be im^jressed with the conviction that BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 7 these facts should live in history as the iueyitahle results of slavery, treason, and rebellion, and as an example to which the eyes of future generations may revert with shame and detestation. That history, pre- served in official form, is due to the heroism of the thousands of long- suffering and martyred soldiers of the republic, whose lives were sacri- ficed in the cause of liberty, and whose devotion should be cherished in the heart of the nation as an enduring example of that chivalric courage which elevates man above the common level of his race, and enables him to undergo the untold horrors of torture, starvation, and death in vin- dication of principle, and in the defense of his country. Its preserva- tion is demanded as a condemnation of the appalling fruits of a system of human slavery which trained its devotees to acts of cruelty at which the civilized world now stands aghast. It is demanded as a warning against the unholy ambition which pauses at the perpetration of no crime that serves to give it power and success ; which breaks down the reason of man, and shrouds in darkness the humanity of our nature, while it turns its bloody and unsparing hand to the destruction of coun- try and mankind. This record should live in the archives of the nation as a warning to future generations, teaching them to avoid the terrible consequences which have arisen from the cherished institutions of sla- very, culminating in the crime of rebellion, and an abrogation of the rules of civilized warfare. Such a lesson must, in the very nature of things, teach posterity to avoid a repetition of these causes, and place it constantly on its guard to prevent a recurrence of the rebellion. There is yet another I'eason why this investigation should have been entered upon, and why the results should pass into the official history of the nation. The rebels and their sympathizers have infused into the l^ublic mind the idea that while they were driven by destitution and want of supi)lies to the fearful exi)edient of starving Union prisoners of war, the course of our government upon the question of exchange was a willful neglect of the prisoners in their hands, and a wanton disregard of the strongest dictates of duty and humanity toward the unfortunate victims of rebel barbarity. Your committee are enabled from the testimony of the witnesses exam- ined, the cotemporaneous history of the time, the official documents of the War Department, and the captured records of the late rebel confed- eracy, to present a full, complete, and convincing refutation of these excuses and charges. This assertion is made in the light of the re- corded evidence to be found in the subsequent pages ; and your com- mittee may well congratulate the House and the country that justice, though tardy, is sure, and that the loyal administration of Abraham Lincoln, and the army and navy of the United States, are wholly and entirely exculpated from any responsibility for these great sufferings and crimes; while the evidence points with unerring finger to the high- est as well as the subordinate officers of the confederacy as the great criminals, guilty of atrocities for which Wirz suffered on the gibbet, and for whose like punishment every principle of justice and violated law is to-day speaking in thunder -tones from the voices of history. METHOD PURSUED BY THE COMjVIITTEE IN COLLECTING TESTIMONY. Several months were first employed in collecting and collating the statements of the correspondence elicited by the foregoing circular, coming from all parts of the country, and in obtaining sucli documentary evidence and records as were in the possession of the various depart- ments of the government. The first formal personal testimony was 8 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR taken in Boston, Massachusetts ; the sessions of the committee for that purpose commencing' October 10, 18(37, and continuing until the 2d day of Xovemher following, during which time ninety-two witnesses were examined. During the second session of this Congress, the power of the commit- tee having been continued by a vote of the House, the investigation was resumed by the examination of such witnesses as could be conven- iently brought to Washington, and after the adjournment of the second session, twenty-five additional witnesses were examined in the city of St. Louis, Missouri, making a total of one hundred and thirty-nine wit- nesses i)ersonally examined by the committee. These witnesses were selected from different sections of the country, from every arm of the military service, and from almost every grade in these various l)ranches. Their sworn statements will l)e found to em- brace every period of prison life, from captnre in the early i>art of the war to iinal release by its close, and to give detailed ancl accurate in- formation in reference to the personal treatment of the prisoners by offi- cers and men in the service of the confederacy ; the character, quan- tity, and preparation of the food issued to them ; the shelter provided ; their treatment when sick ; the barbarous methods resorted to in order to induce tliem to enlist in the rebel army, and in fact everything neces- sary to make up a complete history of the whole scope of life and suf- fering in southern prisons. It has been the purpose of the committee to take the testimony of witnesses so as to secure the nn)st unbiased and unprejudiced statement of facts, andthat the information should bear the imi>ress of historic truth. To this end they i)ermitted the statements of the witnesses to assume as nearly as possible the form of narrative, sul)mitting only such ques- tions as seemed necessary to direct attention to the subjects of investi- gation ; and though the result has been an uidooked-ibr repetition of facts and incidents, it has the advantage of accumulating an irrefutable mass of testimony ui)()n the prominent features of this great and im- portant subject. In this respect the witnesses have so thoroughly sup- ported each other, notwithstanding they were examined in every in- stance sei)arately and alone, that the controlling facts, however much they may have heretofore been the subject of doubt or dispute, are now l)laced beyond cavil for all time to come. TREAT3IENT OF PIMSONERS BY SAVAGE AND HALF-CIVILIZED TRIBES AND NATIONS — ANCIENT PRACTICES. Your committee have thought i)roper at this early stage of their report to introduce, by Avay of comparison and illustration of the bar- barities which prevailed on the part of the rebels toward their i)risoners of M'ar during the rebellion, some historical account, drawn from a \'ariety of sources, of the habits of life and the treatment of prisoners of war by the savage and half-civilized tribes and nations of the earth. They are confident tliat the perusal of the rejjort, and the eviden.ce accom])anying it, will sanction the belief that such a comparison is in many respects pertinent, and is the only one that can do justice to the untold liorrors of which our soldiers and citizens were the victims. The savage is the worst and lowest state of society. The interior l)ortions of Asia, Africa, and some of the islands, present the strongest type of savage character now known, though fortunately the area of their power is rapidly growing more limited. Their pra<'tices in BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 9 war are governed by the passions or prejudices of each individual or tribe, since they have no well-organized society, no code of morals, no restraining intlnences of religion and no recognized international law. Each tribe is as independent of all other persons as its ])liysical power enables it to be. Under their customs persons not of the same tribe meet as enemies whose greatest ambition is to destroy the life of their neighbor. Prisoners of war among snch nations or tribes are usually murdered as soon as captured, or retained for a time for cruel exposi- tion or brutal sacrifice, and are often cooked and eaten by their captors, or sold in market like stock, and fed and prepared for their fate. Sometimes prisoners are enslaved and treated with cruel severity, their lives subject to the will of the captor or the master. It may be important, in this connection, to notice that whenever any of the characteristics of savage life are traceable in the ])ractices of society at this day, even though the people composing it professedly aspire to civilization, they must be considered as having failed at least to that extent to master old passions, traditions, and prejudices. In case of public commotion and civil war in such comnuinities, the baser passions will assume their sway and stamp the true character of the people on the face of their actions. In times of peace a people may seem to be what they are not, but in the trials, excitements, and struggles of civil Avar the passions run riot unless controlled by a high and intelligent sense of justice. We can perhaps discover what we are naturally by examining the conduct of men not controlled by the rules of civilized or enlightened society. However just the laws of nature, both in their authenticity and ])urpose, may be, the history of man in his primitive state proves that he is an utter stranger to them. We see that those who live in a state of nature violate without hesitation every law of the decalogue, and sink in barbaric customs every principle of public law. It is only after long experience and slow progress that societies are benefited by the adoption of new, useful, and just ideas and practices in their social, religious, and political progress. Turning now to the history of savage warfare and habits, and the treatment of prisoners of war by savage nations and tribes, we find that the ancient Tartars had a custom that when a man died his son as- sembled all his kindred, and they ate the corpse together. The people of Thibet ate the corpses of their parents, not from necessity but from l)ity, not desiring to put them in the tomb, and as late as 1253 ihey made drinl-iiioint of honor to be thus sacrificed. Tlie Arabs, Tartars, and other nations subsisted by pillaging and the robbery of travelers who chanced to pass through their country. The Malays are nearly all pirates; and it is said that among the ancient Greeks it was not a reproach to the ])eople to be asked if they were pirates. When Captain Cook presented the Indian at Dusky Bay, New Zealand, with a hatchet and asked him what he would do with it, he said that he would go and kill men. The King of Bennin murders numbers of his subjects on his ascension to the throne, as an evidence of his worth and power. The Guages, a people of Africa, when going to war elect a commanding officer and pre- sent him with a hatchet, with which he is expected to kill at one blow a youth whom they present to him for that i)urpose, as a proof of his ex- 10 TEEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR pected prowess in arms. Amonji' the aiieient Mexicans, if a mother rlied while siu-kliiif;-, they killed the child to ju'event its becoming an orphan. Formerly in Bengal, if an infant refnsed the breast, it was exposed on a tree in the woods to the bii'dsand insects for one, two or three days, and if it still refnsed was thrown into tliclianges. Anciently, the Mexicans, Pernvians, and other savage nations, sacri- ficed all their prisoners of war and offered n}) hnman beings to their idols. The ancient Drnids are said to have indnlged in linman sacrifices. Aristomenes, the Messinian, sacrificed three hnndred Spartan prisoners, with their king, to Jnpiter. Themistocles's wife ottered Persian cap- tives as a sacrifice to obtain snccess in a war against that people. The Brazilians wonld not eat their prisoners until they were fat and of a cer- tain age. If the victim was lean they fattened him, and to insure his S])eedy improvement he was allowed every amusement. The American Indian tomahawked and scalped his jirisoners, or burned them at the stake, and some roasted and ate their flesh. He sometimes reserved them for servitude, and inducted them into a life of obedience by com- pelling them to run the gauntlet, exposed to tlie personal violence and blows of the ranks of warriors through which they were compelled to pass. By the secret law of the Spartans the helots or slaves became so niunerous as to give niiihrage to their masters, and it was allowable to thin tlieui by death, and that in a manner tlie most miserable, on account of the apprehension of it in which they all must Iiave lived. Some of the ablest young men were dispatched, privately, into the country, armed with daggers, and taking with tlieni a little necessary provision. These in the day-time hid themselves in the tliickets and clefts, and in the night issiied out into the highways and murdered all tiie helots they could liglit upon. Sometimes, however, they set ujiou them in the day-time while at work in the lields, and thus in the very act of }irocnring ])rovisions for their master. — (Ward, lOS.) The barbarity of the Scotch customs of war apjiears equal to the iV(n-mau, and the general ravage of a Scottish invasion, more ]»articnlarly that of David the First, may be com]>ared to thcLythian cruelties. The sick and aged were murdered in their beds, infants at the breast, and priests at the altar. David, however, was famed for humanity, and the only excuse for him is that the received customs of the troops he commanded made it useless for him to f()rl)id what he could not i>revent. In Italy, which claims to have lieen the lirst to emerge from the barbarism which desolatee exerc'ised even at this time, if oiu'. should choose to avail himsidf of his riglit. That there still exist some remains of this right is in full proof; for in this sense alone is to be taken, and on this ground alone is to be defended, tlie edict of the states- general of the 1st of October, 1589, which inflicted the penalty of death on those who should )>e found with the traitors of Gertruydenberg, and also their other edict of the 24t]i of Felu'uary, 1690, by which they inflicted tlu' same penalty on those enemies who should approacli tlie sjiore nearer than the buoys, or should laud on the coast foi- the sake of plundering. — Byukershoek's Laws of War, p. 19. Ill the following extracts we can trace an amelioration of the rule: You may drive aAvay an enemy if you can, or kill him, if lie will not sul)mit ; but when you have him in your power he should not be treated in a ditferent ligiit from other euendes.— Lee's Treatise on War, p. 50. The ancient rule was, that a comb.itant taken in battle became the property of his captor, w'ho could kill, enslave, or sell him. Ransom was a kind of sale to those who were most interested iu paying a high price. Aruong the Greeks the general practice was not to refuse cpiarter to a Greek who gave himself up on the held of battle, and to allow his friends to redeem him, if they would ; the price for which was more or less flxed between contending parties. This usage prevailed also among the Romans, as well as that of exchanging prisoners, but any degree of injury to the enemy was allowed in their Jiin hilli. Neither law, nor tlu' feelings of Ininianity, nor auglit save cou.siderations of prudence, restrained them. — Woolsey's International Law, p. 218. By the rules of both mitions leading ofdcers of the hostile army, after l)eing taken, might be put to the sword. Such was the case with the Athenian generals taken at Syracuse, against the will, however, it should be added, of the Si>artan general Gylippus — ami ]nany an illustrious warrior, taken captive by the Romans, had his death delayed only to endure the humiliation of being led in triumpli. Similar cru<'lty was universal in ancient times, as among the .lews, where David's campaigns dealt death in frigiitful forms upon surrounding nations; and yet, a century and a half after David, a prophet, to the King of Israel's impury, "Shall I smite them," could answer, "Wouldstthou snnte those whom thou hast taken captive with thy sword and thy bow f" — showing that a more humaue mode of warfare was then iu vogue. — Ihid., p. 219. It is unnecessary to do more than refer to the barbarous cruelties with which lirisouers of war are treated by savage nations ; but it is with soixow that we And Grecian warfare stained with such atrocities as the slanghter, in cold blood, of prisonei's of war, while other captives were subjected to become the sla\'es of their couquerors; and, in Roman w^artare, the executioner often ternnnated in prison the lives of tiiose wlio had been paraded in their triumi)hs. Tlie barbarians who overthrew the empire tieated their ))risoners, when they did not make them slaves, not only with a merciless saciitice of life, slaughtering thousands at a time, but with the details of wanton cruelty that mark the warfare of savages. Even Charleuuigne slaughtered, at one time, upward of four thousand Saxons iu cold l>lood; and long after this we tiud the heroes of chivalry, Richard I among them, outraging humanity by similar atroci- ties. — Manning's Law of Nations, p. 15.5. Vattel states the modern rule thus: As soon as your enemy has laid dowir his arms and surreudered his person, you have no longer any right over his life, unless he should give you such a right by some new attempt, or had before conrmitted against yon a crime deserving death. It was therefore a dreadful error of antiquity, a most unjust and savage claim, to assume a right of putting prisoners of war to death, and even by the hand of the executioner. More just and hunuiue principles have long since been adopted. — Vattel, p. '.^i>'.i. Halleck sums up the demand of public law upon this point as follows: But this extreme right of war, with respect to the enemy's person, has been modified and limited l»y the usages and practices of modern warfare. Thus, while we may lawfully kill those who are actually in arms and continue to resist, we may not take the lives of those who are not in arms, or who, being in arms, cease their resistance and surrender themselves into our power. The just ends of the war may be attained by making them our prisoners, or by compelling them to give security for their future conduct. Force and severity can be used only so far as maybe necessary to accomplish the objects for which the war was declared. — Halleck, ]>. 4"ie, sec. 2. As the right to kill an enemy iu war is applicable only to such pTiblic enemies as make forcible resistance, this right necessarily ceases so soon as the enemy lays down his arms and surreuders his person. After such surrender, the opposing belligerent has BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 17 no power over his life, unless new rights are given by some new attempt at resistance " It was a dreadful error of antiquity," says Vattel, " a most unjust and savage claim to assume a right of putting a prisoner of war to death, and even by the hand of the execu- tioner." By the present rules of international law, quarter can be refused the enemy only in cases where those asking it have forfeited their lives by some crime against the conqueror, under the laws and usages of war. — Ibid., page 429, sec. 6. According to the laws of war, as practiced by some of the nations of antiquity, and by savage and barbarous nations of the present time, prisoners of war might be put to death, or sold into slavery. But, in the present age, no nation claiming a senn-clviliza- tion makes slaves of prisoners of war, or claims the general right to put them to death, although such a riglit is sometimes exercised "in those extreme cases where resistance on their part, or the part of others who came to their rescue, renders it impossible to keep them. Both reason and general opinion concur in showing that nothing but the strongest necessity will justify such an act." Although, by the milder rules of modern warfare, prisoners of war cannot be treated harshly, the captor may, nevertheless, take all proper measures for tlieir security; and, if there be reason to apprehend that they will rise on their captors, or nuike their escape, he may put them in confinement and even fetter them. But such extreme measures should never be resorted to, except in cases of absolute necessity. Self-security is the first law of the conqueror, and (he laws of war justify the use of means necessary to that end, but beyond that no harsh- ness or severity is allowable. Each particular case, as it arises, must be judged by the attending circumstances, the means employed, and the danger they were designed to guard against. — Ibid., p. 430, sec. 7. POWER OVER THE LIBERTY OF PRISONERS — ENSLAVEMENT OF PRISON- ERS OF WAR. It is from an erroneous mode of considering- the case that prisoners ot war have for so long a time been left to the humanity of their captors. The early belief tliat the captor had the right to the life and property of his prisoners made them entirely subject to his will, and the permis- sion to live was deemed a clemency to the captive that could be with- drawn at pleasure. The right to take life was presumed to carry with it the power to make any disposition of the prisoner's person, short of taking his life, and in time it came to be considered more humane and profitable to enslave captives and sell them into a life of servitude. This was the first though it seems to be a short step from the uncon- ditional murder of prisoners of war to a better relation between captor and captive. And whether we are to credit the humanity or the avarice of the captor for this slight improvement in the condition of prisoners, it has at least a partial solution in the conduct of the rebels in the late rebellion where, though they had determined to kill all colored captives, yet they enslaved and used many. The practice of killing prisoners of war gradually gave way before an improving civilization on the one hand and a desire for gain on the other, resulting in the enslavement of cai>tives and their subjection to servile labor. They^ were transferred like other property, and their children became servants to the owner of their parents. As an evidence that morals had less to do with saving the lives of pris- oners than gain, the power of life and death was accorded to the captor down to the period at which exchanges were adopted in the seventeenth ceutury. Even during the days of chivalry, from the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries, when ransoming was at its zenith, a failure to pay the ransom was considered just cause of death, and some law writers trace that right still later. Bynkershoek, who was perhaps somewhat on the defensive, declares the right to exist as late as October 1, 1580, and Feb- ruary 24, 169G, when the states-general decreed death to captives taken under certain circumstances. It is a source of much regret that slavery has existed in this country, and that its results should have so indelibly stained the pages of our history with crimes agaijist prisoners of war. H. Eep. 45 2 18 TREATMENT OF PRISONEES OF WAR. Society, since tlie earth was peopled, Las at times souglit to redeem men from the servitudes of savage life, and has advanced from killing- prisoners of Avar to their enslavement, from slavery to their ransom, from ransom to exchange, from this often to parol of honor, and release alto- gether at the end of a war, instead of universal massacre, which was the early practice. But that this hnmane progress in the treatment of prisoners should receive a severe check in a portion of the States of a great and free government, tlnis late in the nineteenth century of the Cliristian era, can be accounted for only upon the retention by the])eople of those States of the barl)arism of past ages. Upon tliis (fuestion of the {)ower of the captor over the liberty of the prisoner, the committee submit tlie following authorities from writers on international law : To tlie right of killing our enemies has succeeded that of making them slaves, which was formerly exercised during many ages. But this custom of making slaves of prisoners has now fallen into disuse among most nations, in couseipience of the im- provement of their manners. — Bynkershoek's Law of War, p. 20. Therefore the Diitrli ar(> in the habit of selling to the Spaiiiarda as slaves, the Ahje- rihes, T((H/.iiV(i(-s, and Tripolitaus, whom they take prisoners iuWiQ. Atlaniic. or in the Med- iferraiienii: for the Diitcli themselves have no slaves excjit in .Isia. Jfris themsidves but in J.s(V(, Africa, and America. And the states-general, in the year 1661, ordered their ad- uural to sell all pirates he should take into slavery. The sann^, was observed in the year 1664. — Idem, p. .57. Is it lawful to comlemn prisoners of war to slavery? Yes, in cases which give right to kill them— when they have rendered themselves personally guilty of some crime deserving death. The ancients used to sell their prisoners of war for slaves. They, indeed, tiiought they had the right to jjut them to death. In every circumstam^e when I cannot innocently take away my prisoner's life, I have no right to make him a slave. If I spare his life and condeum him to a state so contrary to the nature of man, I still continue with him the state of war. He lives under no' obligation to me ; for what is life without freedom? If any one counts life a favor when The grant of it is attend(>d with chains, be it so; let him accept th(^ kindm-ss, subnut to the destiny which awaits him, ami fnlfd the duties annexed to it. But he must a))ply to some other writer to teach him those duties. There have lieen antho -s enough who have amjdy treated of them. I shall dwell no longer on tli(> subject, and, indeed, that dis- grace to humanity is happily banished from Europe. — Vattel's Law of Nations. In the preceding chapter we have traced the numner in which, as civilization has advanced, a milder and more humane treatment has gradually pervadeon the supposi- tion that the victor, having the right of life and death, lias uecessarily the most abso- lute power over the prisoners whose lives he has spared ; thus he defends the conduct of the Dutch, who hung some Spanish prisoners because they were not ransomed; and he also mentions it as the usual practice of the Dutch, as they did not employ slaves themselves, to sell to the Spaniards any prisoners whom they took from the Barbary powers ; and he quotes ordinances to this efl'ect, made in 16G1 and 16G4. These opinions are, at tir.st, surprising, as coming from a most able jurist living in the times of our George I and George II, but this feeling vanishes as soon as it is recollected that the asoietito contract, permitting British subjects to convey slaves from Africa to the Spanish West Indies, was the favorite subject of British diplomacy at that period ; that thus Great Britain, if not the thief, was the receiver of stolen goods, and was then habitualh' acting upon principles that now strike us as monstrous. — Idem. p. 16U. THE OrSTO:M OF RANSOM. The practice of enslaving jirisoners of war yielded, during the days of chivalry, to that of ransom for money or property, as well as for private or public advantages to the captor. This custom was not entirely eradicated, even among (christian nations, as late as 1802. There are very many interesting instances found in the books touching this subject, from which it seems that from the eleventh to the fifteenth century this custom was at its height. But while it had its advantages over the two more barbarous practices that preceded it, it also had the ett'ect often to recall one or the other of these, either from disappoint- ment in i)rocuring the ransom demanded or to enforce its more certain and prompt payment. The custom often encouraged wars as a source of gain from the capture and forced redemption of prisoners. The reader may obtain a more succinct and interesting view of this practice which succeeded death and slavery in the disposal of prisoners of war by an examination of the following authorities, which the com- mittee here introduce at some length. From these it will be seen that the right to demand ransom for a prisoner of war has ceased to be law 20 TKEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR among civilized people. With its antecedents, death and slavery, it has passed away as a rnle of war. To the. slavery of prisoueis succeeded the custom of exchanging them according to their respective grades and ranks, and detaining them until redeemed. And the ne- cessity of redeeming them is sometimes expressed in treaties, with a specified sum, ac- cording to the dignity of each person that may be taken, which sum being paid, there is an end of that summuni jits which belongs to the victors oA'er their prisoners. — Bynkershoek's Law of War, page 21. In these times, also, there existed a custom in full vigor, which is to be traced to very remote antiquity, but which the mildness of nuidern improvements seems to have totally abolished — I mean the practice of exacting ransoms for the lil)erty of prisoners. Originally, fi'om the supposed right of putting captives to death, it was held lawful to reduce them, as an act of me^cJ^ to perpetual slavery, of which in the preceding chapters we have selected various instances ; nor was the iiractice wholly worn out, even so far down as the fourteenth century.— Ward's Law of Nations, page 178. Probably the same reason, that of considering the vanquished as the property of the victor, gave occasion to the custom of demanding ransom for the liberation of' prison- ers, which was sometimes practiced by the Scandinavian nations, and which, in the days of chivalry, was so freipiently in use as to become the subject of established rules. Tliese rules Mr. Ward has investigated at some length, and to his interesting treatise I would refer the reader who requires more details than are found in the seanty notice practicable in the present chapter. One rule seems to have been that, unlike booty carried to a common stock, prisoners of war became the property of him who took them, though, in some cases, the king seems to have had the right of claiming them, on thei)aynient of a sort of maximum price. Thus the French king is said to have had the privilt^ge of purcliasing any prisoner for ten thousand livres; and this was the price paid by our English King Edward III as the ]n-ice of the French King John, from whom he afterwards exacted a ransom said to be equal to £1,.^)00,000 of our present money. It was probably the same sort of prerogative that Henry IV exercised when he forbade the Percies to ransom their prisoners taken at Holmdown,"and there))y drove that family into rebellion. And reasons of state sometimes induced a niimarch'to refuse all ransom ibr a prisoner. Charles V, of France, purchased the famous C'aptal de Buche of his captor, tor twelve hundred livres, and shut him up in the Tenqde at Paris, re- fusing all the offers of ransom made by Edward III ; and Henry V made it his dying injunction that the Duke of Orleans and Count d'Eu, made prisoners at Agiiicourt, should not be released till his infant sou was capable of governing, nor were they allowed to ransom themselves till seventeen years afterwards ; and Walerland, Count of St. Pol, being taken by the English, was refused liberty or ransom, Ijut was allowed to be at large on parole, and lived at the court of Edward III, where be married Ma- tilda Courteney, a princess of the bhjod. But when such reasons of state did not in- terfere, the captor disposed of his prisoners for his own en\olument ; and that this was often considerable, is shown )>y the fact that Bertrand du Guesclin, who had no estate, but was a soldier of fortune, valued his own ransom at one hundred thousand livres. The captor of David, of Scotland, was endowed by Edward III with five hun- dred pounds a year in land ; Charles of Blois had to pay seven liundred thousand crowns for his ransom; Michael de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, paid twenty thousand pounds sterling, wheu \w more than a simj)le knight ; and the Duke of Alenyon had to pay two huiulred thousand crowns for his rnnsom. The large sums ac(|uired by ransoms ai'e supposed to have materially contributeattle of Nanci, instead of killing him without knowing who he was. Prisoners, wlios<' riuisoms were known, were occasionally transferred from one owiu'r to another. Tln^ Earl of Pem- broke, whose ransom was valued at one hundred and twenty thousand livres, was paid over to Du Guesclin, in part of the purchase numey of some estates sold by that general, but the earl was ill, and tlie money was not to be paid for his riiiisom till he had re- covered, and, unfortunately for Du Guesclin, the earl died before he left France, so that the constable lust liis money. Some other P^aiglisli jirisoners were also transferred at the same tinu- in payment ibr 8()me Si>anish estates. And prisoners Avere sometinu's given away as pr<'sents from one person to another, as iu the case of a prisoner of the house of Blois, presented by Richard II to the Duke of Ireland, and sold by him to Oliver de Clisson fVn- one hundred and twenty thousand livres. And unfortunate were they Avho had lU) means of satisfying the demands of their captors ; for the rights of the victor upon his ])ris()nropi'rtv. — Manning's Law of Nations, p. 163. But while no state is obliged, by the positive rules of international law, to enter into a cartel for the exchange of prisoners of war, there is a strong moral duty imposed upon the government of every state to ])rovide for the release of such of its citizens and alli(>s as have fallen into the hands of the enemy. They havi^ fallen into this misfortune only by acting in its service, and in the snp)(ort of its cause. "'J'his," says Vattel, "is a care which the state owes to those who have exposed themselvt^s in her defense." — Halleck's Laws of War, p. 432, sec. 10. The present practice is to spare the lives of those who yield themselves up, to exchange them with captives taken by the other party, or to give them on ])ayment of a ransom, and meanwhile to supply them with the necessary comforts at the expense BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 23 of the state to whicli they beloiifjf. It were well if such comforts were to be found in a state of captivity, but the prison-hulks of some civilizcnl nations, and the general nei^h'ct of the prisons, seems almost calculated to make them unserviceable when exchanged. — Wolsey's International Law, p. 250. It not nnfrequeutly happens in a war, that, although both parties are willing to make an exchange of prisoners, much dehiy occurs in agreeing upon the terms of the cartel. Such delay sometimes results from a want of good iaith on both sides, the parties entering into negotiations with no intention of coming to an agreement. Again, when tlie cartel has been negotiated, it is sometimes impossible to carry it into effect innnedi- ately,the peculiar circumstances of the war, and the character of the military operations, interrupting or preventing its execution. Such delays ai-e the more frequent in great wars which embrace several countries and seas within the theater of their operations. In all cases where the circumstances prevent an exchange of prisoners of war, or render it impossible for them to receive the means of support from their own State, it is the duty of the captor to furnish them Avith subsistence, for Imuianity woiild forbid his allowing them to suffer or starve. But if their own government sliould refuse to make arrangements for their support, exchange, or release, and if the captor should give them sufficient liberty to enable them to earn their own sui)port, his responsibility ceases, and whatever sufferings may result are justly chargeable upon their own government. Under ordinary circumstances prisoners of war are not required to labor l)eyond the usual police dirty of camp and garrison, but wliere their own state refuses or willfully neglects to provide for their release or support, it is not unreason aide in the captor to require them to pay with their labor for the siibsistencc wliich he furnishes them. But this can be done only in extreme cases, and even then they should be treated kindly and with mildness, and no degrading or very onerous labor should be imposed on them. All harshness and unnecessary severity would be contrary to the modern laws of war. — Halleck, page 431, section 9. But this usage is not, even now, considered obligatory ui)on those who do not choose to enter into acartel for that purpose. " Whoever makes a just war," says Vattel, " has a right, if he thinks proper, to itude and crime so nearly akin to the robbery of the dead, necessarily increased the helpless condition of our soldiers, depriving them of tiie means of procuring the necessaries and comforts which might otherwise have been attainable, and rendering them a more easy and i'lU-Ale prey to the disease ami death which spread their sable pall over the prison-houses of the South. Nor was the immediate crnelty inflicted thns early upon the Union soldier confined to robbery and personal violence. Instant and long marches, short rations, scarcity of water, and transportation fit only for beasts destined for the shambles, were the conmion incidents of his early captivity. The facts disclose a cool and malicious disiegard of the con- dition and comfort of the prisoners taken in battle, and an evident in- tention on the part of the confederate authorities to lose no time in the attempt to break them down in body and in spirit and render them un- fit for future service to their country. Men wounded in the arms or body were forced to make long nuirches, guarded by cavalry, and when unable longer to keep pace with the column were beaten and cut with the sabres of their guard in order to force them forward, until they fell by the roadside dead, where they were often left unburied. Prisoners transported on railroads through the South were almost invariably packed into close box cars, the sick and Avell, the wounded and un- wounded, from sixty to eighty huddled together in each car. These cars were often used for this purpose, without cleansing, immediately after cattle had been taken out of them, and the excrement of the beast was the bed of the men. Insufficient guards were provided on such occasions and the cars consequently kept closely shut, sometimes for several days in succession, the men not being allowed to leave them for any purpose. Such was the bitter and terrible pre])aration of the devoted soldier of the Union for his entrance into the charnel-houses of Richmond and Andersonville. The testimony shows the mode of search adopted, and the ingenuity with which concealments were made. The prisoners were stripped entirely naked, and their clothes examined, sometimes by cutting- and ripping such portions as were supposed to contain secreted money and other valuables. This was followed by an exploration of 26 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR the person, every part of wliich was closely examined for articles of value. These were sometimes found secreted in the hair, whiskers, mouth, ears, nose, or other i)art of the prisoner's person. A detection was usually followed by severe punishment. Sometimes at the time of exchange a demand was made by the prisoners for the return of their money, but this was generally met with denunciation and oftentimes with violence. This deliberate and systematic robbery of defenseless men was pursued at Richmond within sight and hearing of the higher rebel officials, and not far from the residence of J eft". Davis. Sounds of revelry and carousal at that seat of treason could be heard by these wronged, robbed, and outraged prisoners as they lay on the bare floors of the buildings Avhere they were confined, deprived by their inhunmn captors of the barest necessaries of life. The transportation of tlie prisoners in the crowded and suflbcated condition which we have described was not the result of any necessity. It was caused by no forced retreat from a battle held or any emergency of a similar character, but was the usual mode of transit of i)risoners to and from stockades in the heart of the confederacy. So horrible were the sufterings endured in these journeys that every possible eftort was made by the prisoners to escape from the cars while in motion, and many cases are noticed where, in the niglit, they succeeded in forcing open the door, or in cutting holes through the sides of the car, and by that means attempting to escape, preferring to risk their lives in this forlorn hope rather than endure the tortures of travel. For many inter- esting recitals of these attempts, their failure or success, the reader is referred to the testimony of the witnesses. An instance of wanton cruelty occurred on the occasion of a squad of prisoners leaving Kich- mond early on a winter's morning, who, after anight of snow and rain, were com] )elled to march tln'ough the middle of the streets, many of them barefooted, their feet bleeding from wounds occasioned by the roughness of the road. With an honorable foe the rules of civilized warfare obtain, and when an enemy falls into his power, by capture or surrender, he seeks to alle- viate his sufterings to the extent of his ability. He becomes, for the time, his friend and jirotector as well as his captor. But such was not the usual i)ractice of the officers and soldiers composing the rebel army ; and here we have in this particular, as in many others, ai striking con- trast between the conduct of the opposing forces in the late war. As a writer has said : " The treatment of prisoners of war is a signiticanttest of civilization in any peoi)le or nation. It is the one amenity that redresses a thousand violences engendered by belligerent relations, or it is the one cruelty that casts all others into the background. In i)ro- portion as we lind a tribe or community advanced in human progress, we are prepared to expect a sympathy for the weak or defenseless, and it is only in barbarous or savage life that we look for the torture of un- armed men, or the abuse of non-combatants. Hence it is difticult to realize that a distinct and large portion of the American i)eople should be chargeable with such enormities of prison maltreatment as have become matters of fact in history during four years of civil strife. And yet we are constrained by i)ositive evidence to arraign the government and citizens of the rebel States on charges of cruelty such as disgrace civilization and belie Christianity." We close our remarks on this subject by an allusion to two ])romiuent facts which will be treated more at large in other ]>arts of this report. We refer to the massacre of the troops by Forrest's command at Fort BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 27 Pillow, and to the well-autlieuticated account of the murder and assas- sination of colored prisoners at the time of their capture in the iield. While the murder of these Union soldiers was more merciful than the .starvation of the white troops, it was no less startling and striking in its develoi)ment of the savage cruelty which seems to have usurped in the breasts of the coufederate officials the kindlier sentiments of humanity, which among civilized people tend to assuage and mitigate the sufferings iucident to war. PRIS0^'8. Although the places used by the rebel authorities for the confinement of their military prisoners were diverse in character and widely scat- tered, they may be divided into two general classes: First. Buildings used as places of temporary imprisonment. Second. Stockades and in- closed camps. The former consisted largely of cotton and tobacco ware- houses, court-houses, jails, and penitentiaries. To this, however, there were some exceptions, as Libby, Pemberton, and Castle Thunder, which were used as permanent i)risons. The stockades and inclosed camps outside of Richmond were, however, the ])oiuts where the greater num- ber of prisoners were held, and the localities where was practiced the ingenious barbarity of the rebels upon the victims whom they held in their power. An account of the most prominent of these will furnish the terrible and appalling history embraced in the remarks and evidence which it is the duty of your committee to present to the House. Of the stockades' and inclosed eamps, the following is a partial list: Belle Isle, Virginia ; Danville, Virginia ; Lynchburg, Virginia ; Petersburg, Vir- ginia; Charlotte, North Carolina; lialeigh, North Carolina; Saulsbury, North Carolina ; Charleston, South Carolina ; Columbia, or ( Jamp Sor- ghum, South (Carolina; Florence, South Carolina; Audersonville, Geor- gia; Atlanta, Georgia; Blackshear, Georgia; Macon, Georgia; Mil- ieu, Georgia; Savannah, Georgia; Cahawba, Alabama; Tuscaloosa, Alabama; Camp Ford, or Tyler, Texas; Camp Gross, Texas. In addition to these there were a number of less note, and used only temporarily. It is the intention of your committee to notice in detail only the most prominent in the list. For a more full and detailed state- ment of the minor prisons, the number of their inmates, their command- ers, &c., the reader is referred to the statistical report of the War De- partment, published herewith. ANDERSONVILLE, OR CAMP SUMTER, SUMTER COUNTY, GEORGIA. It seems fitting and proper that in the special description of rebel prisons, upon which this report is about entering, the spot on which dur- ing the terrible year of 18G4 was concentrated the greatest amount of hu- man suffering the records of civilized warfare can present, and the name w^hich, sui^planting all others in our language, has passed into a syno- nym of the cruelty and atrocity of man, should first demand our atten- tion. Audersonville was a'^representative prison. The mournful interest which now centers in its history, and which must in the future attend the recital of its accumulated horrors, has impelled your committee to bestow upon its origin and progress, its government and results, a lead- ing attention, to examine with earnest care and to lay before the House a large amount of evidence drawn from all accessible sources. In this respect its history will be found more extended and elaborate than that of other prisons, but your committee have been drawn to this latitude 28 IREATMENT OF PEISONERS OF WAR of iiivestij;ation and remark bj- an irresistible sense of Avhat was due to the importance of tlie subject. But it must be confessed that before this appalUn*;- monument of the cruelty of man, and in the contemplation of the surrounding horrors which the victims of rebel barbarity have spread before us in the solemn utterances of their sworn statements, all power of description stands abashed or retires from the hopeless task of painting the unutterable sufferings and atrocities of Andersonville. It was here, in what was once the " Empire State of the South," that the victims who fell by starvation aiul murder at the hands of the confed- erate authorities ai)proximated closely in numbers the victims who were sacrificed by the Spanish Inquisition, through long centuries of perse- cution and woe. Strange and appalling as it may seem, such was the result, well authenticated and irrefutable, of the twelve months' conline- ment which our soldiers endured in this model prison-house of the con- federacy. This mortality was not the result of sudden and fearful acci- dent, or startling casualty, but ensued through long, lingering, cruel sickness, })unishment, madness, and suflering, almost too terrible for relation. The protracted horrors of Andersonville are the significant features which arrest the mind at every step of this investigation. No cessation of suffering, no episode of relief furnishes its chapter in this terrible history. To the barbarous treatment of the warriors of Algeria by the government of France, there was, at times, a pause ; to the cruelties of British India there was a cessation ; to the tragic night of the Black Hole of Calcutta succeeded a morning of relief; but from the cruelties and horrors of Andersonville, there was to the snflering heroes of the Union no relief but death ; death by neglect, death by starvation, death in the land of the stranger, at the hand of felon rebels ; a linger- ing and horrible death, terrible to contemplate, and which came at last, a sole reward of bravery, patriotism, and Christian fortitude. The general descriptions of the Andersonville prison have been fre- quent, and are familiar to many readers, while the vivid relations of per- sonal sufferings endured within its walls have been spread broadcast throughout the land. The description which this report seeks to furnish must be largely divested of the interest with which the relations of per- sonal exj^erience serve to clothe the narrative of their sufferings, but following closely the statements of the witnesses Avho have been exam- ined, must necessarily, m other respects, bear a marlced resemblance to those which have preceded it. And your committee beg leave to say that they have not hesitated to make free and ample use of all the well authenticated and truthful sources of information furnished by the con- current history of the time, as well as the special evidence which it has been their duty to collect. --—The Andersonville prison was situated about half a mile distant from the station which furnishes its name, on the Southwestern railroad lead- ing from Macon to Americus, about sixty-five miles southerly of the former city. It originally consisted of a few buildings used for storing commissary and quartermasters' supplies in the possession of the rebel authorities. Its location was selected in the latter part of 18(33 by Cap- tain W. S. Winder, a son of the rebel General J. H. Winder, after the rejection of several places more suitable to the health and comfort of the prisoner, and with the intention, as is asserted, of building a pen for the "damned Yankees, where they would rot faster than they could be sent." In January, 18G4, a stockade was here erected of i)ine logs, about twenty feet in height, inclosing an area of some seventeen acres. To this was given the name of "Camp Sumter." In the following July this iuclosure was enlarged to afford room for the confinement of an BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 29 increased number of prisoners, which was accomplished by extending the ohl stockade some forty rods to the north, tlie work being performed by the inmates of the prison. With this addition the stockade inclosed twenty-three and a half acres lying in the form of a parallelogram, with the surface somewhat depressed in the center, the elevations being at the northerly and southerly ends. Across this parallelogram, from west to east, and about one-third of the distance from the southerly end of the stockade, ran a sluggish stream of aa ater, six feet in width and bor- dered on each side by a low swamp, embracing an area of six acres. This swamp, which was uninhabitable except for the festering vermin and maggots that were afterwards sutfered to swarm in its stagnant and loathsome filth, became in time the recei^tacle of the oifal which naturally drained into it from the surface of the camp, as well as the wash and waste of the cook-houses and camps outside. Outside of the stockade, near where the stream entered it, the cook-house was located, and further up the rebel guards were accustomed to wash and bathe, while closer to the stockade animals were permitted to die and rot in its waters. This stream was the only phice, with the exception of a few shallow wells and springs, from which the prisoners could procure water for general use, and from this loathsome sewer constantly rose the pesti- lent vapors so fatal to human life. Where the water entered the stock- ade it was covered with a mantle of tilth, grease, and drippings that constantly floated upon it when the creek was at its ordinary stage. Inside of this stockade the approach to the creek was through the swamp alone, while this in turn was filled with the offal of the camp, which was never removed except as it was partially carried out by flood- ing rains. Outside of the main stockade were two other lines built for defense and protection in case of attemjjtsto escape on the part of the prisoners, the outer one being twelve and the second sixteen feet in height. The hospital was situated outside of the lines some distance from tlie south- ea.st corner of the camp, having been erected in June, 18(54. Previous to this an apology for a hospital was located within the stockade. There wTre two entrances into the stockade, both on its westerly side, one north and the other south of the stream, secured by strongly constructed gates. It was guarded and garrisoned by rebel troops, whose camps were lo- cated west of the stockade. Sentry boxes, thirty-five in number, well sheltered from sun and rain, were provided for the guards and placed outside, near the top and around the stockade, so erected at intervals of a hundred feet as to permit the occupant to see what transpired among the i^risoiiers within. On eminences commanding the camp were forts, well supplied with artillery and heavily garrisoned. The country around the Audersonville prison was a thickly-studded forest of towering pines, the space occupied by the camp having been cleared for the purpose of its location. In the midst of this abundance, and with the full knowledge of the highest officers of the confederacy. Union i>risoners of war were compelled to eat raw food and peiish for want of tire and shelter. Inside of the stockade, parallel with its lines, and about twentj^ feet distant, was tlie "dead line," marked by scantling nailed upon upright posts, which were planted in the ground at regular intervals. It was indeed the line of death. To pass it or to encroach upon the fatal pre- cinct beyond, brought the penalty of death to all without distinction. The purpose of its establishment was to gnard the line of the stockade against the approach of the i^risoners, either singly or in numbers. The 30 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR rule of proliibition was applicable to all, and its violation met with in- stant and inexorable punishment. The penalty was inflicted without discrimination or mercy. It fell alike upon the tottering- sick and the strono- and well, on the sane and the demented, on the staggering wretch whose failing limbs made him the nn willing victim, and the sufferinj^ maniac who neither knew nor dreaded his danger. The burning thirst of the fevered prisoner which imi)elled him to reach beneath it for a drop of water purer than the stagnant pool was quenched in death by the relentless rifle of the guard, while the ignorant i^risoner, freshly cap- tured, and who had not learned its dread signiflcance, fell by the same merciless hand, under the standing orders of the officer in charge. The well-authenticated cases of these indiscriminate and unjustiiiable mur- ders will be found in the following narrations, with the names of many innocent victims who were thus sacrificed. Although situated in a southern latitude, the climate of Anderson- ville showed a wide variation of temperature, ranging from 18 to 112 degrees Fahrenheit in the shade. In the year 18G4 were counted one hundred and eight rainy days, in which fell more than four and a half feet of rain. Around it and in its immediate vicinity flowed a score of clear, healthy streams, abounding in delicious water, while the neigh- borhood is remarkable for its crystal springs, whose translucent waters invite and gratify the taste of man. It was here that on the 27tli of November, 186.j, young Winder planted the i^rison of Andersonville. Eejecting the inviting localities which had been provided in the imme- diate vicinity by the beneficent hand of nature, and most admirably atlapted by all their surroundings for the dwelling-place of the unfor- tunate prisoners of war — anu^ng them the Magnolia spring, twelve miles distant from Americus — the rel)el officer and agent selected the site we are describing. To prepare this charnel-house the accursed labor of the slave was at once brought into requisition ; six hundred of them being impressed for this purpose by Howell Cobb, then commanding the district in which Andersonville was situated. The first installment of ca])tives — consist- ing of the soldiers of New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Michigan, num- bering in all some eight hundred men — reached the prison on the 15th day of February, 1801. They were met with the jeers and taunts of the gaping crowd, composed of all classes, who flocked from the sur- rounding country to gaze upon these "invaders of the soil.*' These early visitors were the representatives of that pul)lic sentiment of min- gled hate and contempt so common among the rebels, which led them to uphold and vindicate, officially and individually,the terrible excesses that have rendered the name of the confederacy a rei)roacli and hissing in the history of the world. Unciuestitniably they regaided these un- fortunate men as unfit to live, and treated them accordingly. With this sentiment of the "people," so often expressed, the officers of the prison were soon found to be in perfect accord. As the captured Union men flowed, week by week, into the jaws of Andersonville, they were subjected to a system of ])lunder, inaugurated in the purlieus of the rebel capital, and roblxnl of whatever could be found upon their persons. There were here no shallow pretenses or lame excuses for this course, secret theft or l)old roV)bery being the rule ado))ted; esi)eciiilly with those of the newly arrived prisoners, who came fresh and amply clothed from the well-fiuiiishcd depots of the northern recruiting stations. In April of 1864, John ][. Winder, the personal and trusted friend, warm partisan, and willing tool of Jefferson Davis, arrived at Ander- sonville. There is ample evidence that the president of the coufederacy BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 31 was his intimate friend and protector. When his crimes had driven others to protest against his retention in the service of the confederacy, the influence of Davis saved him from removal and disgrace. The rela- tion which this man bore to the chief and head of the rebellion is well described by the witness Philip Cashmyer, as follows : For the last four years I was detective officer under General Winder. I was with General Winder from the time he commenced his duties as provost marshal until he died. I was his special confidential detective. W^ell, my duties were, any important matters such as detectives have to attend to I attended to for him ; such as examining prisoners and making reports upon them, and matters of that sort. I was admitted into his family also. The relations existing hetween him and 3Ir. Jefferson Davis were very friendly indeed ; very confidential. I often lieard (ieiieral Winder say so. I often saw him go there and come from there. I remember wlieii an effort was made by Gen- erals Bragg and Ransom to have him removed, Mr. Davis — President Davis — was his special friend then. When the order relieving General Winder came from the war de- partment, he took it and went up to Mr. Davis. The order was relieving him from duty in Richmond. H(^ took it and went over and saw President Davis, and he in- dorsed on it, as well as 1 can recollect, "that it was entirely unnecessaiy and uncalled for." After that, General Winder was sent to Goldsboro, North Garoliua, to take the field ; he was there a week or two, and au order then came for him to go to Anderson- ville and take command there. His powers were not extended for some months after that. They were then. They made him commissioner general, commissary general of prisonei's. They called him commissioner general. I still continued with him till he died iu my tent at Florence, South Carolina. As well as I can recollect, the order sending W. S. Winder to Andersonville to lay out the prison came from the war depart- ment. General Winder desired to send him, and the war dejtartnu'nt sanctioned it. I saw the son go with the general down to the war department and come from there. It is unnecessary here to dwell ui)on this man's character or history at much length. He has passed to his long' and last account, leaving" behind a name which will seldom be uttered by the lii)S of any Union prisoner unless associated with thoughts of that fearful retribution wliich can alone in the dread future furnish an adequate expiation of his crimes against mankind. He had been employed at Kiclimond as the prison agent of Davis, and his cruelties had become proverbial among all, both rebel and Union. So terrible was his history, that when he left the theater of his crimes for Andersonville, the Richmond Examiner exclaimed, in its mingled horror and joy : " Thank God that Richmond is at last rid of old. Winder! God, have mercy upon, those to whom he has been sent P We shall not dwell upon the career of this wretch. He deserves exe- cration, not history. His long and confidential intercourse with Jeffer- son Davis would, were it possible, stamp the character of the confeder- ate chief with double-dyed infamy, as it served to heighten and enlarge tbe terrible cruelties for which the oflicial head of the rebellion will be held responsible before the civilized and Christian vrorld. As illustra ting the justice of the paragraph just quoted from the Richmond Exam- iner, we submit the following order, issued by this agent of starvation and murder, while in command at Andersonville : Orders No. 13.] Headquarters CoNrEDERATE States JIilitary Prison, AiKlemoiirUle, Jiilij 27, 1864. The officers on duty and in charge of the battery of " Florida artillery " at the time, will, UI30U receiving notice that the enemy have approached within seven miles of this post, open lire upon the stockade with grajie shot, without reference to the situation beyond these lines of defense. It is better that the last federal be exterminated than be permitted to burn and pil- lage the property of loyal citizens, as they will do, if allowed to make their escape from prison. By order of John H. Winder, brigadier general. W. S. WINDER, Acljutant General. At the time of this unparalleled and hellish order the maimed prisoners 32 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR who would have been the victims of its execution numbered more than thirty thousand men ! This officer brought with him to Audersonville his son, William S., who became adjutant of the j)ost ; his nephew, liichard B. Winder, as quar- termaster and commissary ; and Henry Wirz, as superintendent of the prison. These men figure largely, and are often mentioned in the details accom])anying this report, and require no further notice here. It was under their administration that the enormities of Audersonville here recorded were per])etrated. The stockade at Audersonville was used for the confinement of enlisted men only. It was opened for the reception of its victims in February, 1804, and in June following contained more than twenty thousand prison- ers. In July the camp had been enlarged, and the liichmond prisons poured into this already crowded theater of death nearly twenty thou- sand additional \'ictims to the hellish barbarity of the confederate gov- ernment. They came to share the doom of their Union comrades. From the horrors of Libby and Belle Isle they came to meet the horrors of Auder- sonville. And now ensued a period of desolation and suffering which turns the blood to ice, and leads man to curse the race from which he sprang. Thirty-five thousand men, sick and well, were compressed into a space which gave them but four feet by six for walking and sleeping, for exercise and rest, for cooking and eating, for sickness and death. The subsequent historj' of Audersonville has startled and shocked the world with a tale of horror, of woe, and death, before unheard and un- known to civilization. N^o pen can describe, no painter sketch, no imagi- nation comi)rehend its fearful and unntterable iniqnity. It would seem as if the concentrated madness of earth and hell had fonnd its final lodg- ment in the breasts of tliose who inaugnrated the rebellion and controlled the policy of the confederate government, and that the prison at Ander- son ville had been selected for the most terrible human sacrifice which the world had ever seen. Into its narrow walls were crowded thirty-five thou- sand enlisted men, many of them the bravest and best, the most devoted and heroic of those grand armies which carried the tlagof their country to final victory. For long and weary months here they sutfered, maddened, were murdered, and died. Here they lingered unsheltered from the burn- ing rays of a tropical sun by day, and drenching and deadly dews by night, in every stage of mental and physical disease, hungered, ema- ciated, starving, maddened; festering Avith unhealed wouiuls; gnawed by the ravages of scurvy and gangrene, with swollen limbs aiul distorted visage; covered with vermin which they had no power to extirpate; ex- posed to the Hooding rains which drove them drowning from the misera- ble holes in which, like swine, they burrowed; parched with thirst and mad with hunger; racked with pain or prostrated with the weakness of dissolution, with nuked limbs and nuitted hair; filthy with snu)ke and mud; soiled with the very excrement from which their weakness would not permit thein to escape; eaten by tlu' gnawing worms which their own wonnds had engendered, with no bed but the earth ; no covering save the (;loud or the sky; and these nuMi, these heroes, born in the image of (lod, thus crouching and writhing in their terrible torture, a loathsome, horrible sight, the mutilated murdered victims of a cool and calculating bai'l)arity, stand forth in history as a nionnmcnt of the sur- l)assing horrors of Andersonville as it shall be seen and lead in all future time, realizing in the studied torments of their prison-house the ideal of Dante's Inferno and Milton's Hell. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 33 At last these safferiugs aronsed even the citizens around Andersou- ville. Some persons livuig- in that region, and who seem to have been prompted by humane sentiments, moved by a knowledge of their condition, attempted meivsures for the relief of our men. They accord- ingly made application to the officer in command for the privilege of visiting" the sick in the hospital and stockade, and furnishing- them with means of comfort and relief. They were met with a flat refusal, and although the attempts were renewed from time to time these humane offers were refused, and the persons repulsed. In fact, it seems very clear that the refusal was not merely capricious, but that it was based upon that inhuman policy by which the confederate government sought to deci- mate the ranks of their enemy by the maltreatment and starvation of their jirisoners. II. M. DAVIDSON'S ACCOUNT. In addition to these general remarks upon the features and effects of Anderson^ ille captivity, the committee thought proper to avail them- selves of the interesting publications of eye-witnesses, who were eoQ- iiuedsvithin its walls, in all cases giving credit to the author* of these vivid yet truthful pictures of prison life. Among the numerous volumes- which have been published by the survivors of Andersonville is one- abounding in special and interesting descriptions of the conduct of its. government and the sufferings and condition of its inmates^ written by one who was for more than a year a prisoner of war in the hands of the rebels. He entered Andersonville in April, 1804, and remained until his- escape, in the following September, but was afterward recaptured, and finally exchanged. The op[)ortunity which this soldier had for clase and particular observations, his varied experience in the prisons of the South, the candor and intelligence with which he treats the multiform subjects forming the themes of his narrative, together Avith the strong and unquestionable corroboration of his truthfulness furnished by the state- ments of the witnesses examined by the (committee, which con- firm him in every particular, enable them to commend the liberal extracts from his published work, which they have felt at liberty to introduce here, to the unether oni- l>laiikets, wet with the chillinji; shower of dew wLi<*h liad fallen copiously dnrin,i>- the niy;ht, and fastening our cooking utensils to the bea- dle, left them with a friend, while we set out in search of water. Taking the dires: • tion of a belt of fog, which had settlesi'il from disturbing the water and rendering it uutit for use, except the moral influence of camp. DI.STRIBUTIOX OK KATIOXS. — COOKIXG. — WOOD. Some time in the aftoruoon the ration wagon drove into the stockade laden with corn-meal, bacon and salt, which were thrown down into a heap in an opeu space about midway the iuclosure. It was a horrible sight to witness the haggard crowd gathered about this precious [lile, while the commissary sui)erintemled its division among the squad sergeants ; gazing, meanwhile, with wolflsh eyes upon the little heap as it diminished, or following tiieir sergeant commissary back to his (juarters, as fam- ished swine follow clamorously the footsteps of their master, as he carries their food to the accustomed trougli. Tlu' rations were distributed by the division-sergeant to the mess-sergeant, who then divided them among the men. To avoid quarrellino-j during the last distribution, it was the custom among all the messes for the mess-ser- geant to separate the rations into as many small parcels as there were men in the mess ; one man of the mess was placed a short distance ott", with his back toward the parcels, in such position that he could not see them ; the mess-sergeant then pointed to one, Avith the words : *' Who has this ? " to which the man replied, announcing the name of the recipient, when it was given to him. In this manner the whole number was gone through Avith, with satisfaction to all. Iron l)ake-pans, like those used l)y the confederate soldiers, had been issued to the I>risoners who first arrived at this place, in which to bake their meal and fry their bacon ; but nothing of the kind was ever given out afterward, to my knowledo-e. The United States soldiers, as is well known, were never provided with other cooking utensils than mess-kettles and mess-pans, both too large to be transported in any other way than upon army wagons. At the time of our capture, in luimerous Instances, the tin cups and plates wliich we had were taken from us ; our knives, it will be remembered, Avere confiscated at DauAille ; nothing, therefore, was left in our posses- sion Avith Avhich to cook our raw food after it Avas giA'en ns. How to accomplish this necessary feat Avas a grave question. We nuide shift, however, with chips, half can- teens, tin cups, that had escaped confiscation, and pieces of sheet-iron, to bake one side of the stutf, Avhile the other Avas scarcely warmed through. The solder of the tin, melting and mingling with the breail, added another to oui- almost iiniumerable hard- ships. But Avith all our care and labor, the I'ations Avere at last y loan- ing them to those Avho had no other means of cutting it. The quantity of this Avood was extremely small, so small, indeed, that I hesitate to make an estimate of it, lest I should be disbelieved ; but it is safi' to assert that no more tlran one-fourth of a cord was ever given to a detachment for one (hiy ; this diviiU'd eijually among tAvo hundred and seventy men, Avould give to each a little more than one-ninth of a foot, or, to re- duce it still further, it Avas e([ual to a green pine board one inch in thickness, twelve inches long by five wide. This Avas the maximum, the miiiimuin was no Avood at all, which was frequently the case. This Avood Avas draAvn to us in Aarious conditions; being mostly the tops of trees that had been felled to obtain the stockade timbeis. It consisted of large and small sticks, Aarying from a foot to an inch in diameter, and from tAvo to twenty feet in length. To reduce this to )Hd]>er dimensions re<]uired the aid of tools, and these consisted j)riucipally of iron si)ikes Avhich had been picked ui> upon the railroad Avhile the boys Avere being transported hither, and Avooden wedges Avhich had been Avhittled out Avith jack-kniA'cs. With these implements Ave could re- duce the Avood to splinters of sufficient dimensions for cooking ])urposes, but it re(|uired the closest economy in the using. I>ittle holes Avere dug in the earth, in Avhicli the fires Avere built, and oa er these our tins, if Ave had them, Avere hung, in Avhich we heated water for scalding our meal preparatory to baking it, and at the same time toasting our morsel of bacon, to economize the Iwnt. THK TENXESSEEANS. — THE PLYAIOUTII PUISOXEKS. In the early part of May some fiAC hundred Tennesseeans avIio hall been captured by Forrest, and Avintered at Selma and Cahawba, Alabauia, arrived among us; the most of whom Avere hatless, bootless, and shoeless, Avith(uit coats, pants, and blankets. On leaA'ing those jjlaces, the authorities liad told them that they Avere going to be ex- changed— a shrewd ])iece of "strategy,"' Avith Avhich relxd otticeis dnj)e(l the unsuspect- ing prisoners, upon all occasions of remoA'al, to aA'oid increasing tlu' imnil)er of the guard that accompanied them. They were Avholly destitute of cujjs, plates, sjjoous, and dishes of every kind, as Avell as of all means of ])urchasing them; they having been strii)ped of these things by their ca])tors. In their destitute condition, they Avere turned into the stockade and left to shift for themselves in the best manner they could. To borro\A' cups of their fellow-prisoners Avas an impossibility, fi>r no one could be (expected to lend Avhat, if it Avere not returned, would be the means of his own destruction, particularly Avlien the borroAver Avas an uttt'V stranger; there was nothing left for them Imt to I>ake their raw meal and bacon upon stones and chips, eat it Avithout moisture, and afterward to go to the brook like lieasts, to (juench their thirst. To kee]) themselA'es from the cold during the night, they sc()o]>ed ont shallow places in the earth Avitli their hands, and lying doAvu side by side in these, Avith tlieir bare heads and naked feet resting uinm the surface of the ground, and their uni)r(jtected bodies wet Avith dews and storms, the A\'retehed iiu'ii trend)le(l and shivered till morning. There was no hope of Ix-tteiing their condition, for, having no money, they could buy nf)thing ; nothing Avould Ix^ givcni them by their felloAVS or by the authorities; they could do nothing by Avhich to earn CA'en Avorn-oiit apparel; tliey Avere utterly helpless to benefit themselves; and yet these men Avere kejjt here for many months and lived. Soon afterward came Iavo thousand more, Avho had been recently cai)tured at Plymouth, North Carolina. These men came to Andeisonville Avith better provisions than any that had before arrived. By the terms of snireiider, tlu-y Avere alloAved to retain their money, knapsacks, and extra clothing; together Avith ceitaiu articles pertaining to culinary uses. These " things" aacic private iuoi)crty, bought and i»aid for ))y each man, and, by all hnv and decency, should have been preserved to him Avithout stipula- tion; but such Avas not generally the case. It Avas a matter of the greatest surprise to BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 37 ns that tlip rebel antlioi-ities respected these terms after they had been made with them, yet, by some oversight doubtk'ss on their part, they were respected ; but they knew full well that such articles as could be of use to their army would just as surely find their way ultimately into their jiossession, for trifling returns, as if they had taken them by force. A few days before the capture of these men, they had been enlisted as veterans, a,nd received pay as such. Each man had consequently quite a large amount of money — some as many as three hundred dollars — and nearly every one had an overcoat, extra pants, shirts,"drawers, and blankets. It was pleasant to look upon them, to see their noble forms arrayed in the comfortable uniforms of our loved country ; but, while we were glad to find them so well provided with materials for their conafort, we were by no means rejoiced to see them among us; for we knew too well by our own experience that their present good cheer could not last. They were, as a general thing, noble- minded and intelligent, with a high sense of honor and integrity, men whose associa- tions had evidently been of the best character; they had enlisted and periled their lives to save that of the nation, because they felt it to be a duty. It was sad to think how soon they would be brought low, their courage gone, and squalid want and miserj- claim them for their victims. They brought us some news on the exchange question, and like all prisoners who had been but recently captured, indulged in flattering anticipations s draw their water, to quench their burning thirst or cleanse tlieir lilthy garments ; beyond the fog we can faintly see a continuation of the irregular heaps which had attracted our attention at first, and the dim outline of the wall, upon Avhose to\> the sentry stands witli slc(!ph\ss eye, his long musket gleaming in the breaking light like a bar of ]K)lishcd silver. In the dim perspective we descry the skeleton roof of a long, low building in the north- west extremity of the yard, but its outline is too faint to be examined from this point. Within the walls a strip of unoccupied ground, a few yards in width, stretches around the whole — the inclosure made by the dead-line — and to tread upon it is death. The damp morning mist rises u])on the jjlace as the air grows warmer from the ascending sun, and the view is shut out from our eyes. Treading lightly, lest we disturb tlu'se slumbering beings, whom it wcmld be cruel to bring back to misery from tlie blissful unconsciousness into which they have sunk, let us examine the huts before us. The first that uu'cts our eye is formed by fastening long strips of cloth together with wooden pins, which is then stretched across a couple of poles that are placed with one end ujjon the ground, the other resting upon a bank (;f sand laboriously raised a. few feet high by the hands ; it is open like trellis-work, and black with smoke and dirt, and affords a covering only in spots to the wretched l>eings lying beneath it. Further on is another style of haljitation — for these things contain all the household goods of two or three men. This consists of but two parts, a short pole set n]iright in the earth and a piece of blanket stretched over it. Next to this is a hole scoo))ed out in tlio ^and, in which the owner, while lying ni)on his side, can have a supjiort for his back, and here half a dozen nearly naked men are lying, with their faces turned from each other like pigs ; but into it the rain sometimes set- tles, and drives the unfortunate occupant into the jiclting storm. Anotlier foj-ni of the burrow is an improvement upon this primitive habitation : three or fo\ir have Joined together in excavating beneath the suiface, fiist digging a hole some three feet iu depth, of the size of their bodies, and afterwards scooping out the sand at right angles to it ; into these they crawl and are protected against the heat and sttnm ; but tlu! fine particles of which the roof is composed,' becoming detached upon the slightest .jar, dro]> down in their faces, threatening to smother them in their sleep. Here we lind another hut; this has l-.een built with ;itlobc, formed from a bluish clay tlint was found near the swamp. With much lalior and patience the poor hdlows have molded the materials with their hands and dried theuj in tin; sun. Three walls have been built, three or four feet high and slightly inclining toAvard the center, over whicli they have stretched an old shirt, winch can be made of more service here than upon the owner's shoulders. But sonu^ of these shelters are of a hi<;Iier grade of comfort, and are inhabited by tiie acknowledged "aristociacy " of the jjiihtm. Tiiey are constructed of slabs s])lit from })ine logs, which they had brought in from the surrounding forest during tln^ time when the prisoners were pernntted to hire a. guard to go tiiere with them. They are of sufficient size to acconnnodati! six or se\ cu men, and form a c(mi])lete lu'otection against the weather. They are high enoui;h to allow the occupant to stand <^rect ; little slabs are placed around foi- seats, pegs and shelves are arranged ni)on tlie walls ; hunks of •' j)ine straw" arc ma(h- upcm tiur ground ; and a door shuts out the Ix^ating storms. The last structure whicli we will examine is formed l)y placing several poles parallel to each other, o\'er wliich two blankets srwed togefln-r are thrown, iorming a, burrow some eighteen inches high, and as long and wide as the blankets will allow. Its imnates must crawl bencatii it, and whin in, arc ([uitc well i>rotectfd. Very nniny of the men — those whom we sec lying aljout ns on tlit^ surface — are unfnrnislied with any "shanty," either dug in the ground or built upon it. Tiiey are moslly late arri- vals, who have not y(^t lieen initiated into ])rison life, and are waiting to learn how to take advantage of the few conveniences that are furnished them. If we were aUowed t(^ go out into thi' woods we could all l)e provided with ciibins; for we ar(^ willing to help ourselves hi every way possible; or if fear of onr taking advantage of tln^ brief liberty to make our escape ])revents that, let the authorities bring us logs and furnisli axes foi' us, and we will do the rest ; or sup]>(ising that to invohe too great expense? to the confedeiatt? go\ crnment, let ns (h'aw upon the money ol' wliich tlu^y lia\'e ri»bbed us, and we will ])urchase llie materials and hire them biouglif to us. It is not the fault of these men that they are destitute, for they are utterly helpless in the hands ()f their enemies; and tli<>se, unfortunately foi- us, are too little inclined to pity to assist us, and too ))rutal to aUow us to helj) ourselves. While we have been insiiecting thfsi' novel slii'lters the sun has risen above the horizon, and the luisoneis licoin jo npiiejir: for in the middle of tlu' day the heat is too fervid to admit of mueii activity, and all the little "chm-es" which are necessary to be performed must lie comjileted during the coid of the morning. The half-naked, .squalid wretches, black with smoke and dirt, feebly drag their (>maciated forms from the holes into which they had crawKnl the preceding night, and begin their prepara- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 39 tions for the cominj^ day. Passing quietly across the swamp, we liasteu up the riaiuff ground on the north side of tlie stockade, where a full view of the scene may be had at a glance. Taking our station at the summit, we watch the tattei'ed forms as they creep slowly by, making their way to the creek for water. They approach the little stream, some carrying tin-cups or pails made of empty fruit cans, into which they have inserted strings or wires, to serve the purpose of handles ; some bearing small buckets or wooden pails which they have fashioned with their pocket-knives from pine sticks, or occasionally one of larger dimensions, formed with staves and hoops ; while others bear old boot legs tightly sewed together, and many, very many, go empty-handed, having been unable to procure anything in which to carry the liquid. There is here every variety of dress, too, from the apparel of Adam before the fall to a ragged coat and pants ; and these seem to have grown upon their forms like bark upon a tree, so black and dirty have they become. Tliere are men with one-legged pants, and with no pants at all ; men with coats of which one of the sleeves has been torn away for bandages, leaving the bare arm exposed ; men with no covering but a pair of dirty drawers, too much torn and worn to be decently described ; men without socks and shoes, or with one expiring shoe, the solo being upon the point of departure ; hatlesa men, tiieir long locks glued together with pitch, ami rcdled up like ropes, hanging over their sunken eyes. They gather into a sort of tile when they reach the swamp, and pass upon the ])lanks to the creek, each stooping down in turn to dip his little cup into the water, and turning V)ack to seek his quarters again. Five thousand men at this hour in the morning, liaily visit this spot to get water for breakfast, while the partner of each remains behind to watch their common '•effects." But behind this ]>ress that iralks to the water side, come other men who cannot walk. They creep ui)on hands and knees, or crawl upon their breasts, pulling their bodies along by burying their elbows in the sand. These miserable beings, the victims of starvation and the consefpuMit diseases, writhe and twist themselves to the stream ; but they come not all back, for, overcome with the fatigue of their laborious effort, they creep to one side of the path and die. rresently little fires spring up on every hand, sending out Avreaths of smoke which rise a short distance above the i>en aud hover there in a dark cloud, through which the sun looks red. Let us approach these tires and examine the culinary department of the prison. Here are three miserable looking beings gathered around a few bits of blazing jiine, which they have placed in a lude to economize the heat; their hands, faces, ami garnu-nts are black with soot and dirt, and their Saxon features alone dis- tinguish them from the negro. They mix the little ration of nu^al with Avater and a few grains of salt ; this mixture they knead upon a chip, using tln^ utmost care that no ])urticle of the meal be lost, and place the dough upon another green pliu' chip and hold It before the smoking tire. It Is painful to look upon them during this operation ; to see tile greed in their hollow eyes, while they watch the crumbs that occasionally drop from the narrow chip, as tiie compound, partially dried, is shaken by their trem- bling hands; and to note how anxiously they seek each tiily morsel among the dirt and ashes, and carefully replace It when found. The bacon is toasted before, the fire U])on a stick, and when cooked has an ollj% smoky taste. The mystery of their black appearance is easily solved : pass your hand slowly through the smoke that rises from tluMr fire, and the oily particles of soot cling tightly to It. Water will not dissolve It, and they have no, soap to act the part of the '' mutual friend," and bring the opposing elements Into haiinony. If you rub your hand upon your clothes or your face, the black stain is left, and continuing the operation for a few moments.you have the same general look as the prisoners. This Is a fair specimen of the manner In which the bread Is prepared for eating ; yot there are other improved methods, while there are those that are even worse. Some- times ii pone* is made by those who have bake-pans ; others again make mush, ui)oii which a little sorghum Is si)read. Some fry the dough in fat saved from the bacon ; and yet others make dumplings, or rather little round balls — In short, every change that hungry men can devise witli the few convenleuces they have for the imrpicse, is rung u])on the pittance of corn-meal allowed them. But It remains corn-meal u the end, notwithstanding the thousand devices to render It palatable. Crossing the narrow paths that wind tortuously among the " shanties," trodden here and there without method by the weary feet of these wretched men, let us pause before this strip of black blanket that Is stretched over a couple of poles. Stooping low down Ave discover a soldier stretched out at full length upon the l)are ground. He is literally " alone In the world," and we learn upon (juestlonlng hlni that his comrade, l)ut a day or two ago, died by his side, and has been carried out. He Is too feeble to rise, as he tells us, and expects s<»on to be borne away In his turn. His face is begrimed with dirt, his hair is long and matted, the dark skin upon his hands and teet is drawn tightly over their skeleton frames, shrunken, calloused, dried, as it were, to the bone. He makes feeble replies to our inquiries, but we learn that he passed the * See page 117. 40 TEEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR long dreary winter on Belle Island, where the starvation and exposure to the severe cold sowed the seeds of disease in his system, whos(> speedy end will be an obscure dc^ath and an unknown grave. He is hopeless, racked Avitli i)ain ; he knows that a few days at most will end his misery, but he complains not of his hai'd fate, and expres-ses his willingness to suffer on, if necessary, for the love of that country whose life he has tried to save. A lev,- steps to the right we find a hideous object lying in a hole which his hands have scooped out in the sand. The tattered rags that partially cover him cannot con- ceal tbe bones that gleam through the skin ; his eyes move fearfully in his head, his hands clencli tightly together, his limbs are drawn up in horrible contortions !>y the (a-amp. The only motion of which his body is capable is a slow rolling from side to side vii)ou his back as a pivot, and the vermin crawl in vast armies over his wretched per- son. He takes no notice of passing objects unless i)articularly addressed, for the world is rapidly going out to him. Placing our ear to his lips, we gatlicr from his faint whis- I)ers that but a short time before he had left some New England college, flushed with hope and courage, to battle for liberty and right. A fond mother pressed her lips to his brow, as with tearful eyes she bade him farewell ; a kind sister in cheering words urged him on to duty ; a brother's hand wrapped the garb of his country's defenders about his form ; and in the field he had performed deeds of valor. He was captured, and — even while we linger beside liim a faint shudder passes through his frame, and all is over. He, too, will soon be born(i away to a nameless grave ; and his loved ones shall seek in vain to distinguish him from the thousands that sleep by his side. Jnst in front of us we see a tlirong gathered about an object which in other places than this would draw tears of sympathy from the hardest heart, but scenes of horror are so frequent here that this excites but a passing interest. It is a young soldier, born and riiised in a fertile township in Ohio ; his early life had been passed among the pleasant vales of that noble State ; every kindness which parental love could bestow had been lavished upon him, and he had ranked high among the promising and intelligent youth of his country — a man of talent, of literary attainments, of noble instincts. But reason is now dethroned, and ho tears his tattered rags from his emaciated form in his frenzy, gnashing his teeth and foaming v.'ith rage ; but the l)aroxysm is momentary ; his strength is exhausted ; he falls to the ground helpless as infancy, and is borne away by his comrades. There is one form of disease which is almost too horrible to be witnessed, yet we cainiot understand the wretclu'diiess of tlie prison without looking upon it. This is not a solitary case, but wo shall find numerous similar ones before we leave this living charnel house. We instinctively pause as we reach the awful sight before us, holding our breath lest we inhale the terrible stench that arises from it. Here is a living being who has become so exhausted from exposure that he is unable to rise from the ground, suffering with diarrhea in its last and worst form. He is covered with Iiis own fteces ; the vermin era v>'l and riot upon his flesh, tumbling nndisturl)ed into his eyes and ears and open untuth ; the worms are feeding beneath his skin, burying them- .selves where his limbs, svv'ollen with scurvy, have burst open in running sores ; they Iiave even found their way into his intestines, and form a living, writhing mass within liim. His case has been represented to the surgeons, but they have pronounced him incurable, and he is left h'.ue in his misery, in wliich he will linger for three or four days more. Proper care iind treatment would have saved him long ago, but not nov.' — and his comrades abandon him to death. While we are gazing upon this sickening spectacle the drum beats at the south gate, and the prisoners, dropping their half-cooked food, hasten to form themselves in ranks, preparatory to being counted. Being arranged in irregular lines, the strong men standing for tlie most part with uncovered heads — liaving no hats — the weak sitting or lying upon the ground, the sergeant passes carefully around to see if nil the ranks axe full, aud searches among the huts for those that an* unable to crawl to the line. Raising our eyes we observe that each sentry-box contains two additional men, and that they gras]) their muskets witl^ a firm hand. The prisoners observe it also, and they know well that .some of their comrades were missed at the last roll-call, and that the sentinels are there to fire upon any division that breaks ranks before the camp has been thoroughly searched. Tlie offii-er coiu('s forward, hastily passes from the head to the rear of the column, counfing the standing men; the sergeant leads him to the sick that still remain in their hovels, unable to creep out, and to the dead, aud the complement is filled ; he sets the division down ;is full and passes on, the nuni still remaining in line. Let us also pass on with the officer till he comes to the division to which the missing man belonged. It is drawn up in line like tlie others ; the sergeant reports his number i)resent : the officer examines his book and finds that one is gone. The sergeant shakes liis head when asked what has become of him ; the men in rank are interrogated, but no reply is obtained. A .sick man lying u])on the ground jioints to a hole near l)y ; the oflicer g()(?s in that ^direction, stoops down and looks beneath the thin shell of earth, and there, in the bosom of his mother — the inotlier of us all — the mi.ssed one lies, dead ; dead, unknown to his comrades — to all but the God who saw BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. ^ 41 his (lying struggle, and wlio will bring him iu the last day a living witness against the lii-nds tiiat doomed him to such a fate. The lost man fouud, the extra seutiuels are relieved, the men break ranks and resume thisr occuxiations ; but the scrgeaut lias work yet to do, for the sick of his division are to be gathered up, the helpk^ss upon blankets, those able to walk, in squads ; and all must report at the south gate to receive their medicines. We i)ass over to this gate and cast a casual glance "upon the mass of wretchedness gathered there. Nay, shrink not, there are worse spectacles than this in this horrible pit ; there are sights here to freeze the blood, scenes of sulferiug with which the most frightful pic- tures of the horrors of hell bear no parallel. Gathered liere from all parts of the stockade, and crowded in the small space, is half an acre of human beings, sutteriug in every form of disease. Some are lying upon the blankets upon which they have been brought ; some are prone upon the earth where they Avere laid by their comrades ; some have crawled hither upon their hands and knees'; and here they must remain for many long hours in this broiling sun, with- out shelter or protection,'waiting — waiting till their turn shall come to be served ; yet fourteen surgeons are busily working iu youder little inclosure, and each has his assist- ant, who can prescribe for most of the cases. Here are to be seen the ravages of scurvy and diarrhea, of dysentery and fevers, of hunger and exposure ; and as wo stand looking upon the putrid mass, writhing in hideous contortions, a sickening stench arises from it tliat penetrates for miles, it is said, around the prison. We see men upon whom scorbutic sores have been long at work, and great holes are eaten in thi-ir faces ; their limbs are black and swollen, or like rotten flesh, discharging a yellowish matter that emits this most offensive odor ; in some the eye has been destroj-ed, and they grope blindly about in the crowd. And here, too, are" emaciated forms' too weak to walk, and they turn their hollow eyes pleadingly upon us ; they are the victims of diarrhea ; their tleshless arms hang lan- guidly by their sides, and their hollow cheeks are livid with leanness. But few of these'men can be benefited now by the surgeon's skill ; many will call for it but a little wliile. Even while we stand here some have felt the last agony and expired. PIJOCURINU WATER. — NEW DEFENSES. Leaving this busy scene, Ave Avalk around among the prisoners and examine their facilities for procuring water. The main reservoir is the creek, which passes through the swamp ; but it also runs through the camp of the prison guard, and along the liase of the cook-house, outsidt^ the walls, receiving the refuse and garbage of both of these ; the prisoners within have dug holes iu various parts of the inclosure, labori- ously excavating the earth with their liands and pieces of canteens, and drawing the dirt to the surface iu old lioot-legs. Wo shall find, perhaps, fifty of these water holes, but the fluid so obtained is pure and cool, and amply repays the patient toil required in their excavation. Near the northern extremity of the swamp is a spring, bubbling up from the marshy ground, which has been scooped out to a slight depth ; and just outside the dead-line is another, a living stream, flowing through a spout fixed there by some daring prisoner iu the darkness of night, or, mayhap, by some ofricer, more humane than his fellows; but it is beyond the reach of the hand, and the prisoners tie their little cups upon a long stick, and angle, as it were, for the cooling liquid. Having examined this pen thus hastily, let us pass out again, Avhere we came in, leaA'- ing these Avretched beings, starving and dying, under the burning rays of this terrible snn ; and if yon have been able, in this brief vieAV, to understand the thousandth part of the misery here endured; to realize anything of the horror by which you have been surrounded ; or, on the other hand, if you can call up one thought of pity for the beings in authority over us, who have allowed their humanity to be all swallowed up in their vengeful passions, and who delight iu nothing so much as in torturing us, then your visit has not been in vain. Sonui time iu the latter part of July, General Stoueman made his famous but unfor- tunate raid upon Macon, the effect of which was felt at Andersonville by both prisoner and jailer. There Avere at that time about thirty thousand men confined at this place, and "it Avas greatly feared that General Stoneman Avould ride suddenly doAvn upon us, open the prison doors, and set us free. The A^aliant Captain Wirz was greatly " exer- cised " at the prospect of his experiment of gradually reducing the rations, until he should ascertain, with inllnitesimal exactness, the precise amount of food a Yankee would require to support life, being interfered Avitli, Avhen it was so near its solution ; he therefore, under General Winder's order, commenced fortifying the place. For this purpose a large force of negroes Avcre conscripted, and immediately set at work. A strong earthwork Avas thrown up, some thirty rods from the soutliAvest corner of the stockade, mounting nine light guns, five of which Avere trained to bear diagonally across that inclosure, to guard against an uprising of the prisoners iu case of attack ; about tAveuty-five rods fi-om the north gate, and a little to the north of it, another earthwork was constructed, of smaller dimensions than the first, shaped like a paral- 42 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR lellogram, and mounting five guns, three of which also Ijore upon the prison pen. Two lines of st-ockade were built around tlio, whole inclosure, about sixteen feet apart, the inner one being fifty yards from the wall of the prison i)en. An earthwork was then raised on each corner of the new stockades, except on the southwest corner. A low intrenchment was then thrown up around the north end of the whole, which exteiuled from the main road 0:1 the west sidt? to the swamp on the east, and was arranged witli angles, so as to enfilade every approach from tlie north, east, and west. If it is remem- bered tliat the stockade was built upon two opposite elevations, it will be seen l)y refer- ence to tlie grouiul plan that an attack from any direction upon the force guarding us would be an attack against us also ; for a gun fired from any point would either be instantly silenced by tlie artillery in the fortifications, or its shot must be thrown toward the stockade, with nine chances in ten of its falling among the prisoners them- selves — a. method of release by no means gratifying to them, however well pleased they would have been to 1»e taken out by their friends. Nor could the place have been taken bj'^ siege, for in that event we must inevitaldy have starved to death, for the temper of both General Winder and Captain Wirz was such that they would have tiken away all our rations for the use of the garrison, and reduced us to the last extremity before they would have yielded the place. The prisoners were thus made the chief jjart of their own security. THIEVKS AND ROUI'.ER.S IN CAMP. — TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF SIX MEN. — JUSTIFICATION. In the early part of the summer the camp was infested by gangs of thieves and marauders, who committed their depredations ui)on the peaceably disposed, both in the open light of day and in the darkness of the night. Men were rol)bed of money, watches, rings, aiul blankets, openly and by stealth; some who were known to have money disappeared mysteriously and were never heard of afterward. Assaults wei'e frequently made in the streets, the victim knocked down and terribly beaten with clubs, and his pockets rilled of their contents ; it became necessaryfor the i)risoners, in lying down to slo^ep, to attach their valuables to themselves in such a nuiuner that they could not be taken without arousing the slumberiu-. And to such a pitch of con- fidence and desperatiers when occasion required. Occasionally a raider was caught by a strong force of the i>risonors and '* bucked" or gagged; but this ](unishment was little regarded, ami the criminal after being released signalized his repentance by knocking down and robbing the iirst man that came in his way. They had means of knowing and mark- ing the man who had money, and, secretly arranging their plans, waylaid him when lie was ott' his guard, or picked his i)ockets in the crowd uixui the market or while at the creek for water ; but t!ie more usual method by which they operated was by open assault. In these cases, the place where the intended victim concealed his money was first discovered, when he was surrounded by the gang, one of whom seized him by the throat to j)revent his ciyiiig out, while the remainder relieved him of his treasure. For a long time no notice of these enormities was taken by the prison authorities ; in fact, had they been disposed to tnke the matti-r in hand for correction, they would un- <]oubtedly have failed in aceomi)lishing any good result, on account of the difiiculty of identifying the miscreants. Some time during the latter part of June, their villainies reached a climax. One afternoon, a man was assailed by the gang, knocked down, beaten with clubs until he Avas covered with blood; his bones were broken, deep cuts made upon his body with the bludgeons, and his watch and sixty dollars in money taken from him. This brutal act aroused the whole camp, for if such atrocitii-s were longer permitted to pass unpunished, every man was liable to similar ti'eatment at any time. A number of the prisoners, among them the victim himself, represented the fact to General Winder, and appealed to him for protection ; but he refused to do anything more in the matter than sanction any action the ])risoners themselves might adopt. At the request of the latter, a force of confederate soldiers was sent into the prison and eighty-six men were arrested, taken out and placed under a strong guard. The prisoners within the stockade demanded a trial by Jury for these men, and their demand was acceded to by General Winder. For this jmrpose Captain Wirz summoned all the sergeants of detachments and divisions, laid the matter before them, and projiosed that they request each of their respective divisions to select one man to represent it. This was accorointed; counsel 6y the rebel authorities. 43 assigned both the prosecution and the defense, and a clerlv or secretary designated to record the proceedings in full. When all the preliminaries were perfected, the accused were separately tried ; the assault upon the man as described above, beiilg the particular crime in question. The trial was held in the little inclosure around tlie north gate, and continued about a week. Men were summoned from the stockade as witnesses, and closely and rigidly examined by the counsel for the defense, who had been au attorney before entering the army ; and every precaution was adojitod in sifting the evidence, so as to insure a fair hear- ing for the accused. When all the witnesses had been examined, the judge sunnned up the evidence and preseuti'd it to the jury, wlio, after e, where tliey were retained until the day of the execution. Meanwhile, the jirisoners in the stock- ade had procured lumber of the prison commander, and about midway the south sec- tion of the inclosure and a little south of the wagon road, had erected a scatibld of sufficient height that all within could witness the execution, and roi)es were formed by splicing cords belonging to shelter tents, and siudi other things as could be adapted to the purpose. When all was in readiness the criminals were brought in and deliv- ered into tlie hands of the prisoners by Captain Wirz, with these words : " Here, men, I bring you back the prisoners in as good condition as I received them; you»eau take them and do as you please with them, and may God help you." Tliey were then taken in charge by the prisoners and conducted to the scaft'^ld, where they were placed n])oi\ the drop, their liands and feet fastened in the usual manner, a cap drawn over their faces and the noose s]ipi)ed over their heads. At tlie signal the trap-door was sprung and live of the guilty men swung off into eternity. The rope of the sixth broke, and falling to the earth he made an effort to escape, but he was soon retaken and securely suspended by the side of his fellow-criminals. Tlie bodies remained hanging for half an hour, when they were taken down aud ])laced in the " dead house,"' from which they were soon conveyed to the graveyard aud buried. A full account of the proceed- ings, from the beginning of the trial to the burial, was written by the clerk of the court and transmitted by dag of truce to the government at Washington. It is painful to record this event, to contemplate these men who disgraced tlie colors they wore, by their atrocious deeds ; but justice to the prisoners themselves re(iuires tliat a full statement of the case be published. Some of the 2>i'i«oners within the stocka(h' disapproved of the i)roceedings, considering that they had no right to inter- fere to the extent of depriving their fellow-men of life ; the criminals themselves threw their iirincipal defense upon this jioint, although each asserted his innocence to the last moment. There is no doubt that this terrible retribution was both just and necessary. Their lawless depredations had spread a complete terrorism throughout the stockade ; no one felt secure at any tiirie, either in his treasure or his life, either by day or by night. They had prosecuted their villainous calling so long and witli such im))unity, that they seemed to Iiave abandoned all precautions for concealment iu their operations. It was a matter of necessity that condign punishment should be in- flicted upon the guilty parties in order that the i)eaceably disposed might enjoy the lim ited rights allowed them unmolested. There was surely no reason why this additional horror should be added to the already overwhelming wretcli(!dness we were forced to endure ; and the inalienable right of self-preservation, secured to us alike by natural and human law, demanded the infliction of the punishment these guilty men suffered. BOXES AND PACKAGES FROM HOME. — LETTERS. Express boxes were occasionally received by some of the prisoners, but, as at Dan- ville, they had been subjected to search by tlie authorities, aud after leaving their hantis contained nothing more than a loaf of mouldy cake, unfit for eating ; all arti- cles of value, either for eating or wearing, had been confiscated. Packages of letter.s also came to the jirison by flag of truce; but, under the regulations of Captain Wirz, every prisoner was compelled to pay the captain ten cents *« silver before receiving his letter. It was very seldom that the villain's exchequer was benefited by this extor- tion, for veiy few men in Andersonville possessed any monej^ of any kind, much less in coin. Tlie captain knew very well that the greater number of men had no money at all, and tliat those who were so fortunate as to possess greenbacks must buy their silver of his sutler, paying therefor an enormous premium. These letters had been prepaid, and bore a worthless photograph of Jeff. Davis ; but this made no dif- ference, the captain must have hard cash or he would keep the letters, and he kept them. And thus this puerile scoundrel, this sneaking, thieving, cowardly whipper of black women and helpless men sought to gratify, at the same time, his avarice aud his spite ; to torment the wretched prisoners, already overwhelmed with 44 TREATMENT OF PEISONERS OF t\^AR disease and starvation, the result of his own barbarity. These letters . Avere valueless to him, but priceless to their rightful owner, and many a famished man woidd have bargained his day's rations, though his life depended upon them, for the precious mis- sive, bearing tidings of sympathy and love from home. No i)hysical torture could e(pial in intensity this deprivatioii. The poor fellows who had stood in tlie stocks for four and twenty hours under a broili;ig sun, who had endured exposure and fam- ine for months without a mnrmvir, wept like children when they knew that kind words from loved and loving ones had come so near and wei'e withheld. Yet this man gloated over their misery and became profane with delight at their tears. He carried the letters to his oifice, and experienced a devilish joy in reading and burning them, with no one to look on but himself. In May the author was paroled for duty as surgeon's clerk, a service which subsequently gave him full opportunity to familiarize himself with the customs and practices which obtained among the prison authorities, the disposition of the officers and guards, and the supply and government of the prison itself. In this new capacity he gives us the following ex- periences : IJKSCRIPTIOX OF THE EATIONS. — COOK-IIOUSKS. — COOKING. — RAW KATIOXS. The rations consisted of corn-meal, bacon, fresh beef, peas, rice, salt, aiid sorghum molasses. The corn-meal Avas unbolted, some of it ground with the cob, and often filled with sand and gravel. Much of it had apparently been put up while warm, and had become sour and musty, either during transportation or while in store. The bacon was lean, yellow, very salt, and maggoty; it had been brought to us unpacked, and Avas covered with dirt and cinders; it Avas so softAvith rust tliat it could easily be j)ulledin pieces Avith the lingers. Tlie beef was slaughtered near the prison, to Avhich it was brought and thrown doAvn in a pile, in the north cook-house, where it lay until it was issued to the prisoners. Here, in the hot climate, it Avas soon infested with tiies and maggots, and rapidly changed into a greenish color, emitting an oifensiA^e odor pecu- liar to decaying desh; it Avas A^ery lean, but the heat rendered it quite tender before it was served up. The article denominated black peas, or cow peas, was brought in sacks, apparently .just as it had left the threshing ground of the producer, having never lieeu AviniioAved or cleansed of the fine pods and the dirt which naturally min- gles Avith all leguminous plants Avhile growing in the field ; l)esides, they Avere filled Avith bugs, and many of them Avere so eaten as to leaA-e nothing but the thick, tough skin of the pea in its natural shape. The rice Avas sour or musty, and had apparently l>een put up in a half dried state, where it became heated and AvhoUy unfitted for use. There Avere tAA'o cook-houses used in connection with the prison. Tlie first of these Avas in process of erection Avheu tlie detachment to Avhich I belonged entered the pen, and Aveut into operation about the middle o^ May. It was located on the north side of and near the SAvamp west of the prison, and Avas subsecpiently inclosed by the defen- sive stockadef?. At the time it Avas built, it was supposed to be of sufficient capacity to perform all the cooking necessary for the prisoners, and contained three large brick ovens, and several kettles set in In'ick-work, for boiling the meat and jieas or rice ; but it b(ung found iuadnpiate to supjily the wants of tlie men, another Iniilding Avas con- structed some time in the latter part of August. It was located about a hundred yards north of the defenses, on a line with the west Avail of the prison. Tliis AA'as designed and used exclnsiA^ely for boiling the peas and the meat, and contained perhaps a dozen large potash kettles, set in brick-Avork. The old cook-house Avas thereafter used for baking the corn-meal. A strong force of paroled prisoners Avas appointed to pei'form the Avork in these cook-houses, but with constant labor it was unable to supply our wants, and about one-half of the rations were issued raw. The meal Avas prepared for baking by first })ouring it iii quantity into a large trough made for the purpose. A little salt Avas theu added, \yhen water enough Avas poured in to make it of the proper consistency, and the Avhole stirred Avitli sticks to mix it thor- oughly. The dough Avas baked in slieet-iron pans, twenty-four by sixteen inches in surface and two and one-half inches deep. The Avliole Avas divided into pones contain- ing about a pound, and each of these pones constituted a day's ration of bread for one man. Tiie utmost cleanliness could not be observed in mixing this " stuff;" the meal, as aboA'e stated, Avas partly com and partly cob, and often contained materials that Avere neither of these ; the Avater Avas dipped in quantity from the creek and no means of cleansing it Avere furnished, and these, with the haste necessary to be made in pre- paring the dougli, conspired to make the mixture unpalatable and sickening, particu- larly when cold. The prisoners Avho hail charge of the cook-house undoubtedly tried to prepare the food as avcU as they could, but all their efforts were vain with such limited facilities as they had. The peas and rice Avere boiled in the north eook-hon.se ; they were turned from the BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 45 bags as they were brought to tlie prison, without cleausiug or separating from the chaff and dirt, into the huge potash kettles containing the water in which the meat had l)eeu boiled ; the cooks here as in the south cook-house had uo means of cloausing the raw material, and had they possessed the facilities they had no time to devote to the purpose. To winnow, semi-weekly, a sufficient amount of peas for 1G,000 rations, allowing a third of a pint to each, requires a long time even Avith the aid of the best machines; but for twenty men to pick over by hand this vast amount is simply im- possilde. Of these cooked rations there were daily issued to each prisoner about a l)0und of bread, a fourth of a pound of bacon, or four or six ounces of beef (including the bone) iu place of the bacon, and a teasjioonful of salt; twice a week a pint of peas or rice were issued in addition, and occasionally a couple of tablespoonfnls of sorghum molasses. Sometimes a sort of mush was made to take the place of the pone, but, al- though it was a change from the monotonous corn bread, it was so unpalatable that the bread was preferred. Aljout half of .the rations Avei'e issued raw, because of the vast amount of labor neces- sary to cook them in bulk at tin; cook-houses, or rather, because the confederate authorities were too poor, too indolent, or too brutal, (probably the latter,) to furnish facilities for the purpose ; had the prisoners been provided with the nu>ans they would gladly have performed the requisite labor. The manner iu which these raw rations were "issued has been already described ; it is only necessary to state here that their amount was such as Avould make the same quantity as the cooked, and that they were issued alternately with the latter, one-half the prisoners receiving raw food one day and c()ol;ed the next. I have here given the quantity issned during the early part of the season; but as the hot leather advanced and the nnmber conlined here increased, the daily allowance diminished until it became but a mere morsel to each man. How we endiired such prolonged fanune is a mystery; and that ten thousand men were that summer killed in this nmst horrible of ways, by General \Yiiuler, aided, advised and comforted by Captain Wirz, is most certain. THE STOCKS. — BALL AND CHAIN. — CHAIN GAN(i. The prisoner upon recapture was subjected to several grades of punishment, the first of which was the " standing stocks." This instrument of torture, equalling in bar- barity anything whicli history has ascrilx'd to the cunning invention of the Spanish in(inisition, was formed of four ui)right posts strongly connected together at the top and bottom, so as to nuike a nearly s(iuare frame. Upon the sides of this frame and near the top, were moveable bars, in whicli holes were cut for the hands; each of the bars was made to separate into two parts, for receiving the arm— the notches fitting closely to .the wrist when the hand had been placed iu i)Osition. Above these bars, and at right angles with tliem, in the middle of the frame were two other bars, containing a notch for the neck, which also had a lateral and a perpendicular motion, the latter to enable them to be adjusted to the height of the culprit. At tlu^ buttom were two similar and parallel bars, with notches for the legs. When the victim was "put up," his feet Avere first fastened, then his arms extended on a line parallel with the shoidd- ers, and also fastened, and finally his neck " shut iu," when he was left to his misery for twenty-four hours. In this painful position, unable to change in the least degree, starving, thirsting, bleeding, with the hot sun of a July or August day pouring floods of liipiid fire upon his unprotected head, the sufterer paid the initial ])enalty of his rash attempt to regain his liberty. After the stocks came the l)all and cliain. For this ]nmishment two men were usually required; a thirty-two pound cannon ball was fas- tened to the outside leg of each, with a chain about two feet long, and another ball, Aveighing sixty-four pounds, chained between them; the chains by which these balls Avere attached to the legs Avere so short that they could be carried only by attaching a string to the thirty-two pounder and raising it by the hand ; the sixty-four pound weight Avas supported by a stick when the victims Avished to " walk out." The "jew- elry" Avas continued upon the men for three or four Aveeks, or during the Avhim of Cap- tain Wirz. There Avas one refinement upon the ball and chain Avhich deserves special mention ; it Avas devised by Captain Wirz himself, and did great credit to his fiendish nature, and his hellish gust for torment. It was denominated the " chain gang," and Avas used in only one instance. The "gang "at first contained twelve men; they were first las- tened together Avith short chains, twenty inches to two feet in length, Avhich were attached to iron collars riA'eted around their necks, each man being tlius chained to the man on his right and left, and the twelve forming a circle ; to one leg of each a thirty- two pound ball Avas chained, Avhile one sixty-four pounder Avas fastened to every four by the other leg. There Avas no possible manner in Avhich the men could lie down, sit down, or stand erect, Avith any degree of ease ; yet they were kept in this state for four Aveeks, in the open ground oiitside tlie stockade, exposed alike to storm and sun, Avith no covering but their ragged clothing, and no protection against the cold dews of the night. One of the gang Avas sick Avith chronic dysentery, but the surgeon's clerks Avere 4€ TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR all forbidden to give liim .any medicine, and lie died under the tortnre. lie was taken out of his irons after lie was dead, and the n^inaining eleven forced to carry his share of the weight, attached to themselves, until the period of their torture had expired. The crime for which these men were "put up" in this atrocious manner was an at- tempted escape ; some of them had broken from the hospital, and others had been re- captured once before. Another form of punishment, but somewhat milder, was adopted for less flagrant offenses, altliough it was also sometimes employed for atti'iiijited esea])es ; this was the " lying down" stocks. Tlie olfeiider's feet were fastc'iied about twelve inches from the ground, and he was left to lie down or sit up, as pleased him best. It was certainly no easy or desirable position, as the author had occasion to know, but was much inefcra- ble to the standing stocks, or the ball and chain. HOSPITALS REMOVKD OUTSIDK. — riJKVAILIXG DISKASKS. — MKDICIXES. — VACCINATION'. — INOCIU.ATIOX. — SCEXKS AT SICK-CALL. — CONDITION OF TlIK PATIENT.S. — TMl': ItAINY SEASON. — EFFECT OF THE HEAT. — THE .SICK IN HOSPITAL. — GANGRENE. — ITS TEU- KI15LE EFFECTS. About the 20th of ^lay the hospitals of the prison were removed to the outside of the stockade, and lo(ate and distribute the prescribed remedies to the sick who were not admitted to the hospital. I was recom- mended by the m(Mi from No. (i prison in Danville, for the position t)f surgeon's clerk, (for which act of kind remembrance on their part I shall ever feel grateful,) and re- moved from the stockade, jis abitve stated, on the '2()th of May. In this position I con- tinned to act until tiie Hth of September following. Wiien tlie hosiiital was linst established outside only two surgeons were in attendance sit the sick-call, but before the summer was i)ast twelve additional ones, with each a ry and wretchedness to wliicli the men were exposed. To facilitate the treatment for these diseases, formulas had been ])repared in tabular form and numbered so jis to conform to the name of the disease, or class of diseases, which they wer(! intemled to remedy; thirty of these formulas were used at the sick-call. The medicines consisted of (luinine, mercurial preparations, cayenne, chlorate of pofassa, acetic and tartaric acids, gum eaniphor, salts, sulphur, oil, and fly blisters, a few decoc- tions of iiuligenous roots and barks, and newly distilled whisky ; but for a great part of the time no medicines of any kind were in the dispensary. All our ju'epared medi- <'in(>s came from Macon: ((uinine and the more valuable drugs had labels of English manufacture, and hay one surgeon. Taking this as a basis, the fourteen clerks would have in charge thirteen thousand two hundred and thirty patients ; and these were exclusive of thc' men who , refused to report at sick-call, and those who were confined in the hospital — the latter inimliering about two thousand men. At this time, it is believed that there were not five thousand well men among the thirty-two thousand confined in the stockade. Those who had been longest in the stockade and those who had come among us in a destitute condition were the earliest and greatest sufterers. It required time, even in that den of filth and disease, and upon the scanty alloAvauce given us, to break down 48 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR the strong constitutioual liealtli of those men; but time did effect it, thougli some struggled long and bravely for life. The detachments were called in regular order, each surgeon beginning -with the lowest number on his list, and proceeding to the highest. The surgeon upon whom I attended had charge of tliirte<'u detacluncnts ; this would give him, if eacli division were lull, three thousand live hundred and ten men, over wliose health he was called npon to preside ; but the divisions were not full, mauy of them having become reduced more than one half since they first entered the i)en. Each applicant was separately presented, his name, &c., entered by the clerk, the date of his examination and the diagnosis of his disease, and the formida or formulas applicable to his case, carefully noted, when he Avas turned back into the stockade to wait till 3 o'clock, before his medicine Avas served out to him. Let us take the list as it stands upon my notes, for one day's duty, (and it shall be a fair sample of any day during tlie months of July and August, and the first eight days of September,) and read the ills that prisoners at Andersouville are heir to. The first man in the file before us is called, and after beiug duly enrolled, begins to remove the filthy rags that h(! has bound around his arm, disclosing a sickening sight. It is a case of vaccination ; the impure virus has wrought its terrible design, aud here is the result. The incision has l)ecome infected with gangrene, aud tlie upper arm is one mass of putrid fiesli, which hangs in lumps in the running sore; it is l>ut slightly swollen, and where the fiesh is not entirely goue, presents a fiery red appearance; the arm is nearly eaten in two. aud unless the progress of the gangrene is stopped at once, the main artery will be severed, and death ensue from loss of blood. A nauseating stench arises as the bandage is taken off, and this the nnin must carry with him till death closes the scene; for though he is sent at once to the wound-dresser aud his arm is washed with nitric acid, the disease is too far advanced to be cured, aud only temporary relief can be afforded him. Eighteen similar cases follow, some of them in a less ad\anced stage, some even worse than this; all the cases of ulcerous vaccination usually report first in the morning. Next follow the patients afflicted with gangrene; of these there are a great number, for the character of the food, the exposure to rains aud sun, with the poisonous air they constantly breathe, render the blood ini])ure, and the slightest abrasion of the skin soon becomes a putrid sore. A description of one of these cases will answer for all, for few of them ever received any attention until they were so far advanced as to obtain but little benefit frcmi medicine. Tliis is gangrene; the patient hobbles painfully to the stand, supported by a crutch which he has in some way procured, removes the foul shreds of woolen cloth that are bound ai'ound his left foot, and discovers the woinid. The corrupted fiesh has fallen from the bones, and the Avorms ar«' craAvling and tum- bling riotously among the naked cords and ligaments, wantonly holding a premature feast upon their unl)uried food. Terrible as this may appear — it may be called impossi- ble — it is the truth, and a hundred cases equally awful Avere to be witiu'ssed daily at the sick-call and in the hospital. This man had become so Aveakened in his intellect by exposure and starvation, that he Avas nnabhs to take i)roi>er care of himself; to pro- tect his naked feet from the blistering sun and the insects, ho had torn ott' the sleeve of his coat and Avrapped it around them; gangrene had found a scratch, and this Avas the result. The gangrene Avas a most fearful enemy, searching every pore of the skin for a Avound, however slight or insiguiticant, Avhere it fastened itself reuuirselessly and clung Avith a tenacity Avhose grasp could not lie loosened. iSometimes Avliere the incision in Avhich the vaccine had been placed had apparently healed, it would break out afresh, and the gangrene Avould fiud it out aud commence its revels; sometimes kernels under the arm Avould swell and require the use of the lancet; a wound was thus made, iu Avhich the monster poison revelled, till death cut short its career. And these infected men Avere turned back into the crowded prison, to communicate their infection to others, until nearly all the Avretched inmates Avere decaying, rotting, dropping piece- meal, into the graA'c. The scurvy is another and most frequent disease, aud like the gangrene, can receive only tenip(u-ary relief here. It generally makes its first appearance in the mouth, the gums becoming spongy, frequently bleeding, and the teeth loosened ; the breath beconu\s fetid; the i>atieut is i)ale aud languid, and the fiesh swollen and livid iu spots. It is caused l^y confiiu'uient to a limited range of food for a long time, aud usually terminates iu a dropsy, Avhen the cords are drawn up, and the liml)s become i-outorted and ustdess ; the body swells to twice its uatural size, the skin puffing out, as if distended Avith air; the flesh loses its elasticity, aud being pressed upon ))y the finger, retains the iudcnita- tion for a long time. Sometimes the skin l)ursts open, Avheu a AVound is fi)rmed and gangrene, with its auxiliary worms, and tormenting Aaumin and insects, brings a hor- rible ajd, and they, Avorking in conjunction, soon destroy the victim. Nearly one-half the nuudxu- of patients examined daily were alflieted with tliis fearful scoiuge, very fcAV of wliom recovered, some of them lingering for weeks before tlie fatal termination of the disease. The patients exhibit a hideous spectach^, Avith their long nuitted hair, tlieir glaring eyes, iu Avhose hollow depths the unappeasable craving fi)r food is uumis- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 49 takably read; their faces and hands and naked feet covered with dirt and filth; their foul rags hanging in tatters over tlieir limbs and their boilies, and swarming with, vermin ; yet this spectacle was daily witnessed at the sick-call, was fully known and understood by the prison authorities, and nothing was done for our relief, no additional care bestowed upon us ; no look of pity or sympathy from them ever met our eyes. But these were not the only diseases to which we were exposed ; death busily plied his relentless work in other and, if possible, more painful forms. Diarrhea and dysen- tery, gaunt and grim, attacked the destined victim, and in a few days his strength waned, till the strong man was weak as childhood; his skin became livid, and clung tightly to the bones from which the flesh had wasted away ; his eyes sank back deep beneath his forehead, and were dull and expressionless ; and his thin lips were bhie angether in heaps by a bursting shell, slowly decaying in the hot sun, but the stench arising from them, and their horrid appearance, were less sickening and less repulsive than this. I have seen men in this hospital suffer amputation again and again, in a fruitless effort to stay the ravages of this fearful disease ; aud under the knife, and Avhile lying upon the ground, blistering aud burning, the ceaseless gnaw- ing within forced from their otherwise silent lips the low, moaning, pleading cry for food ; and I have listened to this heart-rending call, aud looked ui)on those emaciated limbs, till my Vdood boiled Avitii helidess rage against the worse than brutal villains who planned these atrocious crimes, and the coward who delighted in carrying out their details. ° No language can describe this bed of rottenness ; since the tongue of man first learned to syllable his thoughts, such cruelties were never before devised and practiced, and words are wanting to depict them. The surgeons made their reports, in which were represented the true condition of these dying men, and begged for reform, for food, for covering; but they might as well have sought mercy from death — better have done so, for death is merciful, sometimes, but our tormeuters, never. The gangrene wards were the worst in the hospital, but the others were shocking. Famine ! famine is everywhere. Pass among the fevers ; hear the dying moans of the victims of diarrhea, of dysentery ; listen to the hollow cough of the pneumoniae; look upon the trembling limbs and pallid faces of all these nieu, and the burden of every cry, as it goes out into the solitudes around us, is food ! a morsel of food ! And we hear that fearful cry, growing fainter and fainter, as the famished victim sinks id waves of death close over him forever. There was among the surgeons who attended in the hospital a Dr. Burrows, who be- longe'luch he talked of his importance as a member of society, and the fearful retribution in store for the rebels, through his means, served to amuse the sick and to divert their thoughts from a contemplation of their own misery ; and in this manner the poor fellow unwit- tingly did much good. He died, however, some time iu the early part of August. KECKLKSSNKSS OF THE GUARDS. — THE PEAD-IIOI'SE. — TKEATMENT OF THE DEAD.- MORTALITY. — THE CEMETP'.RY. — MR. ATWATER's RECORD. The guard posted about the hospital, either acting nnder orders, or from some other motive, were very reckless in the performance of their duty. They frequently dis- charged their muskets into the hospital ground, and performed other acts of violence wholly uncalled for. One night a sick man, feeling chilly upon his cold earthy bed, arose and crawled to a tire which was burning in the inclosure. A sentinel .saw him sitting before it, drew up his piece and discharged it. The ball passed through a crev- ice bet^^'een the boards of the fence and hit the man, breaking his arm and splintering the bone of his leg. Dr. Burrows immediately came out of his quarters and dressed the wounds, but the unfortunate victim never recovered. There was not the slightest occasion for this murder ; the invalid was on the ground assigned to all the inmates of the li(>si)ital ; he was quietly sitting by the fire which it was customary to light every evening, with no thought of wrong in doing so. The sentinel could see him only by looking 1 let ween the boards of the fence, which was six feet high ; he gave no woixl of warning, but after the victim had seated himself, fired upon him in cold blood as if he had been a dog. It was murder, as much so as if the man had been sleei)ing peace- fully in his bed, yet the assassin was never called to account for it, although Captain Wirz knew the full particulars of the altair, and by virtue of his ofiSce could and should have punished him severely as an example to others. The dead-house was located iu the southwest corner of the hospital inclosure. It was formed by setting four posts in tiie ground, upon winch boards were nailed to the height of six feet. A piece of canvass was stretched over it for a roof, and an opening left t)n the west side which served the purpose of an entrance. To this C(mtrivance all the dead were removed during the day, both from the hospital and the stockade. The manner in which these remains were treated, under the direction of Captain Wirz, will illustrate the value placed upon the life of a Yankee prisoner by him ; for the respect in which the living are held, even among savage nations, is oftenest known bj*the treatment of their remains after the spark of life has been extinguished. In the early morning the dead of the preceding day and night were gathered up under the directions of the sergeants of divisions, and deposited in irregular lines, on the road leading from the south gate and near the dead-line. When the gate was opened, (which was at eight o'clock,) they were taken uji, one by one, placed upon a liand-stretcher and carried out to the dead-house. At these times there Avas always a large crowd of men gathered around the dead, eagerly and clamorously asserting their right to cany the bodies out. Those admitted to this ghastly privilege were al- lowed, en their return, to collect a few sticks of wood, which lay upon the ground be- tween the stockade and the hospital. The wood was almost priceless to them, for a snnill handl'ul, such as they could pick up, readily sold for five dollars, and with this money they could pmchase fifteen Andersonville rations, paying even the exorbitant prices demanded for food. Sometimes the poor men iu tlieir anxiety to get outside the stockade in this manner, ((uarreled and fought, claiming priority of right in perfornuince of the melancholy office. In the latter part of August" or the early i)art of September, the number of the dead increased so rapidly that it was found impracticable to take the bodies from the stock- ade to the dead-hoiise, and they were placed in rows, under an awning of pine boughs, just outside the defenses and near the road to the cemetery; here they reuiarned, in the hot sun or the storms, until their turn came for burial. The men who died iu the hosi)ital were carried out by the nurses of the ward to which they belongc d, and placed in the streets in front of the tents, Avhenever, at any time of the day or night, they were found, whether in the melting heat or drenching rain. Here the bodies remained until the two men who were appointed for the pur- pose came ary mule teams, driven by negroes, or, more conmionly, by prisoners paroled and de- tailed for the purjjose. A sergeant of ninety men was entitled to an extra ration. KATIOXS. — COOKING. During the first month of our imprisonment the rations were better than at any siibsequent period, except wood, of which, by chance, we got none. Yet even at this time the rations were miserably inadequate to anything like a healthy organization. Our rations per day during the first nu)ntli were a little over a pint of Indian meal, partly of cob groirnd with meal, which was made into mush, and which Ave called by the appropriate name of chicken feed. Once in two days we got about a teaspoonful of salt. At first bacon was issued in small quantities of fifteen to twenty pounds to ninety men, but after the first of July this was dropped almost entirely from prison rations. Sometimes, instead of Indian ineal, we got rice or beans, but each bean had had an occupant in the shape of a grub or worm. Our modes of cooking were entirely primitive. The meal was stirred into water, making a thick dough, then a little meal was sprinkhid on the bottom of a plate or half of a canteen, to keep the dough from sticking. The dougli was then placed in a plate or ciinteen, which was set up at an angle of forty-five degrees, to be cooked before a fire. When the front of the cake was " done brown," the plate was fixed upon a split stick, and held over the coals until it was baked or burned upon tlie bt)ttom. Our meal was soiuetimes sifted througli a split half of a canteen, in which holes had been punched with a sixpenny nail. But even this coarse sieve left us so little of meal for food, it was gradually abandoned as impracticable. In sheer necessity of hunger we sacrificed quality to quantity. It was an amusing scene, sometimes, when three or four would group together to com ;ct a johnny-cake. One split wood Avith a wedge or a jack-knife, another stirred up tue meal, while a third got the fire ready. The jjrocess of bakiug brought out the amusing features of the group. One, on his hands and knees, acted as a ])air of bel- low's, blowing up the fin^, another held, extended on a split stick, the johnny-cake, varying its position to suit the blaze or coals, while a third split sticks and fed the fire. In this manner, at certain houi"s of the day, could be seen groups of men all over the stockade, Avith anxiety painted on their features, in pitch-})ine suioke ; the fireman, on his hands and knees, blowing until red in the face, tears running down, making Avhite furrows on his smoke-begrimmed features, sweating, puffing, blowing, coughing, crying, and choking Avith smoke, especially when, as Avas often the case, an unlucky gust of Aviud blew the smoke down the fireman's thi'oat. I remember at this time the historj- of one day's exertion in trying to get some food readj' for my hungry stomach, Avhich is so illustratiA^e of the difficulty generally expe- rienced that I will relate it. I opened the programme one morning by getting ready to cook " mush." The Avood consisted of some roots Avhich I had "extracted" from the ground the day previous, and consequently AA'as not A^ery dry ; so Avhen I Avas stirring the meal the fire would go out, and while I Avas blowing the fire the tin pail Avould tip over. I Avorked three or four houi's in this Avay Avithout success, Avhen I abandonetl the task on account of a rain coming up, putting the wood in my pockets and hat to keep it dry. In the afternoon it cleared aAvay, Avhen a comrade and myself, impelled to the same purpose by a common hunger, wc^nt to Avork jointly for our mush. But after nearly blowing the breath out of our bodies, and getting, the fire fairly under Avay, the Avood gaA'e out, or, more proi)erl}', Avas burned out. And Avhile Ave Avere in pursuit of more to finish our " scald," (for Avith our most sanguine hopes we did not expect anything more than merely to scald the meal,) some one passing 56 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR iilon<>- stnmblod ami upset the ingrcdieuts of ovir niusli, and we arrived ou the spot just ill season to save the jiail from the hands of ruthless "flankers" — another terra for thieves used among us. Ruefully we looked at the composition on the ground, and then at each other's faces, and went to bed that night sadder and hungrier than we got up, without breakfast, dinner, or supper. The next morning, in sheer desperation tlirough hunger, to which we had not got so thoroughly accustomed as we subsequently did, Ave sold some article of clothing for a johnny-cake about the size of the top of my hat, and ate it with comic voracity ; and I confess, with all my hunger, I could not but laugh, the whole group was so exceedingly comical and ludicrous. One of our miinber, never too fat, in about a month after our captun^ had become a picturesque combination of skin and bones, pitch-iiine smoke, and dingy l)lue, surmounted by an old hat, thi'ough a hole in the top of wliicli his hair pr<)jcctcd like an Indian plume. As he eagerly but critically broke piece after })iece for mouthfnls, and, as he termed the process of eating, demolished it, his critical eye detected a substance foreign to johnny-cake, which, upon nearer exam- ination, proved to be an overgrown louse, which had tragically met his fate in Indian meal. The reader will query. Did this spoil your appetite ? I assni-e such " not a bit," for we ate it down to the cruinl)s, and hungrily looked into each other's face as though some one was to blame that there was no more. Cooking our liacon was generally })erfornied by fixing it upon a sharp stick and hold- ing it over a fire — by those who were lucky enough to possess the implements or uten- sils, by frying over a fire — but in a great majority of cases was eaten raw, which was also the popular way of eating fresh meat, when we got it, as it was considered a cure and preventive for scurvy. But the custom I believe to be more owing to the scarcity of wood than from any sanitary provision or forethought of ours. What was promjited by necessity we made a virtue of, by seeing some good in every extreme into which we were turced by circumstances. I for one was always too hungry to wait for it to be cooked, esi)ecially when I had to build a fire and find wood. A favorite dish was prepared by taking a pint of Indian meal, mixing it in water, and the dough thus made was formed into dumplings about the size of a hen's egg. These were boiled with bits of bacon about as big as marbles, until they floated upon the top of the soup. Thus made, the dumplings were taken out, cut open, and the soup poured on, giving us a dish which was a great luxury, although under other cir- cumstances we would not have insulted our i)alates with such a concoction. Some- times we made coffee of burned bits of bread, by boiling them in a tin-cup, which was greedily drank, without sweetening or milk. This was our introduction into the liv- ing death of Andersonville, which, in spite of its comic side, had not one gleam of comfort to illuminate the misery of bondage. Sad as was the introduction during our first month's imprisonment, it afterwards became inexpressibly worse. THE DEAD LLNE. — INCIDENTS OF MURDER. — CONDITION OF PRISONERS. — SCURVY. — MAG- GOTS. — GANGRENE. — CASE OF CORPORAL GIBSON.— SINKS. — TERRIBLE MORTALITY IN .JULY. — INCREASE OP PRISONERS. — GREAT RAINS. One of the great instruments of death in the prison was the dead-line. This line consisted of a row of stakes driven into the ground, with narrow bietext, and that it was nothing but a pretext was apparent from the fact that one man a])proaching the dead line could have in no manner liarmed the ciim1)ers()me stockade, even had he been inclined so to do, and a hundred men could not, with their united strength, have forced it. Frecineiitly the guard fired indiscriminately into a crowd. On one occasion I saw a man wounded and another killed ; one was lying under his blanket asleeji, the other standing some distance from the dead line. A key to this murderous, inhuman i)ractice was to be found in a standing order at rebel headcpiarters, that "any sentinel killing a federal soldier approaching the dead line shall receive a furlough of sixtj^ days; while for wounding one he shall receive a furlough for thirty days." This order not only offered a premium for murder, but BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 57 enconrajjeil the guard in other outrages, against which -we had no defense AvhateA-er. Men innoeent of any intention to infringe the prison regnhitions were not safe when lying in the quiet of their bhinkets at night. Four or five instances hapiu-ncd within range of my observation at Andersonville, and there were dozens of cases whicli I heard of, succeeding tlie report of gnus in the stockade. Scarcely a night or day passed but the sharj) crack of a rifle told of the murder of another defenseless victim. Men becom- ing tired of life conunitted suicide in this manner. They had but to get under the dead-line, or lean upon it, and their fiite was sealed in death. An incident of this kind came to my knowledge in July. A New York soldier had tried once or twice to escape, by which means he had lost his cooking utensils and his blanket, and Avas obliged to endure the rain and heat without protection, and to bor- row, beg, or steal cooking implements, eat his food raw, or starve. Lying in the rain often at night, followed by the tropical heat of day, was tortnre which goaded him to desperation. He announced his determinatitm to die, and getting oA'er the dead line, was shot through the heart. One cannot be a constant witness to such scenes without l)eing affected by them. I doubt not he saved himself, by such a course, much trouble and pain, anticipating by only a few weeks a death he nn\st eventually have suffered. There being no sanitary regulations in camp, and no proper medical provisions, sick- ness and death were inevitable accompaniments of our imprisonment. Thousands of prisoners were so affected with scurvy, caused by want of vegetables, or of nutritious food, that their limbs were ready to drop from their bodies. I have often seen maggots scooped out by the handful from the sores of those thus afflicted. Upon the first attack of scurvy, an enervating weakness creeps over the body, which is followed by a disin- clination to exercise ; the legs become swollen and weak, and often the cords contract, drawing the leg out of shape ; the color of the skin becomes black and blue, and retains l)ressui(> from the fingers as putty will. This is frequently followed by dropsical symp- toms, swelling of the feet and legs. If the patient was subject to trouble with the throat, the scurvy would attack that part ; if afflicted with or predisposed to any disease, there it would seize and develop, or aggravate it in the system. In cases of this character, persons ignorant of their condition would often be trj-ing to do something for a disease which in reality should have been treated as scurvy, and could have been prevented or cured by proper food. A common form of scurvy was in the mouth ; this Avas the most horrible in its final results of any that afflicted the prisoners. The teeth would become loosened, the gums rot away, and swallowing the saliva thus tainted with the poison of scurvy, would produce scurvy in the bowels, Avhich often took the form of chronic diarrhea. Sometimes bloating of the boAvels would take place, folloAved by terrible suffering and death. Often scurvy sores would gangrene, and maggots would crawl from the flesh, and pass from the boAvels, and, under the tortures of a slow death, the body Avould become, in part, putrid before death. In this manner died Corporal Gibson, an old, esteemed, and pious man of my company. Two or three others also died in much the same manner. Corporal Gibson especially had his reason and senses clear, after most of his body was in a putrid con- dition. In other cases, ])crsons AA'asted to mere skeletons by starA'ation and disease, unable to help themselves, died by inches the most terrible of deaths, with not a par- ticle of medicine, or a hand lifted by those in charge of the prison for their relief. There Avas a portion of the camp, forming a kind of a swamp, on the north side of the lu'auch, as it Avas termed by the rebels, which ran through the center of the camp. This swamp was used as a sink by the prisoners, and Avas putrid Avith the corruption of human offal. The stench polluted and pervaded the whole atmosphere of the prison. When the prisoner was fortunate enough to get a breath of air outside the pi'ison, it seemed like a ucav development of creation, so different Avas it from the poisonous A-apors inhaled from this cesspool with which the prison air Avas reeking. During the day the sun drank up the most noxious of these A-apors, but in the night the terrible miasma and stench pervaded the atmosphere almost to suftbcation. In the month of July, it became apparent that unless something was done to abate the nuisance, the whole camp would be swept away by some terrible disease engen- dered by it. Impelled by apprehensions for the safety of themselves and the troops stationed around the camp on guard, the rebel authorities of the prison furnished the necessary implements to the prisoners, Avho filled about half an acre of the worst of the sink -Avith earth excaA'ated from the hill-side. The space thus filled in Avas occu- pied, almost to the A-ery verge of the sink, by the prisoners, gathered here for the coiiAeniences of the place, and for obtaining water. Men reduced by starA'ation and disease would drag themselAes to this locality to lie down and die nncared for, almost unnoticed. I have counted fifteen dead bodies in one morning near this sink, where they had died during the night. I huA-e seen forty or fifty men in a dying con- dition, who, Avith their little remaining strength, had dragged themselves to this i>lace for its conveniences, and, unable to get back again, wereexi)osed in the sun, often with- out food, until death relieved them of the burden of life. Frequently, on passing them, souie Avere found reduced to idiocy, and many, unable to articulate, Avould stretch forth their Avasted hands in piteous suj)plicatiou "for food or Avater, or point to their lips, 58 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR their glazed eyes presenting that staring fixedness which immediately precedes death- On some the flesh wonld be dropping from their bones with sciu'vy ; in others, little of hnmanity remained in their wasted tV)rnis bnt skin drawn over bones. Nothing ever before seen in a civilized conntry conldgiveonean adequate idea of the pliysical condi- tion to which disease, starvation, and exposure reduced these men. It was only strange that men should retain life so long as to be reduced to the skeleton condition of the great mass who died in prison. In June, prisoners from Slierman's and Grant's armies came in great numbers. After the Ijattles of Spottsylvania and of the Wilderness, over two thousand prisf)ners came in at one time. Most of those who came througli Richmond had their l)hiiikcts taken from them, and in many instances were left Avitli only shirt, hat, and pantaloons. These lay in groups, often wet through Avith rain at night, and exposed to the heat of a tropical sun daily. With such niglit and day were alike to be dreaded. Tlu' terrible rains of June were prolific of disease and 'death. It rained almost incessantly twenty- one days during the month. Those of tlie prisoncns who were not by nature possessed of unyielding courage and iron constitutions broke down under the terrible inflictions of hunger, exposure, and mental torments. The scenes tliat met the eye on every side were not calculated to give, liopeful tendencies to the mind distressed l)y physical and mental torture. Men died at so rapid a rate that one often found himself won- dering and speculating when and how his turn would come ; for that it must come, and that soon, seemed inevitable under the circumstances. No words can express the terriljle sufferings which hunger and exposure inflicted upon the luckless in- mates of Andersonville prison. During one week there were said to have died thir- teen hundred and eighty men. Death lost all its sanctity by reason of its frequent occurrence, and because of the inability of sutteriug men, liable at any moment to expe- rience a lilvc fate, to help others. To show funeral honors to the dead, or soothe the last moments of the dying, was impracticable, if not impossible. Those whose natures had not raised them superior to fate, lost their good humor and gayety, and |)ined away in hopeless repinings — dreaming of home, and giving way to melancholy forebodings, which could be productive of no good result. Others, of an o})posite mold of char- acter, whom nothing could dainit, still retained something of their natural gayety and humor amid all the wretchedness by which they were surrounded. To such, trials were but so many incentives to surmount and overcome difficulties. If the prisoner gave way to languor and weakness, and failed to take necessary exercise ; if he did not dis- pose his mind to take cheerful views of his condition, and look upon the bright side of that which seemed to be but darkness and misery, he might as well give up hope of life at once. CAUSES OF SICKNESS AXD MORTALITY. — INSANITY. — IDIOCY. — REl'LECTIONS ON PRISON LIFE. — CASES OF PETER DUNN, CHARLES E. BENT, AND C. H. A. MOORE. The occasion of so much sickness and death was found in the causes enumerated, with the insufficiency in (luantity of food, its unsuitableness in quality, and the absence of all A' egetables. The heating nature of Indian meal — the cob ground with the corn, also had its effects in producing an unhealthy condition of things. During .July one could scarcely step Avithout seeing some poor A'ictim in his last agonies. The piteous tones of entreaty, the famine-stricken look of these men, their bones in some ca.ses Avorn through their flesh, were enough to excite pity and compassion in hearts of stone. • Deatli by starvation and exposure was ]ireceded by a mild kind of insanity or idiocy, when tIl<^ mind felt not the misery of th<' Itody, and was unable to ])rovide for its wants. We gave Avater and words of sympathy to wretelies who Avere but a few degrees woi'se than ourselves. Bnt there was danger Avhen we gaA'e fi )od that Ave might starve ourseh-es, while that which we furnished to another would not jireserve his life. If you allowed eA-ery sick man to drink from your cup, yon were liable to Itring ui»on yourself the terri- ble infliction of scurvy in the month, Avhich was as nnich to be dr(^aded as death. Ea^cu a gratification of your keenest human sym])athies thus became the potent cause of self- destruction and sutferiug to him who indulged in so great a luxury. The tt'rrible truth Avas, that in prison one eoiild not attempt to relieA'e the misery of others m(n-e miserable than himself, Avithout placing himself in greater peril. Was it Avonderful that the cries of dying, famished men were unheeded by those who were battling Avitli fate to preserve their oavu Hacs? If there were some Avho turned ears of deafness to distressed tones of entreaty, who forgot the exauii)le of the "good Samaritan" in their OAA-n distress, the fault and sin (if sin or fault there was muler such torture and condition) were surely not upon their own heads, but upon the heads of those Avho had crowded into our daily existence so much of misery as to leaAe no room for the gratifi- cation of kindly sympathies, and had drowned out the finer sensibilities in the struggles with despair and death for self-preservation. Subjects of pity rather than of blame, they Avere not allowed the luxury of pity and symiiathetic action. Yet jnany there AA^ere, surrounded by and suffering acutest torture, who moved like angels of mercy among suffering companions stricken by famine and disease. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. * 59 It is a terrible thing to feel oue's self starviiio- ; to l)race every nerve against the ap- proach of death, and summon to the aid of the body all its selfishness ; yet men, in spite of the necessity of so doing in order to preserve life, assisted and soothed one another in hours of sickness, distress, and melancholy ; and such had a reward in the conscious- ness of duty performed, of unselfish devotion, surrounded by famine and death — the bitter cup of misery pressed to their own lips, yet having still a care for others, under circunjstances of trial when the thoughts of most men were turned iipon themselves, and oldivious to others' woes amid their own misery. Most ])risoners, being only soldiers temporarily, have at variance two distinct ele- ments of feeling; one springing from their habitual and the other from their temporary mode of life; one springing from peaceful associations, with the seclusions of home, or the luxury of the business activity of city life ; the other from the more recent intiuences' of the camj) and battle-field. These incongruous elements are in constant antagonism. One moment it is the soldier, impi-ovident and careless of the future, reckless of the present, laughing at discomfoits and privations and merry in the midst of intense sufter- ing. Then it is the quiet citizen, complaining of misfortune, sighing for home and its dear ones, dreaming of seclusion and peace, jnelding to despondency and sorrow. And this is perhaps fortunate, for at least there is less danger that the itiisoncr shall become improvi(h3nt with the one element, or a miser de.ad to every feeling with the other. Most prisoners, in sucli misfortunes, are apt to indulge in a kind of post-mortem exami- nation of tlieir previous life, to dissect that ])ortiou i>f their past history which is sel- dom anatomized without arriving at the conclusion that present misfortunes are nearly in all cases due to some radical error in their own lives. Misfortunes render some men reckless; others, on the contrary, become cautious through failure and wise through misfortune. And such, retracing in their leisure hours their paths of life, question the sorrowful specters of })erished hopes which haunt the crowded graveyards of th(^, past. They draw from the past nought but cold realities ; they cut into the body of their blighted life and hopes, and seek to learn of what disease it died. This is rational; it is instructive and courageous; but, unfortunately, it is not pleasant. Better to light anew the corpse of the dead past, to inwreathe the torn hair with blossoms, to tinge the livid cheek with the purple flush of health, to enkindle the glazed eyes with elo- quent luster, to Itreatheinto the pallid lips the wonted echoes of a fiimiliar voice which may discourse to us pleasantly of long-departed joys and of old happy hours. There is a piteous consolidation in it, like the mournful solace of those who, having lost some being near and dear to them, plant the dear grave with flowers. It is this iuAvard self which is all his own that the prison leisure leads the speculative captive daily to analyze. After a voyage of memory over the ocean of the past, he returns to the sad present Avith a l)etter heart, and endeavors, from the newly kindled stars which have arisen above the vapory liorizon of his })rison life, to cast the horoscope of a wiser future. I have spoken of a mild kind of insanity which precedes death caused by starvation and brooding melancholy, in which the mind wanders from real to imaginary scenes. Private Peter Dunn, of my company, was an instance of this kind. At an early date of his imprisonment he lost his tin cup, which was with him, as commonly was the case throughout the prison, the only cooking implement. His blanket was also lost, and he was left destitute of all shelter and of everj' comfort except that which was furnished him by companions who were sufferers in common with himself, and not overstocked with necessaries and comforts. Gradually, as he wasted away, his mind wandered, and in imagination he was the possessor of those luxuries which the imagination •will fasten upon when the body feels the keenest pangs of hunger. With simple sincerity he would frequently speak of some luxury which he imagined he had partaken of. Suddenly a gleam of intelligence would overspread his face ; he would s^ieak of the prison, and say : " This is a dreadful place for the boys, isn't it? I don't enjoy myself when I have anything good to eat, there are so many around me who look hungry." And then, gazing in my face, said, in the saddest modulations I ever heard in hinnan voice, "You look hungry too, Sarg." And then, sinking his voice to a whisper, added, " dear! I'm hungry myself, a good deal." Poor, jioor Peter! he soon died a lingering death from the effects of starvation and exposure. In the lucid moments that preceded death, he said, as I stood over his iioor famine-pinched form, "I'm dreadfnl cold and hungry, Sarg." He again relapsed into a state of wandering, with the names of "Mary" and "Mother" on his lips ; and the last faint action of life, where he could no longer sj)eak, was to j)oint his finger to his pallid, grasping lips, in mute entreaty for food ! Charles E. Bent was a drummer in my company, a fine lad, with as big a heart in his small body as ever throbbed in the breast of a man. He was a silent boy, who rarely manifested any outward emotion, and spoke but seldom, but, as his comrades expressed it, " kept up a thinking." I observed nothing unusual in his conduct or manner to denote insanity, until one afternoon, about sundown, one of his comrades noticed the absence of a ring commonly worn upon his hand, and inquired where it was. " Whe?i I was out just now," he said, " my sister came and took it, and gave it to an angel." The next day as the sun went down, its last rays lingered, it seemed to me, caressingly upon the ao TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR dear pallid face of the dead boy. His pain and sorrow were ended, and heartless men uo longer could tortnie liim with hunger and cruelty. But while the niiuds of many became unsettled with idiocy or insanity, there were other instances where a vivid consciousness and clearness of mental vision were retained to the veiy verge of that country " from whence no traveler retui'ns." C. H. A. Moore was a drummer in my company — the only son of a widowed mother. All the wealth of maternal affection had been fondlj- lavished upon him. In him all her hopes Avere centered, and it was with great reluctance that she finally agreed to his enlistment. A soldier's life, to one thus reared, is at best hard ; but to plunge one so young and unaccustomed even to the rudiments of hardships into the iniparalleled miseries of Ander.sonville, seemed cruelty inexpressible. He Avas just convalescent from a typhoid fever when captured. In prison he gratlually wasted away until he died. The day previous to liis death I saw and conversed with him, tried to encourage and cheer him ; but a look of premature age had settled over his youthful face, which bore but little semblance to the bright, expressive look he wore when he enlisted. He was perfectly sane, and conversed with uncommon clearness and method, as though his mind had been suddenly developed by intense suttering. His face bore an unchanged, li.stless expression, which I have noticed in prison betokened the loss of hope. He spoke of home and of his mother, but his words were all in the same key, monotonous and weary, with a. stony, unmoved expression of countenance. On a face so young I never saw such indescrible hoiielessness. It was despair petrified! And when I thiuk of it, even now, it pierces me to the heart. His was a lingering death by starvation and exposure, with uo relief from unmitigated misery. PRISON VOCABULARY : " FLANKKRS," " HALF-SHAVES," " RAIDERS." — FIGHTS AXD MUR- DERS. — MORAL CONDITIOX OF THE PRISONERS. — TRADING. — ISSUE OF RATIONS. — THE OVENS. — CAMP-KETTLES. The prison had a vocabulary of words peculiarly its own, which, if not new in themselves, were novel in their significance. A thief, for instance, was tenued a "flanker," or a "half-shave," the latter term originating in a wholesome custom which prevailed in prison, of shaving the heads of those who were caught pilfering, on one side, leaving the other untouched. Thus they would remain sufficiently long to attract universal attention and derision. The shaving was a less punishment in itself than its final consequences, for a fellow with half-shaven crown was lucky if he escaped a beating or a dncking every hour of the day. Wliere a thief had the l)oldness to steal in open daylight, and by a dash, grab, and run, to get oft] with his booty, he was termed a " raider," which was considered one grade above the sneaking "flanker." The articles stolen were usually cooking utensils or blankets, for the want of which many a man died. Either epithet, "flanker" or "raider," Imrled at a fast-retreating culprit, would insure a general turn-out in the vicinity to stop the offender. If the thief had shrewd- ness, and was not too closely pursued, he often assumed a careless appearance, mingled unperceived with his pursuers, and joined in the "hue and cry." Woe to him who attracted suspicion by undue haste when such a cry was raised, for although his errand might be one of necessity or mercy, he was sure to be hurt before it was ascertained that he was not the ofi'ending person, and his only consolation was in tlie fact of his innocence, or the thouglit that his head, if some sorer, was wiser than before. Scenes of violence were continually enacted in the prison. Murders that thrilled the blood with horror were at one time of frequent occurrence — of which we shall speak more particularly in coming pages — perpetrated by bands of desperadoes who jumped Uncle Sam's bounties before they were i-etaiued in the firm grasp of military vigilance, and, when fairly caught, rather than fight were taken prisoners voluntarily. Not an hour of the day passed without some terrible fight, often over trivial matters, taking place in the stockade. The reasons which provoked fights were not often plain, but one fiict was ever apparent, viz, tliat hunger and privation did not sweeten sour tempers, or render the connnon disposition at all lamb-like. A piece of poor corn- bread picked up in the dirt, a little Indian meal, or a meatless bone, which a dog or pig of New England extraction would turn up his nose at, would provoke violent dis- cussions as to ownership, in which muscle rather than equity settled facts. Some of these personal enconntei-s ended in a general fight, where all who were d(isirous of that kind of recrt'ittion took a part. It was ([uite a curious fact that when rations were scarcest in prison figlits were plentiest. In the absence of food, sonu' took pleasure in beating each other. " I've not had anything to eat to-day, and would like to lick some varmint as has," said Kentucky Joe, a gaunt, half-starved, but never desixynding fel- low. " I'm your man,'' said Pat B., and at it they went, till Kentucky was beaten to his satisfaction, and acknowledged that " a varmint who had eaten corn-dodger for breakfast was too much for one as hadn't." I have often, however, seen men who were weak with disease, and weak to such a degree that they coidd scarcely stand, engage in pugilistic encounters piteous to con- template. I call to memory two almost skeleton men, whom I once saw engaged iu BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. Gl fighting for the possession of a few pine knots! Bareheaded, in a broiling snn, hare- footed, their clothes in tatters, they bit, and scratched, and rolled in the dirt together. I left them, their hands clutched in each other's hair, with barely remaining strength to rally a kick, gazing into each other's eyes with the leaden, lusterless glare of fam- ine stamped there — a look which I cannot describe, but which some comrade of misery will recognize. The strong often tyrannized over the weak, and, as we see it in all gatherings of men, the strong in physical healtli and in possessions kept their strength, while the many weak grew weaker and weaker until they were crowded out of life into the small space grudgingly allowed them for graves. Each man stood or fell on merits different from those which had been valued by friends at home. He found himself measured by different standards of merit from those used in any of his previous walks of life. Rough native force or talent showed itself by ingenious devices for making the most of little. He who could make Indian meal and water into the most palatable form Avas "looked up to." He who could cook with little wood, and invent from the mud a fire-place in which to save fuel, was a genius ! The producer of comforts from the squalid, crude material of life was respected as much as hunger would allow us to respect anything. He it was who got a start in the prison world, and managed to live. It was desirable ou the part of prisoners to follow some trade or occupation Avhich should give to the individual means to purchase the few desirable luxuries which could be obtained of those who came into prisou from among the rebels with permission to trade. By this method there were hopes of life, even if existence Avas misery. Yankee inge- nuity was consequently taxed to the utmost to invent " from the rough " some kind of business that would pay — an onion, a potato, or au extra allowance of Indian meal per week. Under the fruitful maxim that "necessity is the mother of invention," it was surprising hoAv trades and business started into life. Had these men been placed in a forest where raw material could readily be got at, I believe they would have produced every " item" of a city's wants, so well were we represented in the trades. The striv- ings for life were iiiteous, but often comical in their developments. Some traded their hats and boots, or a slyly-kept watch, for beans or flour, and with this elementary start began " sutlers' business." Another genius developed a process for converting Indian meal into beer, by souring it in water. And " sour beer," as it was termed, speedily became one of the institutions. This beer was vended around the camp by others, who pronounced it a cure for scurvy, colds, fever, gangrene, and all other ills the stockade was heir to, and they were many. You would at one part of the stockade hear a voice loudly proclaiming a cure for scurvy ; you approach and find him vending " sour beer ;" anf>ther proclaiming loudly a cure for diarrhea ; he would be selling " sour beer ;" and so through a long catalogue of evils would be proclaimed their remedies. One day I was almost crushed in a crowd who were attracted by a fellow crying aloud, " Stewed beans, with vinegar on to urn !" The vinegar turned out to be "sour beer." Stuck upon a shingle I observed a sign which read, " Old Brewery ; bier for sail, by the glass or bucketful, hole sail, retail, or no tail at all." I remember one ingenious fellow, who, with a jackkuife and file, and a few bits of wire, was engaged in getting into ticking order " played-out " watches that had refused to go unless they were car- ried ; and the ingenuity he disphayed in coaxing them to tick was surprising. In one instance the watch-tinker mentioned made for a friend of mine an entire watch-spring of whalebone, which set the Avatch ticking in such a tremendous manner, for a feAv minutes after being wound up, as to call forth the admiring ejaculation from the secesh pur- chaser, " Gosh, how she does go it !" The Avatch stopped — " ruvd down," as the amazed Johnny afterAvard said, " quicker nor a flash.'' You will readily understand that prisoners cared but little about Avatches except so far as they Avere tradable for Indian meal, hog, or hominy. Another occupation was cooking beans and selling them by the plateful to such hungry ones as could afford to trade for them. Various were the means of " raising the wind" to obtain a supplj' to carry on the trade. Often some article of clothing, or but- tons off the jacket, were traded for them. But a more common method was to trade the buttons or clothing for tobacco, and then trade tobacco for beans ; for those addicted to the use of the weed would frequently remark that it was easier to go without a por- tion of their food, hoAvever scanty, than without their tobacco. In prison one thus paid the penalties of bad habits previously formed. One accustomed to tlie habit of taking a dram of something stimulating each day, died in prison for Avant of it. Habits, like chickens, " come home to roost," and Avere often the millstones that sunk their possessors into the hopeless misery Avhich Avent before death. Thus, when only about half a pint of - beans, uncooked, per day were issued, sometimes with a little bacon, men would lay aside a few each day to tran to eat U]) their stock in trade. I cannot refrain from narrating my own experience in that line, it was so characteristic of experience common to those who engaged in like speculations. Clifton y. and myself possessed a joint capital of an old watch, mention of which has heen maaid for the convenience in trade. That day proved the ruin of the beau trade. Cliff came hack despondently, declaring heans didn't sell ; and the mystery was soon solved by the fact that on tlu' south side of the hrancli they were issuing cooked beans. Wliereupon, ascertaining beyond a doubt the truth of this, Clift' and myself sat down and ate one good S(|uare meal, did the same at supper time, finished tliem for breakfast next morn- ing, and lived at least one day with full stouiaehs, a circumstance that seldom hap- l)ened before or afterward in our prison experience. Thus ended the bean trade. After rations were issued, there would be a general meeting of a densely packed crowd, all trying to trade for something more palatable, or for that which they had not got. Some would cry out, "Who will trade cooked beans for raw ?" " Who will trade Avood for beans f "Who will trade salt for wood?" While some speculator would trade little l)its of tobacco for any kind of rations. The issue of rations was often a moment of fearful excitement. A crowd of five or six tlnnisand, like a hungry pack of wolves, would fill the space before the gateway, all scrambling to get a look at the rations, as though even the sight of food did them good. At one time, during such a scene, one of the detailed men who acted as a teamster — and those so employed were always men that were loudest in blaming our government and "Old Abe," and were insolent and well fed — when one of the pack of hungry wretches put his hand out to clutch a falliug crumb from the cart, the teamster beat his brains out with one blow of a club. He was tried by our stockade court of justice, (?) and condemned— to cart no more bread ; owing, doubtless, to the fact of his having a few greenbacks, made in selling our rations. Among the occupations of the prison was that of baker. The ovens were made of clay, kneaded and tbriued into bricks. The foundation was laid with.those bricks while they were in a damp condition, being allowed to dry in the sun for two or three days, and then were ri'ady as a basis for the oven. Sand was first carefully heaped uy)on the center of the foundation, in shape of the interior of it, when done; over this mold the bricks Avere laid and dried until the sand nuiking the mold would bear removal, which was carefully done by the use of sticks at the opening which was left for a door. A fire was then built inside, after which it Avas ready for use. There Avere only a favored few Avho got wood enough to consummate and carry (ui such an undertaking. The OA'ens described liaked Aery goof'ten had to be diminished by one-half, or eaten raAV. There Avere others who followed the trade of bucket-makers, and ver\ (air wo(»den buckets were made with no other tools than twine and a jack-knife. As all Avater, with excei)tioiial cases of those who owned wells, had to l)e brought from the brook — often quite a distance for AA'eak men to travel in the sun — these were very desiral)le. There Avere several kettle- makers aaIio found material somehow, of sheet tin and iron from the top of rail-cars, smuggled into prison hy the rebels who Avere fond of Yankee greenbacks. These Averc BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 63 also a convenience to those who formed .1 mess and made a saving of wood by cooking together. These ketth^s were made with no other implements than a common railroad spike. They were made in the manner government camp-kettles are made, by in- genionsly bending the iron together in seams, in this manner rendering them water- tight witliont solder. Tims Yankee ingennity developed resonrces where, at first sight, there seemed nothing but barrenness and misery. I never saw a friction-match in the stockadfe ; I doubt if there were any ; yet there were always fires somewhere — how procured I could never understand, except on the supposition that they never went out. I have entered thus minutely upon a description of these trades and occupations in prison, from the fact that it explains many apparently conflicting statements made by prisoners. While those thus engaged often got thtless grt a chance to hunt me again, and I would give him more of a chance " for travel and promotion," as we say to our raw recruits when en- listing them. This I said jocosely, not knowing what advantage it might prove to me in trying the same doy the dogs. Rcticcting in this manner, I borrowed a map, which had been smuggled into prison, from which I traced on iiapei", previously greased in bacon fat to make it transi>arent ami tough, a map of the portion of country needful for my project, •with a scale of miles and the points of the compass indicated on the same, besides posses- sing myself of all the information I could gather from numbers of prisoners who had from time to tune beeu recaptured after eseai)ing from prison. They all had their tlieories of throwing tlie dogs olf the scent. One believed that red }»epper rubbed upon the soles of the slides would cause the dogs to abandon the trail ; another had faith that fresh blood would have the same marvelous etiect, and so on through the whole range of men who had been near successful in escaping. On one point, however, they all agreed, viz : that no dog could follow a man in the water on a log, or wading, any more than he ccnild thrt)Ugh the air if flying. While looking around in prison one day, hoping and wishing for something to " turn lip " l»y which I might solve the grave (luestion of escape, I observed an old well, partially dug, from ten to tAvelve feet from the dead-line, which had been finally abandoned after digging over thirty feet without obtaining water. Here seemed an opeuing for several young men. And I thought the matter over until satisfied that a tunnel might be successfully completed if commenced in this well. One of my com- pany had his "shebang"* near the well, and, as he was a trusty, enterprising fellow, I laid my plaus before him, and finallj" we determined to go into the matter that night. We made a rope from an old overcoat which he possessed, and tying it around my waist, I was lowered into the well about seven feet, not without misgivings that I might travel the other twenty-five quicker than was good for my health, by the catastrophe of the rope's breaking, (for shoddj- is doubtful material,) or its slipi)ing from the weak grasp of my confederate. I scooped with a half canteen a place big enough to sit in. The next day my comrade borrowed a rope, for the alleged purpose of digging the well deeper, and that night we dug in earnest and made full eight feet. As dayliglit came on we stojiped u^i the mouth of the tunnel with sticks and nnid, in such a nuiuufn' that any one looking into the well would not mistrust that there was a tunnel being dug therein. Gradually we increased our numbers until we had twenty men at work, all of whom we knew could be trusted, as they belonged mostly to our battalion. We organized four reliefs, each of which were to dig in the tunnel two hours during the night. This made eight hours good labor, which, considering that we could not commence very early at. night or continue very late in the nu)rning, for fear of discovery, was doing well. The dirt excavated during the night was tumbled into the well, and the next day we were engaged, apparently, with the innocent task of digging for water, an almost hopeless task, when in reality our sole intentions were to keejj the well from filling up with the dirt excavated from the tunnel during the night, without exciting suspicion. Many a time we were joked, while engaged dig- ging out the well, on tunneling "through to China," the jjerpetrator of the joke little suspecting that we really were tunneling. Finally, after almost incredible labor for men in our half-starved condition, we had got a tunnel ready to open, nearly fifty feet long, extending near thirty feet beyond the stockade, and dug with the rude implements we had at hand, consisting princi- pally of half canteens and tin quart measures such as every soldier carries with him to cook his coffee in. By means of our rope, one by one, on a dark, rainy night, we got into the well and swung into the tunnel, one ahead of the other, on our hands and knees, as if to play leap-frog. We then connneuced to open the tunnel, which was rather a delicate job. We were about six feet from the surface of the ground, and digging up into the open air at the further extremity of the tunnel was termed "opening the tunnel." This had to be performed with great care, first, for fear of bemg discovered, and, second, there was danger of being smothered by the fixlling earth. I had heard of one case where a tunnel was opened in the middle of a picket fire ; but it was told that the tunnelers, nothing daunted, sprang out through * Tent, spot, or blanket, "or place of residence. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 65 the lire; the jrnaid, believing their patron, the devil, had come to visit his confede- racy, ran away, leaving the prisoners to escape. We Avere not anihitions to *' pass throngii the tire" in any such way. and were anxious only "to be let alone." We opened our tniinel after two hours or more of careful labor; and I, by virtue of having connnenced the tunnel, had the privilege of sticking my head into the outer air first, iind was not much pleased to see, sitting crouching in the raiu, not a dozen ])a('es from our ojiening, an outer picket guard, at a large iire. Had he not been so intent on keeping comfortable he must have seen us, as we, one by one, crawled stealthily into the thicket near at hand. Once, when a twig broke, he made amotion to look up, and I thought wc were " gone nji ; " but he merely stirred liis tire and resumed again his crouching position. As the last nniu came out, and, at a safe distance, w<' stood in whispered consultation, the hourly cry of the guard, "Twelve o'clock, and all is well," went round the stockade. We separated into parties of five, each to go in difterent directions, and silently grasping each parting comrade's hand, wi' jdunged into the gloomy pine forest to make one ettbrt for freedom. I had iully considered for "(veeks all the difticulties of an escape. I Avonld not venture going down the Flint River to the tinlf on account of tlie river's being picketed, and, besides, from the fact that there were several large fortified places to pass on such a route. Again, when we arrived at the (Julf, wlnit were the i)rospects of falling in with any of onr forces f After considering all the difterent points where I might reach our lines, I concluded there were less difficulties in the way of reaching Sherman's forces at Marietta than any other, the circuitous travel of one hundred and twenty miles, under favoral)le circumstances, would carry us through. The course I had mar-ked out was very simple. If I tried to reach Sherman on the east side of Macon, flanking toward tiu^ sea-shore, I had many large places to pass, and such a course would throw us in contact with the nmny marauding forage parties which would naturally frequent that pmtion of the country. My plan was to go to the westward of Macon in a northwesterly course, until the Chattahoochie River was reached, then following due north until the blue hills around Marietta could be seen, trust to fate and Sherman for deliverance. These plans I had stated briefly to my comrades, who had adopted them, and looked upon me as a Moses, who was to lead them to the promised land. Traveling through the woods during the night, one of my four comrades got separated from the party. The next morning we reached overflowed portions of country, which indicated that we were near the Flint River. While debating as to the best course to pursue, one of my party declared he heard the hounds, which we soon found was an unpleas- ant fact. Not a moment was to be lost, and wading and swiimning with almost frantic exertion soon brought us to the Flint River, the current of which, nnich swollen by freshets, was running swiftly. Getting upon logs, we floated with the stream for sev- eral hours, until we thought it sufficient to baffle the dogs from further pursuit. It was nearly noon when, wet and exhausted, chilled with being so long in the water, we crawled upon the opposite shore, and were glad to run to get up a little warmth. As we emerged from the water we found a sensation in the shape of an alligator, who lay just below us like our floating logs. That day we traveled incessantly through swamps, and woods, and water, which overflowed all the low portions of country. The only food which we had between us was a "pone" of johnny-cake, Avhich we had starved ourselves to save in the prison. We had a pocket compass, which Avas intrusted to me, a small (luantity of salt, and a butcher-knife, such as was issued to Massachusetts soldieis at Readville. Xight came upon us dark and rainy, and found us still traA'cling through the dark forest and Avet swamps of the country. About twelve o'clock, seeing a liright illununation Avhich looked like a jiicket or a camp-fire, just to the right, about a (|uarter of a mile from us, we Avent upon higher land to get an obsi'rvation, and sat down on .some fallen logs to consult in wliisjx'rs as to what we had better do about rcemmoitering the light. Just then I Avas certain I heard something move in the log on which I sat. I spi'ang to my feet with my club poised to strike — perhaps it was a bear. I challenged the log with the counnou exjtression annmg soldiers, "Are you Fed., or Reb. ?" "Yankee," came the reply ; anarty. When this surprise Avas well over, we held once more a consultation about the fire whicli had attracted our attention before the incident narrated occurred. We concluded the safest and best way was to reconnoiter, in order to ascertain the nature of our neighbors, and see if danger was threatening us. We found it a camp- H. Eep. 45 5 66 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR tire uear a tent, at which sat a solitary picket with his gun. It was on a cross-road, stationed, I suppose, to intercept prisoners. One of our nxiniber got uear enough to have knocked him over had it been desirable. At another time that night we heard voices beliind us, but concluded it was some picket tent, fit' which tliere weic many scattered over tliat ])art of the country. About three o'clock that morning it st()i)])ed raining, and we lav down togetlu^r under a tree, to get such rest as we best could. It was sucli lodging as we Avere accustomed to, and the three middle ones had some hoix's of kei'])ing warm. At daylight, stitf and more weary than when we lay down, we resumed our journey through the wood. Our Johnny-cake was eaten, and during the day we stopped only to pick a few berries Avhich grew in the woods. We got nothing else to eat during that day. Next day about noon we came upon some cattle bi-owsing in the Avoods. We killed a little year- ling heifer, one holding her by the horns Avhile the other cut her throat Avith our sheath-knife. We cut the meat such as Ave desired and divided it among onrseh'es. The skin Ave cut into strips, Avith Avhich, and some of our clothes, we constructed rude hav^ersacks in Avhieh to carry our meat. We had no matches or other method of kindling a tire, and of course ate our meat raw, witli Avhat little salt we had to season it. Thus day by day Ave traveled incessantly, kee])ing away from the white men of the country, bnt receiving helj) and direction from the negroes. Our first confidence in negro aid Avas not brought about l)y any preconceived ideas, but l)y accident. We discoA'ered it Avas possible to trust them to some extent from the folloAving incident : One day Ave came accidentally upon some negroes Avorking in the Avoods. We ran away quickly, thinking to get out of a bad scrape. One of them called after us, say- ing, "Don't be afraid, niassa white man." Some idea that they might give us some- thing to eat caused me to turn back. I advanced cautiously, and speaking to an old, Avhite-headed negro, I said, " Uncle, I suppose you know Avhat kind of felloAvs Ave are." " Well, I reckon," he rejilied, rolling i;p the whites of his eyes. " We are luingry, and ■vrant something to eat sadly." "Well," said uncle, "you does look mighty kind o' lean. Step into de bushes while I peers round to see if wc'a'c got some hoe-cake," and otf li(^ trotted. We kept a good lookout to see that he did not betray us. But he came back Avitli three i)ones, Avliich he " 'clared to goodness" was "half they all had for de day." It was " right smart hard times in dem digging." "Well, uncle," said I, " I suppose you knoAV that I^ncle Abe is coming down this way to set you all free Avhen lie gets the rebs licked." " Yes, yes," said the venerable negro ; "I'se belieA'ethe day of jubilee is coniin', but 'pears to me it's a long time ; looks like it Avouldn't come in my time.'' Bidding him (;!od speed, we Avent on our Avay with lighter hearts at the thought that there were friends in the midst of our enemies. Some of the old negroes we met would shame the chivalry in point of humanity and good shrcAvd practical sense. Ope of my comrades avIio had escaped for three or four days before this time, told nu> he met a negro in the AVoods with a gun and dog, who told him he had lived in tlie swamps for seA'cral y(>ars, defying the Avliite man. He ottered to take him, provide for and keep him all winter in his hut. He refused, tliinking to be successful in getting into our lines. And I was afterward informed by some rebel officers that there was a negro who, to escajie punisliinent, had run away from a plantation, and had sul)- sisted in tlie sAvamjis for a long time without being captured. W^e Avere entirely out of ]irovisions on the eighth day of our escape, and in the morning liad Inilted in sonx' low land in the woods near a clearing to jiick rasjiberries, Avhich grew in abundance. Suddeidy one of our luunber, noted in our travels for his quick hearing, declared the dogs were after us. According to previous agreement, when we were satisfied such Avas the case, we se]iarated, each running in different directions to give the dogs all the trouble Ave could, as possibly by this methoehind had almost bred a (piarrel. They were ([uite sur))rised to see me, and were glad that I brought with me a log of pitch- pine wood, which, through the kindness of Sergeant Smith, I was permitted to bring into the prison. On the whole, though my clothes were torn in shreds, and I was scratched with briers and bitten by the dogs, my health was better generally than when I left the i)risou. It was not long before I was tunneling again, with what result will be hereafter shown. Of those who escaped at the same time with myself, eight were captured the first morning after their escape, four got away some twenty miles, while the remaining three I have never since heard from. My unsuccessful escape gave me one-advantage in prison : it brought me a flattering notoriety, which led to my being made a confi- dant in any plans of escape formed by those Avho were knowing to my adventure. I was sure to be posted in all tunneling going on, aud therefore, in my oiiinion, increas- ing thereby my chances for successful escape. CONTIXt'ED SUKFEKING. — MORTALITY. — B. W. DRAKE. — SERGEANT KENDAL PEARSON. — CROWDED CONDITION OF THE PRISON. — CASE OF STARVATION. — PREPARATION OF BODIES FOR THE GRAVE. — MEDICINES. — BATHING. — SCENES AT THE SICK-CALL. — HOR- RIBLE CONDITION OF THE PRISONERS. — BURIAL OF THE DEAD. During July prisoners continued to come into prison at the rate of about one thou- sand per week. These, with few exceptions, had previously been strippealatable food of the ]>rison. Witliout any ]iarticular disciise, he wasted away to a mere skeleton and tinally died. Sergeant Kendal Pear- son, of my comj)any, also onc^ of my mess, died during the mouth. He had l)een ac- customed for many years to the moderate use of stimulating driuks. In i>rison, cut ofi" from these, and Avitli no pro])er nourishing food to take their place, he continually craved and thought of such things. In their place he would sometimes gt>t a few red pepiters and make from them a hot drink, whicli seemed for a while to revive life and ambition within him, Itut gradually his strength grew fainter aud more feeble, till he died. In this maimer they dropped oft' all over the prison; and one day you wduld see a man cooking his food ; the nextday he would be dead. The Eighty-fifth New Yoik, wiio, it will be recollected, came into prision at the same time with ours(dves, was reduced in nnmlier l»y death over one-half. Our rations continually grew worse, instead of bet- ter. For some of the last detachments formed in the ])rison, riet' and beans were cooked, and in the change around from cooked to uncooked food, occasionally other detachments got the same; l)nt the food thus cooked was often tearfully dirty, caused by the beans and rice never being cleaned before cooking, aneaus. Had they possessed a particle of ingenuity or forethought, they might have winnowed them in the wind. The simple reason seemed to be for so great admixture of dirt, that they neither cared nor thought the matter worth looking after. The whole prison was now a scene of misery which words cannot ex]iress, and which never was before, or ever again will be seen. At night you are awakened, your com- panion and friend dying by your side, his last words of pathetic entreaty for food. ■" Don't tell mother how I died," said a dying comrade to me ; *' it would break her heart to know what I had suffered. I am glad she cannot see hoM' drea, which ended only witli death. I never can forget Iioav fond his accents were when he spoke, as he often did to me, of his village home ; described the Avinding slopes around the river's side, where he passed on his way to school or church ; and, " Sarg," said he, Avliile his intel- ligent eye would tire up Avith softened light, in Avhicli Avere mingled shadoAvs of reoret, •" if it should please God to deliver me out of this misery, I Avould try and do nearer as mother Avished me." He told me Iioav, in the long Avinter evenings, he read to her while she peeled the red-cheeked apples before a blazing tire ; and then he Avould exclaim " What a contrast to this scene !" Again he Avould look around him and say, in those far- off, dreamy, dreary tones often heard in prison, " I Avish I had the scraps she throAvs to our dog and chickens," or " I wish I had the straw and house our pig gets." When he died his last faint Avords Avere, as he placed his well-Avorn Bible in my hand, "I shall not be needing this, or anything to eat, much longer. I have tried to live by that book ; take it — may it proA^e to you, as it has to me, a last solace when every earthy hope has passed away." I opened the book and read in Ioav hushed tones from Psalm xxxiv, and Avhen I con- cluded the last A-erse, " The Lord redeeineth the soul of his servants, and none of them that trust in Him shall be desolate," he looked up, saying nothing, but Avith a smile of gladness, as though that trusting spirit Avas his. Shortly after he became delirious, and died that afternoon — one more victim to Andersonvilie. The common mode of preparing bodies for the grave Avas by tying their two large toes together, and folding their hands one over the other. If the deceased had a hat, not needed by others, wliich was seldom the case, it was placed upon his face ; other- Avise the shrivelled cheeks, the unclosed eyes, and drooping jaw, as they Avere carried through the prison, presented a pitialde sight, wliich I Avill ilot enlarge upon. It Avas Avhen death became conimon as life ; Avhen the prison, reeking Avith deathly vapors, was croAvded to suffocation Avith living victims; Avhen, side by side Avith life, death Avalked Avith the prisoner — it was then that inhumanity shuddered at its OAvn cruel malice. Even rebel surgeons, accustomed to seeing all our sufferings, protested at last, and uttered complaints to the authorities, which Avill bear out all the state- ments ever made of Andersonvilie suffering. Under the induence of protests from various rebel sources, men Avere set at Avork to enlarge the stockade, and again an effort Avas made to fill in the cesspools of the prison ; but these efforts to relicA-e our pitiful condition never seemed to be made in earnest, but were rather the result of fear that disease would spread into their own ranks outside the prison. These efforts, too, were soon abandoned, and matters relapsed into their old condition, groAving ATorse and Avorse. "If Yellow .Tack gets into this here place," said the rebel (piartef- master to some of us, "it Avon't leave a grease spot on yer; and I can't say there'll be many left if he don't." Medicines Avere issued in scanty (luantities for a Avhile, in .Inly and August, but they seemed generally a i)layed-out commodity in the southern confederacy. They ■were variously crude in. kind, and small in quantity. Bloodroot Avas used as an .astringent: sumac berries Avere the only acid giAeii for scurvy; blackberry root Avas 70 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR givini iis a iiiediciiu' for diarrhea, and camphor pills were the staiiilard niedieiue for- various diseases. Personally I eared for none of these, as I ever jdaced hnt little faith in nostrums; hnt thousands of wretches, in hopes of ))rolon<;iimlife a little lonii'er, crawled, and weie carried, to the prison entrance where medicines were issued. "The l)esti medicine, after all," remarked a. rebel surgeon, one day, "for these wretches, ia food;" and it was hut little use to doctor starvation with herbs. But wholesome, nutritious food was more difticnlt to be obtained in prison than medicines, scarce as they were.. I found one of the most elticacions remedies for the indescribable lanj;uor and weak- ness which result from insulHcient food and scurvy to be cold Avater shower-liaths, taken morninj;', evening', and at noon. I usually showered myself by ]iouriiin' cold water from my tin pail over my head and [X'rson while standing. JSesides coiitrii)uting to personal cleanliness, it had an agreeable, energizing action, without any of the depress- ing after-effects produced by stimulating drinks. I do not think its intluenee in pre- serving life, in my case, can be much overstated. I practiced daily lt;ithing through all my imprisonment; and though sometimes the disjjosition induced l)y weakness and languor was greatly against exercise, yet I knew, fiom what 1 had seen, that I must not give way if I hopeil to live. Sometimes it seemed im}iossible for me to get to the "branch" to wash, ami the water Avas often so tilth}' that it was not agreeable to use it even for bathing. Yet I always forced myself to creep to the brook and take a shower-bath. The effects were instantaneous, and sometimes seetned marvelous. I could always Avalk briskly back again nj) hill, and feel like a ditferent man. Lookiug back over the ]iast, I can hardly inmgine how 1 managed to live from day to day. Wood was so scarce that it was almost impossible to cook our food when it was issued raw — as it was most of the time, in about half of tlu' s(|uads of th(^ prison, who Avere supposed to have cooking apparatus. Every remaining root, Avhere trees had been, was dug out Avith the rude implements of the prison. Every stump had claim- ants, who dug around it, and protected their rights from iuA'asiou by force. This, for men in our condition, was hard and Avearisome Avork, as our implements were mostly inadeciiuite to tlu' task, uiuler favorable circumstances, for stronger men. The stumps and roots, after they Avere dug out, Avere cut up into small bits of three or four inches length and one inch thickness — sometimes in more minute pieces — by means of a jackknife, and often Avith merely a piece of blade Avithout a handle. Occasionally an axe Avould be smuggled into prison by some mysterious means, and its ])ossessor became a kind of prince, Avho levied tax upon all the surrounding miserables who required its use. The dead Avere gathered up by detachments of prisormi^s, and laid in rows outside the stockade. In order to get Avood, there Avas great (?om petit ion to till the ofiice of stretcher-bearer, as there av as sometimes a chance for such to ]»ick up Avood on their return. Hence it passed into a saying, " I SAvapped/(>ff a dead nuin for some wood." A stretcher was made for carrying the sick and di-ad by fastening a blanket to two poles, provided for the purpose, then rolling uv^ the blanket on the poles until about theAvidth of those of the ordinary construction./ As I have elsewhere instanced in these pages, sometimes men feigned to be dead, j^d Avere carried out by their comrades, each of the parties deriving advantage by the operation. Another sharp ])racticc was, for four to carry out a dead man and only two return Avith the stretcher, Avhich gave two a chance for escape, and Avood to the remaining; thus conferring mutual l>enetits. Nothing of this kind could be of long duration in practice, for by some nu'thod the Johnnies soon became posted in all our dodges. It Avas said, I knoAV not \\ ith how much truth, every batch of ])risoners sent into the "pen" Avere accompanied by a s])y in United States blue, Avhom the others naturally trusted as a connade. He found out- all the secrets of the squad and reported them to Wirz. This, doubtless, Avill account for much seeming treachery among our oavu men. It does not seem possible that any amount of misery could induce comrades to betray one another, even for food. I class traitors as follows: First, bounty-jumpers; second, enlisted prison convicts; third, men Avho dug tunnels for the purpose of discovering them to the rebels, gaining thereby an extra ratioji ; fourth, spies sent in by the authorities. Inside the stockade, near the gate, Avas often the scene of Avildest horrcu'. Here Avonld be gathered together in the morning, Avaiting to i)ass out the gate to booths Avhere medicines Averc distributed, the sick, cree])ing often ui)on their hands and knees, and those too sick to creep borne by feeble, staggering companions. Here, also, Avould be gathered the stretcher-bearers Avith their burdens of dead; all Availing, in a. densely-packed throng of thousands^ often in the rain, or sultry tropical sun, where not a i)reath of air stirred to revive the fainting. It Avas a ruh-, that no one, hoAvever sick, could be prescribed for or receive meflicine unless lirst carried to the doctor. As it could never be ascertained on Avhat day or hour medicines were given, day after day these suffering thousands Avould be turned away without medicines, after waiting for hours through the intense heat of the meridian sun. Often the sick, abandoned by those Avho carried them, Avould be left near the gatcAvay, in the intense h(%'it, Avhere no air could reach them, and thus uncared for, die. This arose not so much from the want of feeling of conu-ades as from their inability to care for them. Those- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 71 who bore stretchers often fell f;ii!itin much a "matter of course" to be noticed, and I only instance this solitary, unknown dying man, among the suffering thousands of the ]u-ison-pen, as an example of the fiendish hate and malice which ])ursned these patriots of the Union even when the doors of death were closed upon their starved, iinburied forms ! Carrying away the dead to their final rest was but a horror in keeping with the scenes described, and a fitting climax to the life of misery which ended in tlie xirison. The dead that gathered during the day were placed in what was known as the dead- house — a rude shed frame, covered with bushes. From thence, each morning, they were taken, thrown upon a cart drawn by three mules, with a negro driver seated upon the middle one, over the ungraded field to the place of interment. The l)odies were usually thrown, one upon the other, as high as could be reached ; often the head, shoulders, and arms of one or more of the bodies ])rotrudiug over the side and from the rear of the cart, or from under the dead piled above them — the dropi)ing jaw, the swaying head, undulating with each motion of the cart, the whole mass of V)odies jolt- ing and swaj'ing, as a comrade expressed it, " like so much soft soap." It was said that from these carts maggots and vermin of various kinds could be scooped, after such an excursion, by the handful. In these same carts our rations were brought to us, shov- eled in where the dead bodies had lain; and with flies, which gather in a climate like Georgia upon all eatables exposed, gave us food, when cooked, well mixed with everything which could be offensive and disagreeable. Death in prison, under such 72 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR circiini.stauce.s, wiis not always looked forward to with loathing or terror; not always j)reced('d hy acute, though always Avitli great .suttering; hut was often hailed with tearful, trcnihliiig joy, as a message of freedom sjiokeu to imurisoued nuMi. NEGRO I'KISOXKKS. — IJAUBAUOU.S AMPUTATIONS. — THEIl! CLEAXLV HABITS. — THEIR TREATMENT. — MAJOR liOGLE. — BAD TREATMENT AS AN OFEICER. — PLAN TO BREAK THE STOCKADE. — ITS FAILURE. It "was in July that I first noticed negro prisoners among us, though they were, doubtless, there pi'evious to that time. Scarcely any of them but Avere victims ot atrocious amputations performed l)y rebel surgeons. It was said that none of the. prisoners were captured except the wounded. Those in the prison were mostly New England men. Some of them had been cajitured at tin? cliarge f)f Fort Wagner, when Colonel Shaw was killed, and at the battle of Olustee, Florida. I observed in the negro prisoners a commendable trait of cleanliness. Indeed, I may safely say, their clothes were, on an average, cleaner and better patched than those of other ])risouers of the stockade. Through exposure to the sun and rain, they were much blacker thau the common southern negroes, and many were the exclamations of surprise among the guard at this fact. " The blackest niggers I ever saw," was the common ex])ression on seeing them. I have said the negroes were mostly woiuided and uuitilated; when there had been a case of ainputation, it liad been performed in such a manner as to twist and distort the limb out of shape. When a uegro was placed in a scjuad among white men, it was usually accompanied with the injunction, addressed to the sergeant of the squad, " Make the d — d nigger work for and wait ujtou you ; if lie does not, lick him, or report him to me, and I will." I never knew an instance, however, where a sergeant re(]uired of the black any service not usually allotted to others, and that in drawing and distributing rations. Many loose statements have been nuule in print indicating that ofticeis were as com- mon anu)ng prisoners at Andersoiiville as enlisted men. With the exception of Major Bogle, there were no commissioned officers intentionally i)laced in Andersonvillc. Others were there by their own act ; but the prison wasintcjuled for enlisted men onlj'. At any time an officer of white troops could l)e sent to Macon, or some other officers' prison, by merely making a plain statement of facts which looked plausil)le. So much is required to be said, as there seems to V)c a great misunderstanding in relation to this matter ; and it is my desire to write such a (lesciiptiou of the prison that those who were prisoners at the time with myself will be the ones most ready to testify to the truth of these pictures, crudely drawn with pen and ink. Major Bogle, at one time, was engaged in a tunneling operation, in which he plotted to release all the ])risoner8 of the stockade. It failed through the treason of some one in the secret, though it came near being a success. About the time I l)ecame ac([uainted with him, an extensive plot was formed to break the stockade. Over two thousand men were pledged to risk their lives upon an eftbrt to liljerate the prisoners of the stockade. Here seemed the choice before us, to die without an ettbrt, amid all the misery of the prison pen, or to die with our hands uplifted to strike one blow at our enemies, before death, in an attempt to libei'ate ourselves and starving comrades. To no reasonable man did there appear at that time to be any hope for life l)ut in that manner. I went into the project, I am willing to confess at this day, having full confidence in our ability to achieve tlie desired result, and with a feeling that it was better to die in such an attempt thau to die a miseralde, loathsome death by gradual death. Acting in concert, we set ourselves at work, and dug tiumels up to the stockade; then the tunnel branched ott' at right angles, running parallel with the stockade, a shoulder of earth being left as a temporary support, so that when a rush was made against the walls from the outside, it would be thrown down in the places thus mined. In thismanner three jtortious of the stockade walls were undernnned, at least I have reason to sui)pose so, although I was engaged in digging and engineering on but one of them. Our plans were as tbllows : One detachment of i)risouers was to break through on the south side, near the gate, and capture the n^serve of the guard ; another to break through on the north side, and, making a circuit of the stockade, cajjture the guard th»a-eon ; another i>arty, l)reakiug through on the southwest side, near the gate, Avas to capture the rebel artillery near headijuarters, and use it according to circumstances, and make such ca])ture of relnd officers as Avas possible ; Avhile ])risouers outside, under detail, Avere to cut tlie telegraph Avires. This achieved, jirisoners were to l)e liberated, rations equally distriltuted, the cars seizeil, ammunition and arms placed in the hands of the "oigani/.ation," ancl then, raiding through the rebel country, seize upon horses and other modes of transportation, and etlect an esca]»e to the Gulf. Such Avere our plans generally. All Avas pronounced ready for the grand assault, and we avcic waiting Avitli trem- bling expectancy, Avhen a proclamation Avas read in ])rison, and posted in conspiciious places, stating that siudi a ))lau Avas known to be organized, aiioints, with men in i)Osition to Tise it; twice shots were tired over the heads of i)ris()uers in crowds, while white tiags Avere ■-' -1 -" -"-■'• +i>" -..■;--" ■.- i-..„„,.^. +■-.,. +1... .,,.+;ii.i..;c,fo Thus ended the best-coueeived I'ed the confed- eracy was (U'cftul onsartaiu, and liable to bust. it; twice shots were tired over the heads of i)ris()uers in crowds, while white tiagf ]tlaced all over the prison, as ranges for the artillerist.s. Thus ended the best-cou( plan for liberating the ])risoners cii Dutfmc during my imjirisomnent, and provt assertion freipiently luade annnig the Kentucky boys that " everything in the c ADDiriOX TO THK STOCKADK. — THIHTY-l'IVE THOU.SAN]) PKISONKHS. — PATRIOTISM. — DAVID 1JO15IXS0X. — COIU'OItAI, (III'.SOX. — LOVK FOl! THE STARS AND STRIPES. During the last of .Julv or the lirst of August an addition was made to the stockade. This gave to the thirty-live thousand crowded into the spactr of ten acres, more room by ten additional acres. The o])euiiig of the new stockade, as it was usually termed, was an event which contributed to the comfort of the prisoners in various ways. It gave them more wood, l)y the tearing down of the stockade walls, which Imd separated the ncAV inclosnre from the (dd, furnishing for a time a good sujtply ; but as the ma- jority in prison had no means of si)litting aule. With all the ad- eiienced by the general iirisoners.. Nine thousand were said to have died during that space of time. In one day in August no less than one hundred and sixty prisoners died, and the average was over a hundred- daily. From the 1st of February to the 16th of September twelve thon.sand federal sol- diers, prisoners of war, were carried from the prison to the dead man's trench and the- felon's buriiil. Many of the deaths were hastened by despondency. After an usual ex.- citement about exchange, expecting to be called out to be released at any moment, fol- lowed by disappointment, deaths were the mo.st frequent. Extreme heat, during July and August, was often followed by days dark with inter- mittent showers. On one occasion, during such a jieriod, the ground was rendered so- hot by the intense rays of the sun as to blister my feet by mere contact. This period, of heat was followed "by rain in such quantities as in a few hours to cause a freshet, AViiich swept away the stockade where the brook entered and left the prison, and also^ swept away portions on the northwest side by the tlowiug of the water down the hill- side. Wretched creatures all over the prison were crawling out of holes in the ground,, in whicli they had burrowed, half drowned with the water which had suddenly filled them. Canteens, plates, bits of wood, blankets, spoons, pails, and hats were swept away down the hill-side, the prisoners franticly rushing after their deserting goods and habi- tations. The only washing some of the poor fellows got was on such an occasion. It was curious to observe the ditierent manner in which various individuals accepted of such a dispensation. Some laughed, others swore and abused fate, many screamed and cried as if mad, while still others cronched in the rain, or saw the whole scene unmoved, as if gazing on a i)anorama witli which they had no c(nicern. I sat at such times crouch- ing in the rain, my body bent up in a manner to bring my knees, stomach, and head in close contact, between "which were folded and placed my jacket and ragged blank( t, my back exj)osed to the rain, forming a kind of roof to keep these valuables from the wet. But all in vain such an effort. ' The force of the rain running down the hill-side continually npset me, by undermining the sand beneath my feet, until at last losing my blanket and i)hilosophy, miserable and grotesque as others, I went rushing and pitch- ing after my tin pail and bhudvet, caught up and carried away by the torrent. Large forces were thrown out to protect the portions of stockade swept away by the- tlood, and keep the prisoners from desperate attempts at escape. All night under arms these forces were kept in jiosition in the rain until the stockade was repaired. Night and day artillery was manned, which commanded the broken portions of the stockade,, and evei'y precaution taken against the escape of prisoners. One great good resulted from tliis' freshet. On the hill-side where the stockade had been broken away, a spring was discovered, which supi)lie(l an abunilance of pure water to the prisoners, greatly in contrast Avith the filthy stream which had been our only supply during the summer. TESTIMONY OF DORENCE ATWATER. NUMBER OF DEATHS AT AXDEH.so.NVII.LE. Mr. Dorence Atwater, a witness examiiu'd by the coiniiiittee, and who had great oi)i)ovtunities of observation, havino' been detailed as an assistant in the hospital, and whose testimony is jtarticnlarly valuable, for the reason that he obtained a list of the Union dead who perished at Andersonville, gives us the following account: I went to Andersonville about the 23d of February, 18S4. On the banks of the stream on the eastern side of the stockade was the sink of the jirisoners. I have seen densa BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 76' clouds of vaporous sti^ucli arising from this liorrible })ool of staguatiou floatiug low upou the moist, rarified atmosphere, aud in its poisonous current a person would ahnost suf- focate at the distance of a mile. In this state of things it is no wonder that from an ordinary cut of a knife, the scratch of a pin, a common bruise, or auy cause, however trifling, which broke the skin, that gangrene ensued, and the unfortunate victim rotted by inches. The cook-house was built May, 1864, aud the rations then becanu^ much Avorse in (|uality, and smaller in quantity. Maggots were claimed as the most delicious part of the SOU}). Men used to draw soup in tlieir caps and shoes ; issues of food not regulated Ijy hours. I went into the hospital about the middle of May. It was then at the northeast corner of the stockade. Fine straw was the only bedding. Here Sergeant Donnelly starved to death. Hundreds of others died in the same way. Dnring the four weeks I was in the hospital twenty-seven men died in the tent with me where there were only eight patients at any one time. The ground was alive with vermin like an ant hill. In the latter part of May the hospital was removed from the stock- ade about half a mile to the southeast. I was detailed on the 1.5th. of June, 1864, by a Dr. White, aiul allowed the limits of a mile on parole, except in the dirc^ction of the stockade. I was jilaced in charge of the death register, to keei> the record of deaths of all prisoners of war. I remained in the surgeon's oftice over seven months. One hundre, I went to Richmond and reported directly to tlu^ secretary of war for duty. He gave mo instructions to report to General Winder. Umieral Winder iustructed" me to report at Andersonville: He stated that at that post there were three separate and dis- tinct departments ; one was known as the officer comnuiuding the troops, another as the ofiticer commanding the prison, the other as the officer eommandnig tlic post. He assigned mo to duty as the officer commanding the troops. I think tlicic was no prison officer there when I first went there. The first prison commander proper was Captain Wirz. He assumed control of the jirison the latter part of February, or some time in March, 1864. He earner direct from Richmond. My understanding was by order of Gen- eral Winder. I saw an official order to that effect. I received a connnunicatiou about the time Captain Wirz reached there ; whether he brought the comnuiuicatiou or not I do not know ; I received it by hand about the time he came. The connnunicatiou was from General Winder. * * * The letter merely stated that Captain Wirz was an old prison oflicer, a very reliable man, and capable of governing prisons, (that is about the substance of it,) and it wouiul up by saying that 1 could give him command, of the i)rison propei'. I5Y WHOM THK PKI.SOX WAS LOCATED. The prison was laid out by Captain W. Sidney Winder, l)y order of General W^iuder. The original capacity of the prison was for ten thousand ; so he told me. I reached there just before they completed the work on the prison ; they had one-half of a side to finish when I reached there. I suppose they haINU OF THE PKISOX' RESTS. That camp was a nuisance to all intents aiul purposes. Tlu^ first reason was that the dead W(>rc buried so near the surface of the ground that it gave out an intolerable stench. A swarm of green flies spread like locusts over that section of the country. Then the filth of the camp, arising from dift'erent causes, necessarily con- centrated there. That, with divers other causes, made it a terrible nuisance. I could not have had it otherwise if I had been in command there. If I had ordered it other- wise, I do not think the order could have been carried out, for this reason: when that prison was in its infancy, in its very inception, and when the officers were instructed not to build accomnu)dations for more than 10,000, there were 40,000 prisoners sent there. Captain "Wirz was not to be Idamcd for that. Tiie authorities were responsible for that ; I cannot say who. The great blunder on the j)art of the government was the concentration of so nuiny men at one place without preparations being made to receive them. The authorities were notified of the fact, but to no advantage. I think that some of the higher officials were responsible, but who they were I cannot say. I sent notifications through General Winder that the prison was worked beyoud its capacity ; that it was a vast, unwieldy thing, and to send no nu)rei)risoners; but they kept com- ing. After I left tlien>, there came over 40,000 ; no man on earth could have abatfnl the rigors of that i>rison except the man who wielded tiie power over them. I do not know that man. General Winder was in advance of me, and several others were In advance of liim. AVho was responsible. I cannot say. About that time an order was issued from the office of the adjutant anns made by Gt'neral Winder or any of liis snhorili nates for troops, to fm-iiish them fji'thwith. The order gave, him absolute supreme dominion and control over that thing. All oftieers in command of prisoners were to report to him, ami to take orders from him. I do not recollect the date of that order; it was about the last of summer. I saw the nanu> of (leu ral S. hooper, adjutant and inspector gcmeral, to the order. I studied it particularly because I comnumded an adjacent post, and I wanted to under- stand my duty. I do not know whether it sailace. I have snudt it at the depot at Andersonville, about a mile from the stockade. # # * f * The food funushed the i»risoners was very rough. I recollect one evening Avhen we were goiug on guard we were all stopped in front of the north gate of the stockade to divide the men off into separate reliefs ; a wagon load of peas, or beans as they call them, was going in and had stopped near us and they smelt so bad that the boys told the driver to move on. (;)n«' of the guard asked the black driver, " Tm-le, what are yoii going to do with those peas f " I am going to take them inside,'' said the num. " Hell !" said the guard, "no man can eat them, they stink too bad." The wagon drove off into tlie ])ris()n, the driver said, "perishing men will eat anything.'' The stream that jiassed through the stockade ran down between the first and second Georgia regiments and Furloir's l)attalion. I know where the bake-house was situated. All the wash- ings from it went right through the stockade, also the washings from th(> camp. The " pits " n.sed by the men were not live steps from the stream. I have passed them many times. I had means of observing from my sentry post the condition of the stit-am in- side the stockade. It was very muddy tor a length of tiiuo, aud it became more so after a while. Sonu'times when' it was rainy it was thick with mud aud tilth from the (hainings of the cami>. 1 liave seen several uhmi in the stocks. I have seen some fastened by their feet and lying exposed to the heat of tlu^ sun, and to tlie rain. I saw one man fastened by the lieck, and Avith his arms extended, who had no hat on. I do not know how long he was in there. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 81 This witness also testifies that he had seen several lots of men in the chain-gang, sometimes as many as twelve in number. Ambrose Spencer, of Americus, Georgia, residing, during the war, about nine miles from Anderson ville, was a witness on the Wirz trial. He testifies as follows : CONDITION OF THE PRISONERS IN THE STOCKADE. I visited Andersonville during its occupation as a prison very frequently. I have seen the prisoner, Captain Wirz, very frequently. I was there nearly every month, I think, during the time it was a prison. I doubt whether a month elapsed in which I was not there, while it was in its crowded condition — every month except, perhaps, during March, 1865. I was there in April, 1865. I was at Andersonville constantly ; nearly every month, as I ha^^e remarked. I had frequent opportunities of seeing the condition of the prisoners, not onlj- from the adjacent hills, but on several occasions from the out- side of the stockade where the sentinels' grounds were. I had opportunities of talking at diiferent times with the prisoners, not only at Andersonville, but after they escaped in several instances, when they came to my house. I cau only answer the question by saying that their condition was as wretched and as horrible as could well be conceived, not only from exposure to the sun, the inclemency of weather, and the cold of winter, but from the filth, from the absolute degradation which was evident in their condition. I have seen that stockade, after three or four days' rain, when the mud, I should say, was at least twelve inches deep on both the hills ; the prisoners were walking or wad- ing through that mud. The condition of the stockade perhaps can be expressed most aptly by saying that in i)assing up and down the raikoad, if the wind was favorable, the odor from the stockade could be detected at least two miles. THE NUMBER OF SAW AND GRIST MILLS NEAR ANDERSONVILLE. I believe I am familiar with the surrounding country. That section of southwestexn Georgia is well supplied with mills, both grist-mills, flour-mills, and saw-mills. Be- tween Andersonville and Albany (the distance by railroad being, I believe, fifty miles — there is railroad communication) there are five saw-mills. One of them, a large one, is owned by a gentleman named Drew. There are four others of considerable capacity ; there is one saw-mill at a distance of six miles from Andersonville, owned by Mr. Stewart, that goes by steam. There is another saw-mill about five miles from Ander- sonville that goes by water. There are saw-mills on the road above Andersonville. As for grist-mills, there are five in the neighborhood of Andersonville ; that farthest off being at a distance, I should think, not exceeding ten miles. There were two at Ameri- cus, the one farthest off being about twelve miles distant. Of these mills the water- mills are run nearly the entire year, except occasionally in the summer mouths ; in the months of July and August they may be temporarily suspended owing to the want of water, but not for any length of time. THE SUPPLY OF PROVISIONS IN GEORGIA IN 1864. It is a very heavily timbered country, especially in the region adjoining Anderson- ville ; it may be tei-med one of the most densely timbered countries in the United States. As for its fertility, southwestern Georgia, I believe, is termed the garden of America ; it was termed the garden of the confederacy, as having supplied the greater part of the provisions of the rebel army. Our section of Georgia, Sumter County, is perhaps not as rich as the counties immediately contiguous. The land is of a lighter quality, but still it produces heavily. I suppose that the average of that laud would be one bale of cotton to the acre ; the wheat would average about six bushels to the acre. The aver- age of corn throughout the county, I suppose, would be about eight bushels to the acre. I am stating the general average of the whole number of acres in the county. We have land in that county that will produce thirty-five bushels of corn to the acre. I am stating the general average. It struck me that there was an uncommon supply of vegetables in 1864. Heretofore, at the South, there has been but little attention paid to gardens on a large scale ; but last year a very large supply of vegetables was raised, as I understood, for the purpose of being disposed of at Andersonville. Indeed, there was not a day that passed when the trains were not loaded going from Americus up to Andersonville, with persons carrying vegetables there. I know that some oflicer at Andersonville (I cannot say who it was) had agents at Americus to purchase vegetables ; and large amounts of vegetables were sent up daily or weekly. THE SUPPLY OF LUMBER. I know of lumber having been used at Andersonville. I was there during June and July very frequently, at the time when Governor Brown had called out the militia of H. Eep. 45 6 82 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR the State. The militia of southwestern Georgia were stationed at Andersonville, and their tents were all tioored with good lumber, and a good many shelters of lumber were put u}) by thi^ soldiers. I noticed a good many tents that were protected from the sun by boards. There seemed to be no want of lumber at that time among the confederate soldiers. THE TEMPERATURE DURING THE SUMMER OF 1864 AND WINTER OF 1864-'65. I did not take regular thermometrical observations during the summer of 1864 and the winter of 1864-6.5 ; but I had a thermometer, and every day, sometimes two or three times a day, I exauiined it. I generally made it a rule to look at it when I got up in the morning, again about noon, and then in the evening. So far as I remember, the range of the thermometer duriug the summer of 1864 was very high. I think I have seen it as high as 110 degrees in the shade. Once, and only once, I put the thermome- ter out in the sun on an extremely hot day in June, 1864. It ranged then, if my memory serves me aright, 1'27 to 130 degrees that day. Last winter, according to my experience during more than tweuty-hve years residence in Georgia, was the coldest winter we have ever had there. I have seen the thermometer as low as 20 and 22 degrees above zero — from 8 to 10 degrees below the freezing point ; one night it was colder than that ; it was the night of the 4th of January. It is very distinctly impressed on my memory. During the night I was waked up by my wife, who told me that somebody was calling in front of my house. 1 opened the side window (it was excessively cold) and asked who was there. A voice replied, " A friend." I answered that I had no friends at that time of night, and very few anyhow in that country. He said that he was a friend of mine and wanted to come near the fence to sp<'ak to me. I told him my dog would bite him if he came to the fence ; he then approached and said he was an Andersonville prisoner, and asked me, calling me by name, if I lived there. I told him that I was the man and to wait a moment. I dressed myself, went out and chained my dog, and brought the prisoner in. He was nearly frozen ; he coidd hardly stand : he had on only one shoe, and that was a poor one, and had a stocking iipon the other foot. He was clad in the thin army tiannel of the United States, badly worn. He had on a pair of light blue pantaloons which were badly Avorn. This was on a Wednesday nuirning; and he told me that he had made his escape from Andersonville on the Saturday pre- vious ; that he had been apprehended and taken to Amei-icus, where he had made his escape from the guard the night before, and was directed to my house by a negro. I asked him if he was not nearly frozen; he said he was. I looked at the thermometer then and it was eighteen degrees above zero. This was about two o'clock in the morn- ing — between one and two o'clock. EFFORTS OF LADIES TO RENDER ASSISTANCE TO THE PRISONERS. I know that efforts were made by the ladies of my county to relieve the prisoners at Andersonville ; at one time a general eiibrt was made. All that I know is, that a gen- tleman named ^Ir. Davies, a Methodist presiding elder, exerted himself to induce the ladies to contrilmte clothing and provisions to the federal hosi)ital at Andersonville. A large amount of provisions was collected, some three or four wagon loads, if I am not mistaken, and sent up there. I believe that the ettbrt failed. First, the i)rovost mar- shal refused a pass to carry the provisions to the hospital; aud when application was made by Dr. Head, who acted as the spokesman for the ladies, to General Winder, it was positively refused to them. I had a conversation with General Winder three days afterward. The same matter then came up. General Winder stated, accom2>anied with an oath, that he believed the whole country was becoming "Yankee," and that he would be damned if he would not put a stop to it ; if he couldn't one way he would in another. I remarked that I did not think it was any evidence of "Yankee" or Union feeling to exhibit humauity. He said there was no humanity about it ; that it was in- tended as a slur upon the confederate government and a covert attack on him. I told him that I had understood it was done at his request ; that he had requested Mr. Davies to bring this thing altout. He said it was a damned lie ; that he had not requested any- thing ()f the kind ; that for his own part, he would as lief the damned Yankees would die there as anywhere else ; that, iipon the whole, he did not know that it was not better for them.' That was his language, or words to that effect. Captain Wirz was not present at that time. My wife was with me at the time. There were other ladies present, but 1 don't think I knew any of them. They were not part of the eommittcie. Question. In what way did General Winder speak of the ladies and their humane eft'ort? — Answer. He used the most opprobrious language that could i)ossib]y be used, language that no gentlem;in could listen to, especially in the presence of his wife, with- out resenting it in some way — language utterly unfit to be repeated in the jiresence of ladies. It was an intimation that he could very easily nuike loyal women of them by putting them in a certain condition that would bring them to it. I was present at a conversation the day after this connuittee of ladies failed. It was BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 83 at the (lej)ot at Andei'souville. The conversatiou vras principally carried on between the provost marshal, Captain Reed Q. Captain or Lieutenant Reed ? — A. I believe we used to call him captain. He might have been a lieutenant, x)robably. He was the only Reed there. Captain Wirz and R. B. Winder were present. There were three or four officials there ; I cannot recall any but those. Lieutenant Reed observed that if General Winder had done as he wanted, they might have made a good speculation out of the provisions and clothing that the ladies had brought ; that he proposed they should be confiscated, but the " Old General " would not do it. Wirz remarked that if he had his way he would have a house built there, and all the ladies should be put in it for certain purj)oses. That was a most scandalous, infamous i)urpose, which I do not wish to repeat. R. B. Winder's remarks were a general concurrence. I don't know that he said anything special that I can call to mind, any more than laughingly concurring in Avhat had been said. THE DOGS. I know Turner, who had the hounds, A'ery well ; his name was Wesley W. Turner. Q. What did you ever hear him say as to his duties there and what he was receiving ? — A. It was some time in the early part of 1864 — March or April, I think. He had pur- chased a i)iece of laud up in tlie same district in which my place is. I met him one day in Americus and asked him if he was going to settle that laud. He said ho was not : that he was making more money now than anybody in that country. I inquired how he was making it. He said tlie confederate government was paying him for keeping hounds to catch escaped prisoners. I asked him if he got his pay from Richmond. He said no, he did not trouble Richmond ; that " Old Captain Wirz " was his paymaster. I asked him how miich he received; my impression is that he did not tell me what he re- ceived. He told me that he Avas making more money than anybody else in that country ; better than cultivating ground. That was eai'ly in the history of that prison, I think during March or April. It was Avbile he was there on duty ; he told me that he then had a pack of hounds and was employed there. GENERAL WINDER AND SONS — THEIR ANIMOSITY TOWARD THE PRISONERS. I know W. S. Winder — " Sid. Winder," as he is called. I saw him at the time he was laying out the prison. Between the 1st and 15th of December, 1863, I went up to Andersouville with him and four or five other gentlemen, out ol^ curiosity to see how the prison was to be laid out. When we arrived there the limits of the prison had all been marked. They were then digging a trench to put the stockade posts in. Work- men were busy cutting down trees in and around where the stockade was. In the course of conversatiou I inquired of W. S. Winder if it was proposed to erect barracks or shelter of any kind inside the stockade. * * j ;lyl^^^.(| i,jj|i jf jjg ^r.|g going to erect barracks of any kind. He replied that he was not ; that tli(> danmed Yankees v/ho would be put in there would have no need of them. I asked him why he was cutting- down all the trees, and suggested that they would prove a shelter to the prisoners, from the heat of the sun at least. He made this reply, or something similar to it : " That is just what I am going to do ; I am going to build a pen here that will kill more damned Yankees than can be destroyed in the front." Those are very nearly his words, or equivalent to them. That was before a stockade was erected in the trench. Captain R. B. Winder came there to the post ten or fifteen days after that — I suppose about ten days. There was nothing said at that time as to who ordered W. S. Winder there to lay out the prison. I had frequent conversations with General Winder. I used to meet him very frequently, either in Americus or going up the railroad. I saw him a good many times at Andersonville. Q. What was the general temper and spirit of his talk with regard to those prison- ers ? — A. The opinion that I formed of him was anything but creditable to his feeling, his humanity, or his gentlemanly bearing. I am not aware that I ever had a conversa- tion with General Winder in which he did not curse more or less, especially if the sub- ject of Andersonville was brought up. I can only reply to your question by saying that I considered him a brutal man. That I drew from his conversation and conduct as I observed them. I looked upon him as a man utterlj' devoid of all kindly feeling and sentiment. THE CONDITION OF THE PRISONERS GENERALLY KNOWN IN THE SOUTH. Q. How generally, so far as you observed, were the sufferings and horrors of the Andersonville pen known throughout the South ? — A. So far as my knowledge and in- formation went, the knowledge of those suft'erings was general ; it was so, at least, throughout the southern part of the Soiithern States ; I cannot speak specially in regard to the neighborhood of Richmond. Tlie matter was discussed in the newspapers con- stantly, and discussed in private circles. Perhaps I might have heard more of it than 84 TEEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR most, because it dwelt more on my mind ; but it was a general subject of convereation throughout the entire southern part of the confederacy. THE NUMBER OF SAW AND GRIST MILLS NEAR ANDERSONVILLE. I saw a portion of those crops carried to the mill ; it is impossible for me to say what portion. Wlieuever I had occasion to go to the mill myself, or to pass by a mill, I con- stantly saw a large number of wagons there. Two grist-mills I did go to frequently — one of them a third of a mile from my plantation. The mill was owned by Dr. R. C. Black. At i)resent there are three run of stone in it. There was only one run of stone then. There were two ruu of stone in the other mill. Q. Did you ever see anything there more than what are kuown as family grists ? — A. Yes, sir. I have seen the upper and lower stories of the mills packed with wheat and corn — so full that it was difficult to get about. I could not say to whom the grain belonged. I am certain it did not belong to the confederate government; from a con- versation I had with the owner of the mill, I think it belonged to the planters and farmers in the neighborhood. I used generally to ride over to that mill, I sujipose every two months ; sometimes I would go oftener for the purpose of fishing. The time I saw it so full was from the time the wheat was harvested and got out, whicli was in tlie early part of June, up to September. I saw it more or less packed during those mouths ; at times I saw it packed as I have stated; at other times there was a less quantity there. At the time I saw the mill packed as I have testified, I expect it was principally in the months of July and August. I saw it so packed two or three times ; ijerhaps three or four times. Q. You were there very frequently I — A. That depended on the state of the fish pond ; that induced me to go there and fish. The second mill was owned by a Mr. Davidson. It was six miles from my jilace. It is a little over five miles from the first one I have mentioned. The nearest grist-mill to Andersonville is about five miles south of it, perhaps not as much as five miles ; I believe it is considered a pretty large mill. I think it had two run of stone. In 1864, I think, there were two. It is a water-mill. Then going down, there are two mills in Americus. I have not described these two mills. There are two ruu of stones in the one, and I thiuk but one ruu of stone in the other. They were the same in 1864. A gentleman by the name of Daniels owns one, and in 1864 a man by the name of Hayes owned the other. I have already described the other two spoken of Those are all I know of. Those were all there in 1864. There are six mills ; there is another one about a mile from Mr. Davidson's mill, and it is owned by a man by the name of Cheeves. It has two run of stone. That is all I know of in that country. Four of those mills are turned by water. The other two are turned by steam. I do not think I know the name of the stream that the one nearest to Ander- sonville is located on, unless it may be called the " Sweet Water." I will not be positive that it is. The one near my place is called the " Muckalooche," and Davidson's mill and Cheeve's mill are on the same stream. I believe I can say that those four mills ran all the time in the summer of 1864, by water ; there might have been a stoppage for a day or two ; I do not think there was a stoppage for two days continuously. They, perhaps, held up the grinding somewhat in order to let the water accumulate, but I thiuk the mills were running all the time. I kuow of four or five saw-mills in that vicinity. There is one located about five or six miles below Andersonville, on the railroad. Three of them run by water. There are six saw-mills that I know of. I cannot say that I visited them during the summer of 1864 ; I have passed by all of them frequently. Q. Do you not know that they did not run at all hardly during the summer of 1864 ? — A. No ; I did not kuow anything of the kind. I know they did run during the sum- mer of 1864. It is more than I can say, if they run all the time. I have seen lumber there. I have seen large quantities of lumber at the difi"erent mills ; for instance, at Drew's mill, a very large steam-mill, I have constantly seen the railroad on each side of it Uued with lumber. I do not kuow whom that lumber belonged to; at the mill five or six miles below Andersonville, I had seen a great deal of lumber in the summer of 1864. I do not know that the confederate government pressed that lumber. Q. You do not know that they did not do it ? — A. AVell, sometimes it is easy for a man to know a negative, but in this case I do not know it. ARCHIBALD bogle's TESTIMONY. This witness says : I am major of the Twelfth United States colored troops. I was a prisoner at Ander- Bonville. I was captured at Ocean Poud, Florida, on the "iOth of February, 1864. I was captured while in command of my regiment, which was styled at that time the First North Carolina volunteers. I was taken to Aiidersouville ; arriving there about the 14th of March. I stopped in the stockade at Andersonville until the 16th or 17th of BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 85 June, when I was sent to the hospital. Previously to that I had been refused admit- tance into the hospital, and had been refused all medical attendance. I was very severely wounded. I received a flesh wound in the body, and a very severe wound in the lower jtart of the right leg, fracturing both bones. On arriving at the hospital I was in a very reduced state from the effects of my wounds, and from exposure and starvation, and from several other causes. My wound was in a very bad state ; it was full of gangrene at the time. On the 14th of March, 1864, I came into the stockade, feeling very faint. I heard there was a hospital inside the stockade, and I got some men to help me up there. I was on crutches at the time. I went in, and one of our own men, who was acting hospital steward, commenced to bind up my leg, and was binding it when Surgeon White came in and ordered him to desist, saying at the same time, " Send him out there with his niggers," or something to that effect, and using an oath at the same time. I said nothing, but merely looked at him. The hospital steward finished the dressing of my leg, and it was cared for by onr own men afterward. I was in full uniform then, as I am now. At the time I was captured I had on sword, sash, and belt. About the latter part of April, I should judge, I went up to the hospital, which was in the stockade at that time, and while there the hospital steward, Robin- son, who was the right-hand man of Dr. White, came in and asked me if I was the major of a negro regiment; I told him I was an officer in the United States military service. He asked me what regiment, and I told him. He said, " You are the man. Now I want you to go out of this." I asked him who he was, and he told me that was none of my business. He went out himself. I stopped there. I did not consider that he had any right to order me out, so I stopped there. A little while afterward Mr. Burns, one of our own men, who was acting as hospital steward, came in and said to me, " This man Robinson says that if I do not persuade you to go out, he will ball and chain you." Under those circumstances I went out. I afterward learned, however, that the language he used to Burns Avas, that if I did not go out he would shoot me, and ball and chain him. Robinson was a confederate hospital steward ; I think he was the chief steward of the post. OFFICERS OF THE UNITED STATES COLORED TROOPS REFUSED RECOGNITION AS OFFICERS. While I was there I demanded to have my rank recognized. I made several demands. I was used in every respect the same as private soldiers, only worse. I made a demand on Colonel Persons when I was in the stockade ; I think so, but I will not state posi- tively. However, after I was refused treatment in the hospital in June or July, I made two demands on Captain Wirz. The first time he said he would see me about it. This was about October, 1864. The next demand I made, he sent in after me and I went out and saw him. A day or two afterward he sent mo with a letter, under charge of an officer, to see General Winder. Captain Wirz said that he could not do anything, as he was merely a subordinate under General Winder. When I got to Milieu an officer came to me and got my name, rank, and regiment. The officer commanding at Milieu, Captain Bowles, put me in the stockade again, and refused to put my name on the register, saying at the same time that I should never be exchanged. I left Auderson- ville on the 18th of November, I believe. I saw Captain Wirz frequently while I was there. He saw me frequently. I was dressed in uniform. TESTIMONY OF BOSTON CORBETT. This witness arrived at Andersonville in July, 1864. He says : Before we entered the stockade we remained in front of the headquarters for some time, to be told off in detachments numbering two hundred and seventy, divided into nineties ; while there I was excessively thirsty, and asked a man who was there near Captain Wirz's headquarters (in some small tents) for a drink of water ; the reply was that he dare not give it to me ; he was not a guard ; he was one of our own prisoners ; there were a good many of them outside, on their parole of honor. After entering the stockade, I found nine men of my own company there, who had been taken to that place some three and a half months previously ; eight of them were inside, aud one had been taken to the hospital outside ; I did not see him, but knew of his being there ; within two months' time six out of those nine men died ; and before I left the stockade, out of fourteen, including five who were cajitured with me, there were twelve dead ; but two of us returned alive. The prison was very horrible, on account of the filthy condition of it ; the swamp which runs on each side of the small stream that runs through the stockade was so offensive, and the stench from it was so great, that I remember the first time I went down there I wondered that every man in the place did not die from the effects of the stench, and I believe that that was the cause of the death of a great many of our men ; it was a living mass of putrefaction and filth ; there were maggots there a foot deep or more ; any time we turned over the soil we could see the maggots in a living mass ; the soldiers were not compelled in all cases to wad« 86 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR through it to get to tlie stream ; in some cases I have seen them wading througli it digging for roots. Having no fuel allowed to \is for a considerable length of time we were obliged to go there for the purpose of digging for roots; those roots, in one day's exposnre to the snu, became thoroughly dried, and the next day we could use them for fuel ; this was necessary because they did not furnish us with the necessary wood for cookiug i)urposes. In September or October, a large number of men were taken from the stockade to work outside, perhaps two or three hundred or more; they worked upon ;i building southward from the stockade outside of it ; what the building was for I cannot say, although it was said it was to be a hospital ; but I know very well if the same number of men had been employed in procuring wood outside they might have built (quarters inside to protect us fi-om the weather ; it was the night rains which brought on sickness ; we had no protection from the rain or the sun ; I was willing to go outside and work ; I would have been glad of the chance ; that was the general feeling among all the prisoners ; I know it was the general desire to go out ; we had no opportunity to talk with Captain Wirz about it. CONDITION OF THE SICK IN THE STOCKADE. I have seen around the swamp the sick in great numbers, lying in a line pretty much as soldiers lie when they lie down to rest in line after a march. Going down in the morning to the stream for water, I could see here and there those who had died during the night, and in tlie daytime I could see them exposed to the heat of the sun, with their feet swelled to an enormous size, and in many cases large gangrenous sores, with- out bandages to cover them, and the sores filled with maggots and flies, which they were unable to keep off. I have seen men lying there in a state of utter destitution, not able to help themselves, lying in their own filth. They generally chose that place — those who Avere most oftensive — because others Avould drive them away, not Avanting to be near those who had sores. Others chose it because of its being so near to the sinks. That was the place where the worst cases generally were. In one case a man died there, I am satisfied, from the effects of lice. When the clothes Avere taken off his body the lice seemed as thick as the garment — a living mass. Our food Avas very insufficient. Even when a sergeant of a detachment received his double ration, it Avas not enough for him. A sergeant in charge of ninety men received a double ration for his trouble in calling the roll, reporting the sick, &c. During the first month of my imprisonment there the sick Avere reported, and in some cases they received medicine. During the latter part of my imprisonment they received no medicine Avliatever. I believe no medicine Avas given iuside the stockade during the last six Aveeks or tAvo months ; during that time I myself was very sick. The doctor would come around and look at us at times. The only thing he ever gave us in the Avay of medicine Avas some sour meal-Avater. Twice they gave me that as belonging to the scurvy patients. They called it vinegar. It was merely water laid upon sour meal. Our own men made a better article inside the stockade^ which they called sour beer. The sick Avere carried to the south gate at roll-call, and those Avho could get carried out Avere carried out. There was a second inclosure inside the hospital — a Avooden railing with guards to keep the men from going beyond the line. There the sick would be laid. There were six detachments assigned to one doctor's care, and the sergeant Avould have to see that the nu>n Avere in their oAvn places. The doctor Avould examine them, and Avould select one or tAvo of the very worst cases to be sent to the hospital, Avhen there Avould be perhaps twenty or thirty sick men in the detachment, so that the number that got to the hospital Avas very few in comparison Avith the number of those that were carried there awaiting to be taken out. I had myself to carry out one of my comrades three times. The fourth time he Avas taken to the hospital, and he died a short time afterward. In some cases men died Avhile waiting at the gate to be carried out. I have seen them dead there myself. The greater part of the time the four men who Avere assigned to that Avork by the ser- geant of the detachment Avonld carry them out, and in return for carrying them out, they Avere allowed to gather Avood outside the stockade, Avhich they Avonld bring in. Every man bringing in an armful of wood might sell it if he chose ; and he Avonld gen- erally sell it to other prisoners for about a dollar. The men got so hardened to death, being so familiar with it, and seeing it so constantly before their eyes, that I have often heard those who could not get a chance to carry out a dead man, say to those who did, " That is right ; trade him oft' for good Avood." If those things are not horrible, I do not know what is. I have stated that the condition of the place was horrible ; I have seen these things. Scurvy Avas a very general disease there ; there were hundreds of cases all around. It afflicted me by swelling my feet and legs very much, contracting the cords of my legs so that it Avas crooked so I could not straighten it; I had to limp in Avalking. Others Avere ranch Av^orse, and had to crawl on the ground or walk on crutches. The gums Avould get exceedingly sore ; the teeth Avould become loose and Avould frequently come out. In addition to that there Avould be a growth of raAV flesh on the gums, both inside and out. In one case, a coiurade belong- fng to my comi)auy had such flesh grow from each side of the mouth until it formed a BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 87 secoml growth, making it inipossilile for him to eat such coarse food as the corn bread that we received, or anything of that nature. My gums frequently bleed still. Very many were afflicted in that way. There were some barrack buildings put up at one end of the stockade, sort of shed-barracks, not inclosed on the side. The sick were gathered there as an inside hospital. I think there were upward of a thousand patients there at the time. As I went there from day to day, I found that for two days they had received nothing in the way of nourishment or as rations, except boiled beans and molasses, which caused the death of a great many. Eacli morning there were cords of them laid out in front of this building, dead. I noticed tliat whenever we had an extra cold night the number of dead laid out in front of those sheds would be very large. I mean that if they were piled up like wood they would make several cords. One morning I noticed the body of one dead man which was so very olfensive that I had to step aside and go away. TESTIMONY OF REV. WILLIAM JOHN HAMILTON. The Rev. William John HcTiniltou was also exaxniued on the Wirz trial, and testified as follows : I am pastor of the Catholic church in Macon, Georgia. I visited Andcrsouville three times. It was one of the missions attached to my church. I went there, I think, in the month of May, 1864, and spent a day there. The following week I went and spent three days there among the prisoners, and then returned and wrote a report on the condition of the hospital and stockade to my bishop, in order that he might send the requisite number of priests to visit the prisoners there; and I visited it again after the prisoners had been removed from Andersonville to Thouiasville. I do not remember the month that occurred. It was in the beginning of this year, in the mouth of February or March, 1865. Question. State to the court in what coiulition you found the stockade when you first visited it, and subsecpiently, and all the time while yoti were there. — Answer. The first time I visited the stockade I only had about three or four hours to spend there. I merely Avent to see what the condition of the ]dace was. My principal object was to find out, if possible, the number of Catholics who were prisoners there, in order that we might induce the bishop to send a sufficient number of priests. I did not pay much attention to what I saw or heard there then. The following week I returned and spent three days. I visited the stockade and the hospital, dischai'ging my duties as a priest of the C!atholic church. On this my second visit to the stockade, I found, I think, about 23,000 prisoners there ; at least the prisoners themselves told me there Avere that number. I found the place extremely crowded, Avith a great deal of sick- ness and suffering among the men. I Avas kept so busy administering the sacrament to tlie dying that I had to curtail a great deal of the serAice that Catholic jiriests administer to the dying, for the reason they were so numerous — they died so fast. I Avaited only upon tliose of my own church ; they were the only persons Avho demanded my ministrations. AVhen I speak of the number dying, I mean among those of my OAvn church, and do not include others. Q. Give the court some idea of the condition of the stockade. — A. I found the stock- ade extremely filthy ; the men all liiuldled together, and covered Avith vermin. The best idea I can give the court of the condition of the place is, perhaps, this : I Avcnt in there with a AA'hite linen coat on, and I had not been in there more than ten minutes or a quarter of an hour when a gentleman drew my attention to the condition of my coat. It Avas all coA^ered OA^er Avith A-ermin, and I had to take my coat off andleaAC it with one of the guards and perform my duties in my shirt-slecA'es, the place Avas so filthy. Q. State to the court any particular case Avliich came under your notice that Avould help to illustrate the condition of things there. — A. That is about the only idea I can give of the stockade. Q. State any particular case you observed shoAving the destitution of the prisoners. — A. The first jjerson I couA'ersed Avith on entering the stockade Avas a countryman of mine, a member of the Catholic church, aa'Iio recognized me as a clergyman. I think his name Avas Farrell. He was from the noi-th of Ireland. He came over toAvard me and in- troduced himself. He Avas quite a boy ; I do not think, judging from his appearance, that he could have been more than sixteen years old. I found him Avithout a hat, and without any covering on his feet, and without jacket or coat. He told me that his shoes had been taken from him on the battle-field. I found the boy suffering A'ery much from a wound on his right foot ; in fact, the foot Avas split open like an oyster, and on inquiring the cause they told me it Avas from exposure to the sun in the stockade, and not from any wound received in battle. I took off my boots and gave him a pair of socks to cover his feet, and told him I would bring him some clothing, as I expected to return to AndersouAille the foUoAving Aveek. I had to return to Macon to get an- other xiriest to take my place on Sunday. When I returned the folloAviug Aveek, on in- 88 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR quirinjr for this mau Farrell, his companions toUl nie he had stepped across the dead" line and requested the guards to shoot him. He was uot insane at the time I was con- versinji' with liim. It was three or four days after that when I was askinj>- for him- I tliiuk it was the hitter part of May, 1864. To tlie best of my recollection his name was Farrell. I do uot know to what eomjtany or regiment he be- longed ; I did not ask him. When I speak of adniiuisti'ring the sacrament of the church to those dying, I refer to those in the sto^'kade and in the hospital also — in both jdaces. I spent two days in the stockade and one in the hospital during my sec- ond visit to Andersonville. This case that 1 have spokiMi of occurred in the stockade. He had no medical treatment at all; none of those who died in there, and to whoni I ad- ministered the sacrament, received any medical treatnuMit at all, as far as I could see. When I went in the liospital I found it almost as crowded as the stockade Avas ; the men were dying there very rapidly, from scurvy, diarrhea, and dysentery ; and, as far as I could observe, I could not see that they received any medical treatment whatso- ever, or received any nu>dicines at all. Q. How were they situated as to beds or bedding? — A. They were all intents; the liospital was composed of tents arranged in avenues, and I did not see that they had anything uuder them at all except the ground; in some cases I think that they had dried leaves that they had gathered together. In my ministration Avhile at the hospi- tal I saw one surgeon there, the surgeon in charge thei'e at that time, Dr. White. Q. State the circumstances. — A. I was attending an Irishman, I think, by the name of Connor, who was captured at the night assault made on Fort Sumter; at least I think he told me so. He was captured in Charleston harbor, and he was in the last stage of dysentery. He was so bad that I had to hear his confession and give hini the rites of the church sitting ui)on a stool. While I was hearing the man's confession, Surgeon White passed through the hospital, and seeing me whispering to the i)risoner and not knowing, I suppose, who I was, ordered the guard to bring me up to his quar- ters under arrest. I Aveut up there and he apologized for having done so; he having in the mean time inquired of Captain Wirz who I was, and the captain having told him that he had given me the necessary pass. I conversed with Dr. White with regard to the condition of the men, and he told me it was not in his power to do anything for them ; that he had no medicine and could not get any, and that he was doing everj-- thing in his power to help them. That was the only tinu> I ever met a surgeon there. Captain Wirz gave me the pass. I first called upon Colonel Persons, who was the offi- cer in command at Andersonville, and he referred me to Captain Wirz, and Captain Wirz gave me a pass and gave me every facility in his power to visit those men. He walked down to the stockade with me and showed me the entrance. That pass held good only for that day. That was the first day I went there. It was renewed after- ward by Captain Wirz. It continued for the three days I was there. I did not have it renewed afterward. I did not visit Andersonville again until the prisoners had been removed to Thomasville. That was the beginning of this year. Q. What did you observe with regard t«) shelter in the stockade and the sufferingof the men from heat there ? — A. When I visited the stockade there was no shelter at all, so far as I conld see, except that some of the men who had their blankets there had put them nj) on little bits of roots that they had abstracted from the ground ; but I could not see any tents or shelter of any other kind. I got the names of several prisoners who had relatives living in the south and wrote to their friends when I returned to Macon, and I had some tents introduced there ; they were sent down, and the men receivid them. , Q. Can you illustrate to the court the condition of the prison, by stating any instance where you tried to make your way through the crowd to a prisoner who was dying? — A. Yes, sir ; during my second visit to the prison, I was told that there was an Irish- man over at the extreme end of the stockade who was calling out for a priest. I sup- pose he had heard that I had visited the prison the day befiire, and he was very anxious to see a priest, and was calling for omi all over the stockade. There is a branch that runs right in the center of the stockade, and I tried to cross the branch, but was unable to do so as the men were crowding around there trying to get into the water to cool themselves, and wash themselves. I could not get over the branch, and had to leave the stockade without seeing the man. The heat there was intolerable ; there was no air at all in the stockade. The logs of which the stf)ckadewas composed wore so close together that I could uot feel any fresh air inside; and with a strong sun beaming down on it and no shelter at all, of course the heat must have been insufferable ; at least I felt it so. Q. How did it aftect the priests on duty there ? — A. The i)riests who went there after me, while administering the sacrament to the dying, had to use an umbrella, the heat was so intense. Some of them broke down iu consequence of their services there. In the month of August, I think, we had three priests there constantly. We had a priest from Mobile who spoke three or four languages, inasnnich as you could find every nationality inside the stockade, and two from Savannah, ami we had one from Augusta BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 89 at another time. One of the priests from Savannah came to Macon, where I reside, completely jirostrated , and was siek at my house for several days. There were saw-mills in that vicinity along the railroad. I do not remember if they were near to Andersonville. I used to visit Albany, which I suppose i.s thirty or forty miles below Andersonville, once everj- month. It was my duty to go there that often, and I used to see saw-mills along the railroad in operation. I have heard that the pris^jners jjroposed to cut wood for themselves. I have heard piisoners saj- so them- selves. I did not keep an account of the dying men I used to attend per day to admin- ister the last sacrament, but judging trom the hours I was engaged and wliat I know U) be the length of the service, I suppose I must have attended from twenty to thirty every day; sometimes more and sometimes less. That was about the average number, between twentj' and thirty. Q. Can you speak more i)articularly as to the bodily condition of those inside the stockade, their clothing and the appearance of the men ? — A. Well, as I said before, when I went there I was kept so busily engaged in giving the sacrament to the dying men that I could not observe much ; but of course I could not keejj my eyes closed as to what I saw there. I saw a great many men perfectly naked, walking about through the stockade perfectly nude ; tliey seemed to have lost all regard for delicacy, shame, morality, or anything else. I would fretiuently have to creep on my hands and knees into the hobs that the men had burrowed in the ground and stretch myself out along- side of them to hear their confessions. I found them almost living in vermin in those holes; they could not be in any other condition but a filthy one, becau.se they got no Sfjaj) and no change of clothing, and were there all huddled up together. I never at anjtime counted the number of dead bodies being taken out of the stockade in the morning. I have never seen any dead carried out of the stockade. I have seen dead bodies in the hosjiital in the morning. In the case of the man in the hospital of whom I was speaking awhile ago, after I had heard his confession, and before I gave him the last rites of the church sacramen*: in "extreme unction," as we call it, I saw them i)lacing the night guards in the hospital, and knew that I would not be able to get out after that. I told him that I would return in the morning and give him the other rites of the church, if he .still lived. I was in there early the next morning, and in going down one of the avenues I counted from forty to sixty dead bodies of those who had died during the night in the hosjjital. I had never seen any dead bodies in the stockade. I have seen a i)erson in the hospital in a nude condition, jterfectly naked. They were not onlj' covered with the ordinary vermin, but with maggots. They had involuntary evacuations, and there were no jiersons to look after them. The uur.ses did not .seem to pay any attention whatever, and in consequence of being allowed to lie in their own filth for some hours, vermin of every description had got on them which they were unable to keep oft" them. This was in the latter part of May. I never noticed in the stockade the men digging in the ground, and standing in the sand to pro- tect themselves from the sun. I did not see any instance of that kind. I have seen them making little places from a foot to a foot and a half deejj, and stretching their blankets right over them. I have crawled into such jdaces frequently to hear the con- fessions of the dying. They would hold from one to two; sometimes a prisoner would share his blanket with another and allow, him to get under shelter. THE REBEL AUTHORITIES ADVISED OF THE CONDITIOX OF THE PRLSOXERS. When I returned from the stockade after my second visit to it, at the latter end of May, I represented these things to General Cobb. I wrote to our bishop and told him that these men were dying in large numbers ; that there were many Catholics there, and that they required the services of a priest, and he sent up Father Whelan. Father Wlielan expressed a desire to see General Cobb before he went down to the stockade. I called upon General Cobb and told him that I had been there, and gave him a descrip- tion of the place as well as I could, and he asked me what I would recommend to be done, as he intended to Avrite to Richmond with regard to the condition of that place. After I found out from his converaation that nothiny more eonld he done for the hodlly cf)m- fort of the men, owUuj to the stringency of the blockade, and so forth, I adrised him to parole those men upon their own word of honor, and take them down, to Jacksonville, Florida, and turn them into the federal lines. Whether that recommendation was acted on or not I do not know ; he asked my ojiinion and I gave it. At that time, when I told him of the condition in which I found things there, it was known to the whole country, for it was published in the newspapers in the south. I do not know about its being common talk and rumor throughout the confederacy. I am only speaking about Macon and southwestern Georgia. The whole of southwestern Georgia is included in my mi-ssion, and I know that the condition of the prison was well known in Macon and throughout southwestern Georgia. I do not remenil)er that I made any suggestion with regard to shelter at the time I had this conversation with General Cobb ; it is very i^robable that I did. I cannot recollect whether he said anything about it or not. Q. Do you remember whether he stated that he had written to Richmond or that ho 90 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR was about to write to Riclinioud, to represent the conditiou of things at Anderson villt- ? — ■ A. When he asked me to give him a description of the condition of the place, he remarked, I think, that he was going to write and wished to have some information from me ou the point. He remarked also tliat he would like mo to give liim a descrip- tion, because he knew the relations that existed between the Catholic priest and the members of his church, and that they would be more unreserved in communicating with me than with others. CAPTAIN WILSON FRENCH'S TESTIMONY. This witness testifiecl as follows : I was lately a captain of the Seventeenth Connecticut volunteers. I was captured February 5, 1865, in the southern part of Florida, and was taken to Audersonville, ar- riving there about the middle of February, 1865. I was confined in Castle Reed with sixty-four other officers. It was a short distance from the stockade. It was not within the main stockade ; it was a building formerly used for a guard-house, as I un- derstood. The quality of the rations served out was very poor, and the quantity was not sufficient to sustain life. The rations for an officer for one day were less than two- thirds of a pint of corn meal, about the same quantity of peas, and from two to three ounces of salt meat after the bone was taken out, and perhaps a half a gill of sorghum. That composed a day's rations. When the meal was sifted there was less than half a pint of it, and less than half a pint of peas after the dirt was taken out ; we did not pretend to take out the wormy ones — we cooked those, we merely took out the dirt and gravel. Had we not been allowed to buy provisions we would have starved there. We were allowed to buy provisions. We never had any difficulty in getting vegetables ; we used to buy almost anything that we wanted of the sergeant who called the roll mornings and nights. His name was Smith, I think ; he was Captain Wirz/s chief ser- geant. We were divided into messes, eight in each mess ; my mess used to buy from two to four bushels of sweet potatoes a week, at the rate of fifteen dollars confederate money per bushel ; turnips we bought at twenty dollars a bushel. We had to buy our own soap for washing our own persons and clothing ; we bought meat and eggs and biscuit. There seemed to be an abundance of those things ; they were in the market constantly. That sergeant used to come down with a wagon-load of potatoes at a time, bringing twenty or twenty iive bushels at a load sometiiaes. I mean to say that if we had not had the privilege of buying what we needed, Ave should have starved. The quantity and quality of rations furnished us were not sufficient to sustain life, in my opinion. Cross-examined by counsel : I remained at Audersonville about five weeks. Our quarters were very poor ; the building in which we were confined was about sixty feet long, and twenty-five feet wide, and there were sixty-four officers confined in it ; so you can imagine that we were pretty closely packed together. We had to do our own cooking in the building, and when first I went there we were not allowed to go outside unless to go to the sink. W^e had no yard to go into at all. We did not see many of the confederate officers ex- cei)t the sergeant ; he threatened sometimes to put lis in the stocks. They were giving us from thirteen to fifteen dollars in confederate money for one in greenbacks, and the latter part of the time they gave us twenty dollars for one. A bushel of vegetables, for which was paid twenty dollars, could have been purchased for a one-dollar green- back — for less than a one-dollar greenback. According to my ohservatio)i, irroduce raised in the southern States was cheaper than thai of the North, considering the price of gold. PHILIP CUSHMYER'S TESTIMONY. This witness says: For the last four years I was detective officer under General Winder. I was with General Winder from the time he commenced his duties as provost marshal until he died. I was his special confidential detective. Well, my duties were, any important matters such as detectives have to attend to I attended to for him, such as examining prisoners and making reports upon them, aud matters of that sort. I was admitted into his family also. The relations existing hetwecn him and Mr. Jefferson Davis were vevi/ friendhj indeed, rcrg confidential. I often heard General Winder say so. I often saw him go there and come from there. I remember when an effort was made by Generals Bragg and Ransom to have him removed, Mr. Davis — President Davis — was his special friend then. When the order relieving General Winder came from the war deiiartment he took it and went up to Mr. Davis. The order was relieving him from duty in Richmond. He took it and went over and saw President Davis, and he indorsed on it, as well as I can recollect, " that it was entirely unnecessary and uncalled for." After that General Winder was sent to Goldsboro, North Carolina, BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 91 to take the field ; lie was there a week or two, and an order then came for him to go to Andersonville and take command there. His powers were not extended for some months after that. They were then. They made him commissioner general, commissary general of prisoners. They called him connnissioner general. I still continued with him till he died in my tent at Florence, Sonth Carolina. As well as I can recollect, the order sending W. S. Winder to AudersonviHe to lay out the prison came from the war department. General Winder desired to send him, and the war de- partment sanctioned it. I saw the son go with the general down to the war depart- ment and come from there. Cross-examined by counsel : Q. Where did that order come from for W. S. Winder to go? — A. As well as I can recollect, General Winder proposed to send him. I did not read the order; I saw the l^aper. I do not know anything about what was in it ; only from what I heard the general and Captain Winder say. They were discussing it. I don't know who signed the order; I don't know anything about that. I think, if I am not mistaken, Mr. Sed- don was secretary of war then. I don't know what month it was in ; I can't remem- ber. At that time I was in General Winder's office. That office was at the corner of Tenth and Broad streets, in Richmond. General Winder went to Andersonville in the latter part of June or the early part of July, 1864 ; I forget which. I understand, when I was asked about the order, that it was the order to lay out the prison referred to. His son went there long before General Winder went. William S. Winder and he had a conference with the general before he went there. I remained with the general all the time. I know nothing about the laying out of that prison, only what I heard the general and his son say previous to his starting. MEDICAL TESTIMONY FROM REBEL SOURCES. The following medical testimony from rebel sources is also extracted from the record of the Wirz trial : Dr. G. S. Hopkins : I reside in Thomasville, Georgia, about one hundred or one hundred and ten miles from Andersonville. I have resided in the South during the rebellion. I was at Ander- sonville during the summer of 1864. In July, 1864, an order was issued by the governor of tlie State of Georgia putting the physicians into the militia service. He claimed that they were liable to the militia service, though exempt by confederate law. I went to Macon then and had my choice either to go into the medical department or to go into the trenches. I did not feel able to shoulder the musket. I was assigned to duty at Andersonville, and ordered to report to Chief Surgeon White on the 2"2d of July, 1864. I remained there until September 8, when I was ordered to report to the commanding officer at Camp Lawton, the new prison at Milieu. I graduated as a physician in March, 1845. Du. Hopkins's report of the condition of the hospital and prison ; the cause;s OF diseases, and the changes necessary to secure the hejVlth of the prisoners. On or about the 28th of July, 1864, I was sent for by General Winder to come to his headquarters. I there received orders to make a thorough inspection of the federal prison and hospital at that place, and report, if I possibly could, the causes of disease and mortality among tlie federal prisoners, and to 'make such suggestions as I deemed necessary to prevent further sickness and mortality. Chief Surgeon White and Acting Assistant Surgeon Watkius were on the committee with me under this order. On the 29th of July we made a thorough inspection of the prison and hospital in obedience to that order. I have my report here. (A paper being exhibited to witness.) This is the rejjort made bj- Dr. Watkins and myself. I can explain why the name of Chief Surgeon White is not attached to it. This is the substance of the report. I have not the original with me. If there is any difference at all between them it is only in a few words, which do not alter the meaning. The paper which was exhibited to witness, of which the following is a copy, was offered iu evidence, and is attached to this record: "Andersonville, Georgia, August 1, 1864. "General: In obedience to your order of July 28 requiring us to make a careful ex- amination of the federal prison and hospital at this place, and to ascertain and report to you the cause of disease and mortality among the prisoners, and the means necessary to 92 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR prevent the same, this has been complied with, and we respectfully submit the follow- ing: "cause of disease and mortality. " 1. The large number of prisoners crowded together. " 2. The entire absence of all A'egetables as diet, so necessary as a preventive of scurvy. " 3. The want of barracks to shelter the prisoners from sun and rain. " 4. The inadequate supply of wood and good water. " 5. Badly cooked food. "6. The filthy condition of prisoners and prison generally. " 7. The morbific emanations from the branch or ravine passing through the prison, the condition of which cannot be better explained than by naming it a morass of hu- man excrement and mud. " PREVENTIVE MEASURES. "1. The removal immediately from the prison of not less than fifteen thousand pris- oners. " 2. Detail on parole a sufficient number of prisoners to cultivate the necessary sup- ply of vegetables, and until this can be carried into practical operation, the appoint- ment of agents along the dift'ereut lines of railroad to purchase and forward a supply. "3. The immediate erection of barracks to shelter the prisoners. " 4. To furnish the necessary quantity of wood, and have wells dug to supply the deficiency of water. " 5. Divide the prisoners into squads, place each squad under the charge of a ser- geant, furnish the necessary quantity of soap, and hold these sergeants responsible for the personal cleanliness of his squad ; fui-uish the prisoners with clothing at the ex- pense of tlie confederate government, and if that goverament be unable to do so, can- didly admit our inability and call upon the federal government to furnish them. " 6. By a daily inspection of bake-house and baking. •'7. Cover over with sand from the hillsides the entire 'morass' not less than six inches deep, board the stream or water-course and confine the men to the use of Jthe sinks, and make the jjenalty for disobedience of such orders severe. "for the HOSPITAL. "We recommend — " 1. Tlie tents be floored with planks ; if plank cannot be had, with puncheons ; and if this be impossible, then with pine straw, to be frequently changed. " 2. We find an inadeiiuute supply of stool-boxes, and recommend that the number be increased, and that the nurses be required to remove them as soon as used, and before returning them see that they are Avell washed and limed. "3. The diet for the sick is not such as they should have, and we recommenc' that they be supplied with the necessary quantity of beef soup with vegetables. " 4. We also recommend that the surgeons be required to visit the hospitals not less than twice a day. " We cannot too strongly recommend the necessity for the appointment of an efficient medical olficer to the exclusive duty of inspecting daily the prison hospital and bakery, requiring of him daily reports of their condition to headquarters. " We have the honor to remain, general, very respectfully, "T. S. HOPKINS, " Acting Assistant Surgeon. "Brigadier General John H. Winder. " Indorsement : Inspection report of Andersonville prison, July, 1864."* TREATMENT OF THE SICK. Dr. G. L. B. Rice : I was on duty at Andersonville from about August 1, 1864, until March 10, 1865, I think. I was ordered to report to Dr. White, and he assigned me to duty at the stock- ade to attend to the sick prisoners. We prescribed outside the stockade ; I have for- gotten the length of time ; it was three or four weeks, more or less ; after that I was sent to the hospital ; a few days after I got there I was ordered to go into the stockade and report as officer of the day. I did so, and I found the stockade in a deplorable condition. I saw a great deal of suftering, filth, and everything that was bad and un- pleasant. We prescribed by formulas or numbers. I counnenced prescribing as I had been in the habit of doing at home ; but I was informed that I would not be allowed to do * It appears from the lestimony of Dr. Hopkins that this report was submitted to (Jencral Winder, but was suppressed and another substituted. Soon afterward Dr. Hopkins was ordered by Winder from Andersonville to Milieu, Georgia, the order being dated August 14, 1864. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 93' that; that they hart Hot the medicines. I was handed alist of themedieinesthat we had to use ; they were in formnlas and numbers, from one up to a certain point — I have forgotten what ; we had to use those ; it was a new thing to me ; I was not accustomed to it, and my opinion Was that We coukl do Very little good with that kind of prescription ; I regarded that as a very unsafe method of practice. On some of those formulas which I had, the ingredients, I think, Avcre ptit down ; I know that tlu^y were toward the last ; I did not analyze any of those potions to ascertain whether the report inade on the label was true ; I had to take their word for it. I complained of that method of i>rac- tice among the surgeon.s. I asked them if there was no chance to do better. They said there was not ; that some of them had gone to the chief surgeon and complained, and they said there was no other chance, and I concluded that if they could not do any better, as I was one of Joe Brown's crew, who were looked upon as being small iish there, I could do no better of course, and I did not make the attempt. I mean by Joe Brown's crew, Governor Brown. When he ordered out the militia, it was said that made us subject to him. I was brought into his proclamation ; I suppose so ; they told me 80. I knew a great many to die there who I believe died from hunger and starvation, and fi-om cold and exposure. I think it was the 10th of March, 18(55. when I left the prison. The rigors of the prison did not cease or lighten during the winter ; the prisoners were exposed more or less all that time. If all the surgeons had been sent away, and if the prisoners had got the vegetables which they should have had, and more room, a great many more men could have been saved. They needed the right kind of diet more than medicine. They needed also additional room. I made verbal suggestions to Dr. Stevenson in relation to the wood of the stockade — that it was entirely inadequate — and the great necessity for having a larger sujtply of vege- tables for the stockade and hospital. I mentioned to him one day that I had a good many vegetables at home — more than we needed ; that they were rotting, and that if he would allow me to go home for a few days, I would bring those vegetables down for the prisoners without any charge ; or if he could not do that he could send some man to get them ; that they were all going to waste, and doing nobody any good, and that if they were brought to the prison and used properly, they might save some men's lives. He observed that he would like to have them, and turned off and said no more about it.^ They were not sent for. Your committee call .attention now to the testimony of Dr. Joseph Jones, of the confederate service, and the elaborate tables prepared by him, which accompany his testimony taken in the Wirz trial ; including the strength and casualty of the confederate guard at Andersonville for the months of July and August, 1804. An examination of these tables shows the mortality among the guard during that time to be about one- fourth of one per cent., while that of the prisoners is over fifteen per cent. This testimony will repay a careful perusal and study. DR. JOSEPH Jones's report, embracing description of the stockade, and condi- tion OF the prisoners therein confined; condition of the hospital, treat- ment OF THE sick, and STATISTICAL AND OTHER INFORMATION AS TO THE DISEASES PREVALENT, AND THE CAUSES THIIREOF. Dr. Joseph Jones : By the judge advocate : Question. Where do you reside ? — Answer. In Augusta, Georgia. Q. Are you a graduate of any medical college ? — A Of the University of Pennsylvania. Q. How long have you been engaged in the practice of medicine ? — A. Eight years. Q. Has your experience been as a practitioner, or rather as an investigator of medi- cine as a science ? — A. Both. Q. What position do you hold now ? — A. That of medical chemist in the Medical Col- lege of Georgia, at Augusta. Q. How long have you held your position in that college ? — A. Since 1858. Q. How were you employed during the rebelHon ? — A. 1 served six months in the early part of it as a private in the ranks, and the rest of the time in the medical depart- ment. Q. Under the direction of whom ? — A. Under the direction of Dr. Moore, surgeon general. Q. Did you, while acting under his direction, visit Andersonville professionally ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. For the purpose of making investigations there ? — A. For the purpose of prosecut- ing investigations ordered by the surgeon general. Q. You went there in obedience to a letter of instructions ? — A. In obedience to orders which I received. 94 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Q. Did you reduce the results of your investigatious to the shape of a report ? — A. I was engaged at that work when General Johnston surrendered his army. (A document being handed to witness.) Q. Have you examined this extract from your report and compared it with the origiual ? — A. Yes, sir ; I have. Q. Is it accurate ? — A. So far as my examination extended, it is accurate. The document just examined by witness was offered in evidence, and is as follows: Observations upon the diseases of the federal jtrisoners confined in Camp Sumter, Anderson- ville, in Sumter Counttj, Georgia, instituted with a view to illustrate eluefly the origin and causes of hospital gangrene, the relations of continued and malarial fevers, and the pathology of camp diarrhaa and djinenterii, h\j Joseph Jones, surgeon P. A. C. S., professor of medical chemistry in the Medical College of Georgia, at Augusta, Georgia. Hearing of the unusual mort.ality among the federal prisoners confined at Anderson- ville, Georgia, in the month of August, 1864, during a visit to Richmond, Virginia, I expressed to the surgeon general, S. P. Moore, Confederate States of America, a desire to visit Camp Sumter, with the design of instituting a series of in<(uirics iipon the nature and causes of the prevailing diseases. Suuill-pox had ajipearcd among tlie pris- oners, and I believed that this would prove an admirable field for the establishment of its characteristic lesions. The condition of Peyer's glauds in this disease was considered as worthy of minute investigation. It was believed that a large body of men from the northern portion of the United States, suddenly transported to a warm southern climate, and confined upon a small portion of land, Avould furnish an excellent field for the investigation of tlie relations of typhus, typhoid, and malarial fevers. The surgeon general Coufedei"ate States of America furnished me with the following letter of introduction to tlie surgeon in charge of the Confederate States military prison at Andersouville, Georgia : " Confederate States of America, Surgeon General's Office, ^' Richmond, Virginia, August 6, 1864. " Sir : The field of pathological investigatious afforded by the large coUectipn of fed- eral prisoners in Geoi'gia is of great extent and importance, and it is believed that results of value to the profession may be obtained by a careful investigation of the effects of disease upon the largo body of men subjected to a decided change of climate and the circumstances peculiar to prison life. The surgeon in charge of the hospital for federal prisoners, together with his assistants, will afford every facility to Surgeon Jose])h Jones in the prosecution of the labors ordered by the surgeon general. Efficient assistance must lie rendered Surgeon Jones by the medical officers, not only in his examinations into the causes and symptoms of the various diseases, but especially in the arduous labors of post mortem examinations. " The medical officers will assist in the performance of such post mortems as Surgeon Jones may indicate, in order that this great field for pathological investigation may be explored for the benefit of the medical department of the confederate armv. "S. P. MOORE, Surgeon General. " Sm-geon Isaiah H. White, '^ In charge of hospital for federal prisoners, Andersonrillc, Georgia.''^ In compliance with this letter of the surgeon general, Isaiah H. White, chief surgeon of the post, and R. R. Stevenson, surgeon in charge of tlie prison hospital, afforded the necessary facilities for the prosecution of my investigations among the sick outside of the stocl'Ciide. After the completion of my labors in the military prison hospital, the following communication was addressed to Brigadier General John II. Winder, in con- sequence of the refusal on the part of the commandant of tlie interior of the Confederate States military i)rison to admit me within the stockade upon the order of the surgeon general : "Camp Sijiter, " Andcrsonville, Georgia, September 16, 1864. " General : I respectfully request the commandant of the post of Andcrsonville to grant me permission and to furnish the necessary pass to visit the sick and medical oflficers within the stockade of the Confederate States prison. I desire to institute cer- tain incjuiries ordered by the surgeon general. Surgeon Isaiah H. Wliite, cliief surgeon of the post, and Surgeon R. R. Stevenson, in charge of the prison hosi)it;il, liave afforded me every facility for the prosecution of my labors among the sick outside of the stock- ade. " Very respectfully, your obedient servant, " JOSEPH JONES, Surgeon P. S. C. S. " Brigadier General John H. Winder, " Commandant Post Andcrsonville.'^ BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 95 In the absence of General Winder from tlie post, Captain Winder furnished the fol- lowing order : "Camp Sumter, " Andersonville, September- 17, 1864. " Captain : You will permit Surgeon Joseph Jones, who has orders from the surgeon general, to visit the sick within the stockade that are under medical treatment. S)ir- geon Jones is ordered to make certain investigations which may prove useful to his profession. " By direction of General Winder : " Very respectfully, " W. S. WINDER, A. A. G. " Captain H. WiRZ, Commanding Prison." Description of ilic Confederate States miVitary prison Iwspital at Andersonville; Kumher of prisoners, plujsical condition, food, clothing, habits, moral condition, diseases. The confederate military prison at Andersonville, Georgia, consists of a strong stock- ade, twenty feet in height, inclosing twenty-seven acres. The stockade is formed of strong pine logs firmly jdanted in the ground. The main stockade is surrounded by two other similar rows of pine logs, the middle stockade being sixteen feet high, and the outer twelve feet. These are intended for offense and defense. If the inmu" stock- ade should at any time be forced by the prisoners, the second forms another line of defense ; while in case of an attempt to deliver the prisoners by a force operating upon the exterior, the outer line forms an admirable protection to the confederate troops, and a most formidable obstacle to cavalry or infautrj^ The four angles of the outer line are strengthened by earthworks upon commanding eminences, from which the cannon, in case of an outbreak among the prisoners, may sweep the entire inclosure; and it was designed to connect these works by a line of rifle jiits running zig-zag around the outer stockade ; those rifle pits have never been completed. The ground inclosed by the innermost stockade lies in the form of a parallelogram, the larger diameter running almost due north and south. This space includes the northern and southern opposing sides of two hills, between Avhich a stream of water runs from west to east. The sm-faco soil of these hills is composed chiefly of sand with varying admix- tures of clay and oxide of iron. The clay is sufficiently tenacious to give a consider- able degree of consistency to the soil. The internal structure of the hills, as revealed by the deep wells, is similar to that alreadj' described. The alternate layers of clay and sand, as well as the oxide of iron, wliich forms in its various combinations a cement to the sand, allow of extensive tunneling. The prisoners not only constructed numerous dirt huts with balls of clay and sand, taken from the wells which they have excavated all over those hills, but they have also, iu some cases, tunneled extensively from these wells. The lower portions of these hills, bordering on the stream, are wet and boggy ii-om the constant oozing of water. The stockade was built originally to accommodate only ten thousand prisoners, and included at first seveuteen acres. Near the close of the month of June, the area Avas enlarged by the addition of ten acres. The ground added was situated on the northern slope of the largest hill. The following table pi'esents a view of the density of the poi^ulatiou of the jirison at different i)eriod8 : Table illustrating the mean number of prisoners confined in the Confederate States military prison at Andersonville, Georgia, from its organization, February 24, 1864, to September, 1864, and the average number of square feet of ground to each prisoner. "H n? a °S . t- ^Si c a -=« s s^jS ^ % s =s g Month and year. |& I2 «|a «2 g, CC ffl w M < i^' March ,1864 7,500 10, 000 15, 000 22, 291' 29, 030 32, 899 740, .520 740, 520 740, 520 740, 520 1, 176, 120 i, 17C, 120 98.7 April, 1864 74.0 May, 1864 49.3 June, 1864 ... 33.2 July, 1864 . . • . .. 40.5 August, 1864 35.7 ^\ ithin the circumscribed area of the stockade the federal j)risoners were compelled to perform all the offices of life — cooking, washing, urinating, defecation, exercise, and 96 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR sleeping. During the montli of March the prison was less crowded than at any snbseqiaent time, and then the average space of ground to each prisoner was only 98.7 square feet, or less than seven square yards. The federal prisoners were gathered from all parts of the Confederate States east of the Mississippi, and crowded into the confinecl space, until in the month of June the average number of square feet of ground to each pris- oner was only 33.2, or less than four square yards. These figures represent the eoxdition of the stockade in a better light even than if really was ; for a considerable breadth of land along the stream, flowing from west to east, between the hills, icas low and boggy, and was cov- ered with the excrement of the men, and thus rendered wholly uninhabitable, and, in fact, use- less for every purpose except that of defecation. The pines, and other small ti'ees and shrubs, which originally were scattered sparsely over these hills, were in a short time cut down and consumed by the prisoners for firewood, and no shade tree was left in the entire inclosure of the stockade. With their characteristic industry and ingenuity, the federals constructed for themselves small huts and caves, and attempted to shield themselves from the rain and sun, and night damps and dew. But few tents were dis- tributed to the prisoners, and those were in most cases torn and rotten. In the loca- tion and arrangement of these tents and huts no order appears to have been followed ; in fact, regular streets appeared to be out of the question in so crowded an area ; especially, too, as large bodies of prisoners were from time to time added suddenly Avithout any previous preparations. The irregular arrangement of the huts and im- perfect shelter was very unfavorable for the maintenance of a proper system of police. The j)olice and internal economy of the prison was left almost entirely in the hands of the prisoners themselves ; the duties of the confederate soldiers acting as guards being limited to the occupation of the boxes or lookouts ranged around the stockade at regular intervals, and to the manning of the batteries at the angles of the prison. Even judicial matters pertaining to themselves, as the detection and punishment of such crimes as theft and murder, appear to have been in a great measure abandoned to the prisoners. A striking instance of this occurred in the month of July, when the federal prisoners within the stockade tried, condemned, and hanged six of their own number, who had been convicted of stealing, and of robbing and murdering their fellow-prisoners. They were all hung upon the same day, and thousands of the pris- oners gathered around to witness the execution. The confederate authorities are said not to have interfered with these proceedings. In this collection of men from all parts of the world, every phase of human character was represented ; the stronger prej'ed upon the weaker, and even the sick, %\ho were unable to defend themselves, were rob- bed of their scanty supplies of food and clothing. Dark stories were afloat of men, both sick and well, wlio were murdered at night, strangled to death by their comrades for scant supplies of clothing or money. I heard a sick and wounded federal prisoner accuse his nurse, a fellow-prisoner of the United States Army, of having stealthily, during his sleep, inoculated his wounded arm with gangrene, that he might destroy his life and fall heir to his clothing. The large ni;mber of men confined within the stockade soon, under a defective sys- tem of police, and with imperfect arrangements, covered the surface of the low grounds with excrenjents. The sinks over the lower portions of the stream were imperfect in their plan and structure, and the excrements were in large measure deposited so near the borders of the stream as not to be washed away, or else accumulated upon the low, boggy ground. The volume of water was not sufficient to wash away the feces, and they accumulated in such quantities in the lower portion of the stream as to form a mass of li(|uid excrement. Heavy rains caused the water of the stream to rise, and as the arrangements for the passage of the increased amounts of water out of the stockade were insufficient, the liquid feces overflowed the low grounds, and covered them sev- eral inches after the subsidence of the waters. The action of the sun upon this putre- fying mass of excrements, and fragments of bread, and meat, and bones, excited most rapid fermentation, and developed a horrible stench. Improvements were projected for the removal of the filth, and for the prevention of its accumulation, but they were only partially and imperfectly carried out. As the forces of the prisoners were reduced by confinement, want of exercise, improper diet, and by scurvy, diarrhea, and dysen- tery, they were unable to evacuate their bowels within the stream or along its banks, and the excrements were deposited at the very doors of their tents. The vast majority appeared to lose all repulsion to filth, and both sick and well disregarded all the laws of hygiene and personal cleanliness. The acconmiodations for the sick were imperfect and insufficient. From the organization of the prison, February 24, 1864, to May 22, the sick were treated within the stockade. In the crowded condition of the stockade, and with the tents and huts clustered thickly around the hospital, it was impossible to secure proper ventilation, or to maintain the necessary police. The federal prisoners also made frequent forays upon the hospital stores, and carried olF the food and cloth- ing of the sick. The hospital was, on the 22d of May, removed to its present site. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 97 without the stockade, and five acres of gioimd covered with oaks and piues appropri- ated to the use of the sick. The supply of medical officers has been insufficient from the foundation of the prison. The nurses and attendants upon the sick have been most generally federal prisoners, who in too many cases ap^jcar to have been devoid of moral principle, and who not only neglected their ijuties, but were also engaged iu extensive robbing of the sick. From the want of proper police and hygienic regulations alone, it is not wonderful that from Fel)ruary 24 to iSeptemlter 21, 1864, nine thousand four hundred and seventy-nino deaths, nearly one-third the entire number of prisoners, should have been recorded. I found the stockade and hospital in the following condition during my pathtdogical investigations instituted in the month of .September, 1S64 : .STOCKADE, COXrEDKnATE STATES .MIJ.ITAKV PHISOX. At the time of my visit to Andersonville, a large number of federal prisoners had been removed to Milieu, Savannah. Charleston, ami other parts of the confederacy, in anticipation of an advance of General .Sherman's forces from Atlanta, with the de- sign of liberating their captive brethren ; luiwevei', about lifteeu thousand prisoners remained contined within the limits of the stockade and Confederate States military prison hospital. In the stt)ckade, with the exception of the damp lowlands bordering the small stream, the surface was covered with huts, and small ragged tents, ami i>art8 of blankets, and fragments of oilcloth, coats, and blankets stretched upon sticks. The tents and huts were not arranged according to any order, and there was in most parts of the inclosure scarcely room for two men to walk abreast between the tents and huts. I observed men urinating and evacuating their bowels at the very tent doors, and around the little vessels in which they were cooking their food. Small i)its, not. more tfian a foot or two deep, nearly tilled with soft, offensive feces, were every- where seen, ami emitted under the hot sun a strong and disgusting odor. Masses of corn-bread, bones, old rags, and tilth of every description, were scattered .around, or accumulated in large piles. If one might judge from the large x)ieces of corn-bread scattered about in every di- rection on the ground, the prisoners were either very lavishly supplied with this arti- cle of diet, or else this kind of food was not relished by them. Each day the dead from the stockade were caiTied out by their fellow-prisoners, and deposited upon the ground under a bush arbor, just outside of the southwestern gate. From thence they were carried in carts to the burying ground, one-quarter of a mile northwest of the prison. The dead were buried without coffins, side by side, in trenches four feet deep. The low grounds bordering the stream were covered Avith human excrements and tilth of all kinds, which iu many places ap])eared to be alive with working maggots. An indescribable sickening stench arose from these fermenting masses of human dung and tilth. There were near fiv^e thousand seriou.sly ill federals in the stockade and Confederate States military prison hospital, and the deaths exceeded one hundred per day, and large numbers of the prisoners who were walking about, and who had not been en- tered upon the sick reports, were suffering from severe and incurable diarrhea, dysen- tei'y, and scurvy. The sick were attended almost entirely by their fellow-prisoners, appointed as nurses, and as they received but little attention, they were compelled to exert themselves at all times to attend to the calls of nature, ami hence they retained the power of moving about to within a comparatively short period of the close of life. Owing to the slow progress of the diseases most prevalent, diarrhea and chronic dy.sentery, the corpses were, as a general rule, emaciated. I visited two thousand sick within the stockade, lying under some long sheds which had been built at the northern portion for themselves. At this time only one medical officer was in attendance, whereas at least twenty medical officers should have been employed. I found no record of the sick in the stockade previous to September 14, 1864. It ap- pears that xirevious to this date no record was preserved of the diseases treated within the stockade ; and the following includes all the medical statistics which I was able to collect within the prison walls proper : H. Eep. 45 7 98 IKEATMEXT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Mornlnn rvporlx of Ad'ouj Assistant Simjmn F. J. Vi'dls, in charge of federal sick and wounded in stockade. c to A X Date. '— ^ sc -IS '^ ^ it ~- "^ o ¥■ il. « rt o — '^ ■*^ c: ^ H H w ^ X a ■ " 1864 93C 61 1,000 76 36 888 888 1, 403 114 58 1,231 1, 231 13 1,244 16 70 1, 159 1,159 88 1,247 109 36 1,102 1 102 906 2,008 3 50 1, 955 September 19 1, 955 1, 955 32 42 1,881 1,881 1,861 03 44 1,774 If this table In; coinparcil with the followiii.;;- one ffoiu the Confederate States military piisoii hosjiital, dniiiig the same period, Ave will see that tiie iiumher of deaths was as great iu the stoekade as in the hospital ; notwithstanStates niil- il<(rij j'l'i-'^on liosjiital, AndcrsonriUe, iSepicinher 14-20, l??i)4. ^_ ./ ■- . g c c .■t= 5 a o -6 -i ^ g CD "''c: £C ^ ^ "Z "X — ^ ^ ^•s H o ^ ^ '■/' ■r* C iJC 1 3: n; ■r - ■r 5 J: = -ki c Date. a p c r3 ■£, o s P jC 1^ eg is "S .•; 'o '^ a o := 'S m fcp "c <0 ^ H fi « 5 « s ^ < H 1864. 1,609 1, 598 76 114 1,685 1, 712 1 14 49 37 47 1, 598 1,651 3 3 8 8 22 22 1, 651 16 1,667 1 49 1,617 3 8 22 1 617 109 4 1 730 40 1, 690 3 8 22 1 690 3 1693 58 1, 635 3 9 23 September 19 1, 635 32 1 1,668 o 55 1,611 3 9 23 September 20 1,611 03 2 1,676 48 1,628 3 9 23 1 Died in the stockade, from its organization, February 24, 1864, to September 21 3,254 Died iu hospital during same time 6,225 Total deaths in hospital and stockade t),479 Scurvy, diarrhea, dysentery, and hospital gangrene were the prevr.iling diseases. I was surprised to lind but few cases of malarial fever, and no Avell-uuuked cases eitlier of typhus or typhoid fever. The absence of the different forms of malarial fever inay be accounted for iu the sin)position that tlu^ artificial atmosphere of the stockade, crowded densely with human beings and loaded Avith animal exhalations, Avas imfaA'orable to the existence and action of the malarial jKiison. The absence of typhoid and typhus fevers among all the causes Avhich are supposed to generate these diseases, appeared to be due to the fact that the great majority of these prisoners had been in captiA-ity in Virginia, at 15ellc Island, and in other i)arts(if the confederacy for niontbs, and eA'cn as long as two years, and during this tiuu' tliey had been subjected to the same bad influences, and those Avho had not had tliesc fevers befiu'c. either had them BY THE REBEL AUTHOEITIES. 99 tliiving tlu'ir coiitiuuinent iu coufedenite prisons, or else tlieii* systems, from long expo- sure, were i)roof against their action. The effects of scurvy Avere manifested on every hand, and in all its various stages, from tlie muddy, pale comjdexiou, pale gums, feeble, languid intiscnlar motions, low- ness of s))irits, and fetid breath, to the dusky, dirty, leaden complexion, swollen feat- ures, sixingy, iiuri)lc, livid, fungoid, bleeding gums, loose teeth, (edematous limbs covereti with livid vibices, and petechi;e, spasmodically Hexed, painful and hardened extremities, spontaneous hemorrhages from mucous canals, and large ill-conditioned .spreadiugnlcers covered with a dark purplish fungous growth. I observed that in some of the cases of scurvy the parotid glands were greatly swollen, and in some instances to such an extent as to preclude entirely the power to articulate. In several eases of dropsy of the abdonu'U and lower extremities, supervening upon scurvy, the patients afiirmed tliat jueviously to the api)earance of the dropsy they had suffered with profuse and o))stinate diarrhea, and that when this was checked by a change of diet, from Indian corn-bread Ijaked with the husk, to boiled rice, the dropsy appeared. The severe pains and livid patches were frequently associated with swellings iu various parts, and es- pecially in the lower extieunties, accompanied with stitt'iie^s ami coutrai'tious of the knee joints and ankles, and ofti'U with a brawny feel of the parts, as if lymph had been effu.sed lietween the integuments and aponeuroses, i)reventing the motion of the skin over the swollen parts. iVIany of the prisoners believed that the scurvy was conta- gions, antl I saw men guarding their wells and springs, fearing lest some man suffering with the scurvy might use the water and thus poison them. I observed also numer- ous cases of hospital gangrene and of spreadijig scorbutic ulcers, Avliich had super- vened upon slight injuries. The scorbutic ulcers presented a dark, purjjle, fungoid, elevated surface, with livid swollen edges, ami exuded a thin, fetid, sanious lluid in- stead of pus. Many ulcers which originated from the scorbutic condition of the system appeared to become truly gangrenous, assuming all the characteristics of hospital gan- grene. From the crowded condition, tilthy halnts, bad diet, and dejected, depressed condition of the prisoners, their systems had become so disordered that the smallest abrasion of the skin from tlu' rubbing of a shoe, or from the effects of the sun, or from the ])rick of a s])liuter, or from scratching, or a luosquito bite in some cases, took on rapid and friglitful ulceration and gangrene. The long use of salt meat, ofttimes imper- fectly cured, as well as tlie almost total deprivation of vegetables and fruit, appeared to be the chief causes of the scurvy. I carefully examined the bakery and the Itread fur- nished tlio prisoners, and found that they were supplied almost entirely with corn- bread from which the luisk had not been separated. This husk acted as an irritant to the alimentary canal, without adding any nutriment to the bread. As far as my ex- iiniination extendeil, no fault could be found with the mode in which the bread was baked ; the difliculty lay iu the failure to separate the husk from the corn-meal. I strongly urged the preparation of large ipuuitities of soup made from the cow and calves' heads with the brains and tongues, to which a liberal supply of sweet potatoes and vegetables might have been advantageously added. The materials existed in abundance for the preparation of such soup in large quantities witli but little ad- rolonged captivity upon their own government, which was attempting to make the negro equal to the Avhite man. Some hundred or more of the prisoners had been released from confinement in the stockade on parole, and filled various offices as clerks, druggists, and carpenters, »S:c., in the various departments. 27(c.sc men iverc well 100 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR clothed, and preiieiiti'd it stout andhtaUhrj appearance, and as a yencral rule they presented a much more robust and healthy appearance than the confederate troops yuardUuj theprisoners. The entire grounds ure surrounded by a frail l)oard fence, and are strictly guarded by confederate soldiers, and no prisoner except the paroled attendants is allowed to leave the grounds except by a special permit from the connnandaut of the interior of the prison. The patients and attendants, near two thousand in number, are crowded into this confined space, and are but poorly supplied with old and ragged tents. Large nnnibers of them were without any bunks in the tents, and lay upon the ground, ofttimes without even a blanket. No beds or straw appeared to have been furnished. The touts extend to within a few yards of the small stream, the eastern portion of which, as we have be- fore said, is used as a ]>rivy and is loaded witli excrements ; and I observed a large pile of coru-bread, bones, and tilth of all kinds, thirty feet in diameter, and several feet in height, swarming with myriads of llies, in a A'acant si)ace near the pots used for cook- ing. Millions oi' Hies swarmed over everything and covered the faces of the sleeping patients, and crawled down their open mouths, and deposited their maggots in the gangrenous wounds of the living, and in the mouths of the dead. Mosquitoes in great numbers also infested the tents, and many of the patients were so stung by tliese pesti- ferous insects, that they resemlded those sulfering with a slight attack of the measles. The police and hygiene of The hospital was defective in the extreme ; the attendants, who appeared in almost every instance to liavi? been selected from theprisoners, seemed to have in nniny cases but little interest in the welfare fif their fellow-cai>tives. The accusation was made that the nurses in many cases robbed the sick of their clothing, money, and rations, and carried on a clandestine trade with the paroled prisoners and confederate guards without the hospital inclosure in the clothing and eliects of the sick, dying, and dead federals. They certainly appeared to neglect the comfort and cleanliness of the sick intrusted to their care, in a most shameful manner, even after making diu' allowances for the ditticnlties of the situation. Main' of the sick were literally incrusted with dirt and tilth and covered with vermin. When a gangrenous wound needed washing, the limb was thrust out a. little from the blanket, or board, or rags upon which the patient Avas lying, and water poured over it, and all the ))utres- cent matter allowe -^ n X ■S^SBO -^ i-H CO CI !?J r- C( c c: i- in CO i^ in X in m -T X i-H o o a CO rH C:5 at 'n, ii •sqjuaa '^ S 1-1 CO • S.2 •sost:^ '^ s -i CO • 2 "S 2 it.S •sqiBOCI ■^ i.O c: 1-H CO rH CO '■ iH j^ o m r- ^ CO — Ol m CO i» ■V ■sosuo lO O CI -o r-. lo r: o T-i (M CO ■ -ir o o o C3 o in i rt 1— o -r crv X X t- CO C-. -H o •V ,(N X 1 r I ■2 p E ^ c 1 [a a lis -.=S a o BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 103 ■ c ^ r3 ■ •; — ■ CO ro Ci rH I- CO -!)■ 1.-: I- o o i- ci r^ t- z: i- — in n ro o ^«sS'*t;ir:r-cocioooif3mt-'TJt-eocoo«Orto ■ 00 r; -H ■ 'Oj t3 • (N ; CO . . ! t- ! i . i - :1a: a; c8 "3 -S O i 1 o o 1 K . : is : « , ca ■ X : = 3 £ c g .- a S 3 2 1 : "3 • 3 : O ; 0) 1 fc- • - ^ ; J c « Hill 1 -^ fi, &^ ;^ te ; j A ' ''■ !*-•!! ■ . . 4i ' i ! 1 : : : .2 ! • • ij i ' ' c . : ; "= • ■ : 5.2 5" ; « ; ; : cs ; ; ! ^ ' ' S3 : : I ° : ' ^i : i ^ « : : ^.2 : :' 3 ^ ■ • II J 1 ill:: ■ .'"^ ! •' : '3 ; ; 1 ■=- ■ ■ . • o • : •' • ^ ■ ! • 1 s i • : :£ : : ■ ;^ ; ' ■ «£ ; : ■1= ; ? BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 105 Tl (NO r-l bC P c 3 o S C ^" "" « S ji- s^ 106 TEEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR o .3" •siiiBaa i- r- r- ?0 M ire -a- o •sasi'O O O "^ f- I31S o ooo ■p-'sa •283 576 708 1, 201 (■9pi33[00i)e) 353 1,463 6, 276 5,311 m;bS9.iSSv ill •q^iioni Snmip iiois Hallux 1, 530 2, 425 8,583 7,969 S tfj a 3 ■mox O C> -H CO 0) c* •^^o^s^I^;Auoo 'O -r ^ ro o i~ •no's O 00 o O to lO in ■* i-i 1 > rl .. 5 5 - T-> .JO ^ to o ■l«10X ICLO si ■ ■:ja:>.H!ub ui y^ IBjulsdti ni X to-Tc" tb ~ CJ lO 'S •papnuo^i c « CO to oom •>13IS to -^ OJCJ TTCi •i><'ia T^Si oo m -.Cjnp ( )} p,)ii,niv>y: to-r (M OO •a^uSa-iSSy 05 t^ •aBt'OBip S niuaAijadns T 1.-5 •il^uoin at % Sui.iup to C: papunojA. .10 HOTS ua>[iix o'o" cs 00 '>t ■Piox Orp M-i-' T to •5§, S •51JIS rt aa to >il:( ■4 BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 107 Report of the s/cA' and ivoutided amoiKj the confederate troops performing guard duti/ at Camp ' Sumter, AndersonriUe, (Georgia, for the months of Jul g and August, 1864; consolidated from the original reports on fie in the office of the Jiost surgeon. (Records incomplete, extending only to the month of Jnhj.) Field report. Sumter hospital. Diseases. Field report. Sumter hospital. Diseases. CO o O o p 1 P p 5 p Febris continiia simplex 44 7 84 39 17 260 62 36 11 6 260 2 1 18 54 405 35 83 Gonorrhoea 7 6 2 39 3 4 1 6 1 Gonorrhoea simplex Gonorrhcea \'irulenta Febria intermittens quotidiana 13 .... 12 :::;' Nephritis albumiuensis Orchitis "3 94 64 3 35 Feliris intermittens typlioides 1 Hajmatocele Erysipelas, idiopatliic 1 82 :;::! 1 Hlematemesis Fistula in auo Anasarca 1 1 11 6 5 21 24 8 6 1 10 3 1 6 ....! 1 ....' 3 Lumbago Rheumatismus acuta Rheumatismus chronica Abscessus 26 22 9 4 3 2 4 1 Dysenteiia acuta 7 8 5 21 16 6 29 5 11 13 3 4 11 68 8 1 4 2 1 6 1 4 Parcuchia Phlegmone 2 1 All other diseases of this class Contusio Tracheta Parotitis 1 Stomatitis merciirialis 16 1 1 Gastritis Mania Hypertrophia cordis Enteritis Tonsilitis Otalgia 14 5 1 3 8 1 2 Asthma Bronchitis acuta 4 .... Phimosis Hernia Catarrhns .... 1 2 Hfemoptysis Laryngitis 1 Vulmis punctum Phthisis 3 Phthisis pulmonalis All other diseases of this class Ophthalmia 1 7 60 5 40 83 3 1 2 Pneumonia 4 1 Trachitis Debilitas 5 Anaemia Scorbutus 1 2 1 4 16 16 2 1 1 1 1 "i' 1 Scabies Nostalgia Scrofula Vermes Total Epilepsia Meninsjitis Ceiebicispinal meningitis. .. Xeur;!li;ia Paraly.sis 1 2,127 6 367 56 Per cent, of deaths among cases treated in the field during July and August, 0.28. P( r c?nt. of deaths among cases treated in Sumter hospital July and August, 15.2. One death in 6.5 case s tr( ated in hospital. 108 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR 1st regiment Georgia reserves. 1st regiment Georgia reserves. 2d regiment Georgia reserves. 2d regiment Georgia reserves. 3d regiment Georgia reserves. 3d rigiment Georgia reserves. 4th regiment Georgia reserves 4tli regiment Georgia reserves 55tli Georgia volunteers. 55th (H'orgia volunteers. Florida light artillery. Florida light artillery. Sumter hospital. Sumter hospital. •siRuaa: •sasBQ 2g iii- . at ' o ' o ■' ;S5 ;? : ■sq()Baa at '■ OXT ' 1 r-l r-. ■pa^va.t; jaquinx o ire CJ o T -o CO o 1- ire c» c» -r o> cj ire ire c» ire (- co cj ire ire ti co i- o to Tf rt 1- C» C» i-H IJ to otct .d "So g s ca IB^OX 729 801 875 625 1,019 1, 033 695 792 234 2.34 729 144 •nam pa^jsjxnji; ■^toco(M*^c. ooire^^o ' CD ire cj cc 1- 00 ire ire f^J cj 'X. ■»• . cot-TTLreoc; tot- ' (N -* • fH T-H ■ at 1 00 00 ■paSjBqosta: • (>» Y-H i ;,-irt •qSnoiJnj no to — 1 •* rH CI Ql 1 —1 ire ire ire to ti ere i- ■ rH — 1 cj ■<)• ere ■^jnp o; pau.in;an i-tooto^tNire-icrecJt-i-tNC* ■^irec^Qoto*fire«'^'^"*'VQOto ire « w ai ct ire ■i;8'ndsoq ^janaS O!^ ijnag 5 :;^ £3 ™ 3; '=^ ■:? t «* -£2 ■'^'^ n n r-i at Gi irtiH .w i •aj'BSajSSy -»• i t- t~ (M ire )- t- 00 CD i< to O (?» « . o t- C-. cc o — t- ire « 1- ire -< •muoni eqi Snt.inp 3(018 ua3[Bx ire ire (M o -» ire ere c. i- o ire We will examine first the consolidated report of the sick and wounded federal pris- oners. During six mouths, from the 1st of March to the 31st of August, 42,686 cases of diseases and wounds were reported. No clas>itied record of the sick in the stockade was kept after the estaldishuient of the hospital without the prison. This fact, in con- junction with those already presented relating to the insufficiency of medical officers and the extreme illness and even death of many prisoners in the tents in the stockade, without any medical attention or record heyoud tiie bare number of the dead, demon- strate that these figures, large as they appear to be, are tar below the truth. As the number of prisoners varied greatly at ditt'erent periods, the relations between those reported sick and well, as far as those statistics extend, can best be determined by a comi»arison of the statistics of each month. The following table i)resents the mean strength, the total diseases and deaths, and the total cases and deaths of the most fatal diseases. 'Table Uhiniratuiff the mean siniigth, ioUd casen of disease and death, and the r I at ions of the eases and deaths of the most fatal diseases amonq thejederal prisoners confined at Anderson- ville, Georgia. ( Consolidated from the original reports on file in the office of the surgeon in charge of the post of Andersonville, by Joseph Jones, siirgion provisional army Confederate States.) 1864. March. Aprn. May. June. July. August. Total. Meau strength federal prisoners Total taken sick or woimded during the 7,500 1,530 4.10 283 18.42 26.4 3.77 67 28 10, 000 2,425 4.08 576 23.7 17.3 5.76 56 18 5 15, 000 8, ;)83 1.7 708 8.2 21.18 4.72 92 17 1 1 481 9 385 22, 291 7,968 2.8 1, 201 15.0 18.5 5.38 18 32 2 205 7 192 29, 030 10, 834 2.6 1, 952 18.1 14.8 6. 64 39 58 1 •2 150 7 139 32, 899 11,346 2.9 2, 992 26.3 10.9 9.09 200 32 1 1 324 29 42, 686 7,7i2 Katio of sick to well ; one sick in — Total deaths Iroin all causes Per cent, of deaths to sick entered on sick reports during the month One death in so many sick and wounded prisoners Per cent, of deaths to mean strength, sick- and well Typhoid fever — 185 8 Congestive fever — Cases Deaths Intermittent fever, quotidian- Cases 10 4 24 Deaths Intermittent fever, tertian- Cases 35 2 775 Deaths Intermittent fever, quartan- Cases <. 114 25 56 195 Deaths Kemittent fever — Cases 37 5 10 1 181 9 240 13 Deaths 28 Bilious remittent fever — Cases 160 15 28 27 3,092 195 2,796 517 349 330 999 215 180 27 203 381 304 66 ISO 12 116 15 3,026 722 1,982 792 520 280 859 364 187 72 1.56 156 665 120 Deaths Pneumonia- Cases 102 65 15 108 58 50 103 28 1,221 14 1, 729 251 608 171 870 93 407 8 6 3 233 50 21 41 2, 097 68 1,966 330 .510 447 540 98 271 5 9 8 248 71 528 234 9, .501 999 9,775 2, 101 9,315 1,369 3,549 848 Deaths Scurvy — Cases Deaths Acute diarrhea — Cases 386 51 95 26 143 29 42 12 916 220 235 115 133 49 51 27 100 32 6 Deaths Clironic diarrhea — Cases Deaths Acute dysentery- Cases Deaths Chronic dysentery — Cases Deaths Morbi varii— Cases 474 Deaths 17 28 2 565 Dropsy — <."a8es Deaths .... • 110 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Duriiif? this period of six uioutlis no less than 500 arc recorded under the head of niorbi varii. In otlier worils, those men died witliout liaving received siitticient medi- cal attention tor the determination of even the name of the disease causing death. Dnrino- tlie month of Aiignst fifty-three cases and iifty-tliree deaths are recorded as dm-, to marasmus. Surely this large number of deaths nnist have been due to sonu' other morbid state than slow wasting. If they were due to improper and insufficient food, tliey should have been chissetl/ accordingly ; and if to diarrhea or dysentery or scurvy, tire classification shouhV-iu like manner have been explicit. "\\V observe a progres.sive increase of the rate of mortality, from 3.11 per cent, in March, to 9.09 per cent, of mean strength, sick and well, in August. The ratio of mor- tality continued to increase during Septeud>er, for notwithstanding the renu)val of one-half of the entire aiund>er of prisoners during the early portion of the month, 1,7G7 deaths are registered from September 1 to 21, and the largest number of deaths upon any one day occuA-ed during this month, on the 16th, viz : one hundred and nine- teen . The entire number of federal prisoners confined at Andersonville was about 40,fill; and during the period of near seven months, from February 24 to September 21, 9,479 deaths Avere recorded; that is, during tins period near one-fourth, or more, exactly one in 4.2, or 2o.:5 per cent., terminated fatally. ' Tins increase of mortality was due in great ineasure t'o. tht' aceumuhitiou of the sources of disease, as the increase of excrements and filth of all kinds, and the concentration of noxious efiluvia, and also to the progressive effects of salt diet, crowding, and the hot climate. CONCLUSIONS. 1. The great nuutality among the federal. ])risoners confined in the ndlitary prison at Andersonville was not referable to climatic causes, or to the nature of tlie soil and waters. 2. Thecliief causes of death were scurvy and its results and bowel afiections — clironic and acute diarrhea and dysentery. The l)o\vel afiections api)ear to have beei; due to the diet, the hal'.its of the patients, the depressed, dejected state of the nervous system and moral and intellectual powers, and to the efiluvia arising from the decomposing aninnd and vegetable filth. The efiects of salt meat, and an unvarying diet of corn- meal, Avith but few vegetables, and imperfect supplies of vinegar and sirup, were mani- fested i«the great prevalence of scurvy. This disease, without doubt, was also infiu- enced tcffin important extent in its origin and course by the foul animal emanations. 3. From the sameness of the food, and from tfie action of the poisonous gases in the densely crowdeil and filthy stockade and hospital, the blood Avas altered in its consti- tution]^ even before the manifestation of actual disease, in both the well and the sick the red corpuscles Avere diminished; and in all diseases uncomplicated Avith infiamma- tion the fibrous element was deficient. In cases of ulceration of the mucous membrane of the intestinal canal, the fibrous element of the blood Avas increased ; Avliile in simple diarrhea, uncomplicated Avith nlceratiou, it Avas cither diminished or else remained stationary. Heart clots Avcre very connnon, if not universally present, in the cases of nlceratiou of the intestinal nuicous membrane, Avhih; in the uncomidicated cases of diarrhea and scurvy, the blood Avas fiuid, and did )U)t coagulate readily, and the heart clots and libions concretions Averc almost universally absent. From the Avatery condi- tion of the blood there resulted various serous effusions into the pericardium, ventri- cles of the brain, and into the abdonu'u. In almost all the cases which I examined after death, even the most emaciated, there was more or less serous effusion into the abdonnual cavity. In cases of hosjutal gangrene of tlui extremities, and in cases of gangrene of the' intestines, heart clots and fibrous coagida Avere universally present. The presence of those clots in the cases of hospital gangrene, Avhile they were absent in the cases in Avhich there Avas no inflanmiatory symptoms, sustains the conclusion that hospital gangrene is a species of inflannnation, im])erfi'(t and irregndar though it may be in its i)rogress, in Avhich the fibrous element and coagulation of the blood are increased, even in those AA'ho are sufieriug from such a condition of the blood, and from such diseases as are naturally accompanied Avith a decrease in the fibrous constituent. 4. The fact that hospital gangrene appeared in the stockade first and originated spontaneously Avithout any previous contagion, and occurred sporadically all over the, .stockade and'prison hos])ital, Avas proof positive that this disease Avill arise whensver the conditions of crowding, filth, foul air, and bad diet an^ present. The exhalations from the hosj)ital and stockade appeared to exert their efiects to a considerable distance (mtside of these localities. The (u-igin of hospital gangrene among these ])risoners a])- l)eared clearly to de])end in great uieasure upon the state of the geiu'ral system induced by diet, and various external noxious intlueuces. The rajiidity of the appearance and action of the gangr(-ne dejjended upon the powers and state (^f the constitution, as well as upon the intensity of the poison in the atmosjihcrc, or u]iou the direct application of ])oisonous nuitter to the Avonnded surijice. This Avas furtlusr illustrated l)y the im- portant fact that hospital gangrene, or a disease resembling it in all essential respects, BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. Ill attacked the intestinal eaual of patients laboring under ulceration of the bowels, although there were no local manifestations of gangrene upon the surface of the body. This mode of teruiiuatiou iu cases of dysentery was quite common iu the foul atmos- phere of the Confederate States luilitary hospital, in the depressed, depraved condition of the system of these federal j)risouers. 5. A scorbutic condition of the system appeared to favor the origin of foul ulcers, which frequently took on true hospital gangrene. Scurvy and hospital gangrene fre- quently existed iu the same individual. In such cases, vegetable diet, with vegetable acids, would remove the scorbutic condition without curing the hospital gangrene. From the results of tlie existing war for the establishment of the independence of the Confederate States, as well as from the published observations of Dr. Trotter, Sir Gil- bert Blane, and others of the English navy and army, it is evident that the scorbutic condition of the system, especially in crowded ships and camps, is most favorable to the origin and spread of foul ulcers and hospital gangrene. As in the present case of Andei'sonville, so also iu past times when medical hygiene was almost entirely neg- lected, those two diseases were almost universally associated iu crowded ships. In many cases it was vei-y difficult to decide at first whether the ulcer was a simple result of scurvy or of the action of the prison or hospital gangrene, for there was great simi- larity in the appearance of the ulcers in the two diseases. So commonly have those two diseases been combined in their origin and action, that the description of scorbutic ulcers, by many authors, evidently inclndes also many of the prominent characteris- tics of hosjiital gangrene. This will be rendered evident by an examination of the observations of Dr. Liud and Sir Gilbert Blaue upon scorbutic ulcers. 6. Gangrenous spots, followed by rapid destruction of tissue, appeared in some cases where there had been no known wound. Without such well-established facts, it might be assumed that the disease was propagated from one patient to another. In such a filthy and crowded hospital as that of the Confederate States military prison at Ander- sonville, it was impossible to isolate the wounded from the sources of actual contact of the gangrenous matter. The llies swarming over the wounds and over filth of every kind, the filthy, imperfectly washed and scanty supplies of rags, and the limited sup- ply of washing utensils, the same wash-bowl serving for scoi'es of patients, were sources of siu'li constant circulation of the gangrenous matter that the disease might rapidly spread from a single gaiigrenons wound. Tin; fact already stated, that a form of moist gangrene, resembling hospital gangrene, was quite common in this foul atmosphere, in cases of dysentery, both with and without the existence of the disease u^iou the entire surface, not only tlemonstrates the dependence of the disease upon the state of the con- stitution, but proves iu the clearest manner that neither the contact of the poisonous matter of gangrene, nor the direct action of the i>oisonous atmosphere ui>on the ulcer- ated snrface, is necessary to the development of the disease. 7. In this foul atmosphere amputation did not arrest hosi)ital gangrene ; the disease almost invariably returned. Almost every amputation was followed finally by death, either from the effects of gangrene or from the prevailing diarrhea and dysentery. Nitric acid and escharotics generally, in tliis crowded atmosphere, loaded with noxious effluvia, exerti'd only temporary effects. After their application to the diseased surfaces, the gangrene would frequently return with redoubled energy ; and even after the gangrene had Itcen completely removed by local and constitutional treatment, it would frequently return and destroy the patient. As far as my observation extended, very few of the cases of amputation for gangrene recovered. The .progress of these cases was fre- quently very deceptive. I have observed after death the most extensive disorganiza- tion of the structures of the stump, when during life there was but little swelling of the part, and the patient was apparently. doing well. I endeavored to impress upon the medical officers the view that iu this disease treatment was almost useless without an abundant supply of pure, fresh air, nutritioits food, and tonics and stimulants. Such changes, however, as would allow of the isolation of the cases of hospital gan- grene appeared to be out of the jtower of the medical officers. 8. The gangrenous nuiss was without true pus, and consisted chiefly of broken-down, disorganized structures. The reaction of the gangrenous matter in certain stages was alkaline. 9. The best, and in truth the only, means of protecting large armies aud navies, as well as ju-isouers, from the ravages of hospital gangrene, is to furnish liberal supplies of well- cured meat, together with fresh beef aud vegetables, and to enforce a rigid system of hygiene. 10. Finally, this gigantic mass of human misery calls loudly for relief, not only for the sake of suffering hunuiuity, but also on account of our own brave soldiers now captives in the hands of the federal government. Strict justice to the gallant men of the confederate armies, who have been, or who may be, so unfortunate as to be com- pelled to surrender iu battle, demands that the confederate government should adopt that course which will best secure their health and comfort iu captivity ; or at least leave their enemies without a shadow of an excuse for any violation of tlie rules of civ- ilized warfare in the treatment of prisoners. 112 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR y. You have made some estimates based upon what you term the " meau strenj^th ;" -will yon explain to the court what you mean by that ?— A. The mean strength for a month in an army is generally taken by choosing three points in the month, the tirst, the middle, and 'the "latter part of it,'adding them together and dividing the total number. Q. The total of the three added ?— A. Yes, sir. I do not know exactly how it was done at Andersonville. This was taken from the records there entitled "meau strength." Q. Continue^ your explanation of how the estimate was made, and then you can make any qualifuations with regard to it. You say you divided the number of prisoners at the tirst of the month, the middle of the mouth, and the last of the month by three ; then what did yon do ! — A. That would give you the meau strength, the average num- ber present during the month— that is, in armies. Q. That cannot always be accurate, can it ? — A. No, sir ; it is not accurate in armies. J do not know exactly what course they adopted with the prisoners, but presume it was done in the same way. Two or three tliousand nnght have beeu receivey the name of Sumter hospital. Q. In the returns you include only hospitals containing federal prisoners ? — A. Yes ; I think I always used the term "Confederate States military prison hospitals." Q. When did you forward your report or complete it ? — A. I will state to the court that I was engaged in the preparation of that report in the month of September, 1864. I went from Andersonville to the hospitals connected with the army of Tennessee, and labored there until November ; I then returned to Augusta, just about the time that General Sherman connnenced his march from Atlanta. I was then cut off from the reception of answers to nimierous inquiries I had made of officers at Andersonville and with the army of Tennessee, and set about preparing the report for the surgeon gen- eral. I had just completed the report, which I placed in the hands of the judge advo- cate under orders from the government, Avheu tlie confederacy went to pieces. That report never was delivered to the surgeon general, and I was unaware that any one knew of its existence at all until I received orders from the United States government to bring it and deliver it to this court in testimony. I make this statement to relieve myself of the charge of turning state's evidence, as it were, against those witli whom I was formerly associated ; it was done in obedience to an order from the government. Q. Have your sympathies been with thii rebellion during the war ?— A. Entirely so. Q. Then your report was made out in the interest of the confederate government ? — A. In the interest of the confederate government, for the use of the medical depart- ment, in the view that no eye would ever see it but that of the surgeon general. I beg leave to make a statement to tl;e court. That portion of my report which has been read is only a small part of the report. The original report contains the excuses which were given by the officers present at Andersonvilh', which I thouglit it right to embody with my labors. It also contains documents forwarded to Richmond by Dr. White and Dr. Stevenson, and others in charge of the liospitals. Those documents contained important facts as to the labors of the medical department and their efforts to better the condition of things. Q. Are your <;onclusions correctly stated in this extract? — A. Part of my conclusions are stated ; not the whole. A portil and the Georgia infantry Avere up there. I do not recollect if the margin of the stream inside the stockade was firm ground or swampy. I generally j)assed on the bridge ; I could not get across otherwise. THE SUPPLY OF WOOD. Immediately upon the west side of the stockade, and between there and the depot, there was timber scattered ; on the north side, beyond the cook-house a little, there was plenty of timber ; on the south side plenty had been cut in logs and lay there, and down by the hospital tliere was plenty. That is a woody country, and there Avas plenty of wood Avithiu a mile. It was fine timber, and could haA'e been made into shingles or clapboards. I did not see any of it used to make shelter for the prisoners. A set of sheds Avere being erected there, as represented on the diagram, outside of the stockade and the hospital. They were in course of erection at the time of the abandonment of the place. No patients had e\'er been put in them. I regret to say that the supply of wood was not sufficient to keep the prisoners from Avhat Ave term freezing to death. They Avould not, perhaps, actually freeze to death, but a patient whose blood is thin, and his system worn doAvn, is Aa^ry susceptible to the influence of cold. In the absence of suflicient food, suflicient stinuilus, and especially in the absence of fuel, many of the patients (I speak now of what I saw in my own ward) Avould, during the night, become so chilled that in the morning, passing round, I Avould remark to my steward, " Last night did the work for that poor felloAV ; he Avill die ;" or, " This one Avill die ; I cannot resuscitate him Avith the means in my hands, his system is so reduced." Lying upon the ground during those chilly nights, (the Aveather Avas not freezing, but sufficient to thoroughly chill the Avhole system,) the patient Avould reach a condition in which resuscitation was a matter of impossibility after he connnenced going down hill from this exposure. I liaA-e seen a number die in that A\'ay. In my judgment there was sufficient timber growing in the vicinity to supjily fuel for cooking and for keeping the prisoners warm, and also to furnish shelter for them. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 119 I frequently made observation wliile there, that there wa-s plenty of wood to supply every demand — shingles, boards, logs to make huts, and plenty for fuel. That is a woody country ; the wood is pine wood. I judged that it could be made into boards and rails from the fact that they were pretty plenty there, and from the fact that I saw the boys splitting boards for the new hospital shed that was going up. There was no deficiency of wood. THE DOGS. I have seen dogs at the prison. As I have seen the practice there, they were used to hunt the prisoners that escaped. I cannot say that I ever treated in the hospital auy sol- diers who had been wounded by dogs. I do not now recollect any such cases. THE SKETCH OF THE PRISON. (A diagram was exhibited to witness.) I have seen that before ; it was given to me in the Andersonville prison by Felix De La Baume. The tents, chimneys, fence, trees, cart and mule, &c., are correct. One sketch here of " Dr. Bates " is pretty good, but rather spindle-shanked. The great point in which it is not fac simile is that too few men are represented. If there were forty delineated where there is one it would be more correct. These men walking on their hands and knees and on crutches, some carrying their tin cups in their mouths, repre- sent men who could not go there otherwise. They were afflicted with scurvy as a general thiug. One man represented here I recognize as a man named Ison, who was a subject of dementia ; he only crept along on his haunches and feet. I recognize several others whose names I never learned, but whom I frequently saw. That man with the bucket in his mouth, I frequently saw crawling up for his rations. I see one man here representing " Dr. Bates examining the character and quantity of the beef," together with the confederate surgeon, and Ed. Young, boss of that cook-house. I also see one figure representing " Dr. Bates giving beef-bones to the cripples."' It was my preroga- tive as officer of the day to supervise the cooking and administration of the rations, and to attend to anything that generally belonged to the hospital. When rations were being issued I would frequently go there. Those detailed to cut up the meat would put the bones in one pile and count the rations and put them carefully in another. When I would go there from twenty to one hundred or more would ask me, some of them very imploringly, for a bone. I would say, " Yes, you can have all the bones." I see that I am represented here as handing bones to those cripples. I would hand th§m out as here represented. The general representation in this diagram is about correct, save that there were twenty or forty men to one represented here. They were very thick about the cook-house. THE TREATMENT OF THE DEAD. On entering the stockade, I would find dead prisoners. They were generally laid up at the gate under some sheds or boughs constituting a dead-house. They were first brought out to the gate and laid just inside of the inner stockade ; they were then car- ried on litters to the inside of the outer stockade, and from there they were hauled away in wagons — sometimes two-horse, sometimes four-horse wagons. They were laid in the wagon, I believe, head foremost, one on another, regularly along in layers. I do not know how they were buried. The dead-house of the hospital was in the southwest corner. When I first went there, what was called a dead-house consisted of some boards put up into a kind of shed. These boards were used by the inmates of the hospital or somehow else ; at any rate they disappeared. For some time the dead were laid there without any shelter. Every time I came on duty as officer of the day, which was every six days, I reported that there was no dead-house, and called the attention of the authorities to the erec- tion of a dead-house or some place to deposit the dead, not to let them lie without shelter and exposed to the sun. This was in the hospital. They did not allow the corpse to lie long enough to cause any exhalations from putrefaction. Outside they were hauled off immediately to the grave-yard ; at least I saw them hauled away — I never visited the grave-yard. We needed a dead-house, so as to have some ydace to lay the corpses decently. At one time we got a tent erected for a dead-house, but that did not last very long. Every morning when I would go in I would find a blanket or a quilt sliced off. The men would appropriate them to wrap themselves up. At first the top commenced going, and in a few days all was gone. I remarked that it was no use to erect such dead-houses as thai, except to supply the men with blankets, though I had no objection to their being erected every night, if the men could thereby get blankets. If my "memory serves me right, no more dead-houses were erected. I think that tent I managed to get erected was the last. 120 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Cross-examined by counsel : My home has been in Louisville, Jefferson County, Georgia, since 1857. By occupa- tion I am a practicing physician. I have never held office under the State or national government. I was keeping a drug store when the war broke out. Up to June, 1864, I remained at home practicing medicine. I was exempted by the confederate congress, being a physician over thirty years old, and having been in practice for seven years prior to the 17th of December, 1864. About that time I was arrested and taken to Augusta. I was then, as I sometimes expressed it, forced to go into the confederate service to keep out of it. I had no sympathy whatever with it, and no desire to go into it. I did not say or do anything to bring on the war. I have always been a Union man as I understand what the definition of " Union" is. Up to that time (June, 1864) I was exempt under the confederate act. I soon saw that Governor Brown was going to run everything that could bear arms into the State militia, and as I had been asked to take a position as a contract surgeon, I thought it better to take it rather than go into the trenches. I know of only one other, Dr. Wilson, who went in in that way. I took an oath to the southern confederacy, one forced upon me at the point of the bayonet. I was compelled to take it, and did not at that time consider it binding upon me, morally. I was arrested and taken to Augusta, and was given thirty days for the purpose of showing my exemiition on the plea of l3eing a physician. I got up the testimony and the plea was refused. I bothered no more about it, but reported to Colonel Brown and told him where I stood. I told him that Surgeon Green, of the confederate hospital at Macon, had sent word to me to go up there and help him. Colonel Brown said, " If Doctor Green wants your services your conti'act will be as good an exemption as you vrant." I therefore entered into the contract, and it was indoi'sed by the surgeon gen- eral, and I was put on duty in the City Hall hospital. One day a lieutenant came up and asked me if my name was Bates. I told him it was. He said " You are under ar- rest." I asked " For what ? " He said, " I do not know ; but bring your blankets and duds." I said I had none. He walked me out to Camp Cooper, adjacent to Macon, and there I was confined. Next morning I was taken out to be enrolled and to have my peisonal description taken. A testament was shoved up to me. I asked what it was for. The answer was, "To take the oath." Said I, "Hold." I was not allowed to speak or say anything to anybody. I then asked for Major Roland, commandant of the post, and said I wished to see him. He was iu an adjoining room. He sent word to me that I was under orders and that he wished no conference with me. They stuck up a book to me. I asked them what the oath or obligation was. They said it was that I should support the constitution. I was surrounded by bayonets and the book stuck at me. I took the oath under duress. All the acts I did iu the southern confed- eracy were in consequence of my being compelled. My first duties at Audersouville were going in and examining the ward and the pa- tients in the ward. I continued in that service from the 22d of September, 1864, to the 26th of March, 1865, save the times when I was under arrest. The surgeons with me there during that time were Dr. Sheppard and his son, Dr. Alexander, Dr. Thoruburg, Dr. McVey, Dr. Thompson, Dr. Dillard, Dr. Stevenson, Dr. Mudd, Dr. Rice, Dr. Cole- man, Dr. James, Dr. Williams, Dr. Cridelle, Dr. Reeves, Dr. Johnson, Dr. Ferryman, Dr. Kilpatrick, Dr. Curry, Dr. KeiT, hospital steward. Dr. Saunders, and perhaps some others. Dr. Stevenson remained chief surgeon till the latter part of September. He was the surgeon to whom all the others had to report. Dr. H. J. Clayton succeeded him iu the latter part of September, 1864, and remained surgeon-in-chief till the time I left. The miseries I have related occurred under the administration of Dr. Steven- son. They were much relieved when Dr. Clayton came in. At the time I came there I understood that General Winder was in command, but shortly afterward Colonel Gil)b8 was. TESTIMONY OF SURGEON G. C. ROY. In this counection the committee present the testimony of Confederate Surgeon G. C. Eoy, who was ordered on duty at Andersonville on the Lst of September, 1864, giving his description of Andersonville and its nnfortnnate inmates : CONDITION OF THE PRISONERS IN THE STOCKADE. I was told that there were from thirty thousand to thirty-five thousand prisoners in the stockade when I went on duty at Andersonville. They presented the most horrible spec- tacle of humanity that I ever saw in my life. A good many were suffering from scurvy and other diseases ; a good many were naked ; a large majority barefooted ; a good many BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 121 without liats. Their condition generally was almost indescribable. I attributed that condition to long confinement and the want of the necessaries and comforts of life, and all those causes that are calculated to produce that condition of the system where there is just vitality enough to permit one to live. In the first place, at Andersouville the prisoners were too denselj' crowded. In the next place there was no shelter, ex- cept such as they constructed themselves, which was very insufficient. A good many were in holes in the earth, with their blankets thrown over them ; a good many had a blanket or oil-cloth thrown over poles ; some were in tents constructed by their own ingenuity, and with just such accommodations as their own ingenuity permitted them to contrive. There were, you may say, no accommodations made for them in the stockade, and in fact it was very wise that none were made there, unless the stockade had been large, because to have" filled up the space occupied by this prison with sheds, would have almost produced a stagnation of air. They had a branch that ran through the stockade as a convenience for washing. There was plenty of water there. I never was in tlie stockade myself. There was plenty of water in the branch. I do not know its condition. The ground on the east side of the stockade, outside, was composed of marsh, and was blockaded with trees which had been cut down, which acted as an obstruction to all deleterious animal and vegetable matter that passed after heavy weather through this stream, and there it accumulated and became very obnoxious indeed, and was a very fruitful source of malaria. A great many insects were preva- lent there. A great many of them were maggots, and there were also ants — these white ants with wings. In general terms, there were those insects which result from a decay of vegetable and animal matter. The quantity of them was very great. There were very many mosquitoes there when I got there. I had been told that mosquitoes were rarely known in that part of the country before, but they were most terrible when I got there, so that it was dangerous for a man to open his mouth after sundown. I think this ground was afterward drained. I think it was drained just after. This marshy place that I spoke of was just in the rear of the hospital, and the winds, of course, blew the odor from there across the hospital, and after Dr. Clayton took charge it was drained. I think it was through his influence, but I do not know by whom or from what cause. I recollect his calling my attention to the fact, and having me there to look at it after it was drained. I think it had been drained before, but such a body of water as that stream carried after an immense rain very soon became obstructed, and it would necessarily require constant or repeated draining. The fleas were as bad as the mosquitoes, worse, if anything, and after the evacuation of the stockade, I was told by a friend who remained there several weeks afterward, they emigrated from the stockade and came up to the private houses, so that the occupants had to leave on account of the fleas. This marsh of which I speak was right alongside the hospital.^ The hospital got the odors and miasma fiom it. The effect on the prisoners must, of course, have been injurious." REBEL DOCUMENTS AND TESTIMONY. TESTIMONY OF CONFEDERATE CAPTAIN C. M. SELPH — CONDITION OF ANDERSONVILLE PRISON KNOWN TO THE CONFEDERATP: AUTHORITIES — LETTER OP GENERAL HOW- ELL COBB — SURGEON E. J. ELDRIDGE'S REPORT — CAPTAIN WIRZ'S REPORT — GEN- ERAL JOHN H. winder's REPORT — COLONEL D. T. CHANDLER'S REPORT OF HIS INSPECTION OF ANDERSONVILLE PRISON — SURGEON ISAIAH WHITES'S REPORT TO COLONEL CHANDLER— STRENGTH OP THE STAFF AT ANDERSONVILLE — REPORT OF GUARD FORCES THERE — APPEAL OP GENERAL WINDER FOR LABORERS, TEAMS, &C., TO COMPLETE THE FORTIFICATIONS — THE DISPOSITION OF THE REPORTS ON THE CONDITION OF THE PRISON — IMPORTANT TESTIMONY OF SURGEON D. T. CHANDLER. OflBcial inspections of stockades and prisons by the rebel authorities were not of unfrequent occurrence. Many ofiBcial reports from rebel in- spection officers are among the documents in possession of the committee and incorporated with this report. They state in many cases, with start- ling truthfulness, the actual condition of the prisons and their inmates, and fully sustain the statements of witnesses in every point. They fur- nish conclusive evidence that the rebel chiefs who controlled the des- tinies of the South during the war were fully acquainted with the terrible state of affairs existing in nearly every prison. The reports, as is shown by their indorsements, were referred from branch to branch of the con- federate government, passing through the hands of cabinet officers, and, 122 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR in some instances, tlirough the hands of Davis, bnt appear to have failed entirely of producing that change and reform which their authors so earnestly invoked. Your committee now call attention to the following official rebel docu- ments cotemporaneous with the incidents of which we are here speak- ing, introduced by the testimony of Captain C. M. Selph, of the adjutant general's department, Confederate States of America, and Captain J. H. Wright, Confederate States of America. The testimony of Colonel D. T. Chandler, surgeon Confederate States of America, is also herewith given; This evidence is taken from the Wirz trial. C. M. Selph : I have been iu the confederate army for the lastfoiir years as captain in the adjutant general's department — assistant adjutant general — and also in the inspector general's department. Those departments were combined — they were separated about the be- ginning of 1864; I was assistant inspector general, on duty in the office. GENERAL HOWELL COBB'S KEPORT OF HIS INSPECTION OF THE ANDERSONVILLE PRISON. I am acquainted with the handwriting of Major General Howell Cobb. (A letter was liere handed to the Avitness.) I am pretty sure that is a letter from Howell Cobb. It was received iu the adjutant general's office May 21, 1864, and was sent to the inspector general's office May 26. The judge advocate read to the court and put in evidence — stating that he did so to show that the rebel war department at Richmond was cognizant of the condition of Audereonville prison — a letter of which the following is a copy : " Headquarters Georgia Reserves, "Macon, Georgia, May 5, 1864. " General : Under your orders to inform myself of the condition of the prison at An- dersouville, with a view of furnishing from the reserve corps the necessary guard for its protection and safety, I made a visit there and have just returned, and now submit the result of my examination. "There are now in the prison about twelve thousand prisoners in an area of less than eighteen acres, with a stockade around it about tifteeu feet liigh. I presume the char- acter of the prison is well understood at Richmond, and therefore give no description of it. The danger of the prisoners escaping is not so great as I had supposed. With a guard of twelve hundred men, four pieces of artillery, and a cavalry company, all ap- prehension of escape would be quieted. I have arranged to send two regiments of in- fantry there within the next week, which, with the detached companies of Colonel Persons's regiment, will be an ample infantry force. Captain Gamble's battery is there, but I would recommend that it be returned to Florida, and Captain Ziller's battery eent in its place. My reason mainly for this recommendation is, that Captain Gamble's battery is very well supplied with horses, and they are not needed at Andersouville, whereas Captain Ziller's horses have been so reduced that he is unable to move his battery in the field. The exchange of these batteries would be of decided advantage to the service. "I recommend the cavalry company because its presence would have a salutary effect in restraining the prisoners from any attempt to escape, knowing the means were at baud to i)ursue them, and in the event of the escape of any considerable number the cavalry wouhl be absolutely necessary to their successful pursuit. "I took the liberty of making several suggestions for rendering the prison more se- cure ; and if the tools could be had I would recommend that the entire prison grounds should be surrounded by fortifications, which could be put up l)y the troops, whose health Avould be promoted by the employment. "The most important change is the one suggested in the accompanying report of my chief surgeon. Dr. Eldridge, that is, the erection of hospital buildings outside of the prison. Upon that point there cannot be two opinions among intelligent men. It ought to be done at once, and such is the oj)inion of every sensible man that has ex- amined the prison. "The prison is already too much crowded and no additional prisoners should be sent there until it can be enlarged. The effect of increasing the number within tlie present area must be a teri'ific increase of sickness. and death during the sununer months. I. understand that an order has beeu given for enlarging the prison. If it was possible to make another prison it would be much better, for I doubt very much whether the water will be sufficient for the accommodation of the increased number of prisoners. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 123 The general management of the prison under Colonel Persons is good, and be manifests a laudable desire to discbarge bis duties in tbe most efficient manner. Tbe duties of tbe inside command are admirably performed by Captain Wirz, whose place it would be difficult to fill. " I still think tbe rank of tbe commanding officer of tbe post should be a brigadier general; in view of the number of troops that will be under his command it seems to me he should have that superior rank over those who may be ordered to report to him. " I take the liberty of inclosing a copy of Dr. Eldridge's report. " I am, general, very respectfully, yours, &c., "HOWELL COBB, "Major General Commanding. " General S. Cooper, '^Adjutant General, Richmond, VaJ' Indorsed as follows : " Howell Cobb, major general, headquarters Georgia reserves, Macon, May 5, 1864. Report on the prison at Audersonville, Georgia. One inclosure. A. and L G. O., received May 26,' 1864. Received A. and I. G. O May 21, 1864." WiTjsTESS. Howell Cobb was brigadier general of the Georgia reserves at that time. SURGEON E. J. eldridge's REPORT. (Another paper was here handed to the witness.) This paper bears official marks of the department ; it is the inclosure which accom- panied General Cobb's letter : " Headquarters Georgia Reserves, "Macon, Georgia, May 6, 1864. "Major: In obedience to instructions from Major General Howell Cobb, I have the honor to make tbe following report of my visit, in company with the general, to the prison camp at Audersonville. I found the prisoners, in my opinion, too much crowded for the promotion or even continuance of their iiresent health, particularly during the approaching summer months. The construction of properly arranged baiTacks would of course allow the same number of men to occupy the inclosures, with material ad- vantage to their comfort and health. At present their shelters consist of such as they can make of the boughs of trees, poles, &c., covered with dirt. Tbe few tents they have are occupied as a hospital. I found the police of tbe camp, though not very good, as well arranged as their crowded condition and»the limited number of shovels would allow. Since necessaiy tools have been received for ditching, &c., (which has been very recently,) it is proposed to arrange the sinks so that the fecal matter may be at once carried away by the stream running through the inclosure, which will at once materially improve the condition of the camp. I found the condition of a large num- ber of the Belle Island prisoners on their arrival to be such as to require more attention to their diet and cleanliness than to tbe actual administration of medicines, very many of them suffering from chronic diarrhea combined with the scorbutic disposition, with extreme emaciation as tbe consequence. The hospital being within tbe inclosure it has been foimd impracticable to administer such diet and give them such attention as they require, as unless constantly watched such diet as is prepared for them is stolen and eaten by tbe other ^jrisoners. There is a fine stream within a few hundred yards of the present inclosure, across which, in my opinion, there should be made another in- closure, with sufficient hospital buildings, two stories high, to accommodate from eight hundred to one thousand patients. Such an inclosure as I should suggest (a plank fence ten feet high) would require biit very few additional guards, which guard a^ipears to be tbe objection urged at Richmond to a separate inclosure. "The patients upon their admission into the hospital should be well washed, and a pool arranged on tbe side of tbe stream, and furnished only with a clean shirt, with which dress they would hardly attempt to escape. The nurses could be detailed with such discretion that but few would attempt to escape, and with frequent roll-calls, they would be absent but a few hours before detected, and would be readily caught by tbe dogs always at hand for that purpose. I couvsider the establishment of a hospital hutside of the present inclosure as essential to the proper treatment of the sick, and most urgently recommend its immediate construction. I would also recommend the con- struction of as many bathing i)ools within the jirison as the stream would warrant, feeling assured from the appearance of the prisoners that their use would contribute materially to tbe health of the bathers. Other improvements would be suggested, but for tbe difficulty of obtaining labor, tools, and materials ; but with those above men- tioned, the urgent necessities of the prison would be supplied. " The bakery just being completed will be the means of furnishing better prepared food, particularly bread, the half-cooked coudition of which has doubtless contributed to the continuance of the bowel aftections. I will add that as far as I have been able 124 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR to judge from my short visit, the management of the medical department of the prison,* under the direction of Chief Snrgeon J. F. White, reflects credit uj)on that officer, who seems well qualified for the position he occupies. " I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, "E. J. ELDRIDGE, " Chief Surgeon Georgia Reserves, " Major Lamar Cobb, ^'A. A. and I. Gen. Georgia Reserves, Macon, Georgia." Indorsed as follows : "E.J. Eldiidge, chief surgeon, headquarters Georgia reserves, Macon, May 6, 1864. Report of the prison at Andersonville, Georgia." CAPTAIN WIllZ'S REPORT IN REFERENCE TO THE CONDITION OF THE PRISON. (A letter from Captain Wirz, the prisoner, was here handed to the witness.) I do not know whether that letter bears the marks of the department ; it may be the mark of General Winder's office. He was commandant of the post in the city of Richmond ; Major Turner was commandant of Libby prison, Richmond. I do not know whether these reports w^re made through him. (The handwriting of the prisoner, and of General John H. Winder, to the letter, was proved by Captain J. H. Wright, previously sworn as witness for the prosecution.) The following is a copy : " Camp Sumter, Andersonville, Ga., May 8, 1864. " Major : I have the honor to make the following report in regard to Confederate States military prison at this post : " I was assigned to the command of the prison by Colonel A. W. Persons, the com- mandant of the post, on the 27th of March, 1864, having reported to him for duty by order of General J. H. Winder, commanding Confederate States military prison. I found the prison in a bad condition, owing to the want of tools, such as axes, spades, and lumber to erect proper buildings ; Captain W. S. Winder, and his successor. Colonel A. W. Persons, had left nothing untried to sujiply these important articles. Only two weeks ago I received axes, spades, &c., from Columbus, Georgia, and went to work cutting ditches, &c., and I hope to have everything in the interior of the prison com- pleted in two weeks. The bakery, which could not be completed for want of lumber, is now in operation. The necessity of enlarging the stockade is unavoidable, and I shall commence as soon as I can gather a sufficient number of negroes. I would most respectfully ask you to present to the authorities at Richmond the impediment thrown in my way by having the hospitals inside the prison. The number of prisoners on the 1st day of April was 7, 160 I received up to-day from various sources 5, 787 I received up to-day, recaptured 7 5,794 Total 12,954 The number of dead from the 1st of April to 8th of May is 728 The number escaped from the 1st of April to the 8th of May is 13 741 Leaving on hand 12, 213 " I would also call your attention to the danger of having oirr present guard force withdrawn and their places supplied by the reserve forces of Governor Brown. '' In conclusion allow me to make a few remarks concerning myself. I am here in a very lanjileasant position, growing out of the rank which I now hold, and suggest the propriety of being promoted. Having the full control of the prison, and consequently of the daily prison guard, the orders which I have to give are very often not obeyed with the promptness the occasion requires, and I am of opinion that it emanates from the reluc- tance of obeying an officer who holds the same rank as they do. My duties are mani- fold, and require all my time in daytime, and veij' often part of the night, and I would most respectfully ask that two commissioned officers (lieutenants) would be assigned to me for duty. " I am, major, most respectfully, your obedient servant, "H. WIRZ, " Captain Commanding Prison. " Major Thomas Turj^er, C. S. A." BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 125 Indorsed as follows : " Andersouville, Georgia, Camp Sumter, May 8, 1864. Captain Henry Wirz, commanding prison. Reports in reference to the general condition of the prison, and suggests the propriety of increased rank being given him. ''Richmond, Virginia, May 25, 1864. Respectfully forwarded, recommended. "THOS. P. TURNER, " Major Commanding. " Approved and respectfully forwarded. Captain Wirz has proved himself to be a very diligent and efficient officer, whose superior in commanding prisoners and inci- dent duties I know not. "JNO. H. WINDER, " Brigadier General." GENERAL JOHN H. WINDER'S REPORT. I have had opportunities of noticing the signatures of J. L. Seddon, rebel secretary of war, and of Colonel H. L. Clay, assistant adjutant general. (A paper was here handed to the witness.) I recognize here the signature of Colonel H. L. Clay, assistant adjutant general, and the initials of Mr. Seddon, secretary of war. Mr. Seddon Avas in the habit of signing papers and referring them by his initials. (The signature of Brigadier General John H. Winder was identified by Captain J. H. Wright, heretofore sworn as a witness for the j)rosecution.) The judge advocate then read and put in evidence the letter from John H. Winder, brigadier general, to General S. Cooper, of which the following is a copy : " Camp Sumter, Andersonville, Ga., July 21, 1864. " Generai. : Your indorsement on the letter of S. B. Davis, relating to the strength of the guard at this post, contains a very severe censure, which I am sure would not have been made if you had had a clear comprehension of this post, of its wants and its difficulties. Reflect for a moment : 29,201 prisoners of war, many of them most desperate characters, a post a mile long by half a mile wide, the stockade for prisoners within 160 yards of a mile in circumference, numerous avenues leading to the post to be guarded, public property to be cared for, guards for working parties, and the ordinary camp guards for the troops, and you can form some estimate of the number it would require for these purposes. The following are the daily guards required, and they cannot be reduced, but ought to be increased : " Stockade : 1,600 yards around, 52 posts, supernumeraries 10 — 166 enlisted men, two commissioned officers ; hospitals, two, (uninclosed,) 1,735 patients and attendants, guards 73 — 23 posts, 69, and four (4) supernumeraries, and one commissioned officer. " Pickets around the stockade, 206. Tliis picket is indispensable to prevent escape by tunneling. Outlying pickets and railroad bridge guard, 43 ; six commissioned officers. Guard with party cutting wood daily, 100. Guard with working jiarties, 25. This does not include accidental guards and camp guards Total 513 " Strength of guard, July 20, 2,421, including the prisoner guard detained here, from which deduct 517 sick, daily duty 227, and the artillery company 126 = 870, leaves 1,551. You will observe that, since Lieutenant Davis's report, the detained prisoner guards have been added to the strength of the guard. This gives the most favorable report of the forces at this post, and the duties required of it. " You speak in your indorsement of placing the prisoners properly. I do not exactly comprehend what is intended by it. I know of but one way to place them, and that is to put them into the stockade, where they have between four and five square yards to the man. This includes streets and two acres of ground about the stream. " Respectfully, your obedient servant, "JNO. H. WINDER, " Brigadier General. " General S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector General." 126 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Indorsed as follows : " Camp Sumter, Andersonville, Ga., July 21, 1864. " Brigadier General J. H. Winder rejiorting condition of tliis post, its wants and difficulties, " Respectfully submitted to the secretary of Avar. " H. L. CLAY, " Assistant Adjutant General. "Adjutant and Inspectou General's Office, "August 3, 1864. "Noted. File. "J. L. S." LIEUTENANT COLONEL D. T. CHANDLER'S REPORT OF HIS INSPECTION OF THE ANDER- SONVILLE PRISON. (Another paper, being a report from Lieutenant Colonel Chandler to W. H. Chilton, was here liandtd to witness.) This document bears the signature of Lieutenant Colonel Chandler, assistant adjutant and inspector general in the same department as mine. It is marked as being received August 17, 1864. The paper was read and put iu evidence. The following is a copy : " Andersonville, January 5, 1864.* " Colonel : Having, in obedience to instructions of the 25th ultimo, carefully in- spected the prison for federal prisoners of war and post at this place, I respectfully submit the folU)\viiig report: " The federal prisoners of war are confined within a stockade 15 feet high, of roughly hewn pine h)gs, about 8 inches in diameter, inserted 5 feet into the ground, inclosing, including tlie recent extension, an area of 540 by '260 yards. A railing around the inside of the stockade, and about 20 feet from it, constitutes the ' dead-line,' beyond which the prisoners are not allowed to pass, and about 3| acres near the center of the inclosure are so marshy as to be at present unfit for occupation — reducing the available present area to about 234 acres, which gives somewhat less than 6 square feet to each prisoner. Even this is being constantly reduced by the additions to their number. A small stream passing from west to east tlnongh the inclosure, at about 150 yards from its southern limit, furnishes the only water for washing accessible to the prisoners. Some regiments ol the guard, the bakery and cook-hoiise, being placed on the rising grounds bordering the stream before it enters the prison, render the water nearly unfit for use before it reaches the prisoners. This is now being remedied in part by the removal of the cook- house. Under the pressure of their necessities the i)risoners have dug numerous wells within the inclosure, from which they obtain an ample supi)ly of water to drink, of good quality. Excepting the edges of this stream, the soil is sandy and easily drained, but from 30 to .^)0 yards on each side of it the ground is a muddy niarsh, unfit for occu- pation, and having been constantly used as a sink since the prison was first established, it is now in a shocking condition and cannot fail to breed i)estilence. An eftbrt is being made by Captain Wirz, commanding the prison, to fill up the marsh and con- struct a slnic(!— the upi>cr end to be used for bathing, &c., and the lower end as a sink, but the ditficnlty of procuring lumber and tools very much retards the work, and threatens soon to stop it. No shelter whatever, nor material for constructing any, have been provided by the prison authorities, and the ground being entirely bare of trees, none is within reach of the prisoners, nor has it been possible, from the overcrowded state of the inclosure, to arrange the camp with any svsteni. Each man has been per- mitted to protect himself as best he can, stretching his l)lanket, or whatever ho may have, above him on such sticks as he can procure, thatches of pine or whatever his ingenuity may suggest and his cleverness supply. Of other shelter there is and has been none. The whole number of prisoners is divided into messes of 27(t, and subdi- visions of 90 men, each under a sergeant of their own number and selection, and but one Confederate States otficer. Captain Wirz, is assigued to the supervision and control of the whole. In conseciuence of this fact, and the absence of all regularity in the prison grounds, and there being no barracks or tents, there are and can be no regula- tions established for tlui police consideration of the health, comfort, and sanitary condition of those within the inclosure, and none are practicable under existing cir- cumstances. In evidence of their condition, I would cite the facts that numbers have been found murdered by their comrades, and that recently, in their desperate etibrts to provide for their own safety, a court organized among themselves, by authority of General AVinder, commanding the post, granted on their own application, has tried a *Thi8 date should be August 5, 1864. See Colouel Chandler's testimony. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 127 large numher of their fellow-prisoners, and sentenced six to be hung, which sentence was duly executed })y themselves within the stockade, with the sanction of the post commander. His order in the case has been forwarded by him to tlie war department. There is no medical att<;ndance provided within the stockade. Small quantities of med- icines are placed in the liantain J. W. Armstrong, A. C. S., left the post shortly after my arrival on sick leave, locking up nearly all his books and papers. I was consequently unable to make a satisfactory examination into his alfairs. Enough information, however, was elicited to show that he is a very inefficient officer, and entirely incompetent for the discharge of the duties of his position, and should at once be remoA'ed, (in |)encil, 'General Order No. 93, Art. 2G, should be enforced.") Captain K. 15. AN'indcr. assistant i|uarternuister, is an energetic and efficient officer, whose whole time and attention are requisite for the duties strictly appertaining to his position. The additional duties devolved upon him by the instructions from the quartermaster general's office, requiring him to establish and superintend a large shoe factory, should be imposed on some other officer of the department. " The other statf officers at this post seem intelligent and efficient in the discharge of their duties, with the exceptions of Captain Sanuicl S. l»aily, assistant adjutant general, who is mentally and physically incapacitated for their performance, and Surgeon E. Sheppard and Assistant Surgeons R. E. Alexander and A. Thombaugh, who are repre- sented by the chief surgeon as being incompetent and inefficient. " My duty requires me respectfully to recommend a change in the officer in command of the post. Brigadier General J. H. Winder, and the substitution in his place of some iiri(h; (leorfihi, Jor tlw iiioiith of -Inhj, 18G4. rrisoners on hand on 1st of July, 1864, in cam]) "io, 00') in hos]>ital 1,;5()*2 '>\S, 3(57 Prisoners received during the month from various places 7, 004 recapturt;d 1'- 7,070 Total y 33,443 Died during the mouth 1 » ' ^- Escaped '-'" Sent to other posts 3> 1,70.") Total on hand ' 31,678y Of which there are in canij) '29, yUS Of which there are in hospital 1 , 6h0 r,Y THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 131 '•The luiuibor escai)cd I'roni stockade and not rccaptmcd, from the 1st of April up to date, is 27 meu. Average number of prisoners each day 29, 030 Averaj^e ni\mbcr of dead each day 565- "H. WIRZ, " Captain CommamVinfj Prison.'' ('((XSOI.IDA 1 ID l;iriri:X ok TIIK ANDE1!S(.)XVI1.LK PIUSOX for TIIK WKKK KXDIXfi JULY 31, 1JS64. (Another paper being exliibited to witness, he ideutitied it as another iuclosnre of the report ])reviously read. It was oflered in evidence. The folh)wing is a copy :) 132 TEEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR ^ t>5 a B S 1^3 III S.xl -5 S S ■: XT. cc ^"^ «< llllall £££££££ o o :j o » oj a c s a a s a s .1.1 .11.1 .1.1 TI> ^ c t- ■\m\s\\ no iK^ox 29, 297 29, 268 29, 867 30, 314 31, 839 31,774 31, 678 •[«4uIsoi[ HI 1,.582 1,.590 1, .563 1,704 1, 648 1,682 1, 680 ■e.io4.junT) nosi.icl tii 27, 715 27, 678 28, 304 29, 110 30, 191 30, 092 29, 998 •li,i~'ui:i|.)X,» pnB'posBopxi i).>[o.ii:cl'.yo ;n9s 'paclBos.) 'p'>!ii p^ox m >rs ■» QJ o — 1 o o to t- ao Qo r- ci •padBS -S3 puB 'pasBapxi 'paxoau j; •s^sod JOi[}o o; 'jtiag ; ;^ ; ; : : •paia CO LO — 1 O M — ' to o :o t- 00 00 t- C3 ■podBasa: ' i (M H tM '■ •IB^o; pnB.if3 O CO -' to Tf lO -3" S « S 00 C5 00 1- Cr. Cl C2 O -^ — rl •[B}ldS0l[ ui lo in -^ -^ CO ^ to Ti- ire CO 00 CO i-n i- to to to t-- I- t- t- ■s.i.H.uuiI) nosi.id ux ffj r- ■* CO i-i X 30 -H Tf r5 00 00 00 Ci r-totcccoo I- t- t- 30 cr. = C-. (J> OI OJ SI 3< CO CI •p.)Ai,i03a 1b:(ox CO to CO Ci o o •pa.in;dB03^I ;::::(?» •pOAl.l.l.nj to C -H 6 a lO to l-^ CO ci o .- CI CI CI CI CI CO c- 1 \ ^ s BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 133 THE DISPOSITION OF THE REPORTS SHOWING THE CONDITION OF THE ANDERSONVILLE PRISON. Witness. "WTieu these papers Avere siibniittecl to the departnieut they were forwarded to the secretary of war with indorsement, immediately on their receipt by Colonel Chilton, insi)ector general. (A paper was here shown to the witness.) That is Colonel Chilton's signature ; that is his indorsement made at the time. (The paper was then ofitered in evidence. The following is a copy ) " [Exhibit -23.] " Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, "Au{/U8t IS, 1864. " Respectfully snltmitted to the secretary of war. The condition of the prison at Andersonville is a reproach to us as a nation. " The engineer and ordnance departments Avere applied to for implements, authorized their issue, and I so telegraphed General Winder. " Colonel Chandler's recommendations are concurred in. " Bv order of General S. Cooper : " R. W. CHILTON, A. A. cj- /. G." Q. This reads, "respectfully submitted to the secretary of war," &c. Was this re- port so submitted ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. In whose handwriting is the name " Mr. Welford" on this paper, (Exhibit 23 '?) — A. It is in the handwriting of Judge Campbell, assistant secretary of war. Q. Who is Mr. AVelford f — A. He was the attorney for the war department. Q. (Another jiaper being shown to witness.) Whose indorsement is that ? — A. That is the indorsement of Judge Campbell to the secretary of war. Q. (The attention of the witness being directed to another part of the same paper.) Whose writing is that ? — A. Mr. Welford's writing. Q. What was Mr. Welford's duty ? — A. To examine the papers, to make an analysis of them, and submit them to the secretary of war with his opinion. (The paper was then offered in evidence. The following is a copy :) " Secretary of IVar : " These reports show a condition of things at Andersonville Avhich calls very loudly for interposition of the department in order that a change may be made. "J. A. CAMPBELL, "Assistant Secretary of War." "C — 5. — Report of inspection of military prison at Andersonville, Georgia. — 18 inclos- ures. — D. T. Chandler, lieutenant colonel, &c. " This report discloses a conditiou of things imperatively demanding prompt and de- cisive measures of relief. The discomforts and sufferings of the prisoners seem almost incredible ; and the frightful i)er centum of mortality, steadily increasing until in the month of July it had attained the extent of 62 and 7-10 per thousand, appears to be only a necessary consequence of the criminal indifference of the authorities charged with their care and custody. No effectual remedy for all the evils seems available so long as the numbers are in such large excess over that for Avhich the prison was de- signed ; but some things can be * * at once to ameliorate the con * *. Colonel Chandler, Avhose recommend * * are approved by Colonel Chilton, suggests the re- lief of General Winder and substitute ^ * some other commander. The state * * things disclosed in the reports cannot — '* Witness. These indorsements shoAv the report was laid before the secretary of war. I do not know of any action taken on the report by the secretary of Avar. General Winder Avas aspgned to the command of all the prisoners about two weeks afterward, I think. He Avas assigned as commissary general of prisoners. An analysis of the report was made and extracts were sent to the surgeon general, the quartermaster general, the commissary general ; in fiict all the bureaus of the war deinirtment. I have no evidence that this report Avent before Jefferson Davis. I have no positive evi- dence at all that it ever Avent to Mr. Davis. Q. Did you learn from a staff officer of Jefferson DaAis that this rejiort was laid be- fore him ; and if so, in A\"hat Avay did you receiA'e the intelligence ? — A. I cannot say that I did. It is mere inference that it was so laid before him, and I Avould hardly be au- thorized in stating that inference. Q. Can you recollect the language made use by the officer referred to ? Witness. I haA-e a A-ery indistinct recollection of the conversation with the aid of Jefferson Davis. * * * As I said before, I Avill not hazard a statement of the conversation that I had. Mv recollection is so indistinct that I am not Avilliug 134 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR to hazard my own iufereiice. The question of tlie jmlge advocate was doubtless sug- gested by a remark wbicli I made to him yesterday, though I stated at the time that I AvouM uot hazard it as testimony. Consequently I cannot state any facts on -which I base the inference. The conversation Avas between Colonel Woods and myself in re- gard to the Andersonvillo prison, and during that conversation I obtained the impres- sion that President Davis had some knowledge of it; but I am not willing to hazard that as testimony, for I have a very indistinct recollection. The inference to Avhich I allude Avas formed at the time of this couA'ersation. I recollect that that A\as uiy in- ference. It Avas subsequent to these reports. I don't recollect hoAv long after ; it must have been Aery shortly afterAvard. Colonel Woods Avas John Taylor Woods, a lieuten- ant in the navy, and aid to President Davis. I think a paper of this kind, on a subject of this magnitude, would find its Avay to the president of the so-called Confederate' States, in the ordinary course of proceedings. Extracts were made and sent to the quartermaster and commissary departments altout the time the report Avas handed in. (Exhibit 19 Avas here shown to witness.) These words, "Extracts made for C. S. General," are in my handwriting. (Exhibit 18 was here shoAvnto Avitness.) These Avords "Extract from Avithin report have lu'cn sent to the difterent bu;.-eaus, and directions to General Winder for correction nnd remedy of the cAuls, «fec.," are in luy handwriting. SURGEON ISAIAH WHITE'S I!KI'Oi:r 1 ( ) CUI.ONKI, < IIAXDIJ-I!. (A paper Avas here exhibited to Avitness.) The indorsement upon that paper is l)y the surgeon general. The pa])er was an iu- closure of Colonel Chandler's report. S. D. Moore was tlie surgeon general of the con- federate army. (The paper Avas then olfered in evidence. ThefolloAving is a copy :) "CiiiEE SumjEOx's Office, Aa(}Uf7e 708 1,201 1,817 Itatio ]iM' 1,000 of mean .sti'cnjrth. :(T.4 57. (i 47.2 53. 87 G2. 7 " Owing to insutfieient hospital accommodation many are treated in cpiarters A\-ho should be in hos])ital. The present capacity of the hospital is for 1,400 sick. The hospital is situated in an oak groA'e, att'oiding good sliade. Through the liospital passes a stream, furnisliing an ample supply ot water for cleanliness; drinking-water is obtained of good quality from Avells and springs on the banks of the st,ream. "The tents are insufficient in number and not of i)roper size for the treatment of sick ; most of them are the small fiy tent and tent liies. There should be at least two hun- dred hos))ital or live lumdred wall tents to pro])er]y accommodate! the sick. It has been impossibh' iij) totliistime to obtain straAv for bedding, tliisnot being a grain-groAving dis- trict; small crops of wheat luiA'e been groAvn this year, and efforts are being made to collect a sufllcicnt (piantity as soon as the pi'csent croi» is tiireshed ; but there is a lack of transportation at the iw.st, and farmers are unwilling to hire their own teams for the purpose. The attendants are paroled inisoners, Avho, as a rule, are i'aithfnl to tln^ per- formance ()f tlicir duty, being actuated by the iinjtroA'ement of their own condition on removal IVom the stockade, .and a fear of a retiirn if negligent in the performance of duty, apart from a desire to serve their oAvn sick comrades. Tiie number of medical otticers, initil the recent call of militia by the govtn-nor of Georgia, Avas utterly inade- quate; since that time a number of pliysicians have been employed by contract, and others have been detailed by the governor to serve in the medical de]>artment. Tliese haA'e been recently assigned and it is impossible to decide on tlieir iiioliciency. The other medical officers, Avith afcAv exceptions, are ca])able and attentive. The phy- sicians who have been recently enqiloyed Avill no doubt cancel their contracts as .soon as the militia is disbanded, and the services of the detailed physicians Avill also be lost. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. " 135 With this view I woiihl .suj^j>est that a suliticieiit number of competent medical officers be assigned. " Tliere is a deficiency of medical supplies issued bj' the medical purveyor. Supplies of medicines have occasionally been entirely Exhausted, and we have been left several days at a time without any whatever. This has arisen from the delay experienced in sending' requisitions to medical director at Atlanta for approval. " The hospital ration is commuted as for other general hospitals, and supplies for the subsistence and comfort of sick are purchased with hospital fund. Heretofore we have l)een able to supply sick with vegetables ; but during the entire month of July the commissary has been without funds, and difficulty has been experienced in purchasing on time. "The ration issued to the prisoners is the same as that issued to the confederate soldiers in the held, viz : one-third pound pork, one and a quarter i>ouuds meal, with an occasional issue of Iteans, rice, and molasses. " The meal is issued imbolted, and when baked is coarse and unwholesome. " Amongst the old prisoners, scurvy prevails to a great extent, which is usually accompanied by diseases of the digestive organs. This in connection with the mental depression i)r()duced by long imprisonment, is the chief cause of mortality. There is nothing in tlu; topography of the country that can be said to influence the health of the prison. " The land is high and well drained, the soil light and sandy, with no marshes or other source of malaria in the vicuiity, except the small stream within the stockade. The densely crowded condition of the prisoners, with the innumerable little shelters ir- regularly arranged, precludes the enforcement of pro^jer jiolice, and prevents free circu- lation of air. '' The lack of barrack accommodation exposes the men to the heat of tlie sun during the day and to the d(^w at night, and is a prolific source of disease. "The nuirgins of the stream passing through the stockade are low and boggy, and having been recently drained, have exposed a large surface covered with vegetable mold to the rays of the sun, a condition favorable to the development of malarious diseases. It is the design of the commandant of the prison to cover the surface with dry sand, but the woi'k has been unavoidabiy retarded. "The absence of proper sinks (and the filthy habits of the men) have caused a de- posit of fecal matter over almost the entire surface of this bottoni land. "The point of exitof tlie stream through the Avails of the stockade is not sufficiently bold to permit a free jiassage of ordure. " When the stream is swollen by rains, the lower portion of this bottom land is over- flowed by a solution of excrement, which, subsiding and the surface exposed to the sun, produces a horribh^ stencli. " Captain Wirz, the commandant of the prison, has doubtless explained to you the difficulties which have prevented these, with other projected improvements, in the way of bathing and otlier arrangements for cleanliness. " Respectfully su!)mitted. "ISAIAH H. WHITE, " Chief Surgeon I'ost. " ColoiU'l Chaxdm;];." [Indorsements.] " AXDERSON'VILLE, Ga., JlKJHut 4, 1864. " Respectfullv submitted with inspection report. " D. T. CHANDLER, J. A. <)'• I. G. "Remarks in pencil: Surgeon Cooney lias been ordered to inspect and report on hos- pital accommodations for prisoners. "Surgeon White was authorized some time since to send his requisitions for supplies direct to tlie medical purveyors. Not having supplies is his own fault ; he shoirld have anticipated the wants of the sick by timely requisitions. All requisitions are approved by medical directors. ' " It is impossible to order medical officers in ^dace of the contract physicians. They are not to be had at present. " S. D. MOORE, Surgeon GciieraJr i:EPt)i;T <)l' .STAFF OFFICEKS OX DTTY WITH OEXKKAE WIXDER. September 8, 1855. Captain J. H. Wright recalled for the ]n'osecution : (A paper was exhibited to witness.) I identify that as the signature of General John H. Winder. The Judge Advocate. I offer this in evidence simply to show that General Winder bad a large enough corps of staff officers to enable him to perform his duties. The paper was admitted in evidence. The following is a copy : 136 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR .'^ !i. *s Si' => <» ® S t •- H T 2o giiiccr corps, .staiit to Cap- ., by order of ig cliief engi- "3 1 -2 . 11 £ S iJ'S'i J; i -£ r. = c'"' 'S c S£ r'' !2 S ? <^ ^5 1 f i|| i 1:311 it X S -^ if X 1 °-s'^ wX H-I 5h c a !l >i'x Is cH 2 8iS5 5 — x-H "5 ? i; S^;.5^i a X k^ X "o H " "^ ^ < " -,.- ~ - r T -ti -^ X - ■ "■« in ^ 1 1 ■ft E. .ij'S c « ''' C ka S ■5 3 c: c "3 ^ II it X ci^.-S£, -^ 'is 1 "3 1 g^ itx C3 "3 ^t'^ S a a*" .a .a •^ at: Is' 1 Ij 1 ■3 "3 "x 3 X u 5 5 3 S s |°lit. C 1' ^ 5 S X ^S-S C X P<.:2 =5 At ^.■ti "5 ^ ■g p ^5 2 = 'i 5 ? ~ 5», /; ^hl-t. a S ai 2.0 s~ -§ s a 'it = 3 ^ c a ^ -^ ;! S i?!'*^! itS P^ p^ CH 5 w ^ ^ ^ • ^ x r ^.^ 5 c i^ Tt-<5i CJ d '; ^ M cT -; -■ -rj lip ^ I (M §2 % ?5 "c ~t ^►^ = "t; ^ '~' '^ _• i-'—'t. "■ i^-^.s « d y-,^ ^ C ■ilil ^ X XiC a: m xy: s •A L/iti ^ Tt" TC ^ ** Cl ■*■-* ^ to to '-o to to CO CO CO CO QO QO QO GO 00 00 00 Mapjo «" ^lyi n c^" ~f ifin ^•- JO ajBo; ►^^ ►^ ii) (T» ! 5 5 ! • '3 'S : Ul ; iit • o-S • 'j: B, "■^ :h| : w "^ /A r- "^ ^ - '— " " ^ ^^ „ ^ ^ ^ .. ^ ^^ 7" c a — — — X a •*-< *^ ^ ."t^ "* -.1^ ^ ^ ^ f c ■^ d 6 cS s r^ ^ 5 V ' ! i :i .X ' • s ' — • . -^ 1 ! a ' a ~ -5 : ; ^ ; ri: 2 tr o : ^x ?x tc : c ;x'j 3 ij -1 S Z'f^ ^s ,5 X ■ f= 2II ^ S' '■?■<< "*^ .- S ^ <■ p- Wpifiai 'a'^ ^ hJH M hS" ^ •jaquiux - 1 S o 2^ a si tl < id ■^ a ~M s^ CD „ c- - ^ o •-d'o - /<; ~ "? "i-- T'^ =c -^ f-^ -r C' ^ C. C C o 0/ 2 ^■^ o e nn T «cid -MM 138 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR KKPORT OF GUAItD FORCKS .STATIONED AT ANDERSON VIO.K. (A paper >Yas here exhibited to -witness.) I identify that as the signature of General John H. Winder. The Judge Advocate. I propose to ofler this report in evidence to sliow the nuin- her of troops on duty at Andersonville at the time it was made. (Tlie paper was admitted in evidence. The following is a copy:) " Consolidated report of the guard forcrti stationed at AnderaonviUe, (Iconjia, commanded lit/ Colonel Henry Forno, P. A. C. S. .3 £ A .a ■s A 2 o >j a >; P ^ ^. a =5 50 "V > -§ CS a >, a -» ■s JlciiinRiit. t c; ==1 0) X "^1 11 3 a--S s o . a Xi © f a o o f. a « « a &, > CO g % r^" 3 & V sb 1 t: ^1= o a CL O a M a a bij M !n tj. o iz; W -1 zn -^ ^ M 'A First reciimeut Goorsia Eeserves* 30 52 230 312 202 5 68 33 20 80 350 736 ^^econd resimeut Georsxia Keservest 27 .'57 301 385 75 16 25 29 23 46 333 611 Third regiment Gforaia KeservesJ 24 54 475 563 144 10 80 32 71 111 (!09 1,016 iTourth reiiiniont (!i'oru:ia Reserves § 24 4!) 303 376 126 13 17 6 23 124 369 704 Detachment riftytiftli Georgia regimentH 4 12 75 91 37 3 22 50 10 8 109 230 4 15 95 114 04 1 14 5 4 114 162 Furlow's battery, Georgia militia ** 19 43 309 371 39 21 75 12 352 516 Total 132 282 1,788 2,202 647 48 212 185 227 375 2,282 3,975 '•Note. — Colonel Forno has no staff. Lieutenant Fiirlow is acting adjutant — formerly aide-de-camp to General Boles ; his assignment asked. * Lieut. Colonel J. J. Neely, commanding, t Lieut. Colonel C. M. Jones, commanding. :j Lieut. Colonel Jno. L. j^Ioore, commauiiiiig. § Major J. H. lUirks, commanding. II Captain J. M. Griffin, commanding. i[ Captain C. E. Hyke, commanding. ** Lieut. Colonel T. M. Furlow. commandin'. Report of numher of men required daily /or duty as guard at stocJcade, in batteries, to work, ing stptads of prisoners, to wood srjnads, as provost guards, Sfc.; also v umber of men on duty inside of stockade. Day guard at stockade Day reserve at ••stockade Xight reserve at stockade (iuards with wood, sijuads for stockade. < 'ruards at batteries I'rovdst guards Outlying jiickets Bridge gii;ird, iSjC ■Men on duty in stockade Hospital guards 156 80 110 100 30 75 38 10 45 69 BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. " RecapiinlatioH. 139 1 a ^ fag 11 S s ■e(i "3 So o |z< W ; shown to witness.) I idefitily tliat iis one of the ineh)snres of Colonel Chandler's report. AI'PKAL op GKXKRAI, WINDER 1-OR I.AliORKRS, TEAMS, ETC., TO roMl'I.ETE THE lORTIIT- CATIOXS AT AXDEKSONVILLE. (Another paper was liere exhibited to witness.) This document is another inclosure of the same report. The Judge Advocate. I propose to offer this in evidence to show mainly that Gen- eral Winder had power to make impressments, which he ought to have done for the ]inrpose of alleviating the sufl'erings of the prisoners. (The document was admitted in evidence. The following is a copj' :) ■• An appeal to llir citizeii-s of Macon, Tat/lor, Eaudolph, Svhk'i/, Terirl, Baler, Calhoun, Lev, Sumter, and Dougherfij eounties : " Proniinent citizens have suggested that the agricultural interests of the couutrJ wonld be promoted by an appeal to the peo^ile to furnish at this time labor enough t" complete at once the fortitications at this post. " I am informed that the farming communities can l)etter spare their entire force at this particular season, tliau a small jiortion at a later i>eriod. The foitifications at this post must bo constructed at once. The safety of the very couutry, and ]ieople upon whom I call, and the welfare of the government, demand that it shall be done. "The Engineer in charge says tlnit with two //io«.srtJifZ (2,000) negroes, properly sup- ]died with axes, spades, and picks, and supported by the requisite number of wagons and teams, he can comjilete the work in ten (10) days. Each owner, so far as is prac- ticable, will send these implements with his negroes. The eounties above lueutioned are rich and populous. I appeal to the people to send at once the required force, and save themselves from the necessity of im])ressment. Whether the works are completed or not, the negroes shall be' returned to secure fodder, &c. "Two thousand negroes and tifty wagons aiul teams are reqnired. Provisions and forage are scarce, and each owner will send food and forage for his hands and horses. "So lar as can be foreseen, this will be the last call made npou the people for this post. I have authority to make impressments, bnt the patriotic response in the late emergency makes it desirous, if possible, to avoid the exercise of this power. " JOHN H. AVINDER, Brigadier General. "Camp Sitmter, Axdersox, Ga., Julij 27, 1864." THE DISPOSITIGX OF THE REPORTS SHOWIXG THE COXDITIOX OF TITE AXDERSOXVILEE PRISON. In my indorsement on the report of Colonel Chandler I referred to the extracts of that report. Those extracts were sent to the chiefs of the difterent bnreaus. The ex- 140 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR tracts are marked with the bureaus to Avhich they were referred. I heard from the chiefs of those bureaus after sending tlie extracts, but what it was I don't recollect. jVIy impression of what I heard is so slight that I don't think it would amount to any- thing. I cannot state from what bureaus I received responses ; it was impossible for me to tell the action on the difterent extracts, when probably I sent thousands of them ■out. I have an impression that answers were received ; but the effect of those answers I don't recollect. So far as I recollect returns Avere received from all the bureaus. I recollect that in the case of the surgeon general, the hospitals at Andersonville were ordered to be placed on the same footing, and to receive the same quantity of supplies, ns the hospitals for our own soldiers. Extracts Avere made, and answers from the different bureaus Avere required to be retiirned Avith the extracts themselA^es. The ex- tract to the surgeon general Avas returned Avith an indorsement to the effect that he liad so instructed. Tliis Avas suggested by the extract referred to. I do not know Avhere that report is. I cannot tell about Avhat time I sent those extracts to those bureaus. I cannot tell the mouth unless I should take it from the date of the report itself. I think it Avas made immediately after receiA'ing these reports. I Avould make extracts and send them to ditterent bureaus immediately after their return from the secretary of Avar — iunnediately after the return of tlie report and inclosures. I sent these to the secretary of AA^ar immediately \\\Hni perusing the papers, probably the same day, or the day afterAvard. It aaouLI depend ujjou the importance of the papers, and the activity of the secretary of war, how long liefore they Avould be received back after being sent there. It is a question I cannot decide. Sometimes it would be a week, but frequently they Avould be returned the same day. I think that report Avas sent to the secretary of war the day after it Avas receiA'cd. Considering the import- ance of all these papers, the question, Iioav long Avould it probably be before they Avould get back again ? Avould be answered accurately by the indorsement ; I suppose within a AA^eek. I cannot state Iioaa' many days ; not more than a \A'eek ; it might be less. In some cases aa^c made extracts before sending them to the secretary of Avar. I presume that some of these extracts Avere made before sending them to the secretary of Avar. I don't think I can answer the question Avhether the one sent to the surgeon general Avas sent before or after they went to the secretary of war. I liaA'e no im pressiou about it. If the adjutant general had the power to correct the cA'ils reporteil, the extracts Avould be sent, or directions made before sending to the secretary of Avar, if it needed the authority of the secretary of Avar, Avhen the report AA'ould be sent to him for his instructions. Some of these papers required the sanction of the secretary of war, and some did not, I believe. I liaA'e means of forming an opinion as to tlie time Avheu the report Avas received back from the surgeon general ; his indorsement Avill show that. It is very probable that the inclosure to Colonel Chandler Avas in- closed with the extract of the report. I do not know Avhether tlie extract sent to the surgeon general Avas CA'er receiAed back. I have said that my impression Avas that it was received back Avith an indorsement ; that is my inqu-ession now. On looking at the back of this paper, I tind no indorsement from the adjutant general's office refer- ring it to the surgeon general's. From that I presume that this Avas an inclosure to the extract. The extract contained the indorsement of the adjutant general's office referring it to the surgeon general, and he returned this paper AAith his indorsement. He may, or may not, have sent back the extract. I cannot state positiA'ely Avhether there Avas any iu(h)rsement on the extract ; but either on that particular extract, or on some other extract of the same nature in that report, or some paper Avith reference to that report, there Avas an indorsement to tliat effect. (The indorsement in i)encil on the rej)ort of Surgeon Isaiah H. White, signed S. D. Moore, Avas here read to Avitness.) That is to the same effect as the indorsement to Avhieh I referred in speaking of the response of the surgeon general to my indorsement. The papers Avill show mucli bet- ter than my recollection. I refer to the papers that grew out of the nature of that report, not referred to in the report. I haA'e seen those i>apers ; they were in my hands in the adjutant general's office. I have not seen any of those papers in the hands of otir (this) goA'ernment. The gOA'ernment did not take possession of the papers in that department to my knowledge. The pajiers Avere sent off from Ivich- niond, and I don't knoAV what became of them. I have no means of telling about what time this report Avas returned tome; my recollection is Acry confused on these ([ues- tions. It Avould be few days after the extract Avas sent. Your (luestions Avill necessa- rily elicit contradictions from me because my memory is A'ery confused on these ])oiuts. I haA'e no accurate knoAvledge of the channel through which the orders of tlie surgeon general passed to arrive at Andersonville, Avhat liureaus they had to go through, noi' how long it Avould take. My general kuoAvledge Avould lead me to say that it went direct from the surgeon general to any chief officer of his department at Andersonville. I liaA'e no knoAvledge iVom that office Avlietiier any was scut from him except by this report; I don't recollect any. I have no knowledge Avhether they Avere cA'er sent at all, except from this rc])ort. (The report of Colonel D. T. Chandler was here shown to Avitness.) BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 141 • This memorauduin states that extracts were made from the commissary general. Those extracts were sent to the commissary geueral alone. I ilou't know whether any return from that extract was received. AVhen I stated that those extracts were sent to the chiefs of the different bureaus, I meant to say that I sent them myself. UEUTEXAXT COLOXEL CHANDLER'S INSPECTIOX OF THE TIUSOX — ITS CONDITIOX' — GEN- P;RAL WIXPEK'S BITTEHXESS toward THE PRISOXERS — HIS FAILURE TO ALLEVIATE THEHI SUFFERINGS, ETC. D. T. Chandler: I was in the service of the confederate government from February, 1863, until the close of the war. I held the appointment of lieutenant colonel in the adjutant gen- eral's de])artment, and latterly was assigned t" duty as inspector general. I was the officer who msule the report signed " D. T. Chandler," which was read to the court yes- terday. I have no retraction whatever to make in regard to the condition of the prison at Andersonville, as represented in my report. I devoted about a week, something less than a week, to an inspection of that ])lace. The report was based u]>on informa- tion conveyed to me in official communications from Genei'al Winder and the officers of his staff, inspection of the books and papers, the records of the different offices of that i>ost, and actual ins]iection of the troops, the stockade and the hospital. I will further state that I had some conversation with the prisoners in the stockade. I noticed that General Winder seemed very indifferent to the welfare of the prisoners, indisposed to do anything, or to do as much as I thought he ought to do, to alleviate their sufferings. I remonstrated with him as well as I could, and hensed that language which I reported to the department witli reference to it, the language stated in that rejiort. Q. What particular language do you allude to? — A. When I spoke (ff that great mortality existing among the prisoners, and pointed out to him that the sickly season was comi7ig on, and that it must necessarily increase unless something was done for . their relief — the swamp, for instance, drained, proper food furnished them, and in bet- ter quantity, and other sanitary suggestions which I made to him — he replied to me that he thought it Avas better to let half of them die than to take care of the men. I Avould like to state to the court that before he used this language to me my assist- ant, who was with me, Major Hall, had reported to me that he had used simi- lar language to him, made use of similar ex]n'essions. I mention this to show the court tliat I am not mistaken ; that my recollection is clear. My assistant, Major Hall, had reported to me officially that Geueral Winder had used this language in conversation with him about the prisoners. I told him I thought it incredible; that he must be mistaken. He told me no ; that he had not only said it once, but twice, and, as I have stated, he subsequently made use of this expression to me. I spoke to Cajitain R. B. Winder relative to the affairs of this department, and ex- amined his books. (To the court.) He was quartermaster. I looked into his means of transportation ; saw Avhat he was doing in the way of erecting a bake-house or furnish- ing facilities to Captain Wirz to do so. I talked with him officially about the affairs of his department, and he made known his wants to me, the difficulties under which he labored, and showed me the efforts Avhieh he had made to procure transportation and other supplies ; he showed me his letter-book, Avitli the requisitions in it. He was not the son of General AVinder — I believe his cousin. W. S. Winder is the general's son. Q. In your report you also speak of a great many things -^hicli might have been done and Avere not done, and censured General Winder for that reason. Will you state Avhat it is was in the power of General Winder at that time to do, to alleviate the suf- ferings of the prisoners ? — A. Shortly after my arrival at Andersonville I rode round the stockade and examined the swamp formed by the stream Avhicli Howed through the sinks. It Avas A^ery offensive, and I requested General Winder to have an examination made, Avith a A'icAV to draining it. At my suggestiou, he detailed Colonel Harpie, I think, a cIaMI engineer by profession, and directed him to make the examination and report. He did so, Avith a plat shoAving a stream a fcAv hundred yards off' on loAver ground, by Avliich the place might have been easily drained. That'would have mate- rially improA-ed the condition of the prisoners as to health. I think more Avood might have been furnished. I could have done it Avith the same transi)ortatiou, and if no- thing else conld haA^e been done I would have turned the prisoners out, with troops to guard them, and made them bring it in on their shoulders ; and I should have removed the cook-house a great deal earlier than it Avas done, from the stream on Avhich it stood, and placed it Avliere it subsequently was remoA'ed and Avhere they were about removing it then, on another stream in the A'icinity, that did not flow through the stock- ade. I think the commissary might \iii\e been comiielled to purchase some green corn. That might have been had in limited quantities, I think, from consultation with the officers there. I saAV plenty of it, and caltbagges in limited quantities nnght haA'e been had. There was no way of constructing rude shelters ; I don't think it could have 142 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF AVAR been douc. There was uot room to construct them. Tiiey liad a plan, and were tryiuj; to get hnnber to pnt up barracks, but the difficulties tliey labored under were so great they could not get it. In the crowded condition of the place I don't think there was room for them to i)ut up much shelter. I made an estimate in my report that, exclusive of the swamp and streets, &c., there was left aliout sis: square feet to a man, I think. That estimate was based u])on a skctcli finnishcd me by the engineer corps at my request. I calcidated the area they laid down, and divided it by the nundjer of prisoners. I mean six square feet, not six feet square. That was the calculation I made. Tlie report itself will show if it is correct ; it gives the area and number of prisoners. I may be mistaken in my calculation, but I think not. (To the court.) Six feet long by one foot inside, excluding thi^ gronud that ought not properly to have been occupied, though they did necessarily occujiy some of the swampy ground. I think he (General Winder) might have comiielled the medical officers who were attending the stockade to reside at the post ; tliey did not do so. I think that my rejjort states that there were hftecn or eighteen medical officers at- tending on the stoclcade, exclusive of those in the hospital. There was one suggestion whicli I made to th(' doctcjr which he readily carried out. It was to the etf.H-t that iuas- miu-h as they were so ci'owded inside tlie stockailc, that a great many men who were sick there could not receive medical attention, it would be an act of humanity to take them out of the stockade and lay them in the hospital under the trees, if they could do no 1>etter; and acting on my suggestion, I think some nine hundred prisoners weri' moved out and placetl where they could have some pure air and iu)t be so much crowded. I also urged on the department the removal of General Winder a:^ the radical cause of many of the difficulties there. I believe that with another head of the establish- ment a good deal miglit have been done. He had not tiie inclination to exert liimself. I also rreommendfd the removal of the assistant commissary. I did not see him my- self, but from the representation made to me of his physical condition and an exami- nation of sucli Ijooks and papers as I could get hold of in his department, I ^vas satis- fied of his inefticiency, want of experience, ami physical inability for his position. (To the com-t.) I thiidv his name was Armsti'ong. He Avas absent sick at the time I was tliere. I also recommended additional transportation to be si-nt to them, and authority to imju'ess saw-mills for tlie purjiose of constructing tliosc barracks. I don't recollect all my reeonnnenthitions, Imt the report sliows for itself. Facts have come to my knowledge in relation to Captain Wirz of whicli I had no suspicion at the time I re- commended him as an efficient otticer. He seetned to me to be energetic and industri- ous and attemled to his duties, and I neither saw nor heard anything to indicate cruel treatment of the pris(mers on his part, and I made some inquries about it. I will ex- ])]ain to the court. I have been a ])risoner myself, and I know thi' unwillingness of lU'isoni'rs to make eoni])laiiits in the presfiicc xf those who have ])ower o\('r them, and for that reason I took the men aside and ([uestioned them so that Wirz could not hear me as to any complaints they had to make, and none of them made any complaints against him. The co)uplaints were mostly of insufficient food, of want of shelter, and want of clothing; no comi)laints were made about him to me. I cannot sjx'ak posi- tively as to my recollection of paragrajjli 4 of the rules submitted by Captain Wirz, whicli I did not ai)))rove. ily impression now is, that it had referenc(^ to lumishing men who attempted to escape. I remeiiilK'r liaving a conversation with General Win- der on this subject and calling his attention to the fact that it was the duty of a sol- dier to his cfiuntry to escape if he could, and that it was his duty to keep him, to pre- vent his <'scape, but not to punish him for doing his duty, and he concurred in that. I think that was the i)artigraph referred to. I think that (Jeneral Winder was not pro- moted to the supreme command of military ])risons within two and a half months from the time I made my re])ort. He was made commissary general of jirisons after I made my report. Whether you call it itromotion or not, 1 don't know. It gave him control over a larger number of i)risoiiers, Imt remt)ved him from immediate command of them. I was away for about two and a half months. 1 went to the western army. General Hood's army, and traveled through the south westei-n States. I returned to Richmond, I think, in the latter part of October. I understood then tliat a commis- sary general of i)risoners was to be a]>i)ointed, and that General (Jardner was the offi- cer selected. He was then commanding the city of Richmond. I met him and spoke to him about the matter and he said yes, it was' so. He did not want the i)laresence. My rough report was ab)>reviated in many respects. Not much of it was tilled up by my assistant. This copy is, in fixct, my own report from the original, aiul the mistake in the date is a clerical one. iril'-. J)lsi'(>sri'K)N ol' I.IKUTKXANT COLONEL CHANDLEU'S llEPOUT, SHOWING THE CON- DiriON OV THE ANDERSONVILLE PRISON. K. T. H. Kean : I was employed as a luivate soldier foi- some eight or ten months in 1861, in the army of Nortliern Virginia, then coniuiandcd by ( Jeiieral Johnston. From February, 1862, till April, 1862, I was assistant adjutant general of the brigade commanded by Brigadier een taken upon it. I am unable to say how long it lay upon his table. Papers, especially bulky ])apers, were somewhat apt to lie upon his table, particularly last year, when, from the circumstances of the case, the pressui'e upon him was inhnitely greater than before. Tlie matter was subsequently called to his attention. About the 1st of February, I think a day or two before his resignation, after his resignation Avas sent in and before it was accepted. Lieutenant Chandler, the officer Avho made the report, Avas in Richmond for the purpi>se of desiring some action upon it. A controA"ersy had groAvn up betAveen him and General Winder in reference to the subject-matter of the report, Avhich had resulted in an issue of A'eracity between them. That, as Colonel Chandler stated to me, and as Colonel Chil- ton, the inspector general, adjutant general's office, stated to me, rendered it A^ery desirable to Colonel Chandler that some disposition should be made of the paper. I do not knoAV that any action Avas CA'er taken upon it. None was taken at that time. As I stated, tlie resignation Avas pending at the time, and he Aveiit out of office on the 7th of Fel>ruary. General Breckinridge came into office on the 8th, and gave A'ery little attention to the papers from that time. The indorsement on this paper Avas made by me and that is my signature. I Avas at that time actiiig as chief of the bureau of Avar. This indorsement Avas in relation to the same report, and Avas the same matter in controversy between Colonel Chandler and General Winder. I was in the habit some- times of prtisenting such matters to the secretary Avith a A'crbal statement; at other times Avhen it was difficult to sper.k to him, I Avould put the paper on his table, Avith a memorandum of this kind, not intended as an ofticial document, but as a meuKn'andiim, merely to accompany the paper into his hands and draw attention to it, and then of no further use. This is a paper of that character. The paper of which the following is a copy Avas submitted in evidence by the judge advocate and is apiiended to this record: "Hon. Secrctartj of War: "These papers iuA^olve a painful personal issue between the inspecting officer and General Winder. Colonel Chilton, acting inspector general, has requested, for this reason, that action be taken on them, so as to relieve one or the other of the parties. " Respectfulh', "R. T. H. KEAN, " Chief of Bureau of l]'ar. " February 6, 186.5."' From the Avay in Avhich .Judge Campbell spoke of this rejiort at the time referred to just now, I think it excited special interest on his part. That Avas the first and only conversation 1 distinctly remember. Q. Did you ever have a conversation with him subsequently, in AA-hich he stated that he had not been able to draw the attention of the secretary to the matter? — A. I do not recollect such a one in reference to this paper particularly. I do not say such a one may not have occurred, because it was not unusual for us in our intercourse to remark upon the difficulty of getting papers — especially bulky papers — disposed of. I mean l)y bulky jiapers, such as Avould occupy consideralile length of time in reading. Q. Would you call this rei)ort of eight pages a bulky ^lajn'r .' — A. My imiu'ession is that there Avas a good de;il of matter accompanying that paper Avhich is not there now. The report itself is not particularly bulky, though it is nmch larger than the a\-erage of papers that came to the war office. When you first handed it t(J me it seemed to me not one-fourth of the size of the package of papers I recollected. This is all of the original report itself. I do not remember in Avliat month the matter first came to my attention. It would be pure guess-work to try to giA'e any idea what month it Avas. Records Avere kept in the olliee which ascertained all that with precision, and my attention was not given to recollecting the date of the receipt of papers for that reason. Every paper was examined ui>on the day of its reception in the office, so that if a paper came in on a certain day I Avcuild see it that day. I think the time I have mentioned Avas the time it Avas received in the office. It came originally to the adjutant and insjiector general's office. General >Samuel Coo])er was adjutant and insix'ctor general. Colonel R. 11. Chilton Avas on special duty in that ol'lire as assistant inspector general, and jxipers of this description Avould have been referred without examination in the adjutant general's office on receipt there to him, ami exauuned in his office, and by him, if necessary, Avould be referred to the secretary of war, Avhere his action Avas requisite. All papers that Avere received , in my office I examined so far as the l>riefs Avere concerned. They Avere briefed by my clerks, and I examined the briefs. If they Avere such as required action in that office, I passed them over to the assistant secretary. I presume it Avas the same day the report BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 145 iiirived in my office that I had this conversation with Judge, Campbell — at farthest not liirther than the next. I cannot tell that tirst conversation — what I first said and what he replied to me. I think I can relate the amount of it. I do not know which of us mentioned the subject of the report tirst, or how it came to be mentioned. My imi^res- sion is that, after glancing over the report, I asked him if he had seen it, and he said he had. I was sitting at my desk with the report l)efore me at the time, and he turned over one or two pages and pointed his finger to some paragraphs in it with some remarks about them, the precise tenor of which I do not recollect, but the impression left upon my mind being that those were matters which he considered l>ad. CONFEDERATE DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE. The following document shows the condition of the hospital : Official report of J. Cri'icx Pclof. as.si.slant xnrortiou of the divi- sion the tents are entirely destitute of either bunks, bedding or straw, the jjatients being compelled to lie upon the bare ground. I would earnestly call attention to the article of diet. The corn bread received from the bakery being made uj) without sift- ing, is wholly unfit for the use of the sick; and often (in tlui last twenty-four hours) upon exauiinatioii, the inner ]>ortion is found to be perfectly raw. The meat (beef) received Ity the patients does not amount to over two ounces a day, and for the past three or four days no Hour has been issued. The corn bread carniot be eaten by many, for to do so would be to increase the diseases of the bowels, from Avhich a large majority are sutfering, and it is therefore thrown away. All their rations received by way of sustenance is two ounces of boiled beef and half pint of rice soup ])er day. Under these circumstances, all the skill that can be brought to bear upon their cases by the medical officer will avail nothing. Another point to which I feel it my duty to call your atten- tion is the deficiency of medicines. We have but little more than indigenous barks and roots with which to treat the numei'ous forms of disease to which our attention is daily called. For the treatment of wounds, ulcers, &c., we liave literally nothing except water. Our wards — some of them — were filled with gangrene, and we are compelled to fold our arms and look quietly upon its ravages, not even having stimulants to support the system under its depressing influences, this article being so limited in siqiply that it can only be issued for cases under the knife. I would respectfully call your earnest atten- tion to the above facts, in the hope that something may be dour to alleviate the sufferings of the sick. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, .J. CREWS PELOT, J>isistaiit Surgeon C. S. and Officer of the Day. ■Surgeon E. 1). Eilaxd, In charge Firnt iJicision ('. S. M. P. Hospitah REPORT OF CAPTAIN WIRZ. The following official document disclosed in the Wirz trial will show the condition of the Andersonville prison for the month of August, 1864 : Consolidated return for Confederate States militar;/ prison. Camp Sumter, Andersonville, Georgia, for the month of August, 1S64. Prisoners on hand 1st of August, 1864 : In camp 'J9, 985 In hospital 1, 69o 31,678 Received from various fdaces during August '^, 078 Recaptured 4 :}, 082 Carried out 34, 760 Died during the month of August 2, 993 Seut to other parts 23 Exchanged ., 21 E.scaped !..... 30 3,067 3,061 Total on hand 31, 693 H. Rep. 4.') 10 . 146 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Of which there are on the 31st of August — In camp 29, 473 In hospital 2, 220 31,693 The same complaint has l>een made again against the carelessness and insufficiency of tlie guard of the thirty prisoners. Eleven escaped while on parole of honor not to escape as long as they would he employed to work outside. The balance of nineteen escaped, some on bribing the sentinel with greenbacks, some simply wanting off from the guard wliile returning from the place where the tools are deposited at night tliat are used in the stockade in day-time. Perhaps twenty-five more escaped diuing the month, but were taken up by the dogs before the daily return was made out, and for that reason they are not on the list of escaped nor recaptured. Tliat only four were recaptured is owing to the fact that tlie guard nor the officers of the guard reported a nuin escaped. The roll-call in the morning showed the man miss- ing, but he was too far gone to be tracked. As we have no general court-martial here, all such offenses go unpunished, or nearly so. The worthlessuess of the guard forces is on the increase day by day. H. WIRZ, Captain Commanding Frisou. Indorsed: Consolidated return for Confederate States military prison for the month of August, 1864. Respectfully forwarded to General S. Cooper, adjutant and inspector' general. JNO. H. WINDER, BrUjaxlUr General. Seitembkr 5, 1>?64. (In red) Euc. W. 2576^. DOGS OR HOUNDS AT ANDERSONVILLE. The uncivilized and barbarous practice of using dogs or hounds for tracking and recapturing escaped prisoners of war, forms a ])rominent feature in the history of rebel captivity. The committee propose to col- late here extracts from the testimony upon this i)oint given upon the trial of Wirz. (^uite full accounts of tliese barbarities will be found in the testimony taken by the committee. In addition to that, however, they desire to present the evidence derived from other sources, includ- ing the testimony of officers and soldiers of the confederate army.* Colonel George C. Gibbs, C. S. A., on duty at Andersonville : I know tliat there were dogs kept at the prison. They were intended, on the escape of prisoners, to track tlu m, so that they could be recaptured. They were used in that way. I do not know how tiiey were subsisted, except in this : that after the prison became almost empty of prisoners, when there were none left but a few sick, tlie dogs were subsisted by corn meal furnished by the commissary. I heard they were mus- tered into tlie confederate service as horses, but I do not know of my own knowledge that they were. A man named Turner had them in charge ; I do not know his given name, or what became of him. Nazareth Allen, private third Georgia reserves, C. S. A. : At the time that these thirteen men were to be ironed, one of them got away ; Ave called him " Little French^f ;" a hound was put upon his track. I ran down to the little swamp, between a quarter and a half mile off. Just as I got to tlie swamp I heard a shot from a pistol, and I saw the man in a tree. Captain Wirz came up and ordered the man to come down. The man begged the dogs should not bo let hurt him. He -made tlie man come down, and with that the dogs rushed at him. I could see the g, which, I think, tliey called "catch-dog; " I think he was a. bull-dog, or a bull terrier of sonu; kind. I could not say positively whether either of them was a dark biown dog. I remember there were some sjjotted ones. I know what is usually termed a fox-hound. I am not a judge as to whether any of those dogs were fox-houiuls, or partaking of that breed; I cannot say. I do not know that they were blood-hounds. I do not know that I ever saw a full-bloodeil blood-hound. I liavo seen live or six dogs there together. I do not know the exact numlier there was there. Tlu'y appeared to be in the charge of a man named Turner ; he had a horn to direct or train them. I do not know how long they had been theie. I did not see them whou I first went there. I tirst saw them, 1 think, in Juiu\ I heard before that of their being there. I saw them (juite a number of times ; I do not know how many. I have seen them very often taken around the hospital, where some Union prisoner had made his escape. Joseph L). Keysek, of the one Imndred and twentieth New York: I have heard Captain Wirz give direct couunand in relatiou to those dogs. I heard him tell this man. Turner, who had command of them, to bring those dogs down to the hospital. A man had got out on the south side. Turner brought the dogs down there and started them around tlu^ hospital till they struck the trail of the man who had esea]>ed, and they followed that across the lu'anch and caught him in a few hours. Turner was at Captain AVirz's headieces by hounds. He was a young man wh<}se name I don't know. I knew him by the name of I'"'red. He was about seventeen years old. When we heard the dogs coming, I and another prisoner who was with me, being old hands, climbed a tree. He tried to do so, but he had not got up when the hounds caught him by the foot and pulled him down, and in less than three minutes he was torn all to atoms. Turner was close behind. lit? got u]) just as tlie man was torn to pieces, and secured the hounds, and we came down. Fred died ; iu^ was all torn to pieces. No other of our number was torn at the same time. That occuried in the lat- ter part of August, 1864, just before we were moved from Andersonville, which was on the 24tli of August. Turner said, "It is good for the son of a bitch; I wish they had torn you all three to jiieces."' 1 do not know by v.hosc? order be came out there for us. I cannot s:iy whether it was by order of Captain Wirz or the general connuanding the 150 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR post. It wan Turnt'r wlio usually had the houuds. He went by tlio ua^uie of Serjreaut Turner. I believe he ouly captured nie once. A man by the name of Sergeant Harris, captured nic twice before. Felix De La Baume, Thirty-fifth New York volunteers: I renieniber about the hounds. In the mouth of September, 18G4, I was allowed to go out after wootain Wirz order one man shot there one day, and the guards shot him ; I did not see him do it, but J. heard him. It was a man that was a cripple and Avent on a crutch. * * * i heard him tell him if the man did not go back over the dead- line the guard was to shoot him. The guard told the man to go back ; he did not, and 152 TREATJVTENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR was kIkiI. The ball look cttcct in Tlic jaw and ]ia.sse(i down throngh tlie breast. * * The man that was shot Avas railed •' ('lu(kama)ii;a." * * » j'l^^. crippled man had lost one of his legs. ' * * I have seen men shot there almost everyday. I saw prisoners killed tln^re in every mouth, all aronnd the sti^ekade. I do not snpitose there was a month, while I was there, bnt what some of onr men were shot. I saw it. I saw a man killed there in June, right where we got water, and in .July I saw two shot there one afternoon while we were, getting water. ^ * * i ^r^-^y ,„j,» man shot at the north gate while he was going ont after wood. That Avas in May, I think. * * There were a number of men shot there; I can name one I saw shot on east side of the stockade. He was lying in a tent and he ha}tpeiied to throw his arm ontside the dead- line and the gnard pulled np and shot him. That was in Aiignst, after the prisoners came from Petersljnrg. * ^ ^ Another was shot in the hospital, before the hos- pital was moved ontside the stockade. * * * I can mention another instance of shooting ; I saw a man shot near the sonth gate. That was when we were getting some sick ont. * » ^ I saw a man shot at the creek jnst below my tent. * * * The man was shot right alongside of the Itridge, while getting water; the bridge wa« near to the detwl-line, and the men nsed to come dowMi to the bridge to get water from above it because below the bridge the water was not lit to use. * * * They were shot all the time Ave Avere there in ditierent months; some in May and June, Jnly and August, and some in Se])tend»er. I saw one man shot there on the 12th of .July ; he belonged to the lOth Illinois caAahy ; his name aajis Shevrard ; a sentry shot him. Sydney Smith, Union prisoner: I saw ]iiisoners Avho Avere shot by sentries. I liaA'e seen a man shot on going for water, leaning over the dead-line. * * ^ j liaAe heard sentries say that they got forty days' furlough foi' shooting jirisoners. » * * Almost every time a man was shot the sentry Avas relieAed and taken from his post. * * * At that time I saAv a sentry shoot one sick man at the gate. It Avas in August, 1864 ; I cannot state the date. The sick men behind Avere pushing men in front, and some of them got over the dead-line. The sentinel stei)ped back one step and aimelit the man's arm open, and at the same time hit another man in the hii>. John W. Case, Union prisoner : I saAV a man shot in the stockade the lirst night I arrived there. About 3 o'clock in the morning I got uj( out of my liunk in the shed, and as I got out somebody lired at me and hit another man inside and killed him. * * # j g.j^y another man shot there. The next Avas a nuiii Avho was lying aslee]i ]»retty near the ucav shed on the north side of the stockade. 1 did not knoAv the man's name. H<' Avas a Swede, I belieA'e. No one there kncAv his name. One of the sentries shot him ; he Avas killed : he Avas shot right through the head. That Avas the last of August, 1 think. The sen- tinel said nothing that I heard. 1 saAV a crazy man shot there. That Avas in August. 1 believe, aliout the next ost. Only one sentinel fired. I saw a man shot on the north side of the stockade. He Avas reaching under the dead-line to pick up a piece of bread Avhich some other man had thrown out of his haversack. The sentinel shot him from his peing whipped. Isaac 156 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Hawkins was stripped and given two lumdred and Hfty lashes by order of Wirz, and a soldier by the name of Harris was whipped at Wirz's house. DEATH BY HOUNDS. Thomas N. Way, Union prisoner, testifies to the death of a young man by the name of Fred, who was caught by the hounds in attempt- ing to escape ; torn to pieces and died. This was in August, 1864. John A. Cain, Union prisoner, says ; I knew ;>, young man being brought to the stockade after lieing caught by the hounds. I went pretended to l>e a i)rovost marshal at Anderson- ville. The luen came from Brigadier General John H. Winder's headquarters ; that is the occasion I have referred to. There was one man chained in the gang of twelve who was sick at the time he was chained. I could not say to my certain knowledge what became of him. I know that I saw him several days afterward very sick; every man who was cliaiiied with him obiected ti> it. The man had the diarrhea, I should judge, from the looks of his clothes, and he was very lousy. I could see from a distance the lice crawling over him. His comrades objected to l)eing chained with him because of his condition ; their objections weie not heeded, he was chained with them. Calvin Huneycutt, confederate soldier : I guarded the prisoners in the chain-gang fm- one or two flajs and uight>. I do not know how long the men were kept in the chain-gang without being relieved ; they were in there every time I saw them ; I do not know that they were exactly the same nien ; I do not know how long any one man was kept in the chain-gang ; I have no idea ; they were kept there while I Avas on guard. I was on guard twice a day and a night at a time; they were in there during that time ; they were not changed during the time. I know of an instance where one of them became very sick in the chain-gang; I know that the rest of the men who were chaiuart of the stockade, where the stocks and the chain- gang wore kept — outside the stockade. I should judge it was about thirty or forty- yards fniin the southwest corner of the stockade, aiul over one hundred yards from the south gate. I should judge it was about eight or nine hundred yards from the hospital on the road from the south gate to the hospital — in the soutliwest part of the stockade and in jdain sight of a person passing from one gate to the otlier. The guards used to stand there ; I saw the man in passing from the stockade to the dead-house with the corpse. 11<^ died the next day or the second day after; I cannot tell which ; I do not knovf whether lie died in the chains or not, but I was told he did. A man who was in the hospital at the time when I carried the ccn-pse to the dead-house told nie so. The man who died in the chain-gang was carried to the hospital, and from the hospital he was taken to the dead-house, which was in front of what tiiey call the south gate. That is all I know about the chain-gang. Tliat man was one of the four I was describing. I was never in the chains there, nor in the stocks. jAsrER Culver, Uniou prisoner : I saw the chain-gang. When I first went outside of the stockade on tlie 29th of June, lS(i4, I saw twelve men in the chain-gang chained together under guard. Next morning they came down to the bakery to wash. I gave them some water and pails to wash and also carried their rations to th(Mn from the bakery. I saw them almost every day for over a mouth or six weeks that they were together. They were placed in two tiles with a thirty-two pound ball cliained to each outside leg of the file on the right side and on the left leg of the left tile. Then they were chained with what seemed to be two one hundred-])ound balls, at least they called them one hundred-pounders. There were three men of each tile with chains attached to each one of these one hun- dred-pound balls. They had also a band of iron riveted aroiuid each man's neck, and a chain attached from one man to another. In that condition they were kept. I be- lieve there were six men in each tile. The file-leaders were not atfcaclied to the other tile. If one man moved the whole twelve had to move. One of the tile-leaders was very poorly and seemed as though as he could hardly carry himself without carrying ball and chain ; those in the gang with him complained about his being sick. He <;aused a great deal of troul>le by reason of his having diarrhea, and they all had to ^o with him whenever he was called. I afterward saw this sick man out of the chain- gang, but he had the ball upon his legs, also the l>aud upon his neck. He afterward died in the guard-house. I saw our men who were on parole take the irons off hira after he was dead. He was taken from the chiiin-gang, but the thirty-two-])ouud ball was left upon his leg and the band upon his neck, and they were left upon him until he died. I think he died three or four days after he was relieved from the chain-gang. I think he died some time in July. I do not know his name or his regiment. I never made incpiiries about it. I think th(i same occurrence was testitied to by one witness. I think I heard a diti'erent one testitied to, although I do not recollect of any other oc- currence of a man dying in the chain-gang but this one, I h(!ard these men complaiu to us who had been out on parole that he w as a great trouble to them. Robert Tate, Union prisoner : I have not seen Captain Wirz put any men in the chain-gang, buthegave the orders to have it d(uie. I saw twelve men (ihained together ; they had three balls, each weigh- ing sixty i>ounds, in tlie c(>nter of them, and then on each leg on the outside there was a i>all of thirty-two pounds, and they were chained together by the necks and a chain about an inch and a half long, and an iron collar around their neck. They were put in chains for attempting to escape; I saw men put in when ladies were present. I saw them ])ut in when Captain Wirz's lady and his daughters were there. I saw the cap- tain give the orders to walk them around and show his lady and daughters the way they walkiid ; they stood and laugluid at it and thought it was spt)rt. Tiiat was in July ; 1 cannot state exactly what i>art of the month. He made them walk al>outtwenty yards. I saw men die. — not exactly in the chain-gang; they were released about ten hours before they died. One man was vei-y sick when he was put in ; he had the chronic diarihea. He reniained in the chain-gang about two days: he was put in for attempting to escape ; that was what I understood. One evening the surgeon in charge BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 159 "told Cai)tain Wirz he had better take that man out ; Captain Wirz gave orders to have him released. The next morning I saw the man hauled to the graveyard ; I do not know whether the chains were on him when he died. THE STOCKS. William M. Peebles, confederate clerk : I saw several men in the stocks. I did not learn their names. They were federal prisoners. I was passing around one day during a hard rain, and I saw a prisoner in the stocks. He seemed to be near drowning. I rode up and put an umbrella over him. I passed up to Captain Wlrz's headquarters and told him that the prisoner was there and might drown. He remarked, "Let him drown," using all oath. His words, as well as I remember, were " Let the damned Yankee diown ; I don't care." In a few moments some one from his headquarters went down and released the prisoner — took him out from the stocks. It was during a very hard rain. The man's head was kind of erect, and it was raining down in his face. He looked as though he would drown. That was what caused me to make the report. W. W. Grand ALL, Unioa i)risorier : The spread-eagle stocks would hold two ; the other kind would hold seven. The spread-eagle stocks were not the largest ; I have seen the others used more frequently than the spread-eagle. I was put in the horizontal stocks. I tried to get away and failed ; I got about one hundred and sixty miles ; I W£is picked up by scouts ; they took me for a rebel deserter ; they did not take me back as such ; I told them that I was a Yankee ; I was afraid they would hang me if they thought I was a rebel deserter ; when I told them tliat I was a Yankee prisoner, the guards who captured me treated me like a gentleman ; that was in September, 1864 ; I left Andersonville the 8th of Sep- tember, was recaptured, I think, on the morning of the 19th, and arrived back at An- dersonville on the '28th ; I went from the graveyard. Upou the question of ill-treatment at Andersonville, sbootinj]^, «Sbc., the following- information is contained in a letter to Jefferson Davis from a confederate soldier stationed there, in June, 1SG4. This letter carried to the confederate government directly information of the terrible condi- tion of the prisoners, and the demoralization and cruelty of the guard. The conscience of the soldier seems to have overcome, for the moment, his hatred of the Yankees, and induced him to give the rebel head of the confederacy an nnvarnished statement of the condition of things in the leading prison of the confederacy. First Regiment Georgia Reserves, Camp Sumter, June 23, 1864. Respected Sir : Being but a ])rivate in the ranks at this place, consequently if I see anything to condemn (as I do) I have no power to correct it. Yet, as a humane being and one that believes that we should " do as we would be done by," I proceed to in- form you of some things that I know you are ignorant of; and in the first place I will say I have no cause to love the Yankees, (they having driven myself and family from our home in New Orleans to seek our living among strangers,) yet I think that pris- oners should have some showing. Inside our prison walls all round there is a space about twelve feet wide called the "dead-line." If a prisoner crosses that line the sen- tinels are ordered to shoot him. Now, we have many thoughtless boys here who think the killing of a " Yank" will make them great men ; as a consequence, every day or two there are prisoners shot. When the officer of the guard goes to the sentry's stand there is a dead or badly wounded man invariably within their own lines. The sentry, of course, says he was across the "dead-line" when he shot him. He is told he done exactly right and is a good sentry. Last Sabbath there was two shot in their tents at one shot ; the boy said that he shot at one across the " dead-line." Night before last there was one shot near me, (I being on guard.) The sentry said that the Yankee made one step across the line to avoid a mud hole. He shot him through the bowels, and when the officer of the guard got there he was lying inside their own lines. He, (the sentry,) as usual, told him that he stepped across but fell back inside. The officer told him it was exactly right. Now, my dear sir, I know you are opposed to such measures, and I make this statement to you knowing you to be a soldier, statesman, and Ctiristian, that if possible you may correct such things, together with many others that exist here. And yet if you send an agent here he will, of course, go among the officers, tell his 160 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR business, and be told that "all ia well." But let a good man come here as a private citizen and mix with the privates, and stay one week, and if he don't find out things revolting to humanity, then I am deceived. I shall put my name to this, believing that you will not let the officers over me see it, otherwise I would suffer, most probably. Yours, most respectfully, JAMES E. ANDERSON. P. S. — Excuse pencil. President Jew. Davis. Indorsements: James E. Anderson, First regiment Georgia reserves, to Jeff". Davis. Camp Sumter, Georgia, June 23, 1864. Asks correction of the brutal shooting of prison- ers (Yankees) in that camp without cause. A. G.: Referred to Brigadier General Winder. By order : J. A. CAMPBELL, A. S. W. ■ July 23, 1864. File. Respectfully referred, by direction of the President, to the honorable secretary of war. July 23, 1864. J. C. IVES, Colonel and Aide-de-Camp. Received July 23, 1864. Received A. and I. G. O. July 2.5, 1864. SUMMARY OF ANDERSONVILLE. In concluding these observations on Audersonville your committee are comi)elled to repeat the assertion that no description can do justice to the unutterable horrors which are developed by the testimony. We content ourselves with calling attention, briefly, to the conclusions which result from our examination of the foregoing pages. It will be noticed that the testimony we have introduced is derived from a variety of sources, the principal of which are — First. The sworn and unsworn testimony of prisoners in narrative form. Second. The testimony of Union officers and soldiers. Third. Testimony of rebel officers and soldiers. Fourth. The testimony of citizens residing in the vicinity of Ander sonville. Fifth, Medical testimony derived from Union and rebel sources. Sixth. Docunu'utary evidence from rebel sources. A review of this \'aried testimony develoi)s a most remarkable char- acteristic in the entire absence of conflict. It does not, as in most cases of extended investigation, require the ])r<)cess of reconciliation to render it convincing. It leads almost without exception affirnuitively to the same conclusions, and among these are the following, sustained by proofs which, in directness, strength, and harmony, have never ])een excell(Ml in hununi observation or experience. What are they"? First. That tlu' sufferings of the Union prisoners at Andersonville have never been etpialed in intensity, duration, and magnitude in jnoderu times. The crimes of Andersonville are the crimes of the age in which we live. As it had no jirecedent or example, so it can have no counterpart in the future. AYe shall not enlarge upon the sickening and terrible de- tails. We have spread out the testimony upon the record; let him who can, contradict it and search history for its equivalent. Second. Tliat tlie causes which led to these sufferings were not acci-. dental or inevitable in their origin, but were deliberately planned, and were the direct results of human agency, ingenuity, malice, and cruelty, I BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 161 Human foresight, though it had been the offspring of mediocrity, could liave obviated and ])revented the greater part of tliis terrible suffering. It is clear that abundance of fuel, timber, ^A•ater, and rations could have been supplied Iwthe rebels themselves with few and inconsiderable excep- tions, and even had this been impossible the wants of the starving prison- ers could and would have been supplied by the government of the United States and the great organized charitable associations which from time to time sent supplies through the rebel lines. Another remedy coidd have been applied — one which it was the duty of the confederate govern- ment, acting within the scope of military rules, to have resorted to — which was to jjarole the inisoners whom they could not care for prop- erly and deliver them at our lines, or permit them to return to the North, instead of pursuing them with hounds, and hunting them for re- capture like beasts of prey in the forests and swamps of the South. But that was not the purpose, nor were these the motives which honor the laimanity of the age. The numerous expressions of hatred and cruelty which fell from the lips of the rebel oflticials, their extraordinary punishments, and the deadly assaults on the sick and helpless, the neglect more cruel than death, can have no solution except in the deep- seated malice whose fruits we have been considering. Third. That the responsibility of these horrors cannot be restricted to the immediate agents in charge of the prisoners, but rests, with irresistible weight, on the higher officials of the confederate government, with whose knowledge and consent they were perpetrated. To sustain this proposition we need only recall the testimony which shows the wretch Winder, who was at the head of the prison govern- ment, to have been the confidential agent and tool of Jefferson Davis and Judah P. Benjamin, as well as the other high officials connected with the administration of the confederate government. This man was sent out by his sui)eriors and from time to time reported to them per- sonally and officially. So grave were his errors and so great his crimes that subordinate officials implored his dismissal or removal from his position, stating specifically, as the grounds of their request, his cruelty to the prisoners, his want of humanity in their treatment, and their utter inability to afford relief while he remained in command. To all this the confederate government, with the full knowledge of his character and acts, turned a deaf ear and permitted him, unrestrained, to carry out his purpose of starvation and murder. Yet at this very time they were so tender of their sick that the surgeon general of the confederacy issued an order to permit Surgeon Jones to enter upon an investigation of the affairs at Andersonville, to experiment upon the prisoners there, to ob- serve the effect of disease upon the body of men subjected to a decided change of climate, and the circumstances peculiar to prison life, and all "for the benefit of the medical department of the confederate armies." The high officials of the confederacy could send first-class surgeons to observe and experiment upon these poor victims in their captivity, but found it, as they say, inconvenient or imi»ossible to substitute compe- tent officers for the protection and treatment of the sick in hospital and in prison. Our men were not killed or starved by the agency of Winder and Wirz, of White and Stevenson, alone, but the civilians who composed the cabinet and advisers of Jefferson Davis, together with their guilty chief, must answer before the tribunal of the civilized world in all time to come for their share in these great crimes. Fourth. That these atrocities were engendered and nursed, devised and H. Eep. 45 1 1 16i TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR intlietetl, in the fell spirit of slavery, for whose perpetuity the confed- eracy was established. For the truth of this assertion it is only necessary to appeal to his- tory. It is evident that none save those who had been born and nur- tured under the barbaric iniiuence of slavery, wdio were accustomed to its commands and its cruelties, wdio saw in it the only industry worthy of organization, or entitled to the fostering care of capital and intelli- gence, were accustomed to the sale, the whij)ping, the tortures, and the burning of human victims, were capable of sustaining a system of hor- rors like that which existed at Anderson ville, perpetrated as they were upon men of their own race, and their equals in intelligence, in bravery, and in devotion to the cau.se for which the^" fought. Fifth. That the object and purposes of the confederacy in these con- tinued sufferings were the reduction of the strength of the Union armies by the crimes of starvation, infection, and wholesale murder. This point needs no further elucidation than a reference to the testi- mony itself, and to the official rebel documents published in connection with the report of the Department of War on the subject of exchanges. Sixth. That these purposes were accomplished at Andersonville in the death during one year of thirteen thousand four hundred and twelve Union iirisoners. Seventh. That the punishments, means of recapture, and general treat- ment of prisoners vrere barbarous, unnatural, and excessive beyond parallel. Eighth. That these cruelties and deprivations were persisted in by the rebel authorities after they had been warned and implored by responsi- ble subordinates among their own officers for relief, and when it was in their power to provide an ample remedy. Ninth. That the pretenses of necessity for such treatment made by the rebels were a sham and an attemi)ted delusion. With these remarks upon Andersonville, its patriotic yet unfortu- nate victims, its brutal officials, and its unparalleled horrors, we pass to a description of the other prison-houses of the confederacy. CAMP OGLETHORPE, MACON, GEORGIA. This camp was located on the old fair ground, about three-quarters of a mile east of the city of Macon. The stockade was built of boards, and inclosed an area of about three acres. There was a i^icket fence about three yards inside of the stockade, which constituted the dead-line. The camp was commanded by artillery. There was one building in the camp used for a hospital. No shelter was provided by the authorities. This camp Avas commanded by a Cai)tain Tabbs ; under his adminis- tration a number of our ofticers were killed and wounded by tlie guai'ds. He is shown to have been brutal in his treatment toward the prisoners. He was superseded b}" a Oajjtain Gibbs, who is spoken of as more hu- mane. The stockade was used as a prison cam}) from 1802 to the fall of ISGJr, during which time i t was the scene of untold suffering, from star- vation, exposure, and brutal treatment, (See report of War Uepartment.) CAMP LAWTON, 3IILLEN, GEORGIA. This i)rison, situated eighty miles north of the city of Savannah, em- bracing an area of forty-four acres, and surrounded by a stockade of timber, took its name from Captain Lawton, one of its commanders. It BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 163 was opened in Aiigiist or September, 18G4. When first occupied, ii number of huts were constraeted by the prisoners out of the timber felled in clearing- the camp, furnishing- sufficient shelter until Novend^er, ISl'-A, when the number of prisoners was increased to about nine thou- sjud. These could not all be sheltered by the huts, and although tlu- camp was surrounded by timber, they were not allowed to provide shel tei- for themselves, and in consequence suttered severely from cold. The stockade at Milieu, like that at Andersonvdle, W'asopen and un- protected. In the fall of 1804, when the numbec of prisoners was largely increased and the grounds had become vsaturated with autumn rams, the men were compelled to lie unprotected on the muddy surface, the authorities furnishing no means of building- more huts or places of shel- ter. There was a great lack of cooking- conveniences, an insutticient supply of fuel being the common condition of the camp, although it was surrounded with large quantities of growing- wood. Even the hospitals here aftbrded no fit place for the dwelling- of man. The rations were in- sufficient, consisting of a few table-spoonfuls of rice, less than a i)int of corn-meal, about a quarter of a i)ouud of fresh beef, in place of which the inevitable black peas were sometimes substituted. The men fell and died as at Andersonville. In their terrible extremity they burrowed themselves in the earth to gain shelter front the pelting- storms, from whence they crawled forth to die from starvation and disease. Here, as at Andersonville, too, the confederate rec^ruiting- officer plied his vocation, gathering for the rebel ranks a few victims whose courage quailed before the gaunt and stalking- famine which had driven from their bosoms the last vestige of hope. Prisoners died here at an aver- age of nine per cent, a month. An inmate describes the scenes there in the following- language : A liiontli'.s experience at Camp Lawton proved to us that our condition had been in no wise improved by the transfer from Andersonville. The exposure was rapidly thinning our uundjers ; our rations were not sufficient to support life for any extended period of time, under the most favorable circumstances; and here, where uo artiiicial heat conld be obtained, the blood of the strong man became torpid and refused to do its office. A hospital for receiving the sick was established in the southwest corner of the area ; but uo shelter was jirovided, uo blankets given those who occupied it, and mediciues were uot issued there. The only advantage to the sick man, iuthis arrange- ment, wa;S that he would be certain to be found 1)y the surgeons, who were examining Avith refereuce to the special exchange. From this hospital, those who were deemed uutit to stay in the stockade were trausferred to a hospital outside the pen, where they reinained, until forwarded to the exchange point. Those who were not taken to the outer hospital were left to roam at w ill through the inclosure, without mediciue, and with uo other treatment than that aflbrded to the other prisoners. They died at au iiverage rate of nine per cent, per month. It was horrible to pass around the area lit sunrise, and see the dead men who had expired the night before. Some of them had fallen upon the open space aud been unable to rise ; others crawled wearily to the side of a stump, as if to be near some object, however inanimate, when the last agouy came upon them; some sought the borders of the stream, perchance that its soft rippk'might soothe the parting spirit with gentle music, as it cpiitted the poor tenement which had Ijten its home ; others forced themselves into the empty ovens aud beneath the unused ki tth's ; while still others burrowed themselves more deeply into the ground, digging th ir own graves as they nestled down into the bosom of earth for its genial warmth to.slielter their freezing limbs from the beating storms; antl when they were gathered n\) and removed for burial their clenched bauds still clung to Ihe friendly breast that had cherished them, refnsing to release their hold, aud carrying the toru fragmeuts with them to the tomb. And yet the dead, turning their glassy eyes upon us, as we passed, were uot more horrible than the living with their pinched faces, blue with cold, trembling as thej' hugged their almost naked forms with their bony arms, in a Vain attempt to retain the heat which was uot there; or collecting in groups to gather warmth from numbers, ever and auon changing places, that the outer circle might be relieved from the jiinchiug cold, while those witluu assumed their places, to come back in turn. So these pale, haggard wretches starved and froze day by day unnoticed, aud were buried like brutes. — (Fourteen Months in Southeun Prisons.) 164 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR An examiuation of the evidence -svill fully justify this graphic state- ment of Mr. Davidson. The number of graves of Union prisoners at Millen is seven hundred and forty-eight. SAVANNAH, GEORGIA. The prison here was located in the gTounds adjoining the United States marine hospital, and embraced an area of about one and a half acre, inclosed partially by a high brick wall — the remainder by a board fence. The guard consisted of a line of sentries overlooking the camp, with a second chain of sentinels entirely siuTounding it. The custom- ary dead-line was established here, the camp being lighted at night by fires developing the movements of the prisoners. The commandant was Colonel Wayne, who is described as a good oflQcer. The treatment ex- perienced by our men here compares most favorably with that of any other prison in the South. Tents were issued, nineteen to every ninety men. Several large trees in the yard aftbrded a pleasant shade, and as fuel, water, and rations were properly supplied, but little sickness or mortality occurred among the inmates. Only two graves of Uuion pris- oners are found here, illustrating forcibly the fact that even in a tropical climate the health and endurance of the northern prisoners when sub- jected to good treatment were well sustained and favorable. BLACKSHEAE, GEORGIA. The camp located at this point was situated on the side of a hill, in a thickly wooded country, at a station on the line of the Atlantic and Gulf railroad. There was no stockade inclosure, but the prisoners Avere guarded by a chain of sentries which surrounded the camp. The only shelter was that constructed by the prisoners themselves, consist- ing of stakes driven into the ground, across which pine boughs were laid, serviug to keep out the sun's rays, and for a time the rain also. The treatment experienced contrasts favorably with that of the other prisons herein described, and it never contained a large number of pris- oners for any length of time, serving chiefly as a temporary camp or depot for prisoners moving from place to place. LIBBY PRISON, KICIOIOND, VIRGINIA. Thi s bastile was situated at the southeast corner of Carey and Eigh teenlh streets. It consisted of a building, or block, of three stories, with an attic. The first story and attic were used for enlisted men, ofticers being confined on the second and third floors. The dimensions of the rooms were one hundred and five by forty-five feet, connected by door-ways and having five windows at each end. Dungeons below the level of the street and under the sidewalk were used for the confinement of prisoners who violated any known or unknown rule of the prison. Into the six rooms devoted to the confine- ment of officers, as many as twelve hundred have been crowded at oue time, which allowed but twenty square feet, or four and a half feet each way, for each prisoner. Major T. P. Turner commauded the prison, and Richard Turner was prison inspector. This was the place to which pris- oners were usually taken to be searched and robbed. It was one of the first established by the rebels, and continued in use until nearly the time of Lee's surrender. Many thousand prisoners were temiiorarily BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 165 ooufiiicd here previous to being' sent sontli. Eleven hundred prisoners, however, were confined here many months. As early as 1863, men were starving- in this prison. They were fed with broth made of rusty and urpose and intention of the rebels, of sacrificing' our officers confined in this prison in cold blood, rather than permit their release by the armies of the republic, appears to be well established. A magazine containiug several hundred pounds of powder was placed in an excavation beneath the building, with a fuse attached, with a view to its explosion in case the raid of Kilpatrick in February, 1801, bad proved successful. The Kichmond papers of the time boasted that measures had been taken to prevent the release of the Union officers by federal troops. The witness, Mr. Goss, giv^es us the following account of Libby: The filth and heat were greater than evea the place I had left. With some five Imudred others I was crowded iuto the garret, next the roof of the prison. The hot sun, beating down upon tho roof, made the filthy garret, crowded with men clamoring lor standing-room, suftbcating in a degree which one cannot well understand who never experienced it. During the day, in the corners of our garret, the dead remained among the living, and from these through all the rooms came the pestilent breath of .'I charnel-house. The veruiin swarmed in every crack and crevice ; the floors had not been cleaned for years. To consign men to such quarters was like signing their death warrant. Two men were shot by the rebel guard while trying to get breath at the windows. The third day of my coufiuemeut in this abode of torture, I noticed a j'oung soldier dying; his long, fair hair was matted in the indescribable licjuid filth and dii't which clott(;d and ran over the lloor of the jirison. He was covered with vermin ; the flies had gathered on his wasted hands, on his face, and on the sunken sockets of his eyes. But, even in this condition, hunger had not left him. The scene seemed to fascinate nie, and iu spite of the repulsiveness of the picture, I continued to look upon it, though it was much against my will. I saw him try to get to his mouth a dirty iiiece of bread, which he held in his hand; the ettbrt was in vain ; the hand fell nerveless by his side ; a convulsive shudder, and he was dt*ad. After he had been dead half an hour his hand still clasped over the poor dirty piece of bread, a zouave, who had one leg amputated, observing the bread, dragged himself through the filth and dirt, and un- <-lasping the dead man's lingers, took the bread from the rigid hand, and ate it like a famished wolf. Men lay on the filthy floot unable to help themselves, gasping for breath, Avhile their more healthy companions trod ni)on and stumbled over them. The common expres- sion used was, "I shall die unless I get fresh air." Every breath they breathed was loiided with the poison of fever and the effluvia- of the dead. When rations were issued, two-thirds of the very sick got nothing, for the manner of issuing was without order, and the distribution was by a general scramble among those who were the best able to wrangle for it. I was fortunate in getting rations tho first day iu Libby, but the second and third I got none. Meanwhile my fever grew worse and worse; oppressed tor breath, crowded for room, unable to get into the prison yard to jierform the com- mon functions of nature, to which was atlded the want of medicines and even common food, made my situation so horribly intolerable that I could only hope for relief in death. All this was made worse by the constant wrangling for room, for air, and 166 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR. food. I succeeded in obtaining some pieces of board, by wliich means I raised myself from the dirty floor and the liquid lilth around me. SMITH PRISON. The following account of tliis prison i'.-; taken from tbe work of 'Mr. Davidson. In this extract will also be found some account of and observations upon Libby prison : Smith prison lies northeast of Libby, on a street running nearly north and south, (and meeting the street upon which the Libby stands at right angles. This building ;was originally designed, and, previous to the Avar, used, as a tobacco warehouse and factory. It is sixty feet long by forty wide, three stories and a half high, and con- tained four full floors, although the upper one was very low, being directly beneath the roof. The three upper floors were already fllled upon our arrival, with prisoners captured at Chickainauga, who had been sent forward before us, so that our detach- ment, numbering nearly'flvo hundred, was crowded together upon a basement floor. Tlie room contained just twenty-four hundred square feet of space, and this, including what was occupied by thirty-one large tobacco i)resses, which were stored in it, divided equally ;imong us, would give to each man less than five feet in which to "spread himself;" counting out the space occupied by the presses, there were not more than four feet of room to each. If wo reckon the height of the room to be eight, feet, there would l)e a total of 19,200 cubic feet of air in the apartment, or about forty to a man. A healthy man is estimated to consume five hundred cubic inches of air in one night. The only ventilation was by means of the crevices of the walls, tlie windows not being- allowed to be raised, except as they were occasionally slipped up an inch or two, Avheu tile guard was not particularly attentive. The privies were coiistrTicted in the north- east corner of each room, without doors, and were entered through an open window. Water was furnislied through pipes and f'.ucets from the James River. The stench from the privies, which came constantly into the room, togetlier with the dampness caused by water drizzling from the v.ash-sink, and from the cups, into which it was drawn to be drank, and our crowded state, IiIUmI the air with poison, and rendered our physical systems doubly susceptible of disease and contagion. Tlie Pemberton prisoy was likewise a tobacco warehouse, jnst south of the Smith, and fronting upon the same streeet, its end being on the Libby street. There was Just room enongh between the Smith and Pemberton for the guard to walk. Opposite to the Smith Avas the Scott prison, also a tobacco Avarehouse. These buildings Avere so high and so near each other as totally to exclude the light and heat of the sun, for the greater part of the d«y, from the prisoners confined upon the first floor. From the southwest Avindows of the Smith, where our party Avas confined, the Libby prison, in which our officers Avere kept, could easily be seen. It is a large building Avith fonr floors, including the basement. The tAvo floors on Avhich prisoners Avere at that time confined fronted on a street rnnning ])arall('l Avith the canal on the bank of the James, and extended back to tlie canal itself On the northwest corner Avas a sign Avhich read " Libby and Son, ship-chandlers and grocers." There Avere forty Aviu- doAvs visible to us in front, some of Avhich were secured Avith iron bars, while others were tightly boarded ui>. Across a fcAv old blankets had been stretched, Itut there Avere severiil tliat Avere open to the Avinds and storms. Of the interior economy of this prison Ave had no o]>portuiiity of inlbrniing ourselves ; Ave knew our officers to be con- fined there from seeing thcni occasionally at the windows in their uniform ; their pale, haggard faces indicated that their fare Avas none of the most sumptuoi»s, Avhile it Avas a common report that they Avere confined in dungeons for the isjost trifling oflenses. The cookhig for the prisoners Avas all performed in the lower rooms of the Libby. From each of the tAventy messes, into which the men on our floor Avere divided, one man Avas daily detailed to go to the Libby for rations. In going there avc passed di- rectly under the end windows of the prison, and our ofiicers frequently dropped a Richmond paper among us, inclosing a letter directed to their friends at home, to be carried north by the first one of our number who might chance to be exchanged. In this manner a letter containing particulars Avonld sometiiftes be smuggled through the lines, Avheu, if sent by flag of truce it Avould liave been destroyed. If the guards de- tected an officer dropping such papers to the men, and recognized hiiu, he Avas at once l)laced in conlinement on half the usual rations. Onr rations Avere issued to us at very irregular intervals of time. They consisted of half a loaf of Avheat bread, and a small piece of yelloAV bacon, in Avhich the Avorms Avere holding high carnival. Though so unfit for eating, our ap])etites had become sharpened by the small supply until Ave devoured this liA'ing Ibod Avith the greed of avoIa'cs. In "place of the bacon Ave sometimes received beef. Ac(-ordiuy to the Rich- mond Examiner, seventy-live bullocks Avere daily slaughtered for the use of the pris- oners. This seems a large amount of meat to be consumed, but, according to the rebel BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 167 estimate, there were fourteen thousand prisoners in Richmond at that time, and allow- ing two hundred and fifty pounds as the average? weight of a bullock, and that the meat was served regularly once in three days, instead of daily, as was actually the case, it would give a daily allowance of less than four ounces per man. But this is an over estimate. The author, previous to entering the service, was accustomed from boy- hood to weigh meat in a retail market, and hence might be considered a competent judge of till' weight of a quantity of beef, whether in a large or a small piece, and he would .solcijuily aver that he never received as a three days' ration more tlian two ounces; and his fare was not more stinted than that of his fellow iirisoners. The loaves of liread weighed eighteen ounces short, half of one of these was the allou-ance for one day. Our ratious, then, were nine ounces of bread, aud two-thirds of an ouuce of l)eef daily ; this fare, when follo\vert''cxce//f)ice, could inveut, were garbage compai-ed with the fancy cuishie of those famished men. We had beef roast aud steak, for substantials, oysters, lobsters, &c., for side dishes, aud the pastry which we conjured up was beyond all comprehension wonderful. After all had retired to our floor board for the night the hours, till midnight, were spent in contemplation of the luxuries we would have had for supper if we had been at home, aud many and hot were the discussions we held over these imaginary repasts. There is uo torture eriual in intensity to this fierce longing for ibod. It consumed our streugth ; we became dizzy-headed ; there was a hollow liugiug in our ears; our voices became weak and husky; our motions slow and monotonous; our eyes glassy, aud faces sallow aud sharp : while the vulture within gnawed remorselessly at our vitals. We could not stand, sit or lie down with any cessation of this terrible craving, and we were fain to scramble anil quarrel over the very crumbs that fell from our scanty food upon the dirty floor, as ravenous wolves battle over the last morsel of flesh left upon a bone they have picked. Our only hope was in release. The exact state of the exchange question we did not fully niulerstaud, but previous to our capture we knew that there was some difSculty growing out of the emploj-ment of tlie negro regiments ; and we had been told that until all federal prisoners, irrespective of color, could he. exclianged upon eiiual terms, the United States authorities had refused to continue the exchange upon the old cartel. We had faith enough in our goverment to believe that it would not let us suffer if it could lionorably prevent it ; aud we also had faith enough in its honor to believe that, once enlisted, under inducements of protection, in our army, the government would insist upon the negro prisoner being treated as well as a white man under the same circumstances. There was, of course, a difference of opinion ainoug the prisoners in regard to the propriety or policy of enlisting the negro in the first instance, l)ut no man caviled at his being protected after he had become a soldier. We should have felt that we could not trust our rulers at all, if they had left the captiv^e colored soldier to the mercies of the enemy, and expended all their care and protection upon us. One day we had an episode to relieve the tedium and monotony of our hungry exist- ence. Some of the " boys," in prying into one of the tobacco presses, discovered a box of choict! pressed tobacco, which had evidently been forgotten by the owners in the hurry of evacuating the premises. By loosening a screw in the jiress, the treasure lay 16(S TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR revealed. The news soon spread tbrouor" to be distributed among those who desired to take medicine. They were seldom called for by the men, and of course were in no way beneficial. Being debarred from all open comnuniieation with the world, we of course knew nothing of what was transpiring outsifle of our prison-walls, except when Ave coidd fall secretly upon a Richmond paper. These gave us, on our arrival, glowing accounts of the wonderful and brilliant victory at Chickamauga, and some time afterward, mentioned the nice "little affair at Missionary Ridge," in which they conceded superior generalship on the part of the " Yankee commander." Nearly every paper had some remarks to make upon the treatment of the prisoners, and particularly reconmiended that all the meat allowed them be withdrawn, in order that the citizens might obtain it at lower figures in the market. In one of the papers was quite a lengthy article upon the general appearance, tfec, of the prisouei's. It seemed that some Baltiniorean, of riotous memory, had been paying us a visit, and airing his opinions of us. From his knowledge of the groveling nature of the Yankee, he was prepared to find the fed- erals dirty, filthy, and lazy, tocj lazy to keep their persons clean, or to clean their rooms. He did not mention whether in his experience of Yankee character they became hungry on three ounces of bread a day, or were of that peculiarly tilthy nature that can keep itself clean without soap. Undoubtedly the nice Baltiniorean Avonld have been the same exquisitely nice man in a nuid puddle, but all men, and among them Yankees, not being of gentle blood, could not keep themselves clean without some means of doing so. CASTLE THUNDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA. Castle Thunder was an ordinary brick building and was used as a prison for all descriptions of persons : northern citizens, southern Unionists, federal deserters, convicts, and negro servants ca})tured with federal officers. As many as one thousand tive hundred were confined in this building at one time in 1803. Captain G. W. Alexander was commandant of the prison. PEMBERTON PRISON, RICHMOND, YIRGmiA. This was nearly opposite Libby. It was a building of three stories, ninety by one hiuidred feet — formerly a tobacco warehouse, and used for the confinement of enlisted men. In one of its rooms, twenty-five by ninety feet, three hundred prisoners were confined at one time, and, with BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 169 the accustomed barbarity of the rebel authorities, prohibited from ap- proachiug- the windows under penalty of death at the hands of the guard. The rations in November, 1864, at Pemberton, are described by Mr. Irvin H. Smith, of the First New Hampshire cavalry, who was a pris- oner there, as bread, meat, and rice soup. The bread was issued at ten O'clock in the morning — a piece about two inches sfpiare made of corn meal mixed witli water. At the same time a small piece of meat, either beef or pork, about two ounces, and the same quantity of bread at three o'clock in the afternoon, and about a gill of thin rice soup. He says that most of the window panes were broken ; that they slept on the iioor without blankets or other loose clothing. Four handsfull of wood were brought in each day for one room. The only chance they had for washing- was to catch the water as it ran from the tap or hold the clothes under it. No tubs or kettles were provided to heat water, and they were without soap. Vermin were abundant. His account will be found corroborated by other witnesses. Number of Union graves at Eichmoud prisons is three thousand four hundred and fifty. PETERSBURG, VIRGINIA. This was a tobacco warehouse. During the siege of Petersburg, in 1804, it was within range of our artillery, and although mnny of the sur- rounding buildings were injured by our tire this editice entirely escaped. Jt was not used as a permanent prison, but as a place where prisoners were detained for a few days while in transit to other points. It was a building of four stories, the upper story being used for the confinement of enlisted men. LYNCHBURG, VIRGINIA. There was a prison camp in the outskirts of the city for a short time in 1802, where one thousand five hundred iirisouers were confined with- out shelter of any kind. Afterward an old tobacco warehouse was used for a prison. It "is described as being poorly ventilated and lighted. One hundred officers were confined in one room destitute of every con- venience and scantily fed on poor bread and bacon. BELLE ISLE, VIRGINIA. Belle Isle, situated in James Eiver, opposite the city of Richmond, Virgi- nia, was used as a prison during almost the entire period of the war. The lowest part of the island was occupied as the prison proper, which was surrounded by an embankment three feet high, ditched on either side. The low ground and other causes made this prison very unhealthy, in fact tlie ratio of mortality equaled that of any other in the confederacy. The number of prisoners confined here varied from one to ten thousand ; the largest number was during the extremely cold winter of 1803-'04, The prisoners were without shelter or clothing, and perished in large numbers. In the winter of 18G3-'G4 this prison was destitute of tents, barracks, or shelter capable of furnishing protection to the prisoners confined there. They lived like the savages of Africa, burrowing in the sand and starving on unwholesome, poisonous, and insufficient rations. Filth, ex- posure, nakedness, and the diseases and madness which follow in their 170 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR traiu, bauisiiing energy and hope, prevailed here during this terrible winter. They were herded together in the sand like swine ; starving, festering remnants of the brave and heroic men who had sacrificed all at the call of their country. The hospitals are described as unfit for stables, and patients seldom reached them till ready to die. Captain Montgomery commanded the camp in 1862 and 1803, and was succeeded l)y Lieutenant Bossieux. One of the witnesses, Mr. Atwater, speaks of this prison as follows : The island contained about one hundred acres. The present camp at tlie southern end of a sandy plane contained a1)out ten acres. A mound of earth inside, three feet high, constituted the dead-line; water readily obtained from barrels sunk in the earth, but was impregnated with human iilth from the camp. Ten thousand men were con- fined here in August, 1863 ; prisoners allowed to go to the sinks only in the day-time. The men were Avithout shoes, stockings, or shirts, and lay upon the bare ground. In- stances arc mentioned of eight nu'u frozen to death in one night. The prisoners went several days iu the severest weather without any fuel. The tents used were unpro- vided v\'ith any outlet for smoke. ]\Ir. Atwater was quartermaster's clerk for seven or eight months at Smith's tobacco warehouse, Eichmond. Enough clothing was received from the Xorth during t'hat time to have furnished every prisoner with a complete suit, and a change of underclothing, blanket and overcoat ; but none of the prisoners were provided with all of tlieui. But the rebel soldiers, and even citizens, came out each day with the new clothes — the federal blue. The rebel ofidcers had suits of clothes nmde out of the clothing sent to our men. Not one-third of the food received was issued to the prisoners. Express boxes were pilfered by the rebels. Eifty-five thousand dollars in greenbacks that had been taken from our men were in the hands of the rebel quartermaster at one time. The land on vrhich the camp was situated was almost on a level with the river and consequently unhealthy. The guard regulations on the island were very strict. ]S^o i>risoner was allowed to come within three feet of the railing or fence which inclosed the prison. The guard had orders to shoot or bayonet any one infringing the rules. The food was so j)Oor and insuflicieut as to reduce the inmates to a starving condition. The prisoners picked up bones rejected by others and gnawed them like dogs ; struggled for potato peelings — anything that was of an eatable character. The witness, Mr. Goss, speaks of the rations as consisting of one-half loaf of bread, beans cooked in water in which bacon had been boiled for the guard, usuall}- containing about twenty i)er cent, of mag- gots, thirty per cent, of beans, and the remainder in water. The issues were ^'ery irregular. Sometimes no r;itions were issued from Saturday morning until jMonday night. The ration was brought in in blankets infested with vermin. At the commissaries, molasses, pies, and sugar were kept for sale at exorbitant rates. Molasses, one dollar a pint ; sugar, one dollar and a half per pound ; onions, twenty-five cents ainece, and other things ])roportionably high. As early as July, 1803, the suiierings of the prisoners were intense. Deaths increased in the i^rison to such a degree that a load of bread for the living was usually accompanied with a load of coffins for the dead. This state of things continued during the fall of 1803, and the winter succeeding was to the unfortunate men confined there a period of inconceivable horror. There can be no doubt, in fact the evidence is irrefutable, that this state of things was Avell known to all the highest officials of the confederacy. It occurred beneath the eye of Davis himself, and furnishes the strongest proof of the well-under stood intention on the part of the confederate government to burden our prisoners with the grossest indignities and unheard-of privations Vvhich the ingenuity of man is capable of devising. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 171 DANVILLE, VIRGINIA. Danville is situated on the soutbeiiy bank of tbe river Dan, and its prisons, several in number, consisted of old tobacco warehouses, usually three stories high, and numbered one, two, three, four, &C, The lower stories were used as passage-ways to the yards, the second as hospitals, while the prisoners were in general coufiu(Hl in the third story. In the treatment of the inmates it bears a close resemblance to Ander- son ville, though the temporary confinement of the i)risoners at this |)oint relieves it in some degree from the protracted horrors which marked the history of the latter prison. Most excruciating and fatal suffering dis- graces the history of i)rison life at Danville. The buildings were crowd- ed and filthy, without any attempt at i>roper ventilation ; the rations of the ])oorest quality, and miserably deficient in quantity, Aviiile water was supplied, without regard to the requirements of the juisoners, in snndl quantities — less than one-fourth enough for their proper comfort — and brought from the river only by details of men. No means were snp- plied for warming the buildings, and during the cold inclement months of the year the prisoners were uni)rovided with fire or fuel. The tilth and stench of the rooms were horrible, of course adding largely to the discomfort, sickness, and mortality of the prisoners. The character of the rations is described by the witnesses, and was such, both in quality and amount, as to insure the starvation and death of many a prisoner. An instance is mentioned of the finding of a hogs- head of old wheat bran, which was discovered in the cellar of one of the prisons, and which was eagerly devoured by the victims of famine. The inevitable black peas, together with musty ri^'c, at times formed the daily ration. Instances of starvation are testified to by the witnesses, and, in fact, it re' some live or six wells in the yard from which the water was drawn in tin cups. These wells were exhausted very early in the morniuf!^. About ten thousand prisoners were put into Salis- bury from the 1st of (October to the 1st of December. The men were very dirty, liltliy, and ragji'ed. The camp was kept comfortably clean, except around the sinks. The first floor of the building was oecu})ied as a hospital, and the second and third floors by the rebel authorities for rebel prisoners, i-itizen prisoners were confined in a building near the mill. Tiie hospital room was insutticient for the wants of the ]trisoners, and badly furnished. Many of the i)risoners almost entirely lost their senses. Snow fell several times to the depth of several inches, and re- mained on the ground from one to three days. Most of the time during the winter it was quite cold for a southern climate. Mr. Smith describes the shooting near him of one of the prisoners by the rebel guard, a case apparently of unprovoked murder, for which no punishment followed. At tliis time guard duty was ])erformed there by the sixty-ninth Soutli Carolina, composed largely of boys from sixteen to twenty years of age. The dead were carried out and deposited in what was termed the dead-house. From thence they were taken in a cart about half a mile from the yard, and buried in ditches. From twenty to sixty bodies v.ould be lying in the dead-house in the morning. 3Ir. Smith arrived at Salivsbury soon after the attem]>ted escape, and states that some thirty or forty were wounded. The prisoners were re- leased from Salisbury February 22, 1805. Out of a squad of one hun- dred, sixty died. Closing his description of the prison, Mr. Smith says: I was aide to march to Goldsljoro Avith the rest of the well men, but I was very weak, physieally and mentally. After arriviiiij; Iiome I was eonlined to my room six weeks. It was an awful sight to see these wretehed men move about the yard, and hear the hack, liack, hack, that came fnun the lips of those about to die. But more horrible than all other scenes was the dead-cart. There was no day in the week, or hour in the day from 8 a. m. to 4 p. m., but that this dead-cart could be seen carrying the lifeless forms of Union prisoners t:) their long resting place, with their bodies piled one on the other, as market men pile hogs. There is ;in expression that goes to the grave on the face of a man tliat roceeded where I now am. I am sorry to say I fear I shall be detained some days, as I find an unpleasant state of things among the officers. Indeed I fear I shall be obliged to assume command of the X)ost for a short time, but this I shall not do unless forced to it. In my connnunication from Florence 1 spoke of the unfitness of botli that idaee and this as sites for prisons. I will now .state at some length the reasons why I hold that opinion : The site at this place is very objectionable for six reasons, either of which I think conclusive: 1. There is a scarcity of water, as the wells fail and cannot afford a sufficient supply for th(' number of prisoners even now here. 2. There is not nor can there be a place for sinks, as there is no stream, and the sinks have to be dug-inside, or if outside could only be removed a few feet. The stench is insupportable botli to the prisoners and the people in the vicinity. 3. The soil is entirely unfit for a prison, being a stilf, sticky clay, and after a slight rain is over shoe-tops in mud, without a dry spot within the inclosiire. 4. The prison is iunnediately within the town, and defenses could not bo erected without destroying nuich property, and could not be dtifended when erected on account of the proximity to the buildings, which if fired would drive ou*t the garrison. In the last outbreak one of three shots fired struck the principal hotel in the town. 5. Experience has proved that i)roximity to a town is extremely objectionable and injurious. 6. Wood is so distant that it is next to impossible to keep up a sufiicient supply, and the expense is enormous. Thirty-nine wagons and teams are required, and then only a 176 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR scant snp]>ly fumislied to prison and gjnard. One hundred cords per day are required for troojis and jirison, which at $20 per cord is .$()0,00U per month or §7"J0,0U0 per year. In a month the savinjjj would prohably cover the expense of purchase. Oil the land proposed to lie purchased the tojis of the trees used for a stockade and the wood already on the ground would serve the post for more than a year. A raid has reached within eighty miles of this place, and would, I am informed, have reached here but for the accidental escape of one of the prisoners caiitnred. I stated in my communication from Florence some reasons why I thought Florence untit as a site for a prison. I will here repeat them. The site itself is entirely untit for the purpose, as ahoTit one-fourth or more, probably one-third, is an imjiracticable morass, and cannot, without more labor and expense than building a new stockade, be in anj- manner reclaimed, as it would require the whole of the soil on the dry parts for three or four feet to cover the morass or marsh, and when covered would not be tit for use. The prison at Florence is only sixty miles from Georgetown, South Carolina, with a good ridge road, and only one river intervening, which is fordable in live or six places. I see that spies have been captured, one having visited the prison at this place, and the other the prison at Danville. From this we may fairly infer that Florence has not been neglected. This would indicate a disposition on the part of the enemy to operate against the prisons. Having said this much by Avay of objectiou to the present sites, (most of which ob- jections hold good in regard to Danville,) I will take the liberty to suggest the remedy. I proposed in my comnuinicatiou from Florence that I be i)ermitte(l to purchase a tract of niue hundred acres at the fourteen-mile i)Ost from Cohunbia, South Carolina, on the railroad to Charlotte, North Carolina, for the purpose of erecting prisons. The purchase of that or some other tract instead of renting, would save a large sum, as exi)erience has shown at Andcrsonville. The place is, I think, as far removed from raids as any place I know, and such defensive works could be erected as would make it se- cure against any raid. This locality is situated in poor laud, country thinly settled, and very few persons to be annoyed by the proximity of a prison. The prison at An- dcrsonville, with a snhicient guard, could resist any raid that would be likely to he sent against it. I would make this further suggestion: I think the property here (Salisbury) on which tht^ ])rison is erected could be sold for at least one hundred and lifty thousanil dollars, (.'ii;1.50,000.) It cost originally lifteen thousand dollars in bonds, (§ir),0()U.) This would pay the )uirchase money for another tract, complete the prison, and put up all ne- cessary work-shops, to employ usefully to the Confederate States the labor of the pris- oners. The purchase would liave another advantage. All the labor bestowed and im- provenu>nts made; would l)e for the benetit of the Confederate States, and when pris- ons would be no longer required could l)e profitably employed or sold as thought best. With this ari'angement tlie prison at Andersouville, the prison at Camp Lawton and the new jirison, with the snuill prisons at Richmond and Cahaba, Ala., as receiving de- pots, would answer all purjioses. The ralio of mortaHtii at Florence and Salisburi/ exceeds, Hhinlc, that at AndersnnvUle. I feel satisfied that, if authorized to carry out the above suggestions, I could arrange the prisons to the eutire satisfaction of the authorities, and by that uu'ans relieve the Confederate States of all expense connected with the prison, except, perhaps, feeding, and to a great extent jtay for that. I respectfully ask that as early an answer as possible be given, as it is very important to know exactly what course will lie adopted. Very respectfullv, your obedient servant, JNO. II. WINDER, Britjadiev General. General S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector General, Richmond, Vir(jinta. Indorsements : Headciuarters Prisons East of Mississippi, Salisbury, North Carolina, December l:?, 1804. ihigadier General Juo. II. Winder, commissary general of prison- ers, reports from the Confederate States military prison at Salisbury, North Carolina ; urges the iunuediate removal. Reasons for removal, want of water, unfitness of soil, proximity to town, and dilfioulty and expense of obtaining wood. Also gives reasons for the removal of prisoners from Florence, South Carolina : proximity to navigable rivers, and situated in an irreclaimable morass. Suggests remedy and recommends that a new prison be establislied fourteen miles from Cohunbia, South Carolina, on lailroad to CharloKe, North Carolina. Received A. &. I. G. O., December 17, 18G4. File. See telegram to General Winder December, 19, 1863. H. L. C, Assistant Adjutant General. A. and I. G. O., Tkcemhcr 20, 1864. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 177 To this account of the condition of the Salisbury prison we append the following official documents from rebel sources, showing the condi- tion of the prison at a later date than that referred to in the testimony of the witnesses. These documents consist of a letter from Governor Vance, of North Carolina, with the accomi:)anying indorsements of the rebel officials thereon; the report of T. W. Hall, assistant adjutant and in- spector general confederate army, with the indorsements of rebel offi- cials thereon ; the mortality in January, 1865, and deficiencies in sup- plies for the prison ; consolidated returns from January 10 to February 15, 1805, with other statistics from the same sources : State of North Carolina, Executive Department, Baleigh, Feiruarij 1, 1865. Dear Sir : I beg leave to call your attention to the condition of the federal prison- ers of war at Salisbury, North Carolina. Accounts reach me of the most distressing character in regard to their suffering and destitution. I earnestly request you to have the matter inquired into, and, if in our power to relievo them, that it be dcme. If they are willfully left to suffer when we can avoid it, it would be not only a blot on our humanity, but woukl lay us ojieu to a severe retaliation. I know how straitened our means are, however, and will cast no blame upon any one without further information. Very resiiectfully, your obedient servant, Z. B. VANCE. Hon. J. A. Sedden, Secretary of War. Gov. Z. B. Vance, Raleigh, North Carolina, Februar^y 1, 1865. Calls attention to the uffering condition of the federal prisoners at Salisbury, North Carolina. Assistant Secretary: I think the subject of this letter deserves immediate atten- tion, and that an otficer should be sent at once to investigate the condition of the pris- oners and make report. If you agree with me in this opinion, direct the adjutant gen- eral to send a suitable officer without delay. JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, Secretary of War. February 7, 1865. Adjut.vnt General: Cause an inspection to be made of the prisoners at Salisbury, and have such directions given to the insi)ection officer as will enable him to correct the evils complained of. By order : J. A. CAMPBELL, Jssistant Secretary of War. February 7, 1865. Colonel : I like you to attend to thia matter. R. H. C. Received February 6, 1865. Salisbury, North Carolina, February 17, 1865. General : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt at Charlotte, on the 14th instant, of letter of instructions of February 10, from Colonel R. H. Chilton, in- closing a communication fi'om his excellency the governor of North Carolina to the honoral)le secretary of war in regard to the suffering condition of the federal prison- ers at this post, and directing me to make an immediate inspection of the prison and fall report of the subject. I have the hcmor to state that, acting under my previous general instructions of December 5, 1864, and January 19, 1865, I included the condi- tion of the military prison and treatment of the prisoners of war then confined in the general inspection of this post, in which I was engaged from the 1st to the 10th of Februaiy, and the results of my observations would have been immediately forwarded to the department but for the fact that the post connnander. Brigadier General Bradley T. Johnson, happened to be absent from the post during the whole time of my insjiec- tion, and I deemed it not less in accordance with the spirit of my instructions than the dictates of military propriety to withhold ray report until I should have an ojiportu- nity of conferring with him upon the subject and of ascertaining how far it might be in his i)ower to remedy the evils found to exist. Pending his return I was engaged in an inspection of the post of Charlotte, but immediately upon the receijit of Colonel Cliilton's letter returned to this place, and on the 16tli instant made a second insjicc- H. Eep. 45 12 178 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR tion of the prison in company with General Johnson. The results of my two visits of inspection are respectfully submitted, as follows : I made three visits of inspection to the prison, January 'M, in company with Major Mason Morfit, prison quartermaster ; February 1, in company with Major J. H. Gee, prison commandant, and the medical officers of the prison ; and a^ain, as already stated, on the IGth of February, with General B. T. Johnson. On the two occasions lirst named the weather was particularly pleasant, and I saw the prison under the most favorable circumstances. On the IGth of February, inmsediately after a fall of snow and sleet, I saw it ajjain, probably in its worst aspect. In my report I have endeavored care- fully to dTstinguish betwc:'U those causes of suffering which are unavoidable, and for the existence of which, therefore, the government and its officers cannot bo held re- sponsible, and such abuses as, in my opinion, are justly chargeable to the neglect or inefficiency of the prison management. I. — LOCATION AXD PLAN OF THE PRISON. The location of the prison I regard as an unfortunate one, though T presume this, with the government, at the time, was a matter not of choice but necessity. That it was already used as a prison for civilians and military convicts sliould have been au arii-ument against its selection, not in its favor, unless it had been at the same time de- termined to remove the former classes of prisoners. The general plan of the prison may be seen from the diagram accompanying this report. The area inclosed and con- stituting the main prison yard is al)out eleven acres. I do not think, especially with the present number of prisoners (5,476) of all classes, that there can beany reasonable ground of complaint on the score of want of room. Water is obtained from nine wells within the inclosure and from tlie creek, luilf a mile distant, to which the prisoners are al- lowed to go, a certain number at a time, under guard, with buckets and barrtHs. The supply obtained from all these sources, however, is not more than sufficient for cooking and dVinking i)urposes. The want of a running stream within the prison inclosure, for purposes of '^vashing and general sewerage, is, therefore, a serious olijection. The prox- imity of the prison to the railroad attbrds every necessary facility for obtaining an ad- equate supply of fuel, which can be deposited in any (luantity needed within less than one hundred yards of the prison, and unloaded and transported by the labor of the prison- ers themselves. A memorandum statement of Major Morlit, prison quartermaster, ac- companying this report, shows the amount of fuel received, issued, and due the prison- ers, from January 1 to February 15, 1865. That they have not received the full amount duo them during a season of more than ordinary inclemency, I think, is chargeable more probably to want of energy on the part of the post quartermaster. Captain J. M. Goodnuin, than to any other cause. Both Major Gee and Major J^Iorlit prufcss to con- sider the actual supply sufficient, but in this I think they are mistaken. The fact cited by Major Gee, that the prison sutler buys all his fuel from the prisoners, proves nothing, no more than their willingness to part with their newly received supplies of clothing, a practice to check which General Johnson has been obliged to publish a stringent or- der forbidding citizens or soldiers from purchasing, proves that they are not in want of clothes. The most serious objection to tliis choice of a site for a prison is. however, the character of the soil, which is a stiff, t nacious, red clay, difficult of drainage, and which remains wet for a long rime, and after a rain or snow becomes a perfect bog. The system of drainage contemplates the double object of carrying olf the surfiice water and cleansing the sinks, but cannot be said to be particularly successful in either lioint of view. In warm weather, or in a season of drought, the sinks would not fail to prove a source of great annoyance, and possibly of pestilence, not only in the prison but in the town of Salisbury. II. — THE PRISON COJIMISSARIAT. Among the papers accompanying this report will be found a statement of the num- ber of rations issued from February 1 to February 15, 1865, showing the component parts of the ration and the quantity of each. Coni])ared in quantity and kind with the rations issued to our own troops in tlie lield, it will be seen that on this s'-ore the prisoners have no cause to complain. The rations are cooked before they are issued, and ]>aius have been taken by General Johnson to see that no frauds are committed in this department, to the injury of the prisoners. Brea21 prisoners of war received since October 5, 1864, according to the sur- geon's report, 2,918 have died. According to the burial report, since the 21st of Octo- ber, 1864, a less period by sixteen days, 3,479 have been buried. The discrepancy is explained by the fact that in addition to the deaths in hos^iital, six or eight die, daily, in their quarters, without the knowledge of the surgeons, and of course without re- ceiving attention from them. This discrepancy, which in December amounted to 223, and in January, to 192, in the first two weeks of February had diminished to 21. The aciual number of deaths, however, outside of hospital, during that period would show, probably, little falling ofl', if any, from the number in previous months. Pneumonia and diseases of the bowels are the prevalent diseases ; the prisoners appeared to die, however, more from exposure and exhaustion than from actual disease. 180 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR VI. — PRISON DISCIPLINE. Inside of the prison there appears to be no proper system of discipline or police. The prisoners are divided into ten (10) divisions, each division into us many sqnads, the divisions in cliarge of a sergeant-major of their own number, the squads under a sergeant. Two roll-calls are nominally observed, tlie one in the morning being usually neglected. In the afternoon the prisoners are mustered by squads, and counted by the prison clerk and his assistants. No details are made for the purpose of policing the grounds, except one of a sergeant and twelve men, who report to the surgeon. All sorts of tilth are allowed to be deposited and to remain anywhere and everywhere around the quarters, unsightly to the eye, and generating offensive odors, and in time, doul)tless, disease. Since the outbreak of November '25, no guard is kept inside the inclosure, except at the gates. Robberies and murders even are said to be of frequent occurrence among the prisoners, usually charged to an association of the worst charac- ter among them, known as " muggers." But a few days before my first visit, a negro prisoner in one of the hospital wards was nuudered by one of these ruffians, and such is the state of terrorism inspired that none of the patients or attendants in the ward, who saw the deed, would lodge information against the muiderer, who was at last only- discovered and arrested through the agency of a detective. The use of detectives and a counter association among the prisoners are the only dependence of the commandant for enforcing any kind of order, discipline, or police in the pi'isou. The excuse given by Major Gee for not having the prison grounds properly i)oliced was the want of tools, aiid through danger of trusting picks, «S:c., in the hands of the prisoners. The excuse cannot be considered sufficient. AVooden scrapers, and hickory brooms, with wheel- barrows, or boxes with rope-handles, all of which can readily be furnished by the pri- son quartermaster, would answer every purpose. I subsequently brought the matter to the attention of General Johnson, who promised to issue the necessary orders upon the subject and see that they are enforced. Major Gee, the prison commandant, as an officer, is deficient in administrative ability ; but in point of vigilance, fidelity, and in everything that concerns the security of the prison and the safe-keeping of the prison- ers, leaves nothing to be desired. As respects the general question of the condition of the prisoners, I am of op inion that, so far as their sufferings have resulted from causes within the control of the government or its officers, they are chargeable : 1st. To the unfortunate location of the i^rison, which is wholly unsuitable for the purpose. 2d. To the want of administrative capacity, proper energy, and eff'ort on the part of tlie officers of the quartermaster's department, charged with the duty of supplying the prison. To attempt an exact apportionment of the blame in this respect between Major Mason Morfit, the iirison quartermaster, and Captain J. M. Goodman, the i)ost quartermaster, would probably be irrelevant to the purpose of the present report. Having had occasion, in a general inspection of the post of Salisbury, to examine the affairs of both of these officers, I cannot say that I consider either of them as efficient in his present position. I have the honor to be, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, T. W. HALL, A. A. and I. G. General S. Cooper, A. and I. General, C. iS. A. Indorsements: H. 42.— Salisbury, N. C, February 17, 1865. Captain T. W. Hall, As- sistant Adjutant and Inspector General. Report of inspection of the Confederate States military prison, Salisbury, N. C. Instituted under special instructions from adjutant and inspector general's office, inclosing letter of Governor Vance, with indorsement of honorable secretary of war. (8 inclosures.) Received, Adjutant and Inspector Gene- eral's Office, February 21, 1865. Respectfully referred to the quartermaster general. This report reflects upon the prisou and post quartermaster at Salisbury, North Carolina, in such manner as to call for fiu'ther action. If the report be correct, they should at least be removed to posi- tions of less responsibility. By command secretary of war. SAMUEL W. MELTON, A. A. G. War Department, March 6, 1865. Quartermaster General's Office, March 13, 1865. Respectfully returned to the adjutant and inspector general. The prisoners formerly at Salisbury having been exchanged, and Captain Goodman having been relieved from duty as post quai'termaster at that point, no further action by this office seems to be necessary. A. R. LAWTON, ' Quartermaster General. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 181 Confederate States Military Prison Hospital, Salwhitry, X. C, February 13, 1865. Captain : I respectfully report ad follows : Number of deaths among federal prisoners in January, 1865 — in hospital 499 Number of deaths among federal prisoners in January, 1865 — in quarters 233 Number of deaths among federal i)risoners 1st to Feb. 13, 1865 — in hospital. .. 195 Number of deaths among federal prisoners 1st to Feb. 13, 1865 — in quarters 80 Total 1,007 Number of bunks required for February 3, 1865 100 Number of buuks received up to February 13, 1865 * 00 Due upon requisition 100 Straw required for February, 1865 10,000 pounds. Straw received to February 13, two loads, estimated at 800 pounds. Due upon requisition 9,200 pounds. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JNO. WILSON, Jr., Surgeon in Charge. Captain George Booth, A, A. G. Official: GEO. BOOTH, Assistant Adjutant General. 182 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR ■l^JOX "to "to 2g "o"to 2 f5 ? '5 to to" to X 3j; C-. X in in 1 •eaoaSau 93jj; giSSSSSSaSL'JSi^SSSS in in o if^ L"^ o m »n m in in in in m m -^ ■JBM JO sjanosuj m « t- -r a 11 1- Ci o c c> « •* r? :r;M««r5cnMeo ■8pp.noo — oiNoeitoinLninaiOiLn'S"*'*-* "Sjonosud ti;o;i?loj HI o •»■ rr •»• en ?? — ' o o C-. C-. iTi 'Ti Ti T I.-: m in o tn l-: in l-: o l- t — t ^ n. -t sjaojgo iBjapa J •pm!t( HO pnox TCcioo^t-teootorjiniTJLn-j'Mo -* ji r? 2» o ao 1- m r: iri a: m — -^ ts (- ts'to'ts'-j'ti"ts"to'SUOl.U 'poipjBd ',yo JIW8 'pdttsoso 'poip ib;ox §52^S2ss§2i:;sss;;5;s •paSaeqoxa pnB 'pasBejM 'popaBj ^ 1-4 rt ^ n •s;sod .101^0 o; luas « "^ to •paia totoin'^Lnooino-s-r-oo — ao»»"^o o«.-co<(N.-Hr-i>-i(r«ri«M«ijjcnm5» •paduosg; 00 •poAtooaj ib;ox c,-jnco^ ■»r ^ n in •p9in:>d«09a to ^ •poAioaoji °"-§J" ■* - TO in in 00 I "S ti e c CS X - s s §i S s ^ ^ s s § i n s M 5 WS M I BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 183 IB^OX o o o o 00 I» — o r: -r ■;> irs X X -o CO lo r3 o I- cs i- -r ■;» — . 71 -.s T o (- 00 QO 00 00 c- o -o 'O ^ 1."; -o O lT O Vr lO o o'o »o o »/fo o >n o o o lt o •sraojSau oajj r-t-t-r't-t-t-t-t-»f-t--j^i-(-i^ •JBAV. JO sjauosuj; 5,486 5, 476 5,456 5,430 5,412 5, 326 5, 305 5, 274 5,257 5, 231 5, 210 5, 1.53 5, 139 5,101 5,070 ■SJ91J3S3P [Bjapa^ •SpiAHOO rf T). -,. O -^ -^ i.-S 11 1--! 1-5 « rs 1! — -H •r -J- T T r5 rs ro r; rj M X X X X) x< •sjonosuj icaijip,! c> r;i ;< Ti Tt 'TJ ri r: r3 7> >-. o n ^ « •ejaoijjo iBJi)pa^ ■piiBq uo iB-jox 5,860 5,850 5,830 5, 8;,o 5,778 5, 692 5,671 5,640 5, 023 5. 594 5, 622 5, 565 5,548 5, 508 5,470 •lUjidsoTj ui 00— t-';t-^-)'-i-iC5!Sin5»0 7JO CI -J* -J" -^ -J* -r L-i -r -p -r T -r o 1.1 -T" o lo o lo lo iQ o in o LI o lo o o o •sjojjunb nosud uj 5,322 5, 309 5,283 5, 258 5, 232 5,148 5, 120 5,099 5, 074 5,048 5, 079 5, 023 4, 998 4, 956 4,930 •paSuBip -xa puB 'pasea(jj 'poiojcd 'jgo juds 'paduoso 'poip W'Jj S2§SglS§J?5J;§8!oSS?5 •(wSaeqaSc) pnt» 'pasuaiaa 'poiojuj '^ •S'isod aoq;o o} juog 00 »1< o •pa?a S2§SSS85??i:§SS;j:S?l •padtjosg; m n ■^ •pOiVpooa Iu:^ox n ■^ •poin^dBDOji •pOAiaoaa; n '* in ■ J I i ) ■^ IT ■£ l- oc c- != = ly - - ^"3 ft f^ ft. ^1 1^ 184 treatment of prisoners of war Headquarters C. S. M. Prison, Salisbury, North Carolina, February 1, 18G5. Captain : I have the honor respectfully^ to transmit the following memoranda report for Captain J. W. Hall, inspector, &c. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. L. LYEELY, Clerk of Frison. Captain G. W. Booth, Assistant Adjutant General. Total prisoners of war received from October 5, 18G4, to Febru- ary 1, 1865 10, 321 Largest number prisoners of war on hand at one time, date No- vember C, 1864 8, 740 TOTAL, MORTALITY. Burial sergeant's report : Buried. From October 21 to 31, 1864 193 In November, 1864 917 In December, 1864 1, 081 In January, 1865 940 3,131 2, 591 Discrepancy 540 Hospital report : Died. From October 5 to 31, 1864 224 In November, 1864 761 In December, 1864 858 In January, 1865 748 2, 591 Eecruited for first foreign battalion 653 Eecruited for Major Andrews 677 Recruited for General Yorks 407 Total recruited 1, 737 CHARLOTTE, NORTH CAROLINA.^ A small camp, called "Camp Necessity," or "Camp Bacon,'' was established here for a short period, and a few tents were erected, fur- nishing the only shelter that Avas provided. It was lo(!ated in a pine grove, and contained but a few prisoners at any time, generally detach- ments which stopped on their way over night going north or south. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 185 FLORENCE, ARLINGTON COUNTY. This prison was in command of Lieutenant Colonel J. F. Iverson. It ■was a stockade, inclosing about twenty-three acres, and resembled in many respects the one at Andersonville. A stream of water ran through the center, bordered by a swamp containing six acres. The dead-line was a furrow encircling the camp on the inside of the stockade, except at the swamp, where the line was wholly imaginary. It appears from the official reports of the rebel inspectors, which we shall introduce, that the sentinels were ordered to tire, without warning, upon all pris- oners who crossed this real or imaginary line. The descriptions of this prison and the sufferings endured there are but a recital of those which accompanied imprisonment at Anderson- ville. In January, 18G5, there were 7,500 prisoners confined at Florence, and it is understood that the number at no time exceeded 15,000 ; yet in proportion to the number of prisoners the suffering was equal to, and some witnesses testify that it even surpassed, that at Andersonville. The mortality here reached eleven per cent, a month. With the excep- tion of the few sheds improvised by the prisoners, covered with branches of trees, they were without any shelter, inducing, of course, the most painful suffering and great mortality. INSPECTION REPORT OF CAPTAIN JOHN C. RUTHERFORD, ASSISTANT ADJUTANT GENERAL. We find it useful to introduce at this point the report made under orders in November, IS'64, by the rebel officer, giving a description of this prison and the condition of the inmates, together with the indorse- ments of the higher officers of the confederacy, including that of the secretary of war, thereon. Headquarters Post Richmond, Va., Kovcmier 5, 18G4. Major: I have the honoi- to make the following reijort of iuspectiou of the military prison at Florence, South Carolina : I found Colonel George P. Harrison in command, receiving from, and rei)ortiug di- rectly to, Lieutenant General Hardee. A copy of the order from the adjutant and inspector general's office, placing General Gardner in command of all military prisons in Virginia, North and South Carolina, and forwarded from these headquarters to Colonel Harrison, was sent by him to Lieu- tenant General Hardee, asking instructions. General Hardee's indorsement has already been submitted, which virtually takes from General Gardner the command of the military prisons; therefore the inspection I made was through the courtesy of Colonel HaiTison, who offered me every facility in gaining information, but, under instructions from General Hardee, could not recognize General Gardner's command of the prison. Colonel Harrison even ottered me an opportunity of inspecting the troops, but an in- spection not sanctioned hj the proper authority could do no good, and I declined. The prison consists of a stockade made of heavy pieces of timber, set upright in the ground, from thiee to four feet deei>, surrounded Avith a ditch about live feet deep, and seven wide, with the dirt thrown up against the stockade, making a walk for the senti- nels, about three feet from the top of tlie palisades. The stockade is fourteen hundred feet long, and seven hundred and tweutj^-five feet wide, inclosing about twent^'-three and a half acres, about six acres of which is swamp and cannot be used for camping prisoners. A large branch runs through the stockade, the upper part of which is used for washing and drinking, and the lower part carries off" the filth from the sink. The grand total, including the paroled and those in hospital, is eleven thousand four hundred and twenty-four, (11,424.) Ninety paroled and five hundred aud ninety-nine in hospital. The majority of those paroled are confined within the limits of a half mile from the stockade ; others, employed as blacksmiths, &c., in Florence, are allowed a much larger limit ; the stockade beiiig about two miles from the town. Others are 186 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR used in the commissary department, as laborers, &c. Prisoners appear to be emaci- ated and in Ijud health, perhaps the inevitable resnlt of i)rison life. Thej^ receive very little nitjat, but are snbsisted npou sorghum sirup and meal. On the day of insi>ection meat was being distributed, fresh beef, but I was informed by the authorities that meat rations were seldom issued. Prisoners do their own cooking, and are very poorly pro- vided with cooking utensils, compelling those without to ti-ade off a portion of their rations for the use of pots, ovens, &c. Prisoners made great complaint of scarcity of wood ; wood is cut and brought by the prisoners, and then distributed to the prison. A large quantity of wood was ready for distribution on the day of inspection, hence I consider the complaint as only temporary. Prisoners have no shelter, only such as they may have constructed for themselves. Small huts built i)artly of wood and dirt, of every A'ariety and form, some over holes dug in the ground, Avith little dirt chim- neys, some comfortable and others very uncomfortable, constitute the interior of the prison. The prison hospital, improperly so called, is situated inside the stockade, and is simply seiuirated from the rest of the prison by a pole fence. It would require a very close examination to discover any mcjre comfort in the hospital than in tlie regular prison, tlie only shelter being such rude huts as have already been described. A rough frame-work was in a state of comjdetiou, capable of holding about one hundred prisoners, which will i)rovide more effectually for the conilbrt of the sick. "With very little additional expense, the condition of these prisoners could be very much ameliorated. I would recommend that logs be haided in the prison ; the prisoners could then vei'y easily construct houses for themselves. They are very poorly provided Avith blankets, and will sufler a great deal from colcl and exposui'e this winter. Our government cannot furnish blankets, hence I have reconmicnded that material be furnished them for constructing houses. There are fortifications on two sides of the stockades, to guard against raids, which consist principally of rifle pits. The country is level, and the works will only serve as a protection for infantry against infantry, having no advantage in position. The following troops are doing guard duty at this prison : Fifth Georgia regiment effective, 233 ; aggregate : efl'ective, 284. Major (iilFs battalion reserves, 194 ; aggregate: effective, 24G. Major Williams' battalion reserves, 273 ; aggregate : effective, 314. Major Brown's Ijattalion reserves, 267 ; aggregate: effective, 328. Major Ward's battalion reserves, 290 ; aggregate : effective, 338. Major Mere\\'eather's battalion reserves, 2o2 ; aggregate : effective, 322. Each day there is detailed six commissioned and seventeen non-commissioned officers and three hundred and thirty-six privates for prison giiard. There are lifty i)ost8 around the prison stockade, and twenty-nine picket -posts (only at night) extending around the inclosure about twenty yards from the palisades, to prevent tunneling. The dead line is about ten or twelve feet from the palisades, and marked by a small ditcli for the most i)art, and in some places by a pole-fenc(* ; in the swamp by an im- aginary line. Sentinels are instructed to fin; without halting when a i)risoner crosses this line. On each corner of the stockade a jjlatform is erected about the level of the sentinel's walk for a piece of artillery. The position is a poor one, as the prisoners by a rush conld easily take possession of each piece, but the country is so level it is about the only position that artillery can be used. At present there is no artillery, although the platforms are completed. I found six hundred negroes still at work ; only one hundred of these, however, are to be retained. Lieutenant Colonel I. F. Iverson, of the fifth Georgia, is assigned to duty as connnandant of prisons, and is charged witli instructing and stationing all guards. He has four officers to assist hiui — Lieutenant Cheatham, as adjutant ; Lieutenants Bar- rett and Hays, as inspectors, whose duty it is to see prison regulations enforced, and superintend the counting of prisoners ; Lieutenant Reese is charged with the burial of the dead, the average number of deaths being thirty a day. The prisoners are divided in detachments of one thousand and companies of one hundrerisoners. Sentinels are inexperienced ; seem to be Avell instructed, but poorly understand their instructions. BY THE REBEL AQTHORITIES. 187 I made no inspection of the troops, as General Gardner's command over tliis prison is not recognized, nnder instructions from Lieutenant General Hardee. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN C. RUTHERFORD, Major Garxett Andrews, Assistant Adjutant General. Official : Captain and Amiistant Adjutant General. GARNETT ANDREWS, Major and Assistant Adjutant General. Headquarters Post Richmond, November 5, 1864, Captain J. C. Rutherford, assistant adjutant general. Rejiort of an inspection of the military j)risons at Florence, South Carolina. Headquarters, Post Military Prisons, liichmond, Noremher 13, 1864. Respectfully forwarded to Colonel Chilton, assistant adjutant general, for his infor- mation. W. M. GARDNER, Brigadier General. Received Assistant Inspector General's Office November 17, 1864. Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, November 18, 1864. Respectfully submitted to the secretary of war. The necessity for one controlling head here is the same as at Columbia, and until the question as to who is to exei'cise such control is determined, it appears impossible to correct the evils prevailing at all the Yankee prisons. General Gardner informs me that he receives no returns affording true information respecting the prisoners, and that he has not the power to enforce orders. Our suff^ering captives in Yankee prisons are serious sufferers from the mis- management prevailing amongst the Yankee prisoners. R. H. CHILTON, Assistant Adjutant and Inspector General. Adjutant General: General Winder has been assigned to general charge of the prisoners and prisons. The order has, I suppose, been issued. J. A. S. November 20, 1864. GENERAL WINDER'S REPORT ON FLORENCE. We also refer to the inspection report of General Winder, heretofore introduced under the description of Salisbury prison. LETTER OF SABINA DISMUKES. Another interesting document, captured from the rebel archives at Richmond, is the letter of a resident of South Carolina, directed to Jef- ferson Davis, inclosing- an article from the Sumter Watchman, and calling the attention of the guilty chief of the confederacy to the terrible condition of our x)risoners at Florence, imploring him to furnish relief: Stateburg, South Carolina, October 12, 1864. Dear Sir: Inclosed you will find an account of the terrible sufferings of the Yankee prisoners at Florence, South Carolina. In the name of all that is holy is there nothing that can be done to relieve such dreadful suffering ? If such things are allowed to continue they will most surely draw down some awful judgment upon our country. It is a most horrible national sin that eannot go unpunished. If we cannot give them food andslicltcr, lur (/or/'.swAc parole them and send them back to \aukee land, but don't starve the mificrahle cre((tur(s to death. Don't think that I have any liking for the Yankee. I have none. Those near and dear to me have suffered too much from their tyranny for me to have anything but 188 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR hatred to them ; but I have not yet become quite hrute enougli to know of such suffering without trying to do something even for a Yankee. Yours, respectfully, SABINA DISMUKES. Sabina Disraukes, Stateburg, South Carolina, October 12, 1864. Forwards newspaper article on treatment Yankee i>risoners at Florence, South Carolina. Asks that they may be fed or paroled. Respectfully referred, by direction of the President, to the Hon. secretary of war. BURTON N. HARRISON, Private Secretary. A. G.: Refer to Brigadier General Winder. By order : J. A. CAMPBELL, A. S. TV. OCTOBEU 23, 1864. Respectfully referred to General Winder. By order A. and I. General. JOHN W, RIELY, A. A. General. A. and I. G. 0., October 28, 1864. Returned January 7, 1865. Returned November 19, 1864. Received A. and I. G. O., October 24, 1864. Received October 18, 1864. Received at Camp Lawtou, November 12, 1864. Rosi)ectfully returned to the adjutant and inspector general. The prisoners iu South Carolina are not under my command. I can give no information nor can I ex- press an opinion. I telegraphed from Macon on the 10th of October to the authorities in South Carolina that we were ready to receive prisoners at Camp Lawton. JNO. H. WINDER, Brigadier General. Camp Lawton, November 14, 1864. Respectfully referred to Brigadier General Gardner. By command of the Secretary of War. H. L. clay, a. a. G. A. and I. G. O., November 24, 1864. [From the Sumter Watchmjin.] THE PRISONERS AT FLORENCE. Mr. Editor: It may not be uninteresting to your numerous readers to hear something from the Yankee camp at Florence. Your correspondent went over, upon the summons of one of those ominous O. B.'s which the times have made more familiar than agreeable, to take a drove of cattle to the camp. Our party had iu charge animals of all sizes, sexes, and couditious, from the patriarch of the herd, whose seamed and wrii\kled front bore the marks of many a bloody battle, to " aiild crumpie," who had served her day at the milk pail and whose constitution was evidently unable to stand the blasts of an- other March. We lost three on the way — two straggled and one fell from exhaustion ; the buzzards after all were not cheated of their long expected prey. The country through which we traveled is "flat, stale, and unprofitable." The ciops are poor and every cotton field destroyed by the "array worm," as if in imitation of its more intelli- gent namesakes. No oV>ject of curiosity was encountered on the way, unless we take into account the "long bridge" over what the natives call "Spawa Swamp." Most of the houses were uninhabited, with fences and outbuildings going to ruin. "No product now tlie b.arron fields .afford, But men and steel, the soldier and his sword." The camp we found full of what were once human beings, but who would scarcely now be recognized as siuh. In an old field, with no iuclosure but the living wall of sentinels who guard them night and day, are several thousand filthy, diseased, famished men, with no hope of relief except Ity death. A few dirty rags stretched on pt)lls give them a poor protection from the hot sun and heavy dews. All were iu rags, and bare- foot, and crawling with vermin. As we passed around the line of guards I saw one of them brought out from his miserable booth by two of his companions and laid upon BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 189 the grounfl to die. He was nearly naked. His companions pulled his cap over his face and stiaightened out his limbs. Before they turned to leave him he was dead. A slight movement of the limbs and all was over. The captive was free ! The commis- sary's tent was near one side of the square, and near it the beef was laid upon boards preparatory to its distribution. This sight seemed to excite the prisoners as the smell of blood does the beasts of a menagerie. They surged np as near the lines as they were allowed and seemed, in their eagerness, about to break over. While we were on the ground a heavy rain came up and they seemed gieatly to enjoy it, coming out a puris vaturaUbus, opening their mouths to catch the drops, while one would wash off" another with his hands and then receive from him the like kind office. Numbers get out at night and wander to the neighboring houses in quest of food. From the camp of the living we passed to the camp of the dead — the hospital — a transition Avhich reminded me of Satan's soliloquy : "Which way I fly is hell : myself am hell : And in tlie lowest deeps, a lower deep, Still threatening to devoiu? me, opens wide." A few tents, covered with pine tops, were crowded with the dying and the dead in every stage of corruption. Some lay in prostrate helplessness ; some had crowded under the shelter of the bushes; some were rubbing their skeleton limbs. Twenty or thirty of them die daily — most of them, as I was informed, of the scurvy. The corpses lay by the roadside waiting for the dead-cart, their glassy eyes turned to heaven, the file's swarming in their mouths, their big toes tied together with a cotton string, and their skeleton arms folded on their breasts. You would hardly know them to be men so sadly do hunger, disease, and wretchedness, change the " human face divine." Presently came the carts. They were carried a little distance to trenches dug for the purpose and tumbled in like so many dogs ; a few pine toj^s were thrown upon the bodies, a few shovelsful of dirt, and then haste was made to open a new ditch for other victims. The burying party were Yankees detailed for the Avork, an appointment which, as the ser- geant told me, they consider as a favor, for they get a little more to eat and enjoy fresh air. Thus we saw at one glance the three great scourges of mankind, war, famine, and pestilence ; and we turn from the spectacle sick at heart as we remember that some of our loved ones may be undergoing a similar misery. "Man's inhVimanity to man makes countless millions mourn." Soon eight thousand more will be added to their number, and where the provisions are to come from to feed this multitude is a difficult problem. Five thousand pounds of bacon or ten thousand pounds of beef, daily, seems, in addition to more urgent draughts upon her, far beyond the ability of Soitth Carolina. The question is, are we not doing serious injury to our cause in keeping these prison- ers to divide with us our scanty rations ? Would it not be better at once to release them on parole ? HOWARD. Accompanying the letter and article are also the following indorse- ments: Headquarters Post and Military Prison, Richmond, November 26, 1864. Respectfully referred to Colonel Harrison, commandant prison at Florence, South Carolina, for report. By command of General Gardner : GARNETT ANDREWS, Major and A. A, G. Headquarters Post Richmond, December 12, 1864. Respectfully returned to adjutant and inspector general, and attention called to ac- companying report of Colonel G. P. Harrison, commanding, &c., at Florence. This re- port is sustained by that of Captain Rutherford, of General Gardner's staff', who recently made an inspection of the prison. In the absence of and for General Gardner. GARNETT ANDREWS, A. A. G. Received Florence Military Prison, December 17, 1864. Headquarters Florence, December 17, 1864. Respectfully referred to Lieutenant Colonel Iversou, commandant Florence Military Prison. By command of Lieutenant Colonel Brown. E. W. LAY, A. A. A. G. 190 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Headquarters Florence Military Prison. December 17, 1864. Respectfully returned. Howard visited Florence when necessity forced the removal of prisoners here without any preparation whatever heing made for their proper care or subsistence. In mj^ opinion if one of those ominous O. B.'s was sent him to report to the front, there woTild be no danger of his exciting the nerves of ladies and might do the service some good. Mrs. Dismuke may rest easy and quiet in reference to the treatment of prisoners at this prison, for since I assumed command (the 10th of October, 1864,) the deaths have decreased from thirty-five to forty per day to one single demise, which my hospital and sexton's rejiort show for the last twenty-four hours. I call at- tention to the fact that the prisoners were all brought here from other prisons, and so- licit inquiry as to their improvement or still further degradation, and challenge any jirison in the confederacy, taking everything into consideration, for health, cleanliness, neat looking prisoners, neat burial grounds, &c. They are given everthing the gov- ernment issues to them. I am, very resi)ectfully, yoiu" obedient servant, JNO. F. I^^::PtSON, Lieutenant Colonel Commanding. Such, in October, 1864, was tbe condition of the prisoners at Florence as viewed from a Southern standpoint. To suppose or to ask an intelli- gent man to infer, in the face of this evidence, that the rebel authorities had no knowledge of the starvation and murder of our soldiers, would be an insult to the human understanding-. They did know it; they could have prevented it, for it appears that the rebel guards on duty suffered for none of the necessaries of life, and were subjected to no hardships sav^c that of being" agents and spectators of these foul and unnatural murders. It is to be feared that to many of them the sight and the ser- vice could scarcely be called hardshiijs. I^umber of graves of Union prisoners at Florence, according to report of war department, 2,795. We close these remarks on Florence by a reference to the voluminous testimony taken by the committee, and the introduction of the experi- ences and incidents related by the witness Mr. Goss. TESTIMONY OF AVARREN LEE GOSS. It was pitch dark and raining furiously when we arrived at Florence, our destination. We were marched into a lic-ld, and took up our quai'ters among the hillocks, where had once been a cornfield. Water and uuid combined to make the ground an unccnnforta- ble bed that night. During tlie night a large nxmiber died. Willai'd Robinson, who had been complaining some few days, died tliat night while lying under the same blanket witli his father. The morning d;i wued, and the unhappy parent found liis son lifeless by his side. Smitten with grief, tlie fatlier sat by the side of his dead V>oy, wlio had shared with him the perils of battle, and had been a companion in all the misfor- tunes and miseries of imprisonment. That father, who had more than onee refused to purchase life by dishonor, would see that son no more. It was agonizing, but harder still the sequel. We went to the officer of the guard, and entreated for ])erniission to l)ury the body. This poor boon for the father was refused. We then asked that the father might have the privilege of seeing him buried. This, too, was refused us. Their ears were deaf to the father's pleading, their eyes were blind to his tearful sorrow. The father spread the poor renuiants of his handkerchief over the tace of his dead son, folded his dear hands — it was all he coidd do. With a heart bi-eaking with grief, he turned to leave him there, never to meet until tlu.-. glory of a brighter morning should bring them together.* Not daring to look l>ehind lest we should see rough hands stripping the dear body, we turned and commenced our march for the prison, about a third of a mile distant. At last a " stockade," sinular to that of Andersonville, loomed up before us. We were mar(;hed through the gates, which were closed upon us, to be opened, perhaps, never again during life. W^e were assigned to a portion of the stockade, and set ourselves at work to better our condition. The jn-ison, like that of Andersonville, was situated on two hill-sides, with a branch of muddy water running through tiie center, embracing, in all, about twenty acres. To prevent tunneling, on the outside a ditch was dug, the dirt from which was thrown against the stockade, forming a kind of walk around the entire prison, which brought the top of the stockade breast high to the sentinels, who * This vrits the last of several yoimg boys who joined our company from the same Xuw England vil- lage, South Scituate. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 191 constantly walked their posts. These sentinels did not seem to have the fearof Jeff or the confederacy before their eyes, as, when at night the hourly cry went round, they often closed their '' — o'clock, and all is well," with a poetical flourish of their own, " And old Jeff's gone to h — 1." " What regiment do you belong to ? " I inquired of one of them on the morning of my arrival. " I belong to the fifth Georgia ; Cheatham, he's our adjutant.'' I afterward found out who Cheatham was : a comical, jollj' grayback as ever graced the confederacy. Four others, with myself, formed a mess, and commenced constructing a shelter. For this purpose we dug * hole in the hill-side, about three feet deep. Two sticks were then set into the ground, across which was tied a third for a ridge-pole. Over this was stretched an army blanket. The front and rear ends, of course, were open, as w(! had Jiothing with which to stop them up. When it rained, we sometimes stopped lip one end with our garments. In this grave-like place four human beings lodgevl, kept their "tiaps," and called it their home. We found suflicieut wood for cooking purposes by peeling the bark from the stumps of trees, while those who had the imple- ments cut and dug at the stumps for fuel. A week or two after my arrival, I obtained permission to go outside the prison under guard, and get material for completing our iipology for a tent, and returned rejoicing with as much untrimmed pine brush as I could drag. We stripped off the pine pins, and put them in at the bottom of our shel- ter, making a very aristocratic bed, which few in prison enjoyed. We theu patcheil up the rear of our "shebang" with pine limbs, which made altogether quite comfortable quarters, compared with what we had formerly enjoyed. But we needed all this, and more too, to make up for want of circulation and vitality in our scurvy-stricken bodies, and for the inclemency of a South Carolina winter, which, however sunny the South is said to lie, was very cold. I never suffered more with cold than at this time. The days were usually quite warm, but, from sundown to ten o'clock iu the morning, it was, to our poorly clad, emaciated bodies, bitterly cold. My clothes, which I have before described, were full of holes, and my feet were bare. The frost in the mornings was like snow on the ground, and often, through fear of freezing or being chilled to death, barefooted men walked up and down the prison all night, longing, through intense suf- fering, for morning to come. Often, in the dead hours of midnight, I walked the frosty ground, pierced with the shar]) winds which mercilessly sought out every hole iu my scanty wardrobe, and the nest day took my revenge by sleeping iu the sunshine to m>;dce up for lost sleep. From tJie day of my arrival iu camp, I commenced making use of hard-wood ashes and water to clean and rinse my mouth, and soon had the satisfaction to know that it was couuteracting the effects of scurvy. Our rations at this place were as scanty as at Charleston. Our divisions for the issue of rations were the same. In no place did prisoners suffer so intensely, and yet in no prison was the commaudiug officer so in- clinetl to make us comfortable. Nothing, however, short of a complete change in their mode of living could now benefit the majority of prisoners. A large number of men, after a few weeks, were jiaroled to remain outside the prisou during the day to cut wood for tlie use of the camp, while our police were urged by the colonel commanding into building log shelters for those of the sick who could not help themselves, and made to keep the jirison quite clean and orderly. As it was impossible to obtain water without going into the mud and water over knee before getting to the branch or brook which was the only supply of the prison, there were men who made a business of obtaining water for others, the common fee for so doing being a " chaw of tobacco." " Who want-s a pail or canteen of water for a chaw of tobacco 1 " was as common a clamor as " Have a hack ? " *' Have a hack ? " at our metropolitan railroad stations. Near the brook a hundred or more men would be gathered, who would feel repaid for half a day's waiting, wading, &c., with one or two diminutive chews of tobacco. Sometimes might be seen men around camp selling the proceeds of these labors for rations. During the summer we had been annoyed with flies, mosquitoes, fleas, and all such kindred plagues. As cold weather advanced, we got clear of these ; but a greater an- noyance set in, little dreamed of. The vermin, not troublesome in warm weather, now, as the cold set in, took the benefit of the warmth of our bodies, swarming from our blankets and the ground upon our persons. Night or day there was no peace with them; they woiikl not be still. Scratcliiug only pleased them; for, where the skin was once s'taited, they went to work eatiug into die liesli. The results were frightful, loathsome sores. I have seen sick persons whose flesh was eaten almost to the bone. I cannot, however, say whether the vermin ate the flesh, or only produced the irrita- tion followed by scratching, which may have caused the sores. However disgusting such details, it is necessary that I should record them iu order that the general reader may understand our condition. At Florence, the police organization, as I have intimated, was again revived under Big Peter as "chief of police." Their offices consisted in seeing to the police duties of the camp, guarding against the perpetration of nuisances, constructing shelter, pro- curing fuel for those not able to help themselves, and the carrying out of the dead. 192 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Under these arrangements tlio camp became clean and orderly, wood was more re^i- larly divided and dealt out, and the dead cared for more decently than before. There can be no disputing that they accomplished much good. But even this organization was perverted into a tool of the rebels for detecting the work on tunnels, and punish- ing those who dug them by thirty stripes upon the bare back with a cat-o'-niue-tails. Big Pete becoming prostrated with a fever, a gigantic, ignorant brute, with neither the good sense, good humor, nor the disposition to deal justly, which were character- istic of Peter, took his place as " chief of i)olice," and under his misrule cowardly acts were perpetrated upon prisoners. Those who incurred the displeasure of the rebels, or their tool, tlie " chief," were tied to a whipping-post, and were mercilessly punished upon the bare back with that classic instrument, a cat-o'-nine-tails. Sergeant English, of a New York regiment, had once been instrumental iu bringing this big brute before the prison tribunal at Andersonville, for the murder of one of his company or regimen- tal boys. On some trivial excuse the chief brought Sergeant English to the whipping- post, and, liefore even a form of trial was through with, and while yet his hands were j)inioned behind him, struck him repeatedly in the face with his clinched fist. It was only through the instrumentality of Lieutenant Barrett, of the jirison, that he got a trial, and, nothing being proved against him, he was released. Sergeant English then said he would have justice ; and I only wonder that S. has never since been bi'ought to trial for his brutal outrages against prisoners. In Xovemlter tlie cold became so intense, our rations so inadequate for the mainte- nance of health, the prospects of an exchange before the close of the war so vague, and the chances for life so uncertain, that the strongest heart recoiled at thoughts of the future. Broken in health and spirits, they cast despairingly around them in seai'cli of some means by which to escape from the impending doom which threatened them. Terrible were those days and nights of torture and death, from which there seemed no release. Most of the prisoners whose hearts had been buoyed so long by hope of ex- change, parole, or deliverance by i*aids, now sunk in despondency. Taking advantage of this hopelessness among prisoners, a recruiting station for the confederate army was opened near the stockade, the officers of which came into prison for recruits. There were some among us so hopeless, so lost to every feeling but hunger, that they bar- tered their honor for food, and took the oath of allegiance to the detested confederacy. ' Let those who blame them consider that these men had been sutiering the torments of Andersonville, Belle Isle, Salisbury, Charleston, and Millen, for many dreary months, and now before them was a hopeless winter, without clothes to cover their nakedness, food sutficient to preserve health, or blankets to wrap themselves in at night. Some, considering an oath taken at such a time not binding, went out only to risk their lives in an escape. Jimmy, a boy about fifteen years of age, had no blanket or cooking uten- sils. He was continually obliged to beg for the use of them from some one more for- tunate. In his destitution he had to walk nights to keep from being chilled completely through, wliich with men in prison was usually followed by death. His life was crowded with inexpressible misery. For weeks brave Jimmy endured these miseries. He had refused at Charleston to go out and work ; but at last the tempter prevailed ; he went out, took the oath, had enough to eat for one week, and was shot, it was said, while trying to escajte the next. Many died rather than stain their lips with the dishonor of such an oath. D. P. Rob- inson, whom 1 have twice before mentioned, had it urged upon him thus to save his life. His answer was, " My boy is dead. I shall go with the boy." Simple words, yet heroic. " Death rather than dishonor" has been sublimely uttered by orators and nov- elists, but never was its imj^ort so heroically realized as in many instances like those daily occurring in i)rison. I was, however, sometimes grieved to see men in compara- tively good health going out to take the oath, men who possessed a blanket or over- coat. N. L. and A. H., men of my battalion, were of this number, in spite of promises made to me a few moments before. When my back was turned they went out to the recruiting office. So great was the indignation of the prisoners at the conduct of such men, that the rebels had continually to protect them by a guard. The rebels had no respect for them, and distinguished them from the genuine graybacks by the signifi- cant term of " (fahanized Yanks." It was true that a few under terrible suffering, with death looking them in their faces, took the oath as the last hope of life. Yet I cannot but be amazed at the general constancy Avith which starving men repudiated such conduct while surrounded by suffering and death. There are but few instances recorded where men exposed to such temptations so resolutely acted, suffered, and died for the right. The hero who gives his life for a cause, while shouts of comrades cheer his heart, thrilling with grand emotions, is looked upon with adnuration. But he who sutiers gradual starvation, temptation, and despair, for many, many weary months, and at last seals his devotion with death, is he not the truest hero f Many a one lies to-day in his prison grave, which bears no name or mark to tell how he died, or what he suffered, or how true he was to the cause for which he renounced home, happiness, and life ; but a BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 193 grateful natioi) Avill recognize and remember in coming- time the devotion wliicli has done so much to perpetuate and preserve national life and honor. Lieutenant Colonel Iverson was in command of the prison, and a lieutenant named Barrett had the supervision of its interior. He was a rough, green, conceited brute, who never spoke without blasphemy, and never gave a civil word, or did a kind deed for any prisoner — a man Avirh as few of the elements of good in liis nature as I ever knew. I have always wondered that a man like Iverson tolerated such a coaise brute. I cannot account for it unless I take as an explanation an expression which I once heard him utter : " Barrett is just rough enough to scare the Yankees, and make them stand round." It was a +ask Iverson was too kind-hearted to take n])on himself. Iver- son paroled eight hundred men to cut wood for the jjrisou, and continually urged upon our police, to whom he gave extra rations, the building of shelter, &c., lor ihe desti- tute. But this took time, and meanwhile hundreds were dying. It was not life ; it was mere existence. From the time I made my escape from Audersonville I Avas troubled with achin"- limbs, which, after my release, terminated in paralysis of my legs and left side, from which I have not as yet recovered sufticiently to walk without a crutch. About the tirst of IS'^ovemher came the joyful announcement that clothes had arrived from Charleston, sent by our Sanitary Commission. The excitement among the pris- oners was very great, and a hundred at a time wer-e marched to the pri.son entrance to be inspected and supplied according to their merits of raggedness. But the supply Avas inadeipiate to make us anything like comfortable. Some poor creatures, who for mouths had been Avithout blanket or coat, got one, robed themselves in it straightAvay, and lay down, as if they had reached at last their ideal of comfort. The ])olice did much to distribute these articles of clothing Avhcre they justly belonged. I had no shirt. Some shreds, simply, hanging from the ueck-baml, proclaimed that my person had once rejoiced in such an article. I had no shoes, and holes formed the principal part of my breeches. All my ingenuity could not nnike my wardrobe break joints to cover my nakedness. Yet there Avere so many Avorse otf than mj^self that I Avas justly OA'erlooked until the last. When it became certain that no more urgent cases Avere to be supplied, then I got a cotton shirt. This I Avas lucky (mough to SAvap for a red tlau- uel one, in the possession of Avhich I was i)OsitiA'ely hapj)}' for a time. SomcAvhere near this period the southwest corner of the stockade Avas separated from the main prison for a hospital. Here rude barracks were built, and outsiders, not re"-- ularly admitted, Avere kept out by a police force detailed from the prison. Once"l escaped their keen eyes, and Hanked into the hosi>ital, Avhere a friend gave me such a stoniachful of Avheat bread and sweet potato sou}) that its A'ery remembrance 'dad- (lened me for Av<;eks. Thus slowly the clouds began to break, and luck Turned in my favor. There Avere men in prison Avho bought four or tive sweet potatoes of the rebel sutler, and, cooking them, sold enough to buy again, and get one for themselves. One morning I drcAV Indian meal for my ration, and traded it for a SAA^eet potato. This Avas not so much in bulk as the half pint of meal, but the potato seemed to do me more good; and thereafter, Avhen I could, I traded off my rations for sweet potatoes, under Avhich diet, and my hal^it of daily bathing, if 1 did not gain strength. I managed to keep Avhat little I had. Sergeant Charles Stone, of a Maine regiment, gave me at this time about a dozen potatoes. I shared them with comrades, and as the irrepressible Jess described it afterward, "The Avay we Avalked into those x'otatoes" Avould have made the reader smile to behold. At one time oiiicers came into the prison, coA'ei-tly buying greenbacks of the prison- ers. As they Avent out of prison. Colonel Iverson caused them to be arrested, seized upon the greenbacks, and devoted the money so obtainci'i to buying jiotatoes for the sick prisoners. I state these facts from a sense of justice toward a man who shoAv^ed consideration for prisoners. Though Iverson did harsh things through his red-headed brute tool, ]3arr(;tt, such as hanging men by the thumbs, &c., in the main he intended to deal justly by the prisoners, Avhieh had been unusual in my prison experience. He once stated to me that the men AA'ould get more food if hoAvas not positiA'ely limited by the quantity and quality issued to him for that purpose. He could issue no more than h," had. Before the presidential election at the North, the rebels CA'iuced intense interest in its result. They Avere anxious for McClellan's election over Lincoln, or, at least, for Lincoln's defeat. To test the sentiments of the prisoners, and thus form some estimate of the manner the States Avould go in the jjeuding election, on the day of election tAvo bags Avere i)laced on the inside of the stockade. Those Avho Avere in favor of Lincoln Avere to put a black bean into a bag, and those for McClellau Avere to vote Avhite beans, AA'hich Avere provided for this purpose. We Avere marched by hundreds, and deposited our ballots. It Avas understood that if a nmjority of votes Avere cast for Little Mac, Ave should get extra rations that day. The result of the ballot was about tifteen hundred for McClellan and six thousand for Lincoln. There Avere about ten thousand men in the camp, but all did not vote. The rebels Avere tlisappoiuted at the result. When the H. Rep. 4:5 13 194 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR vote was declarecl, the prisoners gathered at the place of election, cheering, and sing- ing patriotic songs, and Colonel Iverson'forbade their being interrupted. ******* » It was often piteous to see men struggling with despondency, hnnger, and cold, in an attempt to preserve life. Men whose half-clad bodies were chilled through were to be seen moving feebly around during the night, uttering agonizing wails and moans, in an attempt to keep u[) circulation, and retain life in their wasted bodies. I recollect some lialf a dozen naked forms, out of which the likeness of human beings had been starved, witli chattering teeth, groping around in prison, without a shirt to their backs, tlieir gaze idiotic, and theii- speech confused and incoherent. Staggering feebly, they fell and died by the brook-side and in the sloughs of the quagmire, or by tlie dead line. All human language fails to depict these scenes, and their very remembrance chills my blood with horror. No imagination can jiicture the wretchedness of the hospital camp. Not one-half of its inmates had tlieir senses; their bodies begrimed with dirt, their limbs swelled and discolored with scurvy, or covered with the tilth of diarrhea, they lay often on the bare ground, in the rain, without shelter or blanket to cover their nakedness. Coidd the scenes occurring in the prison be depicted and understood by the North in all their horror, the spirit of revenge would, I fear, have been aroused, and have gone forth in a war of retaliation and extermination against the South. How hard, alas, it is to com- prehend scenes of wretchedness which elsewhere have no known parallel in the history of suffering men. I have never seen a description given of the effects upon the human system of a meager diet of entirely one kind of food. At Florence no vegetable food was ever issued, or meat, with three exceptional cases, to any but the hospital inmates. Our rations had more variety than we obtained at Andersonville, usually consisting of Avheat flour, hominy, rice, or Indian meal. Dr. Hamlin, in his learned dissertation on Andersonville, assumes that to the scarcity of food were entirely owing those aggravated forms of scurvy with Avhich the prison Avas reeking. This, no doubt, contributed in producing them, by weakening the system and giving less power to the body to throw off the influence of disease; but, in my opinion, it was the entire absence of vegetable food, together with want of variety, which caused such unusually dreadful cases of scurvy. The tendency of scurvy to bring out old diseases, and to reproduce and render chronic any weakness to which the system had a i)revious tendency, is also, I think, but little understood, as one of its effects. I believe the diarrhea in camp, which, in a majority of cases, produced death, was only one of the aggravations of this disease, seizing upon that portion of the physical system which was weakest. Scurvy in the mouth produced scurvy in the bowels, which was followed by a general disorder of those functions. Old diseases, which were supposed to be eradicated, were revived by its influences, such was its tendency to seize upon the weaknesses of the system. I have of these matters, it is true, no scientitic knowledge; but, having been witness to its workings in thousands of cases, I merely make the statement as a result of my observations on tbe subject. It was true that starvation and mental despondency blended with so many forms of physical horror as to make it difficult to trace the distinct action of any particular dis- ease. At Florence, as at Andersonville, the combination of them all jiroduccd feeble- mindedness and often insanity, which never partook in their character of flerceness, but were rather characterizetl by timidity of demeanor and incoherence of speech, in which often were mingled piteous tones of entreaty, low and tremulous with weakness ; some- times gleams of intelligence lightening the stony eye, or thrilling the voice with a wail of hopeless des^mir. No pen can picture or language express it; only those who are familiar, to their sorrow, with these scenes, will recognize the full import of my mean- ing. I seldom recall, willingly, these pictures of wretchedness; but they are too in- delibly impressed upon memory, by the flerce brand of suftering, to be forgotten. Those sad, wailing voices, those clutching, restless hands, those pinched, despairing or mean- ingless faces, all unbidden, come back to lue with the horror of reality. Perhaps it might be better to let such memories slumber in their prison homes; but they seem to rise reproachfully, and bid me speak. I am almost glad that language fails to convey half my meaning, for the hearts of parents and kindred would freeze with terror could they but see those loved ones in all their lu)i)eless wretchedness. R;-veng(' is not tolerated in the light of our high, ennobling civilization; but when I behold th<' South, stricken and suflering from lire, famine, and the sword, as one of the re.-ults of the awful civil contest just closed, I seem to seethe hand of God's retribution seeking out and visiting her crimes with chastisement. If, in conung times, as in the past, she shall sin against the moral ideas of the age, or if we, as then, become partici- p;'.nts in her crime, so shall we reap, with her, the i)uiiishnieut of those crimes. Tlicre was a phase of character develojied by prison life which was neither joyous nor s:i(l in its outward expression, seemingly a rpiiet bracing of every nerve, and the con- centration of all the powers of mind and body against disease and death, in which men neither laughed, nor smiled, nor cried, nor could anything move them from their im- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 195 pervious calmness of demeanor. Not even an exciting minior of exchange, or ])rospect of speedy deliverance, seemed to start them from their impenetrable placidity. Imbned with a qniet inflexibleness of iinrpose, and that to live, they ealcnlated every chance of life in each moment of time, yet never seemed to feel disappointment or passion. I>il was death to the prisoner. None but those prisoners in com- parrxtively good health had been sent to Andersonville. For quite a time an eftort seemed to be made to relieve our misery ; but the great mass had been starved and exposed to sun and rain too long to be benefited by anything short of a most radical change. Hence men died about as fast, in proportion to their numbers, as at Ander- sonville. Scurvy, diarrhea, and fever, swept the prisoners oif in vast numbers. The place dignified by being called "the liosjntal" did not contain a single tent, the only shelter being, here and tlnu'e, blankets raised on sticks, which were inadequate protection from rain or sun. Colonel Iverson, who. I believe, was IVir a time in com- mand of the prison, made strenuous efforts for our benefit. A sutler was appointed for tlie camp, who was neck. After giving us hard-tack for a few days, raw rations were issued in prison in very small quantitiL^, in which the rebels seemed to have adopted a plan to 'make variety take the place of quantity. Rations for each man per day were for a time as follows : Two heaped spoonfuls of rice, two of flou*', one of beans, and one of hominy. I remember it more particularly, as one of my comrades, who acted as a squad sergeant, usually divided the rations with a common teaspoon. Sometimes this estimate would fall short, but rarely, if ever, overrun. Wood was issued in quantities of about one com- mon cord wood piue stick for twenty men per day. But its issue Avas very irregular. Sometimes uone would be given for weeks. There was, however, a good excuse for this, for all tlie wood had to be brought a long distance on the cars, and then brought in teams to the prison ground. As there was a scarcity of rolling stock iu those parts, this was a better excuse than could be found at Andersouville, where the jjrison Avas surrounded by a dense piue forest. Many of the prisoners Avere destitute of cooking utensils, and could not borrow ; and either from Avaut of strength to run round, or getting discouraged by failures, after repeated rebutis upon apiilicatiou for such favors, they Avould eat their rations raw, or 198 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR go without. A youug fellow belonging to the Eiglity-fifth New York ludependent Battery, named Myers, had nothiug iu which to draw his rations, but a boot leg, into which he had fitted a wooden bottom. He had no cooking utensils, and ate his rations from this boot leg, without a spoon, day after day, uncooked, sometimes stirred up in a little water. This miserable being camped ou the gound near the place I occupied. He scarcely ever lay down at night without wishing that he might never awake. It did, indeed, require more courage to live than to die. At last, after days and nights of lingering torture, his prayers for death were ansAvered. Near me, one morning, I found his cold and lifeless form stretched upon the ground. He had died, his eyes closed as if in .sleep. I noticed something elapsed in his hand, and stooped to examine it. [t was the likeness of a beautiful girl, and ou the back was written in a delicate female hand, " To William from Sarah" — a whole history of love, disappointment, and death, in brief. When I reflected that each man among the thousands dying around me had histories similar in their griefs, and loves, and longings for home, and when I consid- ered the bitter pangs of dying men, uucared for among Avorse thau barbarians, it seemed too much of human misery for contemplation or utterance. One day, when some Sisters of Charity came into the prison limits — uo very agreeable task for a cleanly female — one of them remarked, in apology for not having got some article which she had undertaken to obtain for one of our number, that the firing was so heavy that it Avas not safe to A'enture down in the part of the city Avhere such things \Vere sold. These kindly Sisters attended to all alike Avithout ever inquiring our creed, or appearing to think they Avere doing anything more thau a dutj'. My physical condition at this time Avas worse than at any time during my captiAuty. My clothes Avere in tatters, scurvy had draAvn up the cords of my legs, and from the same cause my teeth Avere almost dropping from my jaws; my gums and mouth were swollen, and it became difficult to eat the most common food. My bones ached so intensely .at tir.ies that I could find no more approi>riate name for the pain than " teethache " in them. Something must be done. I must make continual eftorts, or go down to the dog's death nuiny Avere suffering around me. So I used to Avander around camp, picking up potato peelings from the mud and dirt, Avhich some " well-to-do " fellow had thrown away. These I Avashed, and ate raw ; and I have no doubt they did mo much good. Once or twice I Avas lucky in obtaining some turnip tops, which I cooked, and enjoyed hugely. But there Avero thousands of hungry men on the lookout for these delicacies as Aveil as myself, and therefore it took continued and persevering efforts for me to get a nibble once a week. This A^egetable food checked the scurvy, and kept it at least" Avithin bounds. THE JAIL YARD, CHARLESTON, S. C. The yard of the Charleston, South Carolina, jail was an inclosure of about one acre in extent, surrounded by u wall twelve feet high. It was used as a kind of receiving prison rather than a place of permanent con- finement. The jail occupied a considerable space in the center of the grounds. It was iu this yard that six hundred officers were confined in 1864 under the fire of our guns. Their sufferings were great until, to save life, they gave their paroles, and were removed to other quarters. There were a few snuiU tents furnished to the prisoners, but not enough to shelter more than two hundred. The yard was exceedingly filthy and covered with vermin. THE WORK-HOUSE. This prison was in Charleston, South Carolina, and for a time was used as a place of confinement for a few officers. ROPER HOSPITAL. This prison was also in Charleston. The quarters were convenient and the treatment better than at some other prisons. The building was, however, exposed to the fire of our guns iu Charleston harbor. But one prisoner was wounded. The supply of water was insufficient, and the arrangement of sinks reprehensible. They were so arranged as to infect the atmosphere and render the prison unhealthy. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 199 The luimber of graves at the Charleston prisons are put by the War Department at 389. COLUMBIA, S. C. The camp was about two miles from the city, on a hill. It was called "Camp Sorghum" by the i)risouers confined there, on account of the ration of sorghum molasses issued to them. It was an open field of an area of about four acres, and contained neither wood nor water within its limits. Officers exclusively were confined there. The treatment was brutal, and unnecessary rules were rigorously enforced. Major (iriswold was in command in 1864, and is stated to have encouraged the guards to shoot the i)risouers. A number were thus shot. The prisoners remon- strated with Major Griswold, who refused even to remove the murderers from their posts. Twelve hundred ofUcers were in confinement here at one time. CAMP GROSS, NEAR HEMPSTEAD, TEXAS. Officers and enlisted men were confined here. The camp consisted of barracks or sheds built within a stockade, which was surrounded by woods. Water was procured from a neighboring brook, in which the l)risouers were permitted to bathe, and was also drawn from wells. The lo- cation was unhealthy, and nnich sickness resulted from this cause. Yet the general condition of the prisoners was favorable when compared with many places east of the Mississippi. Its remoteness from the baleful influences of Eichmond undoubtedly favored its inmates, who were also fortunate in being beyond the control of the brutal wretch Winder, who had charge of the eastern prisons. CAMP FORD, TYLER, TEXAS. Camp Tyler, located about six miles from Tyler, in Texas, was inclosed by a stockade similar to others elsew^here described. It embraced an area of about six acres. It was used as a prison in 18G3 and 1804. There were at one time in 1804: five thousand prisoners at this point. There was a dead-line fifteen feet from the stockade, which had once been marked by a fiuTow^, but it was soon obliterated by the rain. The testi- mony shows that the guards were left to their own discretion as to when a man was across this imaginary line, and many were shot when fifty feet from the stockade. The general treatment w^as better than at some other stockades. This prison was under several commanders. Among them were Colonels Allen, Stewart, and Brown. Officers and enlisted men were confined in this stockade, and were ' subjected to the same treatment. The camp was well located and supplied with good water. No shelter was provided. The prisoners, however, constructed cabins, sheds, and caves for themselves with logs, brush, and dirt. TUSCALOOSA, ALA. In 1802 quite a number of prisoners were confined at this point in an old court-house and a building opposite. At that time Captain AVirz, then a sergeant, was in charge of the prisoners, and is represented to have been cruel and brutal in his treatment. In the spring and summer 200 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR of 1861 between four and five thousand prisoners were confined at this point. , CAHAWBA, DALLAS COUNTY, ALABAMA. This prison was an inclosure of about fifteen tliousand square feet, surrounded by a brick wall, from which extended a leaky roof, leaving about one thousand six hundred feet of open space in the center of the yard. Here in the early part of 18G4 were confined between six and seven hundred men, which number v.as afterward largely increased. They were treated with great neglect, unprovided witli beds, proper fuel, or water. This prison may be placed in the same category with Danville and Lynchburg, elsewhere described. It appears from the report of the rebel Lieutanant Colonel D. T. Chand- ler, A. A. I. G., made on the IGth October, 1804, that there were at that time confined in the prison an aggregate of two thousand one liundred and fifty-one prisoners of war, of whom sixty-nine were in hospital and seventy-five would have been but for want of accommodations, there being but five hundred bunks for the wholenumber of prisoners, a great lack in the variety of food, and no issue of vegetables. Captain H. A. Anderson commanded the post at that time. The smoke from the open fires, which were built within the area for cooking purposes, was, Colonel Chandler says, found insupportable. The prisoners were compelled to pre])are their food in the open air. Colonel Chandler suggests some im- provements, but says : " Notwithstanding the commanding ofiicer prom- ises to have them made, great suft'ering and much sickness will necessa- rily occur among the prisoners during the winter from the impractica- bility of making fires inside the building, and the inability to furnish them with proper clothing and bedding." He says that most of the prisoners were in need of clothing, nearly all without blankets or other bedding, anbt cubic feet. " In November, December, Jan- uary, and February tbe fuel is increased one-fourtb at stations from tbe o9tb degree to tbe 43d degree nortb bititude, and oue-tbird at stations nortb of tbe 43d degree.'' Tbis amount bas been deemed necessary for tbe bealtb and comfort of the soklier, above tbe quantity necessary for cooking purposes. Tbe contrast between tbis allowance, tbe measure of tbe necessity and comfort of tbe soldier of tbe United States, as well as its prisoners in time of war, and tbe amount provided for tbe prisoner in rebel confinement, affords a striking illustration of tbe difference in tbe general treatment of prisoners by our governnient and tbe rebel autborities. During tbe extremely cold winter of !8()3-'04, tbe quantity of wood issued for a day at Belle Isle could not, by tbe most careful and economical means, be made to last more tban one or two bours. Duiing' tbe remaining bours of tbe twenty-four prisoners were compelled to resort to otber means to avoid freezing, sucb as lying down in piles like animals, and walking tbrougli tbe camp as rapidly as its crowded condition would permit. A similar condition of things is disclosed by tbe evidence in relation to many of tbe stockades, wbicb "were, almost witbout exception, located in well-timbered sections of country. Tbe details of prisoners sent out for fuel were so small tbat tbey were unable to bring in an adequate supply, altbougb tbey over- tasked tbemselves in tbe eftbrt. At Pemberton prison, Eicbmoud, Virginia, but four aruifuls were issued eacb day for one large room, and at Danville tbe allowance was about tbe same. Tbe first prisoners at Andersonville found enougb wood inside tbe stockade for cooking purposes, but as tbe number increased fuel became very scarce. Tbe quantity brougbt in by tbe small details sent out was never suf- ficient. Tbe prisoners dug several feet under ground for roots witb wbicb to cook tbeir food. Tbere was great irregularity in issuing fuel ; frequently none could be obtained for several days; at sucb times tbe prisoners were compelled to eat tbeir food in its raw state or starve. Wood was issued in large sticks, and no means furnislied for splitting it, and unless a knife or otber implement could be l)orrowedfrom some for- tunate prisoner it could not be used economically. At tbis time tbere was an abundance of wood surroundiiig tbe camp, M'bicb tbe prisoners would willingly bave provided tbemselves witb if tbey bad been allowed tbe privilege. Mueli suffering was occasioned by tbis want of fuel, not only from baviug to eat uncooked food, but from exposure to cold at nigbt, wbeu, even after tbe bottest days, tbe dews would be so beavy as to tborougbly drencb the unsbeltered prisoners. At Cabawba, Alabama, in tbe winter of 18G3-'G4, but one fire-place was provided for tbe six bundred men tbere confined. In order to keep warm, fires bad to be built on tbe ground, and fed witb green pine wood, wbicb filled tbe room witb dense stifiing smoke. The want of fuel at some stockades was so great tbat tbe prisoners would even quar- rel witb eacb otber for tbe opportunity of carrying Ibe dead bodies of tbeir comrades outside of tbe camp to tbe dead-bouse, as tbey could generally manage to gatber a few cbips to bring in on tbeir return. Wood was so scarce and bigbly prized by tbe prisoners tbat tbey would cut tbe pieces issued to tbem into splinters and conceal tbem about tbeir persons, fearing tbat tbe necessities of tbeir comrades might induce tbem to appropriate it to tbeir own use. Tbe prisoners, in order to economize the fuel, dug- small boles in tbe ground, in wbicb tbey made fires for cooking purposes, often making a small bandful of splinters serve to prepare a meal. Tbe smoke from tbe pine wood blackened and 206 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR penetrated the food, giving it the taste of turpentine, rendering it at once offensive and unhealtli3\ The frequent application of prisoners for permission to i)roeure fuel, which hiy in abundance almost within reach of the shivering, starving victims, was met by the rebel officers with curses and abuse. This neglect to provide fuel was general. It existed at other stockades as well as at Andersonville and Belle Isle. Thus, at Salisbury, eight sticks of cord-wood were, at first, allowed each squad of one hundred men dailj'. The allowance being afterward reduced to an amount which four men could bring in daily for the use of the whole camp, when there were several thousand prisoners con- fined in it. The existence of an abundance of wood in the vicinity of the camps and stockades, and the refusal and negk^ct of the confederate authorities under these circumstances to allow an ample supplj', is one of tlie most suggestive evidences in the whole iiistory of prison life of the wanton, cruel, and deliberate purpose of the rebels to withhokl from the Uuion soldier in their hands those elements of necessity and comfort without wliich he was sure to become the victim of suffering, sickness, and, in many cases, death. CLOTHrNG. The custom, elsewhere referred to in this report, which prevailed among the rebel captors and officers of robbing the prisoner of his clothing at the time of capture, rendered his destitution in this respect truly de- plorable during imprisonment. In the last two years of the Avar it was an uncommon occurrence for prisoners who had been subjected to the plun- dering process to be found with an entire suit of clothing. In nearly every individual case some article of clothing was taken from them, while in many instances prisoners were stripped to shirt and drawers, and in others, sbirt, pants, coat, or drawers, constituted their only raiment. At times, prisoners who had remained long in captivity were found exposed to all vicissitudes of climate and weather, entirely naked, while their parched skins, first blistered by the scorching rays of the sun, had at last assumed the hue and semblance of leather. To supply their pressing need of clothing, they were compelled to strip the bodies of their dead comrades, frequently becoming infected with the disease of which they had died. This destitution of clothing, where the prisoner was without shelter, was one of the most fruitful causes of disease and death. The entire absence of all necessity or excuse for this destitution is found in the fact that the rebel guards were well and comfortably clad. The rebels had enough for their own men, why not for their prisoners, against whom all hostilities should have ceased when as captives they laid down their arms ? Xo record has been found to show that the rebel au- thorities ever issued to their prisoners clothing from their own stores, even in the higher latitudes, where snow and ice are found during the winter months. Xor is this all. There is plenary evidence tlmt they not only took the clothing from the person of the prisoner, but when blankets and clothing were sent in quantities to the larger stockades and prisons by the Sanitary and Christiiui Commissions of the Xorth, they were, with few exceptions, withheld from the prisoners, wholly or in part, as the spirit or disposition of the commandant might di(;tate. It is true there were exceptions, cases where officers were found not BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 207 quite brutal onougli to execute with fidelity the iutentions and orders of Jefterson Davis aud his agent, Winder. A noticeable feature in the distribution of these supplies of clothing- and blankets was the custom, common to most of the prisons, of with- holding them until within a day or two of an exchange. Then, or just as a body of prisoners was starting, the issue would be made. What Vvas the result i? The prisoners, or many of them, feeling sure of speedy i^'lief under the protection of their own flag, and among anxious and waiting friends, were easily induced to barter the articles which they Lad just received for scanty supplies of food, for which they had been so long famishing. There can be no doubt that the prisoners would have been spared much excruciating suffering, and that the lives of man}- heroic men would have been saved, had the distribution of clothing, blankets, and other comforts been faithfullj' carried out. But it was far otherwise. Numerous boxes containing clothing and food were forwarded by the immediate friends of the prisoners. Before they were delivered, the persons for whom they were intended were required to receipt for them. When the pretended delivery took ])lace it was usually found that the box or package had been robbed of its most valuable contents, and in some cases neither box nor jjackage came to the hand of the prisoner. At several prisons the arrival of such supplies was made known to the prisoners by the rebel guards, who would appear upon their posts with the uniforms and blankets fresh and new, bearing the stamp of the United States, or of the Sanitary Commission. To enable the reader to form some idea of the extent to which the prisoners were supplied through the agencies referred to, the following list of articles sent by the Sanitary Commission to one prison, Audersouville, from July to November, 18G4, is submitted : Stores sent to prisoners at AndersonviUc, Georgia. 5, 052 wool sbirts, 6, 99;} wool drawers, 3, 950 haudkerchiefs, 601 cottou shirts, 1, 128 cotton drawers, 2, 100 blouses, 4, 235 wool pants, 1 , 520 wool hats, 2, 565 overcoats, 5, 385 blankets, 272 quilts, 2, 120 pairs shoes, 110 cottou coats, 140 vests, 4G cotton pants, 534 wrappers, 69 jackets, 12 overalls, 817 pairs slippers, 3, 147 towels, 5, 431 wool socks. 50 pillow-cases, 258 bed sacks, 122 combs, 100 tin cups, 2 boxes tinware, 4, 092 pounds condensed milk, 4, 032 i)ouuds condensed coffee, 1, 000 pounds ftirina, 1, 000 pounds corn starch, 4, 212 pounds tobacco, 24 pounds chocolate, 3 boxes lemon juice, 1 barrel dried apples, 111 barrels crackers, 60 boxes cocoa, 7, 200 pounds beeftteak. Paper, Envelopes, «&c.. Pepper, Mustard, 1 box tea, (seventy jiounds.) This statement is sworn to by Doctor M. M. March, agent of the United States Sanitary Commission at Beaufort, South Carolina, as being a correct list of articles transferred " to same agent deputed by the confederate government to receive them." The testimony adduced compels the conclusion that in the matter ol clothing the rebel authorities acted with the same disregard of the com fort and health of the prisoners, and with the same intention to iuca- 208 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR pacitate them for active service in the future that characterized their couduct with reference to fuel, water, shelter and rations. WATER. The importance of a bountiful and constant supply of pure water to the comfort and health of men assembled in large numbers cannot be overestimated. Its absence is at all times, even under ordinary circum- stances, a fearfal and certain source of disease and sufferiug-. Xo stronger instance of the appalling effects of such deprivation exists in the annals of human affairs than is found in the history of the southern militaiy pri>sons. The fearful accounts Avhicli all have read of the ter- rible effects of thirst in siege and shipwreck have their counterpart in the experience of the Union prisoners, and on a scale seldom equaled in the magnitude of its horrors. If there is a country in the world where facilities for the attainments of this great sanitary feature, the bounti- ful supply of pure water for camp, i)rison, and hospital, exist beyond all others, it is between the Potomac and the liio Grande. In tliis respect, no country can be more fortunate. It is a land of sparkling brooks, bubbling springs, and noble rivers. No shadow of excuse can exist on the part of the rebels for a deprivation which even the instinct of man and brute seeks to avoid. Yet among the sufferings and agonies of the rebel prison-house there is hardly one that cannot be traced to the want of the necessary supply of pure water. Why was it ? The loca- tion of some of the rebel stockades appears to have been made for the l)ur[)ose of avoiding a full supply of this most precious auxiliary to the comfort and happincfnS of man — denying its use to the ]>risoners, and providing only for the officers and guards of the camp — while the rules of others were su(;h as to prevent its use when it flowed in the magnifi- cence of the river, at the very foot of tlie camping ground. The evi- dence submitt-?d is replete with facts wliicli show that this deprivation was intentional and willful. No other conclusion can be drawn from the facts. Particuhirly was this the case at Andersonville, and Bell Isle, Danville, and Florence. Even where wells, properly dug, would have increased the supply, it was prevented by the want of tools, which the rebels had the power, but refused, to furnish. So nuich oceurs in other portions of this report to sustain and strengthen these views, that it seems unnecessary to enlarge upon the subject here. ^V'e content ourselves with calling attention to the follow- ing [iromiiient tacts : The stockade at Andersonville was located, as has been stated by ^Y. S. AViuder, the officer and agent of the confederate government, upon a narrow stream not more than six feet wide, whicli had its rise in a swamp. Its banks were marshy and swam[)y. The water was of a dark color, and when allowed to stand for a short time would deposit in the bottom of the glass a thick, loathsome sediment. Huch was the con- dition of the stream at the time the location of the stockade was tlecided upon. Its condition after it became the sink for the use of the camp is described elsewhere. Within half a mile of the stockade ran "Little Sweet Water Creek," a stieam varying in width from fifteen to twenty- five feet. The water in this creek was clear and good, and the land on either side nuich better adapted for a prison camj) than the spot on which it was located. The witiiess, Major General J. H. Wilson, tells us that — Tho stream here called "Little Sweet Water" is a large creek, niuuiug as mucli as fii'teeu feet iu width and live feet deep, aud riius ouly about two hundred aud fifty feet BY THE RP:BEL AUTHORITIES. 209 from the corner of the hospital inclosiire. If the main inclosure had been simply enlar])arently sweet aud good. At the bottom, the creek is somewhat wide, aud it shelves otf very gradually. It has not steep banks. There is a little swamp in Sweet Water Creek, none that would be unhealthy after taking the timber off it and letting it be exposed. The ground would have been quite as good there, and probably better, because where it was the ground waslie At the little creek the escarpments are very sharp and it could not clear itself very readily, partic- ularly Avheu covered across by the stockade forming drains in it. I think tliere can be no question as to the desirability of the two locations ; if you are going to put a prison there, ordinary humanity would require that it should be put across the main creek. If it were intended to accommodate such a large number of men ; it would have been only three-quarters of a mile from the depot ; the creek ruus up in that direction, aud it may possibly cross the railroad. Visiting Anderson vi He in June or July, 1805, General Wilson describes the creek on which the inison was located as " not a large one, but simply a spring branch, little springs running out of the side of the hill, making a creek which, I suppose, will not run more water than would supply for the purposes of an army a larger command than four oi- live thousand men, because the water does not tlow rapidly." The water of the stream which ran through the stockade, naturally unfit for use, was rendered still worse by being made the sewer to carry away the impurities and filth of the prison cook-house, which was located n])on its banks just above the stockade, the grease and refuse from which covered the surface of the stream and floated sluggishly ifito the limits of the prison. The rebel guards were also encamped on the stream above the cook-house and emptied their lilth into it. Can the mind conceive of a greater mockery than this pretense of furnishing water for the prisoners to drink, which, even when used to bathe wounds, often produced gangrene I Benjamin F. Dilley, a Union prisoner at Andersonville, describes the water thus : There Avere a number of small wells inside the stockade while I was there — there were no large Ones while I was in the stockade. I suppose there were seventy-five or one hundred on the south side. The number increased, but the men who owned the wells would not allow their comrades to drink from them. Very good water was in the wells, better water than we had outside. That water would not supply more than one-fifth the wants of the stockade, I sujjpose. I judge the wells would supply all the A\ ater that was wanted to drink ; we also got water from the creek •that ran through ly thus obtained was not more than one-fourth of what was really necessary. At Belle Isle, where the James encircles three sides of the camp, the H. Rep. 45 14 210 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR prisoners were not allowed to get water from the river, but were obliged to obtain it from a small canal dug' for the purpose, leading from the river to the camp and returning to it at a point below, forming a semi- circle. This canal or ditch was so arranged as to form a current through it, but the sinks were so located that the excrement found its way into the canal where it received the water from the river. The prisoners could have had plenty of wajber for bathing and other purposes if they had been allowed to g^ to the river bank. But a very snudl number each day were allowed this priy^cge. The prisoners were obliged to dig wells to obtain water enough to supply their absolute wants. The prison camp at Florence, South Carolina, resembled Andersonville in its gen- eral features, a small stream of water (though of better quality) running through it. The banks of this stream were so solt that the prisoners were compelled to wade knee-deep in mud to get to the water, a task impossible for the sick and feeble to perform. Some prisoners devoted their time to standing in the mud on the bank, and for a small compen- sation procuring water for those who had means to employ them, in this way obtaining for themselves means to buy extra food. The practice of digging wells by the prisoners was common at Belle Isle, Florence, South Carolina, Andersonville, Camp Tyler, Texas, and many other prisons. !N^o tools, however, were furnished for this i)urpose. The prisoners were compelled to dig in order to get tolerable water for cooking and drinking purposes, with old case knives, pieces of canteens, &c. Instances under this head might be multiplied, but the cases already cited are suthcient to show tliat this deprivation must be charged to the deep-seated cruelty and intense hatred of the confederates toward the Union soldier, fostered by a spirit of barbarism Avhich sprang naturally from the intiuence of slavery, in the midst of which they had been reared, and for whose perpetuity they were struggling. The prophesy of the younger Winder in which he declared, "I am going to build a pen here that will kill more damned Yankees than can be destroyed at the front," met its fullillment largely through this fell agency. SHELTER. The accompanying testimony shows that in all the stockades and prison camps the shelter provided was wholly inadequate to the wants and necessities of the prisoners, and that this was one of the most fruit- ful causes of sufit'cring, disease, and death. In fact some of these camps were entirely without shelter of any kind, except such as was improvised by the prisoners by the use of sticks with their blankets and clothing, and by digging holes and caves in the ground, which they did with case- knives and half canteens. For this deprivation no reasonable excuse has been or can be offered. These camps and stoi-kades were situated in thickly wooded sections of country, where lumber could have been readily j)rocured or huts constructed by the prisoners if ])roi>er details had been made for the purpose. Yet in the midst of all these facilities thou- sands of prisoners were crowded together in open camps, not allo^Yed to obtain material from without to construct shelter for themselves, and were exposed un])rotected to drenching rains, sccu'ching sun by day, avul chilling frosts and dews by night, in fact to all the changes of winter and summer, spring and fall. At Salisbury, North Carolina, ten thousand num were confined in the winter of ISOl-Oo with shelter for less than half this number, and the report of Captain Hall, inspector in the rebel army, shows that at this very 2J€riod Jifty unused horses were standing in the quartermastcr''s stables BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 211 at this place, with plenty of timber adjoining the camp and an abundance of straw in the neighborhood^ thus furnishiug every facility for providiug adequate shelter for all. At Auderson ville no shelter was provided, notwithstanding the stockade was surrounded on three sides with immense forests. Particular men- tion is made by a number of witnesses of a terrible rain storm which oc- curred at Andersonville in June, 18G4, continuing almost without inter- mission twenty-one days, rendering useless the temporary provisions for shelter made of blankets, and driving those who had dug caves in the ground from them, compelling the twenty thousand men there confined to make their bed in the mud and water. The detailed description of suffering during this storm, which occurs in the accompanying testimony, would make one of the most heart-rending chapters in this whole record of prison life. At Belle Isle, in the winter of 18G3-'04, four thousand prisoners were without shelter. It will be remembered that during this severe winter the James River was frozen over, so that persons crossed safely from the island to the city of E-ichmond on the ice, Sleet and rain storms oc- curred, and snow fell several times to the depth of three or four inches, rendering the few A tents furnished almost useless. Every expedient was resorted to by the prisoners to keep from freezing. They crawled into the ditches which surrounded the camp ; burrowed into or lay close together on the bare ground, and were often found frozen to death be- tween their sleeping comrades. At Savannah, Georgia, tents were furnished. At the jail yard prison in Charleston, South Carolina, A tents were furnished for a ])ortion of the otficers confined there in the summer of 1S04 ; many of them, however, being entirely without shelter, or the means of i)roviding it. Being surrounded by a high wall their sufferings from the heat were intense. At Florence no shelter was provided by the rebel authorities. A few were occasionally allowed to go out under guard to gather pine brush for the i)urpose of protection. It is shown in the testimony that a num- ber died at this prison from exposure during the winter of ISGi-'GS. At Macon, Georgia, the United States officers were for sometime left without shelter, except such £^ they provided for themselves by digging caves or improvising with sticks and blankets. They were afterward furnished lumber to bnild sheds or roofs, but only to a limited extent. At Columbia, South Carolina, the United States officers were permitted to bring in material to construct shelter, only sufficient, however, for a portitm of them, and during October and ]S'ovember, 1864, they were en- tirely unprovided for. At Camp Asylum, Columbia, South Carolina, shelter was provided for about half of the prisoners during January and February, 1865. RATIONS. Having discussed the subjects of fuel, clothing, water, and shelter, we ccrisoners almost totally destitute of shelter, fuel, blankets, and clotliing. With this general remark we proceed to consider more specifically RATIONS — THEIR ISSUE. The regular issue of rations in camp is a desideratum with the com- mander who regards the comfort and happiness of his men. Its inter- ruption is a source of regret, as it is oftentimes cause of just complaint by the command. Unavoidable interruptions will sometimes occur, but there can be little excuse for their frequenc}' in permanent camps for l^risoners of war under an intelligent organization of the commissary and transportation departments. Continued interruptions must be the inevitable result of gross carelessness, or the fruits of intention and de- sign. As a general rule, the absence of regular issues in the confederate prison camps must be ascribed to tlie last named cause. The absence of regular issues of rations was a marked and continuing feature in the experience of our prisoners in the hands of the rebels. Even when they wei'e made daily the prisoners were oftentimes unable to fix within sev- eral hoin\s the time of their reception. They were frequently deprived of rations from one to three days, sometimes as the result of neglect, oftentimes on mere pretexts, or as punishment. For the purpose of dis- tribution the prisoners were divided into detachments or squads, varying in number in different prisons. At Andersonville a "detachment" con- sisted of two hundred and seventy men. These were subdivided into squads of ninety. At JMacon a detachment consisted of one hundred othcers, subdivided into messes of twenty. At Salisbury divisions of one tnousand with subdivisions of one hundred were established. It was the same at Charleston fair-ground. Over these detachments or 214 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR squads of enlisted men was placed a sergeant from their own ranks, while the officers in prison selected one of their number as chief of the detachment. Eations were issued through these chiefs. These com- manders were required to account for every member of their squad each morning, and if one was missing from any cause the whole squad was deprived of rations until the absentee was accounted for. At Ander- sonville the entire camp were without rations for three days to compel the disclosure of the location of a tunnel. The prisoners at Florence were treated in the same manner for three days and for the same pur- pose. At Camp Ford, or Tyler, Texas, the prisoners were frequently without food for two days at a time and on a few occasions three. The reason assigned was, that they could not cross a creek which intervened between the camp and the mill, but there was no reason assigned why the camp was located so far from the mill upon which they had to de- pend for corn meal. On days when the rebel officers counted the prison- ers, rations were often withheld for the alleged cause that they thought a mistake had been made in the count. At some of the larger stockades, where it took several hours to get through with issuing rations, a shower of rain was sufficient to stop the issue. No back rations were issued. If the day of issue passed the rebels admitted no claim to the rations which should have been regularly provided. Much suliering and many deaths were occasioned by this irregularity. Many died whose lives would have been prolonged by the regular issue of even insufficient rations. RATIONS — THEIR QUALITY, QUANTITY, AND KIND. The following usually composed the rebel ration : Beef, bacon, rice, beans, black or cow peas, corn, corn meal, corn bread, pea soup, and sorghum molasses. Sweet potatoes are mentioned as having been issued in a very few instances. As a general rule, the rations were inferior in quality and in many instances wholly unlit for use. When fresh beef was issued, owing to unpardonable negligence in the method of butchering and issue, it often reached the prisoners in a tainted or half spoiled condition. The issue of partially rotten or wormy bacon frequently occurred. Corn in the ear was at times the only ration issued for days together. Corn meal, unbolted, and sometimes ground together with the cob, was the standard bread ration. When corn bread was issued it contained little or no salt, was poorly cooked, and frequently absolutely raw in the center. The bean, rice, and pea soup was brought to the prisoners with the surface of it covered with bugs cooked out of the articles of which it was com- posed. At Florence and Salisbury, beef heads, legs, tripes, and entrails were issued to the i^risoners. At Andersonville, the same wagon which was used for hauling out the naked and festering dead brought back the rations for the living. A load of dead bodies coveied Avith vermin, and foul from deconq)Osi- tion, was replaced by a load of meal, or corn bread, without even the attempt to sweep or cleanse the wagon. As a consequence, shreds of clothing, vermin, maggots, ajid filth, loathsome and indescribable, were found mingled or incorporated with the food of the prison. It seems incredible that such food could have been eaten at all by human beings, but the testimony of a hundred witnesses proves that the ])angs and madness of hunger, so terrible at tiuies as to force men to the horrors of cannibalism, here had its perfect work, and that the wretched, starv- ing inmates of Andersonville and liichmond prisons seized on the sick- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 215 eiiiiig aud pestilent mass witli avidity, and were even driven, by their insatiable craving for food, to still more disgusting expedients. Woidd to God tliis bad been tbe sum of their terrible necessities ! But hunger swept before its terrible pangs all decencies and antipathies alike. To su(;h extremity were they driven that the morning found them fighting and struggling with each other to obtain the food that had passed un- digested through the bodies of their weaker comrades during the night, wliile the flesh of rats and dogs was devoured as a luxury. J^ot only was the quality thus unsuitable and vicious, but the quantity was also insufQcient. At Auder.sonville, in LS64, aday's ration consisted of apiece of corn bread three incheSvsquare and two inches thick, or, in lieu thereof, a ])int of unsifted corn meal^ with about three table-spoonfuls of beans. Occasionally a small ])iece of beef, which would make about two mouthfuls when cooked, was issued in lieu of beans. At Salisbury, the daily ration was ordinarily from four to eight ounces of corn bread and a half-pint of rice souj). Once a week a piece of fresh beef two inches square and half an inch thick was issued, and about a gill of molasses once in two weeks. When prisoners were first confined at Florence, South Carolina, food of a greater variety and better quality was issued. Afterward the standard ration was reduced to one pint of corn meal (sometimes ground with the cob) without meat of any kind, beans, rice, or soup. At Milieu, Georgia, the daily ration was about one pint of corn meal to each man, with a small (luautity of beef or bacon. The i)risoners confined at Ma- con, Georgia, in June, 18G4, testify that a five days' ration consisted of seven pints of coarse corn meal, a half-pint of sorghum molasses, one seventh of a pound of rancirisoners in our hands amounted to about forty-three ounces, and the ration of the Union prisoners in the hands of tiie rebels fell, in some cases, as low as five or six ounces, and never, save at rare intervals, exceeded eighteen ounces ; the usual ration varying between these extremes. The startling and horrible effects of a diet composed of the quantity and quality of food described are referred to specifically in other places. The ])rincipal and almost universal result of the continued use of corn-meal by the Union prisoners was to produce diarrhea in its worst forms. Hardly a prisoner was free from it. Aggravated by the water and the general unhealthy condition of the prisons, it assumed its worst characteristics, and was one of the principal causes of the unparalleled mortality which l)revailed. The testimony itself must be perused in order to enable the reader to form any adequate idea of the suffering which resulted from want of food. ISTo summary or report can picture the torture experienced by the victims, or the expedients to which they resorted to sustain life. " We Avere always hungry," says one witness; and another speaks of ^'■delicacies such as the j)aunches, tails, and entrails of animals^''' 218 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR ■svliicli be succeeded in obtaining for food. Pages could be filled with similar extracts from the testimony', but other subjects press upon our attention. SANITARY CONDITION OF PRISONS. When large bodies of men are crowded together in buildings or camps, the most scrupulous care is necessary to preserve that cleanliness which is essential to health. Under such circumstances wise and humane sanitary regulations, vigilantly executed, are of the utmost importance. The descriptions given by the witnesses examined by your committee of the condition of the prisons present a sickening picture of pestilential filth without aiirecedeutin the history of civilized or even savage warfare. !N^o means appear ever to have been adopted to keep the prisoners clean, or to prevent theh^ becoming an infectious center of disease, contaminat- ing alike themselves and fellow-sufierers. At Libby i)rison and other ])laces there were no appropriate sinks ever built ; but instead, half barrels and buckets were placed in the same rooms with the prisoners, and at those i)risous where sinks were provided but few persons were allowed to visit tbem at a time, while others were kept standing in line awaiting an opportunity, and often shot for violating this inhuman order, which compelled men suffering from diarrhea, in its worst form, to use the rooms or cam[) in which they were quartered. At Andersonville, during the earl^' part of its occupancy, no sinks were provided. The prisoners were compelled to use the swampy ground in the stockade for the purpose of answering necessary calls of nature, until the spot became a mass of living corruption. When sinks were i:)rovided, they were situated so far from some portions of the stockade that the weak and sick could not go to them. So great was the stench arising from this stockade that it became a nuisance to those living at some distance from it, and the guards complained that it made them sick to remain at their posts. This prison was so densely crowded, aiul the swamp and grounds so filthy, that a cloud formed by vaporization from the grounds and pris- oners continually arose, and was often visible over the i)rison from a great distance. In many of the prisons soap was never issued, and at none of them was it ever supplied in sufficient quantities. At Danville and liichmond the bodies of those who had died of small-pox were allowed to remain in crowded rooms for one or two days. At Andersonville dead bodies from the stockade and hospital were left for a long time in full view of the sick. At many of the prisons w^ater was so scarce that there was not sufficient to answer for cooking purposes and for drinking; it was there- fore impossible for the prisoners to wash themselves or their clothing. The great want of room and supplies, together with the severe enforce- ment of oppressive regidations, jnade it imi)ossible for i)risoners to take proper care of themselves. Everywhere vermin covered the i)risoners and swarmed throughout the prisons; it was impossible to be kept free from them. At Andersonville the camp was covered with vermin. The swamp, whiclji occupied about six acres in the middle of the camp, and on both sides the small stream which i)assed through it, was so full of maggots and vermin of various kinds that the surface of tlu^. water was constantly agitated by their movements, like the rij^ples i)roduced by a gentle breeze. The whole swanq) was a moving nniss of worms for over a foot in depth. The prisoners were conq^elled to deposit the olial of camp in holes dug for the purpose, where they were located. These became BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 219 SO numerous that tliey often dug into the deposits already made and found tliem a mass of magg-ots. Dr. F. G. Carter, wlio was surgeon of the fourth Georgia reserves, .stationed at Andersonville, says, in his testimony on the Wirz trial, that "the stench arising from the eami) was intolerable, and could be l)erceived at a distance of half a mile." In July, 1864, the prisoners at Andersonville were furnished with some shovels, with which they covered nearly half an acre of the swamp in the stockade with sand from the adjacent high ground, which, how- ever, still left over live acres of this filthy swamp within the camp, and through which ran the stream that furnished the greater part of the water for the prison. At Florence the vermin covered nearly every portion of the camp. In the summer they could be seen crawling ujjon the ground in everj- direction; but, when the cold weather came, the warmth of the bodies of the prisoners, as they lay on the ground, attracted them, and every article of clothing was swarranig with them ; the necessary result was that a continual scratching of the skin took place, often causing abrasion of the surface, where the vermin commenced eating into the tlesh, some- times reachhig to the bone; resulting in sores spread over the body. The elTorts of the sanitary police force which was organized in Flor- ence, composed of men selected b}" the prisoners from their own num- ber, sometimes resulted in a temporary inii)rovement of the condition of the camp; but in the disorganized state of everything about the prison, no continued systematic labor was ever thoroughly organized, nor was any beneficial result achieved. The sanitary condition of the prisoners cannot be shown in all its hideousness without quoting more freely from the accompanying testi- mony than would be proper in a report of this nature, hence but a par- tial description or allusion to the evils endured by the prisoners can be made. The scurvy prevailed to a fearful extent both at Florence and Ander- sonville in its worst forms; the limbs of the sufferers would swell up, and the skin become distended until it burst, resembling, as a witness states, "a sausage that had burst in a frying pan." This mass of cor- ruption became filled with maggots and vermin, which crawled over the surface, entering the sores and causing them to become more infiamed. In other cases the scurvy attacked the mouth of the ijrisoner, and usu- ally produced, as a consequence, scurvy of the bowels. In the former case the teeth became loose and could be pushed out by the tongue. In fact the whole system became so reduced by tlie want of proper food and the depressing causes that invariably produce this terrible scourge, that the mere bruising the toe or slightly scratching any part of the body caused gangrene to ensue, which more frequently than others proved fatal. Those affected Avitli the scurvy, into whose sores the worms had found their way and were eating their living bodies, exi)erienced great relief by being buried in the cool dirt or sand up to their necks, the whole body excepting the head being covered with earth. Their connades would bury them in this manner and allow them to re- main in that position for hours at a time; this temporarily alleviated their sufferings by cooling the fever and arresting the movement and gnawing of tlie worms into their tlesh. ]Meu threw sand into their sores to check the gnawing of the worms. Lice infested the quarters to such an extent that cases are given where men died from their effects, and their bodies were found covered with deep sores into which the lice and maggots had eaten. 220 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR During the seA^ere winter of 1804, at Belle Isle, many prisoners bad their hands and feet frozen so that aniputatiou became necessary. Cases are recorded where frost-bitten feet have been neglected until they rot- ted oti' and dropped from their limbs, resulting generally in the death of the sufferer. Enough has been cited to give some idea of the terrible sufferings of the prisoners in a sanitary point of view, though pages could be tilled with similar accounts, all tending to show the cruelty and barbarity of the foe into whose hands the unfortunates had fallen. Many of those who lived through these terrible trials to return home, still suffer from the effects of their treatment; in most cases they will never regain their health and strength, but will remain more or less enfeebled in mind and body for the remnant of their lives. So severely did the scenes and trials of southern jirison life stamp their impressions into the very being of the sufferers, that it was with much reluctance many of the witnesses referred to those sad days. Thej^ seemed to wish to avoid the recital of their woes, and, in several instances, witnesses became sickened while testifying before the committee. Al- though four years had elapsed, they could not recite their own and their fellow-prisoners' sufferings, nor allude to the sanitary condition of the camps and prisons without becoming sickened, and, in some instances, co!ni)elled to leave the room, unable for a time to i^roceed with their testimony. The sanitary condition of nearly all the rebel prisons, for the entire period of the war, may be summed up in a single sentence — Jilth,Jilth — loathsome^ disgnfitinff, and pesillcntUdjiWi. There were some confederate officers and enlisted men whose moral worth rose above the narrow policy that sought to establish a govern- ment through the heartless murders of defenseless men, and whose sense of i>rolV'ssional duty did not abate in its contact with treason, and the l){)litical corruption which controlled rebel armies and navies and the States in the confederacy. From these, in connection with the testimony of Union officers and soldiers, we learn the true condition of the prisons and prison life. The committee have incorporated as a part of this report the testi- mony and reports of confederate surgeons and inspection ofli(;ers of the Confederate States, touching the condition of Camp Sumpter, at Ander- sonville, and of Salisbury and Florence, which may be taken as types of the other stockades and prisons in the character of the treatment. The numbers were greater, which constituted the principal difference. DISEASES IN REBEL PRISONS. The diseases most prevalent in rebel prisons were diarrhea, typhoid fever, pneumonia, scurv^y, rheumatism, small-pox, and diseases liaving their origin in one or more of these. To this list may be properly added insanity and total blindness. The long-continued filthy and crowded condition of prisons and pris- oners, with consequent impure air, and foul and insufficient water, the constant exposure to the burning sun and chilling dews, with scant and insuflicient clothing, and without shelter, the great scarcity of fuel for warming and cooking purposes, the inferior (juality and limited (piantity of food, the almost total absence of vegetable diet, together with harsJi personal treatment, causing great bodily suflering and mental anxiety, all combined to induce and aggravate these diseases. It is not enough to say that many sickened and died from the treatment they received in BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 221 rebel prisons. The testimony shows that thousands of prisoners of war who were originally able-bodied men, whose habits were good, whose minds were cultivated, and whose ]>atriotism was pure, were, by a pre- arranged and zealously executed plan, deliberately sacrificed by the in- troduction and carrying out of a system of privations, hardships, and cruelties without a parallel in the history of civilized nations. The surgeons in the employment of the confederate authorities at An- dersonville, and at other prisons, uiuler pretense of vaccination as a pre- cautionary measure against disease, carelessly inoculated many prisoners v.'ith vacciae virus which, if not within itself poisonous and vicious, at least in its contact with the systems of men infected with disease from exposures in unhealthy prisons, became a prolific source of destruction of human life. The prisoners who have testified upon this point give it as their firm belief that the use of this poisonous vaccine matter was inten- tional, and for the purpose of destroying life. The committee state the case and refer to the accompanying testimony without comment, pre- ferring to leave the matter to the judgment of the reader after a perusal of the statements referred to. From this cause, and from scurvy and gangrene, the limbs and bodies of prisoners became infested with putrid, offensive sores, often the flesh decayed and sloughed from off" the bones of the arms and sides of the sufferers. Worms entered the sores and becauva a source of great torment to them. Many died whose skin was so diseased that portions of it slipped from the flesh and adhered to the wagons in which their bodies were hauled to the grave, and in the hands of their comrades who were de- tailed to bury them. Amputations from these causes were common, and the testimony shows that the arms of many rotted from their bodies and became de- tached at the joints Avithout amputation. Burial parties testify that arms were often sent for burial separated from the bodies to which they belonged, and showing no marks of having been amputated, but having been detached at the joints consequent upon the diseases under which they suffered. The percentage of deaths was very great at Andersonville. Out of 40,G11 imprisoned there at various times, from the 24th of February, 1804, the date of the first entry of prisoners, to the close of the war, 13,705 died while imprisoned; being o'S:^ per cent, of those confined at this prison. Many have died since from the effects of their sufferings in prison. The percentage of deaths among cases treated in the field, meaning the guards at Andersonville prison, during July and August, 18{>4, were -fj^^^-, or little over one-fourth of one per cent., or one in four hun- dred cases. The percentage of deaths among cases treated at Anderson- ville prison for the same two mouths was Io^q per cent., or one in G^ cases. HOSPITALS, AND TREATMENT OF SICK AND AVOUNDED PRISONERS. At all the prisons the hospital arrangements were inadequate and im- perfect. The buildings, sheds, or tents used were unsuitable and insuffi- cient. The medical attendance was so limited that proper attention could nowhere be given the patients. The supply of medicines was wholly inadequate to their wants. The food was always insulticient in quantity and unsuitable in quality. The nursing and attendance im- l>eriect and often negligent and cruel. The bedding was scanty and always filthy; in fact, the whole hospital system was vicious and damna- ble to the last degree. 222 TREATMliNT OF PRISONERS OF WAR At Aiulersonville tlie liospital for some weeks was a comer of the stockade, where the sick were without shelter or buuks, very few of them having even a blanket between them and the ground. Prisoners were not admitted to these miserable places until in the last stages of disease. Several of the rebel surgeons in charge of the hos- pitals protested against their condition and character. Many of the worst features were totally inexcusable; tolerable bunks might have been provided in every case without expense to the authorities. The prisoners would gladly have built these for their sick comrades if they had been allowed to do so. Large quantities of supplies for the sick were sent south by the Sani- tary and Christian Commissions; but little was allowed to reach its destination. Portions of nearly every prison, or locations adjoining thereto, were set apart for the sick among the prisoners, and called "hospitals," though they hardly deserved the uame, being often simply places to which i»ris- oners in their last agonies were carried to die. At the large stockades and i)risons a few medical officers were regularly assigned to duty, and gave to the prisoners such care, attention, and treatment as their sense of humanity prompted, or their limited time allowed. It is upon recortl, however, in regard to many of the smaller prisons, that no medical attendance was furnished except that allowed by de- tailing some of the prisoners to act as nurses and stewards, who reported to and obeyed the orders of the medical officer, whom the i)risoners never saw, and from whom the medicines — when any were supplied — were procured. It is also a well-established fact that prisoners afflicted with contagions diseases, such as small-pox and the various kinds of contagious fevers, were taken to the same hospital quarters that were assigned to all other patients, and, indeed, i»laced in close proximity v.ith them, the result necessarily being that such diseases were com- municated to a large number of the sick who were lying there. At Andersonville, and many of the larger stockades, the hospitals were finally located upon the outside of the inclosure occu])ied by the pris- oners. At Libby Prison, in 1804, the hospital was situated in the east room on the lower tioor of the building. At Florence, the hospital was located on the west side of the stockade, within the inclosure, and con- sisted of rude barracks, a guard of prisoners keeping away those not regularly admitted by the surgeons. At the Fair Ground Cam]), near Cliarleston, the hospital quarters furnished no shelter to its inmates, no tents, nothing l)ut sticks put in the ground and covered by blankets or articles of clothing.* Tlie treatment received by the sick of the hospitals was in many cases barbarous and inhuman. The diet of the sick was the same as that furnished all other prison- ers. They had no means of keeping their persons even decently clean. Manyi)risoners at Andersonville dit'd while waiting at the crowded gate of the stockade before they could obtain medical assistance, and of those who finally reached the hospital but few ever returned alive. So generally did the impression prevail among the prisoners that the * A circumstance which renders this want of hospital accommodations more wanton and hrntal on the part of tlie confederate authorities is stated in the oftieial report of Surgeon (Jeneral (."arrington, of the confederate army, medical director on General Winder's staff, under date of the 2;3d of March, ]dl)4, and which will be found in the accompanying docunu>nts. He says that during the time covered by this suffering iu the hospitals at Richmond " large, well-ventilatetl, and completely organized hosi)itaLs near the city have been empty during the whole of the time. They were offered and refused." BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 223 liospital was merely the entrance to the grave, that numbers tlragff^ed along tlieir existence as best they conld in the stockade, rather than trust themselves to the care of the hosi>ital snrgef)n or attendants. There was always a scarcity of medicines for the use of the sick, if not a total want of them. At xVndersonville, camphor pills were the "cure-alls" given for nearly every species of disease, and were issued to the prisoners by the rebel surgeons at the gate. In cases where a surgical operation was per- formed, it was either carelessly or unskillfally done by the rebel sur- geons, generally resulting in the death of tLie patient, or if he recovered from the effects of the operation, it was with distorted limbs, or as a cripple for life. In order that the aninuis of the rebel surgeons, as a class, may be shown, an extract from the testimony is given : "I saw the doctor amputate a man's hand, who was merely shot in three of his lingers, as he said he hadn't time to go to work and amputate each lin- ger, but that it was quicker to take off his hand." (B. B. Brown.) This occurred at the Danville, Virginia, hospital, and instances of equal cruelty on the part of rebel surgeons will be found scattered throughout the testimony. Yet kind-hearted, nierciful, and skillful medical officers are referred to here and there, and their services and acts of kindness are gratefully remembered and spoken of by the witnesses, accompanied, however, with the statement that any special attention or exhibition on the part of these officers of a personal interest in their welfare by bring- ing them delicacies, or interceding for better treatment, was, when dis- covered by the ofticers in command of the prison, followed by their in- stant removal. It must be remembered in this connection, that the rules adopted at many of the prisons i)reveuted any but the worst cases of sickness from being received by the surgeon who attended at sick- call ; and instances are related where prisoners who were so enfeebled from disease that they could not walk were taken by their comrades to the gate, or wherever the surgeon was stationed, who after v>aiting for hours were obliged to carry back their burden, as the surgeon did not deem his case sufficiently critical for the hospital. It was not an un- common occurrence for men in this stage to die shortly after their re- jection by the surgeon and return to their quarters, hi but few cases was the condition of the patient in the hospital any better than the l)risoner who was not upon the sick-list. The same causes which pro- duced the sickness, such as Avant of proper food, insufficient clothing, poor water, and ex[)osure to extreme heat or cold, Avere allowed to tiuish the work as speedily as they might, though a pretended system of medi- cal treatment Avas kept up, which evQii at its best state seems to have been entirely without benehcial results. MENTAL AND MORAL EFFECT OF REBEL PRISON LIFE. The effects produced upon the minds and morals of the prisoners by the treatment received were of a deplorable and A'ery painful character. After a long course of bodily suffering and exposure, the miiul began to sympathize with the starved and tortured body, and men Avho had en- tered the prison in possession of ever^^ faculty, and Avhose intellects were, at first, keen and sliarp, gradually lost the use of their minds and be- came senseless idiots or raA'ing maniacs. Numerous instances are re- lated in the testimony accompanying this report of the a<;tions and say- ings of this class of prisoners, many of Avliom wandered about the camp, not knowing enough to draw their rations, or to keep themselves covered with the rags they Avore. Had not some of their comrades, more feeling 224 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR than the rest, shared witli them their scanty rations, they woukl have qnielcly died from starvation. Many became so utterly insane that they refused food alto.u^ether, and lay exposed to the weather until they died. Others were alfected in a dilferent manner, andbecame violent and bois- terons, mailly cursin,t;- all who came in their way, demandin.a: food, and running wihlly abont the camp in all their nakedness. It is in evidence that at some prisons the guards si)ared this class of jnisoners when they accidentally went inside the dead-line, and allowed them a freedom of speech and action denied to those not similarly aftlicted ; but there is evidence showing that even these poor senseless creatures were not al- ways spared for a violation of the prison rnles, but were shot at and son'ietimes killed by the gnards for venturing within the dead-line. The effect of prison life upon those who still retained their mental faculties was no less painful, though of a different character; their own suffering closed their hearts against their fellow-sufferers, and made them selfish and hard-hearted. Men who in health had been lirm friends and de- voted companions, Avhen reduced by sickness and hunger turned from the appeals of their suffering comrades for aid, without showing a spark of human feeling; it had all been starved out of them, ami to light off death and maintain existence became their chief and oidy concern; every assistance bestowed upon a fellow-sufferer only exhausted their own scanty supply of food or fuel, or wasted their failing strength. The weaker were neglected by the stronger, and roughly pushed aside by the hungry crowd at the issuing of the rations. Miiny of the insane at Andersonville were in the habit of running about the swamp, where they died uncared for by their conn-ades. The strong would snatch food from the hands of the weak, and run away through the crowd, eating what they had seized as they ran, fearing- that others might, in turn, take it from them. Old companions fought over the crund)S that fell from the ration wagons. Blankets and clothing were taken from the sick and helpless by those who, under any other circumstances, would have been their protectors. At Andersonville this state of affairs grew so bad that organized raid- ing parties were formed to rob their comrades of the means to sustain litt. No article of pro|>erty was safe unless continually watched. Prisoners were beaten and even nuirdered by the raiders in their preda- tory excursions. These parties became so bold and violent that the lirisoners sought ;ind obtained permission of Creneral Winder to arrest and i)unish tliem, in accordance with which six were hung and nuvny otherwise punished. It would be to the credit of humanity if it could be believed that the men comi)osing the raiding parties were all men of originally vicious violent character. Yet such does not apjKMr to be the case. In many cases their conduct was but the natural result of reducing human beings to a condition where their sole object was to ob- tain the means of averting death by starvation, or appease the gnawing pangs of hunger. Bright excei)tions to this sad account of selfishness and want of human feeling are seen here and there, where the mind still retained its control overthe body and its passions, and the wonder is that even these few^ cases of human sympathy and tender feeling for the sufferings of others existed among this mass of starving, naked, and suffering men. ISTo part of this examination ])resents more forcibly the deplorable condition of the jn-isoners who were crowded together in the stockades and jirisons of the South, than does that relating to tlie moral and mental changes produced by starvation, exposure, and cruelty. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 225 SURGEONS. The testimony shows that very many of the rebel surgeons were neg- ligent of their duties, and often cruel to prisoners ; many of them very incojni>etent, intemperate, and full of denunciation and hatred to the United States government and northern people. Prisoners were en- tii'ely neglected by them unless carried by their comrades to their quar- ters. Often this was impossible, owing to the prisoner's health. Those who were, taken were very often neglected, and many died while wait- ing for treatment. The vaccination spoken of in another place in this rei)ort is a further proof of the condu(;t of the surgeons. The harsh and vulgar remarks made by them in the hospitals and prisons, amrmg the sick and dying, still further illustrate their charac- ter. The total lack of comfortable provisions for the sick, in camp and hospital, attests their want of eflflciency. Tlie character of the amputa- tions they i)erformed, and their treatment of maimed and diseased prisoners, fully prove either the evil purpose of their appointments, or the utter inefficiency of that class of officers. There were, however, many good men who discharged their duties with fidelity and skill, and who labored diligently to ameliorate the condition of the prisoners ; who informed the confederate authorities of the condition of the })risons and prisoners ; and though they failed, yet they deserve the credit and the thanks of the country for their acts. CROWDED CONDITION OF PRISONS. It is established in the regulations governing the United States Army that soldiers in cpuirters south of the thirty-eighth degree north latitude shall be allowed two hundred and fifty six square feet of space to a post or regimental mess of six men. This is equal to a room sixteen feet square, or n space of forty two and two-thirds feet to each man, (equiva- lent to five and a quarter by eight feet,) for sleep and storage of arms and baggage, the cooking for the mess being usually performed elsewhere. This is to be understood as the sheltered quarters, where their clothing, bedding, «S:c., are protected, leaving the soldier the benefit of the open air for duty or exercise. North of tliirty-eight degrees, two hundred and tvtenty-five square feet are allowed, equal to a room of fifteen feet square, thus giving thirty-seven and a half feet, or nearly five by seven feet, to each man. The authorities of our army, acting in the light of experience and under the advice of its able and well-organized corps of surgeons, have determined that this extent of sheltered room is necessary for the health of men in quarters. The committee would ask attention to the following statcaient of the crowded condition of the stockades and other confederate prisons, all of which were south of the thirty-eighth degree of north latitude, some as low as thirty degrees : 1. Andersonville, with an inhabitable area inside the dead-line of less than twenty acres, with nearly forty thousand men, furnished only three feet by six, or eighteen square feet to the man. The average space per man at this prison for many months was six feet by six, without slielter, on which he must cook, eat, sleep, and, if sick, obey nature's calls, and still remain there with no privilege of duty or exercise in the open air beyond his i)rison limits. Such was the confinement of our soldiers in a densely crowded stockade, its walls twenty feet in height, preventing the circu- lation of air which might serve to drive away the stencli and vapor that arose from that vast crowd of unwashed men, and from the fires, swamps, garbage, and sinks of the prison and camps. H. Kep. 45 15 226 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR 2. At Florence fifteen thousand men were confined on fifteen acres. This was curtailed by the ever-present dead-line, bnt, allowing- tire full space, it gave but four and a quarter feet bj- ten per man, and was with- out shelter. 3. Salisbury prison contained five acres with ten thousand prisoners, or four by five feet, equivalent to twenty square feet to the man. 4. The race-course, (^harleston, South Carolina, contained forty acres, in which were confined twelve thousand prisoners; this allowed eleven by twelve and a half feet, or an area of one hundred and thirty-two square feet to the man, and was without shelter. Some of the buildings used as prisons were greatly crowded at times. Libby was used for oflicers and privates; six rooms were assigned to officers. They Mere forty by one hundred feet each, including the walls. This equaled a space in all of two thousand four hundred square feet, in which at one time one thousand two hundred officers were confined, giving to each prisoner four by five, or twenty square feet of floor, and yet all were tbrbidden to approa(;h the windows for air. The windows vrere the dead- lines of prison buildings. Castle Thunder at one time contained fifteen hundred prisoners. In Peiuberton, three hundred men were confined in one room of twenty- five by ninety-eight feet, and forbidden to approach the windows on pain of death. This allowed two by four or eight scjuare feet to each man. This is less than is usually required for the demands of sepulture. It is esti- mated that a single person re Causes of death. Died of wounds : Federal prisoners in bands of rebels 2, 289 Confederate prisoners in Union bands 2, 009 Died of disease : Federal prisoners in rebel bands .. 12, 975 Confederate prisoners in Union bands 20, 032 Otber known causes : Federal prisoners in rebel bands 34 Confederate prisoners in Uuiou bands 117 Unknowu causes or causes not recorded : Federal i)risoners in rebel liands 11, 030 Confederate prisoners in Uuiou bauds 4, 616 Proportion 2i to 1, nearly. UECOGXITION OF DEAD. Known and unknown federal 2»'isoners. Andersonville : Known 13, 087 Uukuown 618 We are enabled to state this result from tlie fact that copies of the re- cords of the deaths at Audersouville were secretly carried away by]\Ir. Atwater, a prisoner there, and furnished by him to the War Department, together with those kept by another prisoner, Mr. Walsh. Salisbury : Known 78 I'uknown 12, 034 Citizen prisoners 62 Ricbniond : Knowu 3,380 Unknown 70 Charleston : Knowu 257 Unknown 132 Montgomery : Knowu 80 Uukuown , 118 Total : Known 15, 816 Uuknowu 20, 585 Known and unlnown confederate jmsoners. Indianapolis : Known 1, 556 Uuknowu BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 231 Camp Chase, Ohio : Knowu 2, 098 Uukuown 4 Camp Douglas, Illinois : Known 4, 025 Uukuown 7 Ehnira, New York : Known 2, 956 Uukuown Fort Delaware: Kuo'mi 2, 401 Unknown St, Louis, Missouri : Known 1,010 Uukuown Finuis Point, New Jersey : Known 1, 4o4 Uukuown Point Lookout, Maryland : Known 3,442 Unknown • 4 Eotk Island, Illinois : Known 1,956 Unknow n 4 Alton, Illinois : Kuowu 1,55(3 Uukuown (352 Total: Kuown 29, 426 Uukno^\•u 726 The omission to preserve the proper records of mortality at the Uiiiou military prison at Alton, Illinois, remains unexplained, and is a source of deep regret to your committee, as it wOl be to the American people. TREATMENT OF THE DEAD — STATISTICS OF BURIAL. If it be urged that the passion and excitement occasioned by war may contribute largely to the cruelties practiced on living prisoners, it does not explain the manifestations of indignity and malice toward the dead, so painfully illustrated in the testimony, a fact wholly irreconcil- able with the rules of civilized society. We are told that "in ancient times their bodies were abandoned to beasts and birds of prey, but now the conquerors either bury them themselves, or deliver them up*^ to be buried. Sometimes even more is done for the sake of humanity." (Bynker- shock, p. 23.) Another writer says: "It is not always convenient or even jiossible to care for the dead, to give them burial, "but it is always in the province of men to maintain their humanity toward the dead' bodies of friends and foes. * * * * Formerly they were thrown to the beasts and birds to devour them, but now either the conquerors bury them, or give liberty to the vanquished so to do, and for this purpose a truce is often entered into for a short time." (Lee, p. G8.) At Libby it was the practice to place the bodies of those who died in the prison in a lower room or cellar, where they were permitted to re- main until subsequent deaths furnished numbers that, in the judgment 232 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAK of the officers in charge, were sufficient to justify sending a wao:on to li;tul them away for interment ; the burial of tlie dead tlius depending- at times upon the death of others, wliich, however, was generally not long deferred. Yet the convenience could hardly be pleaded against the offense. The bodies lying in the lower room were frequently eaten by rats, that infested the prison in large numbers. Tlie eyes v^ere eaten out of some, while the cheeks and exposed parts of others were gnawed by these vermin. At Andersonville and other prisons the dead were left for manj^ hours exposed, avv'aitiug the couvenienco of the commanders of the prisons to direct interments. Tlie only palliative for this neglect may be found in the ninubers tbat died at those places of conlineinent. It was the custom at Andersonville to carry the dead out of the stoekad,? to a place designated for them. The dead from the hospitals were also placed in what was called the dead-house, and from thence removed in wagons, witli little ceremony or care, to the long trenches in which they were buried, and their graves generally marked by numbers correspond- ing with those on the prison records. Very many died with gangrene, scurvy, and the eifects of poisonous vaccination. Their flesli was pu- trid, and in many instances filled with worms before death. In loading, the head, arms, and feet often extended over the wagon bed, and came in contact with the wheels, lacerating the remains, and leaving the putrid flesh and blood on the wagon. The bodies were unloaded often with as little ceremony, and placed in the care of comrades, who buried them in long, shallow trenches, seven feet wide. The l)odies were laid crosswise in the trenches, packed as closely as possible, and over them were sometimes i)laced split tim- ber and brush, with a light covering of earth ; often nothing but earth. The bodies were generally stripped of clothing by the rebels or prison- ers, and consequently buried as naked as they were born. It is difdcult to determine what would have been the dispositii;>n made of the d(\^.d who died at xVndersonville, Florence, or Salisbury, if their comrades had not buried t!iem. The details of Union prisoners made for burial at Andersonville M'cre furnished with no means to execute their work, except a few shovels and axes. No coffiris, or lumlier for their manufacture, were furnished. Timber cut and split by the prison- ers and brushwood constituted the only covering for the bodies of the dead preparatory to i)lacing the dirt on them, and even these could only be had a portion of the time. At some prisons the dead Vv'ere treated much more humanely. But at Salisbury, Florence, and some other prisons, the treatment was as bad as at Andersonville, an'as etfected througii the advice and assistance of Mrs. Abigail Green, of Eichmond, Virginia, and Eobert Ford, a colored man, a teamster in General Banks's command, captured at Strasburg, Virginia, who was kept on duty at the stables connected with Libby prison. Ford carried letters from Mrs. Green to the prisoners, and returned their answers ; he also measured by means of a twine the distance from the prison building to a proper point for the outlet for the tunnel, this twine being furnished to the prisoners. Mrs. Green had procured among the Union families at Richmond, at every jieril to herself and them, places of shelter and concealment for the prisoners who might escape. She met some of the successful ones at an appointed place near the prison, and conducted them through the streets of liichmond to the concealment she had provided, where they remained several days, and from which most of them made good their escape to the federal lines. She was soon suspected, but, after much hardship and many trials, made her escape to Washington. Ford was arrested, and, by order of General Winder, whipped with five hundred lashes on his bare back, inflicted by the notorious Dick Turner, while Ford was lying across a barrel, and his hands and feet held by four men. He became senseless long before the outrageous punishment was over, but the brutal Turner continued to whip his insensible form until the order was fulfilled, and the cause of oppression in the mind of its devotees fully vindicated. Ford lay for six weeks helpless, but finally also escaped to Washington, being over two months on his way. Many other methods of escai)e were resorted to under the terrible pressure of prison suffering, and in some instances even where the chances were against the preservation of life itself. The prisoners, while being transported to the stockades, cut holes through the sides and bottoms of the cars, and often when they were in motion sprang out, regardless of every other consideration than that of escape from the captors. Most interesting narratives of hair-breadth escax)es will be found in 234 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR tlie- testimony, in some instances corroborated hy several witnesses who were of tlie same party in tbe successful attempts. The spirit that prompted weak and emaciated men to undertake and bear the hard- shii)s of an escape from prisons, closely guarded, in the heart of the confederacy, with countless dangers before them from crossing rivers, long journeys among their enemies, without food, and almost without clothing, watched by men and hunted by dogs trained alike to their destruction, proves sufficiently the suffering and desperation which accompanied the terrible captivity of our soldiers, who were willing to take the almost hopeless risk, which in some cases api)eared suicidal, and in many resulted fatally'. Prisoners would escape, and sometimes, for several days, v.^ander in the woods and swamps suifering from hunger and cold, only to be at last discovered by the hounds, attacked, and ijerhaps severely torn before their masters called them off. When thus recaptured they were returned to camp, and usually received punishment by the stocks or chain-gangs, or by being bucked and gagged. As a part of their punishment all medical treatment was denied them when they were suffering from the attacks of the dogs, and frequently the sores caused by wounds thus received became intlamed, and gangrene ensued for want of proper treatment, causing the death of the captive. In order to prevent escapes at Andersonville, as well as to facilitate recapture, the hounds were led around the stockade every morning to find a " scent." Upon its discovery the hunt was opened, and in a few hours the chase gen(.'rally "brought down" the weak and wretched pris- oner. At times the dogs were ])ermitted to attack and lacerate the prisoner, for the purpose, as the houudsman expressed it, "of keeping the dogs in proper training." Surgeon Eldridge, of the confederate army, in his report to General Cobb, speaks with much emphasis of the effectiveness of the dogs as a prevention against escape. The testimony relating to the use of hounds is very full and explicit from witnesses re- captured by their aid, and from those who were spectators of the suffer- ings experienced by the recaptured men, whose legs and bodies were oftentimes badly torn in their encounters with these brutes. The com- mittee have drawn largely upon the testimony relating to this inhu- manity in the article on Andersonville. At this prison attempts to escape were organized on a large scale, aiul also at Salisbury at different times, but were always defeated. In July, 1801, the ijrisoners at Anderson- ville united their efforts and plans and partially accomplished a project of digging tunnels, which extended I'rom the camp to the stockade, and thence along, i)arallel with and under, its walls. Three portions of about three hundred feet of the stockade were undermined in this manner. The plan was for a certain number of the prisoners to overpower the guards and disarm them, while the large body of the prisoners within the stockade were to rush upon and break down the portions thus under- mined, which would open an avenue of escape for the whole camp. The guards stationed at the post were to be seized, their arms taken, and the prisoners thus erjuipped to form a column and march for the southern coast in order to reach our lines. Nearly two thousand men were con- cerned in this plot, but it was defeated by one of their luimber betraying the plan to the rebels, who took the necessary i)recaution to prevent it, and so notitied the prisoners. E(iually unsuccessful was the attempt at Salisbury in November, 18G4, though it failed from other causes. The i)risoners did actually rush upon the guards, and shot several of them with the guns wrenched from theii" hands. The plan was not understood among the greater por- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 235 tioii of the prisoners, and tbose who made the attempt were not supported by their comrades, while a regiment of confederate troops, which hap- pened to be at the depot, reached the camp in time to quell the outbreak. Then ensued a scene of cruelty in open violation of the laws of war. Artillery and musketry fire was opened upon the camp and continued for twenty or thirty minutes after the prisoners had laid down on the ground and were begging for quarter. From fifty to sixty prisoners were killed and wounded, and thus ended this attempt to escape. It is admitted that the rebel authorities were justified in using any reasona- ble means which became necessary to prevent prisoners properly fed and otherwise treated from escaping from their hands, or to recapture those who actually escaped. The want of justification, however, con- sists not only in permitting a condition of things which drove the pris- oners to desperation, but in continuing to fire upon unarmed, defenseless men long after they had surrendered and given up all attempts at escape or violence. Such conduct can neither be justified by the laws of war nor the customs of civilized nations, and assumes the character of mur- der. According to all writers upon the subject a prisoner is justified in attempting to escape by any means in his power, save when he has given his parole ; nay, more, it is a duty he owes to his government to escape if he can. Mr Woolsey thus states the law : "Otticersand others whose Avord can be relied on are often set free on their parole, not to serve during the war until ransomed. Persons escaping from captivity and retaken, or even recaptured in war, are not held to merit punishment, for they only obeyed their love of liberty ; but the breach of parole justly subjects such persons to heavy punishments." (Woolsey, p. 220.) By what au- thority then were prisoners who had escaped, and afterward recaptured, fired upon or subjected to the punishment of the stocks, the chain-gang, the stoppage of rations, or any other i^unishment beyond what was ne- cessary to their safe-kee])ing 1 The answer to this question stamps the character of "confederate" warfare with the spirit and the practices of a barbarous age, when the murder or enslavement of prisoners was the accepted and prevailing rule. The spirit of murder which prevailed is also illustrated in another fact related by several witnesses and verified by the sworn testimony of Colonel Farnsworth, First Connecticut cavalry. He says, in reference to Libby })rison and the rumors that prevailed among the prisoners that it was mined at a time our forces were expected in Kichmond, "Major Turner said in my presence, the day we were paroled, in answer to the question, 'Was the prison mined?' 'Yes; and I would have blown you all to hell before I would have suffered you to be rescued.' " The testimony as to the character and official acts of Jefferson Davis and of his subordinates. General Winder, who commanded the prisons east of the Mississippi, and Major Turner, commander at Libby prison, warrant the belief that this threat would have been executed had the attempt on Eichmond at that time proved successful. The committee cannot here pursue the history of individual escapes and daring, in which a heroism was often displayed worthy of lasting record, but must refer the reader to the published testimony for these interesting incidents of prison life. THE MURDER OF PRISONERS. The murder of Union prisoners by rebel authority during four years of hostilities is one of the marked features in the ill-treatment of cap- tives. Prisoners were shot on the field after capture, along the high- way, on the march, in prisons for approaching windows to Avhich they 236 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR resorted for fresli air, and even in cases where tliey were confined in tlie second or third stories, where the windows were grated witli strong- iron bars, and trom which all hope of escape would seeiu to have been prechided. At Belle Isle i)risoners were wantonly shot for attempting to procure pure water, a few feet oidy from the place designated, and also for pass- ing out of the regular line in going to the sinks. It was a common oc- currence for the guards, especially after being relieved, to wantonly discharge their guns into camp from the railroad bridge and other points. Prisoners who were too much fatigued to travel Avere often shot or bay- oneted and left by the roadside to die, while they were also murdered in the same manner in transit'from point to point by rail, thrust from the cars while in motion, and left un buried by the way. The testimony in relation to all the lu-incipal prisons indicates, beyond doubt, the sj'S- tematic understanding that the lives of the prisoners were at tlie mercy of boyish and brutal guards, wiio were not held responsible for their murderous conduct. Constructive violations of unnecessary orders were punished wdth death. The shooting of prisoners at Andersouville, in their attempts to pro- cure pure water, appears to have been very frequent and oftentimes fatal. It will be remembered that the water that passed through the stockade was very impure, and grew worse as it run. It was natural that the prisoners should seek to get it as near the entrance as possible, before it had received the drainage and filth of the stockade. The open space between the entrance of the stream into the stockade and where it crossed the dead-line was about twenty feet in width. The men were inclined to reach under the line at this point for water, and it was here that many of them fell wounded or dead l)y the rifle of the guard as a punishment for this trivial offense. In August, ISO-t, at this prison, a spring broke out between the wall of the stockade and the dead-line, the water from which v/as, by means of a trough, carried to the dead- line. At this trough the prisoners would necessarily congregate in large numbers for the purpose of getting fresh water, and sometimes, in their anxiety, would press upon or overstep the line. This accidental viola- tion of the rule was met with summary i)unishment, and many a poor fellow w-as shot by the guard during this unconscious infraction of the prison rules. In other branches of the report and in the evidence will be found further details and incidents of murder. We do no injustice when we denominate these homicides as murdei's. The law governing such cases is well illustrated by that of Ensign Max- well, to be found in Scott's Military Dictionary, page LJG7. This case is analogous to the shooting for trespass on the dead-line, and is thus stated : Ensign Maxwell was tried in 1807, before tbe Higli Court of Justiciary of Scotland, for tbe nnirder of Cbarles Cottier, u Frencb prisoner of war at Greenlow, by iuijiroperly ordering John Low, a sentinel, to tire into a room wliere Cottier and otlier ])risi»ners were contincd. and so causing bini to be mortally wounded. Maxwell was in cliarge of 300 prisoners of war ; tbe Ijuilding in wbicb tbey were conlined was of no great strcugtb, and afforded some i)ossibility of eseajjc ; to prevent wbicb, tbe prisoners being turbu- lent, an order was giv(^n tbat all ligbts were to be put out at t) o'clock ; if not douo at tbe second call, iw(^ guard would lire upon tbe prisoners, duo notice baving been given tbem. On tlie nigbt in ((uestion there was a tunnilt in ]»rison. Maxwell's attejitiou being drawn to it, be observed a ligiit burning beyond tbe a]t]K)inted bour. and twice ordered it to be put out ; this order not being obeyed, be directed tbe sentry to fin^, wbicb be did,. Cottier receiving a mortal wound. Maxwell was found guilty, witb recommendation to mercy, and was sentenced to nine months' imprisonment. But the evidence of direct and cruel death at the hands of the rebels is not confined to cases of shooting. The lives of the prisoners were BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 237 sacrificed through the instrumentality of dogs, the chain-gang, stocks, and from other causes, especially at Andersouville. The evidence shows that men subjected to treatment of the stocks and chain gang wei'e, in many cases, greatly debilitated, and on that account liable to fall an easy prey to that class of ill-treatment. In some cases they were put in after they had been returned to prison badly wounded by the hounds. Witnesses testify to having seen a prisoner torn to i)ieces by the dogs; and Turner himself confessed at the graves of the Union soldiers that he had left a prisoner in the woods who had been torn to pieces in this manner. A reference to the testimony of the Andersouville prisoners will show the details to which we allude. It will show that in May and July, 1S04, death occurred to prisoners from this cause. It will be recollected that a man called "Fred" was torn to pieces and died from these at- tacks. Dr. Barrows, confederate surgeon, speaks of a case where gan- grene succeeded to the wounds made by the dogs, occasioning death. Numerous witnesses testify to deaths in the stocks and chain-gangs. The case of the death of Chickamauga will be well remembered. Wirz, in his statement to the court which tried him, admitted that this man was shot by his order, but excused himself by saying that when he gave the order he did not suppose it would be obeyed. The testimony shows men to have been shot at the north gate, at the south gate, while reach- ing under the dead-line at the brook when after water, while at sick-call and after medicine, and for falling out of the line through weakness. Such are a few of the instances of the many willful murders related by numerous witnesses. MASSACRE AT FORT PILLOW. To the American people the name of Fort Pillow has long since become notorious as well as proverljial, its history rivaling in deeds of murder and cruelty the strange facts and fictions of ancient wartare. It is true that an excuse has been sought for the murder of surrendered and unoffending prisoners after the assault and capture of this fort. It has been placed by the r.ebels and their sympathizers upon several grounds. It is hardly necessary to review them here. It is sufficient for the pur- poses of this history to call attention to the well authenticated facts which have been developed in the evidence heretofore taken under the authority of the Congress of the United States. This will be found in the report of the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War, who, througli a sub-committee, made a complete investigation of the Fort Pillow mas.bacre shortly after it took ])lace, and before the country had recovered from the terrible shock which the barbarities of that transac- tion caused throughout its borders. The report and the testimony accompanying it have been a subject of investigation and study by your committee, and the statements which they proceed to make and to lay be- fore the country are based upon the results of that investigation. Before proceeding, however, your eommittee desire to call attention to the well- recognized laws of war, which at the present day forbid the slaughter of a garrison captured after an assault. Whatever may have been the law in former times, it is very clear that the humanity of the present day has so modilied it as to forbid the killing of prisoners captured in garrison even after assault, unless it is actually demanded by the safety of the assailants. The existence of tliis rule will be established by a brief examination of the authorities upon the law of nations. 238 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Bynkersliook tells us that — Although the riglit of killing iiri.sonor.s has fallon into disuse, it is made a ([uestion, howevci', Avhethcr it may not be, without tlie least inii>utation, exercised upon those who defend themselves too obstinately ; and there are some who maintain the athrniative. IJut 1 tliink it would be a shameful action, unless tiie weak and defenseless girl, who obstinately resists the atteni]its of a libertine, should also be deemed deserving of pun- ishment. — (Bynkershoek's Law of War, }>. 22.) Another author says: Sometimes, indeed, the heat of action (as at the seige of a town which has been ob- stinately defended) hurries on the troops, already irritated by the defense, to conunit such acts of inlninianity ; but the evils are then to be looked upon rather as misfor- tnni's, and the unavoidable cDUsiMiuences of a war, than as in any light jnstiliable. But these are- crimes that ileserve to Ijc punished. The same reasoning will bold in res))ect to prisoners of war. We cannot, generally speaking, put them to deatl.i without being guilty of cruelty ; yet there may be cases of necessity so j)ressing that the case t)f our own preservation obliges us to ])roceed to extremities, which in any othpr circumstances than these would be absolutely crimi- nal. — (Lee's Treatise on War^ p:ige 65.) A^ain: There is one thing more to be considered as to the exercise of the power which tho victor has over the vantpiished ; and it has been a doubt with some whether, notwith- standing the disuse of killing captives, you may not use that right against those who liave olistin.itely (l('fenst the progress of a ])(iw('i- which they are unable to resist. I'nrsnant to this maxim, ('a'sar answered Adriatici that he would span' their town if they surrendered before the battering ram touched their wall.s. — (I'age 440, section 21.) How could it be conceived in an eidightened age that it is lawfnl to ]innish with death a governor who has defended his town to the last extremity, or who. in a weak ])lace, has had the <'ourage to hold out against a royal army? In the last century this notion still }>revailed; it was looked upon as one of the laws of wai', and is not, even at jiresent, totally ex])l(>ded. What an idea! to punish a brave man for ha\ing per- formed his dnty! Very ditl'erent were the ])rinciples of Alexander the (ireat, when he gave orders for sparing the Milesians on account of tlu'ir courage and lidelity. It is in vain to object that an obstinate defense, especially in a weak iilace, against a royal army, only causes a iruitless effnsion of blood, sneh a defense may save the state by delaying tho enemy some days longer; and besides, courage snpi»lies the de- fects t)f the fortilication. 'I'he Chevalier Bayard having thrown himseltinto Me/.ieres, defended it with his usual intrepidity, and jnoved that a brave man is sometimes capabh^ of saving a i)lace which another would not think tenable. The history of the famous siege of Malta is another instance how I'ar men (tf spirit may delend themselves when thoroughly determined. How many ]daces have surrendered whiidi might still have arrested the enemy's progress for a consider.ible time, obliged him to coi.snme his strength, w.aste the remainder of the camp.iign, and even finally saved themselves l>y a better supported and more vigorous defense f In the last war, while the strongest places in the Netherlands opened their gates in a few «lays, the valiant (o-neral Leu- trnni was seen to defend Coni against the utmost eflV)rts of two powerfnl armies, to hold out in so indifierent a post forty days from the opening of the trenches, and linally to save the town, and together with it all Piedmont. If it be urged that by threatening a commandant with death you may shorten a bloody siege. s])are your troops, and make a valuable saving of t ime, my answer is, that a braver man will despise your menace, or, incensed by such ignominious trt'atnuMit, will sell his life as dearly as he can — will bury himself under the ruins of his fort, and nudvc you pay for your injus- tice. But whatever advantage you might promise yourself from an unlawful i)roceed- ing, that will not warrant you in the use of it. The menace of an unjust i)unishment is unjust in itself; it is an insult and an injury. But above all it would l)e hoirible and barbarous to ])nt it in execution, and if yon allow that the threatened consecpiences must not be realized, the threat is vain and ridiculous. (^N'attell, 34'.).) It certainly ueeds no extended aro-uuient on the part of your com- mittee to enforce this Just and hiuuane rule of civilized ^vnr. Iluniau life is not to be sacrificed uiin('ces.s;n'ily even during a ])eiiod of civil war. Bravery and heroism, which hold a garrison against superior force, BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 239 are not to be punished by cold-blooded murder at the time of capture or surrender. The ottlcersand soldiers of a garrison falling into the hands of their enemy in the discharge of such a duty are entitled to all the privileges of prisoners of wai", and ill treatment unknoAvn to its humane rules becomes a wrong and outrage on the part of the victors. An ex- hibition of cruelty and barbarism, for which the historian must look to surrounding circumstances for the influences which dictated it. is found' in the case of the massacre at Fort Pillow. There were two leading influences unquestionably which led Forrest and his subordinates to in- flict the horrors of death ui)on the prisoners who had been cai)tured or had surrendered. The first was the innate cruelty which i)ervaded the breasts of the rebel officials, high and low, infusing its si)irit into the rank and file of the confederate army. The other was their determina- tion to treat the colored troops of the Union, not as prisoners of war, but, under the orders emanating from the president of the confederacy, to sacrifice their lives or liberties after capture. The report to which we have referred Mill be found to have elaborated this principle, and to furnish uncontrovertible evidence of its assertion on the \v.\Yt of the con- federate authorities, while the massacre at Fort Pillow was one of the conspicuous and glaring facts which show its practical results. "What is the history of Fort Pillow ? On the 24th of March, 1S()4, an attack was made upon Union City, in Tennessee, by a portion of the command of General I^. B. Forrest. The garrison, having several times repulsed the enemy, at last surrendered, and on the next day the rebels, number- ing something over six thousand men, as estimated, made an attack ou Paducah, Kentucky, a post tlwn occupied by Colonel S. G. Ilicks, of the Fortieth Illinois regiment, with G.jo men. These forces retired into Fort Anderson. The surrender of this fort was demanded by Forrest, who declared in his communication to Colonel Hicks that if he surrendered his garrison they should be treated as prisoners of war, but if the fort was carried by assault his troops were not to expect any quarter. Colonel Hicks refused to surrender, stating that he had been placed there by his government to defend the post, which duty he proposed to l)erform to the best of his ability. Three assaults were made on that day by the rebels, all of which were repulsed, and the next day the enemy retired suffering a loss estimated at about 1,500, the loss of our side being very slight. In the operations of the enemy at Paducah will be seen an intended violation of the laws of war, as stated in the com- munication of General Forrest to the commander of the fort. Besides that, the flag of truce was violated by the enemy, as it had been on other occasions, in securing desirable positions which they were unable to obtain by any other means, while it also afforded opportunity for plundering public stores and government property. Othei- instances of their perfldy arul dishonorable modes of warfare are mentioned in the report of which we commend a perusal. The same threat of no quarter whatever to be shown to the negro troops was repeated on the'13th of April by General Biiford at Columbus, Kentucky, but no attack was made, and the enemy retired after stealing some horses of Union citizens under the protection of a flag of truce. We mention these circumstances in order to show the animus of the rebel commanders, and now intro- duce the horrors of Fort Pillow as related by the congressional com- mittee, and to which we call attention. It was at Fort Pillow, lioAvever, that the brutality and oniclty of tlie rebels were most fearfully exhibited. The garrison there, according to the last returns received at liead(iuarters, amounted to 19 o'tidcers and 5:58 enlisted men, of whom 2()2 were colored troops, comprising one battalion of the Sixth United States heavy artillery (formerly called the First Alabama artillery) of colored troops, under command of Major L. F. 240 ' TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Bootb ; OMC section of the Socond United Stntes light artillery, colored, and one Imttaliou of the Thirteenth Tennessee cavalry, '\vhite, ct)umianded by Major W. F. Bradford. Major Booth was the ranking ol'lieer, and \vas in command of the jiost. On Tuesday, the I'Jth of April, (the anniversary of the attack on Fort Snmtcr, in April, 18G1,) the pickets of tin; garrison were driven in just before siinrise, that being the tirst intimation our forces there had of any intention on the part of tlje enemy to attack that place. Fighting soon becann' general, and about 9 o'clock Major Booth was killed. Major Bradford succeeded to the command, and withdrew all the forces within the fort. They hiid previously occupied some intrenchmeuts at some distance from the fort, and further Irom the river. This fort was situated on a high bluff, which descended precipitately to the river's edge, the side of the bluff on the riverside being covered with trees, bushes, and fallen tiujber. Extending back from the liver, on either side of the fort, was a ravine or hol- low — the one below the fort containing several private stores and some dwellings, constituting what was called the town. At the mouth of that ravine, and on the river bank, were some government buildings containing commissary and (inartermaster's stores. Tlie ravine above the Ibrt was known as Cold Creek ravine, the sides being covered with trees and bushes. To the right, cr below and a little to the i'ront of the fort, was a level piece of ground, not quite so elevated as the fort itself on which had been erected some log huts or shanties, which were occupied by the white troops, and also used for hospital and other purposes. Witliiu the fort tents had been erected, with Ijoai'd Hoors, for the use of the colored troops. There were six jtieces of artillei'y in the fort, consistiugof two C-pounders, two 12-i)0under howitzers, and two 10-pouuder Parrots. Tlie rebels continued their attack, but, np to two or three o'clock in the afternoon, they luid not gained any decisive success. Our troops, both white and black, fought most bravely, and were in good spirits. The gunboat No. 7, (New Era,) Captain Mar- shall, took pait in the conllict, shelling the enemy as op]iortunityoftered. .Signals had been agieed njion by whic h the officers in tin; fort could indicate where the guns of the boat could )ie most effective. There being Init one guidioat there, no i)ernianent im- pression appears to have been produced upon the enemy ; for as Ihey were shelled out of one ravine they "^voidd make their ajipcaKuicc in the other. They Avoidd thus ajt- ])ear and retire as the gunboat moved In m ei;e ]:oint to the other. Abont cue o'clock the lire on both sides slacktiicd somewhat, and the gunboat moved ont in the river, to cool and clean its guns. Laving tired 182 rounds uf shell, shrapnell, and canister, which nearly exhausted its snp]i]y ol anniunition. The rebels having thus far iaih d in their attack, now resorted to their cnstomaryuso of flags of truce. The tirst tlag of tiuce conveyed a demand from Forrest for the un- conditional surrender of the loit. To this Major Bradford replied, asking to be allowed one hour to consult with his cfliceis and the ofilicers of the gunboat. In a short time 11 second flag of iiwce appeared, Avith a communication from Forrest, that he woidd allow Major Bradford twenty minutes in wliich to move his troops out of the fort, and if it was not done within that time an assault would be ordered. To this Major Brad- ford returned the rejily that he would not surrender. Duriug the time these flags of truce were flying, the rebels were moving down tho ravine and taking positions from which the more readily to charge upon the fort. Parties of them were also engaged in plundering the government buildings of com- missary and quartermaster's stores, in full view of the gunboat. Cai)1ain Marshall states ithat he refrained from firing upon the rebels, although they were thus violating the flag of truce, for fear that, should they Anally succeed in capturing the fort, they would justify any atrocities they might commit by saying that ihey were in retaliation for his tiring while the flag of truce was flying. He says, however, that Avhen he saw the rebels coming down the ravine above the fort, and taking positions there, he got under way and stood for the fort, determined to use what little ammunition he had left ill sheUiug llieui out of the ravine ; but he did not get up within effective range before the flual assault was made. Immediately after the second flag of truce retired, the rebels made a rush from the positions they had so treacherously gained and obtained ]iossession of the fort, raising tho cry of "'No (piarter!" But little opportunity was allowed for resistance. Our troops, black and white, threw down their arms, and sought to escape by ruiniiug down the steep blnlf near the fort, and secreting tliems(dves behind trees and logs, in the bushes, and under the brusli — some even jumping into the river, leaving only their lieads abo\ (■ the water, as they crouched down under the bank. Then followed a scene of cruelty and murder without a parallel in civilized warfiire, which needed but the tomahawk and scalping-knife to exceed the Avorst atrocities ever committed by savages. The rebels cenimenced .•in indiscriminate slaughter, sparing neither age nor sex, white or black, soldier or civilian. Theotlicersand men seemed to A-ie with each other in the devilish Avork ; men, Avomen, and even children, Avherever found, were deliberately shot down, beaten, and hacked Avith sabres ; some of the children not more than ten years old were forced to stand up and face their murderers BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 241 while being shot ; the sick anfl the wounded were butchered without mercy, the rebels ev{>n cuteriug the hospital building and dragging them out to be shot, or killing them as they la^y there unable to offer the least resistance. All over the hillsidis the work of murder was going on ; numbers of our men were collected together in lines or groups and deliberately shot ; some were shot while in the river, while others on the bank were shot and their bodies kicked into the water, many of them still living but unable to make any exertions to save themselves from drowning. Sonae of the rebels stood on the top of the hill or a shoi't distance down its side, and called to our soldiers to come up to them, and as they approached, shot them down in cold blood ; if their guns or pistols missed lire, forcing them to stand there until they were again prepared to lire. All around wery heard cries of " No quarter!" " No qnarter !" " Kill the damned niggers ; shoot them down !" All who asked for mercj' were answered by the most cruel taunts and sneers. Some were spared for a time, only to be murdered under circumstances of greater cruelty. No cruelty which the most fiendish malignity could devise was omitted by these murderers. One white soldier who was wounded in one leg so as to be unable to walk, was made to stand up while his tormentors shot him ; others who were wounded and unable to stand were held up and again shot. One negro who had been ordered by a rebel officer to hold his horse, was killed by him when he remounted; another, a mere child, whom au officer had taken up Ijehind him on his horse, was seen by Chal- mers, wlio at once ordered the officer to imt him down and shoot him, which was done. The huts and tents in which many of the wounded hail sought shelter Avere set on fire, both that night and the next morning, while the wounded were still in them — those only escaping who were able to get themselves out, or who could prevail ou others less injured than themselves to help them out ; and even some of those thus seeking to escape the flames were met by those ruffians and brutally shot down, or had their brains beaten out. One man was deliberately fastened down to the floor of a tent, tace up- wards, by means of nails driven through his clothing and into the boards under him, so that he could not possibly escape, and then the tent set ou fire ; another was nailed to the side of the building outside of the fort, and theu the building set on fire and burned. The charred remanis of five or six bodies were afterwards found, all but one so much disfigured and consumed by the flames that they could not be identified, and the identifica- tion of that one is not absolutely certain, although there can hardly be a doubt that it Avas the body of Lieutenant Akerstrom, quartermaster of the IJth Tennessee cavalry, and a native Tennesseean ; several witnesses who saw the remains, and who were per- sonally acquainted with him while living, have testified that it is their firm belief that it was his body that was thus treated. These deeds of murder and cruelty ceased when night came ou, only to be renewed the next morning, when the demons carefully sought among the dead lying about in all directions for any of the wounded yet alive, and those they found were deliberately shot. Scores of the dead aud wounded were found there the day after the massacre by the men from some of our gunboat's who were permitted to go on shore and collect the wounded and bury the deail. The rebels themselves had made a jiretense of burying a great many of their victims, but they had merely thrown them, without the least regard to care or decency, into the trenches and ditches about the fort, or the little hollows and ravines on the hill-side, covering them but partially with earth. Portions of heads and faces, hands aud feet, were found protruding through the earth in every direction. The testimony also establishes the fact that the rebels buried some of the living with the dead, a few of whom succeeded afterwards in digging them- selves out, or were dug out by others, one of whom your committee found in Mound City hospital, aud there examined. And even when your committee visited the spot, two weeks afterward, although parties of men had been sent on shore from time to time to bury the bodies unburied aud rebury the others, aud were even then engaged in the same work, we found the evidences of this murder aud cruelty still most painfully apparent; we saw bodies still unburied (at some distance from the fort) of some sick men who had been met fleeing from the hospital and beaten down aud brutally mur- dered, and their bodies left where they had fallen. We could still see the faces, hands, aud feet of men, white and black, i)rotruding out of the ground, whose graves had not been reached by those engaged in reiuteri'ing the victims of the massacre ; and although a great deal of rain had fallen within the preceding two weeks, the gi'ound, more especially on the side and at the foot of the bluff' where the most of the murders had been committed, was still discolored by the blood of our brave but unfortunate men, aud the logs aud trees showed but too plainly the evidences of the atrocities per- petrated there. Many other instances of equally atrocious cruelty might be enumerated, but your committee feel compelled to refrain from giviug here more of the heart-sickening details, and refer to the statements contained in the voluminous testimony herewith submitted. Those statements were obtained by them from eye-witnesses and sufferers ; many of them, as they were examined by your comiuittee, were lying upon beds of pain and suffering, some so feeble that their lips could Avith difficulty fiame the words by Avhich H. Eep. 45 16 242 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR they eiiileavoved to convey some idea of tlie cruelties "wliicli liad been inflicted on them, and which they had seen inflicted on others. How many of onr troops thus fell victims to the malignity and barharity of Fon'cst and his followeis cannot yet he delinitely ascertained. Two oflicers belonging to the garrison were absent at the time of the capture and massacre. Of the remaining ofldcers l)ut two are known to be living, and they are wounded, and now in the hospital at Mound City. One of them. Captain Potter, may even now be dead, as the surgeons, when your committee were there, expressed no hope of his recovery. Of the men, from three hundred to four hundred are known to have been killed at Fort Pillowy of whom, at least, three hundred v/ere nnirdered in cold blood after the post was in possession of the rel)els, and our men had thrown down their arms and ceased to offer resistance. Of the survivors, except the wonndcd in the hosyjital at iloimd City, and the few who succeeded in making their esca])e unhurt, nothing delinite is known ; and it is to be feared that many have been murdered after being taken away from the fort. In reference to the fate of iSIajoir Bradford, who was in command of the fort when it was captured, and who had up to that time received no injury, there seems to be no doubt. The gen<'ral understanding everywhere seemed to be that he had been brutally uuirdered the day after he was taken prisoner. There is some discrepancy in the testimony, bnt your comnuttee do not see how tho one who professed to have been an eye-witness of his death could have been mistaken. There may be some uncertainty in regard to his fate. When your conunittee arrived at ilemphis, Tennessee, they found and examined a man (Mr. 2iIcLagan) who hatl been conscripteil by some of Forrest's forces, but who, with other conscripts, had succeeded in making his escape. He testifies that while two companies of rebel troops, with JMajor Bradford and many other prisoners, were on their march from Brownsville to Jackson, Tennessee, Major Bradford was taken by five rebels — one an officer — led about fifty yards from the line of march, and deliberately murdered in view of all there assemlded. H(i fell — killed instantly by three musket I)alls, even while asking that his life might be spared as he had fought them manfully, and was deserving of a better fate. The motive for the murder of Major Bradford seems to have been the simple fact that, although a native of the South, he remained loyal to liis government. The testimony herewith submitted contains many statements made by the rebels that they did not intend to treat "home-made Yankees," as they termed loyal southerners, any better than negro troops. The commission of these crimes by Forrest and his command is not wanting in examples of almost equal atrocity. In 1794 the French Con- vention issued a decree that no prisoners should be made of Fnglish, Hanoverians, or S[)aniards; and also that any places that did not sur- rentler twenty-four hours from the time of summons should have their garrisons ]nit to the sword. Of these infamous orders Mr. Manning says: These barbarous decrees need no connnent, as they can inspire but one sentiment. The Duke of York did not retaliate upon the Frcncli, but continued to treat his prison- ers with the usual lenity of modern warfare. The French subsequently revoked their (lecrees and coincided in the usual customs of war in a variety of treaties and cartels. (Jlanning, p. 1()4.) The drowning of the citizens at Fort Pillow has an example in the case of the English prisoners taken at Pontift'e, in 1441, who were brought to Paris by Charles VII, chained by the neck like dogs, and exposed nearly naked to the gaze and exultation of the populace. Some were allowed to ransom themselves; tliose who could not Avere bound hand and foot and precipitatwl into the Seine. Eight centuries beyore this Avars had conunitted a similar barbarity. Under the reign of Louis XI the inha.bitants of Leige shared a similar fate; and Henry V, when he ordered the death of his prisoners upon the alarm after the battle of Agincourt, saved those only from whom he expected considerable ransoms. Akin to the barbarity of Forrest and his men at Fort Pillow is that so graphically described and terribly denounced by Mr. Webster, in the House of Kepresentatives, in December, ISi*;'., iiitlicted on the inhal)itauts of Scio the i)recediug year. To sliow the assimilation of Turkish and rebel barbarity, Ave quote at length from Mr. ^^'ebster^s remarks: It was in April of this year that the destruction of Scio took place. That island, u sort of api^auage of the Sultana mother, enjoyed many privileges peculiar to itself. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 243 111 n populatiou of 130,000 or 140,000, it had no more than 2,000 or 3,000 Turks ; indeed by some accounts not near as many. The absence of these ruffian masters liad in some degree allowed opportunity for the promotion of knowU'dge, tlie accumuhxtion of wealth, and the general cultivation of society. Here was the seat of modern Greek literature; here were libraries, printing-presses, and other establishments which indi- cate some advancement in reliuement and knowledge. Certain of the inhabitants of Samos, it would seem envious of this comparative happiness of Scio, landed upon the island in an irregular multitude, for the j)urpose of compelling its inhabitants to make common caiise with their countrymen against their oppressors. These being joined by the peasantry, marched to the city and drove the Turks into the castle. The Turkish fleet, lately re-enforced from Egypt, happened to be in the neighboring seas, and learn- ing these events, landed a force on the island of fifteen thousand men. There was nothing to resist such an army. These troops immediately entered the city and began an indiscriminate massacre. The city was tired ; and in four days the Are and sword of the Turk rendered the beautiful Scio a clotted mass of blood and ashes. The details are too shocking to be recited. Forty thousand women and children, mdiappily saved from the general destruction, were afterward sold into the market of Smyrna and sent otf into distant and hopeless .servitude. Even on the wharves of our own cities, it has been said, have been sold the utensils of those hearths which now exist no longer. Of the whole population which I have mentioned not above nine hundred persons were left living n2K)n the island. I will only repeat, sir, that these tragical scenes were as fully known at the congress of Verona as they are now known to us; and it is not too much to call on the powers that constituted that congress, in the name of conscience and in the name of humanity, to tell us if there be nothing even in these unparalleled excesses of Turkish barbarity to excite a sentiment of compassion ; nothing which they regard as so objectionable as even the very idea of po})ular resistance to i)ower. We conclude this report of the Fort Pillow mas.sacre by allusion to the captured telegram of Lieutenant General Polk, transmitting a dis- patch from Forrest, dated 15th of April, from which it appears that the rebel loss in the assault was twenty killed and sixty wounded. In the language of the dispatch : Rebels killed five hundred men. (No prisoners.) The officers in the fort were killed. Over one hundred citizens who had fled to the fort from conscription ran into the river and were drowned. FORREST, Major General. SUBSEQUENT SUFFERING AND MORTALITY. Your committee cannot overlook the fact that the victims of rebel im- prisonment are not all included in the fearful aggregate of mortality, which places the number of those who perished in prison at 30,401. The truthfnl inferences derived from the condition of those who were re- leased, as well as the facts of history, swell the mortality far beyond these appalling figures. Great numbers of the latter died immediately after their release, on their journey home, and many after they reached the hospital. To these must be added hundreds, if not thousands, who, ling- ering through weeks and months of sickness and suffering, fell a prey to the diseases contracted in rebel prisons or from the effects of the starvation and ill treatment which accompanied their confinement. It is, of course, impossible for your committee to even approximate correctlj' the aggregate of this mortality, yet it is a feature in the results of prison life that should not pass unnoticed in this report. It would, in their oi)inion, be fair to place this additional mortality at twenty thousand. Nor is this all. There are thousands of the survivors of this confinement still living, the merest wrecks of w^hat they once were, robbed of health, vigor, and capacitj^ for the avocations of life, borne iipou the pension rolls of their country, supported bj' the charity of friends and neighbors, the living witnesses of the cruelties and suffer- ings infiicted in the confederate prisons. Numbers of these sufferers ap- peared and testified before your committee. The well-authenticated ac- 244 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR counts of the deatlis of released prisoners -sybicli occurred on board the transports and in our hospitals, together with a description of the re- duced, emaciated, and dying survivors, will amply sustain these views. The scenes described upon one of our transports — the Star of the South — in November, ISGl, when the prisoners from Milieu and Andersonville were transferred to our lines, show them in the most wretched condition imaginable. The boats which brought off the prisoners were filled with exhausted, emaciated, starving men, in all the advanced stages of weak- ness, disease, and madness. Of the five hundred and fifty that left Sa- A'annah, the probabilities were that not over two hundred would sur- vive. Men were constantly dying on the boats as well as in the vessel. Witnesses speak of numerous deaths while the victims were being car- ried on stretchers from point to point. Some Avere in si>asms, others idiotic, others with but the semblance of the human form left for recog- nition, too weak to move or speak ; some covered with filth like stalled beasts, black with scurvy and sores, and many in the struggles of death. Other witnesses describe sickening, horrible scenes of the same char- acter at other points of delivery. The prisoners received near Wilming- ton, North Carolina, are delineated as pale, haggard, ghastly skeletons, glaring on the attendants with glazy eyes in all the horrors of expiring reason. They were clothed in the filthiest shreds of cast-oft" rebel ap- l^arel. The gravest crimes that can blacken the annals of civilized life were proved by the terrible sights and scenes which here met the eye in the wretched, starving, listless forms that lay once more beneath the shadow of our fiag, fresh from the prisons of the South. Many had for- gotten their names ; the magic words of mother, wife, and children could scarcely arouse them ', yet, with the strength of starving men, they would mechanically clutch and hold the biead which was offered them, as if the precious boon would escape from their grasp. The general condition of these prisoners at the different points of reception was most horrible. They were far gone with the efl'ects of scurvy, diarrhea, and starvation. Their bones ])rotruded through the skin. Their arms and legs were drawn up in all forms of distortion, while the calves and thighs and portions of the body were covered with large, foul ulcers. The teeth, with portions of the bone, fell from their gums and mouths. The features were distorted with hunger and ])ain. Post mortem examination showed the stonmch shriveled into the smallest dimensions, and sometimes filled with the beards fvom the unbolted tlour and bran, which at times constituted their diet, and which adhered to the lining of the stomach. Let us follow these sulfering survivors into the hospitals at Annapolis and elsewhere, and contemplate the condition of the reduced and ema- ciated men, with the skin drawn tightly over the skidl, ribs, and limbs ; the prominent and sometimes protruding bones which had ibrced their way through the broken and lacerated skin ; the swollen ane, and the cau.ses have been intimated. It is proper to state more at lenjjjth the embarrassments which were met in the progress of their incpiiries. The principal cause was the reluctance of persons .still resident at the South to subject them- selves to the unlawful punishments which have since the Avar been iu- tiicted on Union men in that section of our country. Social disgrace and ostracism, insult and outrage, violence and death, have been the penalties inflicted by the lawless remnantsof the rebellion on these help- less men. It is not strange, then, that the survivors shrank from any act or duty which tends to invite a renewal or continuance of these out- rages and crimes. It is not unnatural for. these defen.scless men, with families dependent upon them for support and protection, to dread the l)arbarities and cruelties which have marked the treatment of Union men at the South since the close of the war ; nor is it unreasonable. Your committee feel that the government should protect from present perse- cution and outrage before it assumes to charge its citizens with duties which may bring new perils and new dangers. AVe have therefore de- clined to bring before us by the compulsory process of the law this class of witnesses, however important their testimony might seem to be. They liave indeed disclosed enough to show the systematic cruelty and the terrible torture inflicted by the rebels upon unarmed non-combatants known or suspected of being Union men, and the Uouse will tind in the published evidence sufficient to convince the world that the barbarism of the rebellion extended its demoniacal hand with terrible severity to the Union men of the South and their unprotected and helpless families. Incidental testimony relating to the treatment of Union i)risoners of war will be found to i)lace this matter in its true light, for many of the l)iisons were also devoted to the confinement of non-eond)atants on charges of sedition, conspiracy, treason, disloyalty, and other political ottenses ; in other words, Unionism. We commend a careful perusal of this evidence. iN'umerons letters have been received by the committee from Union men of the South, corroborating in the .strongest terms this incidental testimony, and full of the details of suffering and i)er.secution daring the war. But most of them came to us under the seal of confidence, Avitli the reijuest that the names of the writers should not be made public, at least until such time as the strong arm of the government, or the im- proved temper and habits of the concpiered rebels would assure, them protection. These comnnuiications assure us that in the event of pub- lication neither the lives or pro[)erty of the authors would l)e respected or safe. The committee, in \iv\v of' the concurrent facts of the present period, cannot ignore the appeal, or deny the justice of the appreheu- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 247 sion. We feel it, however, our duty to call public attention to the hu- miliating tact that the Union men now resident in many of the late rebel States cannot in this day of peace give, with safety or without appre- hension of violence, their ex[)erieuce and observations of the rebellion, or witl) im})nnity tell the story of their own privations and sufferings during the late civil war. May we not express the hope, however, that the day is not far distant when the Union citizens of the South can with safety and without fear imj>ress the story of their wrongs upon the pages of history ? When that time shall come it will be, in the opinion of the committee, the duty of Congress, a duty which we trust will not be for- gotten, to take efficient stejis to perpetuate the testimony of such as survive. This course is due to the devotion and courage of the men who Stood by the country in the hours of its need and its peril, and in order that their wrongs and the causes which led to their commission should liereafter be remembered and studied as a part of the history of the great rebellion. It is just and proper that these suffering citizens of a common country, true as they Avere to her flag and her institutions, should take their place in the admiration of mankind, who will hereafter honor and revere the heroism which protected a free country from an- archy and dissolution, as well by the moral forces which governed and controlled the efforts of non-combatants, as the more ostentatious and striking conflict of arms. In conclusion, we ask attention to the somewhat meagre evidence upon this special subject, which we have l)een enabled to lay before the House. Its inspection and the few letters and depositions of Union citizens, which your committee have thought useful to publish, will show that a large class of these men were arrested and kept in imprisonment for ex- pressing, or being suspected of entertaining Union sentiments, and sometimes for failing to partici[)ate actively in the rebellion. In con- finement they were treated vritli especial rigor and cruelty, perhaps on the presumption that there was no power, civil or military, that could demand relief for them, or enforce retaliation ; that they were, in fact, without the pale of military or civil law. It will enforce the conviction that the malignity and hatred of the rebels were as intense toward their neighbors and fellow-citizens as against the northern soldier captured in arms. Driven from their homes, their houses burned, their l)roperty destroj-ed or stolen, their lands laid waste, they wandered among the hills and mountains, or lay concealed in swamps and woods, in constant danger from the guerillas, who swarmed on their trail, and at last captured and thrust into prison, they shared the most in- famous and cruel treatment to which the prisoners of war were sub- jected ])y the rebels. They were the victims of personal animosity and ])ublic vengence. They were thrust into the State jails and penitentia- I'ies, as well as the military prisons of the South. Their sufferings were augmented by anxiety for the families from which they had been torn, and who were left helpless to the merciless inroads of armed and des- perate men. For them there was little hope of exchange, parole or re- lease ; yet, true to their love of country, firm in adherence to the gov- ernment of their fathers, they remained unmoved in their loyalty, amidst their sufferings and trials, refusing to take the oath of allegiance to the government which their enemies had set up. When the lives and experiences of these devoted men shall have been written in their country's history, the nation will do them honor, and acknowledge with gratitude their services for the cause of the Union. 248 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR THE COLORED PEOPLE OF THE SOUTH— THEIR PATRIOTISM — AID TO UNION PRISONERS. As a subject closely connected with the treatment of prisoners, your committee call attention to the conduct of the colored people of the South, as described in the evidence before them. We have shown, as we think, very clearly and emphatically, who were the inveterate and im- placable enemies of the prisoner, and we are now to speak of those who were, through all their persecution and woe, his faithful and steadfast though poor and humble friends. The course and conduct of these people during the war of the rebel- lion will be a study of deep interest to the historian of the future. Slaves as they were, they iiassed its ordeal without revolt or insurrec- tion. They seem the calm, waiting spectators of the great struggle, in which tlie interests of their race were so deeply involved. It is not note claimed that tliis seeming indifference was the result of love for their masters, or of a want of appreciation of the blessings of liberty. The African race of the Soutli had inherited a bondage which for nearly two and a half centuries had been the condition of their ancestors in Amer- ica. Tlieir oppressors were white men, who, discarding for them the spirit and the chiims of freedom, had intensilied and strengthened the system of slavery by laws of the greatest rigor, and the advancement of material interests, which seemed to demand its perpetuity. To the black race their captivity could but api^ear a hopeless one. Their ser^i- tude became, day by day, more abject in body and mind. They were the property of the master, and passed by the laws of inheritance ; the privileges of education were denied them under the severest penalties; the marriage relation was abrogated; they were denied the rights of property, and were bred and sold like beasts in the mi'.rket. Their poverty and degradation as a race, at the breaking out of the rebellion, seemed, indeed, to have reached the most profound depths, and to fore- shadow for them, in the midst of the terrible struggle raging around them, nothing but utter destruction and annihilation. But Providence, in its care and mercy for the oppressed and helpless, preserved tliem from the horrors of such a fate. They were neither plunged by their passions into the terrible vortex of insurrection and bloodshed, or seduced into a volinitary support of the war ui)on the Union. There can be little doubt tliat, if' they had possessed tlu^ elements and knowledge of organization, they would have been the active and ef- ficient enemies of the rebellion. Still, they were, after all, in some re- spects, our true and faithful auxiliaries. Without the spirit of revenge, they nursed the spirit of loyalty. Bound hand and foot in slavery, large numbers managed to escape and swell the ranks of the Union army! They tied from bondage to fight for liberty. These sons of ])Overty and oppression proved faithful to the last to "^ the cause of liberty and the Union. But it is in kindness and humanity to the prisoner that the conduct and example of these loyal and faithful friends of the Union shine witli the greatest brilliancy. In the gloom of the walled i)rison they brought him food from their slender stores, and, notwithstanding the terrible pun- ishment which followed their detection, persevered in afi'ording aid to the sufiering. They smuggled vegetables and other luxuries into the stockade lor the use of the prisoners, outwitting the vigilance of the guard in their attempts at relief. But to the escaped and wandering l)risoner, beset by men and houiuls following sharply on his trail, their presence was most welcome and their aid never withheld. Your com- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 249 uiittee are not aware of a single instance of betrayal by the negroes, disclosed in the testimony, while it is crowded witli incidents of their kindness and snccor to the escaping prisoners. Their fidelity and eftbrts are remembered with gratitude, and thes6 simple-minded sons of un- requited toil overcame by their interest and kindness the prejudice of race, cast, and condition. Whatever may be in store for them in the future,, they will be known and remembered hereafter as the friend of the Union prisoner. COLORED SOLDIERS — THEIR SERVICES — DUTY OF THE GOVERNMENT *. TOWARD THEM. As the government of the United States could not foil in its duty to each and all its members, so it could not neglect to marshal its forces to suppress the rebellion. In this attempt it had the right to invoke the voluntary assistance of those persons who formed a part of the popula- tion, subject to the power of the insurgent forces, no matter what might be their race, condition, or relation to society. Against this reasonable rule we shall find no authority in the ancient or modern masters in the schools of public law. This rule covers with the panoply of law the emancipation of the slave and his employment against the enemy. The government of the United States gave him liberty, and recogiiized him as a citizen, mustered him into its service, and accepted his aid against the enemy. Tliis done, and the obligation of the government to pro- tect him in his new and greatest trial, attached with a power and jus- tice which demanded the most decisive and energetic measures to shield him from the horrors of starvation and murder. A nation owes to all its defenders its care and protection, but to a citizen soldier fighting her battles, her care and protection are demanded by the call of human- ity, honor, and justice. It was in this spirit that the government of the United States insisted, under the terms of the cartel and on all occasions, that the colored sol- dier should be recognized as under the protection of the laws of war, and as a subject of excliange. Much interesting and useful discussion will be found upon this subject in the documents herewith submitted, pre- cluding the necessity of a further observation on the part of j'our com- mittee, who unite in the congratulation that, through all the pressing temptations of the service alluring them to a violation of faith toward this class of their soldiers, the government of the United States never forgot its duty to these men of a proscribed race, and that since the war their claim to share in the benefits of the government which their loyalty and valor assisted in preserving has been fully recognized by law. Of colored troops in Jche Union service during the rebellion there were nine officers, and oiie hundred and seventy-eight thousand eight hundred and ninety-five enlisted men. The singular devotion of these people to the Union and their submissive reactiness to meet the neces- sary organization for its defense are strongly manifested in the fact that only nine commissioned otticers of their own race were appointed out of fhe whole number of enlisted men. Each regiment of infantry of one thousand men is entitled to thirty-six commissioned officers, and each regiment of cavalry to forty-six. The regimental officers of the colored troops were, in accordance with the law of Congress, all white men with the excej^tion of the nine we have just mentioned. While the experience of the Avar sanctioned this organization as the best under the circumstances which could be made, it is strongly to the 250 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR credit of the rank and file of these regiments that they submitted quietly, and with unabated loyalty, to this assignment of white men to the command of their troops. In addition to the number who actually bore arms it is probable that in the capacity of servants there were in our army as many as were mustered as soldiers, making an aggregate of over three hundred and lifty thousand. These troops entered the service, and bore arms for the Union, with the knowledge that the cold- blooded and infamous orders of Jefferson Davis consigned them to death or slavery when captured, and that for them, as soldiers, there was to be no quarter in field, camp, or prison ; that their rights as pris- oners of war were to be denied and ignored, and they, if captured, sacri- ficed to the fell spirit of slavery. A reference to the instructions of Seddon, rebel secretary of war, to General Beauregard, 30th November, 18(32, in which he states that the colored troops captured in arms were subject to death, found in General Canby's report and the proclamation of Jefiersou Uavis, will fully substantiate this statement. Other docu- ments confirmatory of the position will be found in General Canby's report. That this policy was carried out to the bitter end is very evident, from the fact that the war records show that only seventy-nine died while l^risoners of war, two hundred and thirty-six were exchanged, seventy- seven escaped, three hundred and eighty-four recaptured by our forces ; not one enlisted in the service of the enemy, or deserted the fiag of the country. The balance of the colored troops captured in battle were in- humanly murdered according to the confederate orders, or sold into sla- very under a revival of the barbaric rules of war now unknown and un- recognized by civilized nations. CONDUCT OF CITIZENS AND NON-COMBATANTS. It is an unpleasant duty on the i)art of your committee to be com- pelled to call special attention to this subject, more particularly as it involves a criticism on the conduct of both sexes. It can be explained only on the evident political and moral degeneracy which has resulted from the institution of slavery, so long sustained and nurtured in their midst. This has brought in its train and left on the people of the South the impress of passion, arrogance and cruelty, so largely interwoven with the condition and treatment of the bondman, while it has given rise to an aristocratic idea and tendency not limited in its iiifiuence to a dis- tinction of races. These infiuences were permitted to have unrestrained effect upon the treatment of our captive soldiers. Cruelty followed or accompanied contempt. The women of the South v.ere conspicuous in the exercise of these e of future service — at our lines, and cast them upon our care and protec- tion ; but they chose to hold them in captivity, at the same time pre- tending their inability to feed and shelter them, or to control the course of events which was hurrying so many thousands to premature destruc- tion. It became their duty, as belligerents, to know the condition of the prisoners; to recognize the laws of war applicable to that condition, and to provide for their support and comfort. They knew that from this duty there was no exoneration, and that its omission was a national crime. They were bound by every j)riiiciple of humanity and rule of public law to make and enforce such regulations as should protect the prisoners from the caprice of their captors and from the cruelties of inhu- man subordinates ; yet, for more than three years, they not ouly neglected these paramount duties themselves, but encouraged and assisted their subordinates in their violation. In the early part of the war, however, the confederate authorities com- plied with the ordinary forms of such recognition. Soon after the com- mencement of active hostilities they entered upon their organization for the security and confinement of their captives. They erected stock- ades and prepared prisons which were commanded and controlled by ofiicers receiving orders from and immediately responsible to them. They appointed a commissary general of ])risoners and commissioner of exchange. To the first ofidce was assigned the warm partisan and friend of Jefferson Davis, whose name occurs so often in this report, whose character for cruelty became proverbial even in the confederacy, and who, until his death, retained the important office which gave him control over the comfort, welfare, and lives of thousands of Union prisoners. The terrible cruelty which accompanied his exercise of that ofiice was well known to the president of the confederacy, and was a H. Eep. 45 17 258 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR matter of common reputation among the jonrnals and people of tbe Soutb. Against these facts; against official reports; against direct requests; and against the spirit of justice and liuinanity, this man was retained by the confederate authorities to pursue his hellish work. No less decided and unfortunate was the retention of the commissioner of exchange throughout the war. We have spoken elsewhere of Commis- sioner Ould, of his character and his efforts, and it is sufficient to say here that his retention by tbe confederate authorities, in the performance of the difficult and delicate duties arising out of the question of exchange, Avas one of the most pregnant causes of tbe disaster and suffering which overtook our soldiers in the prisons of the South. In addition to these considerations bearing upon the question of guilty knowledge, let us consider a few facts apparent now from the evidence which has been submitted. Whatever may have been their means of knowledge in the early part of the war, tbe condition of Anderson ville and other prisons in 18G3-'G4 were fully known to the higher confederate au- thorities. The public journals, North and South, spread their condition broadcast throughout every portion of the land. Not only the prisoners f pmnnmicated by letter to friends and foes tbe enormities practiced upon the captives, but the conscience-stricken giiard, as well as the citizens of the South, comnuinicated tbe facts directly to Jefferson Davis. The letter of Mrs. Dismuke, inclosing the communication of "Howard," who wrote after a personal inspection of the prison ; the letter of the giiard, Anderson, to the same official; the petition of the captives themselves to the confederate authorities, are among the prominent evidences. The witness, N. B. Ilarrold, resident at Americus, Georgia, who was a pur- chaser and shipper of supj)lies for the commissary department of the rebel government, tel?s us in his testimony that the suffering condition of the prisoners "was generally known, I think, through the country; was frequently talked about everywhere." Tbe people in the country around Andersonville and other prisons visited them to learn their con- dition, pronounced them nuisances, and sought the aid of the law for their abatement, while at the same time these remedies were opi)osed l)y such officials as Howell Cobb, who were of course in direct comnuinica- tion with the authorities at Richmond. The conduct of Winder was brought officially to the notice of Davis and his cabinet ; his removal attempted, and yet he was subsequently promoted to command all the jnisons east of the INIississippi. In addition to this we have the long line of re[)orts of surgeons, commanding and inspecting officers, and in fact of all classes officially coiuiected with the management of the prisons, stating fully and officially their condition, and insisting, in the name of justice, and for the reputation of their government, upon measures of relief. AVe have, uj)on the indorsement of these official re- ports, the clearest evidence of their reception and consideration by the confederate authorities at Richmond. These official documents, and their indorsements, prove two facts, and those two facts cover the whole ground of our argument — the terrible condition of prison and prisoners, and the full, entire knowledge of tbe confederate authorities of that con- dition. We call attention to a partial list of these reports of rebel officials : 1. Report of I\rajor General Howell Cobb, May C, 1864. 2. Report of Surgeon E. J. Eldridge, ]\Iay G, 18G4. 3. Report of Captain Wirz, May 8, 18(34. "^ 4. Report of Captain Wirz, July and August, 18G4. 5. Report of General Winder, July 21, 18G4. G. Report of Surgeon S. S. Hopkins, August 1, 18G4. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 259 7. Eeport of Surgeon Isaiah White, August 2, 1864. 8. Report of Colouel D. T. Chandler, August 5, 18G4, and eighteen in- closures. 9. Eeport of J. Crews Pelot, September 5, 18G4. 10. Report of Surgeon R. R. Stevenson, September 20, 1864. 11. Report of Dr. Joseph Jones, September 20, 1864. The perusal of these reports will convince the reader of the terrible condition of the prisons, the protracted, unrelieved sufferings of their inmates, and the uncompromising demand of humanity for their relief, all .derived from rebel sources and from rebel officials. These reports were made in the ordinary routine of the service, and took their direction toward, the rebel capital for the inspection and examination of the confederate government. That they reached their destination in sufficient numbers to have carried with certainty and conviction the awful nature of their contents to the president of the confederacy and his cabinet the indorsements fully show. In fact the detail of Colonel Chandler, the rebel inspecting officer, was made ui)on complaints which had reached Richmond of the condition of Union prisoners at the South. His report, with its eighteen inclosures, passed through the usual mili- tary channel to the office of the adjutant general and to the secretary of war, James A. Seddon. It will be recollected that one of the most im- portant recommendations of that report was the removal of General Winder, on the ground that some person who united energy and judg- ment with the feelings of humanity and consideration for the welfare and comfort of the prisoners, and who does not " advocate (leliberatelt/ and in cold blood the propriety of leavimj them (the prisoners) in their present condition until their number has been sufficient!}/ reduced by death to make the present arrangement suffice for their accommodation^^'' should be assigned to his place. This recommendation, with the evidence upon which it was based, reached in due official form the headquarters of the confederacy at Rich- mond. It was accompanied by a mass of evidence, official and irrefut- able in its character, of the necessity of action. What was the effect of this frank and fearless recommendation upon those authorities ? Was it such as to alleviate the horrors which Colonel Chandler says " it is difficult to describe, and which are a disgrace to civilization f Instead of this General Winder was soon after promoted by the order of Davis to ^'- commissary general and commander of all military prisons and prison- ers throughout the confederate States cast of the Mississipjyi.''^ Let us examine a little more in detail the history of these reports. The first in order is that of General Howell Cobb, made more particu- larly upon the question of furnishing the necessary guard for the pro- tection of the juison at Andersonville, but in which we are told that the prison is too much crowded, and no additional prisoners should be sent until it can be enlarged ; that " the increase in number would effect a terrific increase of sickness and death during the summer months," and recommending the building of a new prison on the ground of a want of water lor any increased number of prisoners at that point, and speaking in generous terms of the management of Colonel Personi|, then in com- mand of the prison, but who, it will be remembered, was soon after- ward removed by the authorities. The report of Cobb inclosed the re- port of Surgeon E. J. Eldridge, in which /:e describes the prison as too much crowded even at that early day " for tbe promotion or continuance of the present health of the prisoners." These reports, as appears by the indorsement upon them, were received at the confederate headquar- ters at Richmond, May 26, 1864. Thus early were the confederates 260 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR warned of the condition and requirements of tlie prisoners at Ander- sonville. Again, the report of Colonel Chandler, to which we liave alluded, de- scribing at great length the condition and requirements of the prison, dated August 5, 18«)4, with its inclosures, so inii>ortant and conclu- sive, reached the othce of Sanuiel Cooper, adjutant and inspector gen- eral, August 18, 1804, and was by him indorsed, " The condition of the ])rison at iVndersonville is a reproach to us as a nation," and was immediately forwarded to the Secretary of War with the further remark, "-Colonel Chandler's recommendations are concurred in/' Tliere appears upon these papers an indorsement in the handwriting of Judge Camp- hell, assistant secretary of war, and also the indorsement of Mr. "Well- ford, whose duty it was to examine and analyze the papers and submit them to the secretary of war with his opinions. The indorsement of Judge Campbell upon the reports is as follows : ^' Secret a ri/ of Win-: "Those reports .sliow a condition of things at AndcrsonTille "which calls very loudly for iutcrpositiou of the dej)artuieut iu order that a change uiav be made. " J. A. CAMPBELL, " Assii)ta)ti iSicreUtry of TFar." Other indorsements in connection with the testimony of the witnesses to Avhich reference is made shows that these reports were laid before Seddon, secretary of war, with an analysis of their contents. It would seem, therefore, from this evidence that the confederate authorities had iu their possession the report of all facts concerning Andersonville, and that, too, from official sources, and yet neglected to make any effort or attempt for their relief. As early as October 30, 18G3, the Eichmond Examiner had recommended in its columns that "the Yankee prison- ers be put where the cold Aveather and scant fare will thin them out, in accordance with the laws of nature." Wittingly, or otherwise, the con- federate authorities acted on that suggestion, and pursued the plan thus marked out with fidelity and success. The House is referred to the ofiticial rebel reports upon Salisbury, Danville, and Florence for the same evidence of knowledge by the con- federate government. The authorities at Richmond must also have known the condition of Libby, Belle Isle, Pemberton, and Castle Thunder. These prisons were at liichmond, in sight of the rebel capital. Witnesses testify that in the winter of 1803"'l:, -when men in large numbers were dying from cold and hunger at Belle Isle, they could hear bands of music playing at Davis's headquarters and at his dwelling, while the conlederate flag floated in their city over the rebel capitol in which its congress was then sitting. The ignorance of Davis and his cabinet of the condition of our men in these i>risons is of course a moral impossibility. They knew the terrible condition, they apprehended the awful mortality, yet tliey were cold, silent, and cruel, refusing assistance from their own resources and denying the government of the United States, upon points of form and etiquette, the ]»rivilege of supplying its starving soldiers within sight of the rebel capital with the means of relief which they had forwarded through official channels. These prisoners were in charge of Winder from July, 1801, to June, 1801, and the rebel authorities were content that this human fiend should work his pleasure upon the helpless captives. The knowledge of the confederate authorities of the condition of our prisoners at Kichmond will also be shovrn by the perusal of rebel docu- ments which are included in the accompanying report of General Canby. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 261 An iiispection of the hospitnls connected with tlie prisons at Eichmond, by a board consisting of Colonel George \V. Brent, adjutant and inspec- tor general, and Surgeon G. F. Richardson of the rebel army, shovrs the ratio of deaths per thousand in January, 18(34, to be 188 ; in February, 240; and for eleven days in March, 244, while the mortality in our own hospitals during that time did not exceed twenty per thousand. The report was made to General Bragg, then on the staff of the rebel presi- dent^ and exercising under his direction a general supervision over the military operations and military affairs. It was referred by General Bragg to the war department, with an indorsement in which he says: "The medical department is compromised by this state of aftViirs, which can but justly alid seriously compromise us in the treatment of our pris- oners." In connection with tliis document is also the report of Winder himself, who declares tliat " the ])risoners' safe-keeping was the para- mount and controlling object, and every relaxation consistent with this object has been extended. The deficiency in commissary supplies, which has not been confined to this department, and for which I am not res])or.sible, has prevented the supply of rations necessary to the health of the prisoners." On the 23d of JMarch of the same year. Surgeon Car- lington, rebel medical director, in his report calls special attention to this condition of affairs. He says that "daily reports have been made to.,the commanding general and surgeon general of the mortality," and l)roceeds to state that while there was i)lenty of hospital room, the rebel authorities refused to use it, notwithstanding the crowded con- dition of the other biuldings. He states that he had brought this matter to the attenion of the surgeon general, but without eliect, understand- ing from the remark of the latter oflicer that the matter teas one of inter - national jwlicj/ and military control. He says : "Large, well- ventilated, and comi)letely organized hospitals, near the city, have been em])ty during the whole of this time. They were offered and refused. The rebel surgeon, Ricliardson, on the 11th of April, 18G4, in a communi- cation to General Bragg, stated distinctly that "the fact remains that the patients in the prison hospital are limited to one-half the amount of air required in the treatment of the sick and prescribed by orders for the management of hospitals." Without enlarging further upon this evidence of guilty knowledge, we refer to the report of General Ganby, a careful perusal of which will fully substantiate the position which we have taken, that the condition of the prisoners at Bichmond in 1803 and 1804 was fully known to the confederate authorities, both civil and military. Such are the evidences, in part, of the guilty knowledge of the con- federates. Is there not enough here to impress upon the pages of history the tact that they both knew, encouraged, and i)rotited by these cruel- ties? The letters of prisoners, the publications of newspapers, the statements of exchanged prisoners, reports of rebel officers, the emacia- ted condition of prisoners who traversed the streets of the rebel capital, the admissions of Ould and other officers of the confederacy, and the thou- sand unnamed surrounding circumstances, furnish the evidence full and explicit. Not only was it known to the confederate authorities, but it was known to the American people — to the civilized world. UNITED STATES SANITARY COiJEMISSIO]^. The fearful mortality which visited the allied troops before Sebastt- pol gave rise in England to an investigation which resulted in the ap- pointment by Lord Panmure, the minister of war, with authority to 262 TREATMENT OF PRISONEES OF WAR l)roceed at once to the Crimea, charged witli the duty of reformiuo- the abuses fiom which this niortality arose. Their powers were hirge aud ample, aud, iu fact, their instructions were such as rendered them com- petent to draw to their support all the aids of the English military and naval authorities in the allied army. It seems to be acknowledged that the result of their investigation justified, to a large extent, the extra- ordinary departure from the ordinary methods of administration in times of war, and that their efforts preserved thousands from impending death. It was largely due to their experience, and the result of their labors as published to the world at the close of the Crimean war, that the Sani- tary Commission rose into life from the voluntary efforts of American citizens. Although clothed with no such power, and incapable, by vir- tue of legal authority, to interfere in any respect with the administra- tion of military affairs, a review of their history will show that their success in alleviating the horrors of war fully justified the great effort and the vast expense expended in that direction during the rebellion. Its history has been written fully, and in a most interesting manner, by those immediately connected with it, and it is not necessary for us to review it here. So far as it bears in its operations upon the treatment of our soldiers and seamen who were held as prisoners of war in the hands of the rebels, the committee desire to acknowledge its humane efforts, and to include in this report a statement of its labors. Being assured that this can be most effectually and faithfully done by quoting from the " History of the United States Sanitary Conunissiou," written by Mr. Charles J. Stille, and published in 18G8, we introduce the follow- ing acjcount : Another opportunity for the active exercise of the pecnlar kind of work perfornied by the special relief service was afforded by the return of our soldiers who had been pris- oners of war in the hands of the enemy. Great efforts were made during' the contiue- ment of these men to relieve the horrors of their captivity, by sending through the lines, iu accordance with arrangements made between our authorities and those of the enemy, articles of clothing and of sustenance. Although there can be little doubt that a portion of these gifts failed to reach their destination, it is certain, from tlie evidence given l)y many of the men after their exchange, that there was not as much misappro- priation of them as was at one time supposed. The sufferings of the prisoners in the Libljy, and of those confined at points in communication with Ch;irlcston, were un- questionably much alleviated by the supi)lies sent forward both by the commission and by the government. It was the desire and intention of the commission to render this provision for our suffering men constant and abundant, but its plans were defeated by the policy of the governnuMit, and unfortunately relief of this kind was limited in amount and of short duration. When, atlast, an arrangement for a general exchange of prisoners was settled, and there was a prospect that a large number of tht'sc nu'U would reach our hands in a state of destitution and exhaustion, iireparations wen; made to receive them, as soon as they were restored to fu'cdoni in such a w;iy as to manifest the practi- cal sympathy of the American people toward those who had been victims of the bar- barity of the enemy. In October, 1864, a liiset of steamers saihid from Fortress Moun^e to the Savannah River ibr the purpose of receiving those of our i)art)led, invalid pris- oners who were to be delivered to us by the rebels. Each of the vessels of this lieet was accompanied by an agent of the commission, supplied with suitalde stores. When the exchange actually- took place, and the men were; received on board, it was felt that no devotion coxdd be too tender, and no provision Too large, to give full expression to that sympathy which the spectacle of their sad condition excited. Many of them were unable to walk, most of them were barefooted, and without under-clothing, and their thin wasted Ibrms were covered with dirt and vermin. They were nuule as comfortable as possi))lc according to the government standard, by our autliorities, ordinary rations and blankets being issued to them, but it was folt that their past sulfering and jiresent destitution deserved a somewhat more kindly recognition. From the stores of the coumiission they were supplied with milk, tomatoes, and nourishing soup. Shirts, socks, slippers, and other articles were dealt out liberally to them, and before they arrived at Annapolis each one was provided with a conii)lete suit of under-clothing, "t^'hen they landed at that i>lace they were sent to Camp Farole, where they received the constant care and attention of another corjis of the iitmmission's agents as long as theu- eufeebled condition required it. Annapolis was the great rendezvous during the BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 263 war for paroled prisoners, and tlicir camp, while it presented the clearest evidence of the shocking cruelty of the rebels, was a great tield in which the active practical benevolence of the conntry had the fullest scope for its exercise. But not alone at Annapolis was the commission called on to perform this great duty. On tile Red River and at Wilmington, especially, the same harrowing sights were wit- nessed whenever our men returned from the rebel prisons. At the last named place, early in the spring of IHlio, more than nine thousand of these wretched men arrived in a condition, the result of cruel treatment and neglect, aggravated by positive starva- tion, such as it makes the heart sick to recall. These men also were made the pecu- liar objects of the commission's care. A large amount of supplies had been shipped from New York in anticipation of the arrival of General Shermau's army on the coast of North Caroliuiu Tliese articles, in conse(ineuce of the capture of Wilmington, were not needed for that special purpose, and fortunately proved a most timely means of succor to these miserafde men. With equal ^iromptuess and energy, Doctor Agnew, who had gone in charge of the supplies designed for General Sherman's army, directed that they .shonld^e used for the relief of the i>risoners. Four thousand suits of woolen ciothiug were at once issued, and the sulierers were supplied with proper food during a period of nearly three weeks. Army rations were abundant, but it was, of course, neces.sary to provide men who were just emerging from a state of starvation with a diet of quite a diflerent kind, and nourishing broth and vegetable food, staple articles in the commissions supply list, were fortunately just such as their condition required. '•The intense and Avholly unnecessary suffering endured by our men in the rebel prisons, and the barbarous and cruel treatment which they received during their con- finement at the hands of the rebel authorities, was the subject above all others which roused most deeply public indignation during the war. As it seemed important that the truth in regard to this matter should be ascertained, in order that the weight of the public opinion of the whole civilized world should be brought to bear against the continuance of such practices, the commission requested some of the most eminent men of the country in the ditterent professions to examine into the matter, and report the facts and their conclusions. These gentlemen, Doctor Valentine Mott, Doctor Delalield, G. M. Wilkius, esq., of New York, and Doctor EUcrslie Wallace, Hon. Judge Hare, and the Rev. Mr. Wahlen, of Philadelphia, went to Annai)olis, examined naanj^ of the returned prisoners there under oath, and made a rc])ort founded upon the infor- mation thus obtained, which will remain a monument of disgrace to a people who claim to be governed by the ordinary maxims of hamanity. The facts stated in this report in regard to the cruel treatment received by our men have never been success- fully controverted. On the contrary, they are all confirmed by the evidence given on the trial of the wretched Wirz, the keeper of the Andersouville prison." {St^e Xarrattce of jfriralionn and sufferiug-s of United States soldiers whi'lc j^i'isoners of «'ar in the hands of the rebel autlwrities. Published by authority of the United States Sanitary Commission.) THE CHRISTIAN COMMISSION. The couuection wliicli this organization had during the years of 1863 and 1804 with measures intended to afford relief to Union prisoners deserves a notice here. The facts on wliich these remarlvs are based will be found in the annals of the commission, edited by its home secre- tary, llev. Lemuel Moss, published in 1868. On the 20th of September, 1803, one of its agents, Rev. John Hussej', was taken prisoner, and im- mured in Castle Thunder, from which he sent an appeal to his Union friends for food and clothing, nnd to obtain, if possible, his earl}^ release. In aid of his request, a memorial, signed by forty-eight confederate prisoners, then in conhnement at Johnson's Island, certifying that, from their personal knowledge and experience, the delegates of the United States Christian Commission had, without distinction between the con- tending parties, relieved alike the sufferings of the sick and wounded of the various battle fields, and invoking for such delegates as might fall into confederate hands, kind treatment and speedy release and return to their Christian work, was forwarded to the authorities at Itichmond, and JMr. Hussey was released. Simultaneously with Mr. Hussey's letter t])ere came to the commission an ap])eal through another channel, which opened the way for the transmission of supplies consisting of food, cloth- ing, and medicine to the prisoners in Libby, Castle Thunder, tobacco 264 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR ■u-arebonses, and Belle Isle. These supplies were packed and shipped, and were distributed by Caj>tain Conover, of Ohio, Mr. Hussey having been previously released. Other supplies from tlie same source were also received and distributed by Lieutenant llandolph to his fellow-pris- oners in Libby. These supplies were forwarded through the care of Colonel Mulford, assistant agent of exchange, who, in a letter to Hon. George H. Stu- art, chairman of the commission, dated Fortress Monroe, November 3, 1803, acknowledging their reception and commending the purposes of the association in this work of benevolence and charity, tendered the assurance that any further shipments intended for the same destination would be forwarded to Richmond by flag of truce. Encouraged by this communication from Colonel ]Mulford, the com- mission prepared to pfirene its work in this direction with renewed vigor. The touching and terrible .statements of the sufferings of our prisoners, made i)ublic at the North, had prepareel the way for bountiful contribu- tions to the fund devoted to this purpose, and which flowed into the treasury Avithout st'int. The anxiety to aid our sufferhig prisoners was intensifled by the arrival at Annapolis on the 20th of November of three hundred and fifty of our devoted men from the prisons of the South in the most horrible condition. Stores were promptly procured and sent forward, without delay, through the designated channels, and acknowl- edged directly from the prisons. Unsuccessful efforts were made to pro- cure leave of the Kichmond authorities to permit the residence of one or more agents of the commission in Kichmond to receive and distribute these supplies. In a short time the announcement that, in consequence of objections on tbe part of confederate authorities, nothing more would be received except packages from private persons to individual prison- ers. The commission was, thereupon, compelled to close its eflorts for forwarding general supi)lies. The experiences of the commission in the terrible year of eighteen hundred and sixty-four were of a similar character and attended Ijy like results. Moved by the reports of destitution and frightful mortality in the military prisons of the South, a careful investigation was entered upon as to their authenticity. It was finally decided that the commis- sion should at once endeavor to furnish relief to the prisoners from its abuiulaut stores by sending a deinitatiou of its members with supplies to the southern prisons. On tlie 31st of October, 180-1, JMr. Stuart accordingly made known their wishes to Mr. Stanton, then Secretary of AVar, who reiflied that the plan was approved, and that on application to General Grant such attentions woukl be reciprocated by our govern- ment in permitting the proper " Christian agents of the South*' to visit and administer to the i)risoners in our hands. The names of tlie agents were seat to the War l)epartment, and they were directed to report to General Grant, at his headquarters, near Petersburg. They were fur- nished with the following commission : Uxrn:i) States Christian Commission, CKXTUAL OfI'TCK, 1 ] IJank-stijekt, I'hlladdphla, Jannayij, 1865. To all whom Ihcsc jyrcscnfs shoU come, fjratiu;/ : Tho United States Christian Coiniiiission Iiavc appointed andconnnissioncd , a delegate to p"oeeed to Richmond, Virj^inia, and to snch other ]>laeeH in the South as may he aceessihle to him, to relievi' the wants of the Union jnisoners now confined iu th(^ southern military i)risons, ))y distributing among them food, elothing, mcdiciues, and religious publications. lie is strictly enjoined to abstain from reporting anything not allowed liy the author- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 265 ities of the places he may visit, and to do no act that shall bring discredit on the cause iu which he is engaged. All possible facilities and all due courtesies are asked for him in the discharge of the duties assigned him. GEO. H. STUART, Chairman United States Christian Commission. Attest : W. E. BoARDMAN, Secretary. The deputation, consisting of Bishop Janes, Bishop Lee, and Mr. Horatio G. Jones, arrived at Fortress Monroe on the 18th day of Janu- ary, 18G5, and proceeded at once to the headquarters of the army, where they were cordially received by General Grant, who pledged them every facility for carrying- out the object of their mission. He placed a steamer at their disposal and furnished them a letter to Colonel Quid, confederate agent of exchange, of which the following is a copy : Headquarters Armies of the United States, Januanj 19, 1865. Sir : Inclosed I send you the names of a number of gentlemen who have been se- lected by the United States Christian Commission to go South for the purpose of visit- ing such i)risous as they may be allowed to visit containing federal prisoners of war, and to see, for the body of which they are members and for the public generally, their con- dition and circumstances. Three of these gentlemen are nowhere waiting your action. I will state that any privilege you w'Al grant in this matter will be extended to an equal number of gentlemen sent from the South for similar purposes. Should this favor be granted it will probably serve to satisfy the friends of prisoners, both North and South, of the exaggeration of the reports of suffering so rife in botli sections. I would respectfully ask a reply to this at your earliest convenience. Very respectfully, yours, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General. Col. R. OuLD, Agent of Exchange. This letter, and also one signed by the deputation and addressed to General Robert E. Lee, announcing the purpose of their mission and requesting his safe conduct in furtherance of the object of their appoint- ment, with other documents, were forwarded to Commissioner Ould. On the 21st of January Colonel Mulford informed the deputation that he was directed by the confederate authorities to notify them that it was deemed inexpedient to grant their request. They then returned to City Point from their fruitless mission. A letter dated January 4, 18G5, was afterward received from Colonel Ould by General Grant, in which,, after admitting the suffering of our men in rebel prisons, he refused to permit the visit of the deputation. This attempt by the Christian Commission to alleviate the sufferings of our officers and men in southern prisons, while it closed their efforts in that direction, gave no check to the i)erformance of their duties of charity and benevolence in other fields. It was their privilege, mainly through the Baltimore agency, to supply comforts and minister to the necessities of the thousands who reached Camp Parole and its neighbor- ing hospitals and barracks at Annapolis from the prisons of Richmond, Andersonville, and elsewhere. When it could be done, delegates and stores were placed upon transports, loaded with our returned prisoners, thus furnishing aid to the suffering men at the earliest moment practi- cable, and aiding with a hallowed beneficence the varied agencies which Avere called into requisition in this terrible period of the war. THE PRETENSES OF THE REBELLION — WAS JT JUSTIFIABLE ? To another branch of history properly belongs the extended consid- eration of this question, and the more general one with which it is con- 266 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR nected, what constitutes just cause of rebellion or civil war? But the treatment of prisoners, esi)ecially the deprivations to which they were subjected, have been so strongly defended on the ground of national necessity that it naturally carries us back to a consideration of the original pretenses on which the rebellion was inaugurated ; and it may not be inop])ortune to inquire here whether, in the light of public law, there can be any justification for this revolt? If it was not justified by that system of public law which, foiuided on morality and reason, meets the recognition of all the great civilized nations of the earth, then the excesses perpetrated under the sanction of its flag", and supported by the power of its arms, nuist be charged in fnture history to the people who boastfully assumed the title of " Confederate States of America." If they were wrong in the inception of the rebellion, then to the crimes of perjury and treason they added those of violence and murder, the dis- integration and anarchy of society, and the ])ersecution and homicide of non-combatants. For we are told that, "Whoever entertains a true idea of war, whoever considers its terrible effects, its destruction and unhappy (consequences, will readily agree that it should never be under- taken without the most cogent reasons. Humanity revolts against a sovereign who, without necessity, or any powerful reasons, lavishes the blood of his most laithful subjects, and exposes his people to the calam- ities of war, when he has it in his power to maintain them in the enjoy- ment of an honorable and salutary peace. And if to this imi)rudence, this want of love for his people, he moreover adds injustice toward those he attacks, of how great a crime, or rather of what a frightful series of crimes, does he not become guilt3\ Responsible for all the misfortunes which he draws down on his own subjects, he is moreover loaded with the guilt of all those which he infiicts on an innocent nation. The slaughter of men, the pillage of cities, the devastation of provinces; such is the black catalogue of his enormities. He is responsible to God and accountable to humanity for every individual that is killed, for every hut that is broken down. The violence, the crimes, the disorders of every attendant on the tunuilt and licentiousness of war, pollute his conscience, and are set down to his account, as he is the original author of them all. Unquestionable truths ! Alarming ideas ! which ought to attect the rulers of nations, and iji all their military enterprises inspire them with a degree of circumspection proportionate to the importance of the subject." — Vattcl, 2). oo, sec. 21. The acts and attempts of the rebels sought the disruption of a country whose territory was the common heritage, and whose institutions were the lesult of a common struggle. Theirs was not the effort of a people in a distant and detached province raised by their own exertions to dignity and power in isolation and self-reliance. The people of the confederate States were an integral part of the old republic- bound to it bj' the recol- lections of a common ancestry of united struggles and laws universal in their application. Divested of all talse pretenses, its sole purpose was to extend and perpetuate the system of slavery by a position of national independence and an abrogation of constitutional law and obligation. That system was to be the corner-stone of the new edifice ; upon that work of barbarism was to be reared the proportions of a fabric whose colossal grandeur should rival the glory of the Union of their fathers; and on the burdens and sorrows of a servile race the white children of the South were to riot in luxury, while the riches and power of the new r(pul)li(; should dazzle and control the jarring and dist^-oidant fragments of the old. Such was the purpose, and such the goal of their ambition. "What were the pretenses ? BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 267 They asserted a growing sentiment and legislation in the country hostile to tlie " institution " as the first and leading cause. They claimed as a cause of rebellion and war the election of a President by a party who, recognizing constitutional obligations, sought no unlawful interference Avith slavery. But let us at once brush from our path these false and simulated issues by the blow of a master hand. We shall draw from the lips of one of their own number our vindication and their shame. Mr. Alexander H. Stevens, the vice-president of the confederacy, in January, 1801, before he plunged into the vortex of rebellion, and while he was endeavoring to turn back its advancing tide, in strong and convincing words iilaced before the world the shallowness and falsity of their pretensiojis. We feel confidciit That no more complete refutation of these pretended causes of the rebellion ever fell from human lips than were uttered by this eloquent and gifted orator, and that in no way cau we better meet them now than by quoting from him these remarkable words : When we of the South clemauded the shive-tracle, or the importation of Africaus for the cnltivatiou of our lauds, did they not yiekl the right for twenty years ? When we asked a tla-ee-fifths representation in Congress for our slaves, was it not grauted ? When we asked and demanded the return of any fugitive from justice, or the recovery of those persons owing hihor or allegiance, was it not incorporated in the Coustitutiou and agaiu ratilied and strengthened in the fugitive slave law of 1850 ? But, do you reply, that iu many iustauces they have violated this compact, and have not been faithful to their engagements ? As individuals and local communities they may have done so, but not by the sanction of government, fo? that has always been true to the Southern interests. Again, gentlemen, look at another fact : When wo have asked that more territory shoulil be added that we nught spread the institution of slavery, have they not yiekled to our demands iu giviug us Louisiana, Florida, and Texas, otit of which four States have been carved, and ample territory for four more to be added iu due time, if you, by this unwise and impolitic act, do not destroy this hope, and perhaps by it lose all, and have your last slave wrenched from you by stern military rule, as South America and Mexico were ; or by tho vindictive decree of a uni- versal emancipation, which may reasonably be expected to follow 'S But, again, gentlemen, what have we to gain by this propos<^d change of our rela- tion to the g(Mieral government? We have always had the control of it, and can yet, if we remain in it and are as united as we have been. AVe have had a majority of the Presidents chosen from the South, as well as the control and management of most of those chosen from the North. We h TREATMENT OF PKISONERS OF WAK 8ult0(i in tlio siisponsion of oxoluuiiios by tlic iiouoval luiloit; of our own ii\n (nnuuMit on tho oOth of PtH'oiubtM', lS(iL*. Aiu^thoi" mnrkotl instaiu'o o( \\\v ivmlinoss and inucnuitv of tho ivl>el autlioritios to intorfovt' in oxoliauiivs, ami to inti'irnpt tlioni \>y false pio- tonsos, is found in tho history oi' tho arraneonuMit t>ntoivd into hotwoou CuMioral llu^or. of tho ivhol avniy. ami Cuaioral Wool, ol' tho army i>f tho Tnitoil States, by whii-h au nmlorstamliuj: in reiiard to tho exeh.iujios was tixoil upon by these otlieers; but before it eouhl be earried out. Kaudolph, the rebel seeretary of war. peremptorily interfered, and sent word tt> Tioneral lluuer that he had heeii overreaehed in the nejiotia tiou. and abruptly stop\>ed the exehauues. This pivteuse was of tho most Avautou ami false elmraeter, as shown by the statement of Oeueral Wool, found in the subsequent paues. and by the admissions of (.Jem>ral llujior himself, who says that ho does not understand the letter of Mr. Kaudoli^h, or the eourse whieh he had seen tit to luirsue. It was, in faet, an abrupt aud indefensible iutert'erenee by the relH>l uovtMument to stop exehan^es. whieh would have taken out oi' their hands mir sutVeriuji" oflieers anil soldiers and have retunuHl to the rebels their etiuivalents trom the prisoners held by us, and was prompted by the settled purpose to foree us into a reeoiiuition oi' their nationality. On the ISth of duly, lSt>L', a eonvention or eartel was entered into be- tween (.loneral O. II. Uill, ^who had been substituted for General Cobb as eommissiouer of exeluvuue.') on the part o( the eont'ederaey, and General l>ix, on the part of the United States. This arrauuemeut had besMi postponeil, as wo have before stateil, on aeeouut of the inadmissi- ble terms insisted upon by the eonfederate authorities in rejiard to their territorial reeotinition as a nation. Not louji" after this eartel was entered into, there was a tlagrant violation of its terms on the ]>art of the eont'ederate authorities, who insist etl that the otUeers and soldiers i>f the United States paroled under its terms and not exehaujiod should not be used in warfare apiiust the ^liunesota Imlians. w lu> w ere then de- vastating- the Northwe.><, and murderinu" the women aud ehildren of that region, but who were never elaimed as friends or allies by tlu' rebel iiov- ernment. This pretense was, of I'ourse, resisted on the i)art of tho Unitetl States with a Justiee whieh will not be questioned by any one familiar with the laws of war and the rules lioverning the j^eneral ipies- tions of exehange. On the 4th of July, 18li>>. General Grant eaj^tured Vieksburg. and paroled his prisoners of war. In violation of the pwvisions of the eartel, their paroles were afterward, in September, 18(»;>, elainuHl by the rebel authorities as invalid, and the troops so eaptured and paroled were aetually put into thi> tield against us without being exehanged, on the ground that General (.i rant's agreement should have been nuule with Johnston, who was then a fugitive fii>m his army, instead of Tember- ton, who was in eonnuaud of the troops that aetually surremlered, an instauee not only of bad taith on the i)art of the eonfederates. but of a i"Otined eruelty in foiving paroled and unexehanged i)risoners to tiglit uiuler the risk of being lawtully exet'uted in' ease of a seeond eapture. The speeial ujotive fov the violation of the eartel was the re entVneement of liragg's army, whieh was in this manner aetually aeeomplished by plaeuig in the rebel ranks the paroled prisoners of remberton's army, COMnCT OF KOBEKT E. LEE. It is very elear. trom an examination of the report of General Canby. that the irregularities in exehange and the violation of the eartel on the JiY Tin: REBEL AT'TJIORniEB. 277 pjii-f. f)f tbr- fronr<;df',nif<;H wfrf* not confined to the n^hr-l aathoritu;H in aij'l al>oiit liif-lunond, hut rr-ach'-d t}if Iii;;h<'.st oflicM' of the o.otii'cfhriiUi anii.v in thr*. fjj^ld. It appears thiat Gr^neral Jiolx^rt I>, I>^;<;, in viobitiou of tlx: provisions of flj<^ carted, and aftf their presence in the hehl and to avoid i^uard- inj.' and ree/lin;.Mljen), wljen his anny was hard press^^d and retreatinj^ \K-Uyn: General Meade, he was j^uilfy of the uriniilitary conduct of author- i/,i;jg paroles which he knew were utterly null and void, and in \iolation of the ternjsofthe, conv(;ntion; thus permitting himself to be justly jdaccd in thc'Jishonorable category with the civil agents of the confederate gov- ernment, who wi-w. so frefjur;iitly guilty of the same offensff. ,Mr. Ould afterward insistc<], with his usual fairness, that thes^; illegal paroles Khould be. resj>ect>on this theatre may be tracewer of public opinion, atjd the dictat^,'.s of humanity toward our suffering prisoners, to the recognition of the nationality of the confederate govern- ment. The deAcIopments in this rej)ort, bearing on the condu<'t of this, confedera.te functionary, will tend largely to irn[)ress on the i)ages of history in its true light a character which exercised a terrible agency in tl)e pji\ations and siiflV-iiiigs of our soldiers in captivity. 'J'hroughout the following j^ages Jiobr-rt Ould will be recognized as the subtle, n^inorseless, and willing agruit of the rebel government to carry out their early coufjeived ijiteutions of bringing about this important result of national ler^ognition. He seems to have; obeyed the dictates and orders of his nmsteis, devoid of conscientious scruples, with an un- Hj>aririg hand and with the whole power of an intellect which hesitated at no atrocity that might result in benefit to the government he reprf;- Hented. From this time until tin; close of the war this able and unscni- pulous agent was retained in his ])Osition, constantly bafHing our efforts at exchange, at all times possessed with the full knowledge of the terrible suffci-ings of the loyal m(;n held as prisoners by the reljel government, and nev(*r ceasing to ])ly his vocation with indefatigable industry, always with serupulous fidelity carrying out the murderous ])urj)0Se.s and instructions of his government, thougli souietimes apparently far in 278 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR. advance of liis official superiors in fertility of resources and boldness of action. To the adroitness, duplicity, and insolence of this agent of exchange may be added another quality, in which he was a close imitator of his superiors — that of hypocrisy. The assumption of piety on occasions when the grossest measures of iniquity were imminent, was a character- istic of many of the confederate officers. A striking instance of this in the case of the confederate commissioner of exchange is found in his communication to Colonel Ludlow, in May, 1803, where he institutes complaints of imaginary wrongs on the part of our government, and threatens retaliation by the confederate authorities, concluding thus: " The great Ruler of nations must judge who is responsible for the crime of this chapter of barbarities." And after declaring a determination to listen to no proposition for the release of men or officeis, he expresses himself with well-feigned indignation in these pious and pathetic words: "If this is not agreeable, let God save the right!" It will hardly be credited, yet such is the fact that the captured rebel correspondence discloses, that at this very period he was boasting of the advantages gained to the confederates through him in exchanging the starving victims of rebel barbarity for the well-fed and healthy soldiers of the rebellion then in our hands. The foHowing letter, ca])tured at Rich- mond after the suppression of the rebellion, which has heretofore been published, but which is rei^eated in this connection, will serve to con- tirm that oinniou, as your committee think, and show the length to which the confederate government and the commissioner were prepared to go in order to carry oUj their purposes of forcing the government of the United States to a recognition of their nationality : City Point, Va., March 1, 1863. Sir : A flag of truce boat has arrived with three hundred and fifty political prisoners, General Barrow and several other prominent men among them. I wish you to send me at four o'clock Wednesday morning all the military prisoners (except officers) and all tho political prisoners you have. If any of the political prisoners have on hand proof enough to convict them of being spies, or having connuitted other oti'cnses which should subject them to punishment, so state opposite their names. Also state Avhether you think, under all the circumstances, they should be released. The arrangement I have made Avorks largely in our favor. Jl'e get rid of a set of miserable wretches, and receive some of the best material I ever saw. Tell Captain Turner to put down on the list the names of Edwai'd G. Eggling and Eugenia Hammersmiller ; tho President is anxious they should get off. They are here now. This, of course, is between ourselves. If you have any female whom you can send oft" safely to keep her company, I would like you to send lier. Two hundred and odd political prisoners are on their way. I would be more full in my communication if I had time. Yours truly, ROBERT OULD, Agent of Exchange. Brigadier General Winder. Nor are the shortcomings of the rebel commissioner confined to dupli- city and hypocrisy alone. He did not hesitate to resort to the most glar- ing falsehoods when occasion demanded. A memorable instance of this is his assertion to the United States authorities in November, 18G3, that our soldiers held by the rebels as prisoners recei\ed the same rations as confederate soldiers in the field, "according to regulations;" when the fact was patent, and the evidence since obtained overwhelming, that the vilest food was dealt out to their prisoners, and the scanty amount was utterly insufficient to sustain human life even in the idleness and inaction of captivity. Another instance will be found in his declaration of exchange, made June 0, 1804, "based ux)on a recent declaration of ex- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 279 change by the federal authorities," wheu he well knew that no prisoners delivered by him on parole had been declared exchanged by the United States authorities subsequent to September, 1863, and that all such pris- oners, numbering nearly ten thousand, had not been returned to duty, and knowing also that he was* then indebted to our government in a balance of more than six thousand prisoners. Since the close ^ the war Mr. Ould has assumed the role of an histo- rian or politician, and, in a published letter, assailed the conduct of the United States government on the question of exchange, and endeavored to deleud liis own course and that of the defunct confederacy in relation to that subject. In the light of the history which your committee have beeti enabled to present, the attempt rises little higher than the asser- tion of innocence which is so often heard as the last words of a male- factor on the scaffold. It is in this light that we allude to it now, and only to say that should any one think it of consequence enough to repay a search and perusal, they will, after reading these pages, and gathering the facts and evidence, feel sure that this dying declaration is in perfect keeping with the spirit which actuated and characterized his official conduct. The following letter from General Hitchcock is of sufficient general interest and imijortauce to demand an insertion here: Office Commissaiiy Gf.xeral of Piusoners, Wash'uu/ton, D. C, August 2, 1887. Snt: Mr. Junius Henri Browno's name appears iu the National Intelligencer of the 30th of July in an article on the subject of the exchange of prisoners. The article contains a copy of a letter of the 18th of July, 1867, from Robert Ould, e«5q., contain- ing some expressions referring, iu loose genei'al languag<^, among others, to "federal authorities," &.c. As this expression may be imagined to include even myself, I think it not improper to relieve myself by addressing you this note, in which I declare most emphatically that no offer of exchange, like that referred to by Mr. Ould, ever came to ijiij k)iowled' the records of the rebel war department, when Kichmond w^as captured, is inserted. He says : "As yet the federals do not appear to have found any irell-authen- ticated case of the retention of the negro prisoners. They have made several special inquiries, hut in each case there teas no record of any such j^arty, and I so responded. Havinfi no especial desire to find any such case, it is more than probable the same answer icill be returned to every such inquiry.'''' And so, unprovoked murder and assassination were inauj^urated and supported, justified and excused by cruel superiors and relentless sub- ordinates. That the general reader may not be mistaken in the spirit or animus of the rebel commissioner, or of the deep-seated malice which coustantly fed the fires of his burning hate, attention is called to an indorsement made by him on the 28th of June, 18G3, upon a letter of the surgeon in charge of the hospital at Staunton, Virginia, in which, speaking of the controverted points on exchanges, he says: "These points have been re- peatedly ruled by both governments in this way, and the Yankee villains knew the same when they administered the paroles." The malignity of this language, occurring in an official communication, written in cold blood, points with fearful suggestion to the Qliaracter of that fell agency which controlled in a great degree the comfort, the health, and lives of the Union prisoners. As has been stated, the most strenuous and urgent efforts were made by Colonel Ludlow in behalf the United States to induce a return to the terms of the cartel and for the abrogation of the cruel and atrocious proclamation of Jeiferson Davis. This will be seen by considting the correspondence of Colonel Ludlow in July 18G3, found in the report. In response to all this, Mr. Ould treats us to another ap])eal to the Most High, but holds on to his victims with the tenacity and cruelty which mark his conduct in all these negotiations. Again, on the 25th of Sep- tember, 18();3, Mr. Carrington, the rebel commissioner, recommended the release of Mr. Charles A. Webster, a citizen of Maryland. Mr. Ould on this occasion breaks out in the following indorsement on the applica- tion : " Itespectfidly returned to the Secretary of War. I think Castle Thunder" (then a hecatomb of Union prisoners) "is the very i)lace for Webster. I do most earnestly hope he will not be returned to the United States. How are we to secure the release of our own people in confinement at the North except by taking and holding northern citi- iiens? 1 hope the day is not far distant when some four or five hundred like Webster will be sent here. * * * ^,Y(, must have a norther n pressure to assist us. That can only be obtained by holding on to every northern Union man." On the 25th of November, 18G3, General Meredith offered to send to City Point 12,000 prisoners or more to be exchanged. This proi^osi- tion was unequivocally declined by Ould, because it w^ould be making special cxchanr/es. Yet we are asked to believe that this ofiicer and his government were ready at all times to entertain favorably propo- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 281 sitions of exchange, and that they were baffled by the perversity of the Union authorities. The admirable letter of General Mereditli to Mr. Ould dated the 29th of October, 18G3, plain and comprehensive in its character, is a most excellent answer to his repeated charges against the United States, and is also a fitting rebuke to his customary insolence in endeavoring to S(3reen himself and the confederate government from the guilt which this record fastens upon them. We commend it to the jierusal of the House and the country. An incontestible feature of the report is the fact that when the balance of prisoners was against us, some pretense was generally started by the rebel commissioner to interrupt exchanges. But when the tables were turned, and the balance was in our favor, a change of policy was adopted. So specious were his reasons and so plausible his pretenses that he ap- pears at times to have misled and deceived our agents of exchange. SUPPLIES FOR RICHMOND PRISONERS. In the latter part of 18G3 Colonel Ludlow was succeeded by General Meredith as commissioner of exchange. We introduce here an extract from General Canb^'s report bearing upon the condition of the prisoners at Richmond, our efforts for exchange and relief, and the guilty knowl- edge of their condition by the confederate authorities. When the rebel authorities discovered that the cessation of exchange was operating against them, they resorted to the liorribk^, expedient of subjecting the prisoners in their hands to starvation and exposure to tlie elements, without, in many cases, any pro- tection whatever from the inclemencies of the seasons. As soon as this became known the Secrctai'y of War directed that immediate measures should be taken for the relief of our prisoners by sending supplies of clothing to Rich- mond. This was permitted for a short time, but on the 12th of November, 1863, Gen- eral Meredith, then agent of exchange, learning that supplies previously sent forward had uot been delivered to the prisoners, addressed a communication to the commissary of the rebel prisons at Richmond, advising him that he had forwarded supplies for the use of our i)risoners, and requested him to acknowledge their receipt and direct their delivery. The subject-matter of this letter was proper in itself, but the application should have been addressed to the rebel commissionei", and not to one of his subordinates. This irregularity was made the pretext by Mr. Quid for intercepting the letter, and sending it back with an insolent and insulting indorsement, and a few days later the rebel authorities refused to permit the delivery of any more supplies to our prisoners by the government of the United States. A short time afterward, on the pretense that the labels on boxes from private contributions were insulting to the rebel government, this source of relief was also cut oft'. It is established by incontestible proof that large quantities of su[)plies contributed by private individuals and associations at the North, and which had already been received, were not delivered to our starving prisoners, but piled up in their sight Iteyond their reach and consumed by the guards, or allowed to perish from exposure before their eyes — a refinement of barbaric cruelty without par- allel in modern times. On the 17th of December, 186.3, General Butler was put in charge of exchange of jn-isoners of war, and on the 2oth of that month addressed a communication to Mr. Ould, in which he says: " I have made a personal examination of the condition of the prisoners of war of the confederate army now in prison at Point Lookout, and beg leave to assure you that they are well cared for and in good health, and as well fed as the soldiers of our army. " I will send you in my next comnuxnication the statement of the sergeants of the confederate prisoners, who have charge of the several cook-houses, upon that subject. " I do not mean to say that their ration is as large; as our regularly issued rations, be- cause of their state of entire inactivity; but it is in every respect of the same quality as those issued to the men generally. " If you have any doubt of it, upon an examination of the condition of the men I send you, and upon hearing their statements, please suggest what, in your judgment, ahould be done further in fheir behalf. "I have made this examination and this statement to you in order that you may be able to satisfy the friends of the prisoners who may be disturbed by the unfounded re- ports of ill-treatment and cruelty suft'ered by the prisoners at Point Lookout, in like manner as our people are excited by what I hope are like groundless stories of iU-treat- ment and starvation suffered by our soldiers in your hands. 282 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR " I find that there are some of the woniided from Gettysburg, and some that have been sick that are couvalesceut, and some so far disabled by sickness that while they may be sent forward for exchange they will probably be of no further service in the field. " Men without arms and legs, and debilitated by sickness, are certainly unfit to bear the necessary hardships incident to the condition of prisoners of war; besides, they en- cumber our hospitals. " As, ui)on examiuation, I did not thiidc proper to order them into the prisoners' camp with wounds freshly healed and healtli hardly restored, and as perhaps the hope of seeing their friends might have a beneficial inlluence upon their health, therefore I suggest that in the next transport I send as many of these as are entirely able to bear the exposure of traveling without prol)able danger to their health, and that in ex- change you will return to me an equal number of our soldiers that may be in like con- dition. As it may be inconvenient and prejudicial to their health to tranship these in- valids on either side, I will have them put on a separate boat, upon which there shall be nothing but provisions for them, and will direct that that boat bo i)ut at your dis- posal at City Point to carry then\ directly to Richmond and bring back those that you will give in exchange. " Of couvst! you will transfer, if you think best, the master and crew of the boat to the steamer New York, which will accompany them and will remain at City Point, and put your own master and crew on l)oard until the boat is returned." The measines of relief proposed in this letter were not responded to by Mr. Ould, nor was any other notice taken of it by him than to addresss a curt note to Colonel Mulford, General Butler's assistant, in relation to the prisoners that were sent up by the same flag-of-truce boat. In the mean time the condition of our prisoners at Richmond may l>e imagined from the report of an inspection of the hospitals connected with the prisons, by a board consisting of Colonel George W. Brent, adjutant and inspector general, and Surgeon F. G. Richardson, of the rebel army, in which it is said : " The evil consequences of this state of atiairs are clearly manifested by the severe mortality exhibited by the report of the surgeon in charge. Ratio of deaths per 1,000 in January, 1864 188 Ratio of deaths per 1,000 in February, 1864 240 Number of deaths in March, to date, Celeven days,) 244 " Stated in another way, the average number of deaths per day during the month of January was ten ; ditto in February, eighteen ; ditto in March, to date, twenty-two; on the day previous to the inspection the number was twenty-six. "The ratio, it will be observed, is rapidly increasing, and compared with that of the hospitals for our own sick and wounded, the mortality in which, for the same pe- riod, did not exceed in any case twenty per thousand, and in some did not reach ten per thousand, is truly frightful. As a further illustration of this sad condition of things, it may bo mentioned that in the month of Ft-bruary, of three hundred and thirty-seven cases of diarrhea admitted, two hundred and sixty-seven were fatal, a result ascribed in part by the medical officer to the want of fiour, corn meal alone being issued. Of typlioid fever cases admitted during the three mouths preceding March 1st, 64^ per cent, proved fatal." This report was made to General Bragg, then on the staff of the rebel president, and exercising, under his direction, a general supervision over military operations and military attairs, and was by him referred to the war department, with the following indorsement : " A copy will be furnished General Winder, and his attention called to the condition of his command. The medical department is compromi.sed by this state of affairs, which can but justly and seriously compromise us in the treatment of our prisoners." (See H ?,.y Ai)pended to the same document is the report of General Winder in exculpation, the material points of wliich are : 1. Their (the prisoners) safe-keeping was the paramount and controlling object, and every relaxation consistent with this object has been extended. 2. The deficiency in commissary supplies, which has not been confined to this depart- ment, and for which I am not responsible, has prevented the supply of rations necessary to the health of prisoners. The (puintity has been such as necessity compelled me to use." On the 23d of March, Surgeon Carrington, medical director on General Winder's staft', and one of the oflicers " compromised by this state of afiairs," addressed a communi- cation to General Winder in exculpation of himself and the medical officers under his control, in which he says : *• I request that the inclosures No. 3, No. 7, No. 8, with indorsements, be perused be- * See official documents imblished at close of the report. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 283 fore deciding the causes of the mortality at these prisons, and that especially the com- missaiy abstracts for Belle Isle for the last four months be consulted. "The great suffering and niortaJity amonjf our prisoners has been a cause of con- stant anxiety and painful solicitude to nie. Daily reports have been made to the cou.'- mauding general and surgeon general of the mortality. Inclosures 1, 2, 3, 5, and 6. ^vill show that I made requisition on the proper authority for additional hospital ac- commodation, and named the Texas Hospital, General Hospital No. 10, General Hospi- tal No. 20, General Hospital No. 23, in succession, as proper buildings. I also offered till' Third Alabama Hospital when closed, and proposed to use for this purpose How- aid's Grove Hospital, which has one thousand one hundred and lifty beds, is tempora- lily closed and is isolated from the city and all other buildings, or a part of Chimbo- razo Hospital, which has three thousand two hundred beds. I was informed that they could not b(^ used for this purpose, as guard sufficient could not be furnished, and that only in buildings with several stories and few entrances could the sick and wounded prisoners be guarded with the force furnished. * * # " I brought the matter to the attention of the surgeon general in a personal inter- view; told him of the difficulties existing, and that I had represented the violation of hygienic laws in the iirisons and prison hospitals without effect, and understood from his remarks that the matter was one of international poUcij and miUfari/ control. " There was an inspection of prisons and hospitals, made by direction of the secre- tary of war, for the use of the agent of exchange. General John H. Morgan and a counnittee of escaped officers inspected them, and a committee of Congress also, and they all reported favorably and approvingly. At this time I adopted the conviction that the existing state of things was known and approved by the department /o?- the jiurpose of diplomatic polictj, or forced upon them hi/ the stern necessities of the occasion. " I lost no occasion to make known to the proper authorities the violation of ordi- nary hygienic laws, and while I looked upon the spectacle with pain and mortification, I was deterred from further remonstrance by a feeling that it was supererogatory, and might be considered disrespectful. Large, well-ventilated, and completely organized hospi- tals near the city hare been empty duriny the whole of this time. They were offered and refused. ****** " From the facts above considered, I do not consider myself responsible for, or com- promised by, the condition of things at the prison hospital. * * "I did all I could, by proper supi)ly of officers and directions to them, to avoid im- putation that the medical department could legitimately be considered as compromised by, or as responsible for, the existing regulations adopted by the necessities of mili- tary law. " The medical officers were directed to show the sick and -wounded federals all kind- ness and consideration, and to give them all the care possible under the circumstances." (See H 4.) * The exculpating rejiorts of General Winder and his medical director brought out a replication from one of the inspectors, Surgeon Richardson, who, on the 11th of April, addressed a communication to General Bragg, in which he stated, after referring to General Winder's report, that " other causes may have contributed to the sad result set forth in the leport, but the fact remains that the patients in the prison hospitals were limited to one-half the amount of air required in the treatment of the sick, and pre- scribed by orders for the management of hospitals. " The general admits that the foul exhalations in the camps on Belle Isle had much to do with the severe mortality in the hospital, but refuses to believe that the vitiated atmosphere of the hospital itself was at all prejudicial to the unfortunate inmates. " Tlw. condition of the camps on Belle Isle, as set forth in the report of Surgeon G. W. Semple, transmitted by General Winder, was disgusting and filthy in the extreme, for which, Surgeon Scrapie asserts, the officer in charge was not responsible. "The reference made by General Winder to tihe fact that the ratio of mortality a year ago, when the number of patients was comparatively small, supposing the hospital ac- commodation was then equal to what it is now, (which however is not stated,) only proves that other grave causes existed at that time, and suggests the inquiry why they were not investigated and removed. "The statement that the largely increased mortality in February, 1864, was due to small-pox, cannot be received, as the report does not include deaths at the small-iJox hospital. ******-v**« "I would, however, direct your attention to the statement made by the medical di- rector, in the accompanying letter addressed to General Winder, that he was led to be^ lieve that the refusal of projier accommodation to the sick federal prisoners was one of state policy. "A paragraph in General Winder's indorsement, in which he refers to the condition of our own sick in the hands of the enemy, would seem to imply that he was, to some extent, influenced by the same impression." (See H 5.) * See official documents published at close of the report. 284 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR On the 13th of April, all the papers were returned by General Brag;? to the adjutant and inspector general, with this iudor.scnient : " The explanations are not satisfactory, but as the condition of aft'airs is entirely changed by the removal of the sick prisoners, uo|furtlier action seems necessary." So ends one, but not the most revolting of these chapters of horrors, and the state- ments made by these ofHcers, and accepted by the general, wliose duties placed him next to the rebel president, and fully in his conlidence, is conclusive that the treatment of our prisoners was the result of the settled and deliberate policy of the rebel gov- ernment. In the review of these papers, there appears to be but one point on which comment is at all necessary; and this is the allegation made by General Winder, that the mor- tality among tlie Union soldiers was no greater than among the rebel soldiers in the hospitals at the North. It is only necessary to say now, in relation to this, that it will be shown by statistics that appear in their proper place, that the mortality among the rebel soldiers, prisoners of war, in the hands of the United States at the North, was not greater than when they were in their own hospitals at the South, and under treatment by their own physicians. TREATIMENT OF NEGRO TROOPS AND THEIR OFFICERS. Your committee deem it proper to call especial attention to the fact developed by the captured correspondence contained in the following pages: That on the 30th of Xovember, 1802, James A. Seddon, rebel secretary of war, wrote ofticially to General Beauregard, in substance: That our colored troops captured in arms were subject* to death; that they could not be recognized in any way as soldiers subject to the rules of war; that it was deemed essential that summary execution should be inflicted on those taken in arms, but with a show of mercj' directing that the order of execution should be reposed in the general commanding the immediate locality of the capture. This direct and atrocious command to murder, by the war power of the confederacy, is certainly enough to cause the civilization of the nine- teenth century to shudder with shame and to burn with indignaton; for to that civilization it was a horror hitherto unkown, having no parallel in the history of our times. Yet it was the deliberate ofiticial act of ;i people claiming independence as a nation, and imploring the recognition of the civilized governments of the earth. Can it be wondered, then, that these men and this pretended government deliberately planned and unrelentingly executed the means of torture and death which decimated the defenders of the Union in the prison pens of the South? Immediately following this startling announcement of the rebel war ^department came the terrible episode of the proclamation of Jefterson *Davis, by which the summary execution of all negro slaves found iu arms against the confederacj' was ordered. Then came his proelainatiou of December 23, 1805, outlawing Major General Butler and the officers under his command, directing that he be hung whenever and wherever captured, and that his subordinates be reserved for execution. It was at this particular period that the rage and cruelty of the confederate authorities seem to have culminated. The following January, Davis announced, in his message to the confederate congress, his determination to turn over to the State authorities all commissioned ofiicers of the United States who might be cai)tured in certain States embraced in his i)rocla- mation of January 1, 1803, to be put to death as criminals engaged in inciting servile insurrection. It will be remembered that these officers were engaged in fighting in the cause of their government, under the laws of their country, and in the legal and well established military organizations raised for the puri)ose of sui)pressing the rebellion, clothed with the same rights under the laws of war, and entitled to the same protection as other defenders of the Union in arms. That i)roclamation announced his determination to turu over the sol- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 285 diers under command of these officers, who might be captured, to the civil authorities of the Sta^s in which they were found, to be dealt with in accordance with the laws of the slaveholding communities, the pen- alty for the violation of which was death. The plain abrogation of the terms of the cartel by the confederate government, involved in these proclamations, sinks into insignificance when compared with the bar- barons motives and hellish designs of their author. This proclamation was legalized by the confederate congress, thus concluding all i)resent liope of the exercise of justice and humanity on the part of the rebel government. Under it many colored soldiers were l)ut to death, others snminarily refused quarter in the field or passed over to the civil authorities of the several States for trial and execution, and although the confederate authorities were urgently appealed to to revoke these measures, or to give assurances that they would not be enforced, it was not until October, 1S04, that even the qualified assurance was given, and not until the Sth of February, 18(35, that the law of May 1, 1863, passed by the confederate congress, and legalizing the bloody and terrible proclamation of Davis, was repealed so far as it aft'ected commissioned ofidcers, and modified so far as it related to colored troops in the service of the United States. In fact, the proclamation of De- cember 23, 18G2, was never formally revoked, nor was the order of December 30, 18G2, revoked in terms, although the indorsement of the rebel secretary of war, July 9, 18G3, in relation to this order, says : " I would suggest a ditferent policy to the negroes, considering them as deluded victims. I would have them reserved to mercy and returned to their owners. A few examples might perhaps be made, but to refuse them quarter would only make them, against their tendencies, fight desperately. Write so." A pregnant indication of the outrage and murder which had been inflicted upon these loyal soldiers, and a mild suggestion that perhajis murder and assassination might, after all, be carried too far. EXCHANGES IN THE FIELD IN THE SOUTHWEST — BANKS AND TAYLOR. In regard to exchanges in the southwest, it will appear from the report that the negotiations which took place in November, 18G3, between Gen- eral R. Taylor, of the confederate service, and Major General Franklin, commanding the United States forces, were broken off by the refusal of the former to admit the officers and soldiers of the colored regiments to the benefits of the pro]>osed exchange, on the ground that the instruc- tions of his government demanded that course on liis part. But, subse- quently, upon the assurance that the rebel generals had in their possession no i^ersons belonging to the colored regiments, the exchange went for- ward. That assurance was rei)eated oflicially in various ways, and yet another chapter is to be added to this terrible record, in the fact thaf|^ the absence of colored prisoners in the hands of the rebel authorities can only be ,accounted for by means too horrible to be contemplated, and that these defenders of our flag, captured iu tbe vicinity of Vicks- feurg, had been put to death iu cold blood at the moment of their capture. These murdered men belonged to the army of the Tennessee, and were not of General Banks's command. FINAL NEGOTIATIONS FOR EXCHANGE. On the 10th of August Mr. Ould placed the following indorsement on a petition of the Ohio prisoners confined at Andersonville for the inter- 286 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR, ETC. ventiou of tlie governor of tlint State to relieve them from their suffer- ings: "I see no objection to forwarding this petition, especially as the confederate authorities have always been willing to exchange these men. Tliey and all other prisoners can now be released upon the delivery of their equivalents to ns." Eight months before this date the United States authorities had proposed similar terms of exchange to the confed- erate authorities, and had subsequently renewed those offers from time to time. Those offers had been repeatedly and insultingly rejected. The foregoing indorsement was the first intimation to the United States that they were ready to exchange for equivalents, which we had repeat- edly urged them to do. But the statements of Mr. Ould were false in fact and spirit. He contradicts the one just quoted when he informs Major Mulford on the same day, "that you have several times proposed to me to exchange the prisoners respectively held by the two belligerents, officer for officer and man for man. The same offer has also been made by other officials having charge of matters connected with the exchange of prisoners. This proposal has heretofore been declined by the confed- erate authorities, they insisting upon the terms of the cartel, which required the delivery of the excess on either side." To this communica- tion of Mr. Ould Major General Butler replied in a lengthy letter, announc- ing the entire readiness of his government to accede to the proposition of exchange if it included the officers and soldiers of the colear. On the 23d of April, 18G1, Colonel Waite and several other officers, who were at San Antonio, Texas, for the j)urpose of carrying out the convention entered into by General Twiggs with the State of Texas, or awaiting an opportunity to leave under the provisions of that convention, were seized and held as prisoners of war, and, as an alternative against harsher treatment, were compelled to give their paroles, t On the 25th of April, 18G1, a detachment of United States troops, under the command of Major C. C. Sibley, United States Army, which had embarked, and was about to leave Texas under the provisions of the agreement above cited, was seized by a superior armed force of the rebels near the port of Sabine, Texas, and compelled to give their paroles of honor " not to bear arms, or exercise any of the functions of their office under their commissions or enlistments against the Confederate States of America, unless an exchange of prisoners should be made, or until released by the order of the president of the Confederate States. The arms and equipments of the men, and all the public property in the possession of the com[)any commanders to be given up to an agent ap- pointed for the purpose." This detachment was allowed to leave Texas prisoners of war and disarmed. | On the 9th of May, 18G1, another detachment of United States troops, under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Reeve, United States Army, * Sec copy of a<;reeuieut A 1, and General Twiggs's order A 2. t See report of Colonel Waite of May 25, 18(51, A 3, and accomj)anyiug papers. t See capitulatiou of April 25, 1861, A 4. 288 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Tvliile on the mareli to the eoast for the i)nri)ose of k^aviug Texas, as agreed upon by the eouveutioii of February IS, was met at San Lucas Spriuji". tifteen niik^s west of San Antonio, by a superior armed force of rebels and eoini)elled to surrender. This detachment was not paroled, but hehl to await the orders of the president of the Confederate States.* The president of the rebel Stati's subsequently directed that these should be held as hostages.t Some of the officers and a part of the troops included in these seizures were allowed to leave, the officers on parole or by exchan<]fe, and the soldiers on parole, but the major part of the troops were held under tTelferson Davis's order as hostages, and were kept in violation of the convention with Texas, and of the provisions of tlie l)ix Hill cartel of Julv, 18Gl*, were not released until after the fall of Vicksburg, in Julv, 1803. t The treatment of the prisoners was at tirst kind and conciliatory, and every effort was made to seduce both officers and men from their alle- gianee to the government of the Tnited States. Offers of advancement and promotion ; to assume the arrearages of pay due by the United States; judicial decisions that the secession of South Carolina had dissolved the Union, and thereby absolved them from the obligations of their oath of allegiance, were among the arguments used. Finding these of no avail, harsher measures were resorted to, under the pressure of which many of the men made their escape into Mexico, and after many wander- lugs finally reached the United States and rejoined their Hag. As a natural pendant to this branch of the report, and as an index of the rebel public sentiment, under the pressure of which officers iu charge of the rebel prison depots and camps felt themselves justified iu their inhuman treatment bestowed ui)on our prisoners, reference is made to communications addressed to the rebel president, the originals of which are now in the rebel archives at Washington. James Phelan of Aberdeen, Mississipi)i, addresses the rebel president on the 2Sth of August, 1801, recommending that notice should be given to the United States that, after a certain time, no more food, clothing, or medicine would be given to Union prisoners: that this notice should be accompanied with an assurance that the i)rovisions supplied by the United States would be properly- applied. "Should tJtejj refuse, then let them starrc. AVe have delivered our souls." Indorsed '" Secretary of War in connection with prisoners of war, J. D."§ Mr. W. A. Wilson, of Willow Spriugs,Texas, under date of September 2, 1801, suggests to President Davis the propriety of employing i)risoners of war in the construction of a railroad between Texas and Louisiana. "They might as well work, as they have to be fed." Indorsed " Secre- tary of War, J. D."|| ;Mr. Tazewell W. Trice, of Cotton Plant, Arkansas, dated September 5, 1801, writes to the rebel secretary at Pichmond, recommending "that all you have of the Lincoln party be handcutfctl and sent to Fort Sumpter to be fed on bread and water; and further, that (lenerals Pillow, Hardee, and McCullough be instructed to break the left leg of all they have, or may hereafter be in their possession, and then tiu'u them loose." ^ Mr. D. C. .McPae, of Fayetteville, >forth Carolina, dated Xovember 10, 1801, recommends to the rebel president that it should be declared by proclamation, " that all foreign-born persons not legnUij naturalized * See repent of Lioiiteiiaut Colonel Reeve. A o. i t See A 6. X See G. O. No. — , Dc]iartmeut of tlie Gulf. li5G3. $ See A 7. Ij See A 8. % See A 9. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 289 in the United States found in arms aiding the said United States in the present war ajjainst the Confederate States will be considered as inter- loper;;, and if taken will not be treated as lefjitimate prisoners of war, but be subject to such punishment as the congress of the confederate governnn^nt may ])rescribe, which should be death." Indorsed " Secre- taj:y of war. — J. 1)."* THE YEARS 1861, 1862. EXCnANCrES IX THE FIELD — SPECIAL EXCHANGES — ATTEMPTS AT RECOGNITIOX — GEXERAL IIl-GEK — ADMIHAL GOLDSIJOKOUGII — PItIVATEEl{,S— APPUIXTMEXT OF JIESSliS. AMES AXD FISH — TIIEII5 REPULSE BY THE COXFEDERATE AUTHORITIES— SEIZURE OF UNION OFFICEltS AXL) CITIZENS — REBEL BARBARITIES. During t\w remainder of this year (18G1) the action taken upon the subject of prisoners of war ap[)ears to have been limited to the ex- changes made by commanding generals in the field, of the prisoners taken in the operations immediately under their own supervision, or within the limits of their commands, and to the special exchanges that were authorized from time to time by the government of the United States, or by the rebel government, and not much light is thrown upon it by the correspondence which 1 have been able to secure ; the efforts of the United States authorities being generally frustrated by the de- mands of the rebels, which amounted in meaning, if not in terms, to a recognition of the confederacy as an independent and foreign nation, and the concession by the United States of all the rights pertaining to that condition. In the field these questions were not discussed by the commsmding generals, but the exclianges were made as dictated b}' im- mediate necessity or policy. Go the 16th of November, ISGl, General linger, Confederate States army, commanding at Norfolk, Virginia, and from i)osition the immediate representative of the rebel government upon this question, consented under the protest of his government to certain exchanges that had previously (November 16) been proposed to him by Admiral Goldsborough, United States Navy. The admiral's let- ter cannot be found, and the i^articular features that called for the pro- test can only be conjectured from the text of General Huger's, t which last appears to be a continuation of the same correspondence. The correspondence upon this subject was continued during the month of Jaiuuiry, 1862, without reaching definite results. The demands made by the rebel authorities may be stated as follows: 1. That citizens arrested by the United States should be classed as prisoners of state, and not be subject to exchange as i^risoners of war. 2. That seamen in the merchant service should be exchanged on equal terms with the seamen of rebel privateers. 3. That volunteers in the rebel service would not be received in ex- change lor regulars in the United States service. 4. That no proposition "for exchange of our privateers taken in our service on the high seas," will be taken into consideration " until there is an absolute and complete abandonment of the protest that they are pirates, and until they are released from the condition of felons and placed in the same condition as other prisoners of war."| Failing to secure a general exchange of prisoners of war without making concessions that would have been tantamount to an acknowl- edgment of the success of the rebellion, and of the indeiiendeuce of the ^ Sec A 10. t See B 1 tiud B 2. t See J. P. Benjamin's iustructions to General Huger, dated January 2-3, 18G2, B 3 ; see, also, as illustrations of the phases of this correspondence, B 4, 5, G^ 7, 8, 0, and 10. H. Eep. 45 19 230 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR rebel States, the attention and ettbrts of the government were next di- reetecl to seenring for our prisoners in rebel hiuuls sueli amelioration of their sutforinos as eoultl be etfei'ted by assuminu' the duty of providing for their material wants. To this end, on the liOth of January, 18G2, it was announced by the United States Secretary of War, that " This de- partnient recognizes as the tirst of its duties to take measures for the relief of the brave men who, having imperiled their lives in the mili- tary service of the goverment, are now prisoners and captives;" antl it was ordered that two commissioners be appointed to visit the city of Richmond, in Virginia, and wherever else prisoners belonging to the army of the United States maybe held, and there take such measures as may be needful to provide for the wants and contribute to the comfort of such prisoners, al the expense of the United States, and to sucli extent as mav be permitted bv the authorities under whom such prisoners may be held."* On the 2oth of January, by an order of the War Department, the Reverend Bishop Ames and the Hon. Hamilton Fish were api)ointed commissioners " to visit the prisoners now in captivity at Ivii-limoud, Virginia, and elsewhere, under such regulations as may be i^rescribed by the authorities having custody of such prisoners, relieve tlieir neces- sities, and provide for their comfort at the expense of the United States," &c. t On the 30th of January the conmiissiouers were given their instruc- tions by the Secretary of War, in which it was stated that '• Persons who have been in the military service of the United States as officers and soldiers are now held as prisoners in the city of Eichmond, Vir- ginia, and in other places in the South. Some of them are sick, some wounded, many in a state of destitution, and all are objects of public sym})athy and deep solicitude to their government. You have been ap- pointed to the humane and Christian duty of visiting these prisoners in the places in which they are contined, and to relieve their necessities, supply tlieir wants, and provide for their comfort accortling to your dis- cretion. You are also requested to make, or procure, a list of all the l)risoners so held in captivity, designating their names, the time and place where captured, the service to which they belong, their present state and condition, their wants and necessities, and all other particulars that may be interesting and proper for their families to know, or useful to this government for the puri)ose of effecting their exchange or release. Your mission being purely an errand of mercy, this government expects and desires that you should not seek, obtain, or report information or have communication on any subject not immediately relating to its hu- mane and Christian object." To enable the commissioners to supply immediate relief to the prison- ers of war, they were su[)plied with funds and notilied that further sums would be dei)osited to their credit, and that a depot of clotliing, medicines, nnd other necessaries would be established at Fort Monroe, subject to their requisitions. Tliey were further instructed to "conform to such police regulations as may be preseribed for your visitation and relief of the prisoners f and were authorized to give assurance to the rebel authorities that "on like .condition, prisoners held by the United States may receive visitation and relief ;" and they were also authorized to take with them all the rebel j)risoners at Fort ^Monroe who were ordered to be "unconditionally j'eleased and delivered up." | On the 31st of January, and before the commissioners had reached " ^ee B 11. tSee B 1-2. I See B 13 ami 14. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 291 Fort Monroe, Judah P. Benjamin, rebel secretary of war, instructed General Huger, Confederate States army, to receive their communica- tions, but not to permit them to come to Norfolk until he received special instructions to that eifect. * On the 4th of February General Wool, commanding the department of Virginia,. notified General Huger that the commissioners proposed "to enter upon their humane and merciful mission, if permitted to do so, as soon as some four hundred prisoners arrived from Fort Warren, of which you have already received notice, under such restrictions as may not be incompatible with the execution of their mission. If the permission is granted, they will accomi)any the prisoners to Xorfolk, anticipating that you will previously transmit to me such safeguards as will secure their ])rotection and the execution of their merciful and important functions, Avith the assurance that whatever is granted to them will be extended to any visitors that you may think j)roper to send to the United States having the same object in view." This letter was forwarded by General Huger to the rebel secretary of war, and on the Gth Mr. Benjamin advised the former that the matter had been considered in cabinet meeting, and that he sends him the result in the form of a letter to be addressed by him (Huger) to General AYool. t February 0th General Huger addressed to General Wool the letter prepared for him by the rebel secretary of war, announcing the appoint- ment of Messrs. Seddon and Conrad, who proposed to spare ^Messrs. Ames and Fish the trouble of traveling to Eichmond, but to meet them at Fort IMonroe and treat with them for a general exchange of prisoners.f February 10 General Wool acknowledges the receipt of General Huger's letter of the 0th; " probably intended as such, it is not a reply to mine of the 4th instant. The object of the visitors, the Reverend Bishop Ames and the Honorable Hamilton Fish, is simply a humane mission having reference to the condition of the United States prisoners of war in the Southern States. Your reply relates principally to the exchange of prisoners. As they have no authority to make exchanges of prisoners of war, I have deemed it proper to send your communication, with the instructions to the Honorable James Seddon and the Honorable C. M. Conrad, to the Secretary of War."§ On the 14th of February the commissioners, Bislioi) Ames and the Honorable H. Fish, made their report to the War Department, in which they say: We immediately forwarded to you coi)ies of General Huger's letter and of Mr. Ben- janiin'.s instructions. Regarding these as a refusal to allow us to pass through their lines or to visit the prisoners, we should have returned immediately to Washington but for reasons which we stated in a letter addressed to you on the 10th instant. On the 13th instant we re- ceived your letter of the 11th and immediately left Fort Monroe on our return to this place. Prior to our departure from Washington we received from yon five thousand dollars, (ou(;-half in gold and one-half in treasury notes,) also a notice of deposit of twenty thousand dollars in coin with the Assistant Treasurer of the United States in New York, and also authority to draw at sight upon the Assistant Treasurer in New York for the further sum of twenty-tive thousand dollars. The refusal of Mr. Benjamin and his associates to allow any portion of this money to he distributed among or expended for the relief of some hundreds of sulfering sick and wounded prisoners, enables us to return, untouched, the entire amount received by us, and herewith our duties close. Permit us, in conclusion, to present to you our congratulations that, although your tend(!r of a mission of money and of charity has been refused, you have secured other means which promise relief and liberation to our prisoners. 1| It became evident at a very early i)eriod of the rebellion that every *SeeB15. t See B 16. t See B 17. $ See B 17, 18, 19, 20. il See B 21. 292 TREATMENT OF PRISONEKS OF WAR device, no matter how unprincipled, and every expedient, no matter liow lawless or inhuman, would be resorted to tor the purpose of forcing: from the s'overnment of the United States concessions that might, at home or abroad, be regarded as admitting the separate nationality if not independence of the rebel States. Officers of the army and navy, and citizens passing thrgugb the Southern States on their way to their homes, were seized and imprisoned. Officers and soldiers of the army, under the ]>rotection of a solemn and formal convention, were forcibly seized and held as hostages, under the l^retext of securing good treatment for such rebels as might thereafter fall into our hands. The mantle of protection was thrown over traitors in the loyal States by imprisoning Union officers as hostages, and over rebel pirates cap- tured on the high seas by threatening to put to death, as a retaliation^ a Union officer for every pirate that might be executed under the laws of the United States ; and, finally, the Union officers and soldiers captured in battle were subjected to such iidiuman and barbarous treatment, in shameless violation of the laws and usages of civilized nations, that the government was obliged to offer to relieve the rebel authorities of sacred obligations hy assuming the support of these prisoners while in rebel hands. This humane otier, so guarded that it (;ould not be abused, sub- ject in its execution to such regulations as the rebel authorities might impose, and accompanied by an otter of reciprocation, was rejected, and a counter otter of a fair and impartial exchange was made, subject to the conditions specified in the last article of the instructions from the rebel secretary of Avar to the rebel commissioners. Impelled by the full sense of what it owed to the brave men who were in captivity, by their own supplications to be released from the suftcr- ings they were subject to, and by the piteous appeals of the relatives and friends of the prisoners, the government consented to the national humiliation of yielding to the rebel demands. It intervened to save domestic traitors in the loyal States from the punishment due for violated laws, and it relinquished its right to punish rebel privateers as pirates under its own laws and the laws of nations. The rebellion triumphed by the sheer force of the barbarities it in- flicted to that end upon loyal men. THE YEAR 1862. general wool — general iiuger — general cobb— attempt at recognition — "frontier." On the 13th of February, 1S62, Major General Wool, ha\iug been fully empowered by the AVar Department, notified General Huger that he was clothed with full powers for the purpose of arranging for the exchange of prisoners. Being thus ciii])owei\'il, I am ready to coufer -witla yon upon the subject, or with the Hon. ^les8rs Seddou and Conrad, or any other person appearing for that purpose. I am prei>ared to arrange for the restoration of all the prisoners to their homes on fair terms of exchange, man for man and officer for officer of equal grade, assimilating the grade of officers of the army and navy when necessary, and agreeing upon equitable terms for the number of men, or officers of inferior grade, to be exchanged for any of higher grade when the occasion shall arise. That all the surplus prisoners on eitlKn- side be discharged on parole, with the agreement that any prisoners of war taken by the other party shall be returned in exchange as fast as captured, and the system to be continued while hostilities continue. I would further inform you. or any other per- son selected for the purpose of making arrangements for the exchange of prisoners, that the persona takeu on board of vessels or otherwise in maritime conHict, by the forces of the United States, have been put and are now held, only in military custody and on the same footing as other prisoners taken in arms. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 293 In conclusion, I have only to remark that I am ready at any moment to enter upon tLis important duty, with no otlu-r view than a fair and honorable exchange of all prisoners and to subserve the interests of huniauity. ' On the IStli of February tlie rebel secretary of war instructed General Hu^^er to notify General Wool " that nothing- in any paper submitted by liini to you (Hnj^er) affords any satisfactory assurance that our private armed seamen, ca[)tured by the enemy, are no longer to be treated as felons. An explicit assurance to that effect, or an exchange of our pri- vateersmen as prisoners of war, can alone justify this government in lelieving the hostages held by it and giving them up in exchange for others of equal grade." t On the same day, and probably subsequent to the letter above cited, Mr. Benjamin notities General Howell Cobb, Confederate States army, that lie has been api)ointed commissioner to arrange with General Wool for the exchange of prisoners of war, antl referring to General Wool's letter of Febriuiry 13, says : In this letter yon will perceive that General Wool accepts substantially, and indeed almost in words, the propositions submitted by me in the nature of iiistrnetion this subject, and to enter into written stii)nlations with him for carrying out the proposed exchange on tlie i>riacipies involved in our proposals and the acceptance of them by the enemy. Here follows detailed instructions for the cartel, the first of which requires that the prisoners held by either party shall be delivered on the frontier. (This article was the only real i^oiut of controversy in the subsequent conferences.) He concludes by desiring General Cobb to report the assurance already communicated through General Huger that General Wool's statement that i)rivateersmen are to be treated as prisoners of war is entirely satisfactory, f February 20, General Huger notifies General Wool that General Oobb has arrived, and will be ready to meet him at any time and place that he may appoint and proceed at once with the business.§ February21,General Wool notifies General Huger that he will meet General Cobb with reference to exchange of prisoners on Sunday, the 23d.l| February 23, General Wool to the United States Secretary of War, reports his conference with General Cobb, and says : *' We agreed very well upon most points except one, as follows : He proposes that pris- oners to be discharged or paroled within ten days after their capture, and to be delivered on the frontier of their own country free of expense to the prisoners and at the expense of the capturing party. To this proposition I did not agree ; I consented to adopt it in regard to prisoners hereafter, leaving out the -^ovd frontier, &c."^ To this report the following reply, dated at the Executive Mansion, Washington, was made by the Secretary of War : Your objections to the proposition respecting the mode of discharging and paroling prisoners are approved. The proposition is obnoxious in its terms and import, and wliolly inadmissible, and as the terms you were authorized to offer have not been ac- cepted, you will make uo arrangement at present, except for actual exchanges. But * See C 1 and also C 2, from the United States War Department to General Wool, clothing him with full powers to treat for the exchange of prisoners of war and con- ceding all that the rebels had then demanded as uecessarv to secure the exchange. t See C 3. t See C 4. § See C 5. ll See C 6. U See C 7. 2i}4 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR your arraiijiemonts must be luadc witlumt reforouco to the iustiuctioiis of General McClellan of the 18th instant, which are ri'vokeil.* [Tlie iiKstruetioiis above referivd to directed General Wool not to ex- change Generals Johnston, BneUner, Pillow, or Tilghnian, or other prisoners that have served in onr regnlar army, withont special orders from the headquarters of the army.] Under these instructions General Wool proposed to General Cobb to renew their conferences upon the subject of exchange of prisoners, and on the l*7th General Cobb replied, reviewing the whole subject and submitting the projects of a cartel, the third article of which repeated the obnoxious feature objected to by General Wool, and re- jected by the Secretary of War, after consultation with the l*resident. t On the tirst of March General AVool had an interview with General Cobb on the subject of the exchange of prisoners of war, and states ni Ills report of March 2 to the Secretary of War, that all negotia- tions with respect to a general exchange are closed for the present, the subject being left to direct exchanges between General linger and liim- self General Huger has transmitted to him his views with regard to general exchanges, which, when he has examined it, he will transmit to the AVar Department 4 March 5, General AVool replies to General Cobb's letter of February 28, t and states there was no essential ditference between them, except upon the proposition submitted by (rcneral Cobb: '• Prisoners to be dis- charged or paroled within ten days after their capture, and to be deliv- Tered on the front ier of their own vountrii, free of exi)ense to the prison- ers, and at the expense of the capturing i)arty ;'' that while he assented to the api)arent fairness of sim])ly paying the expenses of transferring the prisoners from one section of the country to another, he would have objected to its phraseology, and adds: " I have no doubt if you had not introduced the proposition referred to, we would have had no dilliculty in arranging the cartel upon the basis presented by the Hon. J. 1*. Benja- min, which corresponded with my own."§ On the same day General Wool transmitted to the Secretary of War his correspondence with General Cobb, and on the 7th of March was advised by the Secretary of War that his *' dispatches in respect to the negotiations with General Cobb have been received and read to-day in Cabinet, and your jiroceedings approved." § The iuvsertionof the word ^^ frontier''^ in the stipulations of the proposed cartel was regarded by the President and his cabinet, as it was no doubt intended, a covert attempt by the rebel authorities to secure from the United States a recognition of separate territorial limits, and to predicate upon this a claim for the recognition of their independence by foreign powers, and it wa« accordingly rejected. General Cobb, in a report addressed to the rebel secretary of war, dated AEarch 4, endeavors to throw the blame for the failure of the negotiations upon General Wool, || but the evidence is irresistible that the rebel authorities would not agree to any fair system of exchange so long as they had any hope that the i)ressure of public sentiment of the Korth would force the government of the United States to make con- cessions that would aid them in securing foreign recognition, and pos sibly foreign interference in their favor. Contirmatory of this is the action taken by the rebel authorities im- mediately subsequent to the failure of the negotiations between Gen- erals Wool and Cobb. * See C 8. t See C 9. t See C 10. ^^Seo C 11. l[See C 12. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 295 On the 28tli of March the T(th(t\ Becretary of war, G. W. Randolph, a(lviK«^(l ()en«Mal Ilu^^er that their conj^n.'ss liad passed a joint resolu- tion autliorizinj^ "the secretary of war to apj)ly, out of the contingent fund of tlie war department, such sums of money from time to time as, in his Judgment, may be necessary for the use of prisoners of war in the hands of the enemy," and he was directed to apply to General Wool for the "appointment of a commissary of prisoners on the part of such of the belligerents, whose duty it shall be to receive and transmit remit- tances to i)risoners of war, and have such supervision of their comfort as is usually allowed among civilized nations."* General Wool declined to enU^rtain this proposition, on the ground that it " would hav<^ been tantamount to a recognition of their government and their independ- ence as a uation.''t MARCH, 1862. rURTHKU XEGOTIATIOXS — AORKEMEN'T AS TO HOSTAGES — VIOLATION OF THE AGREE- MENT »Y THE REUEI.S — (JAKICRE OK NORFOLK — EXCHANGES INTERRIITEU — BAD FAFJH — WOOIj — m'cLELLAN — LEE — (JOUJJ — GI.NEIiAL V. II. HILL SUBSTITUTED FOR COBB — CONCLUSION OF CARTEL, JULV 22, l'^62. March 11, 18C2, General Wool addressed a communication to General Huger to ascertain if any more ])risoners of war were to be exchanged as heretofore, to which General linger replied that he had been divested of authority to make exc-hanges l>y the appointment of General Cobb as commissioner. On the 24tli of the same month General Wool asked if Genc'ial linger was still divested of the authority to make exchanges, j March 25, General Huger forwarded General Wool's letter of March 24 to the rebel adjutant and inspector general, saying, "I shall decline making any arrangements with him, but will only remark that I see no objection to receiving and forwarding any proi)Osition he may have to make.§ March 27, General Wool acknowledges the receipt of General Iluger's letter, and states, "I can discover no good reason why you and myself cannot renew the exchanges as heretofore. I will make an effort to bring it about ; at the same time call your attention to Colonel Hottmau and Captain Barron." || Ai>ril 22, G. W. Randolph, rebel secretary of war, addressed General Hug<;r, saying: As our jnopositiou to appoint a commissary to attend to the wants of our men, who are now held a.s prisoners of war, has been declined, I shall Ije gratified if you can sug- gest any mode of remitting money to them. You are authorized to enter into any arrangement for a fair and honorable exchange of prisoners, and may inquire in your own name whether we are considered as having violated our eugageuieut about an exchange in any ijarticular ; and if so, in what jjar- ticular. We are excwidingly desirous to effect a general exchange of prisoners, if it can be done on equal terms, fi April 2.'>, the Secretary of War (United States) authorized General Wool to communicate to General Huger, informally, the information " that, thus far, no person exposed or detected as a spy of the insurgents has been condemned or executed."** April 20, (ieneral Huger acknowledges the receipt of General Wool's letter of April 24, and says : As regards the exchange of the oflficers whose names you have forwarded, I have transmitted copies of your letters to the war department, and recommended that as you stated, in your letter of January 18, our i)rivateersmen would be treated as pris- * See C 13. t See C 14. t See D 1. ^ See D 2. || See D 3. •[ See D 4. '^'See D 5 and 6. 296 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR oners of war and he subject to excliauge, these officers be cxehanged, according to the schedule of rank partly agreed upon between yourself and General Cobb. * April 30, General ^Yool's letter t in relation to persons condemned as spies was submitted to the rebel secretarj^ of war. | April 30, General linger states to General Wool that General Winder stopped the i^risoners, because General Cobb requested he would do so, until the arrangements then making between you were completed. General Cobb says he made this request because ho believed tliat your government would not carry out the proposals yon made in your letter of the 13th of February, and the result has shown that General Cobb's suspicion was correct. You stated to nie that the persons captured in our privateers would be considered as prisoners of war, and subject to exchange. Ou th(? fiiith of this statement several of the officers held as hostages for them were released, and all would lia\'e been had the eflbrt to arrange a cartel between General Cobb and yourself l)eeu carried out. The non-commissioned officers and privates now held by us will at once be released, and a list of all the commissioned officers in our possession, or ou parole, will be made out and sent to yon, and I request the favor of you to furnish me with a list of our com- missioned officers similarly sitiuited, that we may be able to make a general exchange, and avoid the inconvenience of partial exchanges. I have to state that.I shall recommend that stich officers as have been retained as hostages for our prlvateersuien be exchanged for those men, according to the taritf of rank agreed upon, until all are released, wlien any remaining officers will lie exchanged for those of equal rank. After these are disposed of, I shall reconuuend those who have been longest captured to be first exchanged.^ The agreement was distinct and explicit that the Union officers held in chains as hostages for the privateersmeu should be released as soon as the government of the United States agreed to place the latter upon the footing of prisoners of war and hold them subject to exchange. This was done, and the rebel authorities were so notified on the 13th of Feb- ruary. Ou the 2Sth of that month General Cobb gave General Wool the assurance that this notification was entirely satisfactory*. JMore than two months afterward the rebel authorities attempted to excuse this breach of faith ou the ground that General Cobb susjiected that the propositions for a general exchaug-e, made by the United States, would not be carried out. The rebel authorities seized, and put in chains, a number of Union officers, aud threatened to execute them if the pri- vateers were executed. The United States yielded to this threat, and l)ut the privateers on the footiug of i)risoners of war. This arraugement was not in any way contiugent upon the negotiations for a cartel, but so far as the United States was coucerned, was settled b}- complying abso- lutely with its own part of the agreemeut ; but the rebel authorities having forcjed this concession from the United States to secure a still greater one, by insei'ting in the cartel a provision that would have been a virtual acknowledgment of the independence of the rebel States. On the 2d of May, General Wool, in acknowledging the receipt of commu- nications from General linger, says : In regard to those prisoners retained in the United States as privateersmeu, I have only to remark that they are held as jirisoners of w;ir, aud for exchange ou the sanu- terms as mentioned in my lettcsr of the 13tli of February, 1832. I feel assured that there will be no difficulty in making all exeiiang(>s on fair and honorable terms as between you and myself. I will make a roll of all your officers and prisoners in our possession and on ]>arole as soon as practicable. || On the same day General Wool transmitted to the Secretary of ^Var copies of General lluger's letters, aud remarks : The reason for not continuing the exchanges is a mere subterfuge, l)ut reeonnuends. in order to secure the release of our officers confined at Richmond, th:wt the iirivateer.s bt; sent to him to be exchanged for them. H May 2. — General Wool to General Huger : It is scarcely necessary to recur to the causes that prevented an aiTangement between ^ * See D 7. tSeeD6. j See D 8. ^ec D U. || Sec D 10. H See D IL BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 297 General Cobb and myself for a general exchange of prisoners. I have only to remark that I have always been ready and willing to make the arrangements as I proposed to yon on the 18th of Pebrnary, 1862, as yon will see by an examination of my letter to Brigadier General Cobb, dated February 27, 1862.* May 3, 1862. — Greueral Huger to General Wool : On the faith of jour statement that onr privateersmeu are prisoners of war and will be exchanged, the officers heretofore held as hostages will be exchanged on the same terms as any others, t The notification that they were so held and would be so exchanged was given on the 13tli of February, and accepted as entirely satisfactory by the rebel commissioner, (Cobb,) under instructions from the rebel secretary of war, (Benjamin,) on the 2Sth"of February, 1862. On the 6tli of May the Secretary of War (United States) telegraphed t-o General Wool that " If the exchange of prisoners is not to be expected, the privateersmeu may be sent back to their former phxce of confinement."! Between the 6th and the 18th of May some unimportant exchanges were made, but the question of privateersmen and hostages was still unsettled. On the 18th General Wool telegraphed to the Secretary of War that exchanges were interrui>ted by reason of the capture of Norlblk and the movements of the army. § On the 19th of May General Wool addressed General Huger, saying : I am now prepared to make exchanges on the terms you proposed in your communi- cation of the 3d instant, and I am now ready to exchange or release on parole until they can be fairly exchanged, the privateersmeu you mentioned, provided that you will parole or exchange on the same terms the hostages now held on their account' I will liave the privateersmen sent to this port to be forwarded to you at any place you may designate on the James River, provided you will send forward at the same time the hostages, Colonels Corcoran, Wilcox, »S:c. This being accomplislied, if I rightly under- stand your communication, will open the way for all other exchanges. || May 20, General Huger acknowledges receipt of General Wool's let- ter of 19th, and says : If you will release, upon parole, the privateersmen, and send them to me at City Point, I will return to you such number of the officers, heretofore retained as hostages for them, as would be their equivalent, according to the rates of exchange prescribed by the cartel between the United States and Great Britain in 1813. The captains of privateersmen to rank as lieutenants of the navy and the mates as jnaster's mates. If yon will have the rank and number of the privateersmen made out and tlieir equivalent of officers now retained as hostages for them, such officers will be released, nucondi- tionally, and returned to you. Any of the other hostages that may not bo required for exchange for the privateers, will lie released upon parole, to be exchanged for other officers of equal rank, or their equivalent, according to the cartel above alluded to. H May 21, General Wool acknowledges the receipt of the above letter, and informs General Huger that orders have already been sent to for- ward at once all privateersmen to this place, for exchange or parole. " As soon as they arrive I will forward them to City Point, on James Eiver, expecting to meet the hostages of the United States, for exchange or parole, at that point. You and myself can easily make proper ex- changes agreeably to the cartel between the United States and Great Britain, agreed upon in 1813. Please reply when it will be agreeable to receive the privateersmen and forward the hostages."** May 23, General Huger writes to General Wool in answer to the above, and says : I have detained your boat until to-day, expecting an answer from Richmond as to the time when the prisoners to be exchanged for the privateersmen could reach here. I have not yet received an answer, and I am not aware of the location of the officers, or when they can reach here, but I can assure you that I consider that the war de- partment has fully assented to the terms stated' in my letter of the 3d instant to you, and which has been accepted by yourself. I must be responsible that, on the delivery * See D 12. t See D 13. t See D 14. ^ See D 15. || See D 16. 1[ See D 17. ** See D 18. 298 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR of the privateersmen, all the officers detained as hostages will be released upon parole. The details of the exchange to be arranged between ns, according to the cartel referred to, and such of the officers as are not exchanged in this way, to remain on parole until exchanged for others. If not interrupted by nioveiuents in the field I will promise to have the officers forwarded as soon as possible, and will send notice to any of your vessels and request you may be notified to send for them.* This letter is the first iudicatiou of a new phase of bad faith on the part of the rebel war departmeut, to which it is believed that General Huger was not a party. May 25, General Wool acknowledges the receipt of the above letter, and states that he has " made arrangements to have the privateersmen forwarded to you, as soon as you can procure our hostages." t June 1. — General Wool to General Huger : I send on parole, to bo exchanged according to the cartel agreed upon between the United States and Great Britain in 1813, the jirivateersmen prisoners of war, the names and rank of which will be found on the rolls herewith transmitted, viz : 2 captains, 3 first lieutenants, 2 second lieutenants, 1 midshipman, 2 pursers, 1 gunner, 1 carpenter, 1 sailmaker, 2 sailing-masters, 1 steward, and 69 seamen — in all, 85 privateersmen ; also five seamen taken from merchant vessels attempting to run the blockade ; all of whom will be delivered, on your delivery to Lieutenant Colonel Whipple, A. D. C. and chief of my stalf, the hostages held, and remaining in confiuement in the South, on account of the said privateersmen now ready to be delivered. He informs General Huger that Colonel Whipple will wait for the arrival of the hostages, presuming that no unnecessary delay will be required, and adds : " After these exchanges I presume that there will be no difficulty as regards future exchanges. | June 1, Colonel Whi])ple, who was sent up with the prisoners, was instructed by General Wool as follows : Should Major General Huger refuse to parole and deliver to you the hostages Corcoran, Wilcox, and others, you will return and bring back the privateersmen and all other prisoners. This, however, I do not appieheud, as Major General Huger has agreed to the terms hei'cin proposed. $ Colonel AVhipple, after waiting for tive days and receiving no satis- factory communication from the rebel authorities, returned, bringing back with him the privateersmen and other prisoners. || June C, General Wool reported to the Secretary of War that his flag of truce had returned bringing back the privateersmen, and that there was some misunderstanding as to the extent of General Huger^s l^romise.^ On the same day he transmitted to the Secretary coi)ies of his corre- spondence with General Huger, and says : I believe that this will fully demonstrate that I have promptly conceded to all the demands of General Huger in ord(!r to effect the release of Colonel Corcoran and the other hostages, as well as a general exchange of xirisouers, and thus relieve the great anxiety of their many friends. I regret the effort has not been successful.** June 7, General Wool acknowledges receipt of dispatch from Secre- tary of War, and says : I will make one moi"e effort. I have sent a dispatch that will not fail to call forth a definite reply, not only in relation to the privateersmen and hostages, but all other8.+t June 13, General Wool reported to the Secretary of War in relation to exchanges, in which he says : By my correspondence with Major General Huger, you will perceive I not only offered to exchange all prisoners of war, privateersmen as well as othei-s, who had been held as hostages, on fair and honorable terms, but on the express terms pro])osed by General Huger, according to the cartel made between the United States and Great Britain. The privateersmen when sent to be exchanged or paroled remained at or near City Point for five days, I think, but received no reply from General Huger. After Colonel Whipple returned with the privateersmen, I received a letter from General Huger just * See U 19. t See D 20. | See D 21. $ See D 22. 1| See D 23. IF See D 24. ** See D 25. tt See D 26. * BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 299 as I was leaving for Baltimore, iuclosiug a copy of a letter from Mr. Randolph (rebel secretary of war) condemning tlie course of General Hnger, with au intimation that I had overreached him, which was anything but the truth, for certainly nothing could have been further from my thoughts" than circumventing General Huger on the subject. There was no necessity for such a course, for there was a perfect understanding between us to be governed by the cartel made between the United States and Great Britain. * "* * On examination of Major General Huger's letter it will be seen that he did not receive my letter sent with the privateers. It would seem that it was transmitted to Mr. Randolph, Major General Huger says in his letter that he does not understand Mr. Randolph's letter. * The failure of an ofiicer fully empowered by his government, and doing fairly and honorably what he was authorized to do, to understand Mr. Eandolph's action, can readily be appreciated. On the 0th of June, the Secretary of War authorized General McClel- laii to arrange a cartel for the exchange of prisoners taken on either side before llichmond, on such terms as he might deem expedient. But it should )U)t extend to any other prisoners than those taken by the operating armies before Richmond, as the enemy have violated the agreement made by General Huger with General Wotd, and have repudiated General Huger's authority. This instance will no doubt put you ou your guard iu your negotiations, t The negotiations for a general exchange of prisoners having failed, ofiicical intercourse upon that question was suspended, but some informal communication upon that subject was still continued. The character of this communication is indicated by D 29 and 30. July 0, 1802, General R. E. Lee, C. S. A., addressed a communication to Major General Wool, saying that : The secretary of war of the Confederate States has been informed that you were empowered by the United States government to arrange for a general exchange of prisoners between the two governments, aud I am authorized to appoint a commissioner to meet you for that purpose. I have therefore appointed Brigadier General Howell Cobb wi'tli full authority to agree, on the part of the Confederate States, to a general exchange of prisoners of war. 1 will be pk-ased if you will designate an early day to meet General Cobb for the purpose of making the necessary arrangements, t This communication was forwarded to the United States Secretary of War by Major General Dix, who had succeeded General Wool in the command at Fortress Monroe. On the 12th of July, two days previous to its receipt, the Presi- dent of the United States authorized General Dix to " negotiate a gen- eral exchange of prisoners with the enemy." In his instructions from the Secretary of War he was directed to "take immediate measures for that purpose, observing proper caution against any recognition of the rebel government, and conlining the negotiations to the subject of ex- change. The cartel between the United States and Great Britain has been considered a proper regulation as to the relative exchange value of prisoners." § On the 14th July General McClellan reported to the President that he had "informed General Lee that we are ready to negotiate a general exchange, and asked him to appoint some one to meet General Dix." || July 13, General Dix telegraphed to the Secretary of War, asking for copies of General Wool's correspondence on the subject of exchanges, and for instructions.^ July 11, General Dix advised by the Secretary of War by telegTaph that the correspondence asked for would be sent that day, and furnishes all necessary instructions. " If further directions should be desired, they can be given by telegraph.-'** On the IGtli General Dix was advised by the Secretary of War that * See D 27. t See D 28. t See D 31. ^ See D 32. || See D 33. H See D 34. ** See D 35. 300 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR ^ " the privateersmen are to be exchanged as other prisoners of war ; no distinctions being made."* The designation of General Cobb as commissioner on the part of tlie rebel authorities was not acceptable to the government of the United States, and Major General D. II. Hill was substituted by General Lee, and the ISth of July was appointed for the first meeting of the commis- sioners at Haxliall's Landing on James Eiver. July 19, General Dix reported to the Secretary of War by telegraph that he had just arrived from Harrison's Landing, (General McClellan's headquarters,) and would leave at once for Washington for the purpose of conference, t July 23, General Dix reported to the Secretary of War by telegraph, that he had just arrived from Haxhall's Lauding. "General Hill and I came to an agreement yesterday. The articles agreed on are those presented by him, with the alteration submitted to you, (on the IDth,) with three of those prepared by me. I will send a copy by this even- ing's mail." f Articles of agreement for the exchange of prisoners between Major General J. A. Dix, United States Ai'my, and Major General D. H. Hill, Confederate States Army. § JULY, 18G2. EXCnAXGES rNBF.R TIIK CA15TEL — BEL.VY OF THE REBELS — 5IIXXESOTA INDIANS — COLOXEL LUDLOW — ROBERT OULD — P(JPE',S OFFICERS — SHARP CORRESPOXDEXCE — OCTOBER AND MARCH, 1862 — COMPLAIXTS OF GEXERAL BCTLER AT XEW ORLEAXS — MUMFORD — THREATS FROM THE REBEL GOVERXMEXT — SEDDON, SECRETARY OF WAR, TO BEAUREGARD— DEATH TO COLORED SOLDIERS — ORDERS TO KILL TIIEJl — JEFF. DAVIS'S PROCLAMATIOX OF OUTLAWRY AGAIXST BUTLER AXD HIS OFFICERS — COLORED TROOPS AND THEIR OFFICERS TO BE DELIVERED TO THE. STATE AUTHORITIES FOR PUXISHMEXT — ANSWER TO THE PROCLAMATION — HISTORY OF AFFAIRS AT NEW ORLEANS — VINDICATION FROM REBEL SOUIICES — UNITED STATES CHARITIES IN LOUISI- ANA — EXCHANGES OF COMMISSIONED OFFICERS STOPPED. The cartel arranged between Generals Dix and Hill was eminently fair and impartial in its stipulations, and it provided for the prompt and amicable settlement of any difficulties that might arise, without inter- rupting in any way the execution of its general provisions for the exchange of prisoners. The government of the United States commenced at once the full and faithful performance of its own obligations ; but it soon became apparent that the rebel authorities were disappointed by the failure to secure a direct or indirect recognition of independence, and that, pretext Mould be sought as the means of forcing further concessions from the United States, which would enable them to support their pretensions for recog- nition by foreign i^owers. One of the iirst indications of this temper was the delay in delivering the officers of General Pope's army, who did not reach Fortress Monroe until the 24th of September. On the 3d of October the President, who was then at General McClel- lan's headquarters, telegraphed to the general-iu-chief, saying: General Stuart, of tlie rebel army, lias seut in a few of our prisoners, under a flajr of truce and jiarole, with terms to jirevcnt their lij^hting the Indians, and evidently seeking to commit us to their right to parole our prisoners in that way. My inclinatiDU is to send the prisoners back with a distinct notice that we will recognize no ])an)le given to our prisoners by the rebels as extending beyond a prohibition against ligliting them. Yet I wish your opinion upon it, based both upon the general law and our cartel. I wish to avoid violation of law and bad faith. *See D 30. t See D 37. t See D 38. $See D 39. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 301 The question was fully discussed, and the decision reached "'that the parole under the cartel does not prohibit doing service against the Indians.* This decision is based on the law of nations, which limits the operation of the parole to the belligerent and his allies in the war that is then being waged. The rebel authorities can justify their action by admitting that the Minnesota Indians, that were then desolating that State, were their allies. The cartel required the delivery of prisoners at two points, and the action of the rebel general was in violation of the cartel. On the 5th of October, ]8G2, Eobert Ould, rebel agent of exchange, addressed a communication to Colonel Ludlow, United States agent of exchange, in which he makes the following points: 1. "That in Missouri citizens are arrested, and, under threats of being treated as spies, are compelled to enter heavy bonds, with sureties, that they will not take up arms against the United States." Missouri was not in rebellion. Its government was loyal and its inhabitants were subject to the laws of the United States and of the State, and this pretext has no warrant in i^ublic or municipal law. 2. " Officers and men of the Missouri State Guard are now held in con- finement in Missouri, at Johnson's Island and elsewhere." They were citizens of the State and of the United States and had violated the laws of both, and the protection claimed for them might, with the same pro- priety, have been claimed for the convicts in the State penitentiary. At a later period, (in the case of Dr. Eucker,) a directly opposite claim was made by the rebel authorities. 3. " Captain D. B. Vincent, who was captured while in command of a steamer, is represented to our authorities as being kept in close confine- ment at Fort Lafayette and heavily ironed. He was ca})tured in Bull's Bay, off Carolina. The name of the vessel commanded by him was the Emily. " She was a merchant vessel, and at the time of her capture it was alleged that she was endeavoring to run the blockade." The merits of this case are not known. Upon Ould's ex ytarte representation Vincent was entitled to be exchanged under the cartel. It is probable that he was so exchanged, or he may have been guilty of some violation of the laws of war, for which he was properly punished. 4. " Several officers and men, known as Partisan Eangers, are de- tained in confinement by the United States." When such persons belong to regular organizations, and were subject to the rules and articles of war of either belligerent, they are not' guerillas, but are entitled to the same treatment as other prisoners of war. Whenever this fact was established to the satisfaction of the United States authorities they were uniformly exchanged or paroled. 5. " Thomas McKay, William D. Bartlett, and Benjamin Hicks, were arrested by some of Pope's officers under circumstances detailed in a letter which accompanies this communication. * * Pope's officers were retained as hostages against such outrages as are complained of in that letter." The outrages committed by Pope's officers were simply the execution of that general's order to levy military contributions upon the country occupied by his army; a principle recognized by the law of nations since the existence of war, and one which the rebels did not hesitate to apply whenever their armies were operating in the loyal States. When ' Pope's officers were released these men should have been, and it is believed they were, as soon as attention was called to their cases. * See E 1. 302 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR G. "A number of officers, soldiers, sailors, and engineers, captured in or near New Orleans, are now in that city. Some have been exchanged, and all are entitled to it. The confederate government claim. that these persons should be delivered within its lines. In this same connection I mention that measures have been set on foot to secure to your govern- ment the delivery of the officers aud soldiers captured in Texas, and who have recently been exchanged." On the 4th of October, the day previous to the date of Ould's com- print, Major General Butler, by ids Genfral Order No. 39, directed that all prisoners of war registered at his headquarters for exchange should be sent frojn New Orleans to Baton Rouge, the point within the rebel lines designated by the rebel commander, General Tilghman. The officers and soldiers in Texas were not captured, but seized, disarmed, and held for more than a year, in violation of the stipulations of a formal and solemn convention, and thereafter for more than seven months, in viola- tion of the stipulations of the Dix-Hill cartel. The "means set on foot" to secure their delivery to our government were not wholly consummated until the 2.3d of April, 1863. 7. "It has been stated by many of the northern newspapers with circumstances of great particularity, and nowhere contradicted, as far as 1 have .seen, that officers and men of the United States Army, who hav^e been paroled and not exchanged, have been sent to the frontier to fight the Indians now in arms against you. This is in direct conflict with the terms of the cartel." This objection has been anticipated by the decision made by the Pres- ident, as lieretofore stated. The construction of the cartels and paroles is determined by the law of nations. One belligerent may bond another, as against himself aud his acknowledged allies, but not against a third party. 8. " Several boats have recently arrived at Varina under a flag of truce with not more than a dozen prisoners in either of them." This complaint is reasonable, and the evil was no doubt corrected. 9. '• I also bring to your attention the case of peaceable non-com- batants, citizens of the Confederate States, taken in some instances with almost every possible indignity from their homes, and thrown into military prisons. I do not utter it in the way of a threat, but candor compels me to say, that if this course is persisted in, the confederate gov- ernment will be compelled, by a sense of duty to its own citizens, to resort to retaliatory measures." This evil is one that has existed since the world was made, and wherever wars were waged, and it has been most terrible when those wars were civil wars, but the complaint comes with bad grace from a government that more than a year before had provided by law for the removal, restraint, or imprisonment of citizens of the United States as " alien enemies," and for the sequestration and conflscation of their i)roi)erty, and countenanced the vigilance committees and secret associations that were formed " to purge the country of traitors and spies by the expul- sion, inii)risonment, or summar^^ execution, according to the degree of their guilt." The ruthless enforcement of the law and the merciless operations of the vigilance committees and secret associations flooded the North with refugees, and tilled the prisons of the South with men and women who would not " yield and acknowledge allegiance to the Confederate States." The measure of guilt in all cases was the grade of loyalty to the Union.* * See E 2. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 303 Octobers, Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow, in forwarding the above papers, states that so far as the matters complained of by Mr. Ould were within his power, and the complaints were reasonable, they would be corrected. With regard to the others it was improper for him to make any sug- gestions.* October 7, General McClellan directed that all paroled prisoners of war captured by his army should be sent to Fort Monroe for delivery at Aiken's Landing, in accordance with the provisions of the cartel.t It was the practice of the rebels at this time to parole the prisoners captured by them and deliver them at the nearest point in the Union lines, or turn them loose, in order to relieve themselves of the embar- rassment of guarding and sending them to the places of delivery under the cartel. The validity of such paroles was always claimed however. October 14, the Adjutant General, in submitting to the Secretary of War (United States) Mr. Ould's complaint of October 5, reuuirks as fol- lows upon the. points made by Ould : 1. That the arrest of disloyal citizens in Missouri has been fre- quently ordered, and many of them have been required to take the oath of allegiance, or give bonds. " This course the government has a I)erfect right to pursue." 2. " Officers and men of the Missouri State Guard should be placed on the same footing with other prisoners of war." 3. " The commanding officer at Fort Lafayette has been called upon to report in the case of D. B. Vincent, commander of the merchant vessel Emily." 4. " Partisan Rangers, and independent companies properly author- ized, and whose officers are duly commissioned, should be placed on the same footing as other confederate troops." In the particular cases cited by Mr. Ould, they had already been so placed. 5. " The three persons named, with some one hundred other citizen prisoners, have recently been sent to Aiken's Landing to be exchanged. In a number of instances citizens have been arrested and held as hostages for the delivery of Union citizens. It is often necessary to arrest citizens when troops are advancing to prevent their giving infor- mation to the enemy." 6. "Instructions have been sent to MajorGeneral Butler to promptly parole all prisoners of war, and to send them across his lines for exchange." It has been seen above, that six days previous to this date General Butler, under an arrangement with the opposing rebel commander, had already delivered their prisoners at a designated point within the rebel lines. It has also been seen that, under the "movement set on foot" by Mr. Ould, it took seven months to deliver at New Orleans the Union I)risoners in Texas. 7. "The troops paroled at Harper's Ferry, except four regiments, were recently sent from Annapolis to Camp Douglas, near Chicago, Illinois, preparatory to being sent to Minnesota to act against Indians. Their employment against Indians would seem to be contrary to the 4th article of the cartel." The opinion of General Thomas is not supported by the law of nations, nor was it acquiesced in by the President. In the special case presented by Mr. Ould, the troops were captured on the eve of the battle of Antietam, and the rebel commander, in order to take part in that battle, paroled his prisoners and turned them loose. The failure to * See E 3, t See E 4. 304 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR deliver them at Aiken's Landing was a clear violation of the cartel, and the entire repudiation of the paroles by the United States would have given no just cause of complaint. The eighth point was answered at once by remedying the evil com- plained of. 9. " Large numbers of citizens of Union sentiments are believed to have been arrested and imprisoned in the Southern States. In some cases our authorities have arrested rebel citizens and held them as hostages for the delivery of such Union prisoners."* During the remainder of this month, and the month of November, exchanges and deliveries were continued as usual, but the communica- tion between the agents was generally oral, and limited to their inter- views when deliveries were made. On the 29th of November Mr. Ould addressed a communication to Colonel Ludlow, in which he stated : 1. I understood from you, some time previous to our last interview, that the cap- tains and pilots of merchant vessels captured on our coast would be released and de- livered to us for exchange. Some considerable time has elapsed since then, and several deliveries of prisoners have been made. As yet, however, neither the captains or pilots have been delivered. 2. I also called your attention to paragraphs 1, 5, 6, and 9, of my communication to you, bearing- date October 4, 1862. I have received uo answer from you as to the matters referred to therein. 3. Paroled confederate officers and men have been placed by General Butler in close confinement in the neighborhood of New Orleans. Among others are Captain Lasberg, captain of the DeFeriot Guards of the Chalmette Regiment, and Captain Bachelder, of the Third Regiment of Louisiana Regulars. These two officers were paroled l)y Connno- dore Fairagut, but are held in continemeut by General Butler. Captain W. E. Sey- mour, a connnissioned officer in the service of the State of Louisiana, and a paroled prisoner, is also held in like custody. In addition, there are a number of privates, (among them Mr. Davidson, of New Orleans,) members of the corps of Partisan Rangers in the confederate service, who are held by General Butler on the pretext that they are guerillas, aud not in the confeder- ate service. The retention of these officers and men is clearly in contravention of the cartel, and their release and exchange are demanded. The same demand is made as to any other othcers and men of the confederate service, wherever and by whomsoever they may be confined. 4. Some considerable time ago a demand was made by the confederate govern- ment in reference to the execution of Mumford in New Orleans. The United States authorities jjromised to answer that demand as far back as June last. That answer, however, as yet, has not been delivered. .5. I am directed by the confederate authorities to inform you that, if an answer is not returned to the various demands which have been made by the confederate govern- ment, and especially in relation to the execution of Mumford, within fifteen days from the delivery of this communication, they will consider that an answer has been de- clined, aud will retain all commissioned officers of the United States who may fall into their hands, t It was the practice of the government of the United States, as it has been, and is, of every other civilized government engaged in maritime war, to retain some of the oflicers and crews of cai)tured vessels to be used as witnesses in admiralty proceedings for the condemnation of the prizes. The captains and pilots, as the persons most likely to know the destination of the captured vessel, and the object, are generally the officers selected. This Mr. Ould very well knew, and he knew, also, that their detention was warranted by the law of nations, and iurnished uo ground of complaint. Ilis complaints 1, 5, 6, and 9, of his letter of October 4, have al- ready been leferred to. Officers and soldiers captured aud held as prisoners of war, either in confinement or on parole, are amenable so long as they remain in the *SeeE5. tSeeEC. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 305 territory or in the custody of tlie belligerent by wliom they are cap- tured, and their punishment for ofienses so committed furnishes no just ground of complaint. In the case of the persons held on the suspicion of being guerrillas, it was the duty of the rebel authorities to protect them bj' furnishing evidence of their true character. His general demand for the delivery of all officers and men of the confederate service, whenever and by whomsoever held, was as unwar- ranted as it was insolent. The correspondence referred to in the fourth and lifth paragraphs of his letter is not found among the papers referred to me, but is probably still extant in the War Department or the Executive Office. ]\Ioreover, its consideration belongs properly to a later period. Viewed in the light furnished by documents found in the rebel archives, Ould's demands of October 4 and November 29 can be regarded only as put forth to justify atrocities then determined upon and then impending. November 30, 18(52, James A. Seddou, who liad succeeded Eandolph the as s-ebel secretary of war, wrote to the rebel general, Beauregard, stating — That slaves in flagrant rebellion are sul)ject to death by the laws of every slavehoM- ing State, and, did circumstances admit, without too great delays and military incon- veniences, might be handed over to the civil tribunals lor coudemnatiou. They cannot be recognized in any way as soldiers, subject to the rnles of -war and to trial by mil- itary courts ; yet, for example, and to repress any spirit of insubordination, it is deemed essential that slaves in armed insurrection should meet condign ])unishment. Sum- mary execution must therefore be inflicted on those taken, as with the slaves referred to by General Mercer, under circumstances indicative, beyond doubt, of actual rebel- lion. To guard, however, against the abuse of this grave power under the immediate excitement of capture, or through over zeal on the part of subordinate officers, it is deemed judicious that the discretion of dividing and giving the order of execution should be reposed in the general commanding the immediate locality of the capture. You will therefore instruct Brigadier General Mercer to exercise this discretion of de- cisive and summary execution in the case of the slaves referred to by him, and any others captured under,like circumstances. * This order is ingeniously worded, and is intended to convey the idea that the slaves in question were in insurrection against their masters, and were not soldiers in the service of the United States, and when captured were not in the performance of the legitimate duties of that service. The locality in which the capture was made, and the address of the officer to whom the order was given, are also suppressed, in order to baffle inquiry or delay the investigation which the government of the United States would naturally make. On the 2-ith of December, 18G2, Jefferson Davis, styling himself the president of the Confederate States of America, and claiming to act in their name, after reciting several demands w^hich had been made upon the government of the United States for information in relation to the execution of W. B. Mumford, at New Orleans, by the order of General Butler, and that no answer to any of these demands had been madef assumed that this tacit admission and the evidence in his possession clearly established the poiut that the said Mumford was publicly ex- ecuted by hanging, and proceeded to declare " the said Benjamin F. Butler to be a^ felon, deserving of capital i^nnishment," and to order " that he no longer be considered or treated simply as a public enemy of the Confederate States of America, but as an outlaw and common enemy of mankind ; and that, in the event of his capture, the officer in command of the capturing force do cause him to be immediately ex- ecuted by hanging;" and to " further order that no commissioned officer of the United States taken captive shall be released on parole before * See E 7. H. Eep. 45 20 306 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR excliange until the said Butler sLall have met with due puuishmeut for his crimes." 2. He further states that " the hostilities waged against this confed- eracy by the forces of the United States under the command of "said Benjamin F. Butler have borne no resemblance to such warfare as is alone permissible by the rules of international law or the usages of civ- ilization, but have been characterized by repeated atrocities and out- rages, among tlie large number of which the following may be cited as examples : 3. "Peaceful and aged citizens, unresisting captives and non-combat- ants, have been contlned at hard labor, with ball and chains attached to their limbs, and are still so held in dungeons and fortresses. Others have been subjected to a like degrading punishment for selling med- icines to sick soldiers of the confederacy." 4. " The soldiers of the United States have been invited and encour- aged by general orders to insult and outrage the mothers and the wives and the sisters of our citizens." 5. " Helpless women have been turned from their liomes and subjected to solitary confinement, some in fortresses and prisons, and one es- pecially on an island of barren sand, under a tropical sun ; have been fed with loathsome rations, that had been condemned as unht for soldiers ; and have been exposed to the vilest insults." G. " Prisoners of war, who surrendered to the naval forces of the United States on agreement that they should be released on parole, have been seized and kept in close continement." "Eepeated pretexts liave been sought or invented for plundering the inhabitants of the captured city by forced levies, and exacted under threat of imprisoning recusants at hard labor, with ball and chain." 7. "The entire poi)ulation of the city have been forced to elect between starvation by the couhscation of all their property, and taking an oath, against conscience, of allegiance to the invaders of their country." 8. "Egress from the city has been refused to those whose fortitude withstood the test, even to lone and aged women, and to helpless chil- dren ; and after being ejected from their homes, and robbed of their propertv, they have been left in the streets to starve or to subsist on charity.'" # =^ # ^ # # # 9. "By a recent general order, (No. 91,) the entire property in that part of Louisiana lying west of the JMississippi River has been seques- trated. And, finally, the African slaves have not only been excited to insurrection, but numbers of them have actually been armed for a ser- vile war, a war in its nature far exceeding in horrors the most merciless atrocities of savages." He further orders " that all commissioned offi- cers in the command of the said Benjamin F. Butler be declared not entitled to be considered soldiers engaged in honorable warfare, but as robbers and criminals, deserving of death ; and that they and each of them be, whenever captured, reserved for execution." 2. "That the private soldiers and non conunissioned officers in the army of the said Butler be considered only as instruments used for the commission of the crimes perpetrated by his orders, and not as free agents ; that they therefore be treated, when captured as prisoners of war, with kindness and humanity, and be sent home on the usual parole — that they will in no manner aid or serve the United States in any capiicity during the continuance of this war, unless dulj^ ex- changed." o. " That all negro slaves captured in arms be at once delivered over BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 307 to the executive authorities of the respective States to which they be- long, to be dealt with according to the laws of those States." 4. "That the like orders be executed in all cases with resi)ect to commissioned officers of the United States when found serving in com- pany with armed slaves in insurrection against the authorities of the different States of their confederacy"* The matters complained of in this proclamation against the government of the United States and its officers are now matters of historical noto- riety, and it is only necessary to notice them very brietiy. The fleet, under the command of Admiral (then Commodore) Farragut, arrived off the city of New^ Orleans at 1 o'clock on the 25th of May, and a demand for the surrender of the city was immediately made; to this summons the mayor replied, "I am not the military commander of the city; I have no authority to surrender it, and would not do so if I. had. There is a military commander now in the city ; I will send for him to reply to your demand." General Lovell, the military comnumder, was sent for, and said that he would not surrender the city, nor allow it to be surrendered. lie was not able to defend it and had therefore evacuated it. • If they desired to shell the town, destroying women and children, they could do .so. He would therefore retire and leave the city authorities to pursue what course they should thiidc proper. The matter was then left for the consideration of the city council, which, on the 26th, adopted the following resolution. Whereas the commou council of the city of New Orieans, liaviug been advised by the military authorities that the city is indefensible, declare that no resistance Avill be made to the forces of the United States. This resolution, accompanied by an insolent letter from the mayor, was communicated to the admiral at G o'clock on the morning of the 27th, Sunday, and at 8 o'clock the ffag of the United States was hoisted on the United States mint by a party sent from the Pensacola, the vesse' that lay off" the mint. No guard was left with the flag because the admiral relied upon the assurance given by the resolution of the common council, that no resistance would "be made to the forces of the United States," but the bystanders AA^ere warned that the guns of the Pensacola would certainly open fire upon the building if any one w^as seen molesting the flag. The howitzers in the maintop of the Pensacola were aimed at the flag-staff^ and the guard ordered to fire the moment any one should attempt. A few minutes after 11 o'clock, and w^hile the crew of all tlie ships were assembled at prayers, the crew of the Pensacola was startled by the report of the howitzer in the maintop. They rushed to quarters, and by common impulse pulled the lanyards of the guns on the l>roadside looking toward the city. As the clouds threatened rain the gunner of the ship had, a short time before, removed the primers, and this providential removal of tbe primers saved New Orleans from a fearful scene of destruction and slaughter, which would have involved the innocent and the guilty alike. The laws of war prescribe the punishment of death against any one who shall begin, set on foot, or incite resistance in any city, town, or place, after it has surrendered, or its defense has been abandoned by its armed garrison. The United States commander had been notified by General Lovell that he had abandoned the defense of the ]flace and would leave the city authorities to pursue what course they should think proper, and these in turn had officially notified Commodore Farragut that no resistance would be made. Tlie acts of Mumford and his associates w^ere in violation of the laws of war, and subjected them to the penalty * See E 8. " " 308 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR denounced by those laws, a penalty that is always exacted summarily if the parties are caught in the act, and after investigation and proof, if , they esca])e for the time. Mumford did escape for the time, hut was subsequently arrested, and upon proof and conviction was executed. History abounds in similar examples, but it is considered that the citation of one prominent authority will be suftieient here. When the city of Mexico was attaclced by the United States forces, under General Scott, Santa Anna al)andoned its defense and withdrew his army, leaving the city under the control of the civil authorities, or ayuntamiento. The latter notilied (General Scott that the army had retired and proposed to surrender. Soon after the forces entered, the mob of the city, incited as it was supposed by Mexican ofticers in dis- guise, attacked the troops in the streets. Orders were immediately given by the commanding general to i)ut to death all that were caught in the act. This order was executed, quiet restored, tbe city saved from destruc- tion, and the lives of hundreds, perhaps tliousands, of innocent persons were saved. One Mexcan officer in citizen's clothes was found with the mob, but as there were doubts asitohis actual i^articipation, a council of war was assemled to in vestigate his case-* Mumford was arrested, tried, and convicted of "tearing down the United States dag from a i)ublic building of the United States for the purpose of inciting other evil-minded persons to further resistance to the laws and arms of the United States." t The analogy between the cases is perfect, except that Henriquez was acquitted, and ]\[umford was convicted. The tirst, third, and fourth of the points made in the proclamation, as to the manner in which the war was carried on within General Butler's -command, are covered by the same general answer. As a general rnlc, the inhabitants of a pLace lose their right to resist on its complete capture, or formal snri-ender, and the conqueror then loses his right to kill. Tho8(i who retain their arms and refuse to surrender are still enemies exercising tli« rights of war, and subject to its consequences, but those who submit are bound by the; conditions, expressed or implied, of such submission. Obedience to the laws which the conqueror may Impose, is und()ul)tc(liy one of those implied cojulitions. * * They are virtually in tlie condition of prisoners of war on parole. No word of honor has been given, but it was implied, for only on tluit condition would the conqueror have reliufiuished the extreme right of war which he held over their lives, and have suffered them freely and peacefully to pursue their ordinary avocations. The laws of the United States and the rules established by the mili- tary commander governed the inhabitants of the captured city. These last were laid down in General Butler's proclamation of May i, 18GL*, in such explicit language that none could fail to know or understand them, and under that i)roclamation, and the enforcement of the rules which it prescribed, the city of New Orleans attained a condition of order and quiet to whi(;li it had long been a stranger, even in periods of peace. The best comment upon the absurdity and falsity of this part of the proclamation is furnisiied by the rebel papers published in New Orleans, extracts of which are here given : For seven years past the world knows that this city, in departments judicial, legis- lative, and executive, has been at the absolute disposal of the most godless, brutal,"ig- norant, and rjithless ruffianism the world has ever heard since the days of the gieat Roman con8]»irator. Uy means of a secret organization emanating from that fecund source of every politiciil infamy. New iMiglaml, and named "Know Nothingism'' or " Sammyism," form the boasted exclusive devotion of the fraternity to the Unittjd States. * See General Orders No. 291, headquarters of the army, city of Mexico, September 19, 1847. t See General Butler's Special Order No. 10, dated at New Orleans, June 5, 1862. BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 309 Our city, from being the abode of decency, liberality, generosity, and justice, has be- come a perfect liell. The temples of justice are sanctuaries for crime ; the ministers of the laws the nominees oi blood-stained, vulgar, ribald cabalers ; licensed murderers shed innocent blood on the most public thoroughfares with impunity ; witnesses of the most atrocious crimes arc either spirited away, bought off, or intimidated from testify- ing ; perjured associates are retained to prove alibis, and ready bail is always procura- ble for the immediate use of those whom it is not immediately prudent to enlarge other- wise. The electoral system is a farce and a fraud ; the knife, the slung-shot, the brass knuckles determining, while the sham is being enacted, who shall occupy and ad"hiin- ister the offices of the municipality and the Commonwealth. Can our condition surprise any man f It is either a fair ground fur reproach to the well-disposed, kind-hearted, anil intelligent fixeiLpopulatiou of New Orleans that institutions and officers designed for the safety of their persons, the security of their property, and maintenance of their fair repute and unsullied honor, should, by a baud of conspirators in possession, by force and fi-aud, of the electoral machinery, be diverted Irom their legitimate uses, and made engines of the most iusupportable oppression.* While some may tliisseut from the editor's political views, no one can doubt the truth of his picture. Tlie mayor and municipal authorities have been allowed to retain their power and privileges iu everything unconnected with military aliairs. The federal soldiers do not seem to interfere with the private ])roperty of the citizens, and have done nothing, that we are aware of, to provoke difficulty. The usual nightly reports of arrests for vagrancy, assaults, wounding and killing, haveiuiquestionably been diminished. The city is as tranquil aud peaceable as in the most quiet times, t Persons who violated the laws of the United States, or violated the rules established by the military commander, were properly and legally punished. If they violated the law by relieving the enemy with money, victuals, or ammunition, or by harboring or protecting him, or b^^ hold- ing correspondence with him, or giving him intelligence directly or in- directly, and were punished by imprisonment only, they had reason to congratulate themselves that the extreme i)enalty (death) denounced by the laws of war was not inflicted. The city of New Orleans' was the great depot from which the rebels drew their supplies, and the cotton and sugar region tributary to it furnished the means of paying for the supplies that were procured from abroad. The capture of the city was a severe blow to the rebel government, but means were immediately set on foot to make it still available for the i^urpose of supplying their armies, or paying for supplies from abroad that ran the blockade into other ports. The rebel armies in the South, both east and west of the Mississippi, were largely supplied with ammunition, clothing, medicines, and salted meats from New Orleans, or with means that were supplied from that place. The documents E 9, LO, 11, copies of originals found in the archives of the rebel war department after the capture of Richmond, indicate the manner, and, in some degree, the extent to which this illegal trade was carried on. The sequestration ordered by General Butler, and complained of by Jeflerson Davis, had its warrant, not only in the laws of war, but in the statute of July 17, 18G2. It was a mild copy of the sequestration laws of the rebel congress. The latter applied to all who did not "yield and acknowledge alle- giance to the Confederate States." The latter, by the terms of General Butler's order, did not apply to any person who had not actually " been in arms against the United States since the occupation of New Orleans by its forces." Those who remained peaceably vtpon their plantations, giving no aid and comfort to the enemies of the Unitetl States, and who returned to their allegiance, were not only authorized " to work their * New Orleans True Delta of May 6, 1862. t New Orleans Bee of May 8, 1862. 310 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR own plantations, to make their own crop, and to retain possession of their own property, but were to be furnished with the means of trans- portation for their crops and supplies at just and equitable prices." Practically, th^ order was applied only to those who had abandoned their property and were in arms against the United States.* The prisoners of war who siu^reudered to the naval forces On agree- ment that they should be released or iiaroled were imprisoned and other- wise punished, because they had not only violated their parole, but had violated the laws of war by conspiring- against the government of the United States, t The complaint against the organization and employment of colored troops comes with an ill grace from a i)retended government that, months before, had not only organized and employed colored troops, but Indians in its service, and these last were guilty of atrocities which the rebel generals, who used them, had the grace to regret, but could not deny.f During all this time from thirty to fifty thousand persons, the great majority of them the wives and children or widows and orphans of rebel soldiers, were fed and cared for by the military authorities in Louisiana, and this was couthuied until some time after the suppression of the re- bellion. In aid of this, military contributions were sanctioned by the laws of war and practiced by every civilized nation; but in Louisiana, instead of a general tax upon the inhabitants of the conquered territory, by a just discrimination, these contributions were levied upon those who had been most instrumental in bringing about the necessity. § IS'o further comment upon this document is necessary, except that its infamy would have been incomplete if the calumnies upon the private character of officers of the army had been wanting. On the U8th of December, 18G2, Colonel Ludlow, United States agent of exchange, telegraphed to the Secretary of War, asking if, in view of Jefferson Davis's proclamation, commissioned officers of the rebel army should not be detained instead of being forwarded as usual for exchange, || and on the same day was instructed by the Secretary of War not to make any exchange of commissioned officers until further orders. ^ On the 30th of December this order was made general. ** f JVIARCH, 1863. GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN— DA VIS'S MESSAGE OF 12tII JANU- ARY, 1863 — REPETITION OF THREATS — LUDLOW — OULD— EXCH.VNGES — REVOCATION OK DA Vis's PROCLAMATION ASKED — COMPLAINTS OF OULD — COLONEL LUDLOW'S .VNSWER — DUPLICITY OF OULD — UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT INSISTS ON EXCHANGES UNDER THE CARTEL. On the 2d of January, 1863, the rebel governor of Virginia addressed an insolent letter to the President of the United States demanding that one Jaroona, captured within the Union lines disguised in women's clothes, and pro])erly subject to the treatment of a spy, should be re- garded as an ordinary prisoner of war, and threatening retaliation if the demand was not complied with.it On the 12th of January, in his message to the rebel congress Jeffer- * See General Orders No. 91, department of the Gulf, of November 9, 1862. tSee General Orders No. 36, department of the Gulf, dated May 31, 1862. tSee General Orders No. 63, department of the Gulf, of Au II See E 13. H See E 14. ** See E 15. ft See E 16. BY THE KEBEL AUTHORITIES. 311 son Davis repeats the threats contained in his proclamation of Decem- ber 24, 1862, and says : So fur as regards the action of this government on such criminals as may attempt its execution, (the emancipation jn'oclamation of January 1, 18(53,) I confine myself to informing you that I shall, unless in your wisdom you deem some other course more ex- pedient, delivcT to the several State authorities all cigmmissioned officers of the United States that may hereafter be captured by our forces in any of the States embraced in the proclamation, in order that they may be dealt with according to the laws of those States providing for the punishment of criminals engaged in inciting servile insur- rection.* On the 14th of January, Colonel Ludlow, United States aji^ent of ex- change, addressed a communication to Robert Ould, rebel agent of ex- change, in which he says : " I desire to know whether, in compliance with the terms of the cartel, the commissioned United States ofiicers now in your hands are' to be released." On the 18th of the same month Mr. Ould was asked to reply to the communication of the 14th instant in reference to the " retention of the United States officers in violation of the cartel." On the 21st Colonel Ludlow transmitted to General Hitchcock, United States commissioner for exchange of prisoners, a communication from Robert Ould, in which the latter says : In your communication of the 14th instant, you desire to know whether the federal commissioned oQicers will be released. I have already furnished you with an official copy of the proclamation of President Davis of December 23, 1862. In conformity therewith officers will not bo released on parole, but will be exchanged for those of corresponding rank. If yon have any confederate officer in your possession, and will deliver him, an officer of like grade will bo delivered to you, and they will be declared duly exchanged. So if you have releaared any officer on parole, we will deliver to you an officer of corrc.s]>ouding rank, and declare them exchanged. The federal officers now in our possession will not be surrendered to you on parole. This rule will apply only to commissioned officers. We are ready at any time to release on parole and de- liver to you your non-commissioned officers and privates. This course has been forced upon the confederate government, not only by the re- fusal of the authorities of the Uuited States to respond to the repeated applications of this government in relation to the execution of Mumford, but by their i>ersistence in retaining confederate officers who were entitled to parole and exchange. I have now, and have had for a long time, authentic evidence of the retention of a large number of confederate officers by your military authorities. Several prominent cases have recently been presented to me. You are very well aware that this has been a subject of complaint ever since the adoption of the cartel. In view of all these facts the confederate government has determined to refuse parole to any of your officers imtil the grievances of which it has complained are redressed. Of course this applies to such commissioned officers as were captured before the date of President Davis's message. He himself has indicated what disposition will be made of such as may be captured after that date, t It has been seen in the i^revious parts of this summary, that the gov- ernment of the United States had, at the demands of the rebel author- ities, relinquished its right to deal with captured rebels in accordance with i(s own laws, but had in many instances, as in the cases of Buck- ner and Tilghman, intervened with the States of which they were citi- zens, stopped the prosecutions in the civil courts, and put them on the footing of prisoners of war. At the date of Ould's communication, no rebel officers were held otherwise than as prisoners of war, except such as were captured as spies, or had been guilty of violations of the known laws and usages of war, for which, upon conviction, they were subject to punishment under the laws of war. To secure the release of its pris- oners and protect them from rebel barbarities, the government of the United States conceded more of its undoubted rights than any civilized government has yet conceded, except under the pressiu-e of absolute *SeeE17. tSeeElS. 312 TEEATMENT OF PBISONERS OF WAR conquest. As an instance of that spirit, it consented on the IGtIi of January to receive the Mnrfreesboro prisoners with or without their ofiicers, thus relieving the rebel government of the burden of guarding and feeding several thousand men.* On the lOtli of January General Hitchcock, United States commis- sioner of exchange, addressed a communication to the Secretary of War, in which he inclosed an extract from the message of Jefferson Davis, (already quoted,) and invited the attention of the Secretary "to a proclamation issued by the sauK^, functionary about a month since, di- rected chietly against Major General Butler, in which, in violation of an existing cartel for the exchange of prisoners, Mr. Davis declares his purpose of holding a certain class of prisoners in duress, putting their lives in jeopardy, contrary to the laws of Avar. In consequence of this proclamation you were constrained to give the necessary orders for hold- ing in close custody certain officers of the rebel army taken in arms, with the simple design of awaiting the further action of the rebel author- ities in the premises. This precautionary measure on your part is be- lieved to be all that can be done in the present case, until it can be seen whether the rebel authorities in the South shall attempt to outrage the public sentiment of the civilized world, by putting into practice the savage threat indicated in the slip hereto annexed." t On the 11th of February Colonel Ludlow, United States agent of ex- change, telegraphed to the Secretary of War that, " in reply to my de- mand, Mr. Ould, confederate agent for exchange of prisoners, has just informed me that all United States officers captured before Decen'iber 10, (23d,) 18G2, the date of Jeff Davis's proclamation, would be imme- diately released. All the sutler's clerks and ^^overnment employes at Eichmoud have been released and have arrived here on flag of truce." if On the 19th of February Colonel Ludlow reported to the Secretary of War : I have just returned from City Point from a conference with Mr. Ould. The legisla- ture of Virginia will ove^r^l(^ Governor Jjetclier in liis late attempts at retaliation in imprisoning United States oflk'ers, and will transfer to the confederate authorities, wliera it properly belongs, under the cartel, all matters connected with exchanges of prisoners. It is now quite certain that tlie confederate congress will overrule Mr. Jefterson Davis in his retaliatory proclamation and message, and exchanges will go on as heretofore under the cartel. I have i)erfect.LMl arrangements for the exchange of civilians. vS During the month of JMarch operations were limited to the exchange and delivery of citizens and of enlisted men. || iSTo conclusion was reached with regard to the parole and exchange of officers.Vf By a tacit arrangement between the agents of exchange, oflBcers of both services who were prisoners of war had been delivered, not- withstanding the proclamation and message of the rebel president ; but as this course was liable to interruption at any moment. Colonel Ludlow endeavored to i)ut the subject upon a better defined and more substan- tial basis, and on the Sth of April addressed a communication to Mr. Ould, rebel agent, in which he says : The best mode of arranging all questions relating to exchange of officers is to revoke, formally or informally, the olfensive proclamation in relation to our officers. I simply ask that you say by autliority that such ])roclauiation is revoked. The spirit of that proclamation was the intliction of i)ersoual iudiguities upon our officers,«aud so long as it remains unrepealed it can, at any moment, be put in force by your authorities. What assurance have we that it will not be ? I earnestly desire a return to the cartel in all matters pertaining to officers, and until such be the case, and a uniformity of rule bo thereby established, olir exchange of » See E 19. t See E 20. t See E 21. § See E 22. || See E 23 and 24. H See E 25. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 313 officers must be special. Some of our officers paroled at Vicksburg were subsequently placed in close confinement. If hereafter we parole any of your officers, such parolea will be offset against any which you may possess. At present the exchanges will be confined to such equivalents as are held in confinement on either side.* Oil the lltli Mr. Ould replied to Colonel Ludlow's communication of tlie 8tb, and says : I am very much surprised at your refusal to deliver officers for those of your own ■who have been captured, i>aroled, and released by us subseciuent to the date of the proclamation and message of President Davis. This refusal is not only a flagrant breach of the cartel, but cau be supported by no rule of reciprocity or equity. It is utterly useless to argue any such matter. I assure you that not one officer of any gi-ade will be delivered to you until you change your purpose in this respect. You have charged us with breaking the cartel. With what sort of justice can that allegation be supported, when you delivered, only a few days ago, ninety officers, most of whom had been suftered to languish and suffer in prison for months before we were compelled, by that ami other reasons, to issue the retaliatory order of which you com- plain ? Those ninety odd are not one-half of those whom you unjustly hold in prison. On the other hand I defy you to name the case of one who is confined by us whom our government has declared exchanged. Is it your idea that we are to be bound in every strictness of the cartel, while you are at liberty to violate it for mojiths, and that, too, not only in a few instances, but in hundreds ? You know that our refusal to parole officers was a matter exclusively of retaliation. It was based only on your refusal to observe the requirements of the car- tel. All that you had to do to remove the obnoxious measure of retaliation was to observe the j)rovisions of the cartel, and redress the wrongs which had been perpe- trated. Your last resolution, if persisted in, settles the matter. You need not send any offi- cers to City Point with the expectation of getting an equivalent in officers, so long as you refuse'to deliver any for those whom we have paroled in Tennessee and Kentucky. If captivity, privation, and misery are to be the fate of officers on both sides here- after, let God judge between us. I have struggled in this matter as if it had been a matter of life and death to me. I am heart-sick at the termination, but I have no self-reproaches, t On the 13tli Colonel Ludlow writes : I have just received your letter of the 11th iusttint, and am too much hurried to reply as I wish, in detail, to the several points therein contained. You are all wrong in your premises, arguments, and conclusions. i agree with you that it is useless to argue the question, and I unite with you in your earnest desire to alleviate the miseries of captivity of officers who have been so needless- ly and so cruelly subjected to itby the proclamation and message of Mr. Jeiferson Davis. I Mill acknowledge all proper paroles of our officers by delivering to you equivalents of your officers after the special exchanges of those now in confinement are carried out. This, I believe, is what you ask for. Will you frankly inform me if it be the in- tention of your authorities to put in force the ofleusive portion of the proclamation and message so often alluded to, when the fortunes of war may place the greater num- ber of our officers in your hands. + On the 21st of April Colonel Ludlow sent a copy of this letter, repeated his williuguess to exchange ofticers on the terms therein mentioned, and wished to know whether those terms were assented to by Mr. Ould. On the 22d Mr. Ould replied, covering- up, or avoiding all reference to, the real point in controversy, the proclamation and message of Jefferson Davis, and with many professions of fairness, equality, and reciprocity, proposed to continue exchanges of officers, (the balance being then in our favor,) but gave no assurance that the proclamation and message of the rebel president would not be put in force the moment that balance was against us. § The minor point of controversy, (proper paroles,) which Mr. Ould so industriously puts forward, grew out of the practice of the rebel authori- ties in their raid made in Maryland, Tennessee, and Kentucky, to parole officers and men on the spot when they were captured, and then turn them loose, in order that they might goon with undiminished force, and make more captures. *See E 26. t See E 27. t See E 28. $ See E 29. 314 TREATMENT OF PRISONEES OF WAR This was in direct violation of tlie terms of tlie cartel, Tvliicli required that all iirisoners thereafter taken should be sent to the points of de- livery '■'■ and there exchauged, or paroled until such exchange can be ef- fected. The concluding article of the cartel provided that " in case any mis- understanding shall arise in regard to any clause or stipulation in the foregoing articles, it is mutually agreed that such misunderstanding shall not interrupt the release of prisoners on parole, as herein provided, but shall be made the subject of friendly explanations, in order that the ob- ject of this agreement may neither be defeated nor postponed. * So anxious was the government of the United States to avoid any imputation of bad faith in carrying out the provisions of the cartel, that it not ouly refused to imitate the rebel practice, but it for some time accepted the paroles of officers and men taken in violation of the cartel and gave equivalents, trusting that the rebel authorities would, upon " friendly explanations," desist from the practice and right the wrongs complained of. Under this rule it accepted and gave equivalents for thirteen thousand men, captured at Harper's Ferry, paroled on the field and turned loose, in order that their rebel captors might take part in the battle of Antietam, then in progress, and only a few miles distant. In like manner it accepted and gave equivalents for five hundred citizens, IJaroled by the rebel General Stuart, in one of his raids into Maryland. On the 24th of April, the government of the United States formally determined that all future paroles must be in accordance with the terms of the cartel.* MAY, 1863. DECLARATIONS OF EXCHANGE MADE — BALANCE OF PRISONERS AGAINST US — NEW OBSTA- CLES — RETALIATION THREATENED — CAPTAINS M'GRAW AND CORBIN — CAPTAINS ELYNN AND SAWYER — CONFERENCE BETWEEN LUDLOW AND OULD. The minor difficulties in the way of exchange of officers were settled between the agents, and on the 5tli of May Colonel Ludlow reported that he had just returned from City Point and had brought with him all Union officers who have b£en held by the confederates, and that he had made the following declarations of exchange : First. All officers and enlisted men, and all persons, whatever may have been their classification or character, who have been delivered at City Point, Va., up to the Gth of IMay, 18G3. Second. All officers and enlisted men who have been captured and re- leased on parole up to April 1, 1803, wherever they may have been cap- tured. Third. All enlisted men who have been captui'ed in North Carolina or Virginia, and released on parele up to the first of March, ISO;], t On the 12th of May Colonel Ludlow reported that he had been noti- fied by Mr. Ould that about ten thousand of the Fredericksburg (Union) prisoners were at Eichmond for delivery. | The balance of prisoners being now against us, on the 22d of May Mr. Ould addressed several communications to Colonel Ludlow, giving but little indication of the spirit of " friendly explanation." In the first of these, after stating that in the last six months he had been present- ing lists of confederate ofticers and soldiers, and confederate citizens, some of whom had been released but far the greater number remained in captivity, he proceeds to say : Nothing now remains but for mo to give you formal notice that our government ■will * See G. 0. 100 of 1863. tSeeE3o! t See E 31. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 315 resort to retaliation in evqj'y case wliicli has heretofore been brought to yoxir attention, where the wrong has not been redressed. The confederate authorities will exercise their discretion, selecting snch prisoners as they think best, whether officers or privates, for this purpose of retaliation. Yon will be notified in each case. I am now preparing a list of officer^ and men, such as are reserved for retaliation. As soon as the parties for whom they are lield are delivered to us, they will be released. I have tlms frankly informed you of our imrposes before they are put into execution, for the double purpose of preventing any imputation of bad faith and of giving you an opportunity of saving a resort to so stern a remedy.* In another he says : I perceive by the Northern papers that Captains McGraw and Corbin were shot to deatji with musketry on Friday the 15th instant, at or near Sandusky. * * The confederate government has ordered that two captains, now in our custody, shall be selected for execution in retaliation for this gross barbarity. The order will be speed- ily executed. Your papers refer to other cases of parties coudennied to death upon the same charge. They are some live or six in number. In view of the awful vortex into which thiugs are plunging, I give you notice that in the event of the execiition of those persons, retaliation, to an equal extent at least, will be visited upon your own officers, and if that is found inetiectual, the number will be iucreased. The Great Ruler of the Nations must judge who is responsible for the initiation of this chapter of barbarities, t Again he says : In several of your late communications you have appealed to me for the release of political prisoners held by us. I am ready to deliver every one when you do the same charity. Until then, not one of them shall be released, except at our own pleasure. * * * You have now thousands of helpless non-combatants in your prisons, not arrested as dangerous to your army, but incarcerated because it is supposed that they are loyal to their own country. Their numlier is increasing every day. I will listen to no proposition for the release of non-combatants not based upon the delivery of all ^f hom you have in custody, coupled with the distinct written under- standing as to future conduct in such captiu-es. If this is not agreeable, let God save the right. I hope that there will be no further mistakes between us in regard to this matter. I trust that I have made myself understood, t On the 25th Colonel Ludlow replied to Mr. Quid's communication, stating, in answer to the first, (in relation to citizen prisoners :) I have demanded them, and not, as you inform me, appealed to you for them. * * I have demanded them because I have delivered to you their equivalents, with the un- derstanding that you were to release them. * * * I shall deliver to you no more political or citizen prisoners, except at our own x>leasure, and no such agreement or understanding as you i^ropose will be for a moment entertained. § In reply to the second he states : Captains McGraw and Corbin were executed upon conviction of being spies. * * Without waiting to know the facts or evidence in these cases, for you have atlmitted that you are acting on a mere general newspaper statement, orders have been given, as you inform me, that two of our officers now in yoiu- custody are to be selected for execu- tion. * * I give you formal notice that for each officer so executed one of your officers in our hands will be immediately put to death, and if this number be not sufficient, it will be increased. The United' States have been most lenient in their treatment of prisoners. This leniency has been abused, and by your own admission, your officers and men have come within our lines, ostensibly for the purpose of recruiting, but in reality as spies. They have been taken in citizens dress under aU the circumstances clearly surround- ing the character of spies, and in accepting such service they have taken upon them- selves all its responsibility and the consequences of capture. And yet, you propose to select brave and honoralde officers, who have been captured in fair and open tight upon the battle-tield, and barbarously put them to death in retaliation for the just punish- ment of spies. I call to your mind, among numerous other instances, the barbarous execution of the brave men Avho, under orders of General Mitchell, captured a locomo- tive and train, and penetrated with it into the interior of Georgia, for the sole purpose, as was and is well known, of destroying your railroad communications. They were executed as spies, yet the United States government has, up to this time, not retaliated fur this act. Were I in your place, I should hardly dare to invoke the judgment of the Great Ruler of Nations upon the responsibility for the initiation of this, what you most properly term, chapter of horrors. || " See E 32. t See E 33. t See E 34. $ See E 35. 11 See 36. 316 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR And to the third : You threaten retaliation in your letter of the 22cl, unless certain parties whom you have demanded are delivered np to you. I beg leave to inform you that uo de- liveries of any kind will be made to you lander threats. If such threats are with- drawn, deliveries can be made of parties projierly entitled to release, but not otherwise. Three-fourths or nine-tenths of the cases of which you have furnished memoranda liave been released and delivered to you. If, before the investigations necessary in the remaining cases have been made, you put in practice retaliation, either upon our otiicers or men, I give you formal notice that the United States government Avill exercise their discretion in selecting such prisoners as they think best, whether officers or privates, for the pui'pose of counter retaliation. * This correspondence was snbmitted to the Secretary of War of the United States, by General Hitchcock, United States commissioner of exchange, with the recommendation that a letter be addressed to Colonel Ludlow, approving his course, as having- been rendered necessary by the tenor of Mr. Ould's communications. But it is considered proper, before any further steps are taken in following out the barbarous practice threatened by the rebel government, that the subject should belaid before the President of the United States, who may think it proper to advise with the memlwrs of his cabinet. The practice proposed by the rebel government is not simply an offense against the laws of war, but an outrage upon civilization and humanity, and cannot fail to call forth the condenmation of the historian and the execration of mankind, t On the 22d of May Colonel Ludlow served upon Mr. Ould copies of General Orders Nos. 49 and 100, and intbrmed him that these orders and the stipulations of the cartel would thereafter govern the army of the United States, he adds : I would invite your attention to article 7 of the cartel, which provides that prisoners of war shall be sent to the places of delivery therein specified. The execution of this article will obviate much discussion and difficulty growing out of the mode, time, and plan of giving paroles. No paroles, or exchanges, will be considered binding except those under the stipula- tions of said article, permitting commanders of two opposing armies to exchange, or release on parole at other points mutually agreed on by said commanders, t May 25, Colonel Ludlow reported by telegraph his return from City Point and his conference with Mr. Ould, and advised that orders be issued to release on parole no more confederate officers and men. § On the same day orders were sent to all the Union generals in com- mand, directing that " no confederate otiicers will be exchanged or j)aroled until further orders. They will be kept in close confinement and strongly guarded. Those already paroled will be confined. " || The question as to enlisted men was still kept open. JUNE, 1863. COLONEL STEEIGnx'S OFFICERS DEMANDED — OULD'S REPLY AND IXSOLEXCE-:-NEGRO AND INDIAN TROOPS EMPLOYED BY THE REBELS — IMPRISONMENT OF UNION LADIES — DECEPTION OF THE REBEL AUTHORITIES — IMPRISONMENT OF NEWSPAPER CORRESPOND- ENTS — OULD HINTS AT THE MURDER OF COLORED SOLDIERS — GENERAL HITCHCOCK, UNITED STATES COMMISSIONER OF EXCHANGE, ADVISES AGAINST RETALIATION. On the 3d of June Colonel Ludlow made a formal demand on IMr. Ould for the ofiQcers of Colonel Streight/s command, captured in Georgia, and tendered equivalents from tlie rebel oflicers in our hands, and said: If this demand and tender be refused please frankly state the reasons therefor, that the issues presented may be fully understood and promptly met. H On the 5th Mr, Ould replied : You ask mo for a frank statement of the reasons for the d(>tention of the officers of Colonel Streight's command. Allegations have been officially received from the higliest authority in Alabama, charging those officers with grave offenses, as well against the » See E 37. + See E 38. 4 See E 39. $ See E 40. || See E 41. If See E 4^. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 317 laws of the State as against the usages of civilized warfare. They are detained until proper iufpiiry can be made and the" facts ascertained, when a determination will be made by the confederate government, whether they come within the obligations of the cartel as prisoners of war, or are to be dealt with as criminals against the laws of war and the State.* Oq the 1st of May, 1863, the rebel congress had passed a joint resoki- tion in relation to retaliation, rumors of which had reached the United States authorities, and Colonel Ludlow, in his interviews with Mr. Ould, had mode application for an official copy of it. On the 3d of June he made a formal demand for it, and also asked to be informed if it was the intention of the rebel authorities to execute it. t On the 12th Mr. Ould transmitted a newspaper slip, purporting to be a copy of the resolutions, and in his letter of transmittal said : I inclose to you the resolution of congress in relation to retaliation. I thought you had seen it in the papers transmitted to you, otherwise I would have sent it. I take it for granted that the confederate authorities propose to carry out a resolution sol- emnly passed by them. I have not asked whether they intended to do so, and I do not think I will ever be so inconsiderate as to make such inquiry. I have thus frankly given my view as to this matter, and I beg leave to ask you in return whether it is the purpose of your government to execute its conscription act, and further, how many men will be raised under its provisions, I feel so deep a per- sonal interest in that .s\ibject that I hope I have not transgressed any propriety in mak- ing the inquiry after the example you have set met On the 14th Colonel Lnulow replied : My object in asking from you a copy of the act of the confederate congress, and in- formation as to intentions to execute it, was to know officially what disposition, under that act, was proposed to be made of officers and men captured in arms, and who had been duly mustered into the service of the United States, and also that the issues there- by presented could bo fully understood and promptly met. Sections 4, 5, 6, and 7, of this act, proposes a gross and inexcusable violation of the cartel, both in letter and in spirit. Upon reference to the cartel you will find no men- tion was made of what was to be the color of prisoners of war. It was unnecessary to make any siich mention, for before the establishment of the cartel, and before a single negro or mulatto was mustered into tlie service of the United states, you had them organized in arms in Louisiana. You had Indians and half-breeds, negroes and Indians organized in arms under Albert Pike in Arkansas. Subsequently negroes were captured on the battle-field of Antietam, and delivered as prisoners of war at Aiken's Landing to the confederate authorities, and receipted for and counted in exchange ; and more recently the confederate legislature of Ten- nessee has passed an act forcing into its military service (I quote literally) all male free persons of color between the ages of fifteen and tifty, or such nirmber as may be necessary, who may be sound in body and capable of actual service. * * You have not a foot of ground to stand upon in making the proposed discrimination among our captured officers and men. I protest against it as a violation of the cartel, of the laws and usages of war, and of your own practices under them. Passing events will clearly show tlui imi)i'acticability of executing the act referred to. In case, however, the attempt be made to execute it, I now give you formal notice that the United States government will throw its protection around all its officers and men without regard to color, and will promj)tly retaliate for all cases violating the cartel, or the laws and usages of war.'j On the 5th of June Mr. OuUl asked Colonel Ludlow to inform him when General Orders No. 100, served on him on the 23d of May, 1863, 'would be considered as going into effect, and was informed that it was considered as having gone into effect on the day on which it was served on him, May 23, and was of course equally binding. || On the ioth of June, Mr. Ould made a communication to Colonel Ludlow, the material feature of which was the repetition of a demand that the United States authorities should not exact the oath of allegi- ance from persons passing from the rebel into the Union lines, ^ To this, no answer was made by Colonel Ludlow ; but on the 30th the * See E 43. t See E 44 t See E 45. § See E 46. tl See E 47. - 1l See E 48. 318 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR United States Secretary of War, in calling Colonel Lndlow's attention to a statement in a Eiclimond paper, that eleven Yankee ladies captured at Winchester had been brought to Richmond and imprisoned in Castle Thunder, said : This government has just made aiTangements to send several hundred of rebel ladies to their homes at their own request, and the wives of rebel officers have been living among us Avithont molestation. If the statement of the dispatch be true, the gov- ernment must hold rebel ladies as hostages for Yankee ladies.* During the month Mr. Ould also made several communications charg- ing, in direct or indirect terms, violations of the cartel, want of faith in carrying out its provisions, and outrages committed by the United States troops in violation of the laAvs of war.t It was known at the time, but not then susceptible of direct proof, that the action of the rebel authorities was deceptive; that the demands made by it were fri\'olous and unfounded, and were made for the pur- pose of covering up the real poiuts iu controversy, the violations of the cartel under Jefferson Davis's proclamation and message, and the joint resolution of the rebel congress in relation to retaliation. In reference to this last, Colonel Ludlow in his report to the Secretary of War, June 22, says : I have reason to believe that Mr. Ould avoided a compliance with my demand for a cojiy of an act of the rebel congress in relation to retaliation, for other reasons than are stated by him ;t and in his report of the 30th, that his first application for the release of Richardson and Bi'owne had been peremptorily refused for the assigned reason that they were held in retaliation for citizens held by us. The real reason he believed was, that tlicy were connected with the Tribune, and were held to annoy. § The most fitting commentary upon the extravagance of these demands, the insolence of Quid's communications, and the hypocrisy of his appeals to " God" and to the " Great Rider of nations," is his own report to the rebel secretary of war, found among the records of the rebel war depart- ment when Richmond was captured, iu which he says : As yet the federals do not appear to have found any well anthentleatcd case of the retention of a nefjro prisoner. They have made several specific inquiries, hnt in each ease there teas no record of any such party, and I so responded. Haviny no especiul desire to find any such ease, it is more than probable the same answer will be returned to every such inquiry. \\ No cases of the retention of negro prisoners b}- the rebel authorities had been found, and it was " more than probable" that none would be found, because, under the sanguinary orders of the rebel war depart- ment, all such persons were put to death at the moment of capture. In striking contrast to the precepts and i)ractice of the rebel govern- ment, was the policy recommended by the United States commissioner of exchange and adopted by that government, and followed to the verge of national humiliation. On the 7th of June General Hitchcock, United States commissioner of exchange, addressed the United States Secretary of War : I think niglit and day of the correspondence between Mr. Ould and Colonel Ludlow, touching the safety of Union men whose lives have been threatened by the rebel goverinnent in alleged retaliation for the execution of two spies in Burnside'a depart-' meut. I am of opinion that while it was proper to justify Colonel Ludlow in writing his letter of tlie ^fith ultimo, threatening retaliation should tlie rebels carry out their threats, the letter being calculated to check them in the execution of their barbarous threats, still I would on no account follow their savage examx)lo. If they choose in the South to act as barbarians, we, as a civilized people, ought not to follow" thoir example. We have now more of their officers in our power than they have of ours, and are therefore in the right position for holding up their conduct to the eyes of the world, and drawing down upon them the abhorrence of maukind.il * See E 49. t See E 50 and 51. t See E 52. § See E 53. t| See E 54. U See E 55. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 319 (MAY— JULY— 18G3.) VIOLATION OF CARTEL BY REBEL GENERALS — CAPTURE OF GENERAL W. F, LEE — NO JIORK TALK ABOUT HANGING OUR OFFICERS— SURRENDER OF VICKSBURG AND PAROLE OF PRISONERS — APPREHENSIONS OF OUR GOVERNMENT FULFILLED — A. H. STEPHENS AT FORT MONROE — HIS REPORT TO THE REBEL GOVERNMENT — MISSTATEMENT OF FACTS— EXCHANGES INTERRUPTED BY THE PROCLAMATION OF DAVIS AND BY ACT OF THE CONFEDERATE CONGRESS — COLONEL LUDLOW TO OULD — CONFEDERATE AUTHORITIES ALONE AT FAULT — COLONEL LUDLOW RECOMMENDS HOSTAGES FOR CAP- TAINS SAWYER AND FLYNN — JULY 15TII, OULD SAYS HE SHALL DECLARE A PART OF THE VICKSBURG PRISONERS EXCHANGED — CARRIES OUT HIS INTENTIONS — PROTEST OF COLONEL LUDLOW — INVITES RENEWAL OF EXCHANGES — OULD DECLINES— AUGUST, 1863, GENERAL MEREDITH SUCCEEDS COLONEL LUDLOW AS AGENT 0¥ EXCHANGE. Altliough Mr. Ould bad been officially notified on the 23d of May tliat paroles would not be regarded as valid, unless the deliveries were made in accordance with the terms of the cartel, the rebel generals con- tiuued to parole their captives on the field, in order to relieve themselves of the inconvenience of guarding, feeding, and transporting them to the points of delivery.* On the 30tli of June the Secretary of War directed that rebel officers captured bj^ General Dix should not be paroled, as it was reported that rebel officers in the West were disregarding the cartel.t On the 1st of July Colonel Ludlow acknowledged the receipt of the above, and stated that no exchange of confederate officers has been made since the order of May 25, forbidding such exchanges. Brig. General W. F.'Lee (rel)el ariny)is at Fort Monroe, wounded and a prisoner. His retention settles all questions about hanging our officers. In order to obviate all misunderstandings in regard to x^aroles, I gave Mr. Ould, on the 23d May, the notice which is inclosed. Under its operation we shall derive great advantages, as every capture must be reduced to possession, except in cases where the commandersof opposing armies, under the authority of article 7 of the cartel, other- wise arrange. It had been the practice, especially in Kentucky and Tennessee, of the confederate forces to iiarole our captured officers and men when they were unable to bring them away, and thus preserve their own force unimpaired to make other cap- tures. If this rule of reducing captures to possession be not fully understood, I would respectfully suggest that it be announced in General Orders. * * # * For the present, exchanges of officers and citizens are not made. Those of enlisted men continue, t On the 1st of July Mr. Onld, in replying to exceptions taken by Col- onel Ludlow to the terms of exchange, notice No. 5, said: The clear understanding between us as to civilians was, that all wfio had been paroled, or put under any bonds, or who had taken any oath of allegiance, were released from condition of parole, bond, and oath when such civilians were delivered to their own people. It was confined to such as were released and delivered. Such is the fair and proper interpretation of paragraph 8 of notice 5. * * * If you continue to take excejitiou to the phraseology, I will correct it in mj^ next notice.^ On the 4th of July General Grant reported the surrender of Vicks- burg. The only terms allowed is their parole as prisoners of war. This I regard as of great advantage to us at this juncture. It saves probaldy several days in the capture of the town — leaves the troops and transports ready for immediate service.|| On the 8th of July the General-in-chief telegraphed to General Grant : I fear your paroling the garrison at Vicksburg without actual delivery to a proper agent as required by the 7th article of the cartel may bo construed into an absolute release, and that these men will be immediately iilaced in the ranks of the enemy. Such has been the case elsewhere. If these prisoners have not been allowed to depart you will retain them until further orders.U July 10, General Grant was informed that " on a full examination of the question, it is decided that you, as the commander of an army, * See E 57 and 58. t See E 59. t See E 60. $ See E 61. || See E 62. U See E 63. 320 TREATMEJ»T OF TRISONERS OF WAR were autliorized to ajiree ui)ou the parole and release of the garrison of Yicksburij;', with the iivnenJ eoiniuandinii' the place."* It will be seen hereafter I hat those fears were well fonnded, and that the invalidity of these par )les were not only elaiuied by the rebel anthor- ities, but the troops captured at Vieksburg were actually put in the tield, on the ground that Grant's a«;'reeuient should have been made with J. E. Johnston, Penibertou s senior, who at the time was neither in com- mand, nor in cominuuicaricin with the rebi'l army surrendered at A^icks- bursi', but was a fuiiitive from one of Grant's subordinates, in order to esca[)e capture himself. Ou the !Hh of -Inly the General iii-chief teleiiraphed to General Meade, comniandinji' the army of the Potomac : *• If no arranuement was made between you and General Lee tor the exchan.ue and parole of prisoners of war by desijiiiatin.i;- i)lar!es of delivery, as provided in 7th article of cartel, no parole liiven by the troops of either army is valid. Please answer if , any such ajireemeut was made.'"t Ou the saum day General Meade teleiiraphed in answer : " 1 have to state that General Lee made a proposition to me for an exchange of prisoners on the tield of Gettysburg, which I declined accepting."^ Ou the 10th of July Generals ]\leade, Schenck, and Lorenzo Tlunnas were notified that '• It has been understood and agreed between Colonel Ludlow and Mr. Ould, agents for exchange of prisoners, that paroles not given as prescribed tn section 7 of the cartel, after ^lay 2lM, aiv to be considered null and void, and that the oflicers and men of the res|iective parties paroled not in accordance with that section of the cartel will be returned to duty without exchange. They will be so returned to duty." § Oil the Itli of July, A. n. Stephens, rebel vice-president, presented himself in the neighborhood of Fort Monroe, on a mission from the rebel president. || On the 0th, Ci>l. Ludlow received instrnctions to inform "Slv. Stephens that "the customary agents and channels are considered adeiinate for all needful military conununications and conferences,'' and ^Ir. Steidiens returned to Kichmond, and in his report to the rebel president stated that to one acquainted with the facts, the reason assigned " seems not only unsatisfactory, but very singular and unaccountable, for it is cer- tainly knuwn to him that these very agents to whom he evidently alhuies, heretofore agreed upon in a former conference in reference to the exchang*^ of prisoners, (one of the subjects embraced in your letter to me,) are now, and have been for some time past, distinctly at issue ou several important points. The existing cartel, owing to these disagree- ments, is virtually suspended, so far as the exchange of otlicers is concerned." This rei)ort having been i)ublished in tlie rebel i)apers. Colonel Ludlow, on the loth of July, aiUlressed a communication to 3Jr. Ould, in which he said : As iu this statouu'iit Mr. Stoplieiis appoars to bo iiuacquaintod Avith the facts, may I ask tliat you will iiiforiii him tliat exchanges of prisoatTs of war, and tho sottlomcnt of the. troublesome atul intricate ([uestions connected therewith, were beiiij^ proceeded with successfully by us until the issue of the proclamation of the Hon. .lelierson Davis on the 2;'.d of December last, which, in -^ross violation of the cartul, reserved for execu- tion certain of our captured otHccrs and men. Will you please also inform Mr. Stephens that iu your and my anxious desire to allevi- ate the horrorst)f war, the proclamation after a little was ith of July Mr. Oidd re])lied in general terms, declaring that the course he had pursued was justified by the cartel and by the practice of the agents under the provisions of the cartel, and appealing to Goel for the truth of his statements. He alleges that there has not been a single moment in which there has not been an open and notorious viola- tion of the cartel by the United States authorities, but he ignores the fact that the suspeusion of exchange was brought about by the action of the rebel authorities under the proclamation of December 23, 1862, and the resolution of the rebel congress of May 1, 1803; nor does he give any assurance that these obnoxious acts would be rescinded. || Colonel Ludlow was relieved in the latter part of July, and General Meredith succeeded him in the early part of August, 18G3, as agent of exchange. *SeeE69. t See E 70. t See E 71. $ See E 72. || See E 73. H. Kep. 45 21 322 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR AUGUST, 18G3. CrilTICISM ON OULD'S conduct — HE REQUESTS AN INTERVIEW WITH GENERAL MERE- IJITII — GENERAL ORDERS NO. 100— CONSTRUCTION OF CARTEL — CASE OF DR. RUCKER — OULD REFUSES TO EXCHANGE COLORED TROOPS AND THEIR OFFICERS, OR TREAT THEM AS PRISONERS OF WAJl — GENERAL IMERB-DITH'S REPORT OF HIS INTERVIEW WITH OULD — SAYS OULD PROPOSED TO EXCHANGE, EXCEPTING OFFICERS EN COMMAND OP NEGRO TROOPS, WHICH WAS DECLINED. On tlie 1st of August, Mr. Ould addressed a communication to Gene- ral Meredith, in which he says : lu tlie Army aud Navy Official Gazette of the date of July 14, 1863, I find a letter of Lieutenant Colonel William H. Ludlow, of the date of July 7, 1863, addressed to Col- onel J. C. Keltf)n. In it is the following paragraph, to wit : "I have the honor also to state, that since the 22d of May last, it has been distinctly understood between Mr. Ould and myself that all captures must be reduced to posses- sion, and that all paroles to be disregarded, unless taken under the siiecial ai-rangement of commanding officers of armies in the field, as prescribed in section 7 of the cartel." If Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow means that he declared to me that such Avas the rule which had been adopted by the United States in relation to captures and paroles, to go into effect from and after May 23, 1863, he is entirely right. If he means that I at any time consented to adopt or acquiesce in any such rule, he is entirely wrong. All that passed between us is in writing. The correspondence will interpret itself.* It is not material to inquire into Mr. OukVs official statements to Col- onel Ludlow, or his mental reservations as to paroles, as his letter and indorsement books, now in the possession of the United States War Department, show conclusively what his actions were. The rule of con- struction announced by Colonel Ludlow was adopted hy him (Ould) when it affected rebel soldiers whom it was desii-able to put in the ranks, and repudiated when it woidd have the eflect of restoring a Union sol- dier to the army. On the 29th of July, only three days before his letter to General Meredith was written, Mr. Ould indorsed on a communication from John B. Daniel, stating that — He was captured near Tarboro, North Carolina, by the forces under General Edward Potter, and paroled on the field. Desires to be exchanged. Respectfully returned. The parole given by you on the battle-field is invalid, not binding, and cannot be recognized. You are released from it, and free to enter the service at once. July 29, 1863. t On the 7th of August General Meredith reported to General Hitchcock, United States commissioner of exchange, that he had received an earnest and pressing request from Mr. Ould " to grant him an interview as early as iwssible :" From what I can gather from Colonel Ludlow's letter-books, I supjiose the following- are the points to be insisted on : 1. The immediate exchange of Colonel Streight and his command. 2. An agreement that Dr. Green shall be held by the United States as a hostage for Dr. Eucker. Other surgeons to be exchanged. 3. That. all officers comnumding negro troops, and negro troops themselves, shall be treated as other prisoners of war, and exchanged in the same way. I feel constrained, for reasons stated above, to ask for full instructions as soon as possible, t On the 11th of August, General Meredith was furnished by General Hitchcock with a memorandum signed by the General-in-chief, which had been approved by the Secretary of War, in which it is said : Jt Avill be observed that General Orders No. 100, current series, simply announces general principles, which apply only in the absence of special agre«neuts. So far from changing in any way the cartel. Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow notified Mr. Ould at the time of giving this order, that our government would regard no parole as binding which was not given iu conformity with the provisions of tbe cartel. This was not fully " » See E 74. t See E 75. t See E 76. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 323 understood at the time, but it is alleged and believed has beeu carried out by the eucmy whenever it suited his convenience. It is understood that rebel prisoners illegally iiaroled by our officers have been re- turned to the ranks without exchange. * In regard to the prisoners paroled in ]\faryland and Pennsylvania by General Lee and his officers, it is stated by General Meade that General Lee requested him to appoint a place of exchange in accordance with the provisions of the cartel, and that he (Gen- eral Meade) declined the proposition. Nevertheless, in order to disembarrass himself from the care of these prisoners. General Lee proceeded to parole them. General Lee's officers in jiaroling these prisoners, and our officers and men in giving them, kuew, or ought to have known, that they were utterly null and void. And now, after having released our men on illegal paroles, in order to avoid guard- ing and feeding them, when his army was hard pressed and retreating before General Meade, General Lee, or rather his agent, Mr. Ould, insists tliat the United States gov- ernment shall either respect these illegal paroles or deliver the persons so j)aroled to the confederate authorities at City Point. This is certainly a most extraordinary demand, and cannot bo acceded to. In order, however, to avoid any difficulty on this point, General Meredith will be authorized to agree with Mr. Ould that all paroles given by officers and men on either side, between the 23d of May ami 3d of July, not in conformity with the stipulations of the cartel, be regarded as null and void, a declaration to that effect being published to both belligerents. The other three points mentioned in General Meredith's letter seem to be fully under- stood by him. The government of the United States will, under no circumstances, yield either of these points, t On the IGth of August, General Hitclicock sent to General Meredith, for Mr.Onkl, a memorandum: " In relation to Dr. Kucker and the exchange of medical officers, there is reason to suppose that Dr. Eucker has from the first been confined on various pretenses, but in reality because of his strong attachment to the Union. He has beeu twice tried and acquitted by Virginia courts, and is now held upon some third accusa- tion, the nature of which is not known to the undersigned." | On the same day Mr. Ould addressed a communication to General Meredith on the same subject, the material parts of which are as follows: The correspondence between Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow and myself seems to indicate that the only hiuderance to the immediate and uucouditional release of all surgeons is to be found in the detention of Dr. Rucker; and further, if such detention could find its justification in your general orders, even that hinderance would be removed. I therefore bring to yom- attention the foregoing facts, drawn from the indictments against Dr. Rucker, by which it clearly appears that he is rightfully held, and there- fore Dr. Green wrongfully detained in retaliation. I accordingly renew to you the proposition lieretofore made by me, that all surgeons now held on both sides, with the exception of Dr. Rucker, be released without delay. I have no objection to extend the proposition to nurses and attendants of the sanitary commissions. I would much prefer, however, that it should embrace all non-com- batauts.^ On the 25th of August General Meredith reported to General Hitch- cock: To my demand that all officers commanding negro troops, and negro troops them- selves, should be treated as other pi-isoners of war and be exchanged as such, Mr. Ould declined acceding, remarking that they (the rebels) would die "in the last ditch before giving up the right to send slaves back to slavery as property recaptured, but that they Avere willing to make exception in the case of free blacks. He would not tell nie exactly how his authorities intended to distinguish between the two, (free and slave. ) but pr(!sumed that evidence as to the fact of freedom would be taken into consideration. As their laws put free andslave on the same footing no comment is necessary.|| The proposition submitted to the rebel authorities on the 12th of Au- gust, with the approval of the Secretary of AVar, viz : That all paroles given by officers and men on either side between the 23d of May and the 3d of July, not in conformity witli the stipulations of the cartel, be re- garded as null and void, a declaration to that effect being published to both belligerents, t was declined by Mr. Ould, who submitted as a counter- proposal that "all paroles on both sides heretofore given shall be determ- * See E 75. tSee E 77. t See E 78. $ See E 79. || See E 80. ~ 324 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR ined by tlie General Orders issued by tlie War Department of the United States, viz : Nos. 49, ] 00, and 207 of this year, according to their resj^ective dates and in conformity with paragraph 131, General Orders No. 100, so long as said paragraph was in force.'' If this proi)osition is not accepted I ])ropose that the practice heretofore adopted respecting paroles be con- tinned. In other words, I propose that the whole qnestion of paroles shall be determined by the General Orders of the United States accord- ing to their dates, or that it be decided by former practice. This pro- I)osition bears date Angiist 21.* Oil the 2>th of August General Meredith reported to General Hitch- cock that in liis late inrerview with Mr. Ould the latter proposed " to exchange officer for otticer of the same grade, except sKch as are in com- mand of negro f/'or>;>.v," which General Meredith (very properly) de(;lined.t Tliese indicate the results of the interview which Mr. Ould had urgently and pressingly requested, and exhibited in clear and unequiv- ocal terms the determination of the rebel authorities to persist in the inhuman and Iwubarous policy announced in Jefferson Davis's procla- mation of December- 21, 18G2, his message of January 12, 1803, and the law of May 1, in relation to retaliation,, all of which stood unrevoked. The counter proposition in relation to paroles was^ sub^nitted by Mr. Ould for the i)ur|)ose of gaining time, obscuring as much as possible the real points of contrijversy, and excusing a still greater violation of the cartel for which he was then preparing. SEPTEMBER, 1863. KEBEL COMMISSIONER BECLAKES THE VICKSBURC. PAROLED PRISONERS EXCHANGED — SECRET OE THIS — INSTRUCTIONS TO GENERAL MEREDITH — THE GETTYSBURG PAROLES — OULD'S EXPLANATION — ATTEMPTS TO COVER UP VIOLATION OF THE CARTEL — HIS ADMISSIONS— TP.EATMENT OF PAROLES — REBEL PRISONERS DREAD BEING SENT SOUTH — OBJECT OF REBEL AUTHORITIES IN ARRESTING CITIZENS — PURPOSE OF THE UNITED STATES G0VERN:\IENT— OUR DISADVANTAGE AT CHICAMAUGA — SECRET :MAN- AGEMENT OF OULD — THE PAROLES AT PORT HITDSON — VICKSBURG PAI50LED PRIS- ONEIJS RECAPTURED — REPLY OF GENERAL MEREDITH TO OULD — REBEL COMMIS- SIONER CANNOT BE TRUSTED. On the 7th of Sei)tember Mr. Ould addressed General Meredith pro- fessing great astonishment in not receiving one word in relation to the very grave and imi)ortant matters which were the subjects of discussion between us in our interview at City Point. That interview took place two weeks ago, and proceeds to say : I therefore inform you that the confederate authorities will consider themselves entirely at liberty to pursue any c )urse, with reference to my written proposition (in relation to paroles) to you, which they may deem right and proper under all the cir- cumstances of the case.t Four days later, and before any answer could have been given, he uotitied General JMeredith that, "On to-morrow, September 12, 1803, by virtue of the provisioiis of the cartel, I shall declare exchanged the fol- lowing confederate olUcers and men, captured at Vicksburg, Jul3'4, 1803, and since then i)aro]ee relied on. General Meredith's computation as to the Vicksburg prisoners may therefore be true, though I doubt it. The second item of 72 officers and 8,014 men, who, he says, were delivered at City Point, is grossly false. All the officers referred to were specially exchauged at the time of delivery, and therefore there is no charge against ns as to them. The number of privates delivered was 5,881, instead of 8,014. In paroles General Meredith gives me credit for oidy li),409 men. From the time of the last declaration of exchange to Septendter 1, 1 have delivered alone 18,G10 men, all of whom are on parole. I have other paroles amounting to at least Ki.OOO, so that instead of being entitled to a credit of only 19,4011, J have diu^ to me ;{4,(310. Allowing that Meredith's Vicksburg conii)utation is correct, he would owe me, niton the notice which he has published, 7,50(1, instead of my owing him 10.024. as he claims. Meredith, not content with the falsehoods already referred to, ntters several others. 1. He says I did not give him notice of the sixth section of my exchange notice, which declared all persons delivered at City I'oiut, before July 25, 18(53, exchanged. On the 1st day of August, 1815:5, I gave him notice that I hatl declared such an ex- change, and he took no exception to it. 2. He says I furnished him with no lists. This is also false as to the deliveries at City Point. As to the Vicksburg lists, they were already in his possession and not iu mine. 3. The statement about my agreement with Colonel Ludlow is also false, and Mere- dith was so informed by me on the 1st of August, 1863. I saw a similar statement iu the Army and Navy Gazette, and immediately wrote to Meredith that the statement was untrue. You are aware that, on the 2)M of August last, I proposed to the federal agent to arrange our disputes abimt paroles on the principles of the general orders issued at Washington, or lo adhere to our former practice. I can neither get an acceptance nor refusal, although I have frecpu^ntly pressed for one or the other. In view of that fact I published the declaration of exchange of September 12, 1863. You see what action has been taken upon that by the federal authorities. I am entirely willing, if it meets your approval, to make a declaration corresiJonding Avith that of the federal agent, exchanging all officers and men who were captured and paroled at any time previous to the 1st of September, 18()3. I believe I would be justiiied before God and nuiu in such a proceeding. While the jtaroles held by them exceed ouis to a considerable extent, their conduct has been so nefarious, their refusal to adjust the paroles on both sides so persistent, and their recent declai'atiou so ila- grantly outrageous, that I believe I would bo authorized to jtublish a declaration of exchange of all otlicers and men captured and paroled at any time before Septendjer 1, 18(53. Such a declaration would not lu'ccssarily prevent a future adjustment of paroles. Perhaps it would facilitate it. Wheu our indebtedness was ascertained it would establish a debt which wo would honor. The federals themselves have on more than one occasion, with ni> provocation, made an overdraw. If I made such a declara- tion I would accompany it with an expression of willingness to account for any deti- ciency in the number of jtaroles held by us, when that deticieuey was fairly and prop- erly established. It might well be accompanied with a regret that their course had been such as to force tlie proceeding upon ns. If this recommendation does not meet your favor, I propose, at least, that the par- ties captured at Port Hudson be immediately released from the obligation of theii' * See E 87. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 327 paroles. The enemy has already discharged their officers and men paroled at Gettys- burg. Tliey did it nearly two months ago. I do not think that the federal authorities recognise the I'ort Hudson paroles as valid. I have seen aud heard enough to satisfy me that tlKjy do not so regard them. Perhaps this discharge had better be made in general orders with j)roper averments. If you think it can better be done by me, as agent of exchange, I am prepared to do it.* As this, altbouffli not tho first, was the most important of a series of communications in which Mr. Oiild endeavored to cover up and excuse, even to his own authorities, his repeated viohitions of the cartel and breach of faitli, it may be important to examine into the con-ectness of some of his assertions. First. Wliile denouncing General Meredith's statements as filled with falsehoods, he admits, with regard to the first, that the lists of the Vicks- burg captures received by lum are too imperfect to be relied on. The cartel required each party to furnish to the other party a list of the prisoners discharged, and of their own officers and men relieved from parole, tiius enabling each party to relieve from parole such of their own officers and men as the party may choose. The lists thus mutually furnished will keep both ])artie.s advised of the true condition of the exchange' of prisoners. Failing in this, Mr. Quid was estopped from any questions of the correctness of the lists ]uepared and exchanged at Vicksburg at the capture of that place. These lists are known to have been correct. Second. -The records of the United States Commissary General of Prisoners show that the deliveries on parole at City Point, to July 25, were seventy-two officers and eight thousand and fourteen men, corre- sponding exactly with the statement made by General Meredith; and as these lists were made from the rolls of prisoners as they were delivered, no reason is seen to question their coiTcctness unless ol>jection had been made by the rebel agent at the time of delivery. This objection was not made by Mr. Ould, and it appears from his own books that he re- garded as exchanged only those who were delivered prior to July 20, (and not July 2.j,) 1SG3. On a communication addressed to the rebel adjutant and inspector general by Colonel Edward Willis, 12th Georgia regiment, Mr. Ould indorsed, on the 19th of August, 1803 : All officers and men deliven^l at City Point, Virginia, prior to July 20, 1863, are duly and regularly exchaiif/n1. The men named within were delivered at City Point August 1, aud are not exehang new feature in the system of exchanges, but was simply the notification on the part of the governmeut of the United States, tliat the irregularities of the rebel authorities which had been tolerated in the ho[)e of reclaiming its prisoners would no longer be waived, and that all future i)aroles must be given and taken in accordance with the provisions of the cartel. Both Colonel Ludlow and Mr. Ould were simply agents of exchange, and neither had power to introduce any new conditions. That Mr. Ould so understood the question and so acted, is abundantly i)roven by the evidence of his own books. On the 29th of July, only three days before the letter to General Meredith, he decided in the case of John B. Daniel: " The parole given by you on the battle-tield is invalid, not binding, and cannot be recognized. You are released from it, and free to enter the service at once."* On the Dth of October, eight days after the letter to the rebel secre- tary of Avar was written, he decided in the case of the Wytheville prisoners : The prisouers named within are not bound by the paroles given by them. The Yankee authorities have notified me that they would not expect us to recognize any such i)arole8 given after tlio 23d of May hist. They have also issued a general order, No. 207, July U, 1803, to the same effect. Their doctrine is that all captures must be reduced to possession and the parties delivered at City Point, or at Vicksburg, unless the commanders of two opposing armies otherwise agree, t This was the doctrine of the United States and the rebel government, as solemnly agreed ui)ou in the cartel. As the other points referred to by Mr. Ould will come up naturally at a later period, no further comment is necessary than to invite com- parison between the courteous and dignified letters of General Hitchcock, United States commission, and of General Meredith, United States agent of exchange, and the sensational and vituperative letter of Mr. Ould to the rebel secretary of war.| On the 2d of October General Hitchcock wrote to General Meredith, saying : Colonel Hoffmau, commissary general of prisoners, has just shown me another " declaration of exchange " made by Mr. Ould, in which you do not appear to have been consulted. This mode of ex jMrte declarations is altogether inexplicable, being without warrant frozu any recognized authority, and may lead to unpleasant consequences to the parties declared thus exchanged if again taken prisoners, the nature of which cannot now be determined. * * * In your conferences with Mr. Ould on the subject, you can explain to him that his propositions are not rejected contumaciously, but simply because there are complica- tions in the matter which make it inexpedient to make a general declaration — one cir- cumstance being, that among the prisoners in our hands a considerable number seem to dread nothing so mucli as being sent South. In many instances they declare a northern ]>ri.soii th(;ir choicis in })reference to being exchanged. « * # It is hoped that the i)ro])osal for an exchange of medical ofiicers and hospital attend- ants will lead to good results, and that chaplains will also bo exchanged. Mr. Ould's stati'Uient of the case of Spencer Kellogg, taking the facts to be as he states them, would appear to be satisfactory, though extremely ])ainful, exce])t that so far as his being a spy before Ik; Avas cai)tured is not regarded as an offense to be pun- ished after he was eai)tured. This principle is so laid (h>\vu in the code we i)ulilished a few mouths since. But if Kellogg was a deserter his fate followed the offense of desertion. * See E yO. t See E 91. t See E 85, 87, and 88, ante. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 329 I wish it were possible to obtain the release of Dr. Rucker. The belief is universal on this side that he is not legitimately held. Make another ti'ial in his behalf, and that of Dr. Green, (held by ns as a hostage,) whose late is bound np with that of Dr. Rucker.* On the 2d of October Mr. Oiild addressed a lengthy comrannication to General Meredith, defending and justifying his action in relation to exchanges and paroles, t On the 8th of October General Meredith reported to General Hitch- cock that he had submitted to Mr. Ould the letters from Mr. Culbert- son and Mr. Mclnnes, and informed him that we knew of no prisoners in our hands held under similar circumstances, and invited him, if he knew of any, to name them and make a mutual exchange. Mr. Ould stated in reply that, notwithstanding he would not make any special exchange, he was willing to make any arrangement which would be at all reciprocal, and he expresses himself perfectly willing to join in any general principle of exchange. In this connection I will state that Mr. Ould informed me that the object of the rebel authorities in arresting citizens was a retaliatory measure, and for the purpose of bringing to bear such a pressure on the United States authorities as to cause them to refraiu from making more arrests of sympathizers with the South, t On the same day General Meredith reported to General Hitchcock that he had renewed the demand for the release of Colonel Streight and his command, and that it had been declined on the ground that at the last declaration of exchange, which had been publislied by the United States authorities, the balance was in his favor. He adds, " Mr. Ould informed me that he should proceed to declare exchanges when- ever he conscientiously felt that he had the right to do so, for the pur- pose of putting men in the field." § On the 20th of October, ISGo, Mr. Ould addressed a communication to General Meredith, in which he says : More than a mouth ago I asked your acquiescence to a proposition that all officers Jind soldiers on both sides should be released in conformity with the provisions of the cartel. In order to obviate the difficulties between us. I suggested that all officers and men on both sides should be released, unless they were subject to charges, in which case, the opposite governmeut should have the right of retaining one or more hostages, if the retention was not justihed. You stated to me in conversation that this proposition was very fair, [this statement is not true,] and that you would ask the consent of your government to it. As usual you have as yet made no response. I tell you frankly that I do not expect any. Perhaps you may dissappoint me, and tell me that you either reject or accept the proposition. I write this letter for the purpose of bringing to your recollection this proposition, and of dissipating the idea that seems to have been purposely encouraged by your i)ublic papers, that the confederate govern- ment has refused or objected to a system of exchanges. In order to avoid any mistake in that direction, I now propose that all officers and men on both sides be released in conformity with the provisions of the cartel, the excess on one side or the other to be on parole. Will you accept this f I have no expectation of an answer, but perhaps you may give one. If it does come I hope it will be soon.|| Failing by "friendly explanations" as stipulated in the cartel, the United States government determined that it would waive its own rights under the cartel in declaring exchanges, rather than sanction, by apparent acquiescence, the violations of the cartel and other irregulari- ties committed by Mr. Ould. Accordingly no further declarations of exchanges were made by the United States authorities, and a large number of prisoners on parole and entitled to exchange were allowed to accumulate at the parole camps. On the 20th of October, when it had been knov/n for some time that Bragg's army had been largely re- enforced by men not legally exchanged, and when it was very important that the opposing army under Kosecrans should be strengthened, the general-in- chief inquired of the United States commissioner whether * See E 92. t See E 93. t See E 94. § See E 95. || See E 96. ' 330 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR our paroled men who were eutitled to exchange could not be declared exchanged and jmt in the ranks. To this inquiry General Hitchcock replied : I am disposed to think that the irref^ularities set on foot by Mr. Onld should end somewhere, and had better be terminated by non-action on our part from the date of the last declaration. To declare the men exchanged who have been jjaroled since the 1st of September would seem to be following Mr. Ould's example in a false direction, and can only tend to embarrass future efforts to return to the laws and usages of war. At all events, before making a further declaration of exchange on our part, it would be better to make one distinct effort to draw from the rebel agent a statement of the kind of paroled prisoners he claims as constituting his rights to make declarations.* The men were not declared exchanged, and the battle of Chickamauga wa.s fought with this disadvantage. It has been seen heretofore that Mr. Ould, while denying the right of the United States to reject paroles that were invalid under the cartel, did not hesitate to follow that rule when rebel prisoners were concerned, and that this action was directed to the parties concerned and not com- municated to the United States authorities ; and it would also apjiear that he had carried out the threat contained in his letter to the rebel secretary of war of October 1, 1863, in relation to tho Port Hudson prisoners, for in his own records the following evidence is found. On the 6th of October, 1863, General J. E. Johnston telegraphed from Meridian, Mississippi : I respectfully suggest the advantage of exchanging the officers captured at Port Hudson, that they may organize their troops.t To this Mr. Ould replied : The officers captured at Port Pludson are either at New Orleans or Johnson's Island, most of them at the latter place. Of course they cannot be exchanged unless the enemy delivers them to us, and that I cannot make them do. If General Johnston will suggest some way in which they can be made to do so, I will be greatly obliged to him. As soon as I get these officers in hand I will exchange them, t It will be remembered that the enlisted men captured at Port Hudson were paroled under the pro\isions of the cartel, and delivered at Mobile, Alabama, under a special agreement between the commanders — Banks and Gardner — of the two opposing armies. Under the ordeis of the United States War Department, consequent upon the issue of Jefferson Davis's proclamation of December 23, 1862, the officers captured at Port Hudson were not paroled. If they had been ''in hand '' they would no doubt have been included in the declaration. This arrangement was also secret, tmd it was not until November 3 that the official notice was " published for the information of all concerned." This notice embraces "a// captures at Port Hudson or any other place where the parties icere re- leased on paroled ^ Mr. Ould subsequently denied that he had made any declarations for the purpose of putting men into Bragg's army, but on the 26th of No- vember General G. H. Thomas, who succeeded liosecrans, telegraphed to the General-in-chief : "Among the prisoners are many who were paroled at Vicksburg. What shall I do with them '?" He Avas an.swered : " Vicksburg prisoners recaptured will not be exchanged without fiu'ther orders. They will be sent to depots the same as other prisoners of war."|| The logic of facts will probably overrule Mr. OuUrs assertion. On the 29th of October General Meredith replied to Mr. Ould's letter of the 20th, ^ in which he says : The system of exchanges of prisoners of war, determined in the existing cartel, was first interrupted by the declared purpose of the confederate government to make cer- tain distinctions in tho treatment of a particular class of troops, officers and men, in violation of the provisions of the cartel. (Jefferson Davis's proclamation of December 23, * See E 97. t See E 98. i See E 99. 9 See E 100. || See E 101. H See E 96. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 331 18f)2, his message of Jauuary 10, 1863, and the retaliatory lawsof Mayl, 1863.) This seems to have beeu the first step in the irreguhirities which have culminated in your unequiv- ocal declaration, reported by me to my government on the 18th instant, that you " will proceed to declare exchanges whenever Cyou) conscientiously feel that (you) have the right to do so, for the purpose of putting men into the field." There can be no objection to your acting conscientiously in any given case, so long as your conscience is enlight- ened and guided by those laws of war which require obedience between belligerents to solemn agreements entered into by authoiized commissioners acting in the name of their respective superiors. But if you mean by the expression your " conscientious sense of right" to substitute this sense of right for the requirements of an existing cartel, I can by no means concede that right ; and if you do not mean this, I cannot understand what you do mean by so vague and general a declaration. Judging by your recent proceediugs, you have declared exchanged all confederate officers and soldiers on ]3arole within what you claim as your lines, up to a very recent date, without any proper right to do so, either under the cartel or the laws of war. The history of this matter, as I understand it, is briefly this : While my predecessor on duty at this place was here in the discharge of the duties now counuitted to sae, you at one time made a declaration of exchange embracing no great number of pris- oners of war, not in accordance with the provisions of the cartel, and you invited Colonef Ludlow, my predecessor, to make a corresponding declaration of equivalents. Such a declaration was made by Colonel Ludlow, doubtless without anticipating the magnitude of the evil which appears now, as the result of that departure from the cartel first inaugurated by yourself. Subsequently to my coming upou duty here, the events of the war threw upou your hands a large body of paroled officers and men, over 30,000, captured by General Grant at Vicksburg, aud not long afterwards some six thousand or more, captured by General Banks at Port Hudson. Suddenly, aud without any proper conference or understanding with me, and but a few days i)rior to the important events at Chickamauga, as if for the express purpose of increasing the force of General Bragg against General Rosecraus, you gave me notice that, on the next day after the date of that notice, you would declare exchanged a large portion of the troops which had been captured by General Grant. When your declaration was made it covered an indeterminate number of troops, des- ignated by commands, brigades, divisions, and corps, no definite number of either offi- cers or men being designated.* Up to that time you had delivered at City Point a certain number of prisoners of war for which you had receipts, by which you must have known the number you might claim the right to discharge fi'om your parole. You did not think proper to limit yourself to that number, nor in any proper manner did you refer to it, but made your declaration of exchange in such indefinite terms as made it next to certain that you did not intend to be governed by the cartel. On referring to the data furnished by the reports of General Grant, and now in the hands of the Commissary General of Prisoners at Washington, it was ascertained that you had discharged from parole by your declaration a very considerable number of men over and above any claim you might pretend to have founded on receipts for pris- oners of war delivered from the South according to the provisions of the cartel. With- out referring to fractions, it appeared from the best data in our hands that you had discharged three for two, or one-third more than you were entitled to. You suggested that I should make a corresponding declaration of exchanges, when, as I suppose, you must have known you had not delivered to me, nor had you valid paroles of oiir men sufficient to cover the number declared exchanged by yourself, and when I proceeded to make the declaration extending to those men you had delivered, and stated to you my objections to your proceedings, you insisted that you had valid paroles for more thau the number you had declared exchanged, though yon failed to produce those paroles, or to give any account or history of them, and you then proceed to make a further declaration of exchange, ignoring the cartel altogether and basing your action upou no data communicated to me, the whole proceeding resting, as I sup- pose you will say, upou your sense of right, as if you were the only party having a rif/ht to an opinion on the subject ; acting evidently iu anticipation of the formal declara- tion referred to at the commencement of this communication, that you will proceed to make declarations of exchange for the purpose of putting troops into the field when- ever you think proper ; aud having now exhausted the paroled prisoners in your hands, you propose to me the delivery of prisoners of war in our hands, for whom you have no e(iuival('uts, or comparatively but very few, iu order that, as it were, you may obtain jKisisessiou of many thousands more of yourown men, delivered or on parole for theiiur- pose of declaring them also exchanged and putting them into the field, not in con- formitj' with the existing cartel, nor in accordance with the usages of war, but when- ever, in your individual judgment, you may think it proper to do so. I have only to add that an easy iuference from this statement is the answer I have to make to your proposal of the 20th instant, which is not accepted, t " See E 102. t See E 103. 332 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR OCTOBER, 1863. PAROLES — IMPROPEK CLAIM OF REBEL COMMISSIONER — GENERAL HITCHCOCK'S COMMU- NICATION — LAWS OF WAR — DAVIS'S PROCLAMATION CAUSES THE INTERRUPTION OF EXCHANGES — NEGOTIATIONS — REFUSAL TO DISCHARGE CITIZENS FROM ARREST — AT- TEMPT TO BRING ABOUT ACKNOWLED<;:\IENT OF CONFEDERATE "CITIZENSHIP" — MALIGNITY OF OULD — GENERAL MEREDITH PROPOSES TERMS OF EXCHANGE — TERRIBLE CONDITION OF OUR MEN WHEN EXCHANGED — CONDITION OF REBEL PRISONERS IN OUR HANDS — STATEMENT OF PRISONERS' RATIONS CALLED FOR — RETALIATION ORDERED BY SECRETARY STANTON — NOT APPROVED BY OUR COMMISSIONER OF EXCHANGE — SUP- PLIES SENT TO LIBBY BY OUR GOVERNMENT — COURTEOUS REPLY OF OULD — GENERAL NEAL DOW ON THE CONDITION OF OUR PRISONERS IN RICHMOND — EVIDENCE OF STARVATION — TREATMENT OF COLORED TROOPS— EXPOSE OF THE ItEBEL COMMIS- SIONER — DECEMBER — GENERAL HITCHCOCK RETIRES AS COMMISSIONER OF EXCHANGE — GENERAL HALLECK OFFERS TERMS OF EXCHANGE — DECLINED BY GENERAL LEE — REBELS REFUSE TO RECEIVE ANY MORE SUPPLIES FOR OUR STARVING MEN. On the 27tli of October Mr. Ould furnished General Meredith with a memoruiidnm of the paroles claimed by him,* and said: Most of these paroles, yoii will observe, are antecedent to May 23, 1863. The reason why these paroles have not heretofore been discharged is, that np to July, 1863, we had the advantage of prisoners and paroles. Not one of these paroles is covered by any declaration of exchange, except the one lately made by you. For no one of them have I received any equivalent. All of them, since the date of your General Order 207, were given in pursnanceof a distinct agreement between the commanders of oi)))osiug armies. 1 have many other paroles in my possession, but I have only ])re.sented those that come within the terms of your general orders, according to their respective dates. I understand there are other paroles coming within the same general orders, whicli were given by your officers and men on the other side of the Mississippi River. Tliey have not yet reached me. When they do, and when I show that they come within the scope of your general orders, I will claim them, otherwise I will discard them. I have also received other informal paroles, which I have sent back for correction. These were also within the provisions of your general orders. "When they are returned I Avill claim them also, t This communication and statement were forwarded to the United States commissioner of exchange, and on the 6th of ]November General Hitchcock replied : This tabular statement covers a claim to 18,867 paroles of federal troops, without distinction of grade ; no officers or non-commissioned officers being noticed as among the prisoners. The statement professes to enumerate forty-four places where captures were made with thiLt names of the captors and dates of capture; the number said to have been captured being carried out in figures. This statement may include some prisoners captured and paroled according to the laws of war; but if so, it is impossible to distinguish them by evidence in the state- ment itself A few are said to have been "receipted for" at Baton Rouge, January 22 and February 14, 1863, which may be verified; and some evidence may conu; to light confirming the alleged captures by Generals Lee, Bragg, and possibly some others; but, on the whole, the statement is unsatisfactory, and, in its i)resent form, is regarded as without credit, and not entitled to consideration. The statement does not show, in any one instance, by whom the prisoners were received, or to whom, or even where they were delivered, leaving it to be presumed that they were for the most part paroled ou tlie instant of capture, without authority under the cartel, iu not being "reducetl to actual possession," contrary to both the laws of war, as set forth in Order No. 100, of 1863, and the provisions of the cartel. Order No. 100 merely publishes the laws of war, and the cartel is entirely iu harmony with it. The orders on this subject subsequently issued, and to which Mr. Ould appeals, were expressly designed to give eftect to those laws, and to the cartel, and were in no manner intended to abrogate, neither do they abrogate, or modify one or the other. If the enemy Avishes iu good faith to carry out the orders he refers to, the proper course would be to issue similar orders and for a like purpose ; iu which case there might be some hope of a compliance with both the cartel and the laws of war. Mr. Ould's efi'ort to have recognized certain paroles as valid, which have been informally and improperly made, embracing, so far as we know from his statements, * See E 97. t See E 104. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 333 many rithcns in Kentucky and Tennessee and elsewhere, (no jiarticular place being named in some instances,) by appealing to northern orders, is a mere perversion of the clear and manifest design of those orders, that design being, as already stated, to enforce and not to nullify the laws of war. We appeal to those orders, and intend to be governed by them, and if the enemy would assume them and bo governed by them also, all difficulties on the sulyect of paroles would cease. By Mr. Quid's mode of application, or misapplication, of those orders he would use them to destroy and not to enforce the laws of war. The laws of war are first in order, imposing obligations upon belligerents, and they continue to be obligatory, unless modified by special agreement under a cartel, which, when agreed upon, becomes the highest authority in all specified cases included in the cartel, leaving the laws of war in full opei-ation in all cases not provided for in the cartel ; a cartel being analogous to a treaty of commerce between nations, which may modify the natural laws of trade or commerce, binding both parties to the treaty. The orders of a general in the field, or of a general-iu-chief of one of the belligerents, are only operative within the field of the general's command, and can have no effect to modify either the laws of war or the provisions of a particular cartel. Such orders are purely disciplinary in the army where issued, and can neither bind an enemy, nor can an enemy appeal to them to justify his dej)arture from, or violation of, cither a particular cartel or the laws of war. A departure from such an order within the army subject to the authority issuing the order might subject the offender to punishment within his own army, but could not be appealed to, to make a parole valid, which, by the laws of war, or by the provisions of a particular cartel, would be disowned as invalid. While we set forth these principles as binding, we deny emphatically that the orders appealed to by Mr. Ould sanction his departure from the laws of war or the cartel ; the express purpose of order No. 207 (1863) being to enforce the jirovisious of the existing cartel. It set out by an appeal, iu paragraph 1 to the cartel, by its date and the date of the order by wluch it was j)ublished, the provisions of which are to be enforced ; and this is again set forward in paragraph 2. Order No. 207 publishes a very important law of w^ar in paragraph 4, in announcing that "the obligations imposed by the general laws and usages of Avar upon the non- combatant inhabitants of a section of country passed over by an invading army cease ■when the military occupation ceases, and any pledge or x^arole given such persons, in regard to future service, is null and of no elfect." This paragraph of order No. 207 does not originate, it merely announces the law of war on the subject to which it refei's, but it is particularly significant in view of the probable character of many of the paroles claimed as valid, in the tabular statement furnished by Mr. Ould, in which, under the head of "where captured," the statement uses generalities, which can in no sense be received. Thus, captures are said to have been made in "Kentucky and Tennessee," in "Tennessee," in "Kentucky and Tennes- see," (agaih) in "Kentucky and Tennessee," (a third time) in " Barbour County, Ken- tucky," (whether soldiers or citizens wo cannot toll,) in " Western Virginia," in " West- ern Virginia," (again) iu "Hinds County, Mississippi," in "Eastern Virginia," in "Mis- sissippi," in "Kentucky and Tennessee," (for the fourth time,) &c. In fine, the statement is wholly informal, and without authority. You will please furnish Mr. Ould with a certified copy of this comnmnication.* To this letter Mr. Onld replied, on the 21st of jSTovember, ia general terms, asserting- that the evidence v*'hieh supported his memorandum, iu relation to paroles was on file in bis office, and that " if we could onl}^ have agreed upon the principles by which they should be adjusted and computed, all the rest would have been easy work." * * * "As General Hitchcock seems to indicate a willingness to reopen this matter, I will state frankly for his bene tit the principles by which I propose to be governed," and concludes by saying, "I cannot see how any difficulty can arise between General Hitchcock and myself after his letter, except as to captures between May 22, 18G3, and July 3, 1863. They are very few in nuaiber."t On the 2Sth of November General Hitchcock wrote to General Mere- dith in relation to Mr. Quid's letter of the 21st, iu which he said: If Mr. Ould wishes to present another statement, or to furnish detailed explanations of the statement ah-eady before us, it will be time enough to consider the points he may ' raise when he presents them. In the mean time I think it proper to observe that neither Mr. Ould, yourself, nor myself, have powers outside of the cartel, except those * See E 105. tSeeElOG. 334 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR plainly necessary for tlie execntion of its provisions ; bnt in this connection I mnst affirm that the lirst shocks j^iven to the continued execution of the cartel came from Mr. Davis, in his messaj^e of the 12th of January, of the present year, in which he de- clares his purpose of deliverinj^ to the several State authorities of the South all com- missioned officers of the federal army who might be cajjtured, to be tried under the Stato laws for the crime of exciting servile insurrection. This stands yet as the avowed purpose of the chief executive of the States engaged in rebellion. It has not been annulled in any form whatever, nor has the act of the southern congress, in support of Mr. Davis's views, been in any manner repealed or disavowed. * * * In addition to the above, the treatment of coloi-ed troops (which form an integral portion of the federal army) when cajitured in the South is too well known to ])ennit us for a moment to suppose, in the present state of things, that there is any design in the South to treat that class of troops according to tht^ hiw s of war, as apiilicable to other troops of the federal army; and until the southern authorities make some distinct declaration of a purpose to treat colored troops and their officers in the employment of the United States government in all respects according to the laws of war, as applicable to other troops, we cannot recede from the position taken by the Commander-in-chief above referred to. It is very well known that Colonel Ludlow made these subjects the frequent topic of conversation with Mr. Ould, without producing any impression on him tending to the point of inducing a declaration by authority from the South, that all officers of the federal army, as well as enlisted men, shall receive, when captured, the treatment due to prisoners of war, with the express declaration that colored troops, both officers and men, shall receive similar treatment. You will please communicate these views to Mr. Ould, with a request tliat he will lay them before his government.* Communications of October 27 and 31, from Mr. Ould, and of ]S'o- vember 7 and 12, from General Meredith in reply, although imx3ort- ant, present no new feature, t Ou the Sth of October General Meredith reported to General Hitch- cock that he had, in obedience to his instructions, submitted to Mr. Ould the letters of S. D. Cidbertson and A. Mclnnes, citizens, and in- formed him that he knew of no ]msoners in our hands under similar circumstances, and invited hira, if he knew of any, to name them and make a mutual exchange. I explained to Mr. Ould that the United States did not hold any person a prisoner on the ground that he was a citizen of the South, but always for some special cause. I also informed him that if he could not name any, that within twenty-four hours after any given time, the United States authorities could seize any given number of seces- sionists in the South, to be exchanged for those referred to. Mr. Ould, in reply, stated that, notwithstanding he would not make any special exchange, he was willing to make any arrangement which will be at all reciprocal, and he expresses himself per- fectly willing to join any general principle of exchange. In this connection I will state that Mr. Ould informed me that tlie object of the rebel authorities in arresting citizens was a retaliatory measure, and for the purpose of bringing to bear such a pressure on the United States authorities as to cause them to refrain making any more an-ests of sympathizers with the South.t On the 31st of October Mr. Ould wrote to General Meredith, saying : More than a year ago, recognizing the injustice of the arrest of non-combatants, I siibmitted the following proposition to the federal authorities, to wit, that peaceable non-combatants, citizens of both the United States and the Confederate States, who are not connected Avith any military organizations, shall not be arrested by cither the United States or confederate arnues within the territory of the adverse party. If this proposition is too broad, let the only exception be the case of a temporally arrest of parties within army lines, when the arresting party has good reason to believe that their presence is dangerous to the safety of the army from the opportunity of giving intelligence to the enemy. It is to be understood, however, in the latter case, the arrest is to cease as soon as the reason for making it ceases, in the withdrawal of tlie army, or for any other cause. This proposal is understood to include such arrests and imprisonments as arc already in force. Although this proposition, so reasonable and humane in its terms, has been before your government for more than a year, it has never been accepted. I now again call your attention to it. If it does not suit you, I wiU thank you to suggest any modification. I am willing to adopt any fair andVecip- rocal rule tiiat will settle this matter on principle. It must, however, be settled by rule. It cannot with any safety be determined by "special cases." * See E 107. tSeeE 108,109,110,111. t See E 112. BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 335 You ask me if I will release your citizens against whom there are no charges. Would it not be more liberal to make that oftcr on your part as far as our citizens are con- cerned, before you ask our consent ? You have kept confederate citizens in prison for many months without charges. Most of them have never had any charges preferred against them, although in the ojiinion of your authorities there were special reasons for their arrest. How easy it is to give, or invent, a special reason ! In all probability there never has been an arrest and imprisonment on either side since this war began ft)r which there was not a "special cause." An arrest for retaliatory reasons even, is BiJecial. As far as the arrest of citizens of the Confederate States by pur authorities is con- cerned, we will submit to no interference in any way by the federal government. It is a matter with which you have nothing to do. The confederate government does not interfere with your arrests of your own people, no matter what injustice has been done to them. An attempt on the part of the federal government to interpose in cases which only concern our authorities and the people of these Confederate States, may justly be styled imiiertinent and meddlesome. As far, however, as the arrest of citizens of the adverse party is concerned, we are at all times ready to adopt any fair and reciiirocal rule.* On the 4tli of November the Uuited States commissioner of exchange submitted to the Secretary of War a report, in which he states : I have exhausted my efforts by correspondence to induce the enemy to discharge our citizens, held as such, by assui"ances that we do not hold in continement any citizen on the ground simply that he is a citizen of the section of the country in rebellion, but in all cases where arrests have been ordered, it has been for some cause. Mr. Ould, the agent from Richmond, refuses to discharge our citizens, holding them in confinement, without any i^reteuse of accusation against them, his object being pro- fessedly to create such a "pressure" upon our " people," as shall compel the government to enter into some sort of cartel on the subject, by which this government woiild obligate itself to make no arrests at all, or to hold parties in arrest only under circumstances that would virtually bo dictated by the reliels. The visible object of this jjropo.sal by Mr. Ould (or his government) is to place the rebels of the South, by something like a treaty, on a footing with citizens of the whole country, by which the government would relinquish its right to arrest any traitor en- gaged in rebellion, unless taken in arms. I have not supposed that the government can listen for one moment to such a pro- posal. Meanwhile many of our citizens are suffering in southern prisons, and the ques- tion remains — how are they to be relieved ? One method seems obvious to many, who refer to it verbally and by letter, that of arresting citizens in the South in sympathy with the rebels, to be exchanged for Union men. This seems to be a first thought with many ; but a serious objection to it is, that the war, instead of being carried on against organized opposition to the government, Avould degenerate into a war againstcitizens, resulting in an amount of suffering fright- ful to coutemplate, by which the character of the country for civilization and human- ity would be hopelessly compromised. I am not prepared to recommend this course, but I feel called upon to bring this sub- ject to your particular notice for such disposition as you may direct.t As pertinent to this question, and ilkistrative of the claim made by the rebel government, and of the manner in which the "pressure "was to be brought to bear, the following are introduced : 1. On the 13th of November, Mr. Ould made a demand upon General Meredith for information in relation to two prisoners, in which he says : "Do your lines include all Kentucky and Tennessee ? Do you consider that any portion of confederate territory not actually occupied by your troops is within the lines of the United States forces 1"| 2. On the 21st of September, 1863, Mr. I. H. Carrington, commissioner under the rebel government, recommended to the secretary of war that Charles A. Webster (a citizen of Maryland) should " be transferred from Castle Thunder to Libby Prison, and sent to the United States by the next Hag of truce."' On this Mr. Ould indorsed : " Eespectfiilly re- turned to the secretary of war. I think Castle Thunder is the very place for Webster. I do most earnestly hope he will not be returned to the United States. How are we to secure the release of our own people in conlinement at the North, except by taking and holding northern * See E 113~ t See E 114. fSee E 115. 336 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR citizens? I hope the clay is not far distant when some four or five hun- dred like Webster will be sent here. Then, and only theu, will our citi- zens lauguishiug in northern prisons be released. We must have a northern pressure to assist us. That can only be obtained by holding- on to every northern Uniou man."* 3. On the 2d of August, Major Mulford, in charge of United States flag-of-triKie boat, reported to tlie Secretary of War: " I left City Point at 12 o'clock to-day with seven hundred and sixty federal prisoners of war, twenty women, and twenty' citizen prisoners (boj's ten to fourteen years of age) picked up at and about Winchester." t On the 2d of November, General JMeredith sent to General Hitchcock the draught of a letter, which he proposed to send to Mr. Onld, proposing, in view of the inability of the rebel government to feed and clothe our X)risouers — 1. To exchange officer for officer, man for man, according to gi'ade and rank, or equiv- alents, as provided in the cartel, according to the date of capture, sufficient to secure the release of all Union prisoners of war now in confinement at the South, with the distinct understanding that this offer, if accepted, shall not waive, affect, or forego any claim, demand, or matter of controversy, now pending between us. If this was not accepted — 2. Tliat each party shall subsist and clothe the prisoners of war held by the other, and shall jtrovide for tlie speedy transportation and delivery of such subsistence and clothing, Avithin the lines of each army, respectively, to the place, or places, where the same is needed to be issued. Provided, that either party may furnish money sufficient for that purpose in lieu of clothing and subsistence in kind, the respective agents ex- changing proper vouchers from time to time, and at all times to show a faithful com- pliance with the terms of this proposal. General Meredith adds : On the 28th ultimo, one hinidred and eighty-one Union prisoners Avcre delivered at City Point, eight of whom died on the passage from that jdace to Annapolis. They were all in a starving condition. You have stated to nie yourself that there were no lights in the sashes in Liblty Prison, and that your authorities had no means to place any there. How great then will be the suffering of our prisoners in the coming winter. The confederate prisoners, held by the United States authorities, are at present well fed, clothed, and housed. Sliould you decline the foregoing proposition. I shall deem it my duty to urge upon my^government the necessity and the justice of rendering the condition of confederate prisoners held by us as nearly as possible similar to that of ours held by the coufederates.t Tbis proposition was not approved by General Hitchcock, because it acquiesced by implication in the action taken by the rebels in discrimi- nating between Avhite and colored troops, and the officers serving with the latter, but on the 5th of November General Hitchcock instructed General Meredith to " represent to Mr. Ould the suffering condition of our people in Eichmond prisons, according to universal testimony, be- yond all parallel in the history of war." * * * " It moves the indignation of our people against the authorities in Richmond, Avho countenance or permit it." On the 7th General Hitchcock directed General Meredith — You will please call upon Mr. Onld for a statement of the rations issued to federal prisoners of war in the South, and inform him that his report or statement on the sub- ject will be considered and re forced upon the attention of the federal authorities, and inform him that if he omits to fur- nish the statement recpiested, we shall feel obliged to use the best information within our reach, and fully justified in so doing. On the 9th of November the Secretary of War ordered the commis- sioner of exchange to subject rebel prisoners in onr liands to treatment similar to that whi(;h our men receive in rebel prisons. In reply the commissioner represented that "if the treatment of our people in the Richmond prisons is such as rumor represents, it would * See E lia t See E 117\ t Sec E 118. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 337 result iu an uprising of tlie prisoners against their guards at Camps Morton and Chase, and most likely at other places where the means of security are very slender. Human nature would not endure such treat- ment under an ordinary system of guards, and the prisoners ouglit either to be put under lock and key, as iu penitentiaries, or on islands under the control of fortified batteries."* The Secretary of War had previously, upon the representation of the starving and destitute condition of our prisoners, ordered supplies of clothing and food to be sent to them, and on the 12th of November Gen- eral Meredith sent twenty-four thousand rations of food to the quarter- master of Libby Prison, Captain Forbes, with a letter of advice, in which he says : I send by flag of truce, this day, tweuty-fonr thousand rations, the distribution of ■w'hicli I authorize you to superintend. You will please forward to me receipts for the same. Should the confederate authorities allow this course to be pursued in subsisting our prisoners, I will consider your receipt as evidence of the fact, and will keep up the supply. This letter was sent through JNIr. Ould, who returned it to General Meredith, with the following courteous reply : This letter will not be delivered to Captain Forbes. I have to-day in a letter informed you that the rations, including candles, will be served to your soldiers. The man- ner in which that is to be done will be governed by our regulations, not yours. If you are not satisfied with these regulations, you cau take back your rations, and withhold any in the future. t On the 18th of November General Neal Dow, who appears to have been designated by the rebel authorities to make the issues of clothing, wrote to General Quid asking for assistance, and representing the miser- able condition of our prisoners on Belle Isle.* On the 22d of November General Hitchcock, in writing to General Meredith for the information of the rebel agent, and in commenting upon the statement of the latter, that our j^risouers receive the same rations as soldiers in the field, " according to regulations," says : The '•' regulations " may be such as Mr. Ould states them to be, but that our prisoners receive the " rations" as stated is contradicted by all the evidence that has reached mo outside of Mr. Ould's statement; and this evidence rests upon the statement of eye witnesses, and of actual sufferers under the treatment received in Richmond and Belle Isle, beside the testimony of facts disclosed by the visible condition of a delivery of some one hundred and eighty prisoners delivered at City Point, many of whom died before reaching Fort Monroe from actual starvation, according to the judgment of a competent medical officer. Upon the evidence above stated, the Secretary of War ordered supplies to be sent for distribution to the remaining prisoners ; and this state of things induced the letter of the IHth instant, proposing to receive on iiarolethe prisoners and to hold them otfduty until exchanged independently of all existing difficulties on the subject of exchange. Mr. Ould declines this offer, and proposes that if we will send to the South the pris- oners in our hands, they will send ours to us, the excess on one side or the other to be on parole. Whatever appearance of verbal fairness there maybe iu this, the conduct of Mr. Ould in connection with I'ecent declarations of exchange will not permit us to regard this declaration as made in good faith, and we cannot rely upon its being carried out by the enemy. In the first place, the proclamation of Mi\ Davis, and other public acts of those in power in the South, remain in full force, so far as we know, and are actually being en- forced in the South ; by which a distinction is made between classes of troops employed by the United States, and officers serving with colored troops, if taken prisoners, do not receive, and are not to receive, the treatment due to prisoners of war, while the enlisted men of colored troops, wlien taken prisoners, it has been publicly declared shall be sold into slavery. That this distinction is made actual in the treatment of prisoners of war we know .in some cases, and have much reason to apprehend it iu others, which have not been permitted to see the light. * See E 119. t See E ItiO. H. Rep. 45 22 338 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR We liave positive information of tlie fact that two colored seamen of the United States marines were captured near Cliarlestou, and were not treated as prisoners of war. Two free colored yonnt^ men, with a Massachusetts regiment, were captured near Galveston and j)ublicly sold into slavery. In a recent case, I made a proposal to release mntnally all chaplains, and the proposal was cordially accepted bvMr. Onld; but although we delivered about, or more than, twice the number we received, the enemy held back the chajilain of a ilassachusetts colored regiment, who was conhned and in irons at Columbia, South Carolina. In addition to these tacts, Mr. Ould, not long since, declared that he would ])roceed to make declarations of exchange whenever he conscientiously felt that he had the right to do so, in order to put men into the field. If this announcement means anything at all, it means that the usages of war and the provisions of the cartel are subordinate to the indi\idual determination and ]mv- poses of Mr. Ould, on the sul)ject of declarations of exchanges; and, as a consequence, we must suppose if Mr. Ould can get possession of the "excess" of prisoners now in our possession, he will "proceed" to declare them exchanged, and put them into the tield, upon what he might allege as his sense of right. When called on for an exi)lanation, he would pre[)are a "tabular statement of 'pa- roles," as he recently did, made up from guerilla (•ai)tiu-es of citizens in remote parts of the country, set down as cajitured at such i)laces as " KentiU'ky," as "Tennessee," as "Mississippi," as in such places as " Kentucky and Tennessee," not in any instance pro])erly reporting to wliom delivered. Mr. Ould has shown the latitudinarian construction he puts upon his powers, and the nature of his sense of right, by writing a letter on the lUth of October, which he has uot thought it necessary to communicate to us, but which has been published in a Richmond i)ai)er, by which he took u])on himself the power to declare that the wludo number of men delivered by General Uanks at Moliilc, eml)racing several thousand men captured at Port Hudson, were under no obligation t(j observe their parole. Mr. Ould has been a m(;re agent under the cartel, and when a (luestion comes up as to the import of the cartel, its meaning, &c., Mr. Ould has no power to decide the ques- tion, for that bcdongs to the parties by whose authoi'ity the cartel was made. The cartel provides two places for the delivery of prisoners of war — City Point and Vicksburg; but it provided also that when these jilaces, or either of them, should be- come unavaila)>le l)y the exigencies of war, some other ]ioiiit might be agreed u))on. Vicksburg having fallen into our hands, l>eeauie unavailable, as conteuq)lated by the cartel, and General Banks agreed with the rebel counmuider in the field that General Banks should deliver the Port Hudson ]>risojiers at Mobile on i)arole, and they were delivt-red accordingly. Mr. Ould knew that these men were unconditionally in t\M hands of General Banks. Tliey had been reduced to possession and liad been taken to New Orleans, and might have l)een sent North if Geiusral Banks ])leased. Instead of sending tiu-m to swell the number of prisoners in our hands at tin; North, General Baidcs confided in the honor of a rebel commander and " agreed" to ]>arole these men at Moliile, Vicksburg being, Ijy the exigencies of war, no longer available as a place of delivery. In that state of things Mr. Ould takes upon himself to decide that the delivery at Mobile was invalid, that place not being named in the cartel for the delivery of pris- oners. With a sense of right so obtuse as this act indicates, it is doing no injustice to Mr. Ould to say that we cannot confide in any pledge he would make to carry out a spe- cial agreeuu'nt, and Ave must accordingly dei'line to accjuiesce in any measure which would throw into his hands a large l)ody of prisoners of war under parole, to be by him released from its obligations according to his sense of right. You will understand from the almve statement that Mr. < )uld's decision, touching tin- prisoners delivered by General Banks, is not recognized as Justifiable or valid, and that we claim that they are still prisoners of war.* On the 25tli of November Geueral Meredith reported to the commis- sioners his return from an interview with Mr. Onld, and says: In cous(>qiU'nce of the reports of the terrible cruelties indicted upon our prisoners in Riclimond, which were given to me by the surgeons who were just released, I deemed it a fit ojqxntunity to renew to Mr. Ould an ofi'er, wliich, though nnol'licial, I stated to him would, no dcmbt, if accepted, be carried out by the Ignited States au- thorities, and which I would urge them to do l)y every nu'ans in my ])<)wer. The olfer was this : to st'ud innnediately to City Point twelve; thousand or more confederate prisoners of war, to b(? exchanged tor tlie federal soldiers now contined in the South. This prcqiosition was distinctly and une<|uivociilly refused by Mr. Ould, on the ground tha.t it would be making twidve thousand or more special exchanges. He stated that the only condition upon which he would agree to the release of our pris- * See E 122. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 339 oners would be tliat we should send South the number of confederate prisoners equal to that of the federal jirisoners in their hands, and then parole and send South Avithiu their lines the balance of the confederates in the custody of the United States author- ities.* On the 3d of December General Hitclicoek, with the delicacy, hu- manity, and consideration tliat always characterized his conduct, sng- g:ested to the Secretary of War that ])Ossibly sonietbino- mioht be ac- complislied by the substitutio;i of other persons as coiniiiissioner and agent of exchange, and that, so far as he was concerned, he would be happ3' to have the experiment tried, and that " he would not for any con- sideration in the world be supposed to stand in the way of any arrange- ment which might promise relief to the sufferers in Eiclimond." He adds, " I am perfectly willing either to withdraw altogetlier, or to be set aside temporarily for the trial of any experiment which meets your' approval." t The offer was so far accepted as to authorize the experiment to, be tried, and on the 7th of December General Iliilleck, General-in-chief,' ad- dressed a commimication to the general of tlie rebel array, saying : I am authorized to offer, thronjj;!! yon, to exchange all United States jirisoners of war now in Richmond and its a icinity, for equivalents, according to the scale of the cartel ; these equivalents to be sent by us to City l*oiut, leaving for future arrange- ment all questions in regard to other prisoners of war held by either jiarty.j; This proposition was declined by General Lee, on the llith of Decem- ber, in the following language: The cartel having been agr(>ed upon liy both parties, for the exchange of all prison- oners, I do not feel myself at liberty to depart from its provisions.^ On the same day General Butler reported to the Secretary of War, by telegraph : " The Hag-of-truce boat just in. They report that the rebels refuse to receive any more supplies." j| THE YEARS 18G3-G4. r.EVIEW — POINTS OF COXTROVEItSV — OBJECTS OF THE CONFEDERATE GOVERXMEXT — THE CARTEL— THE REBELS ITS VK)LAT()RS — DEMAXDS OF THE CONFEDERATE AU- THORITIES — THEIR OBJECT — ITS FAILURE — ]n:VOLTIX(} COXDUCT OF THE REBELS — GENERAL BRAGG ON THE COXDITION OF SOUTHERN PRISONS. This brings us to the close of one of the natural eras in the history of the exchange of prisoners of war, and as much of tliis history is somewhat confused by the manner in whi(;h it was necessarily treated by the authorities charged with conducting it, by the varying cir(;um- stances and events of the war, and the involvement of different subjects of controversy in the same communications ; but more especially by the persistent, and to some extent successful, efforts of the rebel agent, Mr. Ould, to obscure the original and material points of controversy, by the substitution and elaborate discussion of irrelevant and immateriarmat- ters, it seems necessary that the original questions, and the principles that should have controlled their solution, should be recalled. The original confederation consisted of the six States of South Caro- lina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, to which vrere added, at successive periods, the State of Texas, March 2, 1801 ; of Virginia, May 7, 1801 ; of Xorth Carolina and Tennessee, conditionally. May 17, 1801 ; Arkansas, May 21, 1801. The territory and the political action taken by these States, with the exception of a' part of Virginia, were sufficiently distinct and marked as to solve any questions involved as to territorial limits, where both parties became invested with the character and rights of belligerents. * See E 123. t See E 124. t See E 125^ $ See E 126. fsee E 127. 340 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR On the 28th of November the State of Missouri, and on the 10th of December the State of Kentucky, by acts of the rebel congress, were admitted as members of the Confederate States. Tliis was done while the government of those States was loyal to the United States, and en- gaged with it in the suppression of the rebellion. At an earlier period the same congress had passed laws giving aid to that part of the people of those States who were hostile to the government of the United States, l)roviding for the organization of troops in the States of Kentucky, Mis- souri, Maryland, and Delaware, anticipating that all of them would be- come members of the confederacy ; and at a later period, for the estab- lishment of recruiting stations within the limits of the confederacy for volunteers from those States. When formal negotiations for the exchange of prisoners were commenced, the two former States (Missouri and Ken- tucky) were claimed as confederate territory, and the rebel government arrogated to itself the right to throw the mantle of protection ov^er the people of Maryland, Delaware, and other border States and Territories, by claiming as citizens all who sympathized with the cause of rebellion. By i)retended treaties with the Indian tribes of the southwest, entered into between the 10th of June aiul the 7th of October, 18G1, the terri- tory inhabited by them was also claimed as confederate territory. The first formal negotiations failed, because the government of the United States refused to enter into any engagement recognizing the existence of a territorial frontier, or other direct or indirect acknowledgment of national existence or independence, that would have justilied foreign l)owers in recognizing that existence. All subordinate points of controversy were conceded by the govern- ment of the United States, but without avail. This point was essential to secure the intervention or action of foreign nations, and the disaj)- pointment at the failure was deep and universal throughout the confed- eracy, and was clearly manifested by the messages of the rebel president and by the proceedings in the rebel congress. In the meantime the rebel authorities, in order to protect its " citi- zens" arrested in Kentucky, Missouri, and ^Maryland, by the United States authorities for treasonable conduct, i)r()ceeded to arrest Union citizens in those States and held them as hostages, hoping to obtain their end by the pressure that would be brought to bear by the relatives and friends of the prisoners. On one occasion the rebel General Stuart made a raid into Maryland for this i)urpose, in the course of which he arrested live hundred citizens and carried them to Richmond. The policy of harsh and cruel treatment of our prisoners was also adopted l)y the rebels, for the puri)ose of creating a similar pressure, that would compel the government of the United States to make still greater con- cessions ; but the cartel of July 22, 18G2, was finally agreed upon, by which all the belligerent rights which the rebels were entitled to claim under the laws of nations, or the laws and usages of war, were fully con- ceded and guaranteed, but without any recognition of independent na- tional existence. The terms of the cartel were those customarj' between belligerents ; the conditions and obligations were reciprocal and fair, and the con- cluding article stipulated that the object of the agreement should be neither defeated nor postponed by any misunderstandings, but that all such should be made the subject of friendly exi)lanations. The first infractions of the cartel were i)rodnced by tlie course adopted by the rebels of paroling their captives on the field of battle, or at the moment of captuee, and turning them loose, instead of reducing them to BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 341 possession and delivering them as required by tlie seventh article of the cartel, which, for convenience of reference, is here reproduced. Article 7. The prisoners of war now held on either side, and all prisoners hereafter taken, shall be sent with all reasonable dispatch to A. M. Aiken's, below Dutch Gap, on the .James River, Virginia, or to Vicksburg, on the Mississippi River, in the State of Mississippi, and there exchanged, or paroled until such exchange can be eliected, notice being previously given l)y each party of the number of prisoners it will send and the time they will be delivered at those points respectively ; and in case the vicissitudes of war shall change the military relations of the places designated in this article to the contending parties, so as to render the same inconvenient for the delivery and ex- change of jirisoners, other places, bearing as nearly as may be the same present local re- lations of said places to the lines of said parties, shall be, by mutual agreement, sub- stituted. But nothing in this article contained sh^ll prevent the commanders of two opposing armies from exchanging prisoners or releasing them on parole at other points mutually agreed on by said commanders. In its anxiety to carry out the cartel and to avoid any imputation of bad faith, the government of tlie United States, to its great disadvan- tage, assented to many infractions of this article, and gave equivalents for men impro])erly paroled, but finding the rebel authorities were not amenable to friendly explanations, the formal announcement was made on the '22d of May, 18G3, that thereafter all paroles would be regarded as invalid unless taken in accordance with the provisions of the cartel. If this course had been taken by the government of the United States in the first instance, it would have saved the services of many thousands of men given as equivalents for invalid i)aroles, much suffering among our prisoners unjustly held in confinement, and avoided concessions to rebel exactions, which only encouraged greater and more insolent demands. There is ample ground for belief that if a firm and decided stand upon the provisions of the cartel had, in the first instance, been taken by our government, its action would have been respected and appreciated by a government that appeared to regard all concessions as an evidence of weakness. A second point of difference, anterior to the former in its origin, grcAV out of the treatment of privateers and blockade runners by our govern- ment. The rebel demands in relation to the former were enforced by the retaliatory law ])assed by the rebel congress on the 30th of August, 1801, and by the pressure brought to bear through the agency of the relatives and friends of the persons selected for retaliation, and as a consequence the claims of the rebel government were both couced/ed, and were supposed to be finally settled by the provisions of the first article of the cartel. This supposition was not lealized, as the rebel authorities soon adopted the practi(;e of detaining the officers and crews of merchant vessels capturetl by them, on the alleged ground that they were held as hostages for the officers and men of blockade runners \v1k) were held by the United States authorities. It has already been shown that the only persons of this class who were held were not detained as prisoners, but as witnesses in prize proceedings for the condemnation of the vessels upon which they were cai)tured, and that this proceedure was fully authorized by the law of nations and the practice of all naval belligerents. The object of this pretext was to thwart the policy and laws of the United States by de[)riving it of the only evidence by which the con- demnation of the captured vessels could be secured. This demand was not conceded. A third point of difference, also anterior to the cartel of IS'62 in it? origin, grew out of the practice in some of the border States of holding citizens of those States engaged in rebellion amenable to the civd lavrs. Under this practice Buckner and several other prominent rebels, and 342 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR many of inferior note, were indicted in the State courts. The compli- cations to which this would have led soon became apparent, and the geneial government intervened between the States and the persons so indicted, and reserved to itself, as the paramount authority, the consid- eration and determination of all questions affected by the laws of war. This decision was formally communicated to the rebel authorities, appa- rently acquiesced in by them, and supi)osed to be definitively settled when the cartel of July 22, 181)2, was adopted. Subsequent experience, however, developed the fact, that it was only settled so far as the action of the United States authorities was con- cerned, and that it was to l)e revived by practical action on the part of the rebels whenever it suited their interest to do so. Citizens or resi- dents of the rebel States who held to a higher allegiance than was due to the States in which they resil:y, as commanding genei'al of this department, to call upon the confederate authorities to know, if such acts and that threat are sanctioned and authorized by them. I will patiently wait for a sufficient time to elapse in which I can be made acquainted ■with the course which the confederate authorities choose to take upon this subject, and then will proceed to such action as I may be advised is proper to sustain the dignity, power, and justice of the government which I represent. * * * But the question which I desire to present for authoritative decision on the part of those yon represent is, whether a soldier of the United States, who is duly enlisted, and has not deserted from your army, and who has committed no act which could be construed as a crime, save acts of hostility in the tieldagainst the confederate armies, whatever may be the color or complexion of that soldier, is to be regarded and treated by your authorities as a prisoner of war, and, as such, entitled to the rights and immunities of such condition. The most obvious considerations of humanity and mercy will impress, more strongly than anything I could say might do, the immediate necessity of placing this matter before your authorities; and I make this communication through yourself, as the most proper channel through which to discuss questions relating to prisoners of war.* On the 11th of March General Bntler, in writing' to Mr. Onld in rela- tion to the allegation that the officers of General Kilpatrick's command who had been ca])tnred had been placed in irons, said : I call you to witness, that since I have had charge of the matter of exchange and treatment of prisoners, I have endeavored that all things should be conducted, in this regard, upon the most humane principles of civilized warfare. I shall not therefore l>e considered by you as making a threat when I announce the determination of my gov- ernment to return the promptest and severest retaliation for the treatment of those officers, if I learn this report is possibly true.t On the ICth of March Mr. Oiild indorsed on a communication from Mr. Geo. P. Farr : We cannot respect the oath, nor the bond given for its observance. The enemy has no right to impose such ol)ligations on non-combatants. If these obligations were respected by us, they would practically defeat our power to raise armies.!: As by the declarations and practice of the United States government these obligations ceased when the military occupation ceased, Mr. Ould could only understand it as applying to Missouri, Kentucky, or Mary- land, where the enlistment of men for the rebel armies was authorized by the act of the rebel congress. On the 11th and 11th of March General Butler applied for the trans- fer of the rebel prisoners from Fort Delaware to Point Lookout, and for authority to make a declaration of exchange; and, on the 21st, by direc- tion of the Secretary of War that the transfer Avas not approved, as Fort Delaware was regarded as the safest of the two places. And " with regard to your suggestions for a declaration of exchange, the Secretary does not consider the alleged fact that ' all the equivalents are serving in the confederate army against us, while we cannot make the declaration,' as a sufficient reason to disregard the i)roper rules for the exchange of prisoners ; nor does he think that the proper remedy for such irreguhirities is to be found in following Mr. Onld's example."§ On the 12th of March the Secretary of War telegraphed to General Butler, inquiring whether the rebel authorities exchanged man for man or onlyj;ro rata.\\ * See F 25. t See F 26. t See F 27. § See F 28. |1 See F 29. 350 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR On the 23d of the same month General Buthn' rei)orted in re]>].v : I have received sixty-three (63) oCficors and nine hundred and sixty-five (IMif)) men, paroh'd lor exchange. This unniber is in excess of the nnnilter last sent np, and nearly equalized the nnmber between ns. I have now got the matter of exchange to such a point, that I think we may go through on a proper basis. * In his re])ort to tlie rebel seeretary of war, of May 2, in relation to these deliveries, Mr. Onld says: In order to prevent any possible imposition in these deliveries, I took care to send a less number than were forwarded to me. * * At the last delivery, which occurred a few days ago, I refused to give ofiicer for officer, and delivered only twenty-seven, while I received forty-seven. I had determined to refuse to recei ve these forty-seven ofQccrs if the conditions of returning a like number should be imposed, t THE YEAR 18G4. THE SOUTHWEST — BAXKS AND TAYLOU — CAl^TEL 15ETWEEX TIIEM — UXITKD STATES COM- IMISSIOXEll OF EXCHANGE TO THE SECIIETAUY OK WAI! — HIS APPREHEXSIOX — COLOKED SOLDIERS PUT TO DEATH AT TIME OE CAPTUP.E — OUED'S CO-MPI-ICITY WITH THESE MAT- TERS — MARCH, 1864 — OULD COMMUXICATES WITH I5UTLEK — MEETING I5ETVVEEX THEM — liUTLEH'S REPORT OF THE CONFERENCE— HISTORY OF EXCHANGES AND STATEAIENTS OF THE I5ALANCE OF PRISONERS— IRP.EGULARITIES 15Y OULD — THEIR REPETITION — NOT IMITATED BY OIHt GOVERNMEXT — ISALAXCES OF PAROLE— APRIL 17, 1864 — GENERAL grant's INSTRUCTIONS TO GENERAL lUJTLER — MAY 2, 18G4— OULD'S REPORT TO HIS GOVERNMEXT — HE REVIEWS THE CONDUCT OF THE UNITED STATES AUTHORITIES — CON- SCRIPTION — HE ADVOCATES THE MOST SWEEPING RETALIATION — COMPLAINS OF GEX- E1{AL I$UTLER'S APPOIXTMEXT AS AGEXT OF KXCHANGE — THE NEGRO QUESTION — " FED- ERALS DO XOT APPEAR TO HAVE FOUND ANY WELL-AUTHENTICATED CASE OF THE RETENTION OF THE NEGRO PRISONER." — HE HAS NO "SPECIAL DESIItE TO FIND ANY SUCH case" — REVIEW OF HIS STATEMENTS — HISTORY — MAY 3, OULD DECLARES ALL REBEL PRISOXERS DELIVERED AT CITY POINT UP TO THE 2UTII OF APIHL, EXCHANGED — BALANCES AT THE TIME — JUXE 9, OULD MAKES ANOTHER DECLARATION OF EXCHANGi: — 3()TH OF .lUNE, ANOTHER — .lUXE 9, GENEPvAL BUTLEK SAYS " COMMUNICATION.^ THROUGH FLAG OF TJtIXE CUT OFF — REASONS — REBEL SURGEONS — BUTLER TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR— PROPOSES A DECLARATION OF EXCHANGE — COXSEQUEXCES OF THE COURSE OF THE UNITED STATES. On the 28th of ]\Iarch the United States eommissiouer of exchange addres.sed a communication to the Secretary of War in relation to the cartel entered into bt^ween Major General Banks, United States Army, and Lientenant General Taylor, of the rebel army, in which he says : I beg to remark upon two points in this corresi)ondence of a special character. The rebel tintherities have virtually b(^en countenanced in holding colored troops as exce])ted from thci terms of exchange, for whih; they decline to ent:'rtain any ciuestioa by whicii such troops are to be recognized as entitled to the privileges of soldiers in conformity with express orders from the rebel government, lliey enter upon a cartel under a mere declaration that they hold no colored troops belougiug to organizations; by which they have been permitted to let out the principh that they will not entertain any proposition whicli would retiuire them to treat colored troops as soldiers. There is great reason to fear that the rebel officers will carefully retain such a posi- tion, by horrible means, as will enable tliem constantly in the future to set forward the same declaration, tliat they hold no colored men belonging to organizations. The other point is this : Tiie rel)el authorities in the southwest decline to release non-conbatants, ex(-ei>t upon an agreement on our part not to make arrests of that class —the ])oint which Mr. Quid has been urging for the purpose of obtaining, thus indi- r»>ctly, what would amount to a qnan'i recognition of the ecjual ])rivileges of rc^bels with Union citizens, thus protecting all civil offenders in rebellion from arrest for treason. . I would suggest that particular care; should be taken not to enter into any agreement of this nature under any pretcmse whatever.t Althonjjih there was fall evidence that many colored soldiers in the service of the United States had been pat to death at the moment of captnre, it was at first, in charity to the rebel government, attributed to the unrea-soning rage of the rebel troops, who, in the excitement of ' *SeeF 30. t See F 31. } See F ^2. BY THE REBEL AUTHOEITIES. 351 the conflict, could not be restrained by tlieir oflicers. At the time that General Hitchcock's communication was made, these cases had become so frequent, and the action of the rebel trooi)s so uniform, that it was naturally suspected to result from the direction of some superior and controlling- authority ; but it was not then i)ositively known that this bloody i^olicy had been in force for uearly four months, and that it ema- uated directly from the rebel soverumentatltichmond, and throngh the rebel secretary of war; and it was no doubt Mr. Quid's perfect tn^nvic- tion that this order would be completely executed, that prompted his statement of the LM of May, 1804, to the rebel secretary of war : As yet the federals do not appear to have found any ■well-authentieated case of the retention of a nej^ro prisoner. They liave made several specitic inquiries, hut in each ease tliere was no reeord of any siieh party, and I so responded. Ilavinj^- no especial de- sire to find any such ease, it is moris than probable that the same answer will be re- turned to every such in(iuiry. On the 29th of March Mr. Onld addressed a note to Major General Butler, i'rora the mouth of the Jauies Eiver, in which he said : I am here for the ]iurpose of having a conference Avith you, in relation to matters connected with the delivery and exchange of prisoners of war.* The meetino- took place, aud F 3-1 is a memorandum of the points dis- cussed betAveen the agents at the conference. On the 9th of Ajnil General IJutler submitted a detailed report of the conference, and discussed fully the points of difference between the agents.t On the loth of April the United States commissioner of exchange submitted a statement from the Commissary General of Prisoners in re- lation to deliveries of prisoners of v/ar, in Avhich he says : The last formal declaration of exchange of prisoners, which Avas agreed to by botli agents, was dated June 8, 1863, and was [jublished in General Orders No. 167. At that time Colonel Ludlow was our agent of exchange, aiul the declaration left us indebted to the rebels, otlicers and men reduced to privates by rates agreed upon in the cartel, 12,794 men. Since the date of that declaration the rebels have delivered to us 31,379. Since the declaration referred to, and soon after it, the tables were turned by the capture of Vicksburg and Port Hudson, which brought the rebels largely indebted to us, in ad- dition to which there had been delivered rebel prisoners by us up to July 25, 1863, 8,359 men, and after that date, 7,191, which, added to the Vicksburg and Port Hudson prisoners, makes a total of 65,182. Some time in July, 1863, Mr. Ould, without any conference or agreement with our agent, Colonel Ludlovv', announced a declaration of exchange in favor of Lieutenant General Pembertou and a few other officers of high rank, wJiich Colonel Ludlow pro- tested against and refuse TREATMENT OK riJlSONKUS OF WAK passasiv ilown tho C'liosnpeako l>;\y. thoy soi/.oil tho stoamor ami iiuulo their osoapo to tho ivbol linos. Thoir ooiuluot wmiUl havo l)t>on louiti- mato and invpor if thoy had not j^ivon thoir parolos. but, in this i'asi\ was a *h^lihorato and nnjnstitiahlo Invaoh of faith, ami as snoh was pro- rostod aiiainst by Colonol laullow. thon ajiOJit of oxohanuo. On tho 'Jith o\' dniy, Iv^lM, Mr. Onld ad\ isod lionoral Forrest that thoy had been 'Mloolaivd oxohanjiod. n^loasod from thoir parole, and at liberty to re et\ter onr sorvii'o at oiioo."* In .Inne, 1S(»1.\ tho i:tnen\mont o[' tho United States, by a publio iloolaration. (par. IN" (ieneral Orders No. HO.) roeoiiui/iHl the prim-iplo that medioal ollii'ors shonhl not be hohl as prisoners of war. This prin- eiple was snbsotiuontly oxtomloil to hospital" stewards and to ehaplains. and was tirst violated by the rt>bels in lioldinu- Dr. KneUor. a eiti/.en o\' West Viruinia. and an assistant snruoon in the Inited States Army, lor trial nndor tho mnnieipal law o\' tho rebel State o\' Viriiinia. tor some pretended olVense ajiainst those laws, bnt in reality for his devotion to the rnion. Tho jiovernment intervened in favor o\' Dr. Kneker by holdinji Assistant Snruoon Oreon of tho rebel army as a hostage, and the siil>ieot beeame one oi frotinent eonunnnieation between the rnitoil States and rebel anthorities. Tho position taken by 3lr. Ould involvinu" tho ]nineiple of the amenability of ot\ioors ami soliliors of tho I'nitod States Army to tho mnnieipal law. for aots o\' war that were in viA>la- tion o\' looal laws. and. in the oavse o( Dr. Kneker. tho roeouiiition of West Viriiinia. then a State o\' the Union, as rebel torrittny. was stub- bornly eontested by him. and rolnotantly yieldoil. but tinally speeial ajii'oements were made by whieh all persons o( these elasses hoKl by (Mthor party were to be sent through the linos to thoir friends. Tho i'haplains ami medioal otlieers hohl by us wore at onee delivered, but one. at least. o( the ehaplains {ol' a t'ol\ned rouimout'i hold by the rebels had already been tnrnoil over to tho State authorities o\' South Oarolina and was in Jail at I'olumbia. awaitinji" trial upon the eharjio o( ••oxeitiuii' servile insurroi'tion"' aiuloouldnot bodoliverotl. and for nearly three uumths after the a^uroomonts were entered into, a number of both elasses were still hohl in the southern inisons. C)u the HUth of .Inly. ]\lr. Ouhl indorsed on a oommunieatiou from Coloiu'l Gibbs. eommandiuii' tho military prison at Maeon, (.loorgia. " asking that the federal ehaplains bo sent home, as they uivo a iiieat deal of trouble — " KospiHtfully nnnviioil. The ohaplains aiul smgoons havo boon onUnvtl to Kiih- moiul to Ih> sont thi\>u>;l\ the linos 1>y tlaji ot'truoo. t On the Stli of An tin st Ciouoral Butler addi'essed a eonuuunieation to ^Ir. Ould, sayinii : I havo tho lionor to lorwaiil tho inoh\m tlu> oiivuiustanoos hoiv iiarratod, 1 an\ lo*hi suoh olliooi's as you may ilosiro of oijual rank. I also havo tho honor tuitliov to iutovni yon. that nnloss 1 voooivo iVoin th<> otlioors stafonionts that thoy aro now woU anpovly troatod as prisonors of war. 1 shall ho tmdor tho nooossity of pnttinij in oonlinoniont an oqnal nnnibor of othoors hohl by us iu liko oonditiou and troatniout as dosorihod in tho inolosod papor. As you aro awalv. I havo novor dosiivd nor tavorod rotaliation. oxoopt upon boliof that nothinsj olso would auswor to prosorvo tho livos and hoalthof onr soldiors. and, luuoh as I rogrot tho painful i»ooossity. 1 oortaiuly shall oarry out uiy intoiitious., Ou the 10th of Aujiust ^Ir. Ould returned to the rebel seerotary a petition from tho Ohio prisoners t>f war at Andersonville. addressoil to xhe t:ovornor of Ohio, and prayiuii" for his intervontion to relieve them fn>m their sutVoriuiis. with tho foUowiui:- indorsement : I soo no objoction to fiU-warding this potition. i-spooially as tho ooufodorato authori- . * See F 57. t See F 58. { See F 5i). I'.Y Tin: TiEfJEL AUTHORITIES. 359 ti<>H havft filway.H hf:*;ri willing to f;xchanj?<; thrjiv; mfoi, Thfty and all othfeT pri.eatedl.v and itisiiltinf^ly rr-Jeeted. Mi-. Onld's statement, in the al>ove indorsement, that the "r;ori federate authorities have always been willing to exehange th«;se. men," is denied by his eonstant and persistent refusal of the overtures made by ns, and on the same day by his own admission, in a <:om;nunieation ay otlir;r o/IW;ial.s havinj^ churi'f, of matters connected with the exchan<:;e of priMonerH. This projiortal has hei(-,tofore heen declined by the confederate authorities, tliey ifiHlMtir;*^ rj|ion tfic tenriH of the cartel, which r<;fjuired tJie delivery of the excess on eitlier HJ'le. In vi<;w, liowever, of the larj^e numhcr of jKixonerH now held by each [tarty, and tlir-, huffering (■<)iiH<:(^\ii:nt iifioii their continued confinement, I now con»<;nt to f ii<- aho ve |)rf>posal, ami a<;^ree to er of confederate oflicerH and men. Ah e<[ijal numbens arc delivered from tune to time they will be de- cl;ire«l exehan;(ed. This pro|)OHal is maile with the understanding that the offjccrs and men, on both sides, who have i)i;cn lon^^cst in ciiptivity will be iirst delivered, when it is practicable. I fhall be hafijiy to hr;ar from yf-'4, and has not been accepted. in Miiy last J forwarded to you a not^;, d(;siring to know whether the confederate nut lioiili<-s intended to tif-at colored soldiers of the L'nifcd States Army as i>risoners of war. To that infjiiiry no answer has bc^en made. To avoid all possible mistake or misap|ireliation of the fall of Atlanta. With the fall of that place the directions to distribute became more urgent, and on the oth of September the rebel adjutant and inspector general directed the commanding officer at Andersonville, by telegraph, to " take immediate measures for sending the prisoners at Anderson- ville and Macon to Charleston and Savannah. Push forward to com- pletion the prison at Millen, that some of the prisoners at Anderson- ville may be sent there as soon as possible. Cannot part be at once prepared before completion of the whole prison grounds?"! On the same day the adjutant and inspector general telegraphed Gen- eral Sam. Jones, in reply to his request to have the Union prisoners removed I'rom Cliarleston : The federal iirisouers at Cliarleston cauuot be removed. Emergeucies have arisen that will necessitate the sending of other prisoners to that city, and orders to tliatend have been given General Winder.'''^ The character of these " emergencies," which had been impending since the early part of Jidy, are to some extent but ver^^ imperfectly portrayed by the communication from Quincy, Florida, which is exhib- ited here as indicating the feeling in the confederacy.|| In reality it involved the danger to the rebellion of sweeping away by the recapture of our prisoners the only means of wringing from the government of the United States, in order to relieve its suffering pris- oners, a quasi recognition of its independence and the last hope of for- eign intervention. The adherence of the government to the full mean- ing and terms of its own proposition defeated this new attem])t. The political effect of this plan was the subject of discussion and cor- respondence, and the accompanying paper (F 07) shows what was ex- pected to be gained. AUGUST, 1864— JANUARY, 1865. EVIDENCE FROM CAPTURED REBEL RECORDS — PRESIDENTIAL MOVEMENTS — MORE COM- PLICATIONS — SEPTEMBER 9tH, PROPOSITION OV GENERAL BUTLER FOR EXCHANGE OP SICK, &C. — ARRANGEMENTS MADE — PRISONERS SET TO WORK BY THE REBELS — RETALIATION — ITS GOOD EFFECT — CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND REBEL NAVY DEPARTMENTS — EXCHANGE OF NAVAL PRISONERS — OULD PRO- POSES SENDING SUPPLIES TO PRISONERS — PROPOSITION ACCEPTED — RELEASE OF PRISONERS IN IRONS — .UHJANGEMENTS FOR GENERAL EXCHANGE COMPLETED — OULD'S STATEMENTS REFUTED — CONDITION OF PRISONERS AT ANDERSONVILLE — BAD FAITH IN REGARD TO SEAMEN HELD AS PRISONERS. If Mr. Quid's apparent acceptance had been hastily and inconsider- ately accepted without a corresponding declaration on the part of the rebel authorities, but they relinquished tbeir claim to a definition and acknowledgment of the territorial limits claimed by them, an explicit disavowal of the proclamation of December 23, 1802, and the law of * Set; F 54. t See F 53. t See F 64. § See F 65. || See F 66. 362 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR May 1, 18G3, the acceptance by our government would have been a vir- tual recognition of the independence of the rebel States and an aban- donment of all the principles for which the war had been and was car- ried on. The captured rebel records now fuiMiish incontestable evidence that Mr. Ould's offer to accept terms previously and continually made was delu- sive and treacherous. The object was twofold: first, to entrap the government of the United States into a recognition of their territorial independence ; and if this failed, to use Mr. Ould's proposition for i)olitical purposes, both at the North and South. The defeat of the Union party in the northern States at the impend- ing election was of vital necessity to the rebels. To accomplish it, no measures were to be spared. The re-election of the President and the success of the Union armies would be fatal to their hopes of independ- ence, and even of recognition. To this end, all means were to be used ; what these means were is now a matter of history.* As a part of this plan, Mr. Ould's delusive offer was published in the Richmond pai)ers soon after it was written, and before any answer could have been received from the United States authorities, and the state- ment industriously cin-ulated, both north and south, that the rebel au- thorities were willing to exchange prisoners, and that the fault was with the United States authorities.t On the 22d of August, Major Mulford, United States Army, assistant agent of exchange, proposed to exchange Major Goff, of the United States Army, then held in close confinement by the rebel authorities, for Major Armsby, of the rebel army, similarly held by us. This i)roposi- sition was accepted by Mr. Ould, with the suggestion that the principle be extended to all prisoners of war in close confinement on either side.| This proposition was acce])ted in terms on the 3d of September, 18G4,§ but it was soon found that, under the construction i)laced ui)on it by the rebel authorities, this arrangement would release ollicers and soldiers of our army who might be in close confinement for military offenses, while it would not release those who were charged Avith offenses against the civil law. All officers who were engaged in giving, effect to the President's proclamation of January 1, 1803, were guilty, under rebel construction, of " exciting servile insurrection," and liable to punishment under tlie laws of the State in which they might be cap- tured. Mr. Ould had no objection to the proposition so far as it related to "municipal law," for the confederate government has always held that soldiers are responsible to the proper authorities for crimes com- mitted by them before or after ca])ture.|| This, it will be observed, was the doctrine advanced l)y the rebel au- thorities at an early period of the Avar, and its enforcement Avas a part of the ])olicy by which they hoped to force imi)ortaut concessions from the goA'ernment of the United States, and it Avas not until some mouths later that thishoi)e Avas abandoned. On the Ittli of September Major General Butler proposed to Mr. Ould "that the belligerent ])arties, waiving all other questions, shall, from time to time, exchange all sick and invalid officers and men, Avho, from Avounds or sickness, shall, in the judgment of the party holding them, be unfit for duty, and likely to remain so for sixty days." * Ex. Doc. No. 1, H. R., thirty-ninth Congress, 1st session, pp. 1030 to 1038. t See report of United States commissioner of exchange to Secretary of War of Au- gust 27, 18()4— F (58. t See F GD. ^ See F 70. |1 See F 71 and 72. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 363 He adds : I make this proposition in order to alleviate the sufferings of those nnable to bear the confinement incident to a prisoner of war, and whose condition wotild be benefited by the comforts of home and medical treatment by their friends. I trust and believe that this measure of obvious humanity will meet your agree- meiit, as I am satisfied no advantage can accrue to either party by retaining such men in confinement. As a further evidence of the strong desire on the part of this government to expose its soldiers to as little hardship as possible, consistently with such action as it feels called upon to take to preserve its good faith pledged alike to all soldi(;rs, although it "will involve the government in a very considerable expense, yet, to save the sick and suftering a long and tedious transportation by rail, I will receive such invalid officers and soldiers of the United States as may be confined in the States of North and South Carolina and Georgia, at Fort Pulaski, near Savannah, and will transport thither any such invalids of the confederate forces as may be in our possession, who can more easily bo carried thither.* Oil the l.Stli of September General Butler reported to the Secretary of War tliat lie had as yet received no formal answer to either of his propositions to Mr. Ould, but was informed unofticially that the propo- sition to exchange invalid prisoners would be accepted, and that " I may prepare and send down to Fort Pulaski transportation for at least five thousand invalid men forthwith. This I shall at once proceed to do, to make all possible i)rovision for the comfort of our sick soldiers." t On tlie 25th of September General Butler notified the Commissary General of Prisoners that he had "made arrangements with Mr. Ould to give me at least five thousand of our sick men in Georgia and South Carolina, and take what equivalent we may have. I have offered to take them at Fort Pulaski as an act of humanity, because I think that railroading through the confederacy, with snch accommodations as they would get, would bring many of them to their death." | On tlie 4th of October General Butler addressed a communication to Mr. Ould, in which he stated : I am iiifurniee good policy to allow the federals to supply the Yankee ])risoners here Avith coarse clothing. It would save us the expense and give ns an opportunity of sending clothing to our people at the North, which would otherwise be denied ns. I see no other way half as acceptable of settling the question, both as to our own and the ene- my's prisoners. I understand from a conversation with the secretary of war, that such is his view also. I shall accordingly make the proposition (limiting it to one suit of coarse clothing for each prisoner, with blanket) to tlae federal authorities, when I next meet them. I am quite sure that they will accede to it. t Mr. Ould speaks comj)lacently of luxuries, when, in the language of an official document — The shocking condition of these poor wretches at Andersonville and other points, as heretofore reported, is calculated to bring reproach upon our government, and while humanity suggests the extension to them of that treatment due from a Christian peo- ple, even to Yankees, policy and a regard for our own poor fellows in the hands of the Yankees would suggest such jirison treatment to those in our power as we would have them show to ours.]; In December, 18G3, Major General Butler notified Mr. Onld tliat cer- tain privateersmen, held for trial at Fort McHenry, Maryland, liad been released from close confinement and put on the footing of other i)risoners of war, and asked that the ofiicers and men of the United States Navy, who were in irons at Salisbury, North Carolina, in retaliation, should be put on the same footing. This assurance was given by Mr. Onld. Two montlis later the secretary of war, upon information that they were still in irons, asked General Butler if he had any information that any officers of the United States Navy, then held by the rebels as prison- ers of war, were kept in irons and close confinement. To the inquiry made by General Butler, the answer was given that there were none. In August, 1804, the commander of the Salisbury prison made inquiry with regard to certain officers and seamen sent to that jilace in the previous December, to which Mr. Ould replied: The officers and seamen sent, mentioned within, arc treated as prisoners of war by the federal authorities. They were at one time in irons, but were relieved by General Butler. At the same time I thought those we held were relieved from close confine- ment. I know that such an order was given.$ This was eight months after the men, for whom they were held, had been released from close confinement and treated as other prisoners of war. Notwithstanding the assurance given by Mr. Ould, when the arrangement for the exchange of naval f)risoners was made, that all such pri.soners, l)lack as well as white, would be included, many colored sea- men were retained at Eichmond, Salisbury, and other points in the South. It was supposed that some of these men liad been claimed as slaves, or had been turned over to the civil authorities, but the principle upon which it was done appears to be explained by Mr. Ould's indorse- ment of November 19, 1804, upon a communication in relation to negroes confined at Salisbury, North Carolina. I do not understand this as an order to send these parties off by flag of truce, but simply that they are subject to be sent when a due occasion offers. If I am wrong, I can be corrected. If I wait awhile I can make good use of them.|| * See F 97. t See F 98. t Instructions from adjutant and inspector general's office, Richmond, to Lieutenant Colonel Sanders, inspector, Columbia, South Carolina. § See F 99 and 100. || See F 101. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 367 NOVEMBER, 1863. EXCHANGES IN THE SOUTHWEST— MURDER OF UNION SOLDIERS— GENERALS FRANKLIN j\JS"D B.V>yKS — GENER.U. TAYLOR. lu the early period of tlie rebelliou exchanges of prisoners were made by the commanders of the armies in the field under the general authority conferred by the laws and usages of war, and generally without any instructions or determined policy on the part of the governuieut of the United States. These exchanges were made in all sections of the country where hostile operations were carried on, and were as varied in their details and the rules by which they were governed as there were commanders in the field. As the most important of these have already been noticed, it will be necessary to refer only to such of them as occurred after the negotiation of the Dix-Hill cartel, or were isolated by the peculiar circumstances attending them. In November, 18G3, General E. Taylor, of the rebel army, and com- manding the trans-Mississippi department, instructed Brigadier Gen- eral Green to open communication with the United States military authorities in the Department of the Gulf, with a view to the exchange of prisoners. That officer, on the 2Sth of November, addressed a com- munication to the commanding officer of the federal forces on the Teche, proposing an exchange of prisoners, and stating, as a part of his in- structions from General Taylor : "We have on hand several hundred prisoners, all of whom are without shoes and indifierently supj)lied with clothing, and whose suflering this winter it will be impossible for us to alleviate. You will use every exertion consistent with the dignity of your position to perfect some arrangement, and, if successful, will ex- change immediately man for man."* On the 29th of November, Major General Franklin, commanding in the Teche district, acknowledged to General Taylor the receipt of "this letter, saying: I state, in reply, that if you will commence the exchange, withont regard to the regi- ments or corps to which the prisoners belong, I am willing ^to exchange man for man, and will depute a general officer to arrange at once with General Green a place for tho delivery of prisoners on both sides. I also make this proposition: I will have brought here, and sent to such point of de- livery as you may designate, clothing and blankets for tho prisoners of war that remain in your hands, provided that you will permit the articles to be delivered to the prison- ers, the United States engaging to pay a reasonable price for freight and haudling.t On the 30th of November General Taylor replied : I have the honor to state that if your expression of willingness to conimence the exchange^ without regard to the regiments or corps to which the prisoners belong, is intended to embrace tliose who belong to negro organizations, the instructions of my government preclude me from acceding thereto. With the exception of members of such organizations I am willing to exchange all prisoners man for man. In view of the hardships and sufferings to which the prisoners were subjected, and my inability to supply their wants of clothing, I dispatched an officer to Vicksburg to endeavor to make an arrangement for their reception until they could be properly ex- changed, and they have been moved in that direction ; if such arrangement is effected the prisoners will not require the clothing and blankets to be forwarded to them as you propose. Should it not be effected I will communicate with you on the subject, so that those articles may reach them. The officers of your command who are prisoners in my hands, a list of whom I for- warded to General Washburne shortly after their capture, are in want of clothing and out of money and articles necessary for making them comfoi-table, which jou may send to Brigadier General Green, and it will be delivered to them. * * * * Should you accede to my proposition for exchanges as herein stated, I will appoint an officer authorized to negotiate with one whom you may appoijit the necessary terms and details, t *SeeGl. tSeeG2. t See G 3. 368 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR The condition vliat the exchange should include all prisoners, without regard to the organizations to which they belonged, was insisted upon by General Franklin, and on the 3d of December General Taylor wrote: In reply to your comnmnicatioii of tlip 2(1 iustant I have to state that while I believe I have no prisoners from yonr eonimand belougiug to ncjjfro organizations, the expres- sion contained in your letter of the 29th ultimo, reqiiiring as a condition preeedent that I should agree to " the exchange without regard to the regiment or corps to which the prisoners belong," rendered it necessary that I should distinctly inform you that I ■was precluded by the instructions of my government from acceding to a proposition that would embrace that class of persons ; otherwise I would clearly have committed myself to a policy, or at least to its recognition, in violation of positive instructions. My inability to provide for the prisoners in my hands in such manner as I desire, and my anxiety to alleviate their condition by restoring them to their government, if satis- factory arrangements could be agreed upon between us, induced me to address you upon the sulyect of their exchange. I know that yon have the means, and I do not doubt your inclination, to extend to the prisoners in your hands all the comforts and atten- tions to which the Tisages of war entitle them. I am willing at all times to exchange with you, with the exception heretofore noted, officer for officer, and enlisted man for enlisted man, at such point or points as Ave may agree upon. The clothing and other necessary articles of comfort which j-ou intend for the pris- oners will be delivered to them. If you desire to send one of your othcers for the pur- pose of distributing the clothing and money, permission will be granted him to visit the prisoners, officers, for that purpose.* In transmitting the above through the lines, General Green Jjtates : Having no officers or soldiers of the class spoken of in this t istrict, and that question being uiiuecessary to be noted in an arrangement for the exchange of prisoners between yourself and General Taylor, I suppose the exchange will beeftected, and it will be un- necessary to send clothing or money to your officers and men in our hands.! With this double assurance the exchange of oflicers and men was ac- cepted, and General Taylor then proposed to i)lace the excess of prison- ers in his hands in our possession on the following terms, as rei)orted by General Franklin to General Banks: 1st. Their parole to be recognized by the United States authorities ; and if they are not so recognized, the prisoners to Ix' returned to General Taylor. 2d. All prisoners from the forces under General Taylor's command to be exchanged for those paroled prisonei's, iucliuling those taken at Fort Butler or elsewhere. 3d. The agieement thus entered into is not to be atfected by the action of the govern- ment of either party, but if any general exchange be agreed upon by the two govern- ments, the excess of prisoners is not to be included in that agrcenuMit until formal no- tice has been given by one party to the other to include them in that exchange. Also ten days' notice must be given of the cessation of exchange before any change in the cartel shall go into efl'ect. Tliis arrangement was approved by General Banks on the 14th of De- cember.} On the 31st of December General Banks appointed a commissioner to confer, in his name, with the commissioner appointed by Major General E. Taylor, Confederate States army, on the sul)ject of exchange of pris- oners, and the commissioner was instructed as follows: You are authorized to ofter Major General Taylor, upon the same terms as those agreed upon by Major (Jencral Franklin, all the prisoners recently captured by the United States forces in Texas, ])r<)vidcd he will jjrocure the delivt'ry of all captured from the United States at Galveston, Sabine I'ass, and other i)oiuts in Texas. You will also en- deavor to procure the release on parole of oin- prisoners captured at Brashear and other points in the department, and now held by the confederate authorities. You will be careful in all confereuccs to keep in view the fact that the commanding general will not sanction any difference being made between the oflicers and men of different corps of the army. The oflict'rs and men of colored regiments have been received into the service of the, country, and no agreement can be nuide or discussed in which the rights of the colored troops, or their officers, to be treated and exchanged as other prisoners of Avar may be ignored. $ The commissioners met on the 4th of January, 1864, and agreed upon ^See gT tSecGS. t See G 6. ^ See G 7^ BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 369 a cartel for the exchangee of prisoners captured respectively from tbe coininauds of Generals Banks and Taylor.* Colonel Dwiglit, tbe com- Uiissioner appointed by General Banks, in reporting January 7, 1864, upon tbe execution of tbis cartel, states: Soiup discussion was had iu reference to a general cartel for tlie escliange of prisoners liereafter to be captured by and from tbe same commands, but thereupon immediately arose the question of the exchange of officers and men of negro organizations, when ^lajor Levy informed me that his instructions positively forbade him to make any agreement Vhicli should in any manner include members of such organizations, and I informed him that my instructions equally forbade me to make any agreement which should iu any manner exclude or discriminate against them. It was therefore apparent that no agreement for the exchange of future captures could be made by us. Major Levy declared that the cartel which was executed by us did not violate his instructions above mentioned, for the reason that General Taylor had not, up to that time, taken any prisoners of the organizations referred to. t Of tbe correspondence referred to by Colonel Dwigbt in tbe fo^-egoing letter. General Taylor's letter of January 5 gives a fair synoi)sis.| On tbe 4tb of February, 1804, Major General Banks transmitted to tbe Adjutant General of tbe Army a copy of tbe cartel covering captures from bis own and General Taylor's command, and "also copies of tbe correspondence in tbat matter." In tbis communication be says: It will be observed that this exchange was eti'ected with the distinct announcement that tlie commissioner on my part could not entertain or discuss any proposition in which the rights, as soldiers, t)f the colored troops should be disregarded. i^S The cartel was approved, as authorized under tbe provisions of tbe Dix-Hill cartel, between tbe commanders of armies in tbe field. In submitting this cartel and correspondence to tbe War Department, the commissioner of exchange (General Hitchcock) suggested tbat tbe absence of colored prisoners in tbe bands of tbe rebel authorities could only be accoimted for by means " too horrible to be contemplated," and it was subsequently ascertained tbat colored troops captured in the vicinity of Vicksburg bad, under orders of tbe rebel war department of December, 1863, been put to death at the moment of capture. They were not, therefore, in band, and they bad been captured from tbe army *of tbe Tennessee and not from General Banks's command. JUNE, 1864. OFFICERS UXDER FIRE AT CHARLESTON — SPECIAL EXCHAXGES — GENERAL JOHN G. FOS- TER — GENERAL SAM. JiONES— CONDITION OF PRISONERS — GENERAL GRANT'S ORDERS — RICHMOND INFLUENCE — EXCHANGES BY GENERAL SHERMAN— PRISONERS IN THE SOUTHWEST — GENERAL CANBY — OULD'S DIRECTIONS DISREGARDED — OULD AND WIN- DER. . On the 13tb of Jnne Major General Sam. Jones, Confederate States army, notified Major General Foster, United States Army, tbat five gen- erals and forty-five field officers of the United States Army bad been sent to the city of Charleston, South Carolina, for safe-keeping, and turned over to Brigadier General Eipley, " who will see that they are pro- vided with commodious quarters in a part of the city occupied by non- combatants, the majority of whom are women and children. It is proper, however, that I should inform you that it is a part of the city which has been for' many months exposed day and night to the fire of your guns." On the 16th of June the receipt of this communication was acknowledged by General Foster, who said: Many months since, Major General Gilmore, United States Army, notified General Beauregard, then commanding at Charleston, that the city would be bombarded. This notice was given in order that non-combatants might be removed, and thus women and chiliken spared from harm. General Beauregard iu a communication to General Gil- * See G~a tSeeG9. t See G 10. § See G 11. H. Eep. 45 24 610 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR more, dated August 22, 1863, informed him that the nou-combatant population of Charleston would be removed with all possible celerity. Tluit women and children have since been retained by you in a part of the city which has been for many months exposed to fire, is a matter decided by your own sense of humanity. I nuist, however, protest against your action iu thus ])laciug defenseless prisoners of war in a position exposed to constant bombardment. It is an indefensible act of cruelty, and can be designed only to i>revent the continuance ( f our lire upon Charleston. That city is a depot of military supplies. It contains not merely arsenals, but also founderies and factories for the manufacture of nmnitious of war. In its ship-yards several armed iron-clads have already been completed, while others are still upon the stocks in course of construction. Its wharves and the banks of the rivers on both sides of the city are lined with batteries. To destroy these means of continuing the war is, tln^refore, my object and duty. You seek to defeat this effort not by means known to honorable warfare, but by placing unarmed and helpless prisoners under our fire. I have forwarded your communication to the President, with the request that he Avill place in my custody an e(pial number of prisoners, of like grades, to be kept by me in jiositions exposed to the fire of your guns, so long as you continue the course stated in your communication.* Oil the same day the action taken by the rebel autliorities was reported to the War Department and the President of the United States, with the request that an equal number of rebel oflicers of equal rank should be sent to him, in order that he might i)lace them under the enemy's fire so long as our oflicers were exposed in Charleston.! Tliis was done, and the rebel authorities in Charleston notified. On the 1st of July General Jones transmitted to General Foster a com- munication addressed to the Adjutant General of the Army, in which they express their "firm belief that a prompt exchange of the prisoners of war in the hands of the sonthern confederacy, if exchanges are to be made, is called for by every consideration of humanity. There are many thousands confined at southern points of the confederacy, in a climate to which they are unaccustomed, deprived of so much of the food, clothing, and shelter which they have habitually received, and it is not surprising, from these and other causes that need not be enumerated here, that much suffering, sickness, and death should ensue. In this matter the statements of our own officers are confirmed by those of the* southern journals, and while we will cheerfully submit to any policy that may be determined upon by our government, we would urge that the great evils that must result from any delay that is not desired, should be obviated by the designation of some point in this vicinity at which exchanges might be made ; a course, we are induced to believe, that would be acceded to by the confederate authorities." In forward- ing this communication. General Jones stated that he fully concurred in opinion with the otficers who signed the letter, that there should be an exchange of prisoners of war ; that he would be glad to aid iu so humane a work; and to the end that there might be no unnecessary de- lay, he had directed a static" officer, fully acquainted with his views, to wait a reasonable time in the vicinity of Port Koyal Ferry, if a confer- ence was desired. | The foregoing papers were forwarded to the War Department, and by the Secretary referred to the chief of staff and commissioner of ex- change for opinions and report. The commissioner, in reporting, remarks that "if the ju-oposed ex- change is to attect the question of the right of colored trooi)s to be treated as imsoners of war, the decisions already made would negative this ])roposition. liut the case seems exceptional or special, the ofiicers to be att'ected being those who have been set apart for retaliatory pur- * See G 12. t See G 13. t See G 14. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 371 poses. In view of the circumstances, the undersigned is of opinion that General Foster might be authorized to make the proposed exchange, provided his conditions, as expressed in his letter to General Jones, be complied with, and that he lias. the assurance from General Jones that no similar experiment shall be made.* On the lOth of July General Foster was notified that he was author- ized to exchange auy prisoners then in his hands, "rank for rank, or their equivalents as hxed by the cartel, such exchange being a special one."t On the 4tli of August General Foster acknowledged the receipt of this authority, and reported that the exchange had been made. | On the 17th of August General Foster forwarded to the chief of staff at Washington a report of Lieutenant Colonel Woodford, his acting judge advocate, in which the latter states : luconclusion, I would respectfully state that I am fully satisfied that an exchange of onr officers now confined at Charleston, Savannah, and Macon can be effected, as also of many of our soldiers who are impriscmed and suti'ering at Andersouville, Georgia. The privates received by me yestenlay unite in describing the condition of their late comrades at Andersonville as l)eing pitiful in the extreme. They state that they are but half fed; that they are naked, suffering, sick, and dying. They beg the government to at least exchange as many of their number as possible, and thus save them from further agony. General Foster, in forwarding the report, states: I have made no propositions of any kind, and will only carry out the wishes of the government strictly and carefully, whatever they may be.^S On the 4th of August General Foster reported to the chief of staff at Washington that " the information given by our prisoners of war, now liberated, and by deserters, also by the late rebel papers, represents that our soldiers now prisoners at Andersonville, Georgia, are destitute of comforts and necessaries, and are dying rapidly. The number of deaths per day varies, according to reports, from thirty to seventy. * * I think the confederate authorities are very desirous to have an ex- ciiange effected, both of officers and of men. The insecure position in • which our prisoners have been confined probably causes this desire. They have already been obliged to remove our ofticers from Macon, and six hundred of them have already arrived in Charleston, and the others are to follow. This is probably from its being the only secure place, and from the hope that it may induce still further exchanges."|| On the 10th of August General Foster was authorized by the Secre- tary of War to send " necessary supplies to our prisoners where meas- ures can be taken to insure their enjoyment of the supplies so sent."^ On the 21st General Foster applied to General Jones for authority to send supplies to our prisoners, and on the 25th was answered by General Jones, as follows : The United States soldiers prisoners of war, now at Andersonville, are in no way whatever under my control, and I cannot, therefore, undertake to deliver them the san- itary stores you desire to send, without the sanction of the officer having charge of the prisoners. I have referred the matter to him, and feel cxuite sure that he will not hesi- tate to allow the stores to be sent to them. I cannot permit any prisoner to take charge of the stores and act as quartermaster to distribute them ; but if the officer having charge of the prisoners will permit them to be delivered, I will designate an officer to receive and receipt to the proper officer of your command for them, and hold him to as strict an accountability for their proper delivery as though they were stores belonging to my government. I will communicate with you further on this subject Avhen I receive a reply from the officer to whom I have referred your request.** On the 25th of August General Foster forwarded to the headquarters * See G 15 and 16. t See G 17. t See G 18. § See G 19. II See G 20. ^ See G 21. ** See G 22. 0(2 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR of tlie army a cornmimicatioii from (Teneral Sam. Jones, in relation to recent arrivals of United States prisoners at Charleston, in which he says : Yon are mistaken if you suppose those prisoners have heen sent here for the purpose of beiug placed in positions ■\vliere they may be reached by your shot. They are jtlaced hero by the government simply because it is more convenient at present to confine them here than elsewhere. I am ready at any time to send you every prisoner of war now in this department, if you will, in exchange, give me an equal number of Confed- erate States prisoners, man ft)r man, rank for rank, or their equivalents. General Foster, in forwarding- this letter and the accompanying j)apers, remarks : As all these papers rehite to the subject of exchange, I have made no reply to them, but refer them to you for the action of the honorable Secretary of War, as directed in your letter to me of the 8th instant. * On the 21st of August General Grant, learning that the confederate officers and men delivered under these special exchanges were at once l)ut in the field, while our men, under the rule adopted by our govern- ment and heretofore referred to, were unavailable, directed that no further exchanges should be made. On the L'Oth of October General Foster transmitted to the chief of staff at Washington a proposition for exchange of prisoners, made by General Hardee, of the rebel army, and on the 31st was informed, by direction of General Grant, "that no exchanges will be made, (except on the field of battle as provided in the cartel,) without special orders, or through the didy appointed commissioners." t On the 9th of September General Sherman telegraphed from Atlanta to the chief of staff at Washington : " Last evening Hood sent in a fiag of truce asking to exchange prisoners. 1 have about two thousand on hand, and will exchange if he will make a fair deal."| On the 29th of September he reported : I have now effected the actual exchange of twd thousand prisoners of my own army. Our prisoners have been removed from Andersonville to Savannah, Milieu, and Charles- ton. Any change will be for the better. I have agreed with Hood to send to Griftin, to be forwarded to our prisoners, a sui»ply of clothing, soap, combs, «fcc.$ On the 21st of June, 1804, Major General Canby, commanding division of West Mississippi, reported to the connnissioner of exchange, that General E. K. Smith, commanding the rebel trans-Mississippi depart- ment, had proposed a general exchange of prisoners by both armies, and that he had sent a commissioner to tlie mouth of the Ked River to meet the commissioner appointed by General Smith, and adds : I have instructed the commissioner sent by me, that all negotiations shall be con- ducted under the recognized and exi)ressed understanding, that the condition of the cartel of July 22, 18G'2, shall apply to all troops in the service of the United States ; that officers and men of colored regiments shall receive the same treatment, be entitled to the same privileges, and be exchanged in the same nuinuer as other troops, and that the third article of the cartel shall apply to all conditions, without distinction. In addition to the ])risoners now held by us, tJcueral Smith proposes to exchange the L(unsiaua brigade, captured at Vicksburg, and ])aroled by General Grant, and the cap- tures at Arkansas Post, wliich it is understood have not yet been exchanged, against recent captures in the departments of Arkansas and the Gulf. If tliese exchanges are made there will still be a balance against us, in the division, of three thousand men. I have no information with regard to the Louisiana brigade, or the captures at Arkansas Post. Will you please cause it to be furnished me ? || On the ith of August General Canby reported to the commissioner tliat the proposed exchange of prisoners of war in the division of AVest Mississippi and the trans-Mississippi dejtartmcnt had tailed, on the alleged ground of want of authority on the i)art of General Smith ; that a special exchange was subsequently i)roposed and agreed to, as it would * See G 23. t See G 24. t See G 25. § See G 26. || See G 27. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 373 relieve a large number of our prisoners confined in Texas, in exchange, in great part, for men that have been paroled and are within tte rebel lines, and adds : The exchange of the prisoners belonging to our navy, now confineil in Texas, was refused in consequence of orders from the rebel government at Richmond, yrohiljiting their exchange except for prisoners belonging to the rebel navy. It is hoped that Admiral Farragufs operations in Mobile Bay will give us the means of etfectiug the release of these meu/ On the Cth of September General Canby was notified that further exchanges were stopped by direction of General Grant, t On the 9th of September he acknowledged the receipt of the dispatch, and said : I transmit for your information copies of the correspondence on the subject, showing the extent to which exchanges have been made, and the reasons and authority for mak- ing them. And on the 19th of September a further report, in w^hich he said: The exchange of prisoners in this conuuand has been regulated upon the principle of getting a fair equivalent forthe men exchanged. By thecartel of July 28, with the excep- tion of about live hundred men captured by General Steele, we obtain effective men, now on their way from Tyler, Texas, in exchange for men paroled at Vicksburg, and already within the rebel lines. This has been approved by the commissioner of exchange. The exchange made by Major General Herron, and subsequently ratified by me, Avas for men recently captvired from us. The exchange of the naval prisoners in Texas was referred to me by the War Department. In order to effect it, it was necessary to include the Fort Gaines prisoners. We lose nothing by the exchange, t While the special exchanges above referred to resulted in the deliver- ance of only a few thousand men from rebel captivity, much good was accomplished by securing permission to send supplies to the unfortu- uates who remained in captivity. Advantage Avas taken by the Union commanders of every opportunity to secure this result, and in the department of the Gulf, the division of Mississippi, and in the division of West Mississippi, this was not only permitted, but was facilitated, by the confederate commanders. In })roiK)rtion to the remoteness of these commands from the central des- l^otism at Richmond was tlie treatment of our prisoners of war amolio- rated, and there is every reason to believe that in the trans-]Mississij)pi, the most remote of the rebel commands, it was made as humane as it could be without positive disobedience of orders issued at IJichmond, and based upon the policy adopted by the rebel government. In some instances these were disregarded under the natural promptings of right and justice. In one instance fifteen hundred Union prisoners were delivered in the fall of 1804:, in exchange for a like number of rebel prisoners c;ii>- tured and paroled at Vicksburg, and within the enemy's hues, notwith- standing Mr. Quid had previously declared them exchanged. His direction was not always regarded when the rank of the ofhcer, or the circumstances of his command, enabled him to exercise his own judg- ment. At Richmond and its vicinity, and in the neighboring departments, where the luison-pens were directly under Mr. Quid's control, or com- manded by his creatures, the case was different. In the department of the South, the prison-pens at AndersonviJle, Florence, &c., were under the control of the rebel general. Winder. Major General Foster, in his report of September L*5, 1804, says, " I have tried in every way to send them supplies." General Sam. Jones, to whom he applied, answered that the prisoners at Andersonville were "in no way * See G 28. t See G 29. i See G 30. . 374 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR whatever under his control," but that he ^youhl refer the apijlication to the officer in charge, (Winder.) Winder wrote to the adjutant and in- spector general at Richmond, who reterred it to Ould for his remarks, who returned it to the adjutant and inspector general with an indorse- ment, in which he sajs : "Of course our hrst dnty is to our own troops," &c.,* and tinally he made his proposition of October 0, 1804, in relation to supplies for prisoners, which was eagerly accepted by the government of the United States. Although the rebel government at Eichmond was advised by the reports of its own officers that " the shocking condition of these poor wretches at Andersonville and other points, as heretofore reported, is cal- culated to briug reproach upon our government," Mr. Ould writes com- placently about " furnishing luxuries," and leaves men who were dying from starvation at the rate of one hundred a day to the custody of a man characterized in an othcial report to the rebel war department as "an othcer who seems to be as careless and indifferent respecting the honor of another's reputation as he is reputed to be to the dictates of humanity." t FEBRUARY, 1864. KEMOVAL OF PRISOXEllS SOUTH — THEIR CONDITION — EVIDENCE OF THE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE REBEL AUTIIORiriES — GENERAL STONEMAN's LETTER — COLONELS DORR AND HARRISON — STATEMENT OF THE SERGEANTS AT ANDERSONVILLE — COLONEL CHAND- LER'S REPORT — OTHER REBEL TESTIMONY — STATEMENTS AS TO SUPPLIES — OCLD'S RESPONSIBILITY — SUPPLIES AT ANDERSONVILLE — DISPOSITION OF OULD — HIS INGE- NIOUS RECOMMENDATIONS TO ENHANCE THE SUFFERINGS OF PRISONERS — HE IS AGAINST EXCHANGING THE SICK — BELIEVES IN FETTERS. In the early part of 18C4, the rebel government determined upon the removal of the Union prisoners at Eii.'hmond to points further south. One of the reasons for this removal, as stated by Mr, Ould to the United States agent of exchange, was to remove the temptation to raids by the United States troops against Eichmond for the purpose of rescuing the prisoners. Another reason assigned was the difficulty of supplying them with food at Eichmond. On the 7th of February, General Winder reported to the adjutant and inspector general, that in obedience to his instructions he proposed "to send the i)risoners to Andersonville byway of Ealeigh, N. C, and Columbia, S. C, that route being preferred by the officer in charge of transportation. They will be sent in detachments of four hundred daily, which will require a guard of fifty privates, three officers, four sergeants, and four corporals." J Ey this arrangement, and by the special exchanges that continued to be made, so far reduced the luimber of prisoners at Eichmond that Gen- eral Bragg reached the conclusion that no further action was necessary in relation to a condition of affairs that compromised the medical de- partment of the rebel army and seriously and justly compromised his own government in its treatment of prisoners. It was hoped that the removal of our i)risoners from Eichmond would ameliorate their condition, so far, at least, as their physical wants were concerned, that a transfer from an almost beleaguered city to the granary of the confederacy would give them, if not an abundance of food, at least sufficient to secure them from the sufferings of starvation which they had experienced at Eichmond; but at Andersonville the ~ * See F 97 and 98. t Adjutant aud inspector general's office, Richmond, November 26 and December 1, 1864. X See H 6. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 375 liorrors of Belle Isle and the prison hospitals were repeated with three- fold intensity, the full extent of which never will be known. It is not necessary to repeat fully the horrible details now in our pos- session. It will be sufidcient to give the evidence of our own witnesses to the extent that it is confirmed by evidence of rebel documents, and to show by the same evidence that the condition of affairs at Anderson- ville was known to, if not approved by, the rebel authorities, and that no steps were taken to correct it until »the voice of their own people cried out against it. Tlie first of these is a communication addressed to the President ol the United States by Major General Stoneman and Colonels Dorr and Harrison, dated at Charleston, South Carolina, on the 14th of August, 1804,* and the second, the minntes of a meeting held by the sergeants commanding detachments of prisoners at Andersonville.t On the other hand, the adjutant and inspector general at Richmond, on the 3d of September, 18G4, furnished General Winder an extract from Lientenant Colonel Chandler's report of an inspection of the mili- tary prisons at Andersonville, Georgia, in which it is said : There is no medical atteiulauce furnished within the stockade ; small quantities oi medicines are i)laced in the hands of certain prisoners of each squad or division, and the sick are directed to be brouglit out, by the sergeants of squads, daily at " sick call " to the medical otlicers who attend at the gates. The crowd at these times is so great that only the strongest can get access to the doctors, the weaker ones being unable to force their way tlirough the press ; and the hospital accommodations are so limited that, though the beds (so called) have all, or nearly all, two occupants each, large uumbers who would otherwise be received are necessarily sent back to the stockade ; many — twenty yesterday. — are carted out daily ivlto had died from unknown causes, and whom the medical officers had net'cr.seen. The arrangements for cooking and baking have been wholly inadequate, and though additions are now being comjileted, it will be impossible to cook for the whole number of prisoners. Raw rations have to be issued to a very large proportion, who are entirely unprovided with proper utensils, and furnished so limited a supply of fuel, they are compelled to dig with their hands in the tilthy marsh, before mentioned, for roots, &c. After in- quiry, I am satisfied that by slight exertions green corn and other anti-scorbutics could readily be obtained. * * The small-pox hospital is under the charge of OtHcer E. Sheppard, post adjutant and commissary of subsistence; more than half of the cases in it have terminated fatally, t On the 2Gth of November, Colonel Sanders, inspector general, received instructions from the adjutant and inspector general's office at Rich- mond to make an inspection of the Yankee prisons in Georgia and South Carolina. Among other things he was instructed — To see if supplies furnished by the Yankee goverument are properly distributed, the system prevailing in receiving those supplies and their distribution, the checks upon their diversion from tlie parties for whom intended, and all matters relating to them which require correction. The shocking condition of these poor wretches at Ander- sonville, and other points, as heretofore reported, is calculated to bring reproach upon our government ; and while humanity suggests the extension to them of that treat- ment due from a Christian people, even to Yankees, i^olicy and a regard for our own poor fellows in the hands of the Yankees would suggest such prison treatment to those in our power as we vt^ould have them show to ours. They have already taken advantage of the rejiorts of our prison system, sup^josing we have had any, to inflict sad cruelties upon those captured from us.§ The report of the inspection thus ordered has not been found, but on the 1st of December the adjutant and inspector general's office at Rich- mond submitted to the secretary of war a report upon the explanations made by General Winder in relation to statements ati'ecting his manage- ment of the prisons, in which it is said : The extract was returned and the statements of the inspecting officer characterized ~~* See H 7. f See H 8. X See H 9 for report of Colonel Chandler, ante page 126, et scq. $ See H 10. 376 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR as false, and replies to them from himself ami his sub-officers inclosed. These replies were intended to traduce the statements of the inspector, but in no instance is a single statement satisfactorily controverted. On the contrary, they are sustained, and the subsequent report called for from Colonel Chandler clearly explains everything that may have been indefinitely expressed, and completely establishes the truthfulness of his statements. *****#**# In view of these considerations, and Cohniel Chandler's request, it is respectfully recommended that such action may be ordered as will relieve Colonel Chandler from the imputation of falsehood, and rebuke an officer Avho seems to be as careless and in- different respecting the honor of another's reputation as he is reported to be to the dic- tates of humanity."'* The part of this correspondence Vriiich requires tlie inspector to see if " sui)j)lies furnished by the Yankee government are properly distributed" requires a passing- comment, for the reason that it has been churned re- cently by Mr. Ould, and his sympathetic friends at the Xorth, that the government of the United States could, at any time, have relieved the sufleriuo- at Andersonville by turnishing supplies to its prisoners. There is no word of truth in this statonent. The records of the War Depart- ment and of the army of the United States show that from the 1st of January, 1802, when commissioners were appointed for the ]mrpose of furnishing relief and supi)lies to our prisoners, to the 27th of December, . ISGl, when Mr. Ould gave General Grant permission to send blankets to the Union prisoners at Richmond, the government of the United States, through itsotticers and agents, both public and private, lost no oppor- tunity of sending relief and comfort to its suft'ering prisoners, often con- ceding to rebel demands in order to secure this object. In the proposition made in January, 1802, the commission was in- vested with plenary powers, and was instructed to carry on its operation under such regulations as might be established l)y the rebel authorities; and the assurance was given that whatever facdities were atforded by the rebel government would be reciprocated by the govern nient of the United States. So also in every other section of the country, the com- manders in the field were authorized and instructed to take advantage of every opportunity to contribute to the relief of our suffering prison- ers. In numy instances these efforts were successful, and they were so precisely in the ratio of their remoteness from Mr. Quid's intluence, or, if not his, of the controlling authority at Eichmond. In the west and southwest there was uo serious difficulty in sending supplies if they were needed, and the transmittal was not prevented by l)ending military operations. At Ilichmond, Andersonville, and otber points, which were more or less directly under the inlluenceand control of Mr. Ould, the case was different. In November, 1802, the delivery of supplies to our prisoners in Ilichmond was first interrupted by Mr. Ould upon a question of eticpiette, and soon after stoi)ped, because of charges (now known to be well founded) that the supplies did not all reach tlieir destination; and still later, the comforts sent by the relatives and liiends of prisoners were refused, because some of the labels on the boxes were regarded as insulting to the rebel government. General Butler's humane and considerate proposition of the 24th of December, 1803, met v.ith no responsive suggestions from Mr. Ould. In relation to the Andersonville prisoners, to state the facts ;is they api)ear of record: On the 21st of August, 1801, j\Iajor General Fostei', learn- ing the destitute <;ondition of the Union prisoners at Andersonviiie, ap- plied to General Sam riones, commanding at Charleston, for permission to send supplies to them. On the 25tli General Jones replied that he had no control in any way whatever over the prisoners at Andersonville, but would refer that officer's comnuinicatiou to the officer who was iii * See H 11. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 377 cliarge of them. At the same time he offered to receive and deliver any supplies that might be sent to them. While waiting the decision of the ofiicer at Andersonville, General Foster sent forward, through private hands (a Catholic priest) a considerable sum of money to be distributed among the prisoners or expended for their benefit. The officer having the control of the Andersonville ])risouers, many of whom were now being distributed to other points, was General Winder. This officer in turn applied to the adjutant and inspector general at Richmond for instructions. The adjutant and inspector general referred it to Mr. Ould, who, on the 17th of September, 1804, returned it with the followiug indorsement : " Of course our first duty is to our own troops. But if we can supply the federal prisoners, I think we ought to do so. I know the fact that clothing, to quite a considerable amount, has been furnished by the federal government to our soldiers at Fy the next Hag of truce. I am satis- fied that an agreement to release unconditionally all disabled men would result to our disadvantage, simply hc^canse the enemy would not carry it out in good faith. They would perhajjs niakt^ the agreement, but would not execute it. There has ex- isted for some time some such understanding. We see how it has been fnlfdled. To unconditionally release the fed<'ral disabled, would be to surrender the advantage of charging them in account ; nay, more, we would not receive the few in similar con- dition that, under present arrangements, are sent to us. If the medical director knew as much of Yankee bad faith as I do, he would not entertain his jtroposition for u mo- ment, t On the 24th of February, General Lee, apprehending" that some diffi- culties might occur in the delivery of i)risoners at Wilmington, in con- sequence of our operations against that place, wrote to the secretary of war at liichmond for instructions, and was answered by the assistant secretary by telegraph, on the same day, as follows : General Grant agrees that prisoners nniy be received at Wilmington, and even if cap- tured Mhall be vounted in excha»(je ; have infonned all officers in charge of prisoners, and further instructions unnecessary.t While Mr. Ould was preparing new fetters for imprisoned men. Gen- eral Grant had given orders for striking them off; and while the former refused to deliver permanently disabled men for fear that they might not be counted in exchange, the latter agreed that effective men, even if captured, should be counted in exchange. * See H 12. t See H 13. X See H 14. DOCUMENTS REFERRED TO IN REPORT OF WAR DEP.VRTMENT. A 1. San Antonio, February 18, 1861. The undersigned, commissioiieis on the part of the State of Texas, fully empowered to cxereise the authority undertaken l>y them, have formally and solemnly aital stores, and such lUeans of transportation of every kind as may be necessary for an effi- cient and orderly moveruent of the troops, prepared for attack or defense against aggres- sions from any source. The troops will carry with them provisions as far as the coast. By order of Brevet Major General Twiggs. W.A.NICHOLS, Assistant Adjutant General. A3. Washington, D. C, May 25, 1861. Sin: It is my unpleasant duty to report, for the information of the general-iu-chief, tliat, on tlie 2'Jd of April last, the f(d]owiug officers, then on duty at San Antonio, the h('a(l(|uarters of tlu; (l(>p;utmcnt of Texas, were seized by an armed force acting uuder what they term the ConfiMlerate States of America, and made prisoners of Avar, viz : Colonel C. A. Waite, First.Infantry, commanding the department ; M. S. K. R. M. Pot- ter, ordnance to an agent ajipointed for the purpose on board the transport which shall l)e employed to convey those who may desire it to the United States ; private prcqierty to be unmo- lested. It is further stipulated and agreed to, that all the officers and men who shall give their paroles and oaths as above stated shall be allowed to pass unmolested through the Confederate States of America, by the way of Galveston and up the Mississippi River, to any point they may see fit to go within the limits of the United States of America, or by any other route they may see fit to take. C. C. SIBLEY, Major Third Infantry, L'ommandinfi Troops. EARL VAN DORN, Colonel Confederate States Army, Commandin(j Confederate Troops. Official : E. D. PHILLIPS, First Lieutenant and Adjutant. Headquaktkrs, Camp near Fort Hamilton, June 3, 1861. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES, 381 A 5. Camp near S-vn Antonio, Texas, May 12, 1861. Sir : I take the earliest opportunity possible to inform you that the six companies of tlie Eighth Infantry, under my command, while marching for the coast, under the agreement made between General Twiggs (late of the United States Army) and the ^tate of Texas, (to the etfect that the troops should leave the State,) were met by a force under command of Colonel Earl Van Dorn, of the southern confederacy, and made " prisoners of war." This occurred on the 9th instant, at San Lucas Spring, lifteen miles west of San Antonio. The force imder my connnand, comprising the garrisons of Forts Bliss, Quitman, and Davis, amounted to an aggregate, when leaving the latter post, of three hundred and twenty. This embraces ten officers, two hospital stewards, and twelve musicians. Colonel Bomford, of the Sixth Infantry, was also with the command. On the day of surrender, my command numbered two hundred and seventy bayo- nets, being thus reduced by sickness, desertions, and stragglers, (some of whom "have since joined,) who had remained in Castroville from drunkenness, or other causes. The force opposed to me, numbered as (then varionslj^ estimated at from one thousand live hundred to one thousand seven hundred men) since ascertained to be, was one thousand three hundred and seventy, aggregate, the total being eight hundred and forty-eight cavalry, three hundred and sixty-one infantry, and ninety-five artillery, with six full guns. When the demand for a surrender was made, I was told that the force opposed to me was " overwhelming." I had halted in a good position for de- fense, and could have been overpowered only by a greatly superior force ; and as none such was before me, I declined to surrender without the in-esentation of such force. It was on the march and soon came in sight ; but I was not satisfied of its strength until an officer of my command was permitted to examine and report to me the char- acter and probable number of the forces. Upon his report I deemed resistance utterly hopeless, and therefore surrendered. My command is now encamped near the head of the San Antonio River, awaiting the orders of President Davis, to whom a messenger has been dispatched bj^ Colonel Van Dorn. The officers on duty with the command were Captain Blake, Lieutenants Bliss, Lazelle, Peck, Frank, Van Home, and G. W. Jones, Eighth Infantry, Lieutenant Freedly, Third Infantry, and Assistant Surgeon Peters, meilical department. A more detailed report will be made as soon as j)racticable. I am, sii', yours respectfully, I. V. D. REEVE, Brevet Lieutenant Colonel, U. S. A., Communding. Colonel L. Thomas, Adjutant General U. S. A., Washington, D. C. A 6. ILvxKAKEE City, Illinois, June 18, 1861. Sir : I have the honor to report my arrival at this place yesterday, the 17tli instant, having come from San Antonio, Texas, with as much dispatch as the means of travel and communication would permit, leaving that place on the 4th. I inclose herewith a copy of my report made under date of May 12, fearing that that report did not reach your office, in consequence of the disturbed state of the country and the uncertainty of the mails. I also inclose a " detailed report " of the latter portion of the march and surrender, to which reference was made in my former report. This latter report could have been long ago made, had there been any reasonable prospect of its reaching you. This is the first point where I have been able to stop from which letters could be forwarded with safety. I hereby report further how I happen to be here. After surrender, the troops were paroled ; the officers, to the limits of the " Confed- erate States of America," and the men placed under oath not to leave the county of Bexar, Texas. Up to the 4th of June, ColoneJ Van Dorn was expecting orders to grant unlimited paroles to the officers, and told me that he had no doubt such would be granted on return of his messenger from Montgomery. The 1st instant I received the sad, crushing intelligence of the death of my oldest'daughter, and Colonel Van Dorn at once offered me the privilege of coming home. I availed mj'self of his generosity, both with a view to make arrangements for the care of my remaining children, and to coinmunicate with the War Department in the hope of being of some service to the prisoners of war in Texas, by representing their true state and condition. Not know- 382 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR iiifj -whether my reporting in iierson -would be either desirable or proper, I send the following brief statement. Up to the time I left San Antonio, the troops -were in quarters and nnder the care and control of their own officers. They were allowed the usual subsistence and all the clothing necessary ; had no restrictions as to limits except attendance on retreat roll- call, and could be permitted to go anywhere within the county, upon a writteu jiass signed by their owu officers. With the exception of some five" or six, they remained faithful to their government, and refused all otfers and inducements to join the con- federate service. The day before I left, Colouel Van Dorn informed me that they would be moved into camp some live miles from to-^vn, and placed under charge of confederate officers, who would attend to their wants ; thus separating them from the care of their own officers. In all this they have been as well, if not much better, treated than is the usual fate of prisoners of war. Their peril consists in the fact that they are retained as hosfaf/es against the rigorous treatment of any prisoners who may fall into the power of the United States. Colonel Van Dorn does not regard the parole which is given to the officers as revocable by his government, and their peril is not therefore the same as that of the men, in hh i-iew of the case ; therefore, it is uot easy to see in the same view of the case any good reasons for restrictions as to limits being made in the parole. The officers are furnished with ({uarters iiud board, at the expense of the confederacy, at least while they renuiin in Sau Autonio. I shall be in Dansville, in New York, in a few days, where communication will reach me. Hoping that I may be justitied iu the course I have pursued, as represented iu my reports, I remain, sii', yours, very respectfully, I. V. D. REEVES, Brevet Lieutenant Colonel, United States Army. Colonel L. Thomas, Adjutant General U. S. A., Washington, D. C. A 7. Aberdeen, August 28, 1861. Pardon a private suggestion. It can do no harm. What disposition is to be made of our prisoners is a prominent theme of discussion among the people. The United States refuse to exchange, or to recognize the principle. They have but few prison- ers iu comparison -svitii the number in our possession, even if they woidd. They also refuse to permit their soldiers taken by us to observe the honorable obligation of a parole. Are we theu to cut their throats, or to discharge them under threat, and with the probabilitj'^ of having them again sent against us ? We would not do the lirst, neither will our safety permit, nor the civilized world require, that we adopt the latter alternative. Are we then compelled to feed, clothe, and exhaust our scanty stock of medicines in supporting and nursing tliem i I think not. There is a medium policy. Let those prisoners be confined in a place or places most eligible iu reference to such a policy, and then give notice to the United States government that after a certain daj^ no more food, clothing, or medicine, will be furnished said prisoners by the Con- federate States. Let such notice be accompanied with an assurance that any provi- sions, &c., furnished by the United States shall be applied to their comfort and supiiort, and also a request that they be furnished. Should the United States recognize their obligation»to do so, or accede to our requ(!st, the details can theu be arranged. Should they refuse, then let them starve. " We have delivered our souls." The world Avill justify the stern resolve, and sheer justice to our own country demands it. I conceive that this or some similar policy is most important in its effect upon the future action of the Northern States. Treated as our prisoners now are, captivity has neither sacri- fice nor sufibring to a large proportion of them. They are as well or better fed and cared for generally than if they were in their own ranks, or even in their own homes. I am prepared to believe that the greater portion of the army of our enemy are men who fare better as soldiers than as citizens, and who enter the ranks for that reason. If so, the increasing distress and starvation of the lower classes of the northern popu- lation will continue to swell their ranks, unless some counter policy on our pai t can evade its infiueuce. Under our present policy, such men have everything to gain and nothing to lose. If tliey enlist against us and defeat us, it is tvell. If taken captive by us, well also. In either event they escape privation and want, and oI)tain comfort and abundance, either in our yjwr/ors or our jj/v'.wH.s. Our present policy is a temptation to invade us. But let this be changed. Adopt the policy suggested, and the invasion of our soil becomes a very serious matter. The line of argument will be this : " If taken prisoner will my government exchange for me ?" " No." " If it is jiroposed to discharge me on parole, will my government consent to it?" "No." " Will the Confederate BY THE REBEL- AUTHORITIES. 383 States feed and clothe me ? " "No." "Will my own government do so, if consented to by the Confederate States? " "No." "Will the Confederate States then discharge me, unconditionally ? " " Never ! " " Then, of conrse, if captured, I must starve ! " " Certainlij." That such a state of aftairs would tend to cripple, if not to crush, all attempts at recruiting, I cannot doubt. Men would not serve a government who would wantonly let them starve in a 2)risoii, with the power and permission to save them. But I have said enough to explain my idea. With respect, your friend, JAMES PHELAN. Hon. Jefferson Davis, Richmond, Va. Indorsed : " Secretary of War in connection with prisoners of war." J. D. A 8. Pout Sullivan, Scphmher 2, 1861. Honored Sir : You will please pardon the liberty I take in addressing you, and offering a suggestion with regard to the prisoners which we have taken. Learning from the papers that the federal government will not exchange, and they consuming our sustenance in the meantime, and knowing that your mind is ever tilled Avith pressing and important business is the cause of my writing, and calling your attention to the importance of having a railroad connecting this State with Louisiana for military, mail, and other purposes, and suggesting the propriety of having those prisoners accomplish the work. Tliey might as well work, as they have to be led. Trusting, sir, that you will not deem this iiresumptiou on my part, I remain, yours, most respectfully, W. A. WILSON. His Excellency President Davis. A 9. Cotton Plant, Arkansas, Septenibcr 5, 1861. Respected Sir : I would call your attention, and through you that of President Davis, to the complaint of the people in these j)arts at the disparity of treatment toward prisoners on the part of the United States goverument and that of the South- ern Confederacy ; and while we much regret the necessity of retaliation, yet we see no alternative left our government but to do so. And as Lincoln and liis partisans think we are afraid, we would respectfully suggest a demonstration after the following man- ner : That all that you have of the Lincoln party be haudcufted and sent to Fort Sumter, there to be placed upon bread and water ; and further, that Generals Pillow, Hardee, and McCuUoch be instructed to break the left leg of all that may then, or may hereafter be in their possession, and then turn them loose ; and that this plan be pursued until the Lincoln government agrees to exchange prisoners. Sir, this is with every respect, and I am your friend, TAZEWELL W. TRICE. Hon. L. P. Walker, Secretary of War, Richmond, Va. A 10. Fayetteville, N. C, Xovemher 16, 1861. Sir : The European governments generally have, by proclamation, forewarned their respective subjects from participating in the war now in progress between J^he Con- federate States of America and the United States, informing them, if they do so, it Avill be at their own peril ; that their government will consider all such subjects out of their protection, &c., and liable to such punishment as maj^ be inflicted upon them by those against whom they take up arms. Now, sir, as the army of the United States is being recruited, and is already, to a great extent, composed of citizens of other governments, (not having been in the country long enough to be naturalized,) I respectfully suggest to your excellency that 384 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR an effectual way to stop this augraeutatiou, and prevent those Germans and other for- eigners from aiding our enemies, is to dechire, bj' proclamation, that all foreign-horn persons not hijallij naturalized in the United States found in arms, aiding the said United States in the present war against the Confederate States, will be considered as viterloper.s, and, if taken, will not be treated as /c^i^JHirt^e prisoners of war, V)ut be subject to sucli punislmient as the Congress of the confederate government may prescribe, which should be death. These suggestions are made, and your excellency's better judgment can deterniino the policy of adopting them or no. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, D. G. McRAE. / Jeffeijsox Davis, President Confederate States of America, Itiehmoiid. B 1. HEADlpUARTErtS DEPARTMENT OF NORFOLK, Xovember 16, 1861. Sir : I have referred your letter of the l'2th instant to my government, and received its views in reply. 1. Lieutenant VVorden is now on his way here, and on his arrival, and the release of Lieutenant Sharp, I am authorized to restore Lieutenant Worden to you, " without any exactions or conditions whatever," as has been .agreed between us. ' 2. I am also directed to say that your proposal to exchange Mr. H. K. Stevens, of South Carolina, for Lieutenant Kautz is certainly not in accordance with that honora- ble sense of equality and fair dealing that ought to characterize such propositions be- tween belligerent powers. In saying this I entirely acquit you of any imputation Avhieh my language may seem to convey. I refer solely to tlie action of your govern- ment. They seize upon southern citizens as prisoners of stale, and then tender them in exchange for prisoners of tear. We are not so obtuse as to be blind to the unfair advantage they thus seek to obtain. Humanity and a regard for our unfortunate citizens thus reduced to captivity are, however, stronger motives of action than the just indig- nation inspired by such a course of conduct on the part of our enemies. I am, there- fore, authorized to consent to the exchange of Mr. Stevens for Lieutenant Kautz, and to tender the further exchange which seems to be invited by your letter, by offering to restore to you Lieutenant Selden for Mr. Benjanun P. Loyall, of Virginia.. In tiie course of a few days I hope to suggest the names of others of your officers to be offered for Messrs. Butt and Dalton. In consenting to these exchanges, I beg to protest, in the name of my government, against a system unknown in the rules and usages of war- fare, by which unarmed men, taken captives as political prisoners, or prisoners of state, are held by the government of the United States to be tendered in exchange for the officers captured in battle ; and that, in consenting to such exchanges, this govern- ment is moved by a sense of humanity and concern for its captive citizens, and is not to be understood as conceding that the exchange is a fair and equal one. I remain, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BEN.T. HUGER, Major General Commanding Department. Flag Officer L. M. Goldsborough, Commanding North Atlantic Blockading Squadron. Returned to Major General Huger November 20, 1861. L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH, Flag Officer Commanding North Atlantic Blockading Squadron. B2. United States Fi^g-ship Minnesota, Hampton Boads, I'a., December 23, 1B61. Sir: In reply to the part of your letter of tlie 17tli instant to whicli I alluded in mine of the 21st, I beg leave to suggest to you as iollows : That if you will release, without jtledge or parole, First Lieutenant Wm. G. Jones, of the Tenth Infantry, United States Army, formerly of the Eighth Infantry, United States Army, I will release, in the same way, John R. T. Tatnall, late fust lieutenant. United States Marine Corps. It may be well to mention to you that Lieutenant Jonea BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 385 is not a prisouer taken in any act of war, as be was seized and imprisoned in Texas (where I nnderstand he still is,) by the authorities concerned with General Twiggs, late of the United States Army, in the beginning of hostile movements in that State. Also, that if you will release unconditionally thirty of the conunon seamen of whom you speak, I will release, in the same way, either Robert Tansill, late captain. United States Marine Corps ; Wm. M. Page, late surgeon. United States Navy ; Walter R. Butt, late lieutenant. United States Navy ; or H. H. Dalton, late lieutenant. United States Navy, and now lieutenant in the confederate navy ; leaving the choice with yourself. Furthermore, if you will so release twenty of those seamen, I will, in the same man- ner, release either T. S. Wilson, late first lieutenant. United States Marine Corps, or James E. Lindsay, late assistant surgeon, United States Navy. Or if you will so release ten of those seamen, I will so release either H. B. Claiborne or A. D. Wharton, both late midshipmen. United States Navy. In all of these in- stances you are desired to name the individuals you prefer to receive. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH, Flag Officer Commanding Xorth Atlantic Blockading Squadron. Major General Benjamix Hugek, Commanding Department, ^-c, Korfolk, Virginia. B 3. Confederate States of America, JFrt/' Dejjartmen t, Ilichmond, January 23, 1862. Sir: I have your several letters of 11th, 16th, 20th, 22d, and 22d, on subject of exchange of prisoners. I. By your letter of 11th instant, you informed me that you had offered to Com- modore Goldsborough Lieutenant William G. Jones for Lieutenant Sayres, of Marine Corps. By your letter of 20th instant, you state that you offered Lieutenant Dickinson for Tatnail, before getting instructions to otfer him for Sayres. By my two letters of 29tli December you were requested to offer Dickinson for Sayres, .Jones for Tatnail. J do not see who has been given to us for Jones, and yet you ask for another lieutenant to be given for Sayres. Please explain. II. Lieutenant Colonel Pegram, for whom Colonel Wilcox is demanded in exchange by General Wool, informs me that he notilied General McCIellan that no such exchange was to be hoped for, and received for reply from the Adjutant General the statement that Lieutenant Colonel Bomford would be taken in exchange for him. I shall send Lieutenant Colonel Bomford in exchange for Lieutenant Colonel Pegram as soon as he can arrive from Texas. III. I consent to the following exchanges proposed in General Wool's letter of 17th : We give Captain Washington, Seventh Michigan, for Captain Sutton, North Carolina. We give First Lieutenant Preston, of Fourth Michigan, for First Lieutenant Bell, North Carolina. We give Adjutant Pierson, Twentieth Massachusetts, for Adjutant Poole, North Carolina. We give First Lieutenant Parke, First Michigan, for First Lieutenant Lassell, North. Carolina. We give Dr. W^illiam Fletcher for Dr. R. W. Jeffrey. We give Dr. C. S. De Graw for Dr. Lindsay. We give Dr. Connelly for Dr. Page. We give First Lieutenant R. F. Frank for First Lieutenant Thomas H. Allen. We give Second Lieutenant William Booth, of Second Wisconsin, for Second Lieu- tenant Julian D. Moore, North (Carolina. We give Second Lieutenant Edward Connelly, of Sixty-ninth New York, for Second Lieutenant N. H. Hughes, North Carolina. We give Second Lieutenant Charles W. Hooper, California regiment, for Second Lieutenant J. W. Hoy, North Carolina. IV. On further examination I see that General Wool, in his letter of 19th, proposes to give T. S. Wilson for First Lieutenant W. G. Jones. I decline the jjioposal and adhere to the offer of Jones for Sayres, as you have given Dickinson for Tatnail. V. I decline the exchanges for Lieutenant W. Farley and T. do Caradene, proposed in the letter of General Wool of the 20th instant. The former officer is only a lieu- tenant and not a captain, as supposed by General W^ool. Both the officers are in the volunteer service, and will he received in exchange for like officers, not for regulars. VI. I decline taking into consideration any i)roposition for exchange of our privateers H. Kep. 45 25 386 TEEATMEXT OF PKISOXEKS OF WAK. takou in our service on the liigh seas, nutil tlieiv is an al>solnte nneomlitional alnmtlon- iiieut ottlie pretext that the\ are pirates; and nntil they are reU>asetl from the position oi ti'Knis. and phietnl in the same eondition as other prisoners of war. And I decline receiving any proposals in ivlation to the hostasics. whom we are foived nnwillingly to treat as felons, as long as our fellow-citizens aiv so treated by the enemy. VII. There are a nnmber of naval ofticei-s still contincd at Fort Warren, for whom I wonld be willing to give army otticei-s of assimilated grade. For Captain liarrow 1 woiUd give Colonel Hoffman, of Eighth Regiment, I'uited States Infantry. For Lieutenants Jnlian Myers. Alexander M. De Bree. Dnlang A. Forrest, and Wil- liam T. Glassell. I wonhl give captains : and for Midshipmen Henry 1?. Claiborne and Arthur 1\ Wharton. I would give lirst licurcuauts : also for Midshipmen A. G. Hudgius and William A. Hicks. Please tender this. Your obedient servant. J. r. BENJAMIN, Swntary of War. M^or General Benjamin Hvgkk. Xorfolk. P. S. — As a number of the ofticers above offered are at a distance, it will take some ■weeks to get them all to Norfolk. B 4. HEADQU-VRTERS DEVART^tENT OF NORFOLK. yor/olk. la.. Jauiiary '20, l^^Gi. Sir : Some of the released iirisouei-s from Fort Warren stated that yon had not received notice of the release oi^ Dr. De Witt C. Peters, in exchange for Dr. Wyatt M. Bivwn. I have sent General Wool a copy of my letter of November U'th. fully releas- ing Dr. Peters fi\>m his parole, and requesting it might be forwarded to him. I now ask General Wool to forward the letter to you. My goverumeut is willing and anxious to exchange prisoners on lair terms, and as the authorities at Washington have per- mitted it in certain cases. I beg your assistance in making it general, and thus aid the cause of humanity and civilization. On the Od of January I sent to Commodore Golds- bor\>ngh a list (co}>y inclosed) of seamen captured on unarmed yvessels, (^non-combat- ants.) and stated "that this government has released within the last six months forty or tifty seamen at least, taken on merchant vessels of the United States, considering them as non-combatants, and sent them to the United States at the expense of tliis government. (I released four aud sent them to Fort Monroe on olst December.") Ought not this eom-se to be reciprocated * If not. we must retain such persons here- after. 1 beg your attention to the subject. Cannot you procure the ivlease of Captain M. Berry, who was a merchant captain f I would be willing ti» give any merchiuit captain in our hands, if any. With your assistance, colonel. I hope we can do much to relieve needless snfferiug to our fellow-i-ountrymen. With the IiigUest respect, vour obedient servant. BENJ'N HUGEK, Major General Colonel J. DnncK. Commandhig at Fort Warren. B5. Fort Warkex. Boston Harbor. January 25, 1S62. Sir : I have just received the following answer by letter from Genenil Huger, to the message I sent him relative to exchanging the New Orleans prisoners of war for the I'nited States troops in Texas : "My government is willing and anxious to exchan^'e prisoners on fair terms, and as the authorities at Washington have i>ermitted it in cer- tain cases. I l)eg your a.ssistance in making it •general, and thus aid the cause of hu- manity and civilization." In another part of his letter he s;\ys : "With your assist- ance, colonel, I hope we can do much to relieve needless suffering to our tellow-couu- trymen." Being, therefore, certain of a reciprocal exchange of the prisoners of war now here, I shall immediately require transportation for them by sea to Fort Monroe, aiid to be sent to Norfolk for exchange, viz : four captains, two lii-st lieutenants, eight second lieutenants, two third lieuteuauts, aud about three himdied aud seventy rank aud tile. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. obl The four colore*] rnf;n are ver>' desiroiiH of retunjing to their families in North Caro- lina. I Kliiill, thftriifore, wmd thom, unl(;t>« I rcjcttivn further instructioruj relative to tljeiri. Thn5*i of th<;uj arc c/;rtaiu!y freosition of felons, and jjlaced in the same condition as other jirisfjners of war, and we decline receiving any jirojKjsal in re- lation to the hostages, whom we are forcetl, unwillingly, to treat as felons, an long as our fellow-citizens are ho treated by the enemj". By command of ilajor General Huger : . BEN J. HLGER, Jr., Captain and Afssvstant Adjutant General. Major General .J. E. Wool, Commanding Department of Virginia. B7. Headquarters Department of Virginia. Fort Monroe, Va., .January ?/), 1S62. Sir: Herewith I transmit, for j'our consideration, a htter from .J. P. Benjamin, sec- retary of war of the rebel government, to Samuel L. M. Barlow, Merchants" Exchange, New York. Mr. Barlow has been repres<;nted to me as a full-blooded secessionist. This may not be true from the fact that he has been treated, as I am informed, with great consideration by officers holding high positions at Washington. It is too true, however, that we have many in and out of the army who strongly sjtnpathize with the rebellious South, and wIkj are treated with too much consideration by men in 6ul>- ordinate as well as high positions. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, vour obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL. Major General. Hon. WiLLLVM H. Seward, (Secretary of State. COXTEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA, War Department, liichmond, .January 26, 1862. Dear Sir : Your letter of 16th ultimo, in relation to the treatment of jirisoners, readied me on the 18th instant. I had noticed and appreciated the generous spirit with which your firm, as well as other eminent members of the New York bar, had volunteered your serv-ices in defense of the prisoners taken by your government from the jirivateer Savannah, but rny inti- ni:ite aoqiiaiutance with yourself and jjartners had led me to expect such action on your jiart, and it excited no surprise. It only served to add to the esteem in which I haen war, with national commissions in their jiossession, are on trial for life as pirates! I may add that I am assured, on what seems the best authority, that a midshipman 388 TREATMENT OF PEISONERS OF WAR of our navy, eitber Hudgins or Hicks, (perhaps both,) is in a feloii's cell, and has been put in irons. The officer so treated was captured as ])rize-niaster on board of a vessel taken at sea by our nationul war sUamer Sumter, (which is habitually designated as a pirate l>y all j'our newspapers,) and is now awaiting his trial, too, as a felon. In this state of facts you make to me an appeal iu behalf of Colonels Lee, Cogswell, and others, prisoners in our hands, and friends of yours. You know nie too well not to Ijc entirely jiersuaded liow abhorrent to my feelings is a contest of cruelty, and how .joyfully I woidd extend to these unfortunate gentlemen every kindness and courtesy which ccmld be d<'enied C()ni))atible with onr mutual po- sitions. In proof of this I need only point to tbe fact that the United States officers captured in Texas were released on parole and mnit home. \wiovG your government had shocked and outraged our sense of justice and huuumity by its treatment of the pris- oners of war taken on the Savannah. The question, permit me to say, is not whether felons are well or ill treated in New York or Richmond, in Boston or Charleston ; it is whether prisoners of war arc to be treated as felons at all ; it is whether this war is to be conducted as between civilized nations or savages. God knows how infmiti'ly I would prefer the former, and how gladly I would hail the news that your governnu-nt, by abandoning its pretension that prisoners of war are pirates, left me at lil)erty to loosen the bonds of your frieiuls, and to accord to them all the indulgencies consistent with their condition as prisoners of war. Until this is done I cannot, in the interest of humanity, ask the President to change his policy. In the mean time, not even the horrors of this sanguinary conflict can weaken my aftection and regard for yourself and family. Yours very truly, J. P. BENJAMIN. Samuel L. M. Baui-ow, Esq., Merchantti' Exchangcf Xciv YorJ;. B8. Fort Warren, Boston Harbor, January 31, 1862. General: I have the pleasure to acknowledge yours of the 20th, and I have to in- form you that immediately on its receipt I recpiired transportation for four captains, eleven lieutenants, and three hinulred and eighty rank and lile to Fort Monroe. The transport Avill sail on the 3d of February. I also send four colored men, servants to the officers taken at Hatteras, and I have to request iu exchange Frank W. Welch, a free colored man, a servant to a Connecticut volunteer otlicer, and also any other fi'ee col- ored men who may have been taken while enipli)yed as servants to officers. Much interest has been made to procure the exchange of G. W. Ward, of D company, Ohio volunteei-s, said to be held a prisoner at Baton Rouge ; if not too inconvenient I should be pleased to procure his release. Of the list of seamen you sent ine, Charles Barklay has been taken to New York ; Ed. With has never been here. All the other men on that list are to be released and sent South. This I learn by a letter from the Secretary of the Navj', who wrote to me for the names of the men, stating it was for that purpose. Captain Berry is held as a prisoner of state. Should he be placed in a position to be exchanged, which I think will be done, then I will most cheerfully exchange him. I am, general, with great respect, your obedient servant, JUSTIN DIMICK, Colonel First ArtiUcrtj, Com)nandi)t(j Post. Major General B. Huger, Commanding at Norfolk, Virginia. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, February 2, 1862. Official. A true copy : WM. R. JONES, Major and Aide-de-Camp. B 9. Fort Warren, Boston Harbor, January 31, 1862. General : I have the pleasure to acknowledge yours of tho 20th, and I have to in- form you that immediately on its receipt I required transportation to Fort Monroe for four captains, eleven lieutenants, and three hundred and eighty rank and lile. The BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 389 transport will sail on the 3d February. I also send four colored men, servants to the officers taken at Hatteras, and I have to request in exchange Frank W. Welsh, a free colored man, a servant of a Connecticut officer, and also any other free colored men who may have been taken while employed as servants to officers. Much interest has been made to procure the exchange of George W. Wood, of D company, Oliio volunteers, said to be held a prisoner at Baton Rouge; if not too inconvenient I should be pleased to procure his release. Of the list of seamen you sent me, Charles Bai'clay has been taken to New York ; Ed. With has never been here. All the other men on that list are to be released and sent South. This I learn by a letter of the Secretary of the Navy, who wrote to me for the names of these men, stating it was for that purpose. Captain Berry is held as a prisoner of state. Should he be placed in a position to be exchanged, which. I think will be done, then I will most cheerfully exchange him. I am, general, with great respect, your obedient servant, J. DIMICK, Colonel First ArtiJkry, Coinmandinff Post. Official : BENJ. HUGER, Major General, B 10. Headquarters Department of Norfolk, Xorfolk, Va., February 4, 1862. Sir : I transmit you herewith copy of a letter dated January 31, from Colonel J. Dim- ick, commanding Fort Warren. These four hundred prisoners are, I presume, all that remain of those captured at Fort Hatteras. I will reiiuest General Wool to allow the transport to run up the Roads under the white flag, and I will send a steamer along- side and take the men oft' ; I have informed the authorities at Raleigh of the intended release of these men, and suppose I had best hurry them otf to their homes on i^arole or furlough, as I have no accommodations for them here. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. HUGER, Major Gcneral'C. S. A, Hon. J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of War. P. S. — I telegraphed to this effect last night. B 11. W^vr Department, January 20, 1862. This department recognizes as the first of its duties, to take measures for the relief of the brave men who, having imperilled their lives in the military service of the govern- ment, are now prisoners and captives. It is, therefore. Ordered, That two commissioners be aijpointed to visit the city of Richmond, in Vir- ginia, and wherever else prisoners belonging to the army of the United States maj'^ be held, and there take such measures lis may be needful to jjrovide for the wants and contribute to the comfort of such prisoners, at the expense of the United States, and to such extent as may be j)ermitted by the authorities under whom such inisoners are held. EDWARD M. STANTON, Secretary of War. Adjutant General's Office, Washington, August 2, 1867. Official: R. WILLIAMS, Assistant Adjutant General. B 12. W^VR Department, Washington City, D. C, January 25, 1862. Ordered, That the Rev. Bishop Ames, of the Methodist Episcopal church, and the Hon. Hamilton Fish, of New York, be, and they are hereby, appointed commis- sioners to visit the prisoners belonging to the army of the United States, now in cap- 390 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR tivity at Richmond, in Virginia, and elsewhere, and, under such regulations as may he picHcrihed by the authorities having custody of such prisoners, relieve their necessities and provide for their comfoi-t at the expense of the United States, in pursuance of the order heretofore made on this subject; and that said connuissioncrs be requested immediately to signify by teh^gram to this department their acceptance or refusal of this appointmeut, and rei^ort in person at Washington without delay. EDWIN M. STANTON, Stcrctary of IVar. Adjutant GEXp:r:AL's Office, Washington, August 2, 1867. Official : R. WILLIAMS, Assistant Adjutant General. B 13. * War Department, January 30, 1862. Gents : Persons who have been in the military service of the United States, as offi- cers and soldiers, are now held as prisoners in the city of Richmond, Virginia, and in other places in the South ; some of them are sick, some wouuded, many in a state of destitution, and all are objects of jiublic sympathy and deep solicitude to this govern- ment. You have been appointed to the humane and Cluistiau duty of visiting these prisoners, in the places where they are conlined, and to relieve their necessities, supply their wants, and provide for their comfort according to your discretion. You are also to make or procure a list of all the prisoners so held in captivity, designating their names, the time and place where captured, the service to which they belonged, their present state aud condition, their wants and necessities, and all other particulars that may be interesting and proper for their families to kuow, or useful to be known by this government, for the purpose of effecting their exchange or release. Y'our message being purely an errand of mercy, this government expects aud desires that you shc^uld not seek, obtain, or report iuformatiou, or have communication on any subject not imme- diately relating to its humane and Christian object. To enable you to supply immedi- ate relief to these x>risoners, the sum of dollars is placed in your hanils, with au- thority to draw at sight on the assistant treasurer of the United States, at New I'ork, for the further sum of dollars, and a depot of clothing, medicines, aud other neces- saries, to be supplied upou your recpiisition for the use of the prisoners, is established at Fortress Monroe. You will proceed directly to Fortress Monroe and communicate with General John E. Wool, counuanding there, who is instructed to take such meas- ures as may be right and proper to })rocure you a safeguard aud passage to Richmond, or other i)laces, to enable you to perform the duties of your appointmeut. You will conform to such police regulations as may he prescribed for your visitation and relief of the prisouers, and may give assurance that, on like condition, jirisoners held by the United States may receive visitation and relief. You will be accomiianied by the pris- ouers now at Fortress Monroe that may have been heretofore taken and held by the military force of the United States. They will be uuconditioually released aud delivered up. In case General Wool shall not be able to proctire for you a satisfactory safeguard for your beutn'olent visitation, you will return to Washington and report to this de- partment, and, if successful, full aud speedy report is requested. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. The Rev. Bishop Ames and Hon. Hamilton Fish. A true copy. JOHN E. WOOL, Major General Commanding. B 14. War Department, Washington, January 31, 1662. Gentlemen: I have the honor to inform you that twenty thousand dollai's in coin has been deposited to your credit with the assistant tn'asurcr of the United States in New Y''ork City, subject to your draft individually or jointly. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. The Rev. Bishop Edward Ames and Hon. Hamilton Fish. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 391 [Duiilicate.] No. 121.] Treasury of the United States, March 21, 1862. I certify that Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War, has this day deposited in the treasury of the United States, forty-five hundred and eighteen i'\i\, dollars, account of Hamilton Fish and E. R. Ames, for collecting and drilling volunteers, for which I have signed duj)licate receii)ts. F. E. SPINNER, Treasurer United States. $4,518 93. B15. Coxfederate States of America, War Department, Eichmond, January 31, 1862. Sir : The newspapers announce the early arrival of two gentlemen from the United States, Messrs. Hamilton Fish and Bishop Ames, charged by the enemy with some mis- sion, the exact nature of which we do not fully comprehend, in relation to the pris- oners of war held by us. As these gentlemen will probably present themselves under flag of truce within your command, I deem it prudent to inform you in advance of the views of the government. You are therefore instructed, if these gentlemen present themselves, to direct the officer of your boat to inform them that he will cheerfully take charge of any communication they may have to you or to any other public officer, and that an answer will be sent to them at Fortress Monroe. If thej- ask to have an interview with you, the officer will inform them that -he Avill communicate to you their desire for an interview, and will send them an answer at Fortress Monroe whether you can receive their visit, and will ask them to give him a written request addressed to you soliciting an interview and explaining the object for which they seek it. You are requested to communicate to the department whatever may occur betweeii your officer and these visitors before sending them an answer, and not to permit them to come to Norfolk until you receive special instructions to that effect. Your obedient servant, J. P. BENJAMIN, Major General B. Huger, Norfolk. Secretary of War. B 16. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fortress Monroe, Va., February 4, 1862. General: The Rev. Bishop Ames and the Hon. Hamilton Fish have been appointed visitors by the Secretary of War for the purpose of visiting and relieving the prisoners belonging to the army of the United States, now held as captives at Richmond and elsewhere in the South, and for other jiurposes, as indicated in the instructions to the visitors, a copy of which is herewith inclosed. These honorable gentlemen visitors propose to enter upon their humane and merci- ful mission, if permitted to do so, as soon as some four hundred prisoners arrive from Fort Warren, of Avhich you have already received notice, under such restrictions as may not be incompatible with the execution of their mission. If the permission is granted they Avill accompany the prisoners to Norfolk, anticipating that you wiil pre- viously transmit to me such safeguards as will secure their protection and the execu- tion of their merciful and important functions, with the assurance that whatever is granted to them will be extended to any visitors that you may think proper to send to the United States, having the same objects in view. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JNO. E. WOOL, Major Gmeral. Major General Benj. Huger, Commanding at Norfollc, Va. B 17. Confederate States of America, War Department, Eichmond, Fehruary 6, 1862. Sir : I have received your letter of 4th instant, with its inclosures relative to the mission of Messrs. Ames and Fish. 392 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR The matter has been considered in cabinet meeting, and I send you the result in the form of a lotter, to be addressed by you to General Wool. If our proposal is accepted, please telegraph me iiinnediately to send Messrs. Seddon and Conrad, and they t\ill proceed at once to Norfolk. It is not thought necessary that they go now, as it may be that some days will elapse before you get an answer, or our proposal may be declined altogether. Your obedient servant, J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of War. Major General B. Huger, Norfolk. Form of letter to ic icrilten to General Wool. General: I have communicated to my government, as announced in my letter of the 4th instant, your letter to me of that date, witli the copy of the instructions of the Secretary of W^ar of the United States addressed to the Rev. Bishop Ames and the Hon. Hamilton Fish. I am happy to inform you that the proposition contained in the letter of instructions is cordially welcomed, and that in order more eftectually to accomplish the humane purpose so justly lauded by you, the secretary of war of the Confederate States has appointed the Hon. James A. Seddon and the Hon. Charles M. Conrad commissioners to meet and confer with Messrs. Ames and Fish, with instructions, a copy of which is herewith inclosed. These honorable gentlemen conunissioners propose to spare Jlessrs. Ames and Fish the necessity of travel to Richmond aud other places in the South, by agreeing at once to the restoration of all the prisoners to their homes on fair terms of ecjiutl exchange, and with that view to confer with Messrs. Ames and Fish at Fortress Monroe, antici- pating tliat you will previously transmit to mc such safeguard as will secure their pro- tection. If this, however, should not be acctj)tablf to you, I will accede to any arrange- ment you may desire for the meeting of these four gentlemen on a cartel vessel, as is usual between belligerent powers on such occasions. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Confederate States oe America, War Dmpartmcnt, Itichmond, Fchruarij G, 1862. Gentlemen : I have received through General Huger (to whom connuuuieation was made by General Wool, the enemy's connuander at Fortress ISIonroe) the inclosed copy of a letter addressed by the Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War of the United States, to the Rev. Bishop Ames and the Hon. Hamilton Fish. From this letter you will perceive that the governuu'nt of the Ignited States has ap- pointed the two last named gentlemen commissioners charged with the duty of A'isit- ing aud providing for the comfort of the })risoners of war taken by us from the enemy, as well as of obtaiuiug "all particulars useful" to l)e known by this govermnent, (the government of the United States,) " for the purpose of etfectiug their exchange or release." I cordially welcome this proposition which, as you arc aware, is in entire accordance with the views always entertained by this government, aud desire to meet the jiro- l)osal of the Secretary of War of the United States more than half way. I pro^tose to render unnecessary that ]iart of the mission intrusted by liim to the couimissiouers he has selected which relates to supi>lyiug the wants aud providing for tlie comfort of the prisoners of war, by exchanging them all, man for man, aud grade for grade, on ecxnal terms, and thus restoring tliem to their country and their homes. W^ith this view yon have been selected as commissioners to meet the two commis- sioners sent by the enemy. Having been assured in advance of your willingness to accept this honorable and humane mission, I now conuiiuuicate for your guidance the following instructions : 1st. You will proceed to Norfolk and communicate with General Benjamin linger, commanding there, who is instructed to take such measures as maybe right aud projjcr to procure you a safegmird and piissage to Ftirtress Monroe, where Mt^ssrs. Ames and Fish are now awaiting an answer to their connuunication, with the view of acceding at once to the proposition of exchange and of release of prisoners of war on eqiuil terms ; thus sparing those gentlemen the necessity of further travel in the accomi)lish- ment of their humane purpose. 2d. If it shall be for any reason unacceptable to the enenmy that you should hold your interview with Messx's. Ames and Fish at Fortress Monroe, your communication BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 393 with them may take place on board of a cartel vessel between the strongholds of the two nations, as is usual in such cases between belligerent powers. 3d. You are empowered to agree with Messrs. Ames and Fish for a general exchange of prisoners of war on equal terms, man for man, and officer for officer of equal grade, assimilating the grades of officers of the army and navy in accordance with established usage, where necessary, and agreeing upon equitable terms for the number of men or officers of inferior grade to be exchanged for any officer of higher grade when the occasion shall arise for such an exchange. 4th. If upon the conclusion of such exchange either party shall remain possessed of prisoners of war for whom the other can otier no exchange, the party remaining in possession of prisoners shall grant to the other the permission to keep and maintain a commissary general of i^risoners within the country where the prisoners are kej)t, in accordance with the laws of war and international usage in modern times. r)th. Or you may go even further, and agree — inasmuch as it is believed that we possess more prisoners of war than the enemy — that we will release all the surplus prisoners -on parole, with the agreement that any prisoners of war taken from us by tlie enemy shall be restored to us in exchange as fast as cajitured, and that this system shall be continued through the war, so that on all occasions either party holding pris- oners shall so hold them only on parole till exchanged, the prisoners being allowed to remain in their own country till the exchange is eflected. The foregoing instructions will fully satisfy you that we do not intend to allow the enemy to go further than we are ready to go in the honorable effort to change the past system on which this war has been conducted, and that we earnestly desire to mitigate its severity to the utmost extent compatible with our safety and the maintenance of onr rights. I have said nothing on the subject of our privateers recently treated as felons, be- cause I have been gratified to find from the statements of the public jouruahj that these captives are henceforth to be treated as prisoners of war. It is, however, so extremely unsafe to rely on newspaper statements that it will be well for j*ou to request an official assurance of this fact from Messrs. Ames and Fish, in order that the prisoners held by us as hostages be at once relieved from their exceptional condition, and comprehended in the general exchange. Your obedient servant, J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of War* Hon. James A. Seddon and Hon. Ciias. M. Conrad. B18. Headquarters Department op Virginia, Fort Monroe, Virginia, Fehruary 10, 1862. GeneRjVI. : Yesterday, by flag of truce, I received your communication of the 9th instant. Although probably intended as such, it is not a reply to mine of the 4th instant. The object of the visitors, the Eev. Bishop Ames and the Hon. Hamilton Fish, is simply a humane mission, having reference to the condition of the United States prisoners of war in the southern States. Your reply of the i)th instant relates principally to the exchange of prisoners. As they have no authority to make exchanges of ])risoncrs of war, I have deemed it proper to transmit your communication, with the instructions to the Hon. James A. Seddon and the Hon. Charles M. Conrad, to the Sec- retary of War. As soon as I receive a reply it will be communicated to you. In reply to so much of your communication as relates to the last paragraph of the instructions to the Hon. James A. Seddon and the Hon. C. M. Conrad, I herewith transmit copies of letters from Hon. W. H. Seward, which I presume will be satisfactory. The prisoners have been transferred to Fort Lafayette. Very resxiectfully, j^our obedient servant, JOHN E. AVOOL, Major General. Major General B. Huger, Commanding at Norfolk, Virginia. B19. Headquarters Department of Norfolk, Not folk, Virginia, February 9, 1862. Sir : I have communicated to my government, as announced in my letter of the 4th instant, your letter to me of that date, with the copy of the instructions of the Secre- * These instructions were issued verbatim to Messrs. Seddon and Conrad, but it is thought unnecessary to repeat their publication. B 20 is therefore omitted. 394 TREATMENT OF PEISONERS OF WAR tary of War of the Uuited States, addressed to the Rev. Bishop Ames and the Hon. Hamilton Fish. I am happy to inform you that the proposition contained in the letter of instructions is cordially welcomed, and that in order more efiectually to accomplish the humane purpose so justly lauded by you, the secretary of war of tlae Confederate States has ap- pointed the Hon. James A, Seddon and the Hon. Charles M. Conrad, conmiissioners to meet and coufer with Messrs. Ames and Fish, with instructions, a copy of which is herewith inclosed. The honorable gentlemen commissioners propose to spare Messrs. Ames and Fish the necessity of travel to Richmond and other places in the South by agreeing at once to the restoration of all the i)risouers to their homes on fair terms of equal exchange, and with this view to confer with Messrs. Ames and Fish at Fortress Monroe, anticipating that you will previously transmit to me such safeguard as will insure their protection. If this, however, should not be acceptable to you, I will accede to any arrangement you may desire for the meeting of these four gentlemen on a cartel vessel as is usual l)etween belligerent i)owers on such occasions. I call your attention to the last paragraph of the instructions to our commissioners, and to say if a satisfactory answer can be given at once. I have no doubt that on receiving the as- surance mentioned, the officers now retained as hostages will at once be put on the same footing as other prisoners of war. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BEN.J. HUGER, Major General Commanding. Major General J. E. Wool, Commanding Department of Virginia, B21. Washington, February 14, 1862. Sir : The humane purpose of ministering relief and comfort to the unfortunate per- sons formerly in the military service of the United States, now held as prisoners at various places in the South, contemplated by your wise and benevolent sympathy, has failed of its object by the refusal of those iu power in the rebellious States to allow the visitors appointed by you to pass their lines. Immediately on receiving notice of your order of the 26th of January last, appoint- ing us to this duty, we rei^aired to this city; and having, in personal interviews with yourself, ascertained your views and wishes, and after conference with the Adjutant General and Quartermaster General, and other othcers to whom we were referred l»y you, on the 3d of February we received your written instructions, and the funds and credits necessary for the execution of the humane and Christian objects contemplated by your practical sympathy for the unfortunate prisoners, and on the same day we took our departure for Fortress Monroe. In the meantime, orders had been given through the Adjutant General and the Quartermaster's and Surgeon General's Departments, and arrangements made for estab- lishing a depot of clothing, medicines, supplies, and other articles not usually furnished to the army, but deemed necessary for the comfort and health of the prisoners, to be oj)eued at Fortress Monroe, subject to our requisition. Arriving at Fortress Monroe on the 4th instant, wo communicated with Major Gen- eral W^ool, and delivered to him your letter under date of 30th January. He entered most cordially and earnestly into the spirit of our mission, and lorthwith comnmnicated to General Huger, in command of the rebel forces at Norfolk, the fact of our arrival there and the object of our visit, transmitting to him at the same time a copy of our written instructions. While waiting at Fortress Monroe for a reply from General Huger, we received all practicable assistance from Dr. Cuyler, the medical director of the department of Vir- ginia, and from Captain Tallmadge, assistant (piartermaster, with refcreiUH! to the medical supplies and the clothing and other articles that it was thought would be needed, in case permission should be granted to execute the ol)jects of our visit ; and arrangements were made to seciire the jtrompt forwarding of these supplies as reciuired. The ready, cheerful, and intelligent advice and assistance rendered by these gentlemen, afforded certain assurance of the efficient co-oijeratiou they were anxious to give to your objects. On tlie 'Jth instant, General Huger sent to Major General Wool a letter (in reply to that of the latter) covering certain instructions from Mr. J. 1'. Benjamin to the Hon. James A. Seddon and Hon. Chas. M. Conrad, appointing them commissioners to treat with us on the subject of a general exchange of prisoners ; ntlecting to suppose us clothed with a i)ower not committed to us, while he ignored the Christiau and humane objects of the pi-oposed visit, but dexterously sought to pervert it to a political signiti- cance. We immediately forwarded to you copies of General Huger's letter and of Mr. Benjamin's instructions. ., BY THE KEBEL AUTHORITIES. S95 Regarding? these as a refusal to allow us to pass tlirough their lines, or to visit the prisoners, we should have returned immediately to Washington, but for reasous stated in a letter which we addressed to you on the 10th instant. On the 13th instant we received your letter of the 11th, and immediately left Fortress Monroe on our retiu'u to this place. Prior to our departure from Washington, we received from you live thousand dollars, (one-half in gold and half in treasury notes ;) also, a notice of deposit of twenty thou- sand dollars in coin with the Assistant Treasurer of the United States in New Yorli, sulyect to draft by us; and, also, authority to di'aw, at sight, upon the Assistant Ti'easurer in New York for the further sum of twenty-live thousand dollars. The refusal of Mr. Benjamin and his associates to allow any portion of this money to be distributed among, or expended for the relief of, some hundreds of sutt'eriug, sick, and wounded prisoners, enables us to return to you untouched the entire amount thus received by us, and herewith our duties close. Permit us, in conclusion, to present to you our congratulations that, although your tender of a mission of mercy and of charity has been refused, you have secured other means Avhich promise relief and liberation to our prisoners ; and oiu" further con- gratulations that, while our humble agency has been refused, other and potent agencies are active and efficient to dispel the various illusions prevailing in the insurgent States, and to give to all good citizens the comforting assiu-ance that their government has other means than those of a humane and peaceful mission, to extend its protection over all its citizens — to vindicate its authority and to maintain its national existence. We have the honor to be your obedient servants, E. R. AMES. HAMILTON FISH. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. C 1. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, Fchrtiary 13, 1862. General: In reply to your communication of the 9th instant, I am instructed to inform you that no authority was conferred on the Hon. Messrs. Ames and Fish in re- gard to the exchange of prisoners, or for any other purpose than the simjile one of jiro- viding for the comfort of prisoners, if allowed to do so. This having been declined, their mission has terminated. ^ I am, however, instructed to inform you that I am alone clothed with full powers for the purpose of arranging for the exchange of prisoners. Being thus empowered, I am ready to confer with you on the subject, or the Hon. Messrs. Seddou and Conrad, or any other person appearing for that purpose. I am prepared to arrange for the restor- ation of all the jirisoners to their homes on fair terms of exchange, man for man, and officer for officer of equal grade, assimilating the grade of officers of the army and navy, when necessary, and agreeing upon equitable terms for the number of men or officers of inferior grade to be exchanged for any of higher grade, when the occasion shall arise. That all the surplus prisoners on either side be discharged on parole, with the agreement that any prisoners of war taken by the other party shall be returned in exchange as fast as captured, and this system to be continued while hostilities con- tinue. I would further inform you, or any other person selected for the purpose of making arrangements for the exchange of jirisoners, that the prisoners taken on board of ves- sels, or otherwise, in maritime conflict by the forces of the United States, have been put and are now held only in military custody, and on the same footing as the other pris- oners taken in arms. In conclusion, I have only to remark that I am ready at any mo- ment to enter upon the important duty, with no other view than a fair and honora- ble exchange of all j)risoners, and to subserve the interests of humanity. I am, very resiiectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. Major General B. Huger, Commanding at Norfollc, Virginia. War Department, Washington City, D. C, February 11, 1862. General : You will inform General Huger that Messrs. Ames and Fish have no authority to act in behalf of tliis government in regard to the exchange of i)risouers, or 396 " TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR any other purpose than the simjile one of providing for the comfort of prisoners, If allowed to do so. That purpose having failed, they have been directed to return to this city. You will inform General Huger that you alone are clothed with full powers for the purpose of arranging for the exchjinge of prisoners. You may confer with Gen- eral Huger himself, or with Messrs. Seddon and Conrad, or any other persons appear- ing for that purpose. You may give such persons a safeguard to Fort jMonroe, for the purpose of con- sultation, or you may hold the consultation anywhere else, in your discretion. You may arrange for the restoration of all the prisoners to their homes, on fair terms of exchange, man for man, and officer for officer of equal grade, assimilating the grade of officers of the army and navy, when necessary, and agreeing upon equitable terms for the number of men or officers of inferior grade to be exchanged for any of higher grade, when the occasion shall arise. That all the surplus i>risouers on either side be dis- charged on parole, with the agreement that any prisoners of war taken by the other party shall be returned in exchange as fast as captured, and this system to be coutinued while hostilities continue, so that, on all occasions, either party holding pris- oners shall so hold them only on parole till exchange, the prisoners being allowed to remain in their own region till the exchange is effected. You will further inform General linger, or Messrs. Seddon and Conrad, or whoever else it may concern, that all the prisoners taken on board of vessels, or otherwise, in maritime conflict by the forces of the United States, have been put and are now held only in military custody, and on the same footing as other prisoners taken in arms. I am your obedient servant, EDWIN M. STANTON, Sccretart/ of War. Major General John E. Wool, Fort Monroe, Virginia. C 3. COXFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA, War Department, Richmond, February 16, 18G2. Sir : This letter w^ill be handed you by Major H. A. Gilliam, sent here on parole for exchange with Major Reeve, United States Army, or Major Sibley, United States Army. I have already informed you that I decline to exchange regulars for volunteers. I also decline to allow the enemy to choose their exchanges, jiickiug out the officers on both sides. * Major Gilliam therefore returns to the enemy. If a parole is granted liim until ex- changed for an officer of equal grade, such exchange will be accepted, and we will send an officer of equal grade, and I beg that you give him a letter to that efiect. I beg you also to inform General Wool that we prefer he should send no more pris- onei's to us on parole for a special exchange, designated by him, as no such exchange will be made. I beg further that you inform General Wool, that nothing in any paper sent by him to you affords any satisfactory assurance that our private armed seamen captured by the enemy are no longer to be treated as felons. An explicit assurance to that effect, or an exchange of our privateersmen as prisoners of war, can alone justify this govern- meut in relieving the hostages held by it, and giving them up iu exchange for others of equal grade. Your obedient servant, J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of War. Major General B. Huger, Norfolk. C4. Confederate States op America. War Department, liichmond, February 18, 1862. Sir: You have been selected to perform the duty of arranging with General AVooI the details necessary for carrying out an exchange of prisoners with the enemy. For your full comprehension of the matters intrusted to you, I inclose herewith the'foUow- ing papers : I. Copy of a letter addressed by me to Messrs. James A. Seddon and Charles M. Con- rad under date of 6th instant, of which letter a copy was forwarded to General Wool through General Huger now commanding at Norfolk. II. Copy of the letter of General Wool to General Huger, under date of 13th instant, informing' the latter that General Wool was alone '"clothed with full power for the BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 397 purpose of arranging for the exchange of prisoners." In this letter yon will perceive that General Wool accepts substantially, and, indeed, almost in words, the propositions submitted by me, in the nature of instructions, to Messrs. Seddon and Conrad, and declared "that he is ready to confer with them or any other person appearing for that purpose." As there remain to be arranged only the necessary military details for exe- cuting the purpose common to both parties, it has been deemed necessary to send com- missioners, and you are, as a brigadier general in our service, authorized and instructed to proceed via Norfolk and confer with General Wool on this subject, and to enter into written stipnlations with him for carrying out the proposed exchange on the principles involved iu our proposals and the acceptance of them by the enemy. For your guid- ance in the matter I give the following instructions : 1. That all prisoners delivered up on parole by either party shall be so delivered on the frontier at the expense of the captors, the prisoners to pay no part of the cost of their delivery. 2. Each party to have the right of selecting such of its own paroled citizens as it chooses to have released against an equal number of equal grade. Thus, for examjjle, if the enemy, having one thousand of his citizens under parole at home, shonld have sent to us only live hundred of our citizens ou parole, the enemy would have the right to select which of his own citizens he preferred to release against the tive hundred sent to us of equal grades ; and so, if the numbers were reversed, we would have a like right. 3. I know of no rule generally established for equalizing exchanges where the pris- oners are of unequal grades, or for assimilating rank between officers of the army and navy. Perhaps as fair a guide as any other is the relative pay allowed by each service to its own officers and men. Thus, for example, in our service the pay of a lieuteiumt colonel of infantry is one hundred and seventy dollars a mouth, that of a hrst lieutenant ninety dollars, and that of a second lieutenant eighty dollars. If, then, we desire to get back a lieutenant colonel and had no officer of like grade to offer, we would, uiuler the proposed rule, be compelled to give a ffrst and second lieutenant. This rule is merely suggested. It would Avork equally whether a good rule or not, but any other fair and equal rule would be accei)table. I furnish you a table of the rates of pay iu our service for your guide in case this rule should be accepted by the enemy. In giving you these instructions it is by no means my iuteutiou to conffue you to a strict adoption of them. They are an indication simply of what seems to be fair and equal. Any fair and equal rule will be satisfactory, provided you can see your way clear as regards its practical working. I desire only to impress on you the necessity of extreme caution in avoiding any rule or any arrangement which could possibly give rise to dispute or controversy in its practical operation. Let the arrangement be equal, and let it Ite simple, plain, and clear. All else is left to your discretion. In conclusion, I desire to say that the assurance contained in the letter of General W^ool, that our privateers captured ou the high seas will in the future be considered iu the same light as prisoners taken in arms on land, and will be consequently exciianged like other prisoners, is entirely satisfactory, and you are requested to ii;form General Wool that as soon as this assurance was received orders were issued i)lacing the officei's hitherto held as hostages for these privateers on the same footing as all other prisoners, and they will be at once sent home on parole under the proposed an'augemonts for exchange. Your obedient servant, J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of Jfar. Brigadier General Howell Cobb. Co. Headquauters Department of Norfolk, Norfolk, I'injiuia, February 20, 1862. Sir : I am directed to inform you that General Howell Cobb has been authorized by the government of the Confederate States to arrange with you concerning the exchange of all prisoners. General. Cobb arrived to-day, and is ready to meet you at such time and place as you may appoint, and proceed at once with the business. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, B. HUGER, Major General Commanding Deimrtment. Major General John E. Wool, Comnumding Department of Virginia. Headquarters Derartmext of Virgixlv, Fort Monroe, February 20, 1862. Official: S. CARNCROSS. First Lieutenant Tenth N. Y. Folunfeers. 398 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR C6. Headquaeters Dep.ajitmext of Virginia, Fort Monroe, Virginia, February 21, 1862. General : I have received your communication of the 20th instant informing me that General Howell Cohb has been authorized " to arrange with me concerning the exchange of all prisoners." I will meet General Cobb, to confer with him on the subject of ex- changes, on Sunday morning at 12 o'clock, if agreeable, at the place where we exchange flags of truce, near Craney Island. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major Genei'ttl. Major General B. Huger, Commanding at Norfollc. C7. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, Virginia, February 23, 1862. Sir: I have the honor to inform you that I have this day had an interview with Brigadier General Howell Cobb, of the rebel army, on the subject of the exchange of prisoners, «&c. We agreed very well upon most points except one, as follows : He pro- j)osed " that prisoners be discharged or paroled within ten days after their capture, and to be delivered on the /roH^ier of their own country free of expense to the prisoners and at the expense of the capturing i)arty." To this proposition I did not agree. I consented to adopt it in regard to all prisoners hereafter taken, leaving out frontier. The great objection to the proposition on my part was that we had at this time in Ohio and Illinois some thirteen thousand prisoners taken at Fort Donelson. The question was one which I considered at least doubtful. At all events, it does not appear to be embraced in my instructions. On this question I shall wait your instructions, which I hope to receive by the return of Colonel Cram, whom I shall exj^ect on Tuesday morn- ing next. The question is considered an important one by General Cobb. I have the honor to be your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. C8. Executive Mansion, Washington, , 1862. General : Your objections to the proposition respecting the mode of discharging and paroling prisoners are approved. The proposition is obnoxious in its terms and import, and wholly inadmissible, and as the terms you were authorized to offer have not been accepted, you will make no arrangement at present except for actual exchanges. But your arrangement must be made without reference to the instructions of the 18th given by General McClellan, which are revoked. Yours, trulv, EDWIN M. STANTON. Major General John E. Wool. C9. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, Virginia, February 27, 1862. General : I am prepared again to confer with you on the subject of the exchange of prisoners at such time and place as you may please to designate. ° In the mean time it is proper to say that my powers are exclusively limited to the exchange of prisoners as presented to Major Genexal Huger the 13th February, 1862. Until I may hear from you on the subject of our general negotiation, I proj)ose for exchange the following officers, (for officers of equal rank,) viz : Captain K. Garrard, Fifth Cavalry, (presented yesterday to Major General Huger;) BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 399 Colonel W. R. Lee, Twentieth Massacliusetts ; Colonel M. Coggswell, Forty-second New York; Colonel M. A. Wood, Fourteenth New York ; Major P. J. Revere, Twentieth Massachusetts ; Surgeon E. H. R. Revere, Twentieth Massachusetts ; Captain Henry Bowman, Fifteenth Massachusetts ; T. J. Kepper, First California ; G. W. Rockwood, Fifteenth Massachusetts ; R. Williams, Twelfth ludiana ; Lieutenants C. F. Freeman, First Virginia; J. E. Green, Fifteenth Massachusetts; William C. Harris, First Cali- fornia ; B. F. Hancock, Nineteenth Indiana ; C. B. Hall, First Virginia ; B. B. Vassal, Fifteenth Massachusetts ; G. H. Wallis, Forty-second New York. I am, very respectfully, youi' obedient servant, JNO. E. WOOL, Major General. General Howell Cobb, Norfolk, Virginia. Norfolk, Virginlv, February 28, 1862. General : I am in receipt of yours of the 27th instant, and shall be pleased to confer with you to-day on the sirbject "of the exchange of prisoners. In your letter you re- mark, "it is i)roj)er to say that my (your) powers are exclusively limited to the ex- change of prisoners as iii-esented to Major General Huger, the 13th February, 1862." By reference to your letter of that date to General Huger, I find that you use the fol- lowing language : " I am, however, instructed to inform you, that I am alone clothed with full power for the purpose of arranging for the exchange of prisoners." Being thus empowered, I am ready to confer with you on the subject or the Hon. IMessrs. Sed- don and Conrad, or any other persons appearing for that purpose. I am prepared to arrange for the restoration of all the prisoners to their homes on fair terms of exchange, man for man, and officer for officer of equal grade, assimilating the grade of officers of the army and navy, when necessary, and agreeing upon equitable terms for the number of men or officers of inferior grade to be exchanged for any of higher grade, when the occasion shall arrive. That all the surplus prisoners on either side be exchanged on parole with the agreement, that any jtrisoners of war taken by the other party shall be returned in exchange as fast as caiJtured, and this system to be continued while hostilities continue. I would firrther inform you, or any other person selected for the purpose of making arrangements for the exchange of prisoners, that the prisoners taken on board of vessels or otherwise in maritime conflict by the forces of the United States have been put and are now held only in military custody, and on the same footing as other prisoners taken in arms. Your language is plain and explicit, and admits but of one construction. It is a dis- tinct proposition for an exchange of all prisoners held by either party, including in terms our privateers, upon a fair and equitable basis, and for the placing upon parole, in their own country, the surplus held by either party, " and this system to be continued while hostilities continue." At the time this i^roposition was received and accepted by ray government, it was believed that we held the largest number of prisoners. It is proper that I should also call your attention to the fact that my government, immediately upon the receipt of your letter, proceeded to discharge and forward the prisoners held by it, including, as I am informed, a portion, if not all, of those held as hostages for our privateers. Not doubting that your government would carry out in good faith the proposition submitted by yourself, these prisoners are being discharged and forwarded to your frontier, and I was charged with the simple duty of reducing to form what had already been agreed upon in substance. In my interview with you on the 23d instant we discussed all the points involved in the question of exchange, and I was pleased to find that there was no ditference of opinion between us on any important point. I submitted to you a memorandum I had prepared on the subject, and you gave your entire approval to all the propositions it contained, except two ; the one fixing the compensation of men and officers as a basis of equivalents for the exchange of men and officers of different services, and in the case of officers of difterent grades. In lieu of this, you submitted the cartel agreed upon by Great Britain and the United States in the war of 1812, and I accepted it. The other proposition, upon which you desired time to consult your government, provided for the transfer of prisoners, free of expense, to the frontier of their own country. It is due to you, however, to say that this proposition, so fair and just, met your entire approval, and it was only because you had no instructions on the point, that you asked for further time. Upon all the other points you were fully authorized to act, having received the sanction of your government for the propositions contained in your letter of the 13th instant to General Huger. With a view of carrying out in good faith the exchange of prisoners, upon the prin- 400 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR ciples which have thus received the sanction and approval of both governments, I pro- pose to enter into a cartel ^vith yon, whicli shall contain the follo-sving stipnhitions : "Article 1. It is hereby agreed and stipulated that all jirisoners of war, inclnding those taken on private'armed vessels, known as i)rivateers, now held by either party, shall be at once discharged on the conditions and terms hereinafter set forth. "Article 2. The basis of exchange is num for man, and officer for officer, men and ofiicers of lower grades to be exchanged for officers of a higher grade, and men and officers of different services to be exchanged ; and for the pnrpose of assimilating the position and rank of the men and officers of the same as well as different services, tlie following rule of equivalents is adopted, to wit : For general commanding in chief, or admiral, GO men; for lieutenant general, or vice-admiral, 40 men ; for major general, or rear admiral, 30 men ; for brigadier general, or commodore with broad pennant, and captain under him, 20 men ; for colonel, or captain of a line-of-battle shij), 15 men ; for lieutenant colonel, or captain of frigate, 10 men ; for major, or conmiauder of a sloop-of- Avar, bomb-ketch, fire-ship, or packet, 8 men ; for captain, or lieutenant or master, 6 men ; for lieutenant, or master's mate, 4 men ; for sub-lieutenant, or ensign or midship- man, warrant officers, master of merchant vessels, and captain of private armed vessels, 3 men; for non-commissioned officers, or lieutenants and masters of private armed ves- sels, master of merchant vessels, and all pettj' officers of ships of war, 2 men ; for pri- vate soldiers, or seamen, 1 man. '^Article 3. All ])risoners of war described in Article 1, hereafter taken, to be dis- charged within ten days after their capture ; and both the prisoners now held and those hereafter taken to be transported to the frontier of the line of hostilities at the expense of the capturing party. "Articlp: 4. Each party shall furnish to the other, within sixty days, a full and com- plete list of till! i^risoners which they have respectively discharged ; and the party against whom the surplus shall be found shall then furnish to the other party a com- plete list of those placed upon parole as hereinafter i>rovided for, which list will be the basis for future exchanges. "Article 5. The surplus of prisoners to be placed on their parole of honor in their own country, not to take up arms again during the war, until regularly exchanged, as provided for in this cartel ; and this rule to ha applied during the war, as the surplus may from time to time be found against the one or the other party. "Article G. Prisoners hereafter taken by the i)arty against whom the sniiilus exists shall, within the time prescribed, Ix^ discliargcd and delivered on the frontier, said party furnishing at the time a>list of such prisoners to the other party; and sliall also fur- nish, as soon thereafter as i)ractical)le, a list of their own i)risoners whom they relieve from parole in exchange for the prisoners thus discharged, and five days after such no- tice to the other party, such prisoners shall be relieved from their parole. Upon the receipt of such notice, it shall be the duty of the party holding the surplus to strike from the list of men and officers on parole the names of those thus relieved ; and when prisoners are taken by parties holding the surplus, they shall be discharged and deliv- ered in the same manner, and a simihir list to be furnislied tf) the otiier party, and the names of the men and officers to be adrisoncrs upon the part of each of the belligerents, whose duty it shall he to receive and transmit remittances to prisoners of war, and to have such supervision of their comfort as is usnally aJloiced among civilized nations." I did not hesitate to decline the proposition, which I could hope will meet your apjiro- bation. To have entertained the proposition would bave been tantamount to a recog- nition of their government and independence as a nation. I have the honor to be, very resiiectfuUy, your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of TFar. D 1. He.vdquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, Virginia, March 24, 1862. General: On the 5th instant I requested to know why the prisoners of war prom- ised to be sent to me 22d Februai'y, 1862, were not sent down. I have had no response thereto. On the 11th I requested to know if any more prisoners of war were to be ex- changed as heretofore. Your reply to this request was, that you were divested of the authority of exchanging prisoners, on the appointment of Brigadier General Cobb to ari'ange with myself the exchange of prisoners of war, &c. I would reqiu'st to know, at your earliest convenience, whether you are still divested of the authority to make exchanges. I make the request because I have a number of officers to propose for ex- change. Herewith I send several packages of letters. I am, very resiiectfully, your obedient servant^ JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. Major General B. Huger, Commanding at Xorfalk, Virginia. Copy sent to General S. Cooj^er March 28, 1862. D 2. Headquarters Department of Norfolk, March 2.5, 1862. Sir : I send herewith, for the information of the Secretary of War, a copy of a letter received yesterday from j\Iajor General Wool. I shall declin<^ making any arrangements with him, and only remark, I see no objec- tion to my receiving and forwarding any pro]>osition he may have to make. Very respectfuUv, vour obedient servant, BENJ. HUGER, Major General Commanding Department of Norfolk. General S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector General. D 3. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, Virginia, March 27, 1862. General: I received your communication of the 26th instant last evening. I can discover no good reason why you and myself cannot renew the exchange of pris- ^ oners as heretofore. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 405 I will make an effort to bring it about, at the same time call attention to Colonel Hoffman and Captain Barrow. I send with the liag of truce Mr. Witte, Swedish vice-consul at Charleston. Also, a few letters for the South. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. Major General B. Huger, Commanding at Norfolk. D 4. Confederate States x>f America, War Department, Jliehmond, April 22, 1862. Sir : I have received your letter of the 17th instant, inclosing a communication ad- dressed to you by General Wool. As our proposition to appoint a commissary to attend to the wants of our men who are now held as prisoners of war has been declined, I shall be gratified if you can sug- gest any mode of remitting money to them. You are authorized to enter into any arrangement for a fair and honorable exchange of prisoners ; and may inquire, in your own name, whether we are considered as hav- ing violated our engagement about an exchange in any particular ; and if so, in what particular. We are exceedingly desirous to effect a general exchange of prisoners, if it can be done on equal terms. Very respectfully, GEO. W. RANDOLPH, Secretary of War. Major General B. Huger, Commanding, ^x., Norfolk, Flrginia. D 5. War Department, Washington City, D. C, April 25, 1862. General: Itis thought that it may be proper that General Huger should certainly know that thus far no person exposed or detected as a sjty of the insurgents has been condemned or executed. You may informally communicate this fact without in any way committing the gov- ernment as to the futm^e. Truly yours, EDWIN M, STANTON, Secretary of War. Major General John E. Wool, Commanding at Fortress Monroe. D 6. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, Virginia, April 26, 1862. General : Information has reached me through the Richmond papers, and from re- ports brought by persons coming from Norfolk, of several individuals having been ar- rested, tried, and condemned to be executed by a court-martial for information com- municated by them to the United States against the forces opposed to them. I desire, through you, to call the attention of the authorities at Richmond to the well-known fact that many persons have been arrested by the United States govern- ment upon similar charges, and in numerous cases with abundant proof against them of furnishing information to the military forces opposed to the United States, yet in 406 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR 110 iustauco has the government proceeded against them beyond holding them in mili- taiy custody. With the hope that this communication will claim attention, I am, very respectfully, vour obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. Major General B. Huger, Commanding at Norfolk. Official ; Headquarters Department of Norfolk, Norfolk, April 28, 1862. BENJ. HUGER, Jr., Assistant Adjutant General. D7. Headquarters Departmext of Norfolk, Norfolk, April —, 1862. General : I have received your letter of the 24th instant. As regards the exchanges of the officers whose names you forward, I have transmitted copies of your letters to the war department and recommended that, as you stated in your letter of January 13, our " privateersmen would be treated as prisoners of war and subject to exchange," that these officers be exchanged for the privateersmen ac- cording to the schedule of rank, partly agreed upon between yourself and General Cobb. 1 will inform you as soon as I receive an answer. The ijackages and letters sent have been duly forwarded. Respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. HUGER, Major General Commanding. Major General John E. Wool, Commanding Department of Virginia. Headquarters Department of Vlrglnli, Fm-t Monroe, April 26, 1862. A true copy : S. CARNCROSS, First Lieutenant and Aide-de-Camp. D8. Headquarters Department of Norfolk, Norfolk, Virginia, April 29, 1862. Sir: I send inclosed a copy of a letter from General Wool, concerning persons who have been tried for giving information to the United States and been condemned and sentenced. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. HUGER, Major General Commanding. Hon. G. W. Randolph, Secretary of War. D9. Headquarters Department of Norfolk, Norfolk, April 30, 1862. General: In your letter of the 29th in reply to mine of the 26th instant, you stated the only complaint I know you have to make is General Winder's failing to send prison- /n-s, which he had notilied you he would do, and for whom you scut u boat twice. General Winder, in reply to my inquiry, stated ho stopped the prisoners because General Cobb requested he would do so until the arrangements then making between you Avere concluded. General Cobb says he made this request because he believed your BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 407 government would not carry ont the proposals you made in your letter of the 13th of February, and the result showed Geueral Cobb's suspicion was correct. You stated to me the persons captured in our privateers were to be considered prisoners of Avar and subject to exchange. On the faith of this statement several of the officers held as hostages for them were released, and all would have been, had the effort to ar- range a cartel between General Cobb and yourself been carried out. The non-commissioned officers and privates now held by ns as prisoners will be at once released, and a list of all the commissioned officers in our possession and on parole will be made out and sent you, and I request the favor of you to furnish me a list of our commissioned officers similarly situated, that we may be able to make a geueral ex- change, and to avoid the inconveniences of partial exchanges. I have to state that I shall recommend that such officers as have been retained as hostages for our privateersmen be exchanged for those men according to the tariff of rank agreed upon, until all are released, when any remaining officers will be exchanged for those of equal rank. After those are disposed of I shall recommend that those who have been longest captured be first exchanged. I hope we will bo able to conduct this business in such a manner that our unfortunate countrymen may soon be released from captivity. I am, geueral, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. HUGEE, Major General Commanding. Major General John E. Wool, Commanding Department of Virginia. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, May 2, 1862. Official : SEP'S CARNCEOSS, First Lieutenant and Aide-de-Camp. D 10. Headquarters Department op Virginia, Fort Monroe, Virginia, May 2, 1862. General : I will receive the prisoners of war, four hundred and ninety, as mentioned in your communication of the 1st May, on Monday next, the 5th instant, or any day you may name, at or near the light-house above Newport News. In regard to those prisoners retained in the United States as privateersmen, I have only to remark that they are held as prisoners of war and for exchange on the same terms as mentioned in my letter of the 13th of February, 1862. I feel assured that there will be no difficulty in making all exchanges on fair and honorable terms as between you and myself. I will make a roll of all your officers prisoners in our possession and on parole, as soon as practicable. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major General Commanding. Major General B. Huger, Commanding at Norfolk, Virginia. A true copy : SEPS CARNCROSS, First Lieutenant and Aide-de-Camp. Dll. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, Virginia, May 2, 1862. Sir : Herewith you will receive copies of two letters from General Huger. Th a reason for not continuing the exchanges is a mere subterfuge. I will receive the four hundred and ninety non-commissioned officers and privates prisoners on parole. They have paroled several of the hostages held on account ol tho pirates having been placed on the footing of prisoners of war. What objection have you to exchanging these privateersmen or putting them on parole ? If I can be allowed to either exchange or x^arole them I think I can get the officers confined at Richmond 408 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR paroled or cxcliaujijetl. Why not give me the power? If you couseut please send me the names and rank of the so-called pirates. Also, all the names of officers known at the War Deiiartmeut as having been discharged or paroled. You will perceive by General Hnger's letter that he proposes to procure in the order of exchanges as follows: First, the privateersmen for the hostages; next, exchanges for those longest in captivity by either party. I think there can be no objection to this plan. It will exjjedite matters if you will send me, immediately, rolls of the i^rivateers- men and those officers captured jirevlous to the battles of Forts Henry and Donelsou. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major General Commanding. P. S. — I also inclose two letters of this date from myself to Major General B. Huger. Hon. E. M. St^vnton, Secretary of IFar. D12. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, Virginia, May 2, 1862. General: I have received your dispatch of the 30th ultimo, yesterday, in reply to mine of the 26th. It is scarcely necessary to recur to the causes which prevented an arrangement between myself and General Cobb for a general exchange of prisoners. I have only to remark that I have always been ready and willing to make the arrange- ment as I proposed to you on the 13th of February, 1862, as you will perceive by an examination of my letter to Brigadier General Cobb, dated February 27, 1862. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major General Commanding. Major General B. Huger, Commanding at Norfolk, Virginia. A true copy : S. CARNCROSS, First Lieutenmt and Aide-de-Camp, D13. No. 2.] Headquarters Department of Norfolk, Norfolk, May 3, 1862. General: I have your letter of the 2d instant. Ou the faith of your statement that our privateersmen are jjrisoners of war and will be exchanged, the officers heretofore held as hostages will be exchanged on the same terms as any others. As it is but fair those longest in captivity should be released first, I request you will let the privateersmen be released, and I will reciprocate and release first those longest confined. I have requested General Winder to send the prisoners from Richmond to Newport News on Mouday, the 5th instant. Very respectfully, youi" obedient servant, BENJ. HUGER, Major General Commanding. Major General J. E. Wool, Commanding Department of Virginia. Adjutant General's Office, ^Tunc 26, 1862. Official : E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 409 D 14. [Telegram.— Seut 9.45 p. m.] War Department, Washington, May 6, 1862. Major General Wool, Fortress Monroe : If the exclmuge of prisoners is not expected, the privateersmen may be sent back to their former place of confinement. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. D 15. ITelegram. — Keceived 12,46 p. m.] Fort Moxroe, Virginia, May 18, 1862. Hon. Edwin M. St.\:nton, Secretary of War : The exchaufjes of prisoners of war have been Interrupted by uncontrollable events: the advance of the army of the Potomac, the taking of Norfolk, and the advance of navy vessels up James River, all of which prevented the ordinary intercommunication by flag of truce. JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. D 16. No. 4.] Headquarters Departjient of Virginia, Fort Monroe, May 19, 1862. Sir: I have received your several disnatches of the 3d and 11th instant, and also one of the 3d, from Brigadier General Winder, infoi-miug me of the transporting of eight hundred and sixty-two prisoners of war, rank and file, which were received with a number more, making, I believe, in all eight hundred and eighty-six, at or near New- port News, on the day appointed, all which would have been acknowledged before this if events in the field had not prevented. Yours of the 11th would have been re- plied to immediately if I had known your whereabouts. I was prepared to make exchanges on the terms you proposed in your communica- tion of the 3d instant, and I am now ready to exchange or release on parole until they can be fairly exchanged the privateersmen you mentioned, provided you will exchange on parole upon the same terms the hostages now held on their account. I will have the j)rivateersmeu sent to this post, to be forwarded to you at any place you may desig- hate on the James River, provided you will send forward at the same time the host- ages. Colonels Corcoran and Wilcox, «Ssc. This being accomplished, if I rightly under- stand your communication, will open the way for all other exchanges. I herewith forward the names of several officers to be exchanged should the above proposition be approved or sanctioned. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOrCT E. WOOL, jUhjor General. Major General B. Huger, Biclimond, Fa. Adjutant General's Office, June 26, 1862. Official: E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. D 17. No. 5.] Headquarters Department op Appomattox, Petersburg, Fa., May 20, 1862. General : I received your two letters of the 19th this morning. The list of officers you propose for exchange will be forwarded to the war depart- ment, and I ha^e no "doubt they will be willing to exchange these, aud all others, aa 410 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR soon as the privateersmen are released. If you ^ill release upon parole the privateers- men, and send them to me at City Point, I will return you such number of the oflScers heretofore retained as hostages for them as would be their equivalent, according to the rates of exchange prescribed by the cartel between the United States and Great Britain in 1813, the captains of privateersmen to rank as lieutenants of the navy, and the mates of the privateers as master's mates. If you will have the rank and number of the privateersmen made out, and their equivalent of officers now retained as hostages for them, such officers will be released unconditionally and returned to you. Any of the other hostages that may not be required for exchange for the privateers will be re- leased upon parole, to be exchanged for officers of equal rank, or their equivalent, ac- cording to the cai'tel above alluded to. Very resiiectfuUy, yom- obedient servant, BENJ. HUGER, Major General Commanding. Major General John E. Wool, Commanding Department of Virginia. Adjutant General's Office, June 26, 1862. Official: E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant Genei'ah D18. No. 6.] Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, May 21, 1862. General: I have just received your communication of the 20th instant, on the sub- ject of exchanging prisoners of war, and hasten to inform you that orders have already been sent to forward at once all privateersmen to this place for exchange or parole. As soon as they arrive I will forward them to City Point, on James River, ex- pecting to meet the hostages of the United States for exchange or parole at that point. You and myself can easily make proper exchanges agreeably to the cartel between the United States and Great Britain, agreed upon in 1813. Please reply when it "will be agreeable to receive the privateersmen and forward the hostages. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. Major General B. Huger, Commanding at Feiershurg, Va. Adjutant Gener^ul's Office, June 26, 1862. Official : E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. D 19. No. 7.] Headquarters Department of Appomattox, Feiershurg, Va., Mag 23, 1862. General : I have detained j^our boat until to-day, expecting an answer from Rich- mond as to the time when the prisoners to be exchanged for the privateersmen could reach here. I have not yet received an answer, and I am not aware ^>i' the location of these officers, or when they could reach here; but I can assure you I consider tlie war department have fully agreed to the terms stated in my letter of 3d instant to you, and which have been accepted by yourself. I must be responsible that on the delivery of all the privateersmen, all the ofiicers retained as hostages will hv released upon parole, the details of the exchanges to be arranged between us according to the cartel referred to, and such of the officers as are not exchanged in this way to remain on parole until exchanged for others. If not interrupted hy movements in the lield, I will BY THE KEBEL AUTHORITIES. 411 promise to have the officers forwarded as soon as possible, and will send notice to aay of your vessels, and request you may be notified to send for them. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. HUGER, Major General Commanding. Maior General John E. Wool, Commanding Dej)artment of Virginia. Adjutant General's Office, June 26, 1862. Official: E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. D 20. No. 8.1 Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, May 25, 1862. General: I have received, by flag of truce, your communication of the 23d instant. I have made arrangements to have the privateersmen forwarded to you as soon as you can procure our hostages. Captain Milward, who goes with the flag, will wait for any communication you may have to make on the subject of this letter. Colonel Roger W. Hanson, Second Kentucky regiment, goes with the flag of truce on parole, under the expectation of procuring an exchange for Colonel Corcoran, a hostage. This exchange, if you think proper to make it, will in nowise interfere with the de- livery of the juivateersmen who have been placed subject to my orders, and who will be released, as I have promised, as soon as you can comply wi^h the arrangements sug- gested in your letter of the 23d. In a word, the privateersmen shall be sent you as I have promised. Second Lieutenant Spicer Whitaker, of Chapel Hill, Virginia, accompanies the flag, to procure an exchange with Second Lieutenant Noble Tyuer, Fourteenth Iowa regi- ment. If you agree to the arrangement, and will promise to send me Lieutenant Tyner, Lieutenant Whitaker can go on his parole until Lieutenant Tyner reports to me at Fort Monroe, when he (Lieutenant Whitaker) will be released from his parole. Captain H. H. Robertson, of the confederate army, also goes with the flag of truce to procure an exchange with Captain Bowman, Fifteenth Massachusetts volunteers, now on parole in the North. If you agree to the exchange, and release Captain Bowman from his parole. Captain Robertson will be released from liis ])an)lo. I also send on private John D'Artignac, of Company B, Tenth Georgia regiment, and Alexander E. Fosket, of the same company and regiment, taken at Yorktown. Private R. A. Palmer, Third Georgia volunteers, will be released and sent to you as soon as the condition of his wounds will permit him to travel. If you do not agree to the exchanges of Colonel Hanson, Captain H. H. Robertson, and Second Lieutenant Whitaker, as proposed, they will return with the flag of truce to Fort Monroe. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. Major General B. Huger, Commanding Department of Appomattox, Petersburg, Va. Adjutant General's Office, June 26, 1862. Official: E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. D 21. No. 11.] Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, June 1, 18C2. General : 1 send on parole, to be exchanged according to the cartel agreed upon be- tween the United States and Great Britain in 1813, the privateersmen, prisoners of war, the names and rank of whom will be found in the rolls herewith transmitted, viz : two captains, three fii'st lieutenants, two second lieutenants, one midshipman, two 412 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR pursers, one gunner, one carpcuter, one sailmaker, two sailing-masters, one steward, and sixty-nine seamen — in all, eighty-five privateersmen. Also, live seamen taken from mercliaut vessels while attempting to run the blockade, all of whom will he de- livered on your delivering to Lieutenant Colonel Whipple, aide-de-camp and chief of my staff, the hostages held and remaining in confinement in the South on account of the said privateersmen, now ready to be delivered. Lieutenant Colonel Whipple goes in charge of the privateersmen, and will communi- cate with you at the nearest approach to Petersburg, your headquarters. He will wait for the arrival of the hostages, presuming that no unnecessary delay will be re- quired to accomplish an object much desired by all parties interested. After these exchanges, 1 presume there will be no difficulty as regards future ex- changes. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. Major General B. HuGEU, Commanding at Petersburg, Virginia. Adjutant General's Office, June 26, 1862. Official: E. D. TO^VNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. D 22. No. 12.] Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, June 1, 1862. Colonel : You will take charge of the privateersmen, pdsoncrs of war, numbering in all, including officers, eighty-five men. These are to be delivered ou parole to Major General Huger, or any other officer appointed to receive them, on condition that the pris(mcrs of war held as hostages ou account of the privateersmen are delivered to you on parole, to be exchanged hereafter, as well as the privateersmen, according to the cartel agreed upon between the United States and Great Britain in 1813. On your arrival near the headquarters of Major General Huger, you will transmit the dispatch addressed to the general, with a note, informing him of your arrival and readiness to deliver the privateersmen on his order, on condition of the delivery of the hostages retained as prisoners on their account. Herewith you will receive a coi)y of a parole of honor which the officers will all sign, and the seamen will swear not to take uj) arms against the United States until properly exchanged. Should Major General Huger i-efuse to parole and deliver to you the hostages, Cor- coran, Wilcox, and others, you will retain and bring back the privateersmen, as well as all other prisoners. This, however, I do not apprehend, as Major General Huger has agreed to the terras herein proposed. The five merchant seamen will be permitted to land with the privateersmen on taking an oath not to take np arms against the United States until properly exchanged. On your arrival near the place where you will laud the flag of truce, you will en- deavor to have a gunboat to accompany you to the iilace where the exchanges will be made. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. Lieutenant Colonel Wm. D. Whipple, A, D. C. and Assistant Adjutant General. , Adjutant General's Office, June 26, 1862. Official: E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. D 23. No. 15.] Fort IMonroe, Virginia, June 6, 1862. Sir : I have the honor to report that I left Hampton Roads on board steamer Mas- sachusetts, about 3 o'clock a. m. on the morning of the 2d instant, with flag of truce for City Point, Virginia. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 413 There were on board under my charge the privateersmeu, prisoners of war, eighty- five in number ; also, five men captured from merchant vessels while attempting to run the blockade, with whom, in accordance with your instructions, I was to endeavor to procure the release of our oflicers held as hostages by the rebels, by delivering the privateersmeu within their lines on parole. I arrived off City Point about 2 p. m. on the same day, and at once addressed a letter to General Huger, informing him of my arrival and my readiness to exchange prison- ers on the terms named in your communication to him, which I also forwarded, of which the followmg is a copy : " Headqijauteks Department of Yihgixia, ''Fort Monroe, June 1, 1862. " General : I send on parole to be exchanged, according to the cartel agreed upon between the United States and Great Britain in 1813, the privateersmeu, prisoners of war, the names and rank of whom will be found in the rolls herewith transmitted, viz: Two cajjtains, three iirst lieutenants, two second lieutenants, one midshipman, two pursers, one gunner, one carpenter, one sailmaker, two sailing masters, one steward, and sixty-nine seamen, in all eighty-five privateersmeu ; also, five seamen taken from merchant vessels while attempting to run the blockade ; all of whom will be delivered on your delivering to Lieutenant Colonel Whipple, aide-de-camp and chief of my statf, the hostages held and remaining in confinement in the South, on account of the said privateersmeu now ready to be delivered. " Lieutenant Colonel Whipple goes in charge of the privateersmeu, and will com- municate with you at the nearest approach to Petersburg, your headquarters. He will ■wait for the arrival of the hostages, presuming that no unnecessary delay will b^ re- quired to accomplish an object much desired by all parties interesttHl. "After these exchanges I presume there will be no difficulty as regards future ex- changes. " Very respectfully, your oljedient servant, "JOHN E. WOOL, Major GeneraV In reply to these communications I received the following : " Headquarters Department of Appojiattox, " Fetersbitrg, Va., June 2, 1862. "Sir : I am directed by the major general commanding to reply, in answer to your note of this date, that to-morrow morning at ten o'clock an officer will meet you at City Point with directious to receive the paroled prisoners and with such instructions relative to them as the government imposed. " Very resiiectfuUy, your obedient servant, "V. C. BARRINGER, ''Assistanl Adjutant Genei'al. "Lieut. Col. William D. Whipple, Aide-de-Camp, tfc." I acknowledged the receipt of this letter, and added that I presumed that it was un- derstood that the release of the prisoners and hostages was to be simultaneous. Diu'ing the afternoon of June 3 I received the following letter : "Headquarters District of Appomattox, " I'elershurg, Va., June 3, 1862. " Sir: By direction of the general commanding, Major Ashe will bear this to you by flag of truce. " The general regrets that there is some delay in the instructions from the govern- ment, but he is of opinion that a perfect understanding has been effected between the government of the Confederate States and that of the United States, for a general ex- change of all prisoners of war, those taken on the sea as well as those taken by the land. " In the absence of instructions the general has directed Major Ashe to receive the prisoners, provided you see fit to deliver them to him, or you can await the reply of the government, which will be delivered to you at ten o'clock a. m. to-morrow. " I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, "V. C. BARRINGER. "Lieut. Col. William D. Whipple, '^Assistant Adjutant General, U. S. A." To this I replied that my instructions did not permit me to deliver the privateers- men until I received the hostages, and that I would await the promised reply at ten o'clock the next morning. 414 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR About five o'clock p. in., the next day, (June 4,) I received the following letter: " Headquarters District of Appomattox, " Petersburg, Va., June 4, 1862. " Sir : From a telegram received here from the secretary of war by the commanding general, it appears that there is some misimderstauding as to the 'extent of General Huger's promise in his letter of May 3, which can only be settled by a conference, and time must be allowed for this.' The general commanding here can do no more than communicate to you the action of the war department. He hopes, however, that not a moment's delay will be permitted in a fair and honorable exchange of our prisoners. *' Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "V. C. BARRINGER, A. A. G. " Lieut. Col. William D. Whipple, " [7. S. A,, Aide-de-Camp, ^c." I acknowledged the receipt of this communication, and inquired whether it was in- tended to hold the proposed conference with me, and if not with me, with whom and when. At three o'clock p. m., the next day, I had no reply. I then addressed a letter to General Huger, stating that having waited until that hour for a reply to my last letter, I should return to Fort Monroe, and that any commuuicatious on the subject of the exchange of prisoners would be forwarded by the ofiicers of the navy now at City Point. It was live o'clock before I left, having waited twenty-four hours for an answer. I arrived hei'e with the j)rivateersmen at eight o'clock a. m. to-day, haviug been de- tained l)y fog. I would add that when there was a prospect of effecting the release of the hostages I put the officers of the privateersmen on their parole and the seamen on their oath, on condition of their release. The following-named persons refused to take the oath, for the reason that they did not wish to be sent South, but wished to take the oath of allegiance and remain at the Nortli : J. H. Edwards, seaman. Petrel ; A. Pernsepet, sailing-master, Petrel ; W. Doug- ler, seaman, Beauregard; H. F. Randolph, seaman, Beaiuegard ; F. M. Binncy, sea- man, Beauregard; John Courday, seaman, Beauregard; J. Somer, seaman, Beauregard. I am, general, very resiiectfully, your obedient servant, W. D. WHIPPLE, Lieut. Col, A. D. C, and Chief of Staff. Major General John E. Wool, Fort Monroe, Va. Adjutant General's Office, June 26, 1862. Official : E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. T) 24. [Telegram.— Ecceived 11. 10 a. m., 6th.] Fort Monroe, Va., June 6, 1862—12 m. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War : My tlag of truce to City Point has returned, bringing the privateersmen. It ap- pears that with the rebel authorities there is a misunderstanding as to the extent of General lingers promise in his letter of May 3, as follows, viz: " On the faith of your statement that our iirivateersmen are i)risoners of war and will be exchanged, the offi- cers heretofore held as hostages will be exchanged on the same terms as any others. As it is but fair those longest in captivity should be released first, I request that you will let tile privateersmen be released, and I will reciprocate and release first those longest confined." To this I assented, and from our correspondence I did not suppose there would be any difficulty hereafter in the way of exchanges. The hostages and privateersmen were to be first exchanged, or paroled until they could be properly ex- changed. With this understanding I sent the privateersmen, not doubtiug thaf the hostages would be in readiness to be released with the privateersmen. It appears, however, that the rebel authorities request time to consider Major General Huger's letter of the 3d of May, 1862 ; this, too, after the bearer of the flag. Lieutenant Colonel Whipi)le, had waited four days ; not, however, without encouragement fi-om General Huger that the release or exchange of the parties in question would take place. I will forward immediately all the correspondence on the sulrject. I will wait until morning before I leave for Baltimore, in the hope that I may re- ceive a dispatch from General Huger which will insure an exchange. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 415 If HO letter is received, where shall I send the privateersmen ? Fort Delaware is recommended by General Dix. Please answer. JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. D 25. Fort Monroe, June 6, 1862. Sir : I communicated to you by telegraph this morning the result of my efforts to effect the release of our officei's held as hostages, by delivering the rebel privateers- men. In order that you may fully understand the negotiation, I have the honor to send herewith copies of the correspondence* on this subject, concluding with Colonel Whip- ple's report to me on his return with the privateei'smeu from City Point. I believe this will fully demonstrate that I have promptly conceded to all the de- mands of General Hugor in order to effect the release of Colonel Corcoran and the other hostages, as well as a general exchange of our prisoners, and thus relieve the great anxiety of their many fi'iends. I regret the effort has been so unsuccessfnl. I have the honor to be, very respectfullv, your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. Adjutant General's Office, June 26, 1862. Official : E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. D 26. [Telegram. — Eeceived 11 a. m., 7tli] Fort Monroe, Va., June 7, 1862—10 a. m. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War : Sir : I have received your dispatch. I will make one more effort. I have sent a dis- patch which will not fail to call forth a definite reply, not only in relation to the pri- vateersmen and liostages, but all others. I will leave this evening for Baltimore. The privateersmen will remain until the flag returns, which may delay them two or three days, when, if not exchanged, they will be sent to Fort Lafavette. JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. D 27. No. 13.] Confederate States of America, War Department, Richmond, June 3, 1862. General: I have received your letter of the 28th ultimo, in which you give a con- struction to your agreement with General Wool for the exchange of the privateersmen and the persons formerly held as hostages, which requires us to return all of the latter for all of the former, and to parole such of the so-called hostages as are not exchanged, and to support this construction you refer me to your letter of May 23 to General Wool. Upon examining that letter I find that you use the following language : " I must be responsible that on the delivery of aJl the privateersmen all the officers retained as hostages will be released upon parole." If this were the agreement, there could be no doubt of your promise to return all the " officers retained as hostages," but in the same letter you state that the agreement was contained in your letter of May 3, and you say, " I consider the war department has fully agreed to the terms stated in my letter of the 3d instant." The letter of May 3, so far from promising " to return all the officers retained as hostages," as you apparently suppose, confines the pi'oposed exchange to such ae Gen- eral Wool might name, and as would be equivalent to the privateersmen according to the tariff agreed upon by the cartel between Great Britain and the Unitetl States in *In twelve letters ; also, Lieutenant Colonel "Whipple's report. 416 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR 1813, and consents that when that exchange had been made the other officers held as hostages might " be exchanged as usual." There can be no doubt about the agreement. Your language is perfectly explicit. You say to General Wool, " I will return such officers as you may name in exchange, according to the tariff agreed upon by the cartel between Great Britain and the United States in 1813. As soon as these men ai'e exchanged, any other officers that have been held as hostages will be exchanged as usual." I am willing to perform the agreement which you stated to General Wool " that the department had ftiUy agreed to perform," but I cannot consent to carry out a palpable misconstnution of it much more disadvantageous to the government of the Confeder- ate States than the agreement itself, and evidently the result of mere inadvertence on your part. Even this erroneous interpretation of your jiromise is founded on the supposition that " officers were still retained as hostages," when, in fact, they had all been restored to the condition of prisoners of war, and a colonel and three captains were then actu- ally on parole. It is, therefore, not only erroneous in its construction of the agreement actually made, but is founded on such a misconception of facts that it would not bind you as an independent agreement. You will, therefore, inform General Wool that the war department will execute faith- fully your agreement with him of May 3, without considering whether you were au- thorized to make it or not; that we will exchange such officers recently held as hos- tages as he may name, for the privateersmen, according to the cartel agreed on, but that we shall hold the others to be exchanged hereafter. I might Justly complain that General Wool, after being informed by General Cobb that the " «)fficers hitherto held as hostages for the privateersmen had been placed on the same footing as other prisoners of war," and knowing that a number of them, more than equivalent to the privateersmen, had actually been paroled, should yet negotiate with you as if they were all still held as hostages, apparently taking advantage of the circumstance that you were not so well informed as himself. Very resiJectfuUy, yoiu- obedient servant, G. W. RANDOLPH, Secretary of War. Major General B. Huger, Commanding IJtXMrtmcnt of the Appomaitox. Correct copy : BENJ. HUGER. Adjutant General's Office, June 26, 1862. Official : E. D. TOWNSEXD, Assistant Adjutant General. No. 14.] Headquarters Huger's Division, June 5, 1862. Sir : I inclose you a copy of a letter I received from the war department. I have heard from private persons that the privateersmen whom you promised to send for ex- change had arrived at City Point, but no letter to me has as yet been forwarded. As I had charge of the correspondence with yourself on the subject, I hasten to send you this communication, which, I must confess, I do not clearly understand. The lan- guage of one of my letters may not have been the same as another, but I did intend not to give you all the officers, once retained as hostages, in exchange for all tlie priva- teersmen, but to give you such numbers of tlieni in exchange as would be required by the cartel estaldisliing the equivalent of rank, and the other oflicers to be exchanged as usual. As you agreed to these terms, and had a sufficient number of our officers, there was no reason why the exchange should not be made at once, and I shall insist, if the privateers have been sent as I hear, that all the officers referred to above be given in exchange. I think it but fair we should name the officers to be exchanged on our side, and, as the most equitable way, I propose to exchange those who have been longest prisoners, including navy officers. I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. HUGER, Major General Commanding. Major General John E. Wool, Or officer commanding Department of J'a. Adjutajnt General's Office, June 26, 1862. Official : E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 417 Headquarters Middle Department, Baltimore, June 13, 1862. Sir : Herewith you will receive a eouinmnicatiou from Colonel R. W. Hanson and other prisoners of war, on tlie subject of exchanges. At their special request I transmit it for your consideration. By my correspondence with Major General Huger you will perceive I not only otiered to exchange all i^risoners of war, privateersmen as well as those who had been held as hostages, on fair and honorable terms, but ou the express terms proposed by General Huger according to the cartel made between the United States and Great 13ritain. The privateersmen, when sent to be exchanged or paroled, remained at or near City Point, I think live days, but received no reply from General Huger. Alter Lieutenant Colonel Whipple returned to Fort Monroe with the privateers- men, I received a letter from Major General Huger just as I was leaving Fort Mon- roe for Baltimore, inclosing a copy of a letter from ^Ir. Randolph* condemning the course of General linger, with an intimation that I had oveiTeached him, which was anything but the trutii, for certainly nothing could have beeu further from my thoughts than circumventing General Huger on the subject. There was no necessity for such a course, for there was a perfect uudei'standing between us to be governed by the cartel nuide between the United States and Great Britain in 1813. 1 lia^'e complied with the request of Colonel Hanson and othei'S, without discovering what more can be done to accomplish the object of exchanging Colonel Corcoran and others. On examination of Major General Huger's last letter it will be perceived that he did not receive my letter sent with the privateers. It would seem that it was trans- mitted to Mr. Raiulolph. Major General Huger says in his letter that he did not un- derstand the letter of Mr. Randolph. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major General Commanding. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. ADJUT.VNT General's Office, Jane 26, 1862. Official : E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. D 28. [Telegram.] War Department, Washington, June 9, 1862. Major General G. B. McClellan : You are authorized to arrange a cartel for the exchange of prisoners taken on either side before Richmond, on such terms as you deem expedient. But it should not ex- tend to any other prisoners than those taken by the operating armies before Richmond, as the enemy have violated the agreement made by General Huger with General Wool, and have repudiated General Huger's authority. This instance will, no doubt, put you on your guard in your negotiation. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. D29. Baltimore, June, 1862. Sir : I have the honor to state that upon my arrival at this place, yesterday, I called upon Major General Wool, and showed to him your communication to myself with ref- erence to an exchange, and in which you authorized me to state to him that if he will name an officer, and appoint a time and place of meeting, you will do the same — the officers so appointed to be empowered by their respective governments to agree upon a cartel for a general exchange of all prisoners of war. I also showed to him your memorandum, and endeavored to explain to Idm the misunderstanding between your- self and him. I also left, for his perusal, the printed document which you fiu-nishedto * These letters were transmitted to the Secretary of "War. H. Rep. 45 27 418 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR me. I iuclose, herewith, a nicmorauilum from liim, in which he expresses himself ready to agree to the cartel of 1812-1815, but decliued, verbally, to seud an officer as you proposed, statiug that he could not do so without consulting his government. He thinks that a plain and definite proposal should come from yon to Itini, stating exactly what the Con- federate States are willing to agree to. He requested me to write to you, declining to write himself as no communication was sent to him directly from you. I would respectfully suggest that a cartel be agreed to, and signed by you, and for- warded for the acceptance of the Secretary of War of the United States. General Wool informed me that the notihcatiou of the release of Wood and Patton had been received by him. I am, sir, very respectfully, G. B. CASBY, Major C. S. A Hon. G. W. Randolph, Secretary of War C. S. A., Eiclunotid, Virginia. D30. • Baltimore, June 28, 1862. Dear Sir : On to-day I called upon Major General Wool. I showed him the letter you addressed to me, stating the reasons why no more special exchanges would be made. He says that he has been, and is now., in favor of and authorizeil to make a general exchange. That he is willing to make a general exchange by the cartel adopted between the United States and Great Britain in the war of 1812, or, he is willing to make a new cartel. That when he sent the privateersmen up to City Point, he sent with the officer who had them in charge that cartel, i. e., the one adopted between him- self and General Cobb. That he has had no answer from our government on the suljject. Further, he says that he cannot write to your deiiartment in answer to a letter directed to me or any third party. That, inasmuch as his letters have net been answered, he thinks the initiative ought to come from you, and that he is ready to respond to any proposition made to him, by you, for a general exchange and parole of prisoners of war. ResiJectfuUv, H. H. ROBERTSON. Hon. Secretary of War, Confederate States. P. S. — My destination is Fort Delaware. I start by first boat. H. H. R. D 31. [Keceived 10. 50 a. m.l FoKT Monroe, July 14, 1862—10 a. m. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War : An open letter, of which the following is a copy, has just been received from General Lee. JOHN A. DIX, Major General. Headquarters, &c., July C>, 1862. General : The secretary of war of the Confederate States has been informed that you were empowered by the United States government to arrange for a general exchange of prisoners between the two governments, and I am authorized to apjtoint a commis- sion to meet you for that i)urpose. I have, therefore, appointed Brigadier General Howell Cobb, with full authority to agree on the part of the Confederate States to a general exchange of prisoners of war. I shall be pleased if you will designate an early day and place to meet General Cobb, for the purpose of making the necessary arrangements. I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, R. E. LEE, Commanding General C. S. A. Major General John E. Wool, United States Army, BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 419 D32. AVau Department, WasJdnijlon City, July 12, 1862. Major General JoHX A. Dix, Fortress Monroe : The President directs me to say that he authorizes you to negotiate a general ex- change of prisoners with the enemy. You will take immediate measures for that purpose, observing proper caution against any recognition of the rebel government, and conhning the negotiatiou to the subject of exchange. The cartel between the United States and great Britain has been con- sidered a proper regulation as to the relative exchange value of prisoners. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. D 33. Telegram.— Keceived 3. 30 p. m.] Berkley, July 14, 1862 — 7^ o'clock a. m. A. Lincoln, President : Nothing new of interest. Position of enemy's rear guard unchanged. Varies from six to eight miles from us. Health of troops improving somewhat. Food, forage, and medical supplies abundant. Will get quite a large number of our sick and well from the enemy to-day. Have informed General Lee that we are ready to negotiate a gen- eral exchange, and asked him to apjioint some one to meet General Dix. Everything going on very well. I am very anxious to have my old regiments tilled up rather than have new ones formed. What of Burnside 1 G. B. McCLELLAN, Major General. D34. t fReceivcd, in cipher, 10 p. m.J Fort Monroe, Virginia, July 12, 1862— 9.40 p.m. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of TVar : It seems to me very important that I should have General Wool's correspondence with Generals Cobb and Huger, in regard to exchange of prisoners, and that I should have also some instructions from you. General Wool has taken away all papers relating to the subject, so that I have uot seen a copy of the cartel between the United States and Great Britain. In the mean time, I am advised, this evening, by General McClellan, to whom I sent a copy of your dispatch in cipher, that ho has re- quested General Lee to appoint a general olticer to me, and given forty-eight hours' notice. I did not expect such speedy action, and must ask your instructions as to the place of exchange, &,c., and also General Wool's correspondence by to-morrow evening's boat from Baltimore. JOHN A. DIX, Major General D35. [Telegram.— Sent 12.30 p. m.] War Department, Washington, July 14, 18(32. General Dix : Your telegram, inclosing General Lee's letter, just received. All the correspondence is ready and will be sent to-day by special messenger. When you re- ceive it you can fix the time. The papers will furnish all necessary instructions. If further directions should be desired they can be given by telegraph. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. 420 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR D36. [9.30 a. m.— 18, ll.OG a. m.] Wak Depaktment, Washington City, Jidij IG, 1862. Major General Dix, Fortress Monroe : Do with the transports whatever yon think best. The privateersmen are to be exchanged as other prisoners of war ; no distinction being made. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. D37. [Received 8.25 a. m.] FouT Monroe, Virginia, July 19, 1862. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War : I have just arrived from Harrison's Landing, and leave in half an hour for Washing- ton in the Ai'iel. It is important that I should see you to-night in regard to prisoners of war, and return here immediately. Will you have a carriage sent to the landing, Sixth avenue, for me ? I will come directly to the War Office, and, I hope, be with you at nine o'clock this evening. JOHN A. DIX, Major General, D38. [Received 11.30 a. m., July 23, 18G3.| % Fort Monroe, Virginia, 10.30 a. m., July 23, 1862. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War : I have just arrived from Harrison's Landing. General Hill and I came to an agree- ment yesterday. The articles agreed on are those presented bj' him, with the alterations submitted to you, Avith three of those prepared by me. I will send a copy by tliis evening's mail. It is very important that we should get the prisoners of the insurgents off our hands without the loss of a day unnecessarily, as they are paroling and delivering our sick and wounded. Large numbers of our men die after delivery, and are counted in the exchange, while theirs who die before the delivery are not counted ; so we lose both wavs. JOHN A. DIX, Major General. D 39. Haxall's Landing, On James lliver, Virginia, July 22, 1862. The undersigned having been commissioned by the authorities tliey respectively rep- resent to make arrangements for a general exchange of prisoners of war, have agreed to the following articles : Autici.e 1. It is hereby agreed and stipulated that all prisoners of war held by either party, including those taken on private armiMl vessels, known as privateers, shall be discharged upon the conditions and tenns following: Pi'isoners to be exchanged man for man, and officer for officer; privateers to be i)laced on the footing of officers and men of the navy. Men and officers of lower grade may be exchanged for officers of a higher grade, and men and officers of different services may be exchanged according to the following scale of equivalents : A general commanding in chief, or an admiral, shall be exchanged for officers of equal rank, or for sixty privates or common seamen. A flag officer or major general shall be exchanged for officers of equal rank, or for forty privates or common seamen. A commodore carrying a broad pennant, or a brigadier BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 421 general, shall be exchanged for officers of equal rank, or twenty privates or comniou seamen. A captain in the navy, or a colonel, shall be exchanged for officers of equal rank, or for iifteen privates or couinion seamen. A lieutenant colonel, or a commander in the navy, shall be exchanged for officers of equal rank, or for ten privates or com- mon seamen. A lieutenant commander, or a major, shall be exchanged for officers of equal rank, or eight privates or common seamen. A lieutenant, or a master in the navy, or a captain in the army or marines, shall be exchanged for officers of equal rank, or six privates or common seamen. Masters' mates in the navy, or lieutenants and ensigns in the army, shall be exchanged for officers of equal rank, or four privates or common seamen. Midshipmen, warrant officers in the navy, masters of merchant ves- sels, and commanders of privateers, shall be exchanged for officers of equal rank, or three privates or common seamen. Second captains, lieutenants, or mates of merchant ves- sels, or privateers, and all petty officers in the navy, and all non-commissioned officers in the army or marines, shall be severally exchanged for persons of equal rank, or for two l)rivates or common seamen ; and private soldiers, or common seamen, shall be ex- changed for each other, man lor man. Akt. 2. Local, State, civil, and militia rank held by persons not in actual service will not be recognized ; the basis of excliange being the grade actually held in the naval and military service of the respective parties. Akt. 'A. If citizens held by either iiarty on charges of disloyalty, or any alleged civil offense, are exchanged, it shall only be for citizens, caj»tured sutlers, teamsters, and all civilians in the actual service of either party, to be exchanged for persons in similar position. Ain . 4. All prisoners of war to be discharged on parole in ten day after capure ; and the prisoners now held, and those hereafter taken, to be transported to the points mutually agreed upon, at the expense of the capturing party. The surplus prisoners not exchanged shall not be permitted to take up arms again, nor to serve as military police or constabulary force in any fort, garrison, or tield work held by either of the respective parties, nor as guards of prisons, depots, or stores, nor to discharge any duty usually performed by soldiers, until exchanged under the provisions of this cartel. The exchange is not to be considered complete until the officer or soldier exchanged for has been actually restored to the lines to which he belongs. AitT. 5. Each party, upon the discharge of prisoners of the other party, is authorized to discharge an equal number of their OM'n officers or men from parole, furnishing at the same time to the oth(;r party a list of their prisoners discharged, and of their own officers and men relieved from parole, thus enabling each party to relieve from l)arole such of their own otlicers and men as the party may choose. The lists thus mutually furnished will keep both parties advised of the true condition of the exchange of i)risoners. Ai!T. G. The stipulations and provisions above-mentioned to be of binding obli- gation during the continuance of the war, it matters not which party may have the surplus of prisoners, the great principle involved being, iirst, an equitable of prisoners, man for man, officer for ofticer, or officers of higher grade exchanged for officers of lower grade, or for privates, according to the scale of equivalents; second, that pri- vates and officers, and men of different servic(!s, may be exchanged according to the same scale of equivalents; third, that all prisoners, of whatever arm of service, are to be exchanged or paroled in ten days liom the time of their capture, if it be practicable to transfer them to their own lines iu that time, if not, as soon as practicable; fourth, that no officer, soldier, or employe in the service of either party is to be considered as exchanged and absolved from his parole until his equivalent has actually reached the lines of his friends ; fifth, that the parole forbids the performance of field, garrison, police, or guard, or constabulary duty. JOHN A. DIX, Major General D. H. lilLL, Major General C. 8. A. Supplementary Articles. Akt. 7. All prisoners of war now held on either side, and all prisoners hereafter taken, shall be sent with all reasonable di.spatch to A. M. Aiken, below Dutch Gap, on the James River, in Virginia, or to Vicksburg, on the Mississippi River, in the State of Mississippi, and there exchanged or paroled until such exchange can be effected, notice being previously given by each party of the number it will send, and the time when they will be delivered at those points, respectively ; and, in case the vicissitudes of war shall change the military relations of the places designated in this article to tlie con- tending parties, so as to render the same inconvenient for the delivery and exchange of prisoners, other places, bearing as near as may be tlie present local relations of said places to the lines of said parties, shall be by mutual agreement substituted. But 422 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR notliing in this article contained shall prevent the commanders of two opposing armies from exchanging prisoners or releasing them on parole at other points mutually agreed ou by said commanders. AuT. 8. For the purpose of carrying into effect the foregoing articles of agreement, each party will appoint two agents, to be called agents for the exchange of pris- oners of war, whose duty it shall be to communicate with each other by correspondence and otherwise, to prepare the lists of prisoners, to attend to the delivery of the pris- oners at the places agreed ou, and to carry out promi)tly, effectually, and in good faith, all the details and provisions of said articles of agreement. Ai:t. 9. And in case any misunderstanding shall arise in regard to any clause or 8tii)ulatiou in the foregoing articles, it is nuitually agreed that such misunderstanding sliall not interrupt the release of prisoners on parole as herein provided, but shall be made the subject of friendly explanations, in order that the objects of this agreement may neither be defeated nor postponed. JOHN A. DIX, Major General. D. H. HILL, Major General C, S. A. El. HEADQr.VRTKRS OF THE ArMY, Washington, I). C, October 3, 1862. To the President, McClellan^s Headquarters : Your proposal to send back prisoners who have given an unauthorized parole accords with the general rule of war, and, I think, cartel. The enemy lias no right to require any other than the usual parole, " not to bear arms against the Confederate States dur- ing the war or until exchanged," nor have our prisoners a right to give any other. H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief. Headquarters Army, January 6, 1865. Official : D, C. WAGER, A. A. G. Headquarters of the Army, Washington, D. C, October 4, 1862. To the President, General McClellan's Hcadquartem : After full consultation with Secretary of War and Colonel Holt, it is concluded that the parole under the cartel does uot prohibit doing service against the Indians. H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief. Headqu.vrters Army, January 6, 1865. Official : D. C. WAGER, A. A. G. E2. Front Royal, Scjitcmbcr 10, 1862. Dear Sir : On the 2.3d day of July last a raid was perpetrated by seventeen cavalry- men of Cajitaiu Baylor's company, on a train of wagons belonging to the Third Dela- Avare regiment, near Nineveh, in this county, (Warren,) capturing and carrj'ing off some ten men and about twenty-five horses from the wagons. During the succeediug night the regiment, (Third Delaware,) under conuuand of Lieutenant Colonel Jenkins, visited tlie neigliliurliood and captured (from their beds at their several residences) Thomas McKay, William D. liartlett, and Benjamin Hicks, and I, being ou a visit to my neigh- bor liartlett, was also arrested. The next day, while we were under arrest, sent a squad of cavalry and stripped our farms of all the horses fit for service, and a quantity of gear, saddles, &c. I was re- leased a few days afterward, but Messis. llicks, Bartlett, and McKay were retained in prison here one week, and then sent to Culpepxier Court-House, at which jdace they BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 423 wore kept confined until the battle of Ceilnr Creek, or Slauijliter Mountain, since which time they have not been heard from, but are believed to have been sent to Washinij- ton City. I Avrite you a statement of the fixcts, at the urgent request of the families of the absent parties, who are in a very distressed condition. There were no charges pre- ferred against them, that I know of, none while here, except that they were believed to have known of the intended raid, but no trial was given them, as there was not a particle of evidence nor even suspicion against them. One of the gentlemen, Mr. Bartlett, is sixty-six years of age, and delicate, and his family think he cannot live if exposed to hardship. I am not aware that anything cau be done to relieve them, but it would l)e a great satisfaction to their families to know whert; they are, and if any i)rn(lent means cau be adopted for their relief it would be gratifying. They were otfered release upon taking an oath of allegiance to the federal government before they were sent from here, which they refused to do. Very truly, your obedient servant, EDWD. B. JACOBS. Hon. Jefferson Davis, President of Confederate States. Front Royal, Scptemher 10, 1862. Respected Sir: I have been informed that the officers and many of the men of the Third Delaware regiment have been taken ])risoners ac the battles of Mauassas and Catlett's Station ; if so I should be pleased that they be retained until charges can be preferred against them. While holding myself andoth. Mumford, a citizen of this eonfederacy, was actually and publicly executed in cold blood by hanging, after the occupation of the city of New Orleiuis by the forces under the command of General Benjamin F. Butler, when said Munifonl was an unre- sisting and non-combatant captive, and for no oftense even alleged to have been com- mitted by him sul)se(pu'nt to the date of the capture of the said city ; " And whereas the sUence of the government of the United States, and its maintain- ing of said Butler in high office under its authority, for many months after his com- mission of an act that can be viewed in no otlu'r light than as a deliberate murder, as well as of nunu-rous otlwr outrages and atrocities liereafti-r to be numtioned, afibrd evidence only too conclusive that the sairoposition. ResiiectfuUy, C. A. BARRIERE & BROTHER, Per CHARLES JONES, Agent. Hon. Geo. W. R.vndolph, Secretary of War. A true copy : G. NORMAN LEIBER, Brevet Lieutenant Colonel. E 10. Richmond, November 10, 1862. I have come direct from New Orleans to this city to lay before the government here the following facts for its information and benefit : A short time since I njade applica- tion to the State Bank of Louisiana for a loan of $100,000, for which I propose to give a mortgage on plantation and slaves in the confederacy. The bank was willing to give me the sum, but inasmuch as General Butler's orders prohibited the dealing with or payment of money to rebels, his special assent to the transaction was necessary. For the purpose of getting it, and also to learn if he would jiermit me to pass his lines with 432 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR the money, the presitleiit of the bank, J. M. Lapeyre, esq., called upon him and made known my intention of goinjf into the country to puichasse cotton. He gave his assent to the transaction, and in the course of conversation told Mr. Lapeyre that if I wished to ship the cotton to New Orleans, he would unarantee its protection ; to do with it as I pleased ; and further, if I Avished to take supplies from the city to the planters in lieu of taking the money he will give the permission. On learning this and on reflecting on it, I determined to see how far he was authorized by hi.s government to give such guarantee, and also to learn what articles he would prohibit from leaving the city, and to what extent his government would allow the barter. In order to gain this infor- mation I prevailed on Mr. Lapeyre to call on him again and get his reply to the fol- lowing : First. What articles will you not allow to leave the city? Second. To what extent will you allow the exchange ? Tliird. Will the cotton or other produce be allowed to be shipped to foreign ports, if desired ? Fourth. Have you the authority of your government ; and will you in the name of your government give a written pledge, provided the consent of the Confederate States government is obtained ? To which he answered as follows : To tirst. The said cotton or other produce can come to New Orleans without restric- tion ; the port is open, and crtrnthiiif/ except munitions of war go out. To second. The extent of shipments to the interior will not be limited, further than at least an ('([ual value of the same be returned either in cotton or other produce, viz : sugar, tobacco, or naval st(U-es. To third. The cotton or other produce can and may be shipped to any port in the world. To fourth. He said he had not the authority from Washington, but that he had no doubt li(^ could get it; he had, he said, i)ermitted some linnted trattic and his course hud been approved at Washington. He would give a written promise, and would also get General Shepley, military governor, to join him in it. All this seemed to be so very good and kind (being equivalent to ?v/»(H(ho' the &/ocArtf?e with their aid and consent) that I could only suppose they had .some hidden designs under it, and I determined to call upon Butler myself. I did not see him, but saw General Shepley, who, in his capacity of governor, seems to be clothed with greater powers than Butler concerning all matters not strictly military. I gathered from him that his government wished, if jjossible, to prevent the burning of any moni cotton; that they desired as fast as possible to occupy the country, but if they sent forces in the interior the cotton would all be burned as fast as they ap- proached it ; that they had been strongly advisi'd not to send forces near the cotton tlistricts until they had fir.st tried the etfects of offering them peaceable trade ; they believed the bitter feeling in the country will gradually subside if they can only begin trade with the country, and that when ])lanters bud they can sell their cotton in small quantities for supplies they will be less inclined to burn it. The fact is they have met with consich'ralile success above and below the city in conciliating the sugar planters, and they expect the same or greater success with the cotton, planters, but in which they will tind themselves mistaken. People generally in Louisiana advocated from the iirst the sale of sugar and molasses to them, but no one scarcely wished them to have one bale of cotton. I may be wrong, but I believe such are the reasons for their liberal otters. I closed my interview with General Shepley with this understanding, that he would iunneiliately send to Washington for authority from his government in the premises, and that I would lay the matter before the government here for their consideration. Now here is what can be done under this arrangement, if the government con.sents to any cotton leaving our territory. If permission was granted me to make the agree- ment with the federals, under it I could deliver to planters on the Mississippi, not far from ^'icksliurg, such things as our army are su tiering for. Another Itoat from that city could easily get them to Yicksburg, and from thence where you wished them ; large quantities of salt, bagging, and rope, jirovisions, shoes, blankets, «fcc., coidd l)e given to the planters at comparatively low prices, Avhich, at this time, would greatly strengthen them in their ability to aid the government. They will not object to cotton Ijeing shipped anywhere so long as it is for private account ; consequently, while I might lie bonalidely carrying out my arrangements with the planters, I could easily i)lace one-half or two-thir naa 11,265 8,300 in •s:jn8^ ^aiQIS 1 1 •e:>na:^ [B^idsojj § en •s^naj noranioQ CI CT •eino; n^iii !-■" Cf cn m" •JO sired 'e;ooa; O 1= i •edBQ to g o o~ •e3[oos to o c» o CT" CT ■JO ejiBd 'saoqs 200, 000 90, 000 § o o" •-0 •e^a^inBia: § o o § CT o o in I- m" •g^jins 69, 000 25, 000 50, 000 § o o o o -J" •BjaAlBIQ 92, 000 50, 000 o o CT •sjasAiojx 104, 500 22, 500 70, OOU o o o 12 o o o CT" •S^93[0Bp 100, 000 22, 500 30, 000 § o •s^BOOjaAO 55, 000 18, 000 o s o in £ a s to conquer and reduce them to subjection, and has been since waging with uuabatiug fury this unnatural war. The sovereign States of this confederacy, in pur- suance of conventions between themselves And the government of the confederacy, bound themselves to make common cause in this contest, and have since prosecuted the Avar with all the vigor in their power, and by the help of God -will continue to do so until their independence is unconditionally recognized, and their ancient boundaries fully and incoutestably established. In the prosecution of this i>urpose Colonel Richard Thomas Zarvona, an officer, with others under his conmiand, with th j authority and by express orders from the execu- tive of this State, planned and executed an expedition by which the steamer St. Nicholas and other vessels belonging to the marine of the United States were captured and brought as prizes into the waters of this State. In a subsequent expedition, under- taken under the same authority, and while bearing on his person a commission from the governor of this State ai)poiuting him a colonel of volunteers, and with orders of a warlike character, he was arrested by the police on board the steamer Mary Washing- ton, on her trip to Baltimore, and carried a i)risoner to Fort McHenry ; from thence he was removed, and is now confined at Fort Lafayette as a felon, in a dungeon, and sub- jected to the greatest inhumanity. That he was, under these circumstances, rightfully a prisoner of war is not denied, and that he might be held as such until exchanged under some cartel for the purpose I do not controvert. He had been known to be in hostility to the government of the United States, and was liable therefore to be cap- tured wherever found. But he Avas not in any sense to be regarded as a felon, hold- ing, as he did, the military commission of the State of Virginia, and in the execution of her military and naval orders. If he was regarded in any other light than as a colonel in the service of the State, then Avas he in the language of the Constitution of the United States entitled "to a speedy and a public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district Avherein the crime [shall haA'e] had been committed, Avhich district [shall] should have been previously ascertained by laAv, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted Avith the witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining Avitnesses in his favor, and to luiA^e the assist- ance of counsel for his defense." Notwithstanding this express clause, he has now been confined for eighteen months, and not one of the provisions contained in it has been attempted to he complied with. The only cause that I haA'e seen assigned for his incarceration was announced in a paper printed in the city of Baltimore on the 9th of July, 1861, immediately after his arrest, in Avhich it is stated "that Mr. Richard Thomas and five or six other persons were arrested on board the steamer Mary Washington as she was coming up the bay yesterday. The charge against them Ave believe to be that they were concerned in the seizure of the St. Nicholas a fe\A' days since. The party Avere coming up to the city as passengers when they were i>ointed out by two spies on board the boat, and as she reached the wharf at Fort McHenry the boat rounded to and they Avere delivered up to the officer in command." If his ottense Avas the seizure of the St. Nicholas, that seizure was accomplished by a justifiable stratagem by naval and military otficers of this State, in company Avitli Colonel ZarA'ona and with a design to carry out a bolder and more daring military and naA'al enterprise, the success of Avliich would have been beyond doubt, if Virginia's action had not been thAvarted by circnmstances beyond her control. When the St. Nicholas Avas taken Colonel Zarvona was an officer appointed Ijy and in the service of Virginia, and w^as in flagrante hello engaged in a hostile act and entitled to be considered, if taken, as a prisoner of war, and if taken afterward for the offense then committed he could only be so considered and so treated. Under the cartel for the exchange of prisoners entered into between the governments of the United States and the Contedcjrate States, all prisoners of Avar were to be ex- changed upon certain agreed terms. Why Colonel Zarvona has not been exchanged 438 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR uucler this agreement it is for the government of the United States to explain. WTiy lie lias been subjected to indignities that no other prisoners have been compelled to undergo is not for me to consider. It is sutticieut for the executive of this State to be apprised of the fact to induce him, for the sake of humanity and for the salie of the usages of civilized nations, to ask that such severity should not be practiced upon an officer in the service of this State for his obedience to orders emanating from her authority. It is proper under all the circumstances of this case that I should inform you dis- tinctly of the course I have taken and the policy I intend to pursue. Independent of the forces which have been contributed by this State to the armies of the Confederate States, Virginia has a force of her own, operating under the com- mand of Major General John B. Floyd, by whom there have been captured two hun- dred and one prisoners, most of whom have been brought to the city of Richmond for safe custody. From these prisoners I have taken two of the ofiicers belonging to the Fourth regiment of troops under the usurped government of Virginia, to wit : Captain Thomas Daniron and Lieutenant Wilson Damron, and have ordered them to be im- prisoned iu the penitentiary of this State, and to be kept in solitary coniinement, and I have further ordered that the following ]irivates, to wit: JolinW. Howe, Isaac Goble, and David V. Auxier, who belonged to the Thirty-ninth Kentucky regiment, and Samuel Pack, also from Kentucky, and William S. Dills, from Ohio, botli of the Fifth regiment of troops under the usurped government, to be also kept in the penitentiary in solitary continement ; all of them there to remain imtil Colonel Zarvona is properly exchanged, under suitable agreement, or discharged and permitted to return to this city. In addition to this llagrant case of unusual and severe treatment of a prisoner of war, another and equally glaring instance has been brought to my notice — a case appealing equally to my sense of justice aiul calling loudly for redress. Under a proclamation from the executive of this State, calling upon the citizens of Northwesteru Virginia to organize themselves into companies to repel the invasion of this State by her enemies. Captain Daniel Dusky and Lieutenant Jacob Vanner, two patriotic officers, one a citizen of Calhoun Coiiuty and the other a citizen of Jack- son County, in this State, organized a small force and took military possession of the town of Ripley, in the county of Jackson, and held it in opposition to the federal authority and to the usurped goverument in Virginia. While so in possession of this town they took military possession of the mails for the purpose of ascertaining the military purjioses of tiie enemy, as they had a riglit to do by all the rules of warfare over the world. Some lime afterward they were overjjowered by a much larger force and required to surrender, which they refused to do until their captors, who were sol- diers of the United States, agreed that they should be treated as prisoners of war. Alter this agreement was made they and the force under them surrendered, and immediately thereafter, in violation of the express stipulation to the contrary, they were taken to the city of Wheeling, confined in jail there, indicted, tried, and convicted, and sentenced to the penitentiary upon a charge of robbing the mail, for a term of four years, and they are now and have been ever since confined in the peuitentiary at the city of Wasuiugton, treatt^d as common felons. Both he aud his companion, Jacob Vanner, are citizens of high character aud patriotism, honorable aud heretofore; hon- ored by public positions in their counties. For such violations of the jdainest dictates of justice and propriety, and against all the usages of war, some remedy must be found. I have determined therefore to put in execution the ])rinciple of retaliation, and I have ordered two of the prisoners captured by General Floyd, to wit : Captain William Gramm, of Philadelphia, aud Lieutenant Isaac A. Wade, of Putuam County, Eighth regiment of troops under the usurped goviirauient of Virginia, belonging to the army of the United States, to be also imprisoned in the penitentiary of tliis State, and to be safely kept there at hard labor until Captain Dusky and Lieutenant Vaimcr are either exchanged under some suitable agreement to be entered into between the government of the United States and the State of Virginia, or until they are unconditionally dis- charged. And I deem it a duty I owe to the cause of humanity and civilization to hold the residue of the prisoners I have now iu custody, as well as all who may here- after come into the i)ossession of this State, as hostages for the good treatment of unotiending citizens c>f Virginia who have been incarcerated for no other cause than being loyal to their own State and the government of their clioice — a goverument which has in a thousand instances been recognized and acknowledged by the govern- ment of the United States as one of the sovereign and independent States of the former Union and which they are now waging a hopeless war to restore to its position. Be- lieving, however, that it would bo better for the goverument of the United States, better for the Confederate States, better tor the individual States, better for the citi- zens, better for the cause of humanity and of civiliz;ition that these departures from the rules of modern warfare should ud longer be permitted to exist, I respectfully ask that some arrangement should be made for the proper exchange of the jtrisoners named, Jind some agreement be entered into for tlie exchange; of all state prisoners hereafter. If no such agreement be made, and the course hitherto pursued be continued, I shall, BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 439 witlioiit hesitation, so long as the honor of Virginia and the safety and welfare of her citizens are intrusted to me as her chief magistrate, iinflinchingly retaliate to the utmost of my ability and power for any improper, unusual or harsh treatment practiced upon officers, soldiers, or citizens of Virginia. The sin of its commencement shall rest upon tho government of the United States ; the virtue of its continuance shall be proudly upheld by the authorities of this commonwealth. Respectfully, JOHN LETCHER, Governor of Vii-ginia. His Excellency Abraham Lixcoln, President of the United States. E 17. MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT. To the Senate and Home of Iteprescntatires of the Confederate States . At the date of your last adjournment the preparations of the enemy for farther hostil- ities had assumed so menacing an aspect as to excite in some minds apprehension of our ability to meet them with sufficient i>romptness to avoid serious reverses. These preparations were completed shortly after your departure from the seat of govern- ment, and the armies of the United States made simultaneous advance on our frontiers, on the western rivers, and on the Atlantic coast, in masses so great as to evince their hope of overbearing all resistance by mere weiglit of numbers. This hope, however, like those previously entertained by our foes, has vanished. In Virginia, their fourth attempt at invasion by armies whose assured success was confidently predicted, has met with decisive repulse. Our noble defenders, under the consummate leadership of their general, have again, at Fredericksburg, inflicted on the forces under General Burnside the like disastrous overthrow as had been previously sutfered by the succes- sive invading armies commanded by Generals McDowell, McClellan, and Pope. In the West obstinate battles have been fought with varying fortunes, marked by frightful rarnage on both sides, but the enemy's hopes of decisive results liave again been balHcd, while at Vicksburg another formidable expedition has been repulsed with inconsiderable loss on our side, and severe damage to tho assailing forces. Ou the Atlantic coast the enemy has been unable to gain a footing beyond the protecting shelter of his fleets, and the city of Galveston has just been recovered by our forces, which succeeded not only in the capture of the garrison, but of oue of the enemy's ves- sels of war, which was carried by boarding parties from merchant river steamers. Our fortified positions have everywhere been much strengthened and improved, aftbrding assurance of our ability to meet with success the eftorts of our enemies, in spite of the magnitude of their preparations for attack. A review of our history during the two years of our national existence affords ample cause for congratulation, and demands the most fervent expression of our thankfulness to tho Almighty Father who has blessed our cause. We are justified in asserting, with a pride surely not unbecoming, that these Confederate States have added another to the lesscms taught by history for the instruction of man ; that they have aflbrded another example of tho'impossibility of subjugating a people determined to be free; and have demonstrated that no superiority of numbers or available! resources can over- come the resistance oftered by such valor in combat, such constancy under sufi'erin^, and such cheerful endurance of privation as have been conspicuously displayed by this people in the defense of their rights and liberties. The anticipations with which we eiitt'red into the contest have now ripened into a conviction which is not only shared with US by the common opinion of neutral nations, but is evidently forcing itself upon our enemies themselves. If we but mark the history of the present year by resolute perseverance in the path we have hitherto pursued, by vigorous effort in the develop- ment of all our resources for defense, and by the continued exhibition of the same unfaltering courage in our soldiers and able conduct in their leaders as have distin- guished the past, we have every reason to expect that this will be the closing year of the war. The war, which in its inception was waged for forcing us back into the Union, having failed to accomplish that purpose, passed into a second stage, in which it was attempted to conquer and rule these States as dependent provinces. Defeated in this second design, our enemies have evidently entered upon another, which can have no other purpose than revenge and thirst for blood and plunder of ynivate prop- erty. Bat however implacable they may be, they can have neither the spirit nor the resources required for a fourth year of a struggle uncheered by any hope of success, kept alive solely for tho iudulgence of mercenary and wicked passions, and demand- ing so exhaustive an expenditure of blood and money as has hitherto been imposed x>a 440 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR their people. The advent of peace will be hailed with joy. Onr desire for it has never been concealed. Our efforts to avoid the war, forced on us, as it was, by the lust of conquest and the insane passions of our foes, are known to mankind. But earnest as has been oiir wish for peace, and great as have been our sacrilices and sufferings during the war, the determination of this people has witli each succeeding month become more unalterably fixed to endure any sufferings and continue any sacrilices, however prolonged, until their right to self-government and the sovereignty and independence of these States shall have been triumphaiitly vindicated and firmly established. In this connection, the occasion seems not unsuitable for some reference to the rela- tions between the confederacy and the neutral powers of Europe since the separation of these States from the former Union. Four of the States now members of the confederacy were recognized by name as independent sovereignties in a treaty of peace, concluded in the year 1783, with one of the two great maritime powers of western Eurone, and had been, prior to that period, allies in war of the other. In the year 1778 tliey formed a Union with nine other States under Articles of Confederation. Dissatisfied with that Union, three of them, Virginia, South Carolina, and Georgia, together with eight of the States now members of the United States, seceded from it in 1789, and these eleven seceding States formed a second union, although by the terms of the Articles of Confederation express provision was mad(! that the first Union should be perpetual. Their right to secede, notwithstanding this provision, was neither contested by the States from which they separated, nor imule the subject of discussion with any third power. When at a later period North Carolina acceded to that second union, and when, still later, the other seven States, now members of this confederacy, became also members of the same Union, it was upon the recognized footing of equal and independent sovereignties, nor had it then entered into the minds of men that sovereign States could be compelled by force to remain inembei's of a confederation into which they had entered of their own free will, if at a, subsequent period the defense of their safety and honor should, in their judgment, justify withdi'awal. The experience of the past liad evinced the futility of any renun- ciation of such inherent rights, and accordingly the ])rovision for perpetuity contained in the Articles of Confederation of 1778 was omitted in the Constitvition of 1781). When, therefore, in 1861 eleven of the States again thought proper, for reasons satisfactory to themselves, to secede from the second union, and to form a third one under an amended constitution, they exercised a right which, being inherent, reciuired no justification to foreign nations, and which international law did not permit them to question. The usages of intercourse between nations do, however, require that official communication be made to friendly powers of all organic changes in the constitution of States, and there was obvious propriety in giving prompt assurance of our desire to continue ami- cable relations with all uumkind. It was under the iufiueuce of these considei'atious that your predecessors, the provisional government, took early nu^asures for sending to Europe commissioners charged with tlie duty of visiting the cai>itals of the different powei's, and making arrangements for the opening of more formal diplomatic inter- course. Prior, however, to the arrival abroad of those commissioners, the United States had commenced hostilities against the confederacy by dispatching a secret expedition for the re-enforcement of Fort Sumter, after an express promise to the contrary, aud with a duplicity which has l)ecn fully unveiled in a former message. They had also ad- dressed etinimuuications to the different cabinets of Europe, in wliich they assumed the attitude of Iteing sovereign over this confederacj', alleging that these independent States were in rebellion against the remaining States of the Uaion, and threatening Europe with manifestations of their displeasure if it sliould treat the Confederate States as having an independent existence. It soon became known that these pretensions were not considered abroad to be as absurd as tliey Avere known to be at home, nor had Europe yet learned what reliance was to be i)laced on the ofiicial statements of the cabinet at Washington. The deleg.atiou of power granted by these 'States to the federal government to represent them in foreign intercourse had led Europe into the grave error of supposing that their separate sovereignty and independence had been merged into one common sovereignty, and had ceased to have a distinct existeuce. UudiT the influence of tliis error, which all appeals to reason and historical fact were vainly used to dispel, our commissioners were met by the declaration that foreign gov- ernments could not assume to judge between the conflicting I'l'presentations of tlie two parties as to the true nature of their previous nnitual relations. The governments of Great Britain and France accordingly signified their d('termiiiation to confine tlnan- selves to recognizing the self-evident fact of the existence of a war, aud to maintaining a strict neutrality during its progress. Some of the other powers of Europe pursued the same coui'se of policy, and it became apjiai'ent that by some understanding, express or tacit, EurOpe had decided to leave the initiative in all action touching the contest on this continent to the two powers just named, who were recognized to liave the largest interests involved, both by reason of pi'oximity and of the extent and intimacy of their commercial relations with the States engaged in war. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 441 It is manifest that the course of action adopted by Europe, while based on an apparent refusal to determine the question, or to side with either party, was in point of fact an actual decision against our rights and in favor of the groundless pretensions of the Ignited States. It was a refusal to treat us as an independent government. If we were independent States, the refusal to entertain with us the same international intercourse as was maintained with our enemy was unjust, and was injurious in its effects, wliat- ( ver may have been the motive which prompted it. Neither was it in accordance with the high moral obligations of that international code, whose chief sanction is the con- science of sovereigns and the public opinion of mankind, that those eminent powers should decline the performance of a duty peculiarly incumbent on them, from any ap- prehension of the consequences to themselves. One immediate and necessary result of their declining the responsibility of a decision which must have been adverse to the extravagant pretensions of the United States, was the prolongation of hostilities to which our enemies were thereby encouraged, and which have resulted in nothing but scenes of carnage and devastation on this continent, and of misery and suffering on the other, such as have scarcely a parallel in histoiy. Had those powers promptly ad- mitted our right to be treated as all other independent nations, none can doubt that the moral effect of such action would have Ijeen to dispel the delusion under which the United States have persisted in their efforts to accom])lish our subjugation. To the continued hesitation of the same powers in rendering this act of simple justice toward this confederacy is still due the continuance of the calamities whicli mankind sutlers from the interruption of its peaceful pursuits, both in the old and the new worlds. There are other matters in which less than justice has been rendered to tliis people by neutral Europe, and undue advantage conferred on the aggressors in a wicked war. At the inception of hostilities the inhabitants of the confederacy were almost exclusively agriculturists; thohv. of the United States, to a great extent, mechanics and mer- chants. We had no commercial marine, while their merchant vessels covered the ocean. We were without a navy, while they had powerful fleets. The advantage which tliey possessed for inflicting injury on our coasts and harbors was thus counterbalanced in some measure by the exposure of their commerce to attack by juivate armtnl vessels. It was known to Europe that within a very few years past the United States had l)eremptorily refused to accede to proposals for abolishing privateering, on the ground, as alleged by them, that nations owning powerful fleets would thereby obtain undue advantage over those possessing inferior naval forces. Yet no sooner was war flagrant between the coufeder/icy and the United States, than the maritime powers of Europe issued orders prohibiting either party from bringing prizes into their ports. This pro- hibition, directed with ai)parent impartiality against both belligerents, was in reality effective against the Confederate States alone, for they alone could find a hostile com- merce on the ocean. Merely nominal against the United States, the proliibition oper- ated with intense severity on the confederacy, by depriving it of the only means of maintaining, with some approach to equality, its struggle on the ocean against the crushing superiority of naval force possessed by its enemies. The value aiul eflicicncy of the weapon which was thus wrested from our grasp by the combined action of neu- tral Euroi)ean powers in favor of a nation whicli professes openly its intention of ravag- ing their commerce by i^rivateers in any future war, is strikingly illustrated by the terror inspired among the commercial classes of the United States by a single cruiser of the confederacy. One national steamer, commanded by officers and manned by a crew who are debarred, by the closure of neutral i)orts, from the opportunity ower, Great Britain and France made informal proposals al)out tln^ same time that their own rights as neutrals should be guaranteed by our acceding, as bellig- erents, to the declaration of principles made by the congress of Paris. The request was addressed to our sense of justice, and thenifore met innuediate favoralde res))onse in the res(dutions of the provisional congress of the l;}th August, 18ol,by which all the principles announced by the congress of Paris were adopted as the guide of our con- duct during the war, with the sole exception of that relative to privateering. As the right to make use of privateers was one in which neutral nations had, as to the pres- eiit war, no interest ; as it was a right which the United States had refused to abandon, and which they remained at libc^rty to employ against us ; as it was a right of which we were already in actual enjoyment, and which we could not b.' expected to re- nonncv fl(i(jnnifc hello against an adversary poss(>ssing an ov(>rwlielming superiority of lurval forces, it was reserved with entire confidence that neutral nations could not fail to perceive? that just reason existed for the reservation. Nor was this conlidence mis- placed, for the olHcial documents published by the British government, usually called " Blue Books," contain the expression of the satisfaction of that govennnent with the conduct of the officials who conducted successfully the delicate business confided to their charge. These solemn declarations of principle, this implied agreement between the confed- eracy and the two powers just named, have been suffertHl to renuiin inoperative against the menaces and outrages on neutral rights committed by the United States with un- ceasing and progressing arrogance during the whole period of the war. Neutral Eu- rope remained passive when the United i^tates, with a naval force insutticient to Itlock- ade, etfectively, the coast of a single State, ju-oclaimed a paper blockade of thousands of miles of coast, (extending from the cajtes of the Chesapeake to those of Florida, and encircling the Gulf of Mexico from Key West to the month of the Rio Grande. Com- pared with this monstrous pretension of the United States, the blockades known in history under the names of X\w Berlin and Milan decrees, and the British orders in coutu-il, in the years ISOG and 1H07, sink into insignillcance ! Yet those blockades were jnstifled by the powers that declared them, on the sole ground that they were retalia- tory ; yet those blockades have since been condemned by X\w jiublicists of those very j)owers as violations t)f international law; yi't those blockades evolved angry reinon- stranci's from neutial powers, among which the Ignited States were the most consi»icu- ous ; yet those blockades became the chief cause of the war between Great Britain and the United States in 181'2 ; yet those blockades were one of the principal motives that led to the declarati(m of the congress in Paris in 1850, in the fond hope of imposing an enduring check on the very abuse of maritime power, which is now renewed by the United States in 1801 and X^^Vl, under circumstances and with features of aggravated wrong wilhout precedent in history. Till? records of our State Departnu-nt contain the evidence of the repeated and fornuil remonstrances nnule by this governnuMit to neutral powers against the recognition of this blockade. It has been shown by evidence not capable of contradiction, and which has been furnished in part by the oflicials of neutral nations, that the ivw ports of this conf<'(leracy, before which any luival forces at all have been stationed, have been in- vested so iiiefliciently that hundreds of entries have been effected into th(>m since the declaration of the blockade; that our enemies have themselves admitted the iuetS- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 443 ciency of their blockade in the most forcible manner, by repeated official complaints of the sale, to ns, of goods contraband of war, a sale which conld not possibly affect their interests if their pretended blockade Avas snfficient " really to prevent access to our coast ;" that they have gone further, and have alleged their inability to render their paper blockade effective as the excuse for the odious barbarity of destroying the entrance to one of our harbors by sinking vessels loaded with stone in tlie channel ; that our commerce with foreign nations has been intercepted, not Ijy the effective investment of our ports, nor by the seizure of ships in the attempt to enter them, but by the cai>- ture on the high seas of neutral vessels by the cruisers of our enemies whenever sup- posed to be bound to any point on our extensive coast, without inquiry whether a sin- gle blockading vessel was to be found at such point ; that blockading vessels have left the ports at which they were stationed for distant expeditions, liave been absent for many days and have returned, without notice either of the cessation or renewal of the blockade ; in a word, that every prescription of maritime law and every right of neu- tral nations to trade with a belligerent under the sanction of principles, heretofore uni- versally respected, have been systematically and iiersistently violated by the United States. Neutral Europe has received our remonstrances, and has submitted in almost unbroken silence to all the wrongs that the United States have chosen to intlict on its commerce. The cabinet of Great Britain, however, has not contined itself to such im- plied acquiescence in these bi-eaches of international law as results from simple inaction, but has, in a published dispatch of the secretary of state for foreign atfairs, assumed to make a change in the principle enunciated by the congress of Paris, to which the faith of the British government was considered to be pledged ; a change too important and too prejudicial to the interests of the confederacy to be overlooked, and against which I hav(^ dii-ected solemn ])rotest to be made, after a vain attempt to obtain satisfactory explanations from the Britisli government. In a i)ubllslied dispatch from her Majesty's foreign ollice to her minister at Washington, under date of the Utli February, 18&2, oc- curs the following passage : " Her Majesty's government, however, are of the opinion that, assuming that the blockade was duly notified, and also that a number of ships is stationed and remains at the entrance of a port suilicien»t really to prevent access to it, or to create an evident danger of entering it or having it, and that these ships do not voluntarily iiermit ingress or egress, the fact that various ships may have successfully escaped through it (as in the particular instance here referred to) will not of itself jireveut the blockade from being an effectual one by international law." The words wliich I have italicized are an addition made by the British government of its own authority to a principle the exact terms of which were settled with delibera- tion by tlie common consent of civilized nations, and by imjdied convention witli this government, as already exjilained, and their effect is clearly to re-open, to the pi'ejndice of the confederacy, one of the very disputed questions on the law of blockade which the congress of Paris professed to settle. The importance of this change is readily illus- trated by taking one of our ports as an example. There is "evident danger" in enter- ing tiie port of AVilmington from the presence of a blockading force, and by this test the blockade is effective. " Access is not really prevented" by the blockading fleet to the same port, for steamers are continually arriving and departing, so that, tried by this test, the blockade is ineffective and invalid. The justice of our complaint on thi,s ])oint is so manifest as to leave little rooni for doubt that further reflection will induce tlie British government to give us such assurances as will efface the painful impressions that would n-sult from its language, if left unexplained. From the foregoing remarks you will perceive that, during nearly two years of strug- gle, in which every energy of our country has been evoked for maintaining its very ex- istence, the neutral nations of Enro])(! have pursued a policy which, nonunally impartial, has been practically most favorable to our enemies and most detrimental to us. The exercise of the neutral right of refusing entry into their ports to prizes taken by both bellig(!rents was emiuentry hurtful to the confederacy. It was sternly asserted and maintained. The exercise of the neutral riglit of commerce with a belligerent whose ports are not blockad(;d by fleets sufiicicMit really to prevent access to them would have been emi- nently hurtful to the United States. It was co!n])laisantly a1)aiulo!ied. The duty of neutral states to n.'ceive with cordialiiy and recognize with respect anj^ new confederation that independent states may think proper to form was too clear to admit of denial, but its postponement was eminently beneficial to the United States, and detrimental to the confederacy. It was postponed. In this review of our rtdations with the neutral nations of Europe, it has been my purpose to point out distinctly that this government has no complaint to make that those nations declared their neutrality. It could neither expect nor desire more. The complaint is that the neutrality has been rather nominal than real, and that recognized neutral rights have been alternately asserted and waived in such manner as to bear with great severity on us, and to coi'ifer signal advantages on our enemy. I have hitherto refrained from calling to your attention this condition of our relations 444 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR with foreign poAvers for various reasons. The chief of these was the fear that a state- ment of our just grounds of complaint against a course of j)olicy so injurious to our interests might be misconstrued into an ai)peal for aid. Unequal Jis we were in mere numbers and available resources to our enemies, we were conscious of powers of resist- ance, in relation to which Euixipe was incredulous, and our remonstrances were there- fore peculiarly lyil)le to be misunderstood. Proudly self-reliant, the confederacy, knowing full weirtlie character of the contest into which it was forced, with full trust in the superior qualities of its population, the superior valor of its soldiers, the superior skill of its generals, and above all in the justice of its cause, felt no need to appeal for the maintenance of its rights to other earthly aids, and it began and has continued this struggle with the calm confidence ever inspired in those who with consciousness of right can invoke the divine blessing on their cause. This confidence has been so assured that we have never yielded to despondency under defeat, nor do we feel undue elation at the present brighter prospect of successful issue to our contest. It is, there- fore, because our just grounds of complaint can no longer be misiuter])reted that I lay them clearly before you. It seems to me now proper to give you the information, and although no immediate results may be attained, it is well that truth shoidd be preserved and recorded. It is well that those wlio are to follow us shoidd understand the full nature and character of the tremendous conllict in which the blood of our people has been poured out like water, and in which they have resisted unaided the shock of hosts which would have sufiiced to overthrow many of the jjowers which, by their hesitation in according our rights as an independent nation, imply doubt of our ability to main- tain our national existence. It may be, too, that if in future times unfriendly discus- sions not now anticipated shall unfortunately arise between this confederacy and some European power, the recollection of our forbearance under the grievances which I have enumerated may be evoked with hajipy influence in ijreventing any serious disturbance of peaceful relations. It would not be proper to close my remarks on the subject of our foreign relations without adverting to the fact that the correspondence between the cabinets of France, Great Britain, and Russia, recently published, indicates a gratifying advance in the appreciation by those governments of the true interests of mankind as involved in the war on this continent. It is to the enlightened ruler of the French nation that the public feeling of Europe is indebted for the fu'st official exhibition of its sympathy for the sufi'erings endured by this peoplt^ witli so much heroism, of its horror at the awful carnage Avith which the })rogress of the war has been marked, and of its desire for a speedy peace. The clear and direct intinuition contained in the language of the French note, that our ability to maintain our independence has l)een fully estal)lished, was not controverted by the answer of cither of the cabinets to which it was addressed. It is indeed difiicult to conceive a just ground for a longer delay on this subject after read- ing the following statement of facts contained in the letter emanating from the minister of his Imperial Majesty: "There has been established, from the A'cry beginning of this Avar, an equilibrium of forces between the belligerents, Avhich has since been almost constantly maintained, and, after the spilling of so much blood, they are to-day, in this respect, in a situation which has not sensibly changed. Nothing authorizes the pre- A'ision that more decisiA'e military operations A\'ill shortly occur. According to the last adA'ices receiA'cd in Europe, the two armies Avere, on the contrary, in a condition which permitted neither to liope Avithin a short delay adA'antages sutfieiently marked to turn the balanc(; definitively, and to accelerate the conclusion of i)eace.'' As this government has ncA'cr professed the intention of conquering the United >States, but has simply asserted its ability to defend itself against being conquered by that power, Ave may safely conclude th.at the claims of this confederacy to its just place in the family of nations cannot long be withheld, after so frank and formal an admission of its capacity to cope, on equal terms, Avith its aggressiA'c foes, and to maintain itself against their attempts to obtain decisi\'e results by arms. It is my painful duty again to inform you of the renewed examples of cA'cry conceivable atrocity conunitted by the armed forces of the United States, at difl:erent points Avithin the confederacy, and which must stamp indelible infamy not only on the perpetrators, but on their superiors, who, having tlie power to check these outrages on humanity, numerous and Avell authenticated as they have been, have not yet, in a single instance of which I am aware, inllicted punishment on the Avrong-doers. Since my last commu- nication to you, one General McNeil murdered seven prisoners of Avar in cold blood, and the demand for his punishment has remained unsatisfied. The government of the United States, after promising examination and explanation in relation to the charges made against General Benjannn F. Butler, has, by its subsequent silence, after repeated ettbrts on my part to obtain some answer on the subject, not only admitted his guilt, but sanctioned it by acquiescence, and I have accordingly branded this crinunal as an outlaw and directed his execution in expiation of his crimes if ht; should fall info the hands of any of our forces. Recently I have received ajiparently authentic intelligence of another general by the name of Milroy, who has issued orders in Western Virginia for the payment of money to him by the iuhabi'^ants, accompanied by the most savage BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 445 tLreats of shooting every recusant, besides burning his house; and threatening similar atrocities against any of our citizens who shall fail to betray their country by giving him prompt notice of the approach of any of our forces, and this subject has als'6 been submitted to the superior military authorities of the United States, with but faint hope that they will evince any disap])robation of the act. Humanity shudders at the appall- ing atrocities which are being daily multiplied under the sanction of those who have obtained temporary possession of power in the United States, and wbo are fast nuiking its once fair name a by-word of reproach among civilized men. Not even the natural indignation inspired by this conduct should make us, however, .so iinjust as to attriVnite to the whole mass of the people, who are subjected to the despotism that now reigns with uul)ridled license in th6 city of Washington, a willing acquiescence in its conduct of the war. There must necessarily exist among our enemies very many, perhaps a majority, whoso humanity recoils from all participation in such atrocities, but who cannot be held wholly guiltless while permitting their continuance without txu eifort at repression. The public journals of the North have -been received, containing a proclamation dated on the tirst day of the jiresent mouth, signed by the President of the United States, in which he orders and declares all slaves within ten of the States of the con- federacy to be free, except such as are found within certain districts now occupied in part by the armed forces of the enemy. We may well leave it to the instincts of that common humanity which a beneficent Creator has implanted in the breasts of our fellow-men of all countries, to pass judg- ment on a measure by which several millions of human beings of an inferior race, peaceful and contented laborers in their sphere, are doomed to extermination, while at the same time they are encouraged to a general assassination of their masters by the insidious recommendation " to abstain from violence unless in necessary self-defense." Our own detestation of those who have attempted the most execrable measure recorded in the history of guilty man, is tempered by profound contempt for the impotent rage whicli it discloses. So far as regards the action of this government on such criminals as may attempt its execution, I confine myself to informing you that I shall, unless in your wisdom you deem some other course more expedient, deliver to the several State authorities all commissioned officers of the Uuited States that may hereafter be cap- tured by our forces in any of the States embraced in the proclamation, that they may be dealt with in accordance with the laws of those States providing for the punish- ment of criminals engaged in exciting servile iusurrectiou. The enlisted soldiers I shall continue to treat as unwilling instruments in the connuissimi of these crimes, and shall direct their discharge and return to their homes on the proper and usual parole. In its political aspect this measure possesses great significance, and to it, in this light, I invito your attention. It atfords to our whole people the complete and crown- ing proof of the true nature of the designs of the party which elevated to power the present occupant of the iiresideutial chair at Washingtou, and which sought to conceal its i)urposes by every variety of artful device, and by the perfidious use of the most solemn and repeated pledges on every possible occasion. I extract, in this connection, as a single example, the following declaration made by Presideiit Lincoln, under the solemnity of his oath as Chief Magistrate of the Uuited States, on the 4th March, 1861 : "Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the southern States that, by the accession of a republican administration, their ])roperty and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehensions. Indeed, the most amjile evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. Those who nonnnated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them. ' And, more than this, they placed in the idatform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read : " ' liefioJvcd, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of powers on which the per- fection and endurance of our political fabric depend ; and we denounce the lawless iuvasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest crimes.' " Nor was this declaration of the want of power or disposition to interfere with our social system confined to a state of peace. Both before and after the actual commence- ment ot hostilities, the President of the United States repeated in formal official com- munication to the cabinets of Great Britain and France that he was utterly without constitutional power to do the act which ho has just committed, and that in no possible 446 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR evcut, whether the secession of these .States resulted iu the establishiuent of a separate confederacy or in tlie restoration of the Union, Avas tliere any authority by virtue of ■which he could either restore a disaffected State to tlie Union by force of arms or make any change in any of its institutions. I refer, especially for verification of this asser- tion, to the dispatches addressed by the Secretary of State of the United States, under direction of the President, to the ministers of the United States at London and Paris, under date of 10th and 22d April, 1861. The people of this confederacy then cannot fail to receive this proclamation as the fullest vindication of their own sagacity in foreseeing the uses to which the dominant party in the United States intended from tlic beginning to ai)ply their power, nor can they cease to remember, with devout thanktulmss, that it is to then" own vigilance in resisting the first stealthy progress of approaching despotism that they owe their escape from consequences now a[)parent to the most skeptical. This proclamation will have another salutary effect in calmiug the fears of those who hav^e constantly evinced the apprehension that this war might end l>y some reconstruction of the old Union or some renewal ofclo.se political relations with the United States. These fears have never been shared by me, nor have I ever been able to perceive on what basis they could rest. But the proclamation affords the fullest guarantee of the impossibility of such a result; it has established a state of things which can lead to Init one of three possible consefiuences : the extei'mination of the slaves, the exile of the whole white ]iopulation from the confederacy, or absolute and total separation of these States from the United States. This proclamation is also an authentic statement by the government of the United States of its inability to subjugate the South by force of arms, and as such, must be ac- cepted Ijy neutral nations, which can no longer find any justification in Avithholding our just claims to formal recognition. It is also in effect an intimation to the ])eople of the North that they must prepare to submit to a separation now become inevitable, for that people are too acute not to understand that a restoration of the Union has become forever impossible by the adoption of a measure which, from its very nature, neither admits of retraction nor can co-exist with union. Among the sulyects to which your attention will be specially devoted during the present session, you will no doubt deem the adoption of some comprehensive system of finance as being of paramount importance. The increasing public debt, the great aug- mentation in the volume of the currency with its necessary concomitant of extravagant prices for all articles of consumption, the want of revenue from a taxation adequate to support the public credit, all unite in admonishing us that energetic and wise legisla- tion alone can prevent serious emljairassnu^nt in ourmoiu'tary ati'airs. It is my convic- tion that the people of the confederacy will freely meet taxation on a scale adequate to the maintenance of the public credit and the support of their government. When each family is sending forth its most precious ones to meet exposure in camp and death in battle, what ground can there be to doubt the disposition to devote a tithe of its income, and more, if more be necessary, to provide the government with means for insuring the comfort of its defenders ? If our enemies submit to an excise on every commodity they produce and to the daily presence of the tax-gatherer, with no higher motive than the hope of success in their wicked designs against us, the suggestion of an unwillingness on the part of this people to submit to the taxation necessary for the success of their defense is an imputation on their i)atriotism that few will be disposed to make, and that none can justify. The legislation of your last session intended to hasten the funding of outstanding treasury notes has proved beneficial, as shown by the returns annexed to the report of the secretary of the treasury. But it was neither sufficiently prompt nor far-reaching to meet the full extent of the evil. The passage of some enactment, carrying still further the policy of that law by fixing a limitation not later than the 1st .July next to the delay allowed for funding the notes issued prior to the 1st December, ISfJ'i, will, in the oi)inion of the secretary, have the effect to withdraw from circulation nearly the entire sum i.ssued previous to the last-named date. If to this be ;ulded a revenuelVom adequate taxation, and a negotiation of bonds guaranteed proportionately by the several States, as has already been generously proposed by some of them in enactments spon- taneously adojited, there is little doubt that we .shall see our finances restored to a sound and satisfactoi'y condition, our circulation relieved t>f the redundancy now jjroductive of so many mischiefs, and our credit placed on such a basis as to relieve us from further anxiety relative to our resources for th(> prosecution of the war. It is true that at its close our debt will be large ; but it will be due to our own peo- ple, and neither the interest nor the capital will be exported to distant countries, im- poverishing ours for their benefit. On the return of peace the untoW wealth which will spring from our soil will render the burden of taxaticm far less onerous than is now supposed, especially if we take into consideration that we shall then be free from the large and steady drain of our substance to which we were subjected in the late Union through the instrumentality of sectional legislation and protective tariffs. I recommend to your earnest attention the whole report of the secretary of the treasury BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 447 on this important subject, and trust that your legislation on it will be delayed no longer than may be requii'ed to enable your wisdom to devise the proper measures for insuring the accomplishment of the objects proposed. The ojioratious of the war department have been in the main satisfixctory. In the reporfe of the secretary, herewith submitted, will be found a summary of many memo- rable successes. They are with justice ascribed, in lar^e measure, to the reorganization and reinforcement of our armies under the operation of the enactments for conscription. The wisdom and efficacy of these acts have been api^roved by results, and the like spirit of unity, endurance, and 'self-devotion in the people, which has hitherto sustained their action, must be relied on to assure their enforcement under the continuing necessities of our situation. The recommendations of the secretary to this effect are tempered by suggestions for their amelioration, and the subject deserves the consideration of con- gress. For the perfection of our military organization no appropriate means should be rejected, and on this subject the opinions of the secretary merit early attention. It is gratifying to perceive that, under all the efforts and sacrifices of war, the power, means and resources of the confederacy for its successful prosecution are increasing. Dejiend- ence on foreign supplies is to be deplored, and should, as far as practicable, be obviated by the development and employment of internal resources. The peculiar circumstances of the country, however, render this difficult, and require extraordinary encourage- ments and facilities to be granted by the government. The embarrassments result- ing from the limited capacity of the railroads to afford transportation, and the impos- sibility of otherwise commanding and distributing the necessary supplies for the armies, render the control of the roads under some general supervision and resort to the power of impressment military exigencies. While such powers have to be exercised, they should be guarded by judicious provisions against iJerversion or abuse, and be, as recom- mended by the secretary, under due regulation of law. I specially recommend in this connection some revision of the exemption law of last session. Serious complaints have reached me of the inequality of its operation from eminent and patriotic citizens, whose opinions merit great consideration, and I trust that some means will be devised for leaving at home a sufficient local police without making discriminations, always to be deprecated, between different classes of our citizens. Our relations with the Indians generally continue to be friendly. A portion of the Cherokee people have assumed an attitude hostile to the confederate government ; but it is gratifying to be able to state that the mass of intelligence and worth in that nation have remained true and loyal to their treaty engagements. With this exception, there have been no important instances of disaffVction among any of the friendly nations and tribes. Dissatisfaction recently manifested itself among certain portions of them ; but this resulted from a misapprehension of the intentions of the government in their behalf. This has been removed, and no further difficulty is anticipated. The report of the secretary of the navy, herewith transmitted, exhibits the i^rogress made in this branch of the public service since your adjournment, as well as its present condition. The details embraced in it are of such a nature as to render it, in my opin- ion, incomi)atible with the public interests that they should be published with this message. I therefore confine myself to inviting your attention to the information therein contained. The report of the postmaster general shows that during the first postal year under our government, terminating on the 30th of June last, our revenues were in excess of those received by the former government in its last postal year, while the expenses were greatly decreased. There is still, however, a considerable deficit in the revenues of the department as compared with its expenses, and although the grants already made from the general treasury will suffice to cover all liabilities to the close of tho fiscal year ending on the 30th Jujie next, I recommend some legislation, if any can be constitutionally devised, for aiding the revenues of that department during the ensuing fiscal year, in order to avoid too great a reduction of postal facilities. Your attention is also invited to numerous other improvements in the service recommended in the report, and for which legislation is required. I recommend to the congress to devise a pi'oper mode of relief to those of our citizens whose property has been destroyed by order of the government, in pursuance of a policy adopted as a means of national defense. It is true that full indemnity cannot now be made, but some measure of relief is due to those patriotic citizens who have borne pri- vate loss for the public good, whose jjroperty, in effect, has been taken for public use, though not directly appropriated. Our government, born of the spirit of freedom and of the equality and independence of the States, could not have survived a selfish or jealous disposition, making each only careful of its own interest or safety. Tho fate of the confederacy, under the blessing of Divine Providence, depends upon the harmony, energy, and unity of the States. It especially devolves on you, their representatives,' as far as practicable, to reform abuses, to correct errors, to cultivate fraternity, and to sustain in the people a just confidence in the government of their choice. To that confidence and to the unity and self-sacri- ficing patriotism hitherto displayed, is due the success which has marked the unequal 448 TREATMENT OF PEISONERS OF WAR contest, and lias brought our country into a condition at the present time such as the most sanguine would not have ventured to predict at the commencement of our strug- gle. Our armies are larger, better disciplined, and more thoroughly armed and equipped than at any previous period of the war. The energies of a whole nation, devoted to the single object of success in this war, have accomiilished marvels, and niauj* of our trials have, by a beneficent Providence, been converted into blessings. Tlie magnitude of the perils which we encountered have developed the true (jualities and illustrated the heroic character of our peo^ile, thus gaining for the confederacy from its birth a just appreciation from the other nations of the earth. The injuries resulting from the interruption of foreign commerce have received compensation by the development of our internal resources. Cannon crown our fortresses that were cast ii-om the products of mines opened and furnaces built during the war. Our mountain caves yield much of the niter for the manufacture of powder, and promise increase of product. From our own Ibunderies and laboratories, from our own armories and workshops we derive, in a great measure, the Avarlike material, the ordnance and ordnance stores which are expended so profusely in the numerous and desperate engagements that rajndly succeed each other. Cotton and woolen fabrics, shoes and harness, wagons and gun carriages are produced in daily increasing quantities by the foctories springing into existence. Our fields, no longer whitened by cotton that cannot be exported, are devoted to the production of cereals and the growth of stock formerly purchased with the proceeds of cotton. In the homes of our noble and devoted women, without whose sublime sacri- fices our success would have been impossible, the noise of the loom and of the spmning wheel may be heard throughout the land. With hearts swelling with gratitude let ns then join in returning thanks to God and in beseeching the contijiuance of his protecting care over our cause, and the restoration of x^eace, Avith its manifold blessings, to our beloved country. JEFFERSOX DAVIS. Richmond, January 12, 1863. E 18. City Point, Va., January 14, 1863. Sir : May I have the pleasure of an early as possible interview Avith you f I desire to knoAV Avhether, in compliance with the terms of the cartel, the commissioned United States officers now in your hands are to be released, and also what disposition has been made of the case of Mrs. Piggott, avIio was taken from her home at Williamsburg, Ya., with forty of her sla\'es, and Avho is now detained at Richmond or some other place within the confederate lines. JSIajor General Dix some time since communicated with you on this case. He has received pressing applications to retaliate by the arrest and imprisonment of ladies Avitbin our lines, whose a\'owed sentiments and conduct JiaA'e been persistently disloyal to the United States goA'crnment. Can you not haA'e this matter arranged by the prompt return of Mrs. Piggott and all her property to her home ? I am, verv respectfully, your obedient servant, WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of Frinoners. Hon. Robert Ould, Agent for Exchange of Prisoners, Headquarters Department of Virginia, Sea'enth Army Corps, Fort Monroe, Virginia, January 18, 1863. Sir: Will you please send me by Captain Mulford a reply to my communication to you of the 14th instant, in reference to your retention of United States officers in A'iola- tion of the cartel, and also to the case of Mrs. Piggott ? Will you also inform me whether you Avill release the citizen prisoners now held by you, and especially those captured by General Stuart in his raid into Maryland and Pennsylvania ? Wilham J. Peters, Avhose release you promised me some time ago, has reported. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, Virginia, January 16, 1863. General: I have the honor to inclose to you a copy of the Richmond En([uirer, containing Jeff. Davis's message. His determination, avoAved in most insolent terms, -to deliver to the several State authorities all commissioned officers of the United States BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 449 that may hereafter be captured, will, I think, be persevered in. You will recollect that after the proclamation of Jeff. Davis, of the 2M of December, 1862, I urgently advised' another interview, (the last one I had with Mr. Ould, and in which very important ex- changes were declared.) I then did so anticipating that the cartel might be broken, and wishing to make sure of the discharge from their parole of 10,000 of our men. This was effected, and in a manner so advantageous to our goverument that we gained in the count of 20,000 exchanged about 7,000 men. I had almost equal good success in the exchange declared on November 11, 1862. If an open rupture should now occur in the execution of the cartel, we are all well prepared for it. I am endeavoring to get away from confederate prisons all our officers captured previously to the date of the message of Jeff. Davis, (the 12th instant,) with what success I shall know early next week. As you may receive this copy of the message in advance of any other, may I ask that it be transmitted to the Secretary of War, or the general-in-chief, with the additional information conveyed in this communication to you. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. Major General Hitchcock, Commissioner for the Exchange of Prisoners. Copu of the paragraphs in the message of Jefferson Davis, as imhlishedin the Richmond Enquirer, January 15, 1863, and referred to in the preceding letter. So far as regards the action of this government on such criminals as may attempt its execution, I confine myself to informing you that I shall, unless in your wisdom you deem some other course more expedient, deliver to the several State authorities all com- missioned officers of the United States that may hereafter be captured by our forces in any of the States embraced in the proclamation, that they may be dealt with in accord- jiuce with the laws of those States providing for the punishment of criminals engaged in exciting servile insurrection. The enlisted soldiers I shall continue to treat as unwilling instruments in the com- mission of these crimes, and shall direct their discharge and return to their homes ou the proper and usual parole. Richmond, Va., January 17, 1863. Sir : I regretted very much, on reaching City Point, meridian, on the 16th instant, to find you had left. I did not receive any notice that you would be obliged to leave at eleven o'clock ou that day. If I had, however, I do not see how I could have been at City Point any sooner. In your communication of the 14th instant you desire to know whether the federal commissioned officers now prisoners will be released. I have already furnished you with an official copy of the proclamation of President Davis, dated December 23, 1862. In conformity therewith officers will not be released on i)arole, but will be exchanged for those of corresponding rank. If you have any confederate officer in your possession and will deliver him, an officer of like grade will be delivered to you, and they will be mutually declared to be exchanged. So if you have released any officer on parole, we will deliver to you an officc^r of corresponding rank, and declare them exchanged. The federal officers, however, now in our possession, will not be surrendered to you on parole. This rule will apply only to commissioned officers. We are ready at any time to release on parole and deliver to you your non-commissioned officers and privates. This course has been forced upon the confederate government, riot only by the refusal of the authorities of the United States to respond to the repeated applications of this government in relation to the execution of Mumford, but by their persistence in retain- ing confederate officers who were entitled to parole and exchange. You have now of captures that are by no means recent many officers of the confederate service who are retained in your military prisons east and west. Applications have been made for the lelease of some without success, and others have been kept in confinement so long as to justify the conclusion that you refuse both parole and exchange. One prominent instance I will bring to your notice: General B. F. Butler has retained Brigadier General Clark and thirteen others for several months. At the latest advices received by us they were still in custody. During the whole of the time that they have been thus detained, we had a large excess of federal prisoners, all of whom were either promptly exchanged or delivered to you on parole. This is by no means a solitary case. I have now, and have had for a long time, au- thentic evidence in possession of the retention of a large number of confederate officers by your military authorities. Several prominent cases have also very recently been H. Eep. 45 2U 450 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR presented to me. You are very well aware that this has been a subject of complaint ever since the adoption of the cartel. In view of all these facts, the confederate gov- ernment has determined to refuse any parole to your officers until the grievances of which it has complained are redressed. Of course this applies to such commissioned officers as wei'e captured before the date of President Davis's message. He himself has indicated what disposition will be made of such as may be captin-ed after that date. In your communication of the 14th instant you also refer to the case of Mrs. Piggott, who, you say, " was taken from her home at Williamsburg, Virginia, with forty of her slaves, and who is now detained at Richmond, or some other place within the confederate lines." Without any comment upon the singularity of the request, that slaves made free by President Lincoln's proclamation should be promptly returned as the property of Mrs. Piggott, I inform you that Mrs. Piggott was released from custody on habeas corpus a long time ago. She is a citizen of Virginia, responsible to the laws of that State and the confederacy. The confederate and State authorities will not allow any interference by the United States with the course of justice in any one of the Confederate States. They will not entertain even a protest. No fears of retaliation upon "ladies," or any one else, will ever make them reliu(iuish their rightful and exclusive control. I perceive by your published notice of exchanges that you have made a mistake in declaring exchanged the federal prisoners paroled at Goldsboro, and delivered at Wash- ington, North Carolina. These are the thirteen hundred that I have so constantly pressed upon you, and for whom you have given no equivalent or credit. You have the list in your })ossession. I delivered it to you that you might examine more fully into the nuvtter. Those men have not been exchanged. I hope you will make the proper correction. When shall I see you at City Point again ? Respectfully, your obedient servant, ROBERT OULD, Agent of Exchange. Lieut. Colonel Ludlow, Agent of Exclmnge Headquarters Department of Virginia, Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, January 21, 1863. General: I have the honor to inclose to you communications just received from Mr. Robert Ould, confederate agent for exchange of prisoners; also a copy of communica- tion of December 11. These show the condition of matters as connected with citizen prisoners. I would recommend that no civilians be released from any of our prisons to go South, unless to iirocure exchanges. Such exchanges can be made. Before resorting to reprisals would it not be better to use up all the material for exchanges now on hand? The mail is just closing, and I am obliged to write in haste. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. Major General Hitchcock, Commissioner for Exchange of Prisoners. E 19. [Telegram. — Sent 7.40 p. m.] War Departjient, Washington City, January 16, 1862. Lieutenant Colonel Wm. H. Ludlow, Agent for Exchange of Prisoncis, Fort Monroe: Receive the Murfreesboro prisoners with or without the officers. By order of Major General Halleck. J. C. KELTON, Assistant Adjutant General. E20. Washington City, D. C, January 19, 1863. Sir : I have the honor to attach hereto a slip taken from the Richmond Enquirer of )i the 15th instant, being a iiassage from what purports to be a message from Jefferson BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 451 Davis, as president of the Confederate States, to the senate and house of representa- tives of those States, indicating the course proposed to be pursued in the South toward officers of the United States Army who may be taken prisoners within such portion of tlie southern States as arc designated in the proclamntiou of his Excellency the President of the United States, dated the 1st instant, on the subject of slaves within such desig- nated portions of the southern States. In view of this threat to deliver captured officers into the hands of civil officers of southern State governments, to be dealt with as criminals under State laws, I beg to call your attention to a proclamation issued by the same functionary, Jetiersou Davis, about a month since, directed chiefly against Major General Butler, in which, in viola- tion of an existing cartel for the exchange of prisoners, ilr. Davis declares his purpose of holding a certain class of prisoners in duress, putting their lives iu jeopardy, contrary to the laws of war. In consequence of this proclamation you were constrained to give the necessary orders for holding in close custody certain officers of the reljcl army taken in arms, with the simple design of awaiting the farther action of the rebel authorities in the pi'emises. This precautionary measure on your part is believed to be all that can be done in the present case, until it can Ije seen whether the rebel authorities in the South shall attempt to outrage the public sentiment of the civilizfed world by put- ting into practice the savage threat indicated in slip hereto annexed. It would be proper, however, that the officers of the Union armies should be informed of the existence of the threat iu question, which I respectfully request may be done through the Geueral-in-chief. I have the honor to be, verv respectfully, your obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Maj. Gen. Vols., CQinmishioner for Exchange of Friaoncrs. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. " So far as regards the action of this government on such criminals as may attempt its execution, I confine myself to informing you that I shall, unless in your wisdom you deem some other course more expedient, deliver to the several State aiathorities all commissioned officers of the United States that may hereafter be captured by our forces in any of the States embraced in the proclamation, that they may be dealt with in accordance with the laws of those States providing for the punishment of criminals engaged in exciting servile insurrection. The enlisted soldiers I shall continue to treat as unwilling instruments in the commission of these crimes, and shall direct their dis- charge and return to their homes on the proper and usual parole." E21. [Telegram. — Received 12.30 p. m.] Fort Monroe, Fehniari/ 11, 186.3. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretar>i of War : In reply to my demand, Mr. Ould, confederate agent for exchange of prisoners, has just informed me that all United States officers cai)tured before December 10, 1862, the date of Jeff. Davis's proclamation, would be immediately released. All the sutlers' clerks and government employ6s confined in Richmond have been released, and have arrived here on flag-of-truce boat New York. I shall meet Mr. Ould on the 17th at City Point. WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Commissioner. Coi)y to Colonel Hoffman, commissary general of prisoners, and Major General Hitch- cock, commissioner for exchange of prisoners. E22. [Telegram. — Received 11.20 a. m.] Fort Monroe, February 19, 1863. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War ; His Excellency the President ; Major Gen- eral Halleck ; Major General Hitchcock : I have justreturned from City Point from a conference with Mr. Ould. The legislature of Vii-giuia will overrule Governor Letcher in his late attempts at retaliation in impris- 452 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF "WAR oniug Uuited States officers, and will transfer to the confederate autliorities, -n-here it jnoperly belongs, under the cartel, all matters connected %Yith exchanges of prisoners. It is now quite certain that the confederate congress will overrule Mr. Jefferson Davis in his retaliatory proclamation and message, and exchanges will go on as heretofore under the cartel. I have perfected arrangements for exchange of civilians. WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieut. Col. and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. E23. [Received 3.26 p. m.] Fort Monroe, March 9, 1863. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War: Colonel Ludlow informed me that the political prisoners, about five hundred in niim- ber, would be ready at Washington on the 12th. Shall I seud up Captain Mulford with the State of Maine, the llag-of-truce boat, to-morrow ? She is ready now. Will you direct Colonel Hoffman to complete lists of the prisoners prepared? There are two or three at Port Norfolk whom I wish to send. JOHN A. DIX, Major General. E24. fTelegram. — Eeceived 2 p. m. , Fort Monroe, March 19, 1863. Hor. Edwin M. Stanton, Seartary of War : A large number of released citizen prisoners, including those captured by General Stewart in his raid into Maryland and Pennsylvania, have arrived hero and leave for Washington to-day. These were confined in Richmond. Those confined in Salisbury, North Carolina, will be delivered next week. WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieut. Col. and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. E25. [Telegram. — Sent 4 p. m.] War Department, Washington City, March 24, 1863. Colonel Wm. H, Luplow, Fort Monroe, Va. : The Secretary of War directs me to say that the subject of the exchange of officers cannot be decided before Friday, if so soon as that. It will be communicated when received. E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General of Volunteers, ^c E 26. Headquarters Department op ViRGiNtA, Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, April 8, 1863. Sir : The best mode of arranging all questions relating to exchange of officers is to revoke, formally or informally, the offensive proclamation relating to our officers. I simply ask that you say by authority that such ])roclamation is revoked. The spirit of that proclamation was the infliction of personal indignities upon our officers, and as long as it remains unrepealed it can be, at any moment, put in force by your author- ities. What assurauce have we that it will not be ? BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 453 I earnestly desire a return to the cartel in all matters pertaining to officers, and until such be the case, and a uniformity of rule be thereby established, our exchange of officers must be special. Some of our officers paroled at Vicksburg were subse- quently placed in close confinement, and are now so held. If hereafter we parole any of your officers, such paroles will be offset against any which you may possess. At present the exchanges will be confined to such equivalents as are held in confinement on either side. I hope you will soon be able to remove all difficulties about officers, by the revocation I have mentioned. By reference to the map, you will see that Fort Delaware is en route to Fort Monroe. It is used as a depot for collecting of prisoners sent from other places for shipment here, and is, from its i^eculiar position, well adapted for convenience for exchange. If any mistake be found in the account of men paroled by Lieutenant Colonel Rich- ards, at Oxford, Mississippi, on December 22, 1862, it can be rectified when we meet. I am, very resT)ectfully, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. LUDLOW, Lieut. Col. and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. Hon. Robert Ould, Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. E 27. Richmond, April 11, 1863. Sir : Your letters of the 8th instand have been received. I am very much surprised at your refusal to deliver officers for those of your own who have been captiued, paroled, and released by us since the date of the proclamation and message of Presi- dent Davis. That refusal is not only a flagrant breach of the cartel, but can be sup- ported by no rule of reciprocity or equity. It is utterly useless to argue any such matter. I assure you that not one officer of any grade will be delivered to you until you change your purpose in that respect. You have charged us with breaking the cartel. With what sort of justice can that allegation be supported, when you delivered only a few days ago over ninety officers, most of whom had been forced to languish and sufi'er in prison for months, before we were compelled, by that and other reasons, to issue the retaliatory order, of which you complain f Those' ninety odd are not one-half of those whom you unjustly hold in prison. On the other hand, I defy you to name the case of one who is confined by us whom our government has declared exchanged. Is it your idea that we are to be bound by every strictness of the cartel, while you are at liberty to violate it for months, and that, too, not only in a few instances, butiu hundreds ? You know that our refusal to parole officers was a matter exclusively of retaliation. It was based only upon your refusal to observe the requirements of the cartel. All that you had to do to remove the obnoxious measure of retaliation was to observe the provisions of the cartel, and redress the wrongs which had been perpe- trated. Your last resolution, if persisted in, settles the matter. You need not send any officers to City Point, with the expectation of getting an equivalent in officers, so long as you refuse to deliver any for those whom we have released on parole in Tennessee and Kentucky. If captivity, privation, and misery are to be the fate of officers on both sides here- after, let God judge between us. I have struggled in this matter as if it had been a matter of life and death to me. I am heart-sick at the termination, but I have no self-reproaches. Respectfully, your obedient servant, ROBERT OULD, Agent of Exchange. Lieutenant Colonel Williaji H. Ludlow, Agent of Exchange. E 28, Headquarters Department of Virginia, Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, April 13, 1863. Sir: I have just received your letter of the 11th instant, and am too much hurried to reply, as I wish, in detail to the several points therein contained. You are all wrong in your x^remises, arguments, and conclusions. I agree with you that it is useless 454 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR to arn'ue the question, and I uuite with you in the expression of your earnest desire to alleviate the miseries of captivity of oflicers who have been so needlessly and so cruelly subjected to it by the proclamation and message of IVIr. Jefferson Davis. I will acknowledge all proper paroles of our officers, by delivering to you equivalents of our officers after the special exchanges of those now in coniiuement are carried out. This is, I believe, what you ask for. Will you frankly inform me if it be the intention of your authorities to put in force the offensive portion of the proclama- tion and message so often alluded to, when the fortunes of war may place the greater number of our officers in your hands ? Your officers are now in Fort Delaware ready for deliver-j*, and your reply will de- termine whether they are to come for exchange, or to be returned to the West. Please be clear, frank, and explicit in your reply. Captain Mulford is instructed to bring it to me. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieut. Col. and Agent for Exchauge of Prisoners. Hon. Robert Ould, Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. E 29. RiCHMOXD, April 22, 1863. Sir : Your commuuicatiou of the 21st has been received. I did not answer your communication of the 13th instant, because I really had nothing more to say in i-ela- tion to the subject-matter than what was contained in the letter to which that was a reply. In my unofficial note to Captain Mulford, I certainly did not intend to be dis- courteous, or to write anything " exceptionable." You will do me the justice to ac- knowledge that in all the difficult and irritating subjects which have engaged our at- tention in correspondence, I have never stepped beyond the bounds of decorous pro- priety. I take pleasure in saying the same in reference to yourself. In my former communications, and in personal interview, I demanded that equiva- lents should be giveu for the officers whom we had paroled and released, since the 10th of December last, in Tennessee and Kentucky. I distinctly put those officers upon the same footing as that of those whom we now hold in confinement. I only asked that, in exchange, officers paroled and released should be put in the same category as those who were retained. You had complained that we did not parole your officers. Although, in your connnu- nication of the 13th, you agreed to give equivalents for such officers as we had retained, you refused to give any at present for those whom we had paroled and released. In other words, in cases where we had pursued a course which you had declared objec- tionable, an equivalent would be giveu ; but where we had conformed to your own demands in the release of officers, none should be given. I must confess I was very much surprised at your letter of the 8th instant. I expressed that surprise in per- hai)S very strong language in my conunuuicatiou of the 11th instant. I intended in that letter to say to you very distinctly that, unless the released officers in the AVest were put upon the same footing as those whom we held in confinement, no more deliv- eries of officers would be made to you. I came to the determination with gi-eat regret. Y(mr letter of the 13th did not mend matters nnich. I thought our demand was so fair, so equitable, that no one could refuse it. When, therefore, you sought, in your couuuunicatiou of the 13th, to put the released western officei's upon a different foot- ing from those held by us, I considered that j^ou refused to acknowledge our fair claim. In your letter of the 13th instant you say, '• I will acknowledge all proper paroles of our officers, by delivering to you equivalents of your officers, after the special ex- changes of those now in confinement are carried out." That was not what I asked. I demanded simply that the western released officers should be put itpon the same footing with those held by tis. I did not wish to have any controversy about "proper paroles," nor did I think it right that such casi^s ishould be postponed until all those in our custody were released. I thought, and still think, that the exchange should bo simultaneous. You have an excess of officers — more, perhaps, than those now held by lis, added to such as we have paroled. One boat can accommodate all. Why, then, postpone the delivery of equivalents, except to allow distracting questions to intervene, which might defeat the delivery ? If you have any paroles, I will acknowledge them ; if any are hereafter presented by you, up to the pi'esent date, I will ac^knowledge them if you will give me the same privilege. What can be more fair, equal, and reciprocal than all this ? If you think I will press upon you paroles which are not " proper," let us meet together when the officers are l)rought up, or before. "I will offer none to you but such as are most clearly within our former rules of practice. If you will send to City Point all the officers you have, you will receive no detriment. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 455 If there are more than we have, (counting paroles,) I pledge you an equivalent, either in men already delivered to you, or, if you prefer it, in officers hereafter cap- tured, and as soon as captured. No proclamation or message shall affect the sui-plus. Respectfully, your obedient servant, ROBERT OULD, Agent of Exchange, Lieutenant Colonel William H. Ludlow, Agent of Exchange. E 30. [Telegram.— Keceived 12.20 a. m., May 6.] FouT Monroe, May 5, 1863. Hon. E. M. Stantox, Secretary of War : I have just returned from City Point, and have brought with me all our officers who have been held by the confederates, and whom I send to Annapolis to-night. I have made the following declarations of exchanges : First. All officers and enlisted men and all persons, whatever may have been their classification or character, who have been delivered at City Point, Virginia, up to the Gth of May, 1863. Second. All officers who have been captured and released on parole, up to April 1, 1863, wherever they may have been captured. Third. All enlisted men who have been captured in North Carolina and Virginia and released on parole, up to the 1st of March, 1863. I will be in Washington on the 7th instant. WILLIAM H. LUDLOW, Lieut. Col. and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. E 31. [Telegram. — Kecqived 10.45 a. m.] Fort Monroe, May 12, 1863. Hon. E. M. Stanton : Mr. Ould informs me that he has about ten thousand of our Fredericksburg prison- ers at Richmond. I have sent up transportation for them, with a hospital steamer and corps of surgeons and nurses for the sick and wounded. As all the officers and men sent to Camp Parole from City Point to the present date have been declared exchanged, I would respectfully recommend that they be sent away to their regiments, and make room for the large number to be received there. WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel, 4-c. E32. War Department, C. S. A., Richmond, Virginia, May 22, 1863. Sir: You are very well aware that for the last six mouths I have been presenting to you lists of confederate officers and soldiers, and confederate citizens who have been detained by your authorities in their prisons. Some of these, upon my remonstrance, have been released and sent to us. By far the greater number remain in captivity. I am satisfied that you have made strenuous exertions to have the.se persons released, and to carry out in good faith the agreements which we have made. Even those exer- tions have i)roved of little avail. Nothing now remains but for me to give you formal notice that our governuicut will resort to retaliation, in every case which has hereto- fore been brought to your attention, where the wrong complained of has not been re- dressed. The confederate authorities will exercise their discretion in selecting such jn-isoners as they think best, whether officers or privates, in this purpose of retaliation. You will be notified in each case. I am now preparing a list of officers and men such 456 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR aa are reserved for retaliation. As soon as the parties for whom they are held are de- livered to us the hostage will he released. I have thus frankly informed you of our purposes before they are put into actual execution, for the double purpose of prevent- ing any imputation of bad faith, and of giving you an opportunity of saving a resort to so stern a remedy. You have at this moment in your prisons confederate officers whom you have held over twelve months, without charges or trial ; they have been fairly exchanged by our agreements, and ought to have been delivered long ago. Respectfully, your obedient servant, RO. OULD, Agent of Exchange. Lieutenant Colonel Wsi. H. Ludlow, Agent of Exchange. E33. Wak Department, C. S. A., Richmond, Virginia, May 22, 1863. Sir : I perceive by the northern papers that Captains McGraw and Corbin were shot to death with musketry, on Friday the 15th instant, at or near Sandusky, Ohio. These are the cases which I brought to your attention when last I saw you. These men were duly authorized to recruit withiu the limits of Kentucky. They were tried by a court-martial upon the charge of recruiting Avithin your lines ; they were sen- tenced to be shot, and that sentence was approved by General Burnside and President Lincoln. The confederate government has ordered that two captains now in our custody shall be selected for execution, in retaliation for this gross barbarity ; the order will be speedily executed. Your papers refer to other cases of parties condemned to death upon the same charge ; they are some five or six in number. In view of the awful vortex into Avhich things are plunging, I give you notice that, in the event of the execution of these persons, retaliation, to an equal extent, at least, will be visited uiion your own officers, and, if that is found ineti'ectual, the number will be increased. The Great Ruler of nations must judge who is responsible for the initiation of this chapter of horrors. Respectfully, your obedient servant, RO. OULD, Agent of Exchange. Lieutenant Colonel Wm. H. Ludlow, Agent of Exchange. E34. "War Department, C. S. A., Richmond, Virginia, May 22, 1863. Sir : In sei'cral of your late communications you have appealed to me for the re- lease of political prisoners held by us. I am ready to deliver every one of them when you do the same charity ; until then not one of them shall be released, except at our own i)leasure. You asked, in a late communication, for the release of the sheriff of Barbour County. Are you aware that you now hold some half dozen or more of liarndess and inoffensive old men as hostages, whom you do not even pretend to release, and yet ask the sheriff's deliverance? Yon have now thousands of helpless non-combatants in your prisons, not arrested as dangerous persons to your army, but incarcerated be- cause it is supposed they are loj^al to their own country. Their number is increasing every day. 1 will listen to no ]n-oi>ositiou for the release of non-combatants that is not based upon the delivery of all whom yon have in custody, coupled with some dis- tinct, written understanding as to future conduct in respect to such < ajytures. If this is not agreeable, let God save the right. I hoi)e there will be no furtlu'r mistake be- tween us in regaixl to this matter. I trust I have made myself sufficiently distinct. ResiiectfuUy, your obedient servant, RO. OULD, Agent of Exchange. Lieutenant Colonel Wm. H. LudlOw, Agent of Exchange. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 457 E.35. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, May 25, 1863. Sir: Iu reply to your communication of the 23cl, in relation to citizen prisoners, I have to state that I have demanded them, and not, as you inform me, appealed to you for them ; you probably, however, mean the same thing. I have demanded them be- cause I have delivered you their equivalent, with the understanding you were to re- lease them. I bring to your mind the cases of Lewis and Scully. You distinctly, and without reservation, told me that these men should be delivered on the day following the delivery to you of a large number of citizen prisoners ; their names were especially mentioned, and I have not yet received them. I shall deliver to you no more political or citizen prisoners, except at " our own pleasure," and no such agreement or under- standing such as you propose will be for a moment entertained. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieut. Col. and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. Hon. Robert Ould, Agent for the Exchange of Prisoners. E36. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, May 25, 1863. Sir : Captains McGraw and Corbin were executed upon conviction of being spies ; they were also guilty of recruiting within our lines. Without waiting to know the facts or evidence iu these cases — for you have admitted that you are acting on a mere general newspaper statement, which gives neither facts nor evidence — orders have been given, as you inform me, that two of our officers now in your custody are to be selected for execution, in retaliation for what you term gross barbarity, and that tlae order will be speedily executed. I give you formal notice that, for each officer so executed one of your officers in our hands will be immediately put to death, and if this number be not sufficient, it will be increased. The Uuited States have been most lenient in their treatment of prisoners who have fallen into their hands ; this leniency has been abused, and by your own admissions your officers aud men have come within our lines ostensi- bly for the purpose of recruiting, but really as spies ; they have been taken in citizen's di-ess, Tinder all the circumstances clearly surrounding the character of a spy, and in ac- cepting such service they have taken upon tliemselves all its responsibility and the con- sequences of cajiture; and yet you propose to select brave and honorable officers, who have been captured in fair and open fight on the battle-field, and barbarously put them to death in retaliation for the just punishment of spies. I call to your mind, among numerous other instances, the barbarous execution of the brave men who, under orders of General Mitchell, captured a locomotive and train and penetrated with it into the interior of Georgia, for the sole purpose, as was and is well known, of destroying your railroad communications. They were executed as spies, and yet the United States government has, uj) to this time, not retaliated for this act. Were I in your place I should hardly dare to invoke the judgment of the Great Ruler of nations upon the responsibility for the initiation of this, what you most i)roperly term, chapter of horrors. I am, very resfjectfully, your obedient servant, WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieut. Col. and Agent for Exchange of Primners, Hon. Robert Ould, Aqentfor Exchange of Prisoners. E37. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, May 25, 1863. Sir : You threaten retaliation in your letter of the 22d instant, in case certain par- ties whom you have demanded are not delivered to you. I beg leave to inform you that no deliveries of any kind will be made to you uiider such threats. If such threats are withdrawn deliveries can be made of parties proxjerly entitled to release, but not 458 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR otherwise. Three-fourtlis or nine-tenths of the cases of -which you have furnished memoranda, have heou released and delivered to you. If, before the investijjations necessary in the remaining cases have been made, you put in practice retaliation, either upon our officers or men, I give you lormal notice that the United States gov- ernment will exercise their discretion in selecting such prisoners as they think best, ■\Vhether officers or privates, for the purjiose of counter retaliation. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, WiSI. H. LUDLOW, Lieut. Col. and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. Hon. Robert Ould, Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. E38. Headquarters Department of Virgixia, SeventJt Armg Corps, Fort Monroe, Mag 25, 1863. Sir : I have the honor to inclose to you copies of recent corrcspo ndence between Mr. Ould and myself. I hope that my replies will meet your approval. I am satistied, from close observation, that the ground I have taken is one upou which the rebels can be most successfully met. I am, most respectfully, your obedient servant, WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieut. Col, and Assistant Inspector General Seventh Army Corps. Hon. E. M. Staxtox, ikeretarg of War. May 27, 1863. Referred to Major Geuei'al Hitchcock. E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War. Ajs'xapolis, June 1, 1863. The undersigned returns the accompanying papers, transmitted by Lieutenant Colo- nel Ludlow, aud respectfully reconunends that a letter be addresseil to Colonel Lud- low, approving the course taken by him in his letters to Mr. Ould, as having been ren- dered ncci'ssiiry by the tenor of Mr. Ould's conmiunications. IJut it is deemed lu'oper to suggest, before any further steps are taken in following out the barbarian practice threatened by the rebel government, that the subject should bo laid before the Presi- dent of the United States, who may think it jjroper to advise with the members of his cabinet in relation to it. The practice proposed by the rebel government is not simply an offense aga*inst the laws of war, but an outrage upon civilization and humanity, and cannot fail to call forth the condemnation of the historian and the execration of mankind. The United States government is clearly in the right in the execution of the "spies," even according to the rebel statement of the facts, aud it may be possible to reach the authors of the proposed criminal retaliation by a vigorous prosecution of the war. E. A. HITCHCOCK, Maj. Gen. Vols., Commis'r for Exchange of Prisoners, E39. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, May 22, 1863. Sir : I have the honor to inclose to yoir copies of General Orders No. 49 aud No. 100, of War Department, announcing regulations and instructions for tlu^ government of the United States forces in the licld in the matter of paroles. These, together with the stipulations of the cartel, will govern our army. I would invite your special attention to article 7 of the cartel, which provides that all prisoners of war sliall l)e sent to places of delivery therein specified. The execution of this article will olniate much discussion and difficulty growing out of the mode, time, and place of giving paroles. No paroles or exchanges will be considered binding except those under the stipulations of said ar- BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 459 tide permitting commanders of two opposing armies to exchange or release on parole at other points mutually agreed on by said commanders. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieut Col. and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. Hon. Robert Ould, Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. E 40. [Telegram. — Eeceived 2.10 p. m. — Copy for Secretary ofWar.] Fort Monroe, Virginia, May 25, 1863. I have just returned from City Point, and will see you in Washington in a day or two. No paroles will hereafter be acknowledged except such as are strictly in accord- ance with article seven of the cartel. I would advise that orders be issued to release on parole no more confederate ofdcers and men. All captiu'ed enlisted rebels can be delivered at Baton Rouge or City Point. All captured rebel officers should be sent to Capitol Prison or Fort Delaware, to be convenient for disposition. All our captured officers will be sent to Richmond. All future captures will be reduced to possession, except special cases under the direction of commanding generals. WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieut. Col. and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. Colonel Wm. Hoffman, Commissary General of Prisoners. E 41. Washington, D. C, May 25, 18G3. No confederate officers will be paroled or exchanged till further orders. They will be kept in close confinement and be strongly guarded. Those already j)aroled will be confined. H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief. Major Generals Rosecrans, Hurlbut, (for General Grant,) Schofield, Dix, Foster, Hooker, Schenck, Hunter, Banks. Headquarters of the Army, Washington, D. C, May 25, 1863. Major General Burnside, Cincinnati : *********** No more confederate officers will be paroled or exchanged till further orders. They will be kept in close confinement and strongly guarded. / H. W. HALLECI^, General-in-CMef. E42. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, June 3, 1863. Sir : Youinfonned me at our last interview that yon were instructed not to deliver any of the officers of Colonel Streight's command, captured at or near Cedar Bluff, Georgia, about the 1st of May last. I now make a formal demand for them under the cartel, and tender to you their equivalents in your own officers now in our hands. If this demand and tender be 460 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR refused, please frankly state the reasons therefor, that the issues presented may be fully understood and promptly met. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of Frhoners. Hon. Robert Ould, Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. E 43. Confederate States of America, Jfar Department, Eichmond, Va., June 5, 1863. Sir : You ask me for a frank statement of the reasons for the detention of the officers of Streight 's command. Allegations have been ofScially received from the highest authority in Alabama, charging these officers with grave offenses, as well against the laws of that State as the usages of civilized warfare. They are detained until the proper inquiry can be made and the facts ascertained, when a determination will be made by the confederate gov- ernment whether tliey come within the obligations of the cartel as prisoners of war, or are to be dealt with as criminals against the laws of war and the State. Respectfully, your obedient servant, ROBERT OULD, Agent of Exchange. Lieutenant Colonel Wm. H. Ludlow, Agent of Exchange. E 44. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, Virginia. June 3, 18G3. Sir : Will you please furnish me with a copy of the act of the confederate congress, ■which you promised me, and which directs some certain disposition of our captured officers commanding negro troops, and also of the troops themselves. Will you also please inform me if it be the intention of your authorities to execute this act. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, WILLLUI H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. Hon. Robert Ould, Agent for Exchange of Prisoners, E45. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Eichmond, Va., June 12, 1863. Sir : I inclose to you the resolution of Congress in relation to retaliation. I thought you had seen it in the papers transmitted to you, otherwise I would have sent it. I take it for granted that the confederate authorities propose to carry out a resolution solemnly passed by them. I have not asked them whether they intend to do so, and I do not think I will ever be so inconsiderate as to make any such inquiry. I have thus frankly given my view as to this matter, and I beg leave to ask you in return whether it is the purpose of your government to execute its conscription act, and further, how many men will be raised under its provisions. I feel so cleep a personal iuterest in that subject that I hope I have not transgressed any propriety in propounding the in- quiry, after the example yon have set me. Respectfully, your obedient servant, RO. OULD, Agent for Exchange. Lieutenant Colonel Vv. H. Ludlow, Agent of Exchange. BY THE KEBEL AUTHORITIES. 461 [by authority.] ■''acts and eesolutions of the congress of the confederate states, passed at the third session, 1863. [No. 74.] JOIN'T RESOLUTION on the subject of retaliation. Iit'solvcd by the congress of the Confederate States of America, in response to tl^e mes- sage of the president, transmitted to congress at the commencement of the present session. That in the opinion of congress, the commissioned oiScers of the enemy ought not to be delivered to the authorities of the respective States, as suggested in the said message, but aU captives talien by the confederate forces ought to be dealt with and disposed of by the confederate government. Sec. 2. That, in the judgment of congress, the proclamations of the President of the United States, dated, respectively, September twenty-second, eighteen hundi'ed and six- ty-two, and January first, eighteen hundred and sixty-three, and the other measures of the government of the United States and of its authorities, commanders and forces de- signed or tending to emancipate slaves in the Confederate States, or to abduct such slaves, or to incite them to insurrection, or to employ negroes in war against the Con- federate States, or to overthrow the institution of African slavery, and bring on a ser- vile war in these States, would, if successful, produce atrocious consequences, and they are inconsistent with the spirit of those usages which, in modern warfare, prevail among civilized nations ; they may, therefore, be properly and lawfully repressed by I'etaliation. Sec. 3. That in every case wherein during the present war any violation of the laws or usages of war among civilized nations shall be, or has been, done and perpe- trated by those acting under the authority of the government of the United States, on the persons or jjroperty of citizens of the Confederate States, or of those under the pro- tection or in the land or na^■al service of the Confederate States, or of any State of the confederacy, the president of the Confederate States is hereby authorized to cause full and complete retaliation to be made for every such violation, in such manner and. to such extent as he may think proper. Sec. 4. That every white person, being a commissioned officer, or acting as such, who, during the present war, shall command negroes or mulattoes in arms against the Con- federate States, or who shall arm, train, organize, or prepare negroes or mulattoes for military service against the Confederate States, or who shall voluntarily aid negroes or mulattoes in any military enterprise, attack, or conflict in such service, shall be deemed as inciting servile insurrection, and shall, if captured, be put to death, or be otherwise punished at the discretion of the court. Sec. 5. Every person, being a commissioned officer, or acting as such in the service of the enemy, who shall, during the present war, excite, or attempt to excite, or cause to be excited, a servile insurrection, or who shall incite, or cause to be incited, a slave to rebel, shall, if captiu'cd, be put to death, or be otherwise punished at the discretion of the court. Sec. 6. Every person charged with an offense punishable under the preceding resolu- tions, shall, during the present war, be tried before the military court attached to the army or corps by the troops of which he shall have been captured, or by such other military court as the president may direct, and in such manner and under such regu- lations as the president shall prescribe, and after conviction, the president may com- mute the punishment in such manner and on such terms as he may deem proper. Sec. 7. All negroes and mulattoes who shall be engaged in war, or be taken in arms against the Confederate States, or shall give aid or comfort to the enemies of the Con- federate States, shall, when captured in the Confederate States, be delivered to the au- thorities of the State or States in which they shall be captured, to be dealt wdth ac- cording to the present or future laws of such State or States. Approved May 1, 1863. E46. Headquarters Department op Virginia, Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, June 14, 1863. Sir : I assure you that you have not transgressed any propriety in your questions as to the purpose of the United States government to execitte its conscxiiition act, and as to the number of men who will be raised under its provisions. I have the honor to inform you in reply, that the conscription act is now being exe- 462 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR cuted, and that a sufficient number of men will be raised under its provisions to bring this war to a speedy and successful conclusion. My object in requesting from you a copy of the act of the confederate congress, and information as to intentions to execute it, was to know officially, what disposition un- der the act was pro^josed to be made of officers and men captured in arms, and who had been duly mustered into the service of the United States, and also that the issues therel)y presented could be fully understood and iironiptly met. Sections 4, 5, 6, and 7 of tliis act propose a gross and inexcusable breach of the cartel, both in letter and spirit. Upon reference to the cartel, you will tind no mention whatever of what was to be the color of prisoners of war. It was unnecessary to make any such mention, for before the establishment of this cartel, and before one single negro or mulatto was mustered into the United States ser- vice, you had them organized in arms in Louisiaiui. You had Indians and half-breed negroes and Indians organized in arms uiuler Albert Pike, in Arkansas. Subsequently negroes were captured on the battle-tield at Antietani, and delivered as prisoners of war at Aikin's landing, to tlie confederate authorities, and receipted for and counted in exchange. And more recently the confederate legislature of Tennessee have passed an act, forcing into their military service (I quote literally) all male free persons of color between the ages of lifteeu and lifty, or such number as may be neces- sary, who may be sound in body and capable of actual service ; and they further en- acted that in the event of a sufficient number of free persons of color to meet the wants of the State shall n.it tender their services, then the governor is empowered, through the sheriffs of different counties, to impress such persons, until the required number is obtained. But it is needless to argue the (piestion ; you have not a foot of ground to stand upon in making the proposed discrimination among our captured officers and men. I pro- test against it as a violation of the cartel, of the laws and usages of war, and of your own practices under them. Passing events will clearly show the impracticability of executing the act referred to. In case, however, the attempt be made to execute it, I now give you formal no- tice, that the United States government will throw its protection around all its officers and men, without regard to color, and will promjptly retaliate for all cases violating the cartel, or the laws and usages of war. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. Hon. ROBKRT OULD, Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. E 47. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, June 14, 1863. Sir: General Order No. 100 is considered as liaving gone into effect from the date of its communication to you, on the 23d of May last, and is, of course, mutually binding. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners, Hon. Robert Ould, Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. E48. CONTODERATE STATES OF AMERICA, War Department, Richmond, Va., June 19, 1863. Sir : On the 9th of February last, I informed you that in consequence of the regula- tions which had been established by you in relation to persons coming to and going from City Point in the Hag-of-truce boats, no citizens will be allowed to land without having the previous permission of the confederate authorities. On the 10th instant you transmitted to me a notice, signed by L. C. Tui-ner, judge advo- cate, concerning ladies who proposed to come south. I now inform you that Iwill ex- ercise my discretion as to what ladies shall be permitted to land at City Point, and will have no hesitation in refusing to receive such as I d>'em objectionable. Of course, BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 463 I -^ill receive all for whom I have made application ; also the wives antl children of officers and soldiers in our service. As to all others, I will pursue such a course as I think proper under the circunjstauces of each particular case. My original proposition as to all such persons I am still ready to adopt ; that was, that all persons whose means, friends, and connections were at the North or South, should have the privilege of going or coming, with the distinct understanding, how- ever, that the movement in each particular case was to be final. I proposed this as a mutual advantage and charity, not to be coupled with any oath of allegiance. Will you agree to this proposal now ? Very respectfullv, your obedient servant, EO. OULD, Agent for Exchange. Lieutenant Colonel W. H. Litdlow, Agent of Exchange. E49. [Telegram.— Sent 7.20 p. m.] War Department, Washington City, June 'SO, 1863. Colonel Ludlow, Fort Monroe: The Richmond Disi^atch of Friday, the twenty-sixth (26th) .Tune, states that eleven Yankee latlies, captured at Winchester, have been taken to Richmond and im- prisoned in Castle Thunder. Please ascertain immediately from the authorities at Richmond whether this statement be true. This government has just made arrange- ments for sending some hundreds of rebel ladies to their homes at their own request, and the wives of rebel officers have been among us without molestation. If the state- ment of the dispatch be true, the government nuist hold rebel ladies as hostages for the Yankee ladies. Please answer early, as the boat has to start fiom Annapolis to- morrow. EDWIN M. STANTON. E50. Confederate States op America, War Department, Richmond, Virginia, June 19, 1863. Sir: On the 5th day of June, 1863, I requested you to inform me when General Or- der No. 100 was considered as going into eti'ect. To that you have returned no answer. Its date is April 24, 1863. You delivered it to me on the 23d of May, 1863. I ijerceive by a General Order, No. 15, March 9, 1863, issued by General Schenck, that all officers and men who had been captured in his department, and particularly exchanged, should return to duty and service, on penalty of being considered deserters. When you delivered General Order No. 100 to me, I inquired of you as to the date when it went into effect. I understood you to say the date of its delivery. You may, there- fore, Avell im.agino my surprise when I j)erceive that, by the General Order of one of your own departmental commanders, the new provisions as to paroles are not only to have effect from and after March 9, 1863, but are made to apply to all cases previous to that date, without any limitation as to time. This is not only contrary to your own declarations to me, but to our common practice up to May 23, 1863. You have charged against mo and received credit for several captures made by General Stoneman's com- mand in his recent raid. Is it pretended that you are to have credit for captures made by your commands, while none is to be given to us, precisely under the same circum- stances ? Is this fair, or just, or right ? Eesj>ectfully, your obedient servant, ROBERT OULD, Agent of Exchange. Lieutenant Colonel William H. Ludlow, Agent of Exchange. E51. I protest against the declarations of exchange where the number is not known and agreed upon by us. You can readily perceive without my statement Avhat grave objec- tions might be made to such a proceeding. Why not make exchanges by rolls of which we 464 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR cau have a copy, and in relation to which we have mutually agreed, as in the Holly Spring capture ? How am I to know how many men of the 80th Illinois regiment were taken prisoners, or when or where they were captured ? I throw out these observa- tions as suggestions for your reflection. I think you will agree with me that when we or you are in excess of prisoners, neither party should declare any exchange except where the lists have been adjusted between us, and the number declared to be ex- changed known and agreed on between us. I do not so much object to your overrun- ning the number due to you as the certainty of great complication and prospect of misunderstanding by pursuing the course you have done in this case. You have not given me any rejily even yet to my inquiries in relation to your decla- ration of exchange as to parties captured at Muldeaughi Hill, or the GGth Indiana. I hope I shall not be compelled to wait much longer. Respectfully, your obedient servant, ROBERT OULD, Agent of Exchange. Lieutenant Colonel William H. Ludlow, Agent of Exchange. E 52. He.u)quarters Department of Virges'lv, Seventh Army Corps, Eort Monroe, June 22, 1863. Sir : I have the honor to inclose copies of correspondence between Mr. Ould and my- self, and which I hope will meet your approval. I have reason to believe that Mr. Ould avoided compliance with my demand for copy of an act of the rebel congress for other reasons than the one stated by him. The retention of Col. Streight's officers under this act, the mustering into the United States service of negroes, and officers in command of them, and the pledge thereby implied of protection, seemed to make it necessary and desu-able that the issue should be promptly met. I notice strong indications that this subject of so-called retaliation is getting unpopu- lar among the confederates. I desire to effect exchanges of officers in accordance with the cartel and general prin- ciples, and not by special or individual arrangements, and I do not think thatthe pub- lic service will be benetited by making the latter. I have the honor also to inclose a copy of a communication from Mr. Ould, on the subject of parties going to the South, and to which I have made no response. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Assistant Inspector General, iSeventh Army Corps, Agent, le, ought not to follow their ex- ample. We have now more of their officers in our power than they have of ours, and are therefoi-e in the right position for holding up their conduct to the eyes of the world, and drawing down upon them the abhorrence of mankind. The immediate efl'ect on the field of battle would be, that our men would not suffer themselves to be taken prisoners, while the rebels may the sooner yield ; and, as to other nations, such a course on our part would natui-ally command their sympathies in our favor, and in case of interference, it would be to put down a people disj^osed to act like savages. I am the more earnest in this view, the more I think of the subject, and though I mark this note " unofficial," I shall be glad to have my ojiiniou communicated to the President, or used in any manner you may think proper. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Majm- General, ^-c. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton. E 56. , [Received May 26.] There will be no iuclosure with this number, which was accidentally omitted. E 57. Baltimore, June 29, 1863. Major General H. W. Halleck, General-in-Cluef : Three hundred and eighty men, captured by Stewart, have arrived at the Relay House, paroled on the river. Are such paroles regarded as binding now ? I have seen a newspaper statement that the commission have agreed that there must be actual per- sonal delivery by the captors at points indicated. I want to know if I shall send these men to Annapolis. ROBERT C. SCHENCK, Major General. H. Eep. 45 30 466 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR, E 58. Headquarters of the Army, Washirujton, D. C, June 30, 1863. Major General Schenck, Baltimore : If paroles have been given in accordanco with the cartel and general orders, they are valid ; if not, not valid. I cannot act upon any single case till I know precisely what it is. A court is investigating the cases of paroled officers who came iu here. You have all the orders aud instructions in relation to paroles. H. W. HALLECK, Major General, Chief of Staff. E 59. Headquarters of the Army, Washington, D. C, June 30, 1863. Colonel Ludlow, Fort Monroe: The Secretary of War directs that officers captured by General Dix be not exchanged till further orders. It is rej)orted that rebel officers iu the West have disregarded the cartel. H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief. E 60. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, July 1, 1863. Colonel J. C. Kelton, Assistant Adjutant General, Headquarters Army : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the telegram of the geueral-in-chief directing that the officers captured by Major General Dix be not exchanged. No exchange of confederate officers has been made since the order of the 25th of May last, forbidding joaroling or exchanging such officers. Brigadier General W. Fitzhngli Lee, wounded, is in hospital here, on the certificate of the medical director that he required hospital treatment. General Lee has given his parole to confine himself to the hospital aud make no attemiit to escape. As soon as he cau be moved, he will be sent to Fort Delaware, as we have no i)]ace of confine- ment here. This retention settles all questions about hanging our officers. Iu order to obviate all misunderstandings in regard to paroles, I gave Mr. Ould, on the 23d of May, the notice, a copy of which is inclos(;d. Under its operation we sluiU derive great advantages, as every capture must bo reduced to possession, excei)t in cases where commanders of opposing armies, under the authority of article 7 of the cartel, otherwise arrange. It had been the practice, especially in Kentucky and Ten- nessee, of the confederate forces to parole our captured officers and men when they were unable to bring them away, and thus preserve their own force unimpaired to make more captures. If this rule of reducing captures to jiossession be not fully understood, I would respectfully suggest that it be announced iu general orders. May I ask what rebel officers in the West are reported as having disregarded the cartful, and under what circumstances? Various other questions connected with exchanges have been subjects of correspond- ence between Mr. Ould iiud myself. I have endeavored to dispose of them to the best of my judgment and al)ility, and I have forborne to press them upon the ah'eady crowilell attention of the general-in-chief. If he so desires, I will forward copies. For the present, exchanges of officers and citi- zens are not made. Those of enlisted men continue. I am, very respectfullv, your obedient servant, WM. II. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Assistant Inspector General, Seventh Army Corps, Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 467 E 61. Confederate States of America, War Department, Richmond, Virginia, July 1, 1863. Sir : The clear iinderstantling between us as to civilians was that all who had been paroled, or put under any bonds, or who had taken any oath of allegiance, were re- leased from condition of parole, bond and oath, where such civilians were delivered to their own people. It was confined to such as were released and delivered. Such is the fair and proper interpretation of paragraph 8 of notice 5. It would, perhaps, have been better for me to have added the word " delivered" after "released." I did not do so because persons who wei-e sent into our lines might not consider themselves as being delivered. I have, however, assured all persons that it only embraces such persons as were delivered to me or my agents, or such as were sent into our lines. If you continue to take exception to the phraseology, I wiU correct it in my next notice. Eesijectfully, your obedient servant, ROBERT OULD, Agent of Exchange. Lieut. Colonel William H. Ludlow, Agent of Exchange. E 62. Near Vicksburg, July 4, 1863. Major General H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief : The enemy surrendered this morning. The only terms allowed is their parole as prisoners of war. This I regarded as of great advantage to us at this juncture. It saves, iirobably, several days in the capture of the town — leaves troops and transports ready for immediate service. ******* U. S. GRANT, Major General. E 63. Headquarters of the Army, Washington, D. €., July 8, 1863. Major General Grant, Vickshurg : I fear your paroling the garrison at Vicksburg without actual delivery to a proper agent, as required by the seventh article of the cartel, may be construed into an abso- lute release, and that these men will be immediately j)laced in the ranks of the enemy. Such has been the case elsewhere. If these prisoners have not been allowed to depart, you will retain them till further orders. H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief. E 64. Headquarters of the Army, Washington, D. C, July 10, 1863. Major General Grant, Vicksburg : On a full examination of the question, it is decided that you, as the commander of an array, were authorized to agree upon the parole and release of the garrison of Vieks- burg with the general commanding the place. H. W. HALLECK, GeneraJ-in-Chief, 468 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR E 65. He^vdquarters of the Army, Washingtmi, D. C, July 9, 1863. Major General Meade, Army of the Potomac: If no anau<^ement was made between you and General Lee for the exchange and parole of prisoners of Avar by designating places of delivery, as provided in seventh article of cartel, no parole given by the troops of either army is valid. Please answer, if any such agreement was made. H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief. E 66. Office of U. S. Military Telegraph, War Department. [The following telecrram received at "Washington 11.40 a. m., July 9, 186.1, from headquarters Army of the Potomac, 11.30 a.m., dated July 9, 1863.] General H. W. Hali.eck : In answer to your dispatch of 9.40, I have to state that General Lee made a proposi- tion to me for an exchange of prisoners on the field of Gettysburg, which I declined accepting. GEO. G. MEADE, Major General. E 67. Headquarters of the Army, Washington, I). C, July 10, 1863. Major General Meade, Army of the Potomac : Major General Schenck, Baltimore : Brigadier General L. Thomas, Uarrinburg : It has been understood and agreed between Colonel Ludlow and Mr. Ould, agents for exchange of prisoners, that paroles not given as prescribed in section seven of the cartel, after May 22, arc to be cousidered as null and void, and that the officers and men of the respective parties paroled not in accordance with that section of the cartel will be returned to duty without exchange. They wiU be so returned to duty. H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief. E 68. [Telegram. — ^Received C p. m. — Cipher.} Fort Monroe, Virginlv, July 4, 1863. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War : I have just received a communication directed to the officer in command of the United States forces here from Alexander H. Stephens, a duplicate of which was sent to Kear-Admiral Lee, and is ncjw going over the wires to the Secretary of the Navy. In the abscmce of Geni;ral Dix at White House, I will execute any order you may give me in relation to the communication. If the permission asked for is given, I will, with your consent, ofter the services of my dispatch boat and accompany them to Washing- ton. Tiie boat they came in is a small tug. WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Agent, aroles on both sides heretofore given shall bo determined by the general orders issued by the War Department of the Uuited States, to wit : No. 49, No. 100, and No. 207 of this year, according to their respective dates, and in conformity with paragraph 131, General Order No. 100, so long as said paragraph was in force. If this i)roposition is not accepted, I propose that the practice heretofore adopted respecting paroles and exchanges bo continued. In other words, I propose that the whole qviestion of paroles be determiutd by the general orders of the United States, according to their dates, or that it be decided by former practice." This i^roposal bears date the 24th of August, at City Point. The questions connected with this matter are respectfully submitted. I have the honor to be, respectfully, your obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General Volunteers, Com. for Ex. of Prisoners. Major General H. W. H.\xleck, General-in-Chief, tjx. E82. Washington City, D. C, August 27, 1863. Sir: General Meredith reports by letter, of the 25th instant, that in his late inter- view with Mr. Ould the latter proposed " to exchange ofticer for officer of the eame grade, except such as are in command of negro troops/' which General Meredith (very properly) declined. Communicated for the information of the genoral-in- chief. Very resiDectfuUy, your obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General Volunteer's, Com. for Ex. of Prisoners. Major General H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. E 82. Confederate States of America, War Department, Richmond, Virginia, Septemler 7, 1863. Sir : I confess my great astonishment in not receiving one word from you in reference to the very grave and important matters which were the subjects of discussion between us in our interview at City Point. That interview took place two weeks ago. You stated that you were not preiiared to accept or reject the i)roj)osition which I then made, 476 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR but that you would immediately inform your government of its nature, and give me a speedy answer in person or by letter. Though two boats have been dispatched from Fort Monroe to City Point, and two weeks have elapsed since our meeting, no ref- erence or allusion to the subjects of controversy has been made by you. At our interview you told me, iu answer to my urgent request, that there should be no delay — that not more than a week would elapse before you would be prepared with your answer. Under these circumstances, if you were not ready, every consideration would seem to demand that some excuse should be furuished or the delay explained. As, however, you do not refer to the matter at all, I am left only to draw the concfusion that you do not intend to give an answer to my proposition. I therefore inform you that the confederate authorities will consider themselves entirely at liberty to iiursue any course with reference to my written proposition to you which they may deem light and proper under all the circumstances of the case. RespectfuUv, your obedient servant, ROBERT OULD, Agent of Exchange. Brigadier General S. A. Meredith, Agent of Exchange. E83. Confederate States of America, War Department, Richmond, Va., September 11, 1863. Sir : On to-morrow, September 12, 1863, by virtue of the provisions of the cartel, I shall declare exchanged the following confederate officers and men, captured at Vicks- burg July 4, 1863, and siuce then paroled, to wit: 1. The oflicers and men of General Stevenson's division, consisting of Generals Bar- ton's, Lee's, Reynold's, and Cummiugs's brigades. The regiments belonging to said division are the 40th, 41st, 42d, 43d, 52d. 34th, 36th, 39th, 56th, and fjTth Georgia; the 20th, 23d, 30th, 31st, and 46th Alabama ; the 3d, 31st, 43d, and 59th Tennessee. The following artillery also belonged to it, to wit : Botetourt artillery, Waddel's artillery, Cherokee artillery, and Third Maryland battery. 2. The officers and men of General Bowers's division, consisting of Generals Cock- rell's and Dockeray's brigades. The regiments belonging to said division are the 1st, 2d, 3d, 5th-, aud 6th Missouri cavalry. The following artillery also belong to it, to Avit : Guibord's battery, Landis's battery, Wade's battery, Lowe's battery, and Dawson's batteiy. 3. The officers and men of Brigadier General Moore's brigade of General Forney's division. The regiments belonging to said brigade are the 37th, 40th, and 42d Alabama, and the 35th and 40th Mississijipi. 4. The ofiicers and men of the 2d Texas regiment. 5. The officers and men of Waul's legion. I have iu my jjossessiou more valid paroles of your officers and men than would be an equivalent for the officers aud men herein enumerated. In addition thereto, I have delivered some ten or twelve thousand at City Point since the last declaration of exchange. It, however, has been the practice of the agents of exchange, whenever one of them declared a special exchange, to allow the other to select the equivalents. In accordance with such practice, I now give you that privilege. If you do not avail yourself of it, I will name the federal officers and men who are discharged from their parole by reason of this present declaration of exchange. Respectfully, your obedient servant, RO. OULD, Agent of Exchange. Brig. Gen. S. A. Meredith, Agent of Exchange. E84. Headquarters of the Army, Washington, D. C, September 11, 1863. Major General Burnside, Cumberland Gap : Parole no prisoners. It is reported that the enemy is forcing into the ranks those paroled by General Grant, without exchange. H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief. BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 477 E85. Washington City, D. C, September 18, 1863. Sir: Your communication of tlie 14tli iustaut to Colonel Hoifman, inclosing the letter of Mr. Ould of the 11th, is before me. For the purjiose of guarding against a misunderstanding, and an erroneous principle of action on the subject of declaring exchanges, you will inform Mr. Ould that the ex parte declaration of exchange, proposed in his communication to be made the next day, (following the date of that communication,) is deemed to be not only without authority from the cartel but contrary to the usages of war. The fifth article of the cartel (General Orders No. 142, 1862) would have authorized Mr. Ould to discharge prisoners of the federal forces, furnishing a list of them, and then to discharge an equal number of his own officere and men from parole. The car- tel not only contemplates a mutual exchange of lists, (article live,) but expressly de- clares (article four) that no exchange is to be considered complete until the officer or soldier exchanged for has been actually restored to the lines to which he belongs. In order to complete the arrangement declared by Mr. Ould, it will be necessary for you to make a declaration of exchange of as many of our officers and men as have been delivered at City Point since the last declaration, provided the number does not exceed the number designated in Mr. Ould's declaration. Then you can proceed further and arrange with Mr. Ould for the discharge from parole of any excess which can be balanced either way by officers or soldiei-s actually on parole. Prisoners of war actually in our hands are not to be exchanged at the present time. You will please be careful not to jeopard this jjoint. You can receive any officers or soldiers whom Mr. Ould may oiler at City Point, and arrange with him for a mutual declaration of exchange for those of his officers and men already on parole in the South, grade for grade. Colonel Holi'uiau's letter of the 5th ultimo wiU give you some suggestions about exchanges, but it will be necessary for you to be exceedingly guarded in framing your declaration to confine its application to rebel prisoners already paroled, and on no account, by any accident, to use language which can give the Sontli a claim upon pris- oners now in our actual possession ; not but that these will be used for exchange at the proper time, but not while the North has, already delivered and on parole, more than enough to cover all deliveries madt* or to be made by the South. Very resr»ectfully, your obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General Volunteei s, Commissioner of Exchange, General S. A. Meredith, Commissioner for Exchanges. E86. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, September 23, 1863. Sir: I have the honor to report to you herewith the result of my interview with the rebel agent of exchange. I called his attention to the fact that his declaration of exchange of the 12th instant was not in accordance with the terms of the cartel ; he acknowledged it to be the case, but stated tliat such had been the practice heretofore between Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow and himself, and that when one agent had de- clared a special exchange, the other was allowed to select the equivalents ; this he expressed a desire that I should do. I expressed my readiness to complete the arrange- ment which he had " declared," but this could not be consummated, in consequence of the rebel agent's claiming as valid the paroles at Gettysburg and elsewhere, amounting to some 4,800. Mr. Ould made the following proposition : " That all officers and men on both sides be released, unless there be actual charges against them. If officers or men are held on charges which their government consider unjust, let one or more hostages be held for such. If there be charges against officers and men, and they are not tried on the same ■within a reasonable time, (to be agreed upon,) they are to be discharged." I am, general, very respectfullv, your obedient servant, S. A. MEREDITH, Brigadier General and Commissioner for Exchange. Major General E. A. Hitchcock, Commissioner for Exchanges, Washington, D. C. 478 TREATMENT 'OF PRISONERS OF WAR E87. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, September 24, 1863. Sir : To meet your declaration of exchange of the 12th instant, I inform you that I have this day announced the following: "A declaration of exchange having been announced by Robert Ould, esq., agent for exchange at Richmond, Virginia, dated Sep- tember 12, 1863, to meet the same import as equivalents it is hereby declared that all officers and men of the United States Army, captured and paroled at any time previous to the 1st September, 1863, aye duly exchanged." S. A. MEREDITH, Brigadier Gene/t'al and Agent of Exchange. The number of officers covered by the first five sections of your declara- tion is 1,208 The number of enlisted men is 14, 865 The number of officers covered by 6th section is 72 The number of enlisted men is 8, 014 Making a total of officers 1,280 And total number of enlisted men 22, 879 Aggregate 24, 159 Reduced to enlisted men 29, 433 Of the federal troops on parole, there are — Officers 76 Enlisted men 19, 083 Aggregate 19, 159 Reduced to enlisted men 19,409 Which gives a balance in our favor of 10, 024 I now claim this balance which is due us, and I demand that you return to their paroles all officers and men for whom you have paroled no equivalents, or that you release an equal number from the prisons in Richmond. Your declaration was wholly unwarranted under the cartel, and it might with great propriety be set aside. In it you failed to announce to me the sixth section, as pub- lished iu the Richmond Enquirer of the 10th instant, which covers 72 officers and 8, 014 enlisted men. You did not, according to the terms of the cartel, furnish me with any list, or even give me the number of men by which I could declare equiva- lents, nor did you give me any time to prepare my announcement. I here deem it incumbent upon me to state that I consider your course in this matter a deliberate breach of good faith on the part of the authorities under whom you act. The fifth article of the cartel (General Orders No. 142, 1862) would have authorized you to dis- charge prisoners of the federal forces, furnishing a list of them, and then you could have discliarged an equal number of your own officers and men from parole. The cartel not only contemplates a mutual exchange of lists, (article five,) but ex- pressly declares (article four) that no exchange is to be considered complete until the officer or soldier exchanged for has been actually restored to the lines to which he belongs. As to the paroles given at Gettysburg and elsewhere, you made an agreement with my predecessor. Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow, to take efi'ect from May 22, 1863, that all paroles given not in accordance with the cartel should be considered null and void. How then can you claim as valid the Gettysburg paroles ? If you have any rolls or lists of any men whom you have paroled that I have not given you credit for, or if there should be any errors in my account, I will be happy to rectify the same. You declared exchanged, before my predecessor was relieved, certain officers captured at Vicksburg, in A\lii(li declaration he refused to unite. There are but two officers, I believe, (Generals Stevenson and Bowen,) who are covered by your declaration of the 12th instant. If the other officers named have not been retxirned to their paroles, as requested by Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow, you are indebted to us for their equivalents. The chief ground of the objection to that declaration is, that at that time there were no equivalents of the same grade in our possession, (the only condition which would BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 479 have warranted your making tlie declaration,) and if we consented to it we would be obliged to oiiset them by officers of inferior rank. In makmg up the number of federal troops to bo exchanged I have included all those mustered out of the service, all discharged, deserted, and deceased. Respectfully, your obedient servant, S. A. MEREDITH, Brigadier General and Commissioner for Exchange. Hon. Robert Ould, Agent of Exchange, Richmond, Va. E 88. Richmond, Octoher 1, 1863. Sir: I have received the accompanying discourteous letter from the federal agent, which I will take occasion to answer in a few days in what I trust will be fitting tei'ms. In the mean time, pardon me for a few suggestions. General Meredith's letter is filled with falsehoods. I cannot speak positively as to his first item of one thousand two hundred and eight officers and fourteen thousand eight hundred and sixty-five men, who he says are discharged by my declaration of exchange. The lists I have received from Vicksburg are too imperfect to be fully relied upon. General Meredith's computation as to' the Vicksburg prisoners may, therefore, be true, though I doubt it. The second item of seventy-two officers and eight thousand and fourteen men, who he says Avere delivered at City Point, is grossly false. All the officers referred to were specially exchanged at the time of delivery, and, therefore, there is no charge against us as to them. The number of privates delivered was five thousand eight hundred and eighty-one, instead of eight thousand and fourteen. In paroles. General Meredith gives me credit for only nineteen thousand four huudi'ed and nine men. From the time of the last declaration of exchange to September 1, I have delivered at City Point alone eighteen thousand six hundred and ten men, all of whom are on parole. I have other i^aroles amounting to at least sixteen thousand. So that, instead of being entitled to a credit of only nineteen thousand four hundred and nine, I have due to mo thirty-four thousand six hundred and ten. Allowing, therefore, that Meredith's Vicks- burg computation is correct, he would owe me upon the notice which he has published seven thousand five hundred, instead of my owing him ten thousand and twenty- four, as he claims. Meredith, not content with the falsehoods already referred to, utters several others. Ist. He says I did not give him notice of the sixth section of my exchange notice, which declared all persons delivered at City Point before July 25, 1863, exchanged. On the 1st day of August, 1863, 1 gave him notice that I had declared such an exchange, and he took no exception to it. 2d. He says I furnished him with no lists. This is also false as to the deliveries at City Point ; as to the Vicksburg lists, they were akeady in his possession, and not in miue. 3d. The statement about my agreement with Colonel Ludlow is false, and Meredith was so informed by me on the 1st August, 1863. I saw a similar statement In the Army and Navy Gazette, and immediately wrote to Meredith that the statement was untrue. You are aware that on the 23d of August last I proposed to the federal agent to arrange all our disputes about paroles on the principles of the general orders issut'd at Washington, or to adhere to our former practice. Neither one of these propositions has been accepted. I can neither get an acceptance nor refusal, though I have frequently pressed for one or the other. In view of that fact, I published the declaration of exchange of September 12, 1863. You see what action has been taken upon that by the federal authorities. I am entirely willing, if it meets with your approbation, to make a declaration corresponding with that of the federal agent, exchanging all con- federate oflieiTs and men who were captured and paroled at anytime previous to the 1st of September, 1863. I believe I would be justified before God and man in such a proceeding. While the pai'oles held by tliem exceed ours to a considerable extent, their conduct has been so nefarious, their refusal to adjust the paroles on both sides so persistent, and their recent declaration so flagrantly outrageous, that I believe I would be authorized to publish a declaration of exchange of all officers and men captured and paroled at any time before September 1, 1863. Such a declaration would not necessa- rily prevent a future adjustment of paroles. Perhaps it would facilitate it. When our iudebteduess was ascertained it would establish a debt which we would honor. The federals themselves have, on more than one occasion, with no provocation, made an over- draw. K I made such a declaration 1 would accomx^auy it with an expression of willing - 480 TEEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR ness to account for any deficiency in the number of paroles held by lis, when that deficiency was fairly and projierly established. It might well be accompanied with a regret that their course had been such as to force the proceeding upon us. If this recommendation does not meet your favor, I jiropose at least that the parties captured at Port Hudson be immediately released from the obligation of their parole. The enemy has already discharged their own ofiicers and men j)aroled at Gettysburg. They did it nearly two months ago. I do not think the federal authorities recognize the Port Hudson i)aroles as valid. I have seen and heard enough to satisfy me that they do not so regard them. Perhaps this discharge had better be made in general or- ders, with the proper averments. If you think it can better be done by me as agent of exchange, I am prepared to do it. Respectfully, your obedient servant, RO. OULD, Agent of Exchange. Hon. James A. Seddon, Secretary of War. E89. [Rebel archives.] Colonel Edward Willis, 12th Georgia regiment, asking if two men mentioned within are exchanged. Colonel Edward Willis, 12th Georgia regiment. Respectfully returned to Colonel H. L. Clay, assist.ant adjutant general. All officers and men delivered at City Point, Virginia, prior to July 20, 1863, are duly and regularly exchanged. The men named within were delivered at City Point, August 1, and are not exchanged. I have been compelled to stop declaring exchanged men delivered at City Point until I can have an interview with the federal agent. EOBT. OULD, Agent of Exchange. August 19, 1863. E90. [Rebel archives.] John B. Daniel states that he was captured near Tarboro, North Carolina, bj' the forces under General Edward Potter, and paroled on the field. Desires to be exchanged. John B. Daniel. Respectfully returned. The parole given by you on the battle-field is invalid, not binding, and cannot be recognized. You are released from it, and free to enter the service at once. July 29, 1863. E91. [Rebel archives.] Major James B. Dorman. Makes a report of the fight at Wytheville, and makes inquiries respecting paroled prisoners. Major James B. Dorman. Respectfully returned to Colonel J. S. Preston. The men named within are not bound by the paroles given by them. The Yankee authorities have notified me that they would not expect us to recognize any such paroles given after the 23d May last. They have also issued a general order, number 207, July 3, 1863, to the same effect. Their doctrine is that all captures must be reduced into possession, and the parties delivered at City Poiut, or at Vicksburg, unless the commanders of two ojiposing armies other- wise agree. If the federals recognize the paroles given to us, I am ready at any time to give them credit for those given to them. This shoidd satisfy the consciences of the jjarties. If the Yankees make any claim to these paroles, they will be obliged to recog- nize ours, and in that event I will give the equivalents for these paroles. No one could* ask more than that. The men can go to duty immediately. ROBT. OULD, Agent of Exchange. October 9, 1803. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 481 E 92. [Telegram.— Sent 3. 40 p. ni.] War Dep.\rtment, Washington City, September "26, 1833 — 3 p. m. Brigadier General Meredith, Fort Monroe : The following telegram has just been received by this department. You will take immediate meajsurcs to communicate it to Mr. Ould, and procure a suspension of exe- cution until facts may be oifered to show the real status of the prisoner, and prevent an improper execution. There must be some mistake in the matter. EDWIN M. STANTOX, Secretary of War. [Telegram. — Eeceived 1. 50 p. m. ] Utica, Septcmhcr 26, 1863. Hon. Edwin M. Stantox, Secretary of War : Spencer Kellogg, quartermaster gnnbo.at Essex, condemned at Richmond, as spy. His father will prove to you, Monday, that he should be held prisoner of war. Will you do all in your power to save him ? LEVI COZZEXS. Washington City, D. C, Octoher 2, 1863. Sir : Colonel Hoffman has just shown me another declaration of exchange made by Mr. Ould, in which you do not appear to have been consulted. This mode of ex parte declarations is altogether inexplicable, being without warrant from any recognized authority, and may lead to unpleasant consequences to the parties declared thus exchanged if again taken prisoners, the nature of which cannot now bo determined. On the subject of the crew of the Texana, please see the indorsement upon your last report on the subject, forwarded by mail to-day. In your conferences with Mr. Ould on the subject, you can explain that his propo- sitions are not rejected contumaciously, but simply because there are complications in the matter which make it inexpedient to make a general declaration — one circumstance being, that among the prisoners in our hands, a considerable iniraber seem to dread nothing so much as being sent south. In many instances, they declare a northern prison their choice in preference to being exchanged. On this account, I wish you to obtaiu from Mr. Ould, if you can, a margin, so that we can, if we have them, make up the required number without takiug active crews. It is hoped that the proposal for an exchange of medical officers and hospital attend- ants will lead to good results, and that chaplains will also be exchanged. Mr. Ould's statement of the case of Spencer Kellogg, takiug the facts to be as he states them, would appear to be satisfactory, though extremely painful, except that so far as his having been a spy before he was captured, is not regarded as an offense to be punished after being captured. This principle is so laid down in the code we published a few months since. But if Kellogg was a deserter, his fate followed the offense of desertion. I wish it Avere possible to obtain the release of Doctor Rucker. The belief is uni- versal on this side that he is not legitimately held. Make another trial in his behalf and that of Doctor Greene, Avhose late is bound up Avith that of Doctor Rucker. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General Vols., Commh- for Exchange of Prisoners. General S. A. Meredith. E 93. Richmond, October 2, 1863. Sir : Your communication of the 24th ultimo, declaring that " all officers and men of the United States Army captured and paroled at any time previous to the 1st of SeiJ- tember, 1863, are duly exchanged," has been received. You are aAvare that when I met you, on the 24th of August Ir.st, at City Point, I made to you the follownig proposal, to wit : "I propose that all paroles on both sides lieretofore given shall be determined by the General Orders issued by the War Department of the United Statcf-, to wit, No. 49, No. 100, and No. 207, of this year, according to their II. Rep. 45 31 482 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR respective dates, and in conformity with para^rapli 131 of General Order No. 100, so long as said paragraph Avas in force. If this proposition is not acceiitahle, I propose that tbe practice heretofore adopted respecting jiaroles and exchanges he continned. In other words, I propose that the whole question of paroles be determined by the General Orders of the United States, according to dates, or that it be decided by former practice." You have neither accepted nor declined either branch of that proposal, although I have, both in personal interview and l)y letter, solicited you to do one or tlie other. On the same (Uiy yon submitted to me your proposition, which, unlike mine, was prepared beforehand, and which is r.s follows : *' I propose, on behalf of the govern- ment of the United States, that all jiaroles given by officers and men between the 2.3d day of May, 1863, and the 3d day of July, 1863, not in conformity with the stipulations of the cartel, shall be regarded as null and void. A declaration to this effect to be published to both armies." That proposition I inunediately declined. I then and there gave yon my reasons. In the lirst place, I informed you that the confederate authorities had never at any time, and did not then, ask that paroles " not in conformity with the stipulations of the cartel " should be regarded as valid. I further told yon that an agreement to i-egard "as null and void" paroles between certain dates, which Avere " not in conformity with the stipulations of the cartel," was an implication that paroles liable to the same objection before the first-named date, and after the last, should 1)0 regarded as valid, and was, therefore, necessarily vicious on its very face. I also told you that another reason for declining your proposition was the one which caused you to make it, to wit : that the paroles which had been given to us were iefween the dates embraced in your proposition, while those given to you wen; before and after. When I made the objection to your proposal that it intimated that paroles "not in conformity with the stipulations of the cartel," before the 23d of May, and after the 3d of July of this year, were to be regarded as valid, I asked you to state in writing that no such intimation was conveyed. This you declined to do, saying, somewhat brusquely, that you did not wish to have any discussion about the matter. Upon my pressing the subject, however, yon i>ut a memorandum at the foot of the proposition, saying that the proposal was in reply to my letter of August 5. 1S33, and in lieu of the proposition therein made by me. You would not, did not, disclaim the implication which your i^roposition contained, nor have yon done so since. My letter of the 5th of August only demanded, in compliance with your own General Order No. 100, that if yon rejected the paroles, the parties should be delivered to ns. You informed me that you would transmit my proposition to Washington, and give me a speedy answer in per- son or by letter. On the 7th of September I complained that no reply had been returned, although two weeks h.ad elapsed and two boats had been dispatched to City Point since the date of our interview. At the same tunc I informed yon that the confederate authorities would consider themselves entirely at li):)erty to pursue any course with reference to my pro- position which they might deem right and pro})er under all the circumstances of the case. Accordingly, on the 11th of Se[»tember, in pursuance of this plain intimation, I noti- fied yon that on the following day (that being the time when the notice would reach you) I would declare exchanged a portion of the Vicksburg captures. I gave you the divisions, brigades, regiments, and batteries. I also informed you that I had in my j)Ossession more valid paroles of your oiflcers and men than would be an equivalent for the exchange I then declared ; tliat, in addition, I had delivered at City Point some ten or twelve thousand men since the last declaration of exchange; that as it had been the practice, however, of the agents of exchange, whenever oneof them declared a special exchange, to allow the other to select the equivalents, I gave you that privilege, and if you did not avail yourself of it I would name the federal ofilicers and men who were discharged from their parole by reasons of the declaration of exchange then made. This notitication to you was not only in accordance with form in- practice, but was sanc- tioned, if not demanded, by tlu; fifth article of the cartel, which, after providing for the manner in which "each party" may discharge "their" officers and men from parole, says, "thus enabling mc/^ party to relieve from parole such of tlirir own officers and men as the party may choose." I have said this course was in accordance with I'ormer prac- tice, and for proof refer yon to the letters of Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow, former agent of exchange, of the following dates of this year, to wit: April 6, 8, 13, 19, and 27, May 12, 26, and 30, June 5, 9, and 13, wherein he deelared the exchange of federal officers and men. In one of Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow's communications of May 30, 1863, ho says : " I have declared exchanged the Holly Springs capture j the Ninety-i'irst regiment Illinois volunteers, captured at Elizabethtown, Kentucky, December 27, 1862. and the captures at Mount Sterling, on the 22d and 23d of March, 1863 ; also the officers and men of the Indianola. The exact numbers I have not on hand, but they foot up some huudreds less than the balance due. I will furnish you with the exact niimbcrs as soon as received." The same boat that conveyed that' communication brought another, written subsequently, but dated the sanu; day, as follows : " I have declared exchanged the Fifty-first (51st) regiment Indiana volunteers. Seventy-third (73d) regiment Indiana -volunteers, and Third regiment Ohio volunteers. These number each less than three BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 483 hundred men, and compose a part of Streight's brigade. I will add to the above dec- laration the Eightieth (80th) regiment Illinois volunteers, and fifty-eight (58) men of the First Tennessee cavahy." The enlisted men alone, designated in cither one of the communications, exceeded the " balance " due to Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow. The excess in both coramuuications was 2,'290, without taking into account " the captures at Mount Sterling on the 22d and 2:kl of March, 1863." You will observe that Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow, in these two communications, did not furnish me with "any list, or even give me the number of men, by which I could declare equivalents, nor did he give me any time to i»repa.re my announcement." I ({uote from your letter of the 24tli of September to me. Not only was that the case, but he made a wholesale exchange of the IMount Sterling capture by a simple reference to it as being made on the 22d and 23d of March, 18G3, without any designation of corps, division, brigade, regiment, or company. Further than that, I have never to this day been furnished \\ ith a list of those captured at Mount Sterling, or even with the aggre- gate number. Such, then, were the circumstances, and such the precedents, under which I declared the exchange of September 12, 1863. I have purposely gone into minute and faitliful detail in consequence of the extraordinary character of your letter of the 24th of Sep- tember. You state that you consider my course to be a deliberate breach of good faith on the part of the authorities under whom I act. In a bungling sort of way you have used language which casts an ofieusive aspersion both upon myself and the governineut I represent. If there had not been subjects of very grave import to both people referred to in other portions of your conmmnicatiou, I w(mld have treated it with the silent contempt it deserved, and returned it to you without comment. For the iirst time in the correspondence of the agentsof exchange has any such discourtesy occurred. I regret it very much. Heretofore I have had occasion to complain of the action of your government, but it has always been done with decorum. I have never written a word personally offensive to the federal agent of exchange, or insulted his government with a charge of " deliberate breach of good faith." It is a matter of very little moment to me what may be your opinion of " my course." There are some people connected with this war who, either from ignorance or passion, seem to have no clear ideas on any subject. The opinion of such, even if uttered in the language of courtesy, is but of little avail, but if expressed with intemperance, only " exalts their folly." There has been no breach of faith on the part of the Confederate States, "deliberate" or other- wise. You were importuned to agree to some fair principle by wliicli paroles could be adjusted and computed. After patient waiting — after failure on your part to respond affirmatively or negatively — the confederate government, through its agent of exchange, did what was demanded hy courtesy, and justified both by former practice and the pro- visions of the cartel. I now proceed to notice the misstatements of your letter. I M'ill not call them " delib- erate," although you had the means of correcting them at your hands, for such phrase- ology, so open to the imputation of discourtesy and coarseness, finds in such communi- cations as the present only the precedent of your example. 1. Your computation of paroles is incorrect on both sides. As to your item of 1,208 officers and 14,865 men, embraced by the Iirst five sections of my exchange notice, I have no exception to make. Some of our Vicksburg rolls were lost, and I have not the means of making an accurate computation as to them. Your second item, however, of 72 officers and 8,014 men, embracing the sixth section of my exchange notice, is incor- rect. In the first place, all the officers on both sides, who have been delivered at City Point, are exchanged. They were specially exchanged. Major Mulford knows that fact. All confederate soldiers who were delivered at City Point up to May 23, 1863, including said date, were declared exch.anged by Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow, while the federal troops were only exchanged up to May 6, 1883. The number of confederate sol- diers reduced to privates, delivered at City Point from May 23 to July 25, (the date named in my notice,) is 5,881, instead of 8,014. The rolls show this very clearly. Of the federal troops on parole, you say there are 76 officers aiid 19,083 men.' If these offi- cers are those delivered at City Point, you make an error against yourself. They have been exchanged. From the 6th of May, 1863, (the time of the last exchange of federal troops,) to the 1st of September, 1863, (the time named inyour notice,) I havedelivered at City Point alone, in privates, 18,610. All of these are on parole. I have other valid paroles in my possession, amonntiMg to at least 16,000 more. Allowing, therefore, that your Vicksburg computation is correct, you owe me upon the last notice Avhich you iiave publislied more than 7,000, instead of my owing you 10,024, as you claim. Many of the 16,000 paroles to which 1 have referred have been acknowledged by Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow in his correspondence. So much as to your computation, and your exchange notice based upon i^t. 2. You say I failed to announce to you "the sixth section of my exchange notice, as published in the Richmond Inquirer of the lOth instant, which covers 72 officers and 8,014 enlisted men." This is not so. On the 1st of August last, I informed you in 484 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR writinjr that I had tleclared exchauged all confederate soldiers who had been delivered at City Point np to July 20, 18G;3. No dtdiveries were made at City Point between July 20 and July 2o, and therefore one announcement was the same as the other. I did not inform yon of the exchange of the City Point men in my letter of the 11th of Septem- ber, because I had already notified you on the 1st of August. 3. You say I did not furnish you with any list, or even give the number of men, by which j'ou could declare eciuivalcnts, nor did I give you any time to prepare your announcement. You were furnished with the lists of all paroled men delivered at City Point, numbering, up to September 1, 1^,610 men. As to other pandes hodd liy me, you failed to accept or decUnt^ the terms npon which they were to be com})utt>d and adjusted, and tlierefore it was nstdess to send them. You had, or ought to have had, duplicates of many of them in your possession. If there was any i)articnhir capture ou parole, or any special class of paroled men whom you wished to declare exchanged, you had only to announce that fact, and the lists would be furnished, if I had them and you had not. With what propriety could I send you lists which I bcdieved to be in accordance with the cartel, 1)ut which you intimated you would decline to acknowledge? Moreover, according to my interpri'tatioii of the cartel, that instrument very clearly gives the right to you to select what federal oflieers and men shall be relieved from their parole, whenever I discharge our ofdcers and men from their ])arole. I claim the same right when you declare an exchange of your paroled men. If I had sent you lists of such of your otticers and men as were relieved from their parole byiny declaration of exchange, I Avould in effect have violated that j)rovision of the cartel which gives the right to '•eacli iiarty to relieve from parole such of tlieir own officers and men as the party may choose." It was entirely uuuecessarj for un; to give you the number of men wliom my notice declared exchanged. They were all Vicksburg captures, or City Point deliveries. You had the I'olls of both. You had in your possession as much information as I could communicate, even if I had held the Vicksburg rolls, which I did not. I have already proved to you by the record that the former federal agent, wh(!ii he declared exchanges, gave neither lists nor the number of men. There is, however, a more recent case. You yourself have just declared a sweeping exchauge. You have not furnished me with any lists or designation of corps, division, brigade, regiment, or company, notwithstanding the clamor you have raised about my omission in those particulars. Your objection as to want of time for the preparation of your announcement is a small one at best. The cartel does not make it incumbent upon me to give you time. Your predecessor diil not give it to me. The correspondence, however, between us, before the 12th of September, was of such a nature as must have prevented a surprise. 4. I did not make auy such agreement with your predecessor. Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow, as you state, nor did I ever make any agretnient with any one, by which I renounced the right to claim the i)aroles given at Gettysburg. The lirst ofhcial letter ■u-hich I ever addressed to you was in relation to this very subject. It bears date August 1, 1863, and is as follows : " Sir : In the 'Army and Navy Official Gazette,' of the date of July 14, 1853, I find a letter of Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow, of the date of July 7, 18(33, addressed to Colonel J. C. Kelton. In it is the following paragrajdi, to wit : " ' I have the honor also to stnte that, since the 22d of May last, it has been distinctly understood between Mr. Ould and myself that all captures must be reduced to posses- sion, and that all ]iaroles are to be disregarded, unless taken under the special arrange- inent of commanding olHcers of armies in the field, as prescribed in section seven of the cartel.' "If Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow means that he had declared to me that such Avas the rule which liad been adopted by the United States in relation to captures and paroles, to go into effect from and after May 23, 1863, he is entirely right. If he means that I, at any time, consented to ado])t or acquiesce in any such rule, he is entirely wrong. All that passed between us on that subject is in writing. The correspondence will in- terpret itself. " Respectfully, your obedient servant, " ROBERT OULD, "Af/cnt of Exchange. " Brig. Gen. S. A. Meredith, Ayoit of Exchanfjc." The General Order No. 100, issued at Washingtim, which Lieutenant Colomd Ludlow communicated to me on the; 23d of May, 18G3, in its one hundred and thirty-first para- graidi provides that " if the government does not approve of the parole, the paroled officer must return into captivity, and should the eiiciiiy refuse to receive him lie is free of his i)ar(de." In no comnuinicatioii, in no interview with either Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow or yourself, where the subject was under consideration, did I ever fail to demand that if your government rejected the paroles the ])artios should return into captivity. I had the warrant of your own general order for that demand, but jjleaded it in vain. So far from carrying out its ow u general order, your government on the 30th of June last, while the order was in force, and before the publication of the Gen- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 485 era! Order No. 207, convened a court of inquiry, and required the court to give its opin- ion on the following point, to wit : whether Major Duane and Captain Michler, cap- tured and paroled on the 28th June, 18G3, should be placed on duty without exchange, or be required to return to the enemy as prisoners of war. The general order required the latter, but the court found that the government was free to place those officers on duty without exchange. The reason given by the court was not that the federal agent and myself had agreed to regard such paroles as invalid, but that I had been noiified they would not be recognized. It is true that I was informed that certain paroles would not be considered as valid, but I was also notified at tlie same time, by the same hand and through the same instrument, that the " paroled officer " must return into captivity if his jiarole was not approved. In other words, on that day, May 23, 1863, Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow, with little or no comment, delivered to me General Order No. 100 as the rules adopted for the government of the federal army. I never had any intimation that all the provisions of General Order No. 100 did not continue in force, until I received, on the 8th of July, 1863, the following letter from Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow : " Fort Moxuoe, Juhj 7, 1863. "Sir: I herewith inclose to you a copy of General Order No. 207, which contains some additional provisious to those mentioned in my eomnuinication to you of the 22d May last. It is understood that officers of the United States and confederate otiicers have, at various times and places, i)aroled and released prisoners of war not in accord- ance with the cartel. " The government of the United States will not recognize, and will not expect the confederate authorities to recognize sucli unauthorized paroles. ' Prisoners released on parole, not authorized by tlie cartel, after my notice to you of the 22d of May will not be regarded as prisoners of war, and will not be exchanged.' " When prisoners of war have been released without tlie delivery specified in the cartel since the 22d of May last, such release will be regarded as unconditional, and the prisoners released as subject to orders without exchange, the same as if they had never been captured. "I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, " WILLIAM H. LUDLOW, " Lieut. Colonel and Agent for Exchanged I'risoncrs. " Hon. Robert Ould, " Agent for Exchange of Prisoners." The "notice" referred to in Lieittenaut Colonel Ludlow's letter was. the delivery of General Order No. 100, with its 13lst paragraph. That paragraph was set aside by the provisions of General Order No. 207, which bears date July 3, 1853, three days after the submission of the question of the paroles of Duane and Michler to the court of in(iniry, two days after its finding, and several days after our captures in the Gettysburg cam- paign. On the 7tli of July, 1863, Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow sul)stautially informs me that, although he notified me on the 22d of May that i)aragraph 131 of General Order No. 100 was to be and continue in force ; yet, under the circumstances of the case, and in view of what had taken place in Maryland and Pennsylvania, said paragraph was not to be considered as being in force at any time after the 22d of May, and General Order No. 207, although it was issued July 3, 1863, should be construed as bearing date the 22d of May preceding. It will be observed that Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow, in his letter to me of the 7th of July, nowhere says I had made any agreement with him, and yet it bears the same date as his letter to Colonel Kelton. It is apparent on the face of the paper that he is conveying to me certain inlV)nnation for the first time, and that this iuformatiou is the " additional provisions" of General Order No. 207, one of which set aside paragraph 131 of General Orders No. 100. The court of inquiry in its finding, (See Ai'iuy and Navy Officers' Gazette, July 14, 1863,) says I was " notified," &c. Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow, in liis letter to Colonel Kelton, says it was distinctly '■'understood" between Mr. Ould and himself, &c. You, in your letter of the 24th of September, say I made an " agree- ment" with your predecessor. The notification first arises to an understanding, and is then elevated into an agreement. What further promotion it will receive, remains to be seen. You have charged a deliberate breach of good faith upon the part of the Confederate States. Let me bring to your attention an incident connected with this matter of release from paroles. On March 9, 1863, General Schenck, of immortal memory, issued a General Order No. 15, requiring all officers and men who have been captured and paroled in his department and particularly in the Shenandoah valley, but who had not been exchauged, to return to duty on penalty of being considered deserters. Your General Order in force at that time, No. 49, February 28, 1863, in section 8, provided, that if the engagement which a prisoner made was not approved by his government, he was Ijound to return and sur- render himself as a prisoner of war. The same General Order No. 49, in the same 486 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR section 8, uses these memorable words, which I uow set up against your present extraor- dinary claims, to wit : " His own govemmciit cannot at the same time disown his engage- ment and refuse his return as a j)risouer." In spite of those honest words General Schenck issued his order, which to tliis day has not been countermanded ; in eliect, directing not only that such as were captured and paroled after March 9, 18()3, should return to duty, but also all who had been captured and paroled under the cir- cumstances named, since the beginning of hostilities, on penalty of being considered deserters. * At that very time, and afterwards, even to as late as Stoneman's raid, the former agent of exchange was charging against me and receiving credit for captures and paroles similar to those repudiated by Schenck's order. It is due to Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow that I should say, that when the matter was brought to his attention, he de- clared that Schenck's actiou was without proper authority, and tluit I would have credit for such as reported for duty under the order. Still tlie order was not counter- manded, but, on th(^ contrary, has been followed and sustained by General Order No. 207. I have received no returns of such as have rei)orted under Schenck's order, and never will. In your letter of the 24th of September, and others, you refer, in connection with our Gettysburg captures, to "paroles not in accordance witl) the cartel." The phrase figures not only in your correspondence, but ju the tindings of your courts, and in some of your general orders. Let me here, m the most formal manner, assure you that the confederate government considers tlie cartel to be binding and imperative to the full- est extent of any and all of its provisions. I have never asked you to respect a parole whicli is inconsistent with that instrument. You say the Gettysl)urg paroles are in contravention of the cartel. Let me give you some of them ; all or nearlj^ all of them belong to one or the othcsr class : ''I, the subscriber, a prisoner of war, captured near Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, do give my parole of honor not to take up arms against the Confederate States, or to do any military duty whatever, or to give any information that may be prejudicial to the interests of the same, until regularly exchanged. In the event that this parole is not recognized by the federal authorities, I give my parole of honor to report to Richmond, Virginia, as a prisoner of war, within tliirty (150) days. "JOHN E. PARSONS, "First Lieutenant and Adjutant \AWi rennsylcania J'oluntecrs.'^ "I, the subscriber, a prisoner of war, captured near Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, do give my parole of honor not to take up arms against the Confederate States, or to do any military duty whatever, or to give any information that may be prejudicial to the interests of the same, until regularly exchanged. This parole is unconditional, and extended to a wounded ofdcer for the sake of humanity, to save a painful anO tedious journey to the rear. "ROY STOWE, " Colonel lidth renni^ylvania J'olunteers." "We, the undersigned, of the company and regiment opposite our names, do sol- emnly swear that we will not take up arms against the Confederate States of America until regularly exchanged, in accordance witli the cartel, even if required to do so by our government." "Tlic following named prisoners, captured near Gettysbxirg, Pennsylvania, are pa- roknl on tlie followiiiir conditions, namely : not to take up arms against the Confederate States, or do any military duty whatever, or to give any information that may be ])re- judicial to the same, until regularly exchanged. This parole is une»nditionah and if not recognized by the authorities of the United States government, all phxlge them- eelves to repair to Richmond, as prisoners of war, at the expiration of twenty (20) days from this date." Does the cartel contemplate that these officers and men should be returned to duty without exchange ? It nowhere says so upon its face. When we were without any cartel, all such paroles, and in fact all military paroles, were resiiected. The \ery hrst act i)i the agents of exchange was to adjust mutual accounts as to the officers and men who had been captured and paroled before the cartel was signeil. If it liad been in- tended by the cartel to repudiate such paroles as were given at Gettysburg, or upon any battle-field, a provision to that eliect in distinct terms would have been ineorjio- rated in it. That instrument was intended tt) apply to " all prisoners of war held by either party" — to such as were in military depots or jirisons — to such as had been re- moved from the battle-Ueld or place of capture, and reduced into actual i)ossession. It left the force and eliect of military paroles and the respect which should be paid to them, to be determined by the usages of civilized nations of modern times. It cer- tainly did not purpose to prevent a wounded officer or man from BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 487 E94. Office of Commissioner for Exch.\nge, Fort Monroe, Virginia, October 8, 1863. Sir: In accordance with the instructions Contained in your letter of the 5th instant, I submitted the letters from S. D. Culbertson and A. Mclunes, esqs., therein inclosed, to Mr. Oald, informing him that wo knew of no prisoners in oiu- liands held under similar circumstances, and inviting him, if he knew of any, to name them and make a mutual exchange. I explained to Mr. Ould that the United States authorities did not hold any person a prisoner on the ground that he was a citizen of the South, but always for some special cause. I also informed him that if he could not name any, that within twenty-four hours after any given time the United States authorities could seize any required number of secessionists in the South, to bo exchanged for those referred to. Mr. Ould, in reply, stated that, notwithstanding, he would not make any special ox- change, but that he was willing to make any arrangement v.iiich will be at all recipro- cal, and he expresses himself perfectly willing to join in any general principle of ex- change. In this connection I will state that Mr. Ould informed me that the object of the rebel authorities in arresting citizens was a retaliatory measure, and for the purpose of bring- ing to bear such a pressure on the United States authorities as to cause them to refrain from making more arrests of sympathizers with the South. I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, S. A. MEREDITH, Brigadier General and Commissioner for Exchange. Major General E. A. Hitchcock, Commissioner of Exchanges, Washington, D. C. E95. Fort Monroe, Va., Octoler 8, 1863. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of October 5, 1863, and in reply I will state that, at my interview with the rebel agent of exchange, I demanded the release of Colonel Streight and his command to aid to make up the equivaleut for j)aroled officers and men declared exchanged by him. Mr. Ould de- clined, on the ground that on the last notice of exchange which we published the bal- ance was in his favor, at the same time lianding me a written statement to that etiect, which I had the honor to hand you in person. His reidy was the same in relation to Colonel Powell. Mr. Ould informed me that he should proceed to declare exchanges, whenever he conscientiously felt that he had the right to do so, for the purpose of putting men into the iield. I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, S. A. MEREDITH, Brigadier General and Commissioner for Exchange. Major General E. A. Hitchcock, Commissioner of Exchanges, Washington, D. C. E96. Richmond, Octoler 20, 1863. Sir : More than a month ago I asked your acquiescence to a proposition that all offi- cers and soldiers on both sides shovdd be released iu conformity with the provisions of the cartel. In order to obviate the difficulty between us, I suggested that all officers and men ou both sides should be released, uuless they were subject to charges, iu which event the opposite government should have the right of retaining one or more hostages if the retention was not justitied. " You stated to me in conversation that this proi^osi- tion was very fair," (this statement is not true,) and that yovi would ask the consent of your government to it. As usual, yoit have as yet made no response. I tell you frankly 1 do not expect any. Perhaps you may disai^point me, and tell me that yon reject or accept thoxu-oposition. I write this letter for the purpose of bringing to your recollec- tion my xnoxiositiou, and of dissiiiating the idea that seems to have been purxjosely en- 488 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR courap;etl by your jiublic papers, that tlio confederate goverument has refused or objected to a system of excliauges. lu order to avoid anj' mistake in that direction, I now propose that all officers and men on both sides be released in couformitj- witli the provisions of the cartel, the ex- cess on one side or the other to be on parole. Will you accept this ? I have no expec- tation of an answer, but perhaps you may give one. K it does come, I hope it will be soon. Respectfully, your obedient servant, ROBERT OULD, Agent of Exchange. Brig. Gen. S. A. ^Meredith, Agent of Exchange. E97. Memorandum touching the exchange of prisoners. I am disposed to think that the irregularities set on foot by Mr. Ould must end some- where, and had better be terminated by no:i-acti(ni on our y)art from the date of the last declaration. To declare the men exchanged who have been paroled since tlie 1st of September will seem to be following the examx)le of Mr. Ould in a false direction, and can only tend to embarrass future etforts to return to the laws and usages of war. At all events, before making a further declaration of exchange on our part, it would be better to make one distinct etfort to draw from the rebel agent a statement of the kind of paroled prisoners he claims as constituting his rights to make declarations. EesiJectfolly submitted. E. A. HITCHCOCK, Maj. Gen. Volunteers, Commissioner for Exchange. E93. [Received at Eiclimond, Va., October 6, 18G3, by telcgrapli from Meridian, October 6, ie63.] General S. Coopek, Adjutant and Inspector General: 1 respectfully suggest the advantage of exchanging the officers captured at Port Hudson, that they may organize their troops. J. E. JOHNSTON. Official copy: Respectfully submitted to Colonel R. Ould, agent of exchange. JOHN WITHERS, Assistant Adjutant General. E 99. General J. E. Johxston : Suggests the advantage of exchanging the officers captui'ed at Port Hudson, that they may organize their troops. General J. E. Johnston. — Respectfully returned to General S. Cooper. The officers captured at Port Hudson are either at New Orleans or at Johnson's Island, most of them at the latter place. Of course they cannot be exchanged unless the enemy delivers them to us ; and that I cannot make them do. If General Johnston will suggest some way in which they can be made to do so I will be very much obliged to him. As soon as I get those officers in hand I will exchange thAn. ROBT. OULD, Agent of Exchange. OCTOBEK 12, 1863. ^BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 489 E 100. [General Orders No. 143.] Adjutajstt and Inspector General's Office, Iiichmond, Norember 1(5, 1863. The following notice of exchanged officers and men is iiublishcd for the information of all concerned : " Richmond, Virginia, Ociolcr 16, 1863. "The following confederate officers and men are hereby declared dulj' exchanged : " 1. All officers and men captured and jtaroled at any time previous to the 1st of Sep- tember, 1863. This section, however, is not intended to include any officers or men captured at Vicksbiirg, July 4, 1863, except such as were declared exchanged by Ex- change Notice No. 6, September 12, 1863, or are specifically named in this notice. But it does embrace all deliveries made at City Point or other places before September 1, 1863, and with the limitation above named, all captures at Port Hudson or any other place where the parties were released. "2. The stalf of Generals Pemberton, Stevenson, Bowen, Moore, Barton, S. D. Lee, Cummings, Harris, and Baldwin, and of Colonels Reynolds, Cockrell, and Dockery ; the officers and men belonging to the engineer corps and sappers and miners, and the 4th and 46th Mississippi regiments, all captured at Vicksburg, July 4, 1863." " 3. The general officers captured at Vicksburg, July 4, 1863, were declared exchanged July 13, 1863. By order : ElOl. Major General H. W. Haixeck, General-in-Chief : "RO. OULD, Agent of Exchange:' S. COOPER, Adjutant and Inspector General. CHATT.\jfOOGA, November 26, 1863. Among the prisoners are many who were jiaroled at Vicksburg. What shall I do with them ? GEO. H. THOMAS, Major General. Headquarters Army, January 6, 1865. Official : D. C. WAGER, Assistant Adjutant General. Headquarters of the Armv, Washington, D. C., November 27, 1863. Major General Thomas, Chattanooga : Vicksblug prisoners recaptured will not be exchanged without further orders. They will be sent to depots the same as other prisoners of Awar. H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief. Headquarters Army, January 6, 1865. Official : D. C. WAGER, Assistant Adjutant General. E 102. [General Orders No. 123.] Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, Richmond, September 16, 1863. The following order is published for the information of all concerned : "Exchange Notice, No. 6. "The following confederate officers and men, captured at Vicksburg, Mississippi, 490 TEEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF JVAR July 4, 1863, and subsequently paroled, have been duly exchanged, and are hereby so declared : " 1. The officers and men of General C. L. Stevenson's division. " 2. The officers and men of General Boweu's division. " 3. The officers and men of Brigadier General Moore's brigade. " 4. The ofticers and men of the .Second Texas regiment. "5. The officers and men of Waul's legion. '' 6. Also, all confederate officers and men who have been delivered at City Point at any time ju'evious to July 25, 1883, have been duly exchanged, and are hereby so de- clared. "RO. OULD, Agent of Exclmngc:' Richmond, Sejytcmhcr 12, 1853. By order : S. COOPER, Adjutant and Insjjcctor General. E 103. ^Office of Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe, Viryinia, October 29, 1863. Sir: I am in receipt of your communication of the 20th instant, the tenor of which induces me to make some explanatory statements of facts with which i t would seem you need to be reminded. The system of exchanges of prisoners of war, determined in the existing cartel, was first interrupted by the declared purpose of the confederate government to make cer- tain distinctions in the treatment of a particular class of troops, officers, and men, in violation of the provisions of the cartel. This seems to have been the tirst step toward the irregularities which have culminated in your unequivocal declaration, reported by me to my government on the 18th instant, that " (yon) will proceed to declare exchanges whenever (you) conscientiously feel that (you) have the right to do so, for the jiuriiose of putting men into the field." Thei'e can be no objection to your acting conscientiously in any given case, so long as your conscience is enlightened and guided by those laws of war which require obe- dience between belligerents to solemn agreements entered into by authorized commis- sioners, acting in the name of their respective suj)eri(>rs. But if you mean by the ex- pression, your " conscientious sense of right," to siibstitute this sense of right for the requirements of an existing cartel, I can by no means concede to you that right ; and if you do not mean this, I cannot understand what you mean by so vague and gen- eral a declaration. Judging by your recent proceedings, it seems that you have declared exchanged all confederate officers and soldiers on parole within what you claim as your lines, up to a very recent date, without having any proper right to do so, eitber nnder the cartel or under th(; laws of war. The history of this matter, as I understand it, is briefly this: "While my predecessor on duty at this place was here in discharge of the duties now committed to me, you at one time made a declaration of exchangf, embracing no great number of prisoners of ■war, not in accordance with the requirements of the cartel, and you invited Colonel Ludlow, my predecessor, to make a corresponding declaration of equivalents. Such a declaration was made by Colonel Ludlow, doul)tless without anticii)ating the magni- tude of the evil which appears now as the result of that dei)arturc from tlu^ cartel, first inaugurated by yourself. Subsequently to my eonuiig on duty lu-re the on your hands a largo body of paroled officers and men, over thirty thousand, captured by General Grant at Vicksburg ; and not long afterwards, some six thousand or more captured by General Banks at Port Hudson. Suddenly, and without any projter eouference or understanding Avith me, and but a few days jirior to tlie important evimts at Chickanuiuga, as if for the express jmrpose of increasing the force of General Bi'agg against General Rosecrans, you gave me notice that, on the next day after the date of that notice, you would declare excbauged a large portion of the troops which had been captured bj' General Grant. When your declaration was made, it covered an indeterminate number of troops, designated by comnumds, brigades, divisions and corps, no deiinite numer of either officers or men being designated. Up to that tiuie you had aroles." It was my original proposition. I adhere to it still. Let, then, " all difficulties cease." 9. If our present difficulties are to cease, let me, for the sake of future luirmony, sug- gest that there be some definite meaning attached to the phrase " commaudeis of two opposing armies." Who are such commanders ? We can readily understand that Gen- eral Lee and General Meade are such. But is General Thomas the commander of one of the opposing armies at Chattanooga, or is it(ieneral Grant? Was General I'ember- tou the commander of au o[)posiiig army when lie was subject to the orders of G(^neral Johnston, who was in his immediate neighborhood ? Was General Gardner the com- mander of an ojiposing army at Port Hudson ? If so, is not every one wlio holds a sep- arate eonnnand such a connnauder ? Does size constitute an army? If a captain or lieutenant is on detached S('rvie(^, is he the commander of an ojiposing army, and can he be released on parole by an agreement made with the officer who caittnred him, if he is on detached service ? I make these iucpiiries of General Hitchcock in no captious spirit. Tiiey do present difficulties to my mind, and I should like to know what is to be considered as the true interpretation of the phrase. All the captures after the 3d of July, 1863, which I ask you to recognize, were in inirsuance of " au agreement BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 405 between the commauders of two opposing armies." I cannot sec how any difficulty- can arise between General Hitchcock and myself, «ifter his letter, exce^it as to captures between May 22, 1863, and July 3, 18G3. They are but very few in number. I will thank yon to send this letter, or a copy of it, to General Hitchcock. Eesjpectfully, your obedient servant, ROBERT OULD, Agent of Exchange, Brig. Gen. S. A. Meredith, Agent of Exchange. E 107. Washington City, D. C, Kovemhcr 28, 1863. Sir : I have read the copy you forwarded of Mr. Ould's communication of the 21st instant, in which, I perceive, Mr. Ould thinks I misapprehend his purpose in forward- ing the "tabular statement" of alleged valid paroles made chiefly in the West and South. I suppose that the tabular statement was sent to you in explanation of the large number of prisoners declared exchanged by Mr. Ould, the propriety of Avhich had been very properly questioned by yon. If that was not the purpose of the state- ment, I regret that it fell under my notice. If Mr. Ould wishes either to preseut another "statement," or to furnish detailed explanations of that already before ns, it will be time enough to consider the points he may raise when he presents them. In the mean- time, I think it necessary to observe that neither Mr. Ould, yourself, or myself, have powers outside of the cartel, except those plainly necessary for the execution of its provisions ; but in this connection I must affirm that the first shocks given to the free and continued execution of the provisions of the cartel came from Mr. Davis in his "message" of the 12th of January, of the present year, in which he deelan'S his pur- pose of delivering to the several State authorities South all connnissioned officers of the federal army who might be captured, to be tried under State laws for the crime of exciting servile insurrections. This stands yet as the avowed purpose of the chief executive of the States engaged in rebellion. It has not been annulled in any form whatever ; nor has the act of the Southern congi'ess in support of Mr. Davis's views been in any manner repealed or disavowed. Without looking any further, I appeal to this as a full justification of the federal commander-in-chief in suspending the opera- tion of that portion of article 4 of the cartel, which requires all " prisoners of war to be discharged on parole in ten days after their capture;" it being manifest that tbe authorities South could not parole prisoners according to the cartel, and carry out their declared purpose of delivering the officers over to State authorities to be tried as crim- inals under State laws. Whatever may have been the reason why the declared purjiose of Mr. Davis has not been extensively carried into efi'ect, tlie fact of the existence of tliat purpose, sanctioned, as we know it to have been, is a sufficient reason on our part for not delivering prison- ers on parole, particularly as there is every reason to believe that tlic purpose of Mr. Davis has only been arrested by the fact that, by the fortune of war, we had in our bands more prisoners than were held in the Soutb. In addition to the above, the treat- ment of colored troops, (which make an integral portion of the federal army,) when captured in the South, is too well known to permit us for a moment to suppose in the preseut state of things that there is any design in the South to treat that class of troops according to the laws of war applicable to other troops of the federal army ; and until the southern authorities make some distinct declaration of a purpose to treat colored troops and their officers in tlie employment of the United States government in all respects according to the laws of war, as applicable to other troops, we cannot recede from the position taken by the commander-in-chief above referred to. The wisdom and the necessity of existing orders on this subject Avill sufficiently defend the measure in view of the threats imd practices of the South, which only need to be known to justify this measure. It IS very well known that Colonel Ludlow made these subjects the frequent topic of conversation with Mr. Ould, Avithout producing any impression on Mr. Ould, tending to the point of iuduciug a declaration by authority from the South that all officers of the federal army, as well as enlisted men, shall receive, when captured, the treatment due to prisoners of Avar, with the express declaration that colored troops, both officers and men, shall receiA^e similar treatment. Yon Avill please communicate these views to Mr. Ould, Avith a request that he Avill lay them before his government. Very respectfully, your obedient sciwant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Maj. Gen. Vols., Commissioner for Exchange. Brig. Gen. A. S. Meredith, Agent for Exchange. 496 TKEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR E 108. Confederate States of America, War Department, likhmond, J'a., Octoba- 27, 1863, Sir : In reply to your commiiuicatioii of tlie ITtli iustaut, I state that General Orflers Nos. 49 and 100 were not sent to mt; at the same time. I rectnved General Order No. 49 long before No. 100 was delivered to me. Their respective dates will show tliat to bo the fact. My own personal recollection is, that General Order No. 100 was never com- numieated in a letter. It is my habit taitlifiilly to keep all letters written by the fed- eral agent of exchange. A careful search of the records of my office does not disclose any letter from Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow communicating General Order No. 100. Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow met me at City Point on the '2'.M of May, ISG;?, and he then and there delivered to me General Order No. 100, stating that the principles therein an- nounced would, in the future, control the operations of the forces of the United States. No written communication accompanied it. If any one was ever written to accompany it, I never received it. You are in error, therefore, when you say that Lieutenant Col- onel Ludlow on the 22d May, 1863, inclosed copies of General Orders No. 49 and No. 100, announcing regulations and instructions for the government of the United States forces in the held in the matter of paroles, stating that these orders and the cartel were to govern your forces, and that when the cartel conflicted with the orders they were to be set aside. Independent of the facts of the case, I am jtistilied in saying that any such communication would have been very extraordinary. It would not only have admit- ted that the general orders were in violation of the cartel, but would have declared that the later general order, which, on its face, was announced to be the controlling law, should be set aside l)y the provisions contained in an earlier paper. 1 again assert that the only notilication I ever received ;is to your successive changes of purpose in the matter of paroles was from your own general orders, according to their respective dates, delivered to me without any further comment than I have already communicated to you. You further say my "reference to the acts of Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow" does not sustain me. You further say the troops thus declared exchanged by Lieutenant Colo- nel Ludlow are as follows : Slst regiment Indiana A'olunteers 371 75th regiment Indiana volunteers 2P8 3d i-egiment Ohio volunteers 311 Tennessee cavalry 58 1,008 Paroled at Mount Sterling 463 1,471 Permit me to say that I read this paragraph of your letter with very great surprise. In my" letter of the 2d instant, which you were contesting, I gave at length the com- munications of Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow, and by reference to it you will find that not only are the regiments which you have named therein mentioned, but .also the Holly Springs capture, numbering 1,383 privates ; the 91st Illinois regiment, numbering 649 privates ; the officers and men of the Indianola, luimbering 69 privates; and the 80th regiment Illinois volunt(>er8, numb'claied ex- changed up to May 6, 1863. Yet in your letter written subsefjuent to this admission you say you "have nothing to show that exchangers on both sides were not alike." Since your letter of the 17th, on our last interview, you made the same admission. If the fact is denied at any time, I stand prepared to prove it. As to your computation, based upon my declarations of exchange, I refer you to my letter of the 2d October, 1863. Every statement therein contained is strictly aaid ac- curately correct. I again assert, Avhat I am ready to prove, that I have in my ])0sses- siou more valid paroles of your otlicers and men than would be an equivalent for the exchanges I have declared up to this date. ResjiectfuUy, your obedient servant, ROBERT OULD, Af/ent of Exchange. Brig. Gen. S. A. Meredith, Agent of Exchange. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 497 E 109. Office of Exchange of Puisoners, liichmond, Virginia, Octoier 31, 1863. Sir : Your communicatiou of the 29th instant has been received, and its extraordinary and groundless statements read with surprise. You first represent me as having informed you that I woukl proceed to declare exchanges wh(,'uever I conscientiously felt that I had the right to do so, for the purjiose of putting men into the held. In another part of your letter I am charged with having stated that I would proceed to make declarations of exchange for the purpose of putting troojis into the field whenever I thought proper. Both of these paragraphs are between quotation marks, to indicate that I had communicated them. Moreover, they are men- tioned as being my " unequivocal declaration." Upon a faithful examiuatiou of my correspondence with you and your predecessor, I can find no instance in which such language has been used by me. Will you inform me of the date of any such communi- cation, or furnish me with a copy of it? If you cannot, you will certainly deem me justilied in denouncing your statement as utterly without foundation in truth. Upon these premises you have proceeded to throw off sundry sentences more flippant than worthy of notice. As usual, however, you finish the paragraph which contains them with a misstatement in asserting that I " have declared exchanged all confederate ofticers and soldiers on parole " within our lines, " up to a very recent date." I have done no such thing. I specially excej^ted the larger part of the Vicksburg capture. You then proceed to give what you call " a history of this matter." That history, like many others, turns out to be a romance. Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow's declarations of exchange, to which I referred in my letter of October 2, 1883, were not made in re- sponse to any invitation from me, or in consequence of any previous declarations which I had made. I did not "inaugurate" what you term " a departure ti"om the cartel." The correspondence of the office very clearly shows that fact. You are wrong also in your statement that the Vicksburg capture was subsequent to your "coming to duty " at Fortress Monroe. I received official communications from Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow as late as July 22, 1863 — weeks after the Vicksburg sur- render — and none from you until the 2.')th of the same month. You charge that the declaration of exchange bearing date September 12, 1863, was made " as if for the express purpose of increasing the force of General Bragg against General Rosecrans." This is also untrue. The declaration was not published until several days after the 12th, although it bore that date. Not one of the officers or men named in that declaration of exchange was on the battle-field of Chick.'unauga. You further say I must have known that I had not delivered to you, nor had I valid paroles of your men, sufficient to cover the number declared exchanged by me. I knew exactly the contrary, and so informed you. On the 11th of September, 1863, iu announcing the declaration of exchange I would make on the following day, I wrote to you that I had " in my possession more valid paroles of your officers and men than would be an equivalent for the officers and men " enumerated in the exchange notice. I have made the same statement to yon more than once since. I am prepared to prove that it was true each lime it was uttered. You say your declaration of exchange extended to those whom I had dcUrered. If you mean that it was limited to such, you are incorrect, for it declared exchanged all officers and men of the United States Army, captured and paroled at any time ])revious to the 1st of September, 1863, and included many thousands of prisoners taken and paroled by our cavalry and other forces iu numerous States of the confederacy, never delivered by me. I have already furnished you a memorandum of at least sixteen thousand of these paroled prisoners. You say 1 failed to produce the paroles, or to give any account or history of them. If you mean that I refused to do so, it is not true. I ottered to produce them at any time, and importuned you to agree to some principle by which they could be computed and adjusted. When 1 last met you at City Point you requested me for the first time to send to you a memorandum of the paroles claimed as valid by me. I furnished you with the list on the 27th instant, that being the first day after your request, on which a fiag-of-truce boat appeared at City Point. You say I then proceeded to make a further declaration of exchange, " ignoring the cartel altogether," and resting the whole proceeding, as you sui>pose, on my "sense of right." There again you are mistaken. I did not rest the proceeding entirely upon my sense of right. I relied, in some measure, upon yours, and to that extent its pro- priety may be doubtful. In communicating to you exchange notice No. 7, which is the one to which you refer, I wrote to you as follows: "I herewith inclose to you a declaration of exchange, which I shall publish in a day or two. You Avill perceive it is based upon the declaration of exchange communicated to me in your letter of the 24th of September last. In my notice I have followed your phraseology. I would have preferred another form of declaration, more in accordance with the circumstances of the case. Inasmuch, however, as my declaration; to a considerable extent, is retali- H. Eep. 45 32 498 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR atory of yours, I have deemed it more appropriate to follow your own form of expres- sion." Your letter of tUe 24tli of September deelared that "all officers and meu of the Uuited States Army, captured aud paroled at any time pre^'ious to the 1st of September, 1883, are duly exchanjred." Ou the IGth of October following I declared exchanged " all ( confederate) officers and men captured and paroled at any time previous to the 1st of September, 18G3." If that was " ignoring the cartel," as you charge, I only fol- lowed your example. Our declarations of exchange were precisely similar, except that in another jiart of my notice I reserved from its operation the larger part of the Vicksburg ])aroles. If I had followed your " sense of right," as I then had, aud still claim the right to do, I would have included all. The confederate authorities take it unto themselves as a proud and honorable boast that they have determined all these matters of paroles and exchanges according to their "sense of right," and not by auy views of temporary expediency. In following that guide, tliey have at least shunned some examples furnished by your goverumeut. They have never, in violation of their general orders, and without notice to the adverse party, ordered their paroled officers aud meu to break their solemn covenant, and, without exchange, lift their arms against their eaptoi'a. They have, therefore, escaped the pa.ngs of that retributive justice which made your general order of July 3, 1863, though so well suited to the meridian of Gettysbuig, invalidate the paroles given at Port Hudson on the 9th of the same month. Upon further reflection, I am sure you will l)e satisfied that it does not become your authorities, who have chosen, whenever they felt so disposed, without notice or consent from us, to repudiate the established usages of exchange and put new constructions upon the cartel, to complain that others have acted acconling to tlieir sense of right. Not content with all the misstatements of fact which I have cited, you have, in your letter of the 29tli instant, descended to a malignant aud wanton aspersion of the motives of the confederate authorities in making the proposal contained in my letter of the 20th instant. You were asked to agree "that all officers aud meu on both sides should be released, the excess on one side or the other to be on parole." It would have been injustice enough to the many thousands of your prisoners in our hands, and to those of ours in your custody, simjdy to have declined the proposal. But you have thought pr()])er to add to your refusal the gratuitous insult to the Confederate Slates of intimating that their fair and honest oti'er was made for the purpose of puttiug into the ticld otticers and men fraudulently exchanged. This calumny is as destitute of foundation in fact as it is despicable in spirit. In conclusion, let me tell you that the purpose of your letter is apparent. It has been well known for a long time that your authorities are opposed to a fair and regu- lar exchange of prisoners under the cartel. In rejecting my proposition you have endeavored to couceal under a cloud of vague charges and unfounded statements the det(niuination at which your government long since arrived. Why not be frank once? Why not say, without any further subterfuges, that you have reached the conclusion that our officers and soldiers are more valuable, man for man, than yours ? Respectfully, your obedient servant, ROBERT OULD, Agent of Exchange. Brig. Gen. S. A. Meredith, Agent of Exchange. E 110. Office of Commissioxer for Exchange, EoH Monroe, Virginia, Xovembcr 7, 1863. Sir: In your communication of October 27, you state, "that General Orders Nos. 49 and 100 were not sent to you at the same time." I forward you herewith a copy of Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow's letter, inclosing to you the two orders mentioned, aud bearing date May 22, 1863. Thesis two orders announced general rules based ou the usages of war, which, in the absence of any specific agreement between belligerents, should govern in paroling jirisouers of war; but in this case a cartel had already been agreed upon, aud no order of either party could set asich; any of its provisions. For instance, a coumiander, ou being captured, might under some circumstances give a parole for himself and his com- mand, without violating General Order No. 100, (which includ(!S General Order No. 49;) but unless the paroling was done at City Point, or oilier named )>laee, it would be in violation of the cartel, and the })aroles must therefore be set aside as invalid. No excei)tion could be taken to this course by the party granting the parole, because the validity of the parole depends ou a strict compliance with the provisions of the cartel; and when any other course is followed than that pointed out by that instrument, any claim based upon it must fail. Paragraph 130 of Ordei' 100, which prescribes the duties BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 499 wiiicli a paroled soldier may perform, is also, to some extent, set aside by tlie cartel, which restricts these duties to a much more limited field than the order. Paraf>;rapli 131 is also made inoperative by the cartel, because it could only apply to paroles not given at the points designated for delivery; all such paroles are by the cartel made invalid, and the paroling party could therefore have no pretext for claiming their recognition. If such a claim could be admitted, the effect at Gettysburg would have been to give to General Lee the i)rivilege of jdacing his prisoners in our hands, to be delivered to him at our own charge, at City Point, which is so manifestly absurd that even you cannot claim it. General Order No. 207 was intended simply to announce to the army that the irregular practice of paroling small s(iuads of men and individuals, without rolls or other reliable evidence of any kind, whicli had very generally prevailed, mnst be discontinued, and that thereafter the cartel should be rigidly adhered to. This announcement had been made to the confederate authoriti<'S througli yon. There have been no "successive changes of purpose in the matter of paroles," as you assert, nor changes of any kind, except so far as to return to a strict observance of the cartel; and this is a change, the propriety of whicli I do not think you can question. The figures which I gave you in my letter of October 17 were not given as embracing all declared exchanged in General Order 1G7, of June 8, but only tliose which Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow used to make up the l)alance due him after arranging that declaration with you. It v>'as the declaration whicli Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow made to cover this balance that you cite as the precedent which authorized you to announce so unex- pectedly your declarations of September 12. The 80th Illinois, 811 meu — not 400, as you say — was accidentally omitted from my letter, and, by a clerical error, 73d Indiana was written 75th Indiana. Paragraphs 5 and 6, of General Order 1G7, cover the troops referred to, and other paragraphs cover the captures mentioned by you. Any discrex)- ancy in uumbers declared exchanged at that time, on either side, is of little consequence, as up to the date of that order it is assumed that the exchange account was satisfac- torily balanced. Respectfully, your obedient servant, S. A. MEREDITH, Brigadier General and Commissioner for Exchange. Hon. Robert Ould, Agent of Exchange, Fachmond, Virginia. E 111. Office of Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe, Virginia, November 12, 1863. Sir: I acknowledge the receipt of your communication of October 31. I would have been surprised at its contents had I not been previously acquainted with your habit of special pleading and of perverting the truth. In the last interview but one which I had Avith you, you stated to me distinctly and unequivocally that you would make declarations of exchange whenever you conscientiously felt that you had the right so to do, for the purpose of putting men into the field. You made this statement not only once, but two or three times. In my previous interviews with yon, I had taken the precaution to have verbal propositions of any importance made by you reduced to writing. On this occasion I refrained from my usual course — now much to my regret, as I will do you the justice to say that I have no doubt you have forgotten what occurred at that meeting. The following extracts from two of your letters will probably serve to convince you that it is highly probable that, while laboring under the excitement hinted at above, you may have made the statement attributed to you. From your letter dated October 2, 18(53, I take the following : « '' I now inform you, in view of the I'ecent declaration of exchange made by you, coupled with your failure either to agree to or decline the proposition made to you on the 24th of August last, in relation to paroles, that the confederate authorities will con- sider themselves entirely at liberty to pursue any course as to exchanges of paroles which they may deem right and proper." Again, in your letter to me of October IG, you stated as follows : "I reserve to myself the, right to make further declarations of exchange from time to time, based upon the paroles in my oftice, until I have declared exchanged a number of confederate soldiers equal to that of federal troops declared exchanged by your last notice." In these two extracts you arrogate to your government and yourself the right to declare exchanges. Of course a government in as lU'osperous a condition as tlie confed- eracy, with men in superabundance to put into the field, Avould not declare meu ex- changed for that purj)ose, nor would a high-toned, honorable gentleman, who has 500 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR reservefl to himself the right to declaro cxcli.anges, use that right with the idea of putting men in the fiekl. Yet it is well known that many officers and men captured at Vicks- hurg were in the battle of Chickanianga. I deem it proper here to say a few words in relation to the 1H,000 paroles which you state you have in your possession, and which you claim as valid. You rest the validity of these paroles (which I have never seen, and Avhich you acknowledge to have been accumulating for many months) on general orders of the United States government, Nos. 49 and 100. These two orders announce general rules based on the usages of war ; but a cartel having been agreed ujion, no order of either party could set aside its ])rovisions, which I have stated to you on several occasions. For instance, a commander on being captured might, under some cir- cumstances, give a parole for himself and his commaiul without violating General Order No. 100, (which includes General Order No. 49;) but unless the paroling was done at City Point or other named place, it would be in violation of the cartel. Nor could exceptions be taken to this course by the party granting the parole, because the valid- ity of the parole depends on a strict compliance with the provisions of the cartel. Paragraph 130 of Order 100, which prescribes the duties that a paroled soldier may perform, is also to some extent set aside by the cartel, which restricts these duties to a much more limited field than the order. Paragraph 131, which you attempt to make so much of, is also rendered ino])erative by the cartel, because it could only apply to paroles not given at the points designated for delivery; but all such paroles are by the cartel made invalid, and the pai'oling party, therefore, has no pretext for claiming their recognition. Had such a claim been admitted, the effect at Gettysburg would have been to give to General Lee the privilege of placing his prisoners in our hands, to be deliv- ered to him at City Point at our own charge — a claim so manifestly absurd that I am surprised that even yon should have had the assurance to make it. Yet, on precisely this ground rests the foundation for the 18,000 paroles which you claim as valid. Paroles on the field of battle, often given in haste by an enemy unable to take care of or receive them, are informal and invalid by the laws of war. Most of the }»aroles above mentioned were taken by guerillas, bushwhackers, and detached commands in the West. No possession was ever had, no delivery was ever made, and uo rolls have ever been furnished of those giving them. On the capture of a town by a cavalry raid, the command remained long enough to take the ]iaroles of the unarmed citizens there, and then decamped, leaving the jiaroled men behind, and forwarding the paroles to accumulate in your ofiice in Richmond; yet you have the assurance to say that you expect the United States government to exchange prisoners legitimately captured in battle, and now held in custody, for such paroles as these. It is well for you to write letters filled with well-feigned indignation at any imputa- tion upon the integrity or honesty of your government or yourself, for publication in the South, to delude the suffering people there into the belief that you and your govern- ment are doing everything to cause a resumption of exchanges ; but I feel it my duty to say that your ))rinciples are so flexible, and your rule of action so slightly influenced by a sense of trnth, honesty, or honor, that I find it almost impossible to arrive at any fair understanding with yon on the subject, and all my efforts, thus far, for the above reason, have been fruitless. In your communication of October 27 you use the following language : " I state that General Orders Nos. 49 and 100 were not sent to me at the same time. I received Gen- eral Order No. 49 long before No. 100 was delivered to me. Their respective dates will show that to be the fact. My own personal recollection is that General Order No. 100 was never communicatcid in a letter." You then proceed to impress the public with an idea of your careful habits, as follows : " It is my hal)it faithfully to keep all letters written by the federal agent of exchanges." But tliis most important letter happened to be mislaid! which intelligence you convey to tlie southern pnljlic, as follows: "A careful search of the lecords of my office does not disclose any letter from Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow conununicating General Order No. 100." On November 7th I sent you a copy of the letter hereto annexed, co^jied from Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow's letter- book ; but through fear that it might have met the fate of the original and miscarried, I send it again : " Headquartkus Department of Virginia, "Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, I'irginia, May 2'2, 1863. " Sir: I have the honor to inclose to you copies of (Jeneral Orders Nos. 49 and 100, of the War Department, announcing regulations and instructions for the government of the United States forces in the field in the matter of paroles. These, together with the stipulations of the cartel, will govern our army. I woul ononiy ; of aiipropriation of whatcn'cr an cin'iny's counlry affords ior tlu^ .snbsistcncc and saiVty of tilt' aiiiiy, and of siicli decoiition as docs not involve tlic breaking of good laitli )»osi- tively idcdgelislied a military despotism upon the ruins of the Consti- tution of the United States, and liave adopted a barbarous system of warfar(^ on the pret(!xt of a military necessity. It is in this code of military necessity that the acts of atrocity and violence which have been committed by the officers of the United States, and have shocked the moral sense of ciyilized nations, are to tind an a]K)logy and defense. TIk! history of this war exhibits, fre(|uently, the nnirder in cold blood of nnaiujcd and unresisting citizens; the destruction of sm;ill towns and villages as a ])astime ; the removal to distant places of a large number of citizens who ;it no time have been engaged with tlie army; the s])oliatioii of farm-houses of their food, furni- ture, libraries, [lictures, family apparel, by soldiers, and in some cases by otlieers highest in commaiul in the dei)artnient. Men, women, and children have been expclh^d from their homes iu the inclement weather of winter or iu the darkness of night. It is shockingly trn(! that our enemy does not carry on war alone by arms. It is not true that any military necessity i^xcuses systeiuatie and habitual d(>partnre from the laws of war lirst enunciated, and justifies the adoi)tion of rules contrary to them, to regulate military operations. ^Military necessity as a legislator has a supreuu^ authority, but the range of its jurisdiction is limited. The necessity must be i)reseut, urgent, over- ruling, and the acts done under it must alford jjrobable uu-ans of escape i'rom an im- pending danger. In such a case ordinary rules are suspended, and what is fairly and reasonaljly done is sanctioned. Even justice and right in such cases withdraw their cen- sorship and sway and submit temptn-arily to this more imperious authority. IJut no country, no go\-eriimeut, is justiiieil iu deducing a rule of practice from rare and extreme instances of inexorable or unreasoning necessity. The judgment and con- Bcience are alike perplexed in forming conclusions when measures of violence under such i)rompting are prescribed for their consideration, and the historian and publicist content tliemselves with narrating the facts and suggesting the extenuating circum- stances iu such occurrences, without venturing to alford them eounteuanee or apjn'oval. The rulers or commanders who use them as i)recedeuts, and indicilt(^ to their sul)ordi- nates that t here is sonui law of military necessity which it is competent to them to adopt, as a haliitual standard of conduct, become particcps crhiiinis in tlie atrocities that may follow, and are worthy of the same degrees of infamy and i)nuishineut. They cannot frame mischief into a code, or make an instituted system of rules embodying tlie spirit of mischief under the nanu- of a military necessity. The couutiy tliat a(loi)ts as allies murder, rapine, I'ruelty, incendiarism and revenge, is comlcmned ))y the voice of th(5 (avilizcd world. The war that needs such auxiliaries carries infallible marks to distinguish it, as an milioly and uncliristian war. Tlu^ answer to thes(^ doctrines of military necessity, is to b(^ found in that title of the same code wliicli rel.atcs to the subjects of ret;iliatiou. It is not at all sur[)rising that those who would make a law- giver of military necessity, should desire the alxluction or dethronement of tin* rule of military retaliation, and so iu this codc^ retaliation is deprecated. A malignant, nn- seru])ulous, revengeful enemy '' leaves to liis opponent no other means of securing himself against the repetition of barbarous outrage than are afforded by retaliation." The confederai'y acknowledges the ol)ligation to employ retaliation carefully and with circumsiK'ction. The inllietiou of merited punishment upon notorious ofltenders against law and hu- manity should always l)e characterized by a judicial moderation and temperance. It shouhl I'lot lie emi)loyed as an instrument of cruelty or revenge, and shouhl not be car- ried any fiii'ther than to produce a thorough reformation of tlu^ oll'ending nation. To this extent, tlie Couf.'derate States have asserted their determination to resort to it. In the military orders of this depai'tment, bearing date the 1st of August, 18C>2, the BY THE RHIJKL AUTHORITIES. 511 iiiilil.'iry ordcrH (if Ociicnil I'ojic, (■i>imii;iii(liii;; (lie, ;iniiy of Uk^ Uiiit(!(l Stiitcs in Norlli- crii Vir;fiiiifi, were reviewed, itiid tlie iiiodir iiiid iiieasiire of nulresM, which ])riieticeH of ii .siiiiiliir iiiifiire would jirovoke, phiiidy deeljued. Aj;;iiii, on tho 24tli Deceiidier, 1HC)2, the I'resideiit of file ( 'olifedel ;ite, Sdifcs ]>llhli,shed Ills proelauilit ioil ill reterelicc to tho iriilitm y !idiiiiiiistrii( ion olMiiJor (HMieiai 1$. I". I'liiller. These pnhlic and iiutlinritativo exitositioiis Iiy tlie (.'onfeihTatc States of the, laws and nsajfe.s of war, may he referred to as indicative, of tlieir teniiier and disposition, that any practice on tluiso institut(!.s con<-eniinjr necessity will incite. The anthoritics wlio' liavc issued Orch-r No. 1(10 affect tr) he jroveined in tlie ])roHeciition of this war hy laws not ])rescrih(;d hy thein- Hclvcs, nor the offsprinii; of their intent orjiassions; but which ar() derived from tho usa<;es of civilized nations, and have the sanction of the judgments of < nli'^htened j)iihlicists. Ny (Ik^ forei;;n nalioii. At this moment the Constitution and laws of the United States contain provisions for the return of fuoitivc slaves from one State to iinother. Tln^ jirinciple of pont liminiitiii does not r(!st upon any tiction, nor is it any exceptional ruh; existing; in (he international law. The municiiial lavvsof one State h.ive no more authority or reeu;jcnil ion within the limits of anotlnsr than it is cou- Hist(Mi( with the law or policy of (Ik; latter to permit. In tllos(^ Slates in which slavery is prohibited, the claim of the foreif^n master fortlio services or tln^ custody Of his slave; whom he has imported is not recojifnized or en- forced duriuf^ his sojourn, and the slave may appeal to (he civil triiiunalsfbr ])rotection in case the attempt to maintain it is made. ]5ut the law of tin; State of (he tenii»orary domicile or sojourn is not i-ecoifiiized or enforced in the State; to which the master anil slave belonjf, and (he claim of master will lie ii])held on his return. This proposition is excee(liii;,rly clrar, and the most eminent jurists of the United States and Great I'ritain have sanctioned it, and (Ik; (exts of (he Jiomaii I'amhcts an; consonant to it. "f war a servile; insurreclion. The savage; passions ami biii(al appetites e)f a bar- barous race; are to be; stimulate'el inte) liejrce; activity. Su(;li a- war inveilve's, ne;ce'ssarily, the; abaiieleinme'nt of all rul<;s, conve;ntioiis, mitigating iiifluence;s, and humanizing nsajie;s. The; e-ne'iny Avho adopts such auxiliarie;s i»roclainis in aelvanee; his de-sire us we'll as eh'sifrn that the; war shall be;e)ne; for mutual ex t(;rnii nation. The; connress of the Cemfeelerate; State's at the'ir last se-ssion adeijiteel reseijiitieins which liavi' (he; (brce of laws in the; Ceinfeele'iate; State;s. They are; (he; emly re'jily that (he; de'jtartme'iit has to make! te) the; luMicles of the; cenh; ami (he; ))rae;(,i(;e; of the; i[iiite;el States on (his subject. The; article-s of Militaiy Orele;r Ne). l(t(), npeiu (he; subje'e;t of the; e;xcliange or pareilej of prisoners, i-cMiuire' a pjissing ne)ti(;(;. The ]>e;rsons te> lie; ceinside'reel as jtrisoners of war, those to be; rel(;as(;d as neui-ceunbataiits, aiiel the; terms on wliie'h the; fe)rni(;r shemld bo exclian^e'el, may lie re'giilale'd by e'arle'ls agre'cel upon by the berllii^ere-nts, eir in the; ab- se'iiee of such aj;reemeiits, on the; usages of war anel the |iarl ieiilar instruct ions given te) till- ceiiiiiiianel(;r eif the; eaptiiiiiig foici; by hisgove'inme'iit. The law eif natiems antliorize-s the- dismissal eif jirisemers em their ]»are)le umler promise not to carry arms for a certain time; or during the; cemtinnaiice; of the war. Tiny aCtirm that a cemimaneler may make; engag(;me'nts with the enemy to this effect, but siieh e'ligagcnients have; their limits. Tin; limits sugge'ste;(l are that he; cannot un- dertake that his troeips shall n(;ver bear arms again against the enemy, theingh he may 512 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR engage that they shall not do so during the existing war, because the eneiuy may so long detain them in captivity. It is obviously proper that the possession of the ])ris- ouer should be complete, ;■«>•« victoria', ])y tha conqueror, and the sj^rs reciipcrandi frus- trated. Hence the paroling of prisoners on the battle-lield before the contest is ended is inoperative and void. But this department does not consent to the claim of the United States to determine when or under what circumstances the parole of prisoners may take place. They may punish their soldiers for giving a parole or accepting a re- lease contrary to or in the absence of their regulations. But the coutract of parole being recognized as one lawful between the captor and the prisoner by the law of war, the government of the prisoner is bound to respect a fair aud reasonable contract under which the prisoner has been released. In the regulations of the army of the United States, revised by General Scott in 1825, the following institutes on tliat siibject will be found. Extract from General Regulations for the army of the United States, revised by Major General Scott, 1825. ***** p^^j. --jr-,^ j, ^41 -. The ofticers among the prisoners will not, in general, be confined with the other prisoners. The gen eral-in-chief or the commander of a department may, according to instructions and the deportment of the officers, give them permission to repair, Avithont escort, to siich places and by such routes as uuiy be designated, taking from each his parole, in writing, bind- ing him to act accordingly. Par. 716, p. 141 : Every such officer who violates his parole by departing from the route prescribed or the limits assigned him, or who, being permitted to return to his own country, shall serve against the United States or their allies, before exchanged, or in violation of his parole given, every such officer being retaken shall, at least, be put and kept in irons, and may be otherwise punished according to the particular circum- stances of the case, the instructions of the government, nnd the usages of war. N. B. — General Scott, in Mexico, especially at Piiel)la, paroled large numbers of Mex- ican soldiers without cartel or concert with the enemy. # * * 'pij^. fj,(,j jg stated in the title of Military Order No. 100, that it was proposed l)y a German ]u-o- fessor, an alien by nativity to the Constitution, laws, and institutions of the United States. The intrinsic evidence furnished by the order itself shows that it is the handi- craft of one much more familiar with the decrees of the imperial despotisms of the con- tinent of Europe than with Magna Charta, the petition of right, the bill of rights, the Declaration of Independence, and the Constitution of the United States. The words " war traitor" and " war rebel" are not words of an American vocabulary. Treason is defined in the Constitution of the United States, the evidence by which it is to be proved is described, and the judicial tribunals for the arraignment and trial of the traitor are established and determined by that instrument in words so plain that he that runs may read. The constitution of the Confederate States contain the same provisions. It is exceedingly clear that martial law and military commission can have no, jurisdiction over one from whom allegiance is claimed, because he is a traitor to the obligations that relation imposes. Imperial or military despots on the continent of Eur()]>c Iiavo employed commissions composed of military subordinates to accomplish their State ])olicy or gratify their revenge, but the faithful historian has recorded the reproving judgment of mankind upon the injustice of the procedure. The Confederate States will perforin another duty to the cause of American liberty by resisting, to a bloody issue, the employment oif any such methods by our enemies, in the course of this war, in respect to any citizen of the Confederate States either witliin or without the lines of the cntrmy as a war rebel or war traitor, as defined by this order. The most ])rominent of the matters treated of in Order No. 100 have been noticed. There are other articles that are objectionable and that disclose the unrelenting and vindictive spirit with which our enemies prosecute the odious purpose which they have projiosed to themselves to accomplish. The accomplishment of that purpose would be the overthrow of their own institutions as well as of our own. The events of the war have sufficiently shown that our ol)jects have been to bring it to a conclusion without impairing or weakening the institutions or principles that have come to us from our ancestors. We have not jjrosecnted war as an instrument of massacreor confusion, but in the maintenance of rights which were achieved for us by the expenditure of blood and treasure, and for which our fathers endured suffering and privations. We have always been ready to frame couw'ntions to mitigate its calamities and to render a speedy and permanent peace attainable. We shall not depart from this course unless fairly justified by the great law of self-preservation produced by a fatal necessity created by the odious measures of our adversary. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JAMES A. SEDDON, /Secretary of War. Hon. ROBKUT OULD. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 513 E 129. Medical Director's Office, Richmond, Virginia, May 23, 1864. General: I respectfully request that yon forward this comnumicatiou with inclo- sures, that it may be cousidered in connection with the report of Lieutenant Colonel Geo. W. Brent and Surgeon T. G. Richardson, Richmond, March 14, ou their inspection of prison hospitals in Richmond. I request that inclosures No. 3, No. 7, No. 8, with indorsements, be perused before decidinersonal interview; told him of the difflculties existing, and that I had represented the violation of hygienic laAvs in the prisons and prison hospitals with()ut elfect, and understood from his remarks that the matter was one of international policy and military control. There was an inspection made of the hospitals and prisons by the direction of the secretary of war for the use of the agent of exchange. General John H. Morgan and a committee of escaped officers inspected them, and a conmiitteo of congress also, and they all reported favorably and approvingly. At this time I adopted the conviction that the existing state of things was known and approved by the department for the purposes of diplomatic policy, or forced upon them by the stern necessities of the occa- sion. I lost no occasion to make known to the proper authorities the violation of ordiiuxry hygienic laws, and while I looked upon the spectacle with pain and mortifi- cation, I was deterred from fiirtht;r remonstrances by a feeling that it was snperoga- tory, and might be understood as disrespectful. Large, well-ventilated and completely organized hospitals near the city have been empty during the whole of this time. They were ottered and refused. I dissent from the officer's report, as far as the principle cause of mortality is stated to be the crowded condition of the hospital, and request that the inclosures Nos. 3, 7, 8, be considered, and the facts therein referred to be investigated and considered. (See note.) From the facts above considered I do not consider myself responsible for, or comi)ro- mised 1)y, the condition of things at the prison hospital. I will further state that since the sickness has increased to any extent, I have had reasons constantly given me to believe that most of the prisoners would be soon re- moved from this city. Within the last few days the number of sick have been reduced to eight hundred bj' parole, and within a few days the tlag-of-truce boat will return and carry oft' six hundred more. I did all I could, by proper supply of officers and directions to them, to avoid impu- tation that the medical department could legitimately be considered as compromised by or responsible for the existing regulations adopted l)y the necessities of military law. The medical officers Avero directed to show the sick and Avouuded federals all kindness and consideration, and to give them all the care possible under the circum- stances. Very resijectfully, your obedient servant, \Vm. a. carrington. Medical Director. General John H. Winder, Commanding Department Henrico, liichmond, Virginia. Note. — When the three hospital buildings were separate confederate hospitals, they contained 650 beds ; room being left for storerooms, kitchen, apothecary shops, mess- rooms, dining-rooms, bath-rooms, and offices. The officer's portion of the hospital also contained more than 100 beds, making 750 beds. W. A. C. H. Eep. 45 33 514 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Richmond, Virginia, March 14, 1864. General: In obedience to orclers the nndorsigncd have inspected the hospitals used for sick and wounded prisoners of war attached to the military prisons of this city, and beg leave respectfully to submit the following report : The buildings are three in number, each of brick, three stories above ground ; one is situated at the corner of Twenty-lil'tli and Carey streets, one at the corner of Main and Twenty-sixth streets, and the other at the corner of Franklin and Twenty-hfth streets. The last two seemed to be well adapted for the purpose designed, being well ventilated and easily kex^t clean, but the tirst, possessing neither of these conditions, is wholly unsuitable. The three buildings can accomodate comfortably about five hundred jiatients, (500) allowing eight hundred (800) cubic feet per man. On the 11th instant there were present in hospital eleven hundred and twenty-seven (1,127) sick and wounded. The wards contain therefore more than twice the number- prescribed by orders, and such is their crowded condition that in some instances two patients were found on a single bunk. The evil consequences of this state of affairs are clearly manifested in the severe mortality exhibited by the reports of the surgeon in charge. Ratio of deaths, per 1,000, in January, 1864 188 Ratio of deaths, per 1,000, in February 240 Number of deaths in March, to date, (11 days) 244 Stated in another form, the average number of deaths per day during the month of January was 10 Average number of deaths per day for February 18 Average number of deaths i)er day for March, to date 22 On the day previously to that of inspection the number was 26. The ratio, it will be observed, is rapidly increasing, and compared with that of the hospitals for our own sick and wounded, the mortality in which for the same period did not in any case exceed 20 per 1,000, and in some did not reach 10 per 1,000, is truly frightful. As further illustrative of this sad condition of things, it may be mentioned that in the month of February, of 337 cases of diarrhea admitted, 265 were fatal, a result ascribed, in iiai't, by the medical othcer, to the want of Hour, corn meal alone being furnished. Of typhoid fever cases admitted during the three mouths preceding March 1, 64^ per cent, proved fatal. Dr. Wilkins, the surgeon in charge until A^ery recently, an officer to whose ability and efliciency the medical director of hospitals bears written testimony in most coin- y)limentary terms, made to the proper authorities a report, (see inclosure marked A,) dated November 21, 1863, setting forth the capacity of the hospital buildings and the overcrowded state of his wards, and urging the necessity for further accomuuidations, but it seems that his request was not complied with. He again, in a communication dated December 16, 1863, (see inclosure marked B,) called attention to the same subject, but, so far as it appears, with no effect. He further reports to the undersigned that the medical purveyor does not furnish a sufficiency of medicines; and that the commissary does not provide Hour for the sick requiring its use. The kitchen and laundries of two of the buildings are tolerably well arranged and well attended to ; the latrines are badly located, but well cared for. From the crowded condition of the wards it is impossible to preserve them from offensive eiHuvia. The officers and attendants (confederate) attached to this hosj)ital are — Surgeons 5 Assistant surgeons 9 Acting assistant surgeons 3 Hospital stewards 2 Ward masters 4 Total 23 Nurses, cooks, Avashers, and clerks, fifty-two in number, are taken from the prisoners. The daily guard required for the hospital consists of — Commissioned officers 3 Non-commissioned officers and privates 105 Total 108 The Avard at Libby prison appropriated to sick and Avouuded federal officers is also objectionable, being on the ground Hoor, and not Avell Aentilated ; but the mortality has been Aory slight, owing in a measure, it is thought by the surgeon in charge, to the fact that the i^atients generally have the means and privilege of purchasing better diet BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 515 than can be funiislied by the commissary. There are forty sick in this ward, which is its fnll capacity. The bedding of the hospital is in the main good, and considering the limited facilities, well taken care of. The books and records are neatly kept. In conclusion the undersigned woukl respectfully urge that an enlargement or entire change of hospital is absolutely necessary to meet the varied wants of the sick and wounded of the enemy now in our hands. GEORGE W. BRENT, Colonel and A. A. General. T. G. RICHARDSON, Surgeon P. A. C. S. General Braxton Bragg. Indorsements. Respectfully submitted for the information of the war department. A copy will be furnished General Winder, and his attention called to the condition of his command. The medical department is compromised by this state of affairs, which can but seriously and justly compromise us in the treatment of our prisoners. BRAXTON BRAGG, General. March 18. Respectfully referred to General Winder for examination and report, before submit- ting to higher authority. These papers to be returned to this office. S. COOPER, A. and I. G. March 21, 1864. Headquarters Department Henrico, Eichmond, March 26, 1864. Respectfully returned, with a report from Surgeon William A. Carrington, medic.il director, to General Cooper. I file also a statement showing ratio of deaths, from September, 1862, to February, 1864, inclusive, among federal prisoners, and also a statement of deaths in officers' hospital. Reference to this statement will show that the ratio of deaths for the mouths of December, January, and February, 1862-63, approximates the ratio of deaths for the corresponding months in the year 1863-64. Yet the number in hospital during the first period was very small. The increase of mortality for the month of February, 1864, may be tairly attributed to the virulence of small-pox. These facts taken in connection with the causes of mortality set forth in inclosures Nos. 3 and 7, show that the ascription of the mortality to the crowded state of tlie hos- pital was perhaps precipitate. It is stated in the report of Surgeon Semple that the ratio of mortality does not exceed that of our own prisoners in the hands of the enemy. All these facts show that the mortality is incident to prison life, and cannot reasonably be attributed to the want of space in the hospitals. I do not contend that the hospital accommodations have been such as were desirable, or that the quarters, fuel, and rations of the prisoners have been such as were most conducive to their health and comfort. The best disposition of them has been made which the guard and the means at my disposal would allow. With an insufficient guard, I have been compelled to concentrate them as far as possible, and, even with the aid of the local forces, serious and well-grounded apprehensions have been enter- tained that they would effect their escape. Their safe-keeping was the paramount and conti'olling object, and every relaxation, consistent with this object, has been extended. It was impossible to extend the hospital accommodations, for I had not sufficient guard. On several occasions the guard was retained on duty for forty-eight successive hours. The deficiency in commissary supplies, which has not been confined to this department, and for which I am not responsible, has prevented the supply of rations necessary to the health of the prisoners. The quantity and quality has been such as necessity compelled mo to use. This remark refers to rations furnished in quarters. It will be seen that the hospitals were placed on the same footing as confederate hospitals. The report of Surgeon Wilkins, .'itli September, 1863, taken in connection with the report of deaths at the officers' hospital in the Libby prison, proves that the objections urged against this hospital are not well taken. [A No. 118.] JOHN H. winder. Brigadier General. Respectfully submitted to the adjutant and inspector general. SAMUEL W. MELLON, Major and Assistant Adjutant General. Org. Off., Mareh 31, 1864. 516 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Respectfully referred to General Braj^g, with inc reports of General "Winder, and the medical director, Surgeon Carrington. S. COOPER, A. and I. General. April 4, 1864. F 1. War Dkpartment, Washington City, December 16, 1863. General : You will proceed immediately to Fort Monroe, and take any measure that may be practicable for the release, exchange, or relief of United States officers and soldiers held as prisoners by the rebels. You are authorized and directed to confer with Major General Butler on the subject, and may authorize him, as special agent, commissioner, or otherwise, to procure their release or exchange upon any just terms not conllictiug with principles on which the department has heretofore acted in reference to the exchange of colored troops and their officers, and not surrendering to the rebels any prisoners without just equivalents. You may, if you deem it proper, relieve General Meredith, and direct him to report to the Adjutant General for orders. Yours, trnlv, EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. Major General Hitchcock, Commissioner for Exchange of Prisoners. P 2. Office op Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe, December 17, 1863. Sir : By the authority and orders of the Secretary of War, you are hereby appointed special agent for exchange of prisoners of war, at City Point, for the purpose of execut- ing the instructions from the War Office, of this date, addressed to you. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, E. a. HITCHCOCK, Major General Vols., Commh' for Exchange of Prisoners. Major General B. F. Butlkr, Commanding, ^-c, Fort Monroe. F 3. Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Fort Monroe, December 17, 1863. General : Yo* are instructed and authorized to take charge of tlie matter of ex- change of prisoners at City Point, and for that purpose the prisoners at Point Lookout, at Fort McHenry, and at Fort Norfolk, aic ])ut under your charge, and such otliers will be sent to you from time to time, upon notilication to the War Dcqjai'tmcnt, as may be thought advisable. You are herein instructed not to negotiate any exchange which shall not return to you man for man, officer for officer of equal rankAvith those jiaroled and sent forward, regarding, of course, in the earlier exchanges if they can be eftected, from motives of humanity, those on either side that have been the longest confined both in officers and men. Colored troops and their officers will be put upon an equality in regard to exchange, as a right, with otlier troops. Colored men in civil em])loyment taken by the enemy may also be exchanged for other men taken by us in civil enq)l()ymeut. You are permitted in conducting the question to waive for the present the considera- tion of the questions of parole and excess, now pending between the confederate belligerent authorities and this government, leaving it as it stands at present until interchange of views between those authorities and yourself. In conducting this delicate and perliaps difficult matter, you will see to it that in no BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 517 dej^ree the protection of the governmeut is withdrawn from our colored soldiers and the officers coniinandiug, and that iu no respect, solar as results from your action, that the honor or dignity of the government shall be compromised. Brigadier General Meredith is ordered to report to you, and Avill be relieved from farther duty as commissioner of exchange, except under your orders. The conduct of the Hag of truce and the necessary transportation to effect this are placed at your disposal. You will report as often as practicable to this department your action under this letter of instructions. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General and Commissionei' for Exchange. Major General B. F. Butler, Commanding DepH of Virginia and North Carolina, F 4. Headquarters Department of Virges'ia and North Carolixa, Fort Monroe, Virginia, December 24, 1863. Sir : I have the honor to inclose to you an official copy of the authority conferring upon me the duties of commissioner of exchange of prisoners, so that we may be able to establish official relations upon that subject. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BEN J. F. BUTLER, Major General Commanding. Hon. ROBT. OULD, Commissioner of Exchange, Richmond, Va. F 5. Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Fort Monroe, December 24, 1863. Sir : I send by Major Mulford, assistant commissioner of exchange, 502 prisoners of war from the coufederate army, from Point Lookout, all, I believe, serviceable men, and substantially those longest there iu coniinement. I offer for delivery at City Point, upon condition of receiving the same number of men held by j^our authorities as pris- oners of war from our army, leaving all questions of difference in controversy between your authorities and my governmeut for the present in abeyance. I have made personal examination of the condition of the prisoners of war of the confederate army now in prison at Point Lookout, and beg leave to assure you that they are as well cared for and in as comfortable a condition, as good health and as well fed, as the soldiers in our army. I will send you iu my next communication the statement of the sergeants, confederate prisoners, who have charge of the several cook-houses, upon that subject. I do not mean to say that their rations are as large as our regularly issued ration, because of their state of entire inactivity ; but it is, in every respect, of the same cpiality as those issued to the men guarding. If you have any doubt of it, upon an examination of the condition of the men I send you, and upon hearing their statements, please suggest what, iu your judgment, should be done further in their behalf. I have made this- examination, and this statement to you, in order that you may be able to satisfy the friends of the prisoners, who may be disturbed by the unfounded reports of ill treatment and cruelty suffered by the pris- oners at Point Lookout, in like manner as our people are excited by what t hope are like groundless stories of ill usage and starvation suffered by our soldiers iu your hands. I find there are some of the wounded from Gettysburg, and some that have been sick, that are convalescent, and some so far disabled by sickness that while they may be sent forward for exchange tliey will be of no further service in the field. Men without arms and legs, and debilitated by sickness, are certainly unfit to bear the necessary hardships incident to a condition of prisoners of war; besides, they encumber our hospitals, as upon examination I did not think it proper to order them into the prisoner's camp, with wounds freshly healed, and liealth hardly restored, and perhaps as the hope of seeing their friends might have a beneficial influence upon their health, therefore I suggest that in the next transport I send up as many of those as are entirely able to bear the 518 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR. exposures of travel without probable clanger to their health, and that in exchange you ■will return to me an equal number of our soldiers that may be in like condition. As it may be inconvenient and prejudicial to their health to tranship these invalids on either side, I will have them put on a separate boat, upon which there shall be nothing but provisions for them, and will direct tliat that boat be i^ut at your disposal at City Point, to carry them immediately to Richmond, and bring back those that you shall give in exchange. Of course you will transfer, if you thiuk best, the master and crew of the boat to the steamer New York, which will accompany them, and will remain at City Point, and put your own master and crew on board, until the boat is returned. I need not suggest the necessity of care that the boat, which is but a liired transport, shall receive no damage while in your charge, for which my government will be respoil- sible. And I further suggest whether the same means of avoiding transshipment might not be a convenience and facility in making further exchanges of well men, as well as invalids. I also send four officers, lately captured at Charles City Court House, and a surgeon. One in exchange for Captain Irwine, who was sent down by last boat ; one at his earn- est request, being suff'eriug from injuries, and two others, for whom you will forward me auy officers of equal rank. I send these, though lately captured, because I have no officers short of Johusou's Island, and I wish to avoid delay. Also a uumber of other prisoners whom I understand were exchanged long since, but by some oversight were not forwarded until now. I trust such oversight will never hapi)cn again. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, vour obedient sci vaut, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General, Commanding. Hon. Robert Ould, Commissioner for Exchange of the Confederate Authorities. F 6. Confederate States of America, War Department, Eichmond, Virginia, December 27, 1863. Sir : I have received your letter announcing your arrival with confederate prisoners. I have this day forwarded to you an equal or greater number of federal prisoners. I received with your letter several communications from Major General Butler. In no one of them is it stated that the United States government is Avilling to resume the cartel and deliver all of our prisoners now in captivity, the excess on either side to be on parole. I have, more than once, expressed the entire willingness of the confederate government to deliver th(^ federal jirisoners now iu our hands, provided the United States authorities will deliver the confederate prisoners in their hands. This is the pro- vision of the cartel, and we cau accept nothing less. Unless this is the distinct under- standing, no equivalent will be delivered to you for any confederate officers and soldiers whom you may hereafter bring to City Point. In the hope that such is the understand- ing, I have directed that a number greater than the total of your delivery shall be sent to you. In nd event can we consent that the general release of prisoners so distinctly required by the cartel shall be evaded by partial deliveries. Accepting the present delivery as a step towards a general exchange on the principles of the cartel, I trust I may be per- mitted the hope that deliveries on the basis above indicated will be continued until all the troops iu confinement on both sides are released. Resj)ectfully, your obedient servant, ROBERT OULD, Agent of Exchange. Major John E. Mulford, Assistant Agent of Exchange. F 7. Confederate States op America, Tfar Department, Eichmond, rirginia, December 27, 1863. Sir : I have this day received from Major General B. F. Butler a copy of a communi- cation to him, signed by yourself as commissioner for the exchange of prisoners, iu which it is stated that, by the authority and orders of the United States Secretary of BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 519 War, Major General B. F. Butler Tras appoiuted special agent for the exchange of pris- oners at City Point. You are doubtless aware that by proclamation of the president of the confederate States Major General B. F. Butler is under the law of outlawry. Although wo do not pretend to prescribe what agents your government shall employ in connection with the cartel, yet, when one who has been proclaimed to be so obnoxious as General Butler is selected, self-respect requires that tlio confederate authorities should refuse to treat with him, or establish such relations with him as properly pertain to an agent of exchange. The proclamation of President Davis forbids that General Buthn- should be admitted to the protection of the confederate government, and he cannot, therefore, be received Tinder a flag of truce. Accordinglj^ I am directed by the confederate a\;thorities to inform you that Major General B. F. Butler will not be recognized by them as an agent of exchange. Respectfully, youi- obedient servant, ROBERT OULD, Agent of Exchange. Major General E. A. Hitchcock, Commissioner of Exchange. [Telegram. — Received 11.30 p. m., December 28.] Fort Monroe, Va., 11.40 p. m., Decemlyer 28, 1863. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War : Flag-of-truce boat in with five hundred and twenty (520) returned prisoners. Further exchange stopped after sharp debate in rebel cabinet. Major Mulford will bring dis- patches by noon to-morrow. No news of interest fi-om Charleston or the West. B. F. BUTLER, Major General Commanding. F 9. Headquarters Eighteenth Army Corps, Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Fort Monroe, December 28, 1863. Sir : Acting on the instructions sent me from the department I forwarded to City Point five hundred and five (.505) prisoners, officers, and soldiers, accompanied by a letter proposing an exchange of all the prisoners actually held in custody, holding'iu abey- ance all other questions relating to the subject between this government and the rebel authorities, upon belief that a fair, honorable, and just proposition of exchange of pris- oners actually in custody would be accepted, leaving other questions of diiference to be adjusted by other negotiations. With this view I was careful that nothing should appear in my note which could bo nuido either a cause or pretext for offense. The result has been that five hundred and twenty pi isoners of Avar held by the confed- erates have been sent back in exchange, and the information is afforded Major Mulford, assistant agent, and Major General Hitchcock, commissioner of exchange, by letters from Robert Ould, confederate commissioner of exchange, which are inclosed, which assert in substance that unless the United States give up every claim which they have made in behalf of their soldiers who are prisoners of war ; consent to sacrifice the colored soldiers the government has enlisted ; turn over their officers to the cruel punishments imposed by the pretended law of the confederate congress ; and last, and much the least, con- sent officially that the person to whom the government has intrusted the command of this department shall be executed immediately upon capture, and that he and all officers serving under him shall be excluded from all the benefits of the laws which regulate civilized warfare, and from even the privilege of communication by flag of truce, for such is the tenor of a proclamation from Jefl:erson Davis under which they shelter them- selves ; that no exchange can be ett'ected while our soldiers, prisoners in theu' hands, are to be maltreated, starved, ironed, or hanged, as suits their caprice. There is but one way, it seems to me, to meet this question, and that is by the sternest retaliation. This government stands before the world as having offered in every form, and through every variety of agent, to exchange men actually in prison, the starvation of whom is justified by the public journals of the confederacy upon the ground that they have not food enough to feed their own soldiers, a condition of things which, by every writer 520 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR upon the law of nations, is held to require a release of the prisoners so held without ahility on the part of the eaptors to see to it that they are fed. Nor is the condition altered because by coutril)Utions by the friends of the prisoners and our government oirr Buhliers, their i)risoncrs, have been kept from sull'erinjr the last pangs of hunger. I ask leave, therefore, to be enaljled to take into my custody a sufldcient number of the rebel officers held by us, and have them so placed under such orders as to insure the safety of every prisoner that may i'all into their hands. If such orders shall be given me I will see to it that under no possible circumstances shall there be doubt upon the point. If these frantic men, with a bad canse and a dissolving power, choose to make this ■war one of extermination, twenty millions to two, as the war now stands, makes it a matter of easy ai-ithmetical calculation when it will end. I would further suggest that every rebel prisoner and officer be put upon precisely the same and measured allowance as to food ; under precisely the same and no different treatment as to clothing and lire, as our suffering prisoners. Now having exhausted negotiation, conciliation, offers of amnesty and pardon, let the government call upon the loyal North for volunteers to relieve these prisoners, and there will be no occasion for either bounty or other inducements to till up oni' armies. Certain it is, in my judgment, that the lebel autliorities could have done no Ijctter act for us, to unite our people, to rouse again the enthusiasm of the country to the point at ■which it stood when the attack on Sumter was heard, and thus enable the government to exert all its strength to bring the war to a sjieedy conclusion. For there is no loyal man in the country who can read at one and the same time the proclamation of grace ' and pardon by the President and an accurate account of the condition of our prisoners in the hands of the rebels who would dare to raise his hand or voice in opjiosition to the government of his country. In order that it may fully appear that this stoppage of exchange, once again begun, has been from no fault on my part, I beg leave to inclose copies of every communication, official or nnofticial, that has i>assed between me and Robert Quid, their connuissioner of exchange. Although many of them are not relevant to this })recise subject, one at least will show how shallow is the pretext jiersonal to myself upon which they refuse to treat with me. When I was sending medicines to prevent the spread of a loathsome disease among their citizens I was not so " obnoxious" to Jefferson Davis but what the medicine was received, and the usual official courtesies passed between his agent and myself. But when a pretext was sought for, to prevent a fair and honorable exchange of juisouers of war, then a cowardly proclamation, issued after I was relieved from command to his knowledge, which has lain dormant a year, is brought forward. So long as I am honored witli a couunand in the forces of the United States I will see to it that if a hair of the heaectfullv, your obedient servant, BENJAMIN F. BUTLER, Major General Commanding and Commissioner of Exchange. Hon. Robert Ovld, Commissioner of Exchange, Bichmond, Va. F18. Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Fort Monroe, Va., January 12, 1864. Sui : It is desirable that a list of all the prisoners held by either belligerent, whether officers or sohliers, should be furnished to each officer of exchange, and also a list of all who have died on either side while held as prisoners of war. It is also desirable that an arrangement should be made by which monthly lists should be furnished as soon as practicable, up to the first of each month, of the persons cajitured and who have died on both sides. I am prepared to send forward a list up to the first day of December, 1863, and to continue so to furnish, upon condition that you will do the same, monthly lists of prison- ers and deaths, as above suggested. I beg to call your attention that your list already furnished contains the names of only some one hundred autl twenty-three deaths. Would we could hope that list is correct, but it is impossible. Please see to it, if this arrangement is made, that wo have accurate lists of all the deaths in all the prisons and xtrison-eamps wherein our officers or men are held by your authorities, and on our part it is stipulated that the utmost pains shall be taken to make like accurate lists of the officers and men, both living and dead, who are and have been held by us. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant. BENJAMIN F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner of Exchange. Hon. Robert Ould, Commissioner for Exchange, Eichmond, J'a. F 19. Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Fort Monroe, Virginia, January 12, 1864. Sir: Inclosed please find receipt rolls and certificate of thirteen men claiming to be master, master's mate, and seamen in the Confederate States navy, captured at Acco- mac, Virginia, who were said to be in irons at Fort McHeury, and because of whose BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 529 confiueoient certain officers and sailors of tlie United States navy, in the bands of your aiitliorities, were iiut in irons in retaliation. It will be seen in tbe certi- ticate tbat tbey bave been received by me at Fort Norfolk, und are tbereiu treated as prisoners of war, and an not in irons. One of tbe men captured at tbe same time made bis escape from Fort McHeurr. I need not call your attention to tbe necessity of striking off" tbe irons from tbese men wbom yon bold tbus in retaliation. Please advise me tbat it is so done, tbat I may inform tbe friends of tbe ])risoners. I bave tbe bonor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJAMIN F. BUTLER, Major General CommamUng and Commissioner for Exclmnge. Hon. Robert Ould, Commissioner of Exchange, Biclimond, Virginia. F 20. Ecols, Jobn, Brigadier General. Relative to tbe excbange of A. J. Stevenson, sberiff of Nicholas County, under the bogus Virginia government. January 2, 1864. Respectfully returned to the secretary of war. My own conviction in this class of cases is clear that we should not bo deterred from the arrest and detention of domestic traitors, because tbe enemy seizes and holds one or more of our citizens as hostages for such parties. It is true' that it is bard upon tbe hostages, but yet it is only one of tbe many forms of siiffering which the cruelty and malignity of our foe inflict upon our people. Shall they be permitted by any resorts to interfere witb our rights to admin- ister criminal justice within our own limits. ROBT. OULD, Agent of Exchange. (Colonel Ould's opinion was concurred in by tbe secretary of war, January 7, 1865.) F 21. L. H. Carrington, Commissioner. Submits report No. 492, concerning Daniel Gould and other prisoners, captured by Colonel Jackson's command, in northwestern Virginia. L. H. Carrington, Commissioner. Respectfully returned to B. R. Wellford, esq. It has been tbe invariable practice to treat citizens of any one of the Confedei'ate States found in the military organization of the enemy as prisoners of' war and subjects of excbange. The federals so treat Marylauders in our service. There can be no doubt of our legal right to try and punish these people for treason, both against the State and tbe confederacy. I go further than Major CaiTington, and contend for this right even if they were enlisted soldiers in tbe service of tbe LFnited States. Both governments, however, have forborne to exercise this right when tbe party belonged to an existing militarji organization. To establish a contrary practice now would bo the opening of a chapter of horrors such as tbe world has never seen. Tbe only question is, therefore, did tbese men belong to an existing military organization ? I think tbey did, and it has been tbe constant practice of tlie agents of exchange on both sides to treat such persons as being in organ- ized warfare. I think these parties are prisoners of war, and projier subjects of excbange under tbe cartel. ROBT. OULD, Agent of Exchange.. January 23, 1864. F 211. Confederate States op America, War Department, Eichmond, Virginia, January 27, 1864. Sir : All of the deliveries at City Point have been mutually declared exchanged up to September 1, 1863. Since that date there bave been several deliveries, the number ou each generally corresponding. If there is any excess it is in our deliveries. H. Eep. 45 34 530 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR On the 1st of February I shall declare all officers aud soldiers who have been delivered at City Point at any time to January 1, 1864, exchanged. You can make a similar notice as to those who have been delivered to you. Respectfully, your obedient servant, RO. OULD, Agent for Exchange. Major General E. A. Hitchcock, Agent for Exchange. F 22. Headquakters Department of Virgixia axd North Carolina, Fort Monroe, Virginia, February 4, 1864. Sir : I send Mr. Thomas Ritchie, a surgeon captiu'ed at Brandon, and his two over- seers. I do not ask any exchange for Mr. Ritchie, because I think he comes fairly within the spirit that surgeons shall be exchanged. For the two citizens, overseers, who go with him, I desire that you would send me some citizens whom you hold of ours. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, &c., BEN J. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange. Hon. Robert Ould, Confederate Commissioner for Exchange. F 23. Office Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe, Virginia, February 7, 1864. Sir : I have the honor to call your attention to the fact that Surgeon J. F. Galloupe, Seventeenth Massachusetts volunteers, aud Assistant Surgeon R. T. Baker, Twelfth New York cavalry, were captured at Newbern, North Carolina, on the 1st instant, and are now in the hands of your authorities. I have therefore to request that you will cause these officers to be sent here by the next flag of truce. 1 have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange. Hon. Robert Ould, Agent for Exchange, Richmond, Virginia. F 24, Daniel S. Farrar : Asks if an oath or parole forced upon a non-combatant is binding. Daniel S. Farrar : Respectfully returned. Paroles or boml'. imposed by the enemy upon uou-combat- ants are in violation of all the rules and usages of civilized warfare, and will not be recognized or respected by this government. February 10, 1864. F 25. Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Office Com. for Exchange, Fort Monroe, Va., March 3, 1864. Sir : I inclose yoji co])ics of correspondence, so far as received, between General Peck and General Pickett, aud instructions to General Peck from myself, in regard to the execution of certain men in North Carolina enlisted in the United States service. BY THE KEBEL AUTHORITIES. 5B1 I desire to ask your especial attention to the threat of General Pickett that he will hang two men for any retaliation that may he madehy General Peck for the murder of men in the United States Army. If that threat had been made in answer to a claim that deserters from au armj- situated as is yours were not liable to be executed upon capture if found in arms iu our ranks, it might have been possibly justihed under the laws of war ; but even then the question of the right of executing such persons is still worthy of careful consideration and (fllscussion. True, General Pickett having deserted his own tlag and the army of the United States on the 25th of June, 1861, would pro- bably know what should be the fate of a deserter found in arms against his govern- ment ; but the question will be, whether he would be permitted to allow his own per- sonal feelings to prevail in a matter of so grave importance to his brother officers and soldiers now iu our hands. I beg you, however, to observe that this threat was iu answer to a claim that a negro soldier enlisted in the army of the United States, and under the protection of its gov- ernment, should not be wantonly murdered simply because that, while in the held and in the course of military operations, he, iu pursuance of his duties as a soldier, shot a colonel of the confederate army while he was building a pontoon bridge — a meritorious act on the part of the soldier, and one because of which, under no rule of civilized war- fare, should a hair of his he;id be injured. ■ Now, therefore, as I cannot hang any sufficient number of General Pickett's friends or relations, which would be in the nature of a personal retaliation, and which ought not to be thought of by, the generals of two armies in the held, if I lU'oceed to retali- ation it must be upon the soldiers and officers of the confederate army that I have in my hands, as I shall most assuredly feel it my duty to do unless some period is put to such acts and such threats. It therefore becomes my duty, as commanding general of this department, to call upon the confederate authorities to know if such acts and that threat are sanctioned and authorized by them. I will patiently wait for a sufficient time to elapse in which I can be made acquainted with the course which the confederate authorities choose to take upon this subject, and then will pi'oceed to such action as I may be advised is proper to sustain the dignity, power, and justice of the government which I represent. To avoid all misconception upon so grave a subject, involving so much responsibility, I desire to say that until full explanation is had with the confederate authorities, I should not deem it my duty to execute prisoners of war in retaliation for the execution of deserters from the confederate army should they be found with arms in their hands, because the question should be made the subject of discussion between the two bel- ligerents. But the question Avhich I desire to submit for authoritaM»ve decision on the part of those you represent is, whether a soldier of the United States who is duly en- listed and has not deserted from your army, and who has committed no act which could be construed as crime, save acts of hostility in the field against the confederate armies — whatever may be the color or complexion of that soldier — is to be regarded and treated by your authorities as a priscner of war, and, as such, entitled to the rights and immunities of such condition. The most obvious considerations of humanity and mercy will impress, more strongly than anything I could say might th>, the immediate necessity of placing this nuitter before your authorities ; and 1 take this method of communication through yourself, as the most i>roper channel through which to discuss questions relating to prisoners of war. I have the honor to be, verv respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BltTLER, Major General and Commmioner for Exchange. Hon. ROBT. OULD, Confederate Commissioner for Exchange, Eichmond, Va. F 26. Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Office Com. for Exchange, Fort Monroe, Va., March 11, 1^64. Sir: I see by a Richmond paper, a copy of which I send for your informatiou, that the officers who accompanied General Kilpatrick iu his late expedition, and were cap- tured by your forces, have been confined iu irons. To such a report I give little credence, and before I take any action in relation to it I desire au authoritative confirmation from yourself. I call you to witness that since I have ha'd charge of the matter of exchange and treatment of prisoners I have endeavored that all things should be conducted, in this regard, upon the most humane principles of civilized warfare. I therefore shall not be 532 TREATMENT OF PEISONERS OF WAR considered by jon as making a tlireat wlipn I announce the determination of my gOT- ernment to return the promj)test and severest retaliation for the treatment of those officers if I learn this report is possibly true. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient sers^ant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange, Hon. ROBT. OULD, Commissioner for Exchanr/e, Richmond, Va. , F 27. George P. Farr, IIajTics\'ille, Tennessee : Asks if an oath to which he has " inscribed "is bindings George P. Farr, Haynesville, Tennessee: Returned to Colonel Preston. We csmnot respect the oath, nor the bond given for its observance. The enemy has no right to impose such obligations on non-combatanta. If these obligations were respected by us, they would practically defeat our power " to raise armies." JLvECH 16, 1864. F28. War Departmeistt, Washington, March 21, 1864. Sir : The Secretary of War directs me to acknowledge the receipt, by reference from the commissary general of prisoners, of your communications of the 14th and 11th instant. In reply to your request for the transfer to Point Lookout of the prisoners of war now at Fort Delaware, I am instructed to say that the Secretary does not deem it expedient to approve it, from the fact that he considers the last-named place by far the safest of the two. With regard to your suggestions for a declaration of exchange, the Secretary does not consider the alleged fact that " all the equivalents are serving in the confederate army against us, while we cannot make the declaration," as a sufficient reason for us to disregard the proper rules for the exchange of prisoners, nor does he think that the proper remedy of such irregularities is to be found in following Mr. Quid's example. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, EDWARD R. S. CANBY, Brigadier General,ji. A. G. Major General B. F. Butler, Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe, Va. F 29. ITelegram.} War Department, Washington City, March 12, 1864. Major General Butler, Fort Monroe : Your attention is requested to the ai'ticles in the National Intelligencer of this week, token from Ricshmond papers, in relation to exchange of prisoners. Do they exchange man for man, or only pro rata ? EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. True copy ; A. E. H. JOHNSON. '"' BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 533 F 30. fConfldential.l Heai^quarters Eighteenth Army Corps, Department Virgesia and North Caroijna, Fort Monroe, March 23, 1864. Sir : In default of the telegraph, I have the honor to forward by the llag-of-truce boat, via Annapolis, the report that I have received sixty-three officers and nine huu- di'ed and sixty-five men, paroled for exchange. This number is an excess of the num- ber last sent up, and nearly equalized the whole number between us. I have now got the matter of exchange to such a point that I think w^e may go through upon a proper basis. I have, therefore, proposed to the rebel commissioner Ould to have him meet me, which he intends to do on the first days of next week, at Fort Monroe. We have not received Colonel Dahlgren's body, for reasons which I believe are not within the control of the confederate officers. I trust at least that matters are so far ar- ranged that if we do not go on with the exchange upon an honorable and equitable basis, we shall be in a condition to work such proper and thorough retaliation as will bring these rebels to their senses. Therefore, I desire that the most active measures be taken to transport all the prisoners we can to Point Lookout. I will be ready to receive at Bal- timore these prisoners as fast as they can be put there, because if we are successful, as I believe we may be, I wish to have the whole exchange business finished in the course of a few weeks, so as to be out of the way of the sj)ring campaign. I have marked this letter confidential, because I am anxious that no portion of the terms of exchange, or even my meeting with the commissioner, gets into the news- papers before my arrangements are perfected. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General Commanding. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War. F 31. Extracts from a report of Mr. Bo. Ould to the rel)cl secretary of war, dated Richmond, Vir- ginia, May 2, 1864. * » »i» * * * * « * » In order to prevent anj' j)ossible imposition in these deliveries, I took care to send in return a less number than were forwarded to me. At the last delivery, which occurred a few days ago, I refused to give officer for officer, and delivered only twenty-seven, while I received forty-seven. I had determined to refuse to receive these forty-seven officers, if the conditions of returning a like number should be imposed. F 32. Washington City, D. C, March 28, 1864. Sir : In reference to the cartels forwarded by Major General Banks, with his com- munication of the 2d of February last, and the correspondence in connection with them, I have to observe that the cartel agreed upon at Haxall's Lauding, on James river, Virginia, on the 22d of July, 1862, between Major General Dix, on the part of the fed- eral government, and Major General Hill, " C. S. A.," published in General Orders No. 142, of September 23, 1862, having never been by authority abrogated, though tempo- rarily suspended in its action, because of violations of it by the rebel authorities, should be considered as so far operative as to prevent tiio adoption of any other than local agreements for exchange between generals mutually opposed to each other in the field. I respectfully suggest that the cartels submitted by General Banks be regarded as of the nature of agreements made in the field, and that they be executed according to their terms, with the understanding that no further action be had under them, and that hereafter no exchanges be made except under the cartel of the 25th of September, 1862, and by generals commanding in the field, the latter in all cases to be of the 534 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR nature oi agreements between mutually opposed commanders in the filed, according to the general la^vs of Avar. I beg to remark ui)on two points in this correspondence of a special character. The rebel authorities liave virtually been countenanced in holding colored trooi)s as excejited from the terms of exchange ; for, while they decline to entertain any ques- tion by which such troops are to be recognized as entitled to the privileges of soldiers, in couformity with express orders from the rebel government, they enter upon a cartel under a mere declaration that they hold no colored men belonging to " organizations ;" by which they liave been permitted to let out tha pr in cqyle that they >Nnll not entertain any proposition which would require them to treat colored troops as soldiers. There is great reason to fear that the rebel officers will carefully retain such a posi- tion, by horrible means, as will enable them constantly in the future to set forward the same declaration, that they hold no colored men belouging to organizations. The other point is this : Tlie rebel authorities in the southwest decline to release non-combatants, except upon an agreement on our part not to make arrests of that class — the point whicli Mr. Ould has been urging for the ])ur])Ose of obtaining thus in- directly what would amount to a quasi recoguitiou of the eqiuxl privileges of rebels with Union citizens ; thus protecting all civil offemlers in rebelliou from arrest for treason. I would suggest that ]iarticular care should be taken not to enter into any agreement of this uafure under any pretense whatever. I have the houor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General of Volunteers, Commissioner of Exchange. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. F 33. C. S. Steamer Roanoke, Mouth of tlie James Eiver, March 29, 1864. Sir : I am here for the jiurpose of having a conference with you in relation to matters connected with the delivery and exchange of prisoners. Respectfullv, your obedient servant, ROBERT OULD, C aS'. Agent for Exchange. Major General B. F. Bcti.er, U. S. Agent for Exchange. F 34. Memorandum of points discussed between Benjamin F. Butler, United States agent for exchange, and Robert Ould, ConJ'ederate States agent for exchange, at a cortference at Fort Monroe, March 31, 1864. United States claims that the cartel should be set aside because of the declaration of authorities of Confederate States of December 2'3, 1862, of January 12, 1863, and acts of Confederate States Congress in regard to treatment of officei's in command of colored troops and of their troops. Officers and men, (not slaves,) even if serving with slaves in the United States forces, shall be treated as prisoners of war. That slaves ca])tnrcd shall not be treated as prisoners of war, and that a right exists, at the pleasure of the Confederate States, to return them when captured to their for- mer owners, being in the confederacy. By slaves are meant persons held to life service by masters belonging within the States of Missouri, Alabama, Texas, Louisiana, Mississipi)i, Arkansas, Georgia, Florida, South Carolina, North Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky. Confederate States claim paroles of all oflicers and soldiers (not citizens) captured and paroled by commanding officers of armies and expeditions ])rior to July 3, 1863, as \H'v gericral orders, prior to Order No. 207, and all captured and paroled by officers of armies since. It may be granted, excei)t as to persons in the military and naval service, paroled, who could not be held and brought away, aiul held in 'confinement by the forces upon biich expeditious. BY THE REBEL AUTHOEITIES. 535 To this it is answered that the United States have claimed, and had allowed in ex- change, paroled men captured on raids like Kiipatrick's tirst raid, who could not have been brought away by the expeditionary force ; and if practicable, would be willing to adjust accounts in that way fi-om the beginning, but do not believe it to be prac- ticable. It is suggested that Order No. 207 shall apply only to paroles granted after a reason- able time for the order to have reached the coumianding officer giving the parole, time to be judged of in each case according to his position and distance from Washington. For the purpose of the cartel, who shall be held to be commanders of armies in the liehl, a dehnition is suggested that, in addition to the general meaning, it ought to include a commander of a besieging force and the commander of the fortified place be- sieged, also to commanders of detailed forces, acting for the time independently of headquarters, either by order or because o>f the necessity of warlike operations when it is in the power of the captor to hold and bring off his prisoners. It is further suggested, when the captiu'ed party is disabled or wounded, so that his transportation would endanger lilb or limb, then his own parole should be represented if he is released. lu other respects cartel to be carried out, and exchange and parole to go forward according to provisions. In all cases of condemnation to death, imprisonment at hard labor, or confinement in irons, except upon sentence of death, of any person in the military or naval service of either belligerent, before execution of the sentence, the copy of the records of the trial and conviction shall be submitted to the agent of exchange of the accused party ; and unless a communication of an order of retaliation within fifteen days thereafter be made to the agent of exchange furnishing the records, no retaliation for such execu- tion or other punishment shall be claimed or executed by the other party. F 35. Headquarters Dept. of Virginia and North Carolina, Fort Monroe, Virginia, April 9, 1864. Sir : Upon the last flag-of-truce boat, which carried up confederate prisoners in our Lands, I sent up from Point Lookout some four hundred and odd prisoners, being all the wounded and sick confederates who were sufficiently convalescent to bear the voyage. Upon the return of the boat I was informed by Major Mulford that the confederate agent of exchange would meet me on the James River on Wednesday the of March. Accordingly I received notice from Admiral Lee, late in the evening of that day, that a fiag-of-truce boat was seeking communication at the outer picket line of the block- ading fleet at the mouth of the James River. The same messenger brought a coijimunication from Robert Ould, esq., agent of exchange of the authorities of tlie belligerents at Richmond, directed to Major General Butler, agent for the exchange of prisoners on behalf of the United States, signed with the ofiicial signature of Robert 0;iUl, agent of exchange, "Confederate States," inform- ing me that he was then on board the Confederate States steamer Roanoke, and desired an interview upon the subject of exchange. Deeming this to be an official recognition of the commissioner of exchange of the United States on behalf of tlie belligerent authorities at Richmond, and an abrogation of the letter to General Hitchcock, commissioner of exchange, of the date of December 27, 1863, refusing to treat with mj\self as commissioner of exchange on the part of the United States, I sent Major Mulford with a steamer to officially inform Mr. Ould that I would confer with him as pi'oposed, and suggested, as a matter of comfort to both parties, that he should meet me with his assistant at Fort Monroe. Owing to the darkness and storminess of the weather, he was not able to come down the river until the following day. Upon meeting, Mr. Ould informed me that most of the soldiers of the United States in the hands of his authorities had been sent to Americus, Georgia, for the convenience of furnishing them with food, and for the pur- })ose of relieving us from the temptation of continual movements u[>on Richmond for the purpose of their liberation, and tbat in further exchange he would desire to have these prisoners delivered to us at Fort Pulaski, in the Savannah River, and urged as a reason that it was more desirable to have them come by sea than to suffer the discom- forts of many hundred miles by railroad. From motives of tenderness to the prisoners, and to prevent their being broken down by the journey, I assented that, in case the exchange went forward, our government would receive those prisoners at that point, although the expenditure would be much heavier than at City Point ; but leaving that cxuestiou, as well as the one whether the 536 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR prisoners held by us iu the West might not be delivered somewhere on the Mississippi River, and thus save an expensive land transportation, to be adjusted by future confer- ence, after other questions of more moment were settled, we then proceeded to discuss the points of difference which had arisen in the matter of exchange, and the points reduced themselves to a few, which, for more convenience of reference, were put upon a memoran- dum, a copy of which I herewith inclose. I confess that excepting the first point, as to persons of color, which I beg leave to discuss last, I can see no reason why an agree- ment upon all points of difference cannot be arrived at upon just and equitable terms. In regard to paroles, the confederate commissioner claims nothing, so far as I can see, which he is not willing to concede to us, acting under the cartel and our general orders, with the exception that, I believe, on both sides it should be yielded that, as well before as subsequently to Order No. 207, of July 3, 1863, paroles should not be accepted by either belligerent of officers or soldiers who were not so far in the power of the captor as to be taken to ii i)lace of safety, and I believe this i)i'oposition will be agreed to by the confederate commissioner, altliougli, for paroles given prior to July 3, 1 was at a loss to answer the fact claimed, which I suppose to ha the fact that paroles of prisoners taken on raids had been insisted upon on Ijehalf of the United States, as in the case of Kilpafc- rick's first expedition to Richmond, and had been allowed and counted by the confederate authorities. But I have still no doubt that that matter can be easily adjusted. The next question of difference which presented itself in discussing what paroles should be allowed was the necessity of defining what is the meaning of the words •' commanders of armies in the field," as used in Order No. 207 ; and this was further complicated with the question when that order should be considered as taking effect; whether at its date, July 3, 1863, or on the date of its being notified to the confederate commissioner of exchange, July 8, or at some other i)eriod. The practical result of the difference of opinion upon this question would be this : If the " commanding officer of an army in the lield" should only mean the officer actually commanding a military de- partment, or an expeditionary corps in a given section of country, and the order should be held to take effect July 3, the day of its date, then the confederate commis- sioner claims that the paroles at Vicksbnrg were invalid under Order No. 207, which took ert'ect July 3, as the surrender was July 4, by General Pemberton, who was not "commander of the army in the lield," the connnander of the department being Gen- eral Johnston, who was then within a few miles, and the immediate superior of General Pemberton, who was not negotiated with in the act of cai)itulation at Vicksbnrg. Or, if it siiould be held that Order No. 207 took effect on July 8, the date of its uotiticatiou to the confederate commissioner, then the paroles at Port Hudson would be invalid, because that surrender was on the t'tli of July by Colonel Gardner, an inferior officer of the Confederate States army, in command aroles should be allowed on the one side and on the other could he adjusted and faithfully acted upon, I do not see why the exchange under the cartel ought not to go on. The cartel was a very hard bargain against ns, but still it is our compact, and I supi)oso it is to be stood by ; the details of these paroles, I have no doubt, can all be perfectly and satisfactorily settled upon tlie principle I have sug- gested, uon(! being claimed or allowed on either side except where officers and soldiers of known and recognized military organizations shall have been captured, provided always that citizens may be paroled and exchanged for citizens. This question of pa- roles becomes of less consequence to settle in detail, becatise, after allowing all the paroles of the confederates claimed by them as now existing on their behalf, and allowing the two thousand paroled at Vicksburg declared exchanged, which the con- federate commissioner claimed he had a right to declare exchanged under the cartel, to meet an equal number of prisoners actually delivered to us at City Point, which we have the right to declare exchanged, there will then remain a balance of paroles in favor of the United States of some twenty-five thousand men, the confederate com- missioner claiming to have now in his hands only sixteen thousand paroles. I would suggest, therefore, that, passing the first ({uestions which I now desire to bring to your notice, tliat I have authority to settle and determine all these questions of paroles upon the basis suggested in the " points of discussion," and in this note, because I think it important to get these questions out of discussion and out of difficulty, and set- tled l)etweeu the confederate authorities and the United States, in order that the only question which shall prevent a full and just carrying out of the cartel shall be very important, one which stands at the head of these points of discussion, because, while I do not believe that the good sense of the country, the justice of the governmeht, or humanity toward our snfi'ering brother soldiers in the confederate prisons, will permit us for a moment to break off the cartel upon any difference arising from either of these questions al)out paroles, number and details of paroled men, which can be settled upon the basis adjusteil in this note, yet I do believe that the dignity of the govern- ment, its rights to its self-respect, and the respect of other nations, require us to hold with a hand rigid as iron the point of discussion first presented, and that we shall be justified, not only by the judgment of the civilized world, but by the self-respect of our government, and by the consent of all good men, and even by those of our sons and brothers who may suffer in prison because of the stand we take, as well as by our own conscience, in refusing for a moment to permit those black men whom we have made free, uniformed, and armed, and put in our service, when captured, from being treated as slaves. And I desire, therefore, that this point of difference between the United States gov- ernment and the confedei'ate authorities shall stand out alone, as full justification, if not yielded l>y them, for setting aside the cartel, because of a gross violation of it by the confederate authorities. It will be remembered by the declaration and proclamation of Jefferson Davis of December 23, 1882, that all officers commanding colored troops were to be delivered over to the governors of States, to he punished under their laws for inciting negro in- surrections, which is a paraphrase for punishment by ignominious death, and that the colored soldiers so comnuiu(led were not to be treated as prisoners of war, but were to be turned over to their masters to hard labor as slaves, and that this was substantially the recommendation of Mr. Davis's message to the confederate congress, and that an act was passed substantially iu accordance with this recommendation. Now, while it may be conceded, as a usage of civilized warfare, that prisoners of war, ufjcessarily supported by the capturing government, may be employed by that government to labor ujxju public work, yet it has never been, among nations making professions of Christianity, held that captives of war, either by land or sea, could bo 538 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR made slaves. And it ■svill also be remembered that the United States government went to war with Tripoli and other Barbary ])Owers iu 1804 to force them at the can- non's inouth to repudiate this doctrine. It will be seen that the confederate commis- sioner, however, has so far moditied his claim that officers iu conuuand of colored troops and free negroes, although both may be serving iu company with slaves as soldiers in the army of the United (States, are to be treated as prisoners of war, so that the ques- tion of difference between us now is not one of color, because it is admitted now that free black men of the loyal States are to be treated as prisoners of war. But the claim is that every person of color who ever Avas a slave iu the thirteen Con- federate States shall not betreated as a prison<'r of war, but when captured are to be deemed as slaves, and may be turned over to their masters as such by the coulxiderate government. Now, as the United States government has, by the proclamation of the President, and by the law of Congress, manumitted all slaves that have sought refuge within the lines of the Union ariuy, and declared that they shall never be returned to their mas- ters ; r.ud as men heretofore slaves, when duly enrolled in the United States Army, must be deemed and takeu to be within the Union lines, therefore we have no slaves in our army ; aud the; question is, wiietlicr we shall permit the belligerents opposed to us to make slaves of the free men that they capture in our uniform, simply because of their cok)r; because, upon no ground of national law, so far as I am advised, can it be claimed for a moment that to any slave from any State, wlien found within our lines, any right of property can attach in behalf of his former master; because, treating the slaves as proi)erty only, only his capture by us from a belligerent would give the captor the right wf property, the "^'(/s clisponendi," aud we have exercised that right of disposition by making liini fiee. But suppose we had not done so ; his recapture on laud by the confederate forces, treating them as representatives of a government, would make the slave, as an article of property, the property of the government that caiitnred him, and would by no rea- son revert tlie title iu the former owner. To use an illustration which has occurred to my mind : suppose on land we capture from the rebels a horse belonging to A ; that horse, disposed of l>y our government, is taken into the government service, and is afterward recaptured by tlie confederate forces; would there be any doubt that the property iu the animal would have been di- verted from the original owner. A, by the hrst capture, and come to the Uuited States, aud then beeu takeu from the United States and giveu to the confederate government by the second capture? Further, to permit this would be a violation of the laws of some of these verj' Con- federate States. Virginia has emancipated her slaves by provisions which no one can doubt must be held according to any usage to be operative within the lines of the United States army. Many slaves are thus made free who are now in our army, and we cannot, of course, suffer them to be enslaved by the fact of capture by the rebels. I understand this right to thus dispose of black soldiers in armies to be made a " sine qua non " by the confederates, aud therefore I take leave to suggest that I may be in- structed to settle with the confederate commissioner, upon further conference with him, all points of difference except this, and to declare exchanged numbers equal on either side heretofore delivered aud paroled, so that this point nniy be left standing out sharply alone ; and in regard to it, to insist that the cartel applies, as it does apply, to these colored prisoners of war, aud that no further exchange can go on by the de- livery of prisoners captured uutil this poiut is yielded, with the purpose, but not with the threat, of exact retaliation in exact kind and measure upon their men of the treat- ment received by ours. Awaiting instructious, I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient ser- vant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange. Hon. E. M. SXiVNTON, Secretary of War. F36. Washington, D. C, April 15, 1864. General : I have the honor to inclose herewith the statement, signed by Colonel- Hoffman, which was directed to be prepared by the Secretary of War in your presence last evening, and beg leave to explain that the last formal declaration of exchange of prisoners, which was agreed to l)y both of the ag(mts, was dated June 8, 1863, and was published iu General Orders No. 167. At that time Colonel Ludlow was our agent of exchange, and the declaration left us ind(^l>ted to the rebels, ofiicers and men reduced to privates by rates agreed upon in the cartel, l'i,794 men. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 539 Since the date of that declaration the rebels have delivered to us 18,485 men, making our total indebtedness 31,279. Since the declaration referred to, and soon after it, the tables were turned by the capture of Vicksburg and Port Hudson, which brought the rebels largely indebted to us; in addition to which, there had been delivered rebel prisoners by us, up to July 25, 1863, 8,359 men. And after that date, 7,191, which, added to the Vicksbui-g and Port Hudson prisoners, makes a total of 65,182. Some time in July, 1863, Mr. Onld, without any conference or agreement with oiu* agent. Colonel Ludlow, announced a declaration of exchange in favor of Lieutenant General Pemberton, and a few other officers of high rank, which Colonel Ludlow pro- tested against and refused to recognize because it was contrary to usage, aud because ■we had no otficers of equivalent grade iu our hands to be exchanged for them, and it was supposed that Mr. Ould acquiesced in the protest, but he subsequently reaffirmed this declaration. Colonel Ludlow was relieved from duty as agent of exchange, and was succeeded by General Meredith. Not long afterward Mr. Ould renewed his mode of action, without any conference or agreement with General Meredith, and made an arbitrary declaration of exchange in favor of a considerable portion of the Vicksburg prisoners, without stating any definite number, but defining them by certain command- ers and corps, which we ascertained included a large excess over the number of federal troops who had been captured by the rel)els aud returned to us, and were on parole waiting to be exchanged. Notwithstanding the irregularity of this proceeding on the part of Mr. Ould, his con- duct left us no alternative but to make a declaration of exchange in favor of a portion of the federal paroled prisoners in our hands, and a declaration was made extending to 23,056. We were then in hopes that irregular declaration would not be repeated by Mr. Ould, but we were disappointed. He made several declarations of exchange, extending to rtsbel prisoners on parole in the South, all of them without conference or agreement with our agents. As I considered this proceeding entirely without warrant from the cartel, and wholly unprecedented in the history of war, I advised, as the commissioner of exchange, that we should not follow Mr. Ould's example; and though greatly to our disadvantage, in the hope of a return to proper principles, no declaration of exchange was made by us, except the first and only one made by General Meredith while he remained the agent of exchange, so that when he was relieved we had a good and valid claim against the rebels for a large number of men, I feel very sure, amounting to over 20,000 ; stated by Colonel Hofiman, fi'om his official papers, at 23,213, (vide page 540, statement.) Independently of this claim, we have another arising from the difterence between 19,814 rebel troops on parole and 8,223 federal troops on parole, being a claim to 11,.591, (vide page 540, statement,) which number, in fact, should be added to the 23,213 to show the total indebtedness of the rebels to us. I have the honor to be, verv respectfully, your obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major Gen. Vol., and Com, for Exchange of Prisoners. Statement of federal and rebel prisoners, of tear received and delivered since last declaration. Number of paroled federal prisoners on hand at date of last declaration of exchange, June 8, 1803, General Order Ko. 167, and not then ex- changed Number of federal officers and enlisted men received by us from the rebels since June 8, 181)3 Total number paroled. Exchanged Balance on parole. Number of rebel officers and enlisted men delivered by us on parole up to July 25, 18(i3 Number of rebel officers and enlisted men delivered by us on parole be- tweeu July 25, 1863, and this date, at City Pomt Paroled at Port Hudson Number of rebel officers and .enlisted men paroled at Vicksburg, Missis- sippi _ " Total number paroled. Officers. 76 240 322 76 Enlisted men. 10, 352 15, 949 26, 301 19, (;83 8,014 6,317 5,953 27, 225 47, 509 Reduced to pri- vates. 12, 794 18, 485 31,279 23, 056 8,223 8,359 7,191 7,158 42, 474 65, 182 540 TEEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Statericiit of federal and rebel prisoners of war received and delivered, tfc. — Continued. EXCHANGED. Delivered at City Point, iu our favor l)y virtue of these jiaroles. Until there is released to us an ec^ual uuuiber of officers and men as were captured and paroled at Vicksburg and Port Hudson, uot another confederate prisoner of war will be paroled or exchanged. BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 541 As to the second, no distinction whatever will be made in the exchange between white and colored prisoners : the only question being, were they at the time of their capture in the military service of the United States? If they were, the same terms as to treatment while prisoners and conditions of release and exchange must be exacted, and had, as in the case of white soldiers. Non-acquiescence by the confederate authorities in both or either of these proposi- tions will be regarded as a refusal on their part to agree to the further exchange of prisoners, and will be so treated by us. I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General. Major General B. F. Butler, ComcVg DepH Virginia and N. Carolina, Fort Monroe, Va. F 38. [Tfelegram. — Eeceived in cipher.] Fort Monroe, Va., April 20, 1864. Lieutenant General Gr^vnt, Washington, D. C. : Instructions in regard to exchange of prisoners received and will be implicity fol- lowed. I assume, however, that they are not intended to interfere with the special exchanges of sick and wounded iirisoners ou one side and the other now going on. BENJ. F. BUTLER, Majoi' General Commanding. F .39. [Telegram. — ^Time sent, 9. 30 p. in. J Office United States Military Telegraph, War Dcjyariment, Washington, D. C, Airril 20, 1864. Major General Butler, Fort Monroe, Va. : Receive all the sick and wounded the confederate authorities will send you, but send •no more in exchange. U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General. F 40. Confederate States of America, War Department, Bichmond, Va., May 2, 1864. Sir : On the 5tli of December last I had the honor of submitting to you such corre- spondence between the federal agents of exchange and myiself as related to matters of general interest, accompanied by an explanation of tlie papers incsented. There has been but little change in the aspect of affairs since, that date. Late in De- cember last I was notified that Major General B. F. Butler had been ajipointed agent of exchange. At the same time I received a communication from him informing me that he had forwarded to City Point a certain number of officers and men who would be delivered on the condition that an equal number was released by our authorities. I informed the United States government that we would not establish with General But- ler such relations as properly pertained to an agent of exchange. In answer to the other communication, relating to the mutual delivery of an equal number of officers and men, I wrote to Major John E. Mulford, assistant agent of ex- change, in charge of truce boat, as follows : " Richmond, Va., December 27, 1863. " Sir : I have received your letter announcing your arrival with confederate prison- ers. I have this day forwarded to you an equal or greater number of federal prisoners. " I received with your letter several communications from Major General B. F. But- ler. In no one of them is it stated that the United States government is willing to resume the cartel and deliver all of our prisoners now in captivity, the excess on either 542 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR side to Ije on parole. I have more tliau ouce expressed the entire readiness of the con- federate government to deliver the federal prisoners now in our hands, provided the United States authorities will deliver the confederate prisoners in their hands. This is the provision of the cartel, and we can accept nothing less. Unless this is the dis- tinct understanding, no equivalents will he delivered to you for any confederate offi- cers and soldiers whom you may hereafter hriug to City Point. In the hope that such is the understanding, I have directed that a numher greater than the total of your de- livery should be sent to you. " In no event can we consent that the general release of prisoners so distinctly re- quired by the cartel shall be evaded by pai'tial deliveries. Accepting the present delivery as a step toward a general exchange on the principles of the cartel, I trust I may be permitted to express the hope that tlio deliveries on the basis above indicated will be continued until all the troops in confinement on both sides are released. " Respectfully, your obedient servant, " RO. OULD, " Agent of Exchange." For more than a year after the adoption of the cartel, we held an excess of prisoners. During the whole of that time, we not only delivered them to the fullest cai)acity of the truce l>oats, ])ut frequently urged the federal authorities to forward greater facili- ties for their removal. Just so soon, however, as the federals acquired an excess, they insisted that deliveries should be jjartial or special, officer for officer, and man for man. From the beginning, I protested against any such system, and vainly appealed to the provision of the cartel, which required the delivery of all prisoners of war within ten days, when it was in-acticable. Rather, however, than send our officers and men back into a cruel and hated captivity after they had been forwared to City Point, equivalents wer.e returned under protest. Many persons have supposed that these were special exchanges. In this tliey were mistaken. It was .simj^ly a surrender of equivalents. It Avill be seen by my letter of December 27, 1S33, to Major Mulford, what were the views of this government. We only then demanded what we had constantly practiced when we held the excess. Acting under your instructions, I continued to demand a general delivery, and when, subsequently, in February of this year, it was unofficially announced that there was every reason to ])tslieve that the federal authorities would consent, I was instructed by you again to inform them that we were prepared, and would be ])leased to resume the cartel, and that they had only to send forward the pris- oners held by them, and they would be promptly met by corresponding action on our part. Yet, in spite of our frank and honorable conduct, the enemy has since persisted in otTering these same partial exchanges, nnaccompanied with any official declaration of a purpose to make a general delivery. [In order to prevent any possible imposition in these deliveries, I took care to send, in return, a less number than were forwarded to me.] So anxious was I, however, to secure the release of our people, that I after- wards lowered our just demands, and only insisted as an earnest of their purpose t6 comply with the cartel, that they should send all the captains or lieutenants in their possession, they being the most numerous, promising at the same time to deliver all of the same class in our custody. They have declined to do even that, seeing it was their fixed purpose, by special or partial exchanges, to secure the release of all their otficers, while a thousand of ours would remain in their hands, subject to any outrage which their cruelty might inflict upon them. [At the last delivery, -which occurred a few days ago, I refused to give otficer for officer, and delivered only twenty;seven, while I received forty-seven. I had determined to refuse to receive these forty-seven otficers, if the condition of returning a like number should be imposed.] Fortunately, it was not. If it had been, I should have stated to our officers on board the federal boat frankly and fully the course which had been pursued by the government, and appealed to their patriotisui to sustain it, even at the cost of continued imprisonment. I am sure that appeal would not have been made in vaiu. They would have carried to their fellow- prisoners not only the true story of the bad faith of the enemy, but the evidences of the anxious desire of their government to secure the honorable release of all of them. The enemy have all along A'aiidy hoped that if we refused to give equivalents for our officers and men, and they were returned into captivity, disaffection would spread among them, and many vrould take a hated oath. Unless I receive contrary instructions, so far as officers are concerned, I shall in the future send in return only such a proportion as will be a true ratio between the num- bers respectively held. It is not so important to maintain this position as to non-com- missioned otficers and men, as I am inclined to believe the federals have no considerable excess. The position of matters as to the arrest and detention of non-combatants is unchanged. In some sections of our country occupied by the enemy, almost every man within the conscript age who is sup])osi(l to be friendly to our cause is either imprisoned or com- pelled to leave his home. In many instances, they have extended similar treatment to pei'sons not subject to our conscript laws. In other sections, they have allowed Bome of known southern sympathies to remain within what they call their lines, but if any BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 543 arrest of obnoxious parties who owe allegiance to the Confederate States is maile by our military authorities, they seize and imprison such as hostages. I respectfully recommend either that no arrests for political offenses be made within that portion of our territory which is held by the enemy, or that all persons of standing known to be hostile be arrested and held in retaliation. I believe any middle policj' to be the worst. My own conviction is, that the enemy can only be made to abandon the arrest of our non-combatants, by a sweeping retaliation. Any system looking to the mere exchange of such persons is obnoxious to very many grave objections. In conclusion, I beg leave to say that I am very far from being sanguine or even hopefnl of a general delivery or exchange. Independent of the obstacle which seems to have been purposely thrown in the way, by the appointment and retention of Gen- eral Butler as agent of exchange, there are other dithcalties, some of which threaten to be insurmountable.^ The chief of these is, the inadmissible claim of the enemy that recaptured slaves shall be treated as prisoners of war. I am very couhilent that if they do not insist upon tliis being made a distinct agreement between the two gov- ernments, they will at least retain our soldiers as hostages for all negroes who are known to bo captured. While the latter position would not necessarily prevent the delivery of all our prisoners, excepting such as were retained as hostages, it would in the course of time make such complication as would almost certainly terminate the cartel. [As yet the federals do not appear to have found any well authenticated case of the retention of a negro prisoner. Tliey have made several speciHc inquiries, but in each case there was no record of any such party, and I so responded. Having no especial desire to find any such case, it is more than Xirobable the same answer will be returned to every such inquiry.] So long as the federals hold an excess of prisoners, I do not expect to see any disposi- tion on their part to resume the cartel. Whenever the excess is held by us, they may make an offer to that effect, but it will be accompanied with a determination to hold hostages for any negro troops. Alter their turpitude in this nuitter, it becomes a very grave question whether under any circumstances we will any longer consent to be bound by an agreement heretofore kept in good faith by us, and by them shamelessly repudiated. ResiiectfuUy, your obedient servant, RO. OULD, Agent of Exchange. Hon. J, A. Seddon, Seo'etary of War. F41. [Received "Washington, p. m., May 31, 1864.] Fort Monroe, Mag 3, 1864. Hon. E. M. St.\:niton, Secretary of War : Ould, the rebel commissioner, has declared, without consultation, all rebel prisoners delivered at City Point up to the 20th of April exchanged. This he justifies under the fifth article of the cartel, General Order 142, series of 18i52. These men will be sent into the field against us, and he claims he has the right so to do. I see no other way, and so far as my judgment goes, I can see no harm in making a'similar declaration on our part, which will permit our ofiicers and soldiers to take the field in opposition. It is now settled, under General Grant's order, that the exchange cannot go on. The rebels will make their theory of the colored soldiers a "sine qua non," and uj^ou this point the. cartel is entirely annulled. Please have the declaration made. BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General Commanding. F42. [General Orders No. 50.] Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, Ixichmond, June 9, 1864. The following order is published for the information of all concerned : "Exchange notice Xo. 10. "Confederate States of America, "War Department, Richmond, June 6, 1864. " The following notice is based upon a recent declaration of exchange made by the 544 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR federal autliorities, bearing date May 7, 1864, and is svipiwrted by valid federal paroles on file iu my office : " Section 1. All confederate officers and men wbo bave been delivered at City Point, Virginia, previous to tbe 1st of June, 1864, are bcrcby declared to be excbanged. "Sec. 2. All confederate officers and men and all civilians, ^Yho bave been captured at any place, and released on parole prior to May 7, 1884, are bereby declared to be ex- cbanged. Tbis section, bowever, is not intended to include any officers or men captured at Vicksburg Jvily 4, 1863, except sucb as were declared excbanged by excbange notices numbered six, seven, and eigbt. "RO. OULD, "Agent of Exchange." By order : S. COOPER, Adjutant and Inspector General. F43. [General Orders No. 56. J Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, Richmond, June 30, 1864. The following order is published for tbe information of all concerned: "Exchange notice No. 11. "RiCHMONT), June 27, 1864. "All officers and men of the "Vicksburg capture of July 4, 1863, wbo reported for duty either at Enterprise, Mississippi, Demopolis, Alabama, Jonesboro, Tennessee, Vienna, Natchitoches, Shreveport, or Alexandria, Louisiana, at any time prior to April 1, 1864, and whose names have been forwarded to me by the proper officers, are hereby declared exchanged. "RO. OULD, "Agent of Exchange." By order: S. COOPER, Adjutant and Inspector General. F44. [Telegram.— Eeceived 2.15 p. lu., June 10.] General Butler's Headquarters, June 9, 1864—7.30 p. m. Hon. E. M. St.\nton, Secretary of War : * * *»»# #*# # Communication through flag of truce is cut off— firstly, because of a communication by myself to Commissioner Ouid making inrpiiry whether negro soldiers would be treated as prisoners of war if captured. Secondly, sent up for Avounded prisoners, which they refused to deliver, I baving refused to deliver well ones until that question is definitely settled. Tbis was in obedience to my instructions from the lieutenant general. B. F. BUTLER, Major General Commanding. F45. [Received 5.30 p. m.J Fort Monroe, Virges^lv, June 24, 1864. Colonel Wm. Hoffman, Commissary General of Prisoners : In answer to your inquiry, I have received the following from Major General Butler's headquai'ters: "Mr. Ould baving refused to allow the flag-of-truce boats to go up the river, I have no way of sending the rebel surgeons except through our liues; and I don't think that BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 545 is safe, they know too much. Oiild desires us to agree to a new plan to make our exchanges, but refuses to answer officially what will be done with colored soldiers, therefore I have cut off all exchange and liag of truce communication. "B. F.BUTLER, '' Commanding General." I will write you by this mail. JOHN E. MULFORD, Major and Agent for Exchange. F46. Order declaring all prisoners exchanged. Hkadquarters Eighteenth Army Corps, Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Fort Monroe, June 2.5, 1864. Sir: There have been delivered, for special exchange or otherwise, since last Sep- tember, by the confederate authorities, at City Point, a number of officers and men amounting to about seven hundred and fifty men, including the live hundred delivered to me on the 2Gtli of December. There has been no declaration of exchange of any prisoners since September, and all these prisoners by the cartel, as I understand, are waiting to be declared exchanged, in the parole camp at Annapolis or elsewhere. Upon looking over the course of the office of exchange in this matter, I lind that from time to time declarations of exchange have been made, and therefore I propose to declare all prisoners held by the confederates, and delivered by their agents at City Point to our agent of exchange up to this date, exclianged. The operation of that declaration, as I understand it, will be only to allow those who have been in fact ex- changed and delivered to us as such to be put in the service instead of remaining at the parole camps or at home. I should have asked instructions upon the matter had I not supposed this was simply in the course of official business. It will and can have no operation upon any pending question, or any other force than simply to release the men already exchanged, and allow them to be sent into the army of the United States. Trusting that you will approve this and will answer your approval by telegram, I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General Commanding. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Office Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe^ Va., April 30, 1864. Sir : Will you please inform me on what grounds Edward P. Davis, of Loudon County, Virginia, is now held as prisoner at Salisbury, North Carolina? He was taken iirisoner November 6, 1862. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange. Hon. ROISERT OULD, Agent for Exchange, Eichmond, Va. Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Office Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe^ (a., April 30, 1864. Sir; I have tlie honor to request that you will furnish me with a report of the case of Thomas Pettitt, a citizen of Jackson County, Alabama, who was forcibly taken from his bouse on the 24th of August, 1863, by a body of the Seventh Alabama' cavalry, and is nov/ confined in Richmond in irons. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, &c.. BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and, Commissioner fpr Exchange. Hon. RonERT Ould, Agent for Exchange, Eichmond, Va.. H. Rep. 45 35 546 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Headquarters Department or Virginia and North Carolina, Office Commissioner for Exchtnuje, Fort Monroe, J'a., Jjyril 30, 1864. Sir: I have the honor to call your attention to the case of Samuel McLanahan. a citizen of Clear Spring, Washington County, Indiana, who was taken prisoner while on a A'isit to his friends near Winchester, Virginia, and has since been held as such by your authorities. I have to request that you will cause him to be immediately released, as this government does not hold any confederate prisoners under similar circumstances. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for £xchange. Hon. Robert Ould, Agent for Exchange, Eiclimond, Va. Office of Commissary General of Prisoners, Washington, I). C, Mag 5, 1864. General: By order of the Secretary of War I have directed the commanding officer at Camp Chase to forward to yon Holland (or Harris H.) Taylor, a citizen i)risoner to be exchanged for Presley Janney, a citizen of Hampshire County, West Virginia, now in confinement at Danville, North Carolina. It is stated that the excliange can be effected by Taylor if allowed to go within the confederate lines for the pur))ose, and the Secretary of War authorizes you to grant him the necessary parole upon being informed that the proposition will be accepted by the rebel authorities. I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, W. HOFFMAN, Colonel Third Infantry, Com. Gen. of Prisoners. Major General B. F. Butler, Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe, Va. F47. Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Office Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe, Va., April 4, 1864. Sir: Will your authorities make a special exchange of Lieutenant Colonel James H. King, Third Ohio volunteers, a prisoner in Libby i)rison ? This government is willing to give any confederate officer of equal rank in exchange for him. I have the honor to be. very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange. Hon. Robert Ould, Agent for Exchange, liichmond, Va. Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Fort Monroe, J'a., April 4, 1864. Sir : I had an application the other day from a hospital stewaril to be discharged on the ground that he was a non-combatant, following tlie class of surgeons. I have ordered him to be released and sent to you ; and I would suggest that this should be made a general rule, as in the cases of surgeons and chaplains. Please inform me whether it meets your approbation ; and if so, we will publish a reciprocal general order ui)on the subject. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant. BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for E.rcliange. Hon. Robert Ould, Agent for Exchange, Richmond, Va. Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Office Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe, ('«., April 9, 1864. Sir : Referring to your complaint that sineral meu who had been declared exchanged by an agreement of May H, ISO:}, are now in contiiiement at Alton, Illinois, for breaches of their paroles from which they had been released bj' said deehuation of exchange, BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 547 the Secretary of War directs me to request that you will forward the names of any meu held at the Alton prison or elsewhere under the circumstauces stated. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange, Hon. Robert Oui.d, Agent for Exchange, liichmond, Va. Headquarteks Di:partment of Virginia and North Carolina, Office Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe, J'a., April 13, 1864. Sir : Will you jilease inform me in what manner Captain Ralph O. Ives, Tenth Mas- sachusetts volunteers, is held a prisoner by your authorities ? I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange. Hon. Ro. OuLD, Agent for Exchange, liichmond, Va. Headquarters Department of Virginia and NoitTii Carolina, Office Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe, Va., April 18, 1864. Sir : I have the honor to reqriest that you will inform nie of the facts in connection with the alleged execution of Captain Spencer Deatou, Sixth Tennessee infantry, while a prisoner in the hands of your authorities. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange. Hon. Robert Ould, Agent for Exchange, Richmond, Va. Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina,- Offlcc Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe, Va., April 13, 1864. Sir : Will you please inform me in what manner, and for what purpose, is Major Waldo P. Gotf held as a prisoner in Richmond, Virginia ? I have the honor to be, verv respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General Commanding. Hon. Ro. Ould, Agent for Exchange, Richmond, Va. F 48. William W. Cooke. Relative to the case of W. H. Turley, a citizen, held as a prisoner of war at Johnson's Island. William W. Cooke. Returned to Hon. Secretary of War. I would much prefer the arrest and detention of Yankee citizens rather than Union men in Tennessee. If the latter coiuse is i)ur- sued, the federals will make five arrests for one. Besides, Mr. Turley went voluntarily into the enemy's territory. Is it entirely certain that the federals did not have the right to arrest Mr. Tarley, he being an alien enemy within their lines ? April 6, 1864. F 49. Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Office Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe, Va., May 3, 1864. Sir : I have the honor to inclose you a letter from Brigadier General Dow, late a prisoner at Libby, with reference to the statement therein contained, with the indorse- 548 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR meiit, and to assure yon that, unless I have assnrances under the hand of the party theivin named that the treiitment set forth is either misrepresented or has ceased on the part of those yon represent, I shall immediately subject to as early similar treatment as possible a like number of confederate oflicers of equal rank, provided always I can find a place of confinement which shall come up to the description of General Dow. The attention of Mr. Commissioner OnUl is further respectfully called to the case of the Kentucky officer mentioned in General Dow's letter. I have the honor to be, very resiiectfullv, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General Commanding. Hon. ROBKRT OULD, Agent for Exchange, Eichmond, Va. F50. J. L. M. Merillat, surgeon in charge, Staunton. Gives history of the hospital during the incursion of the Yankees, and asks for instruc- tions. J. L. M. Merillat, surgeon in charge, Staunton. Returned to the surgeon general. The paroles given to our men are not binding. The federals insist that all prisoners must be reduced into possession and delivered at City Point or Vicksburg. We have been forced in self-defense to accept the doctrine. The men, as soon as they are Avell enough, can return to duty. The federal wounded left with us ai*e captives, no matter what promises were made. They are prisoners, and will so remain until regularly delivered to the Yankee authorities under the cartel. These points have been repeatedly ruled by both governments in this way, and the Yankee villains knew the same when they administered the paroles. June 28, 1864. F51. H. G. Tibbals, Macon, Georgia, late captain United States Army. Requests that he may not be detained as a prisoner on the ground that he had been dismissed from the federal army when captured, and was following the army to settle up "company accounts." H. G. Tibbals, Macon, Georgia, late captain United States Army. Returned to General Gardner, commanding, &c. Let this man be held as a prisoner. If he had no connection with the army of the United States at the time of his capture, and is not the subject of exchange, he will be retained as a citizen prisoner, and held as a hostage for the release of the large numbers of the same class of our own people cru- elly and outrageously imprisoned by his government, until that government cease their vindictive warfare upon ])eaceful and non-combative citizens of the Confederate States. This application comes with a very bad grace from a citizen of that government, which inaugurated the cowardly and uncivilized warfare upon "non-combatant" citizens, and whose prisons are now full to overtlowing with old men and boys, invalids and con- firmed cripples, not even sparing women and children, all non-combatants and peace- ful citizens of the Confederate States. July 5, 1864. F52. D. L. Maury, major general. Asks if he can send certain Yankees, permanently disabled, into their own lines. "D. L. Maury, major general. Returned to honorable secretary of war. I would advise that these men should not be sent within the enemy's lines, unless at Vicksburg. , If they cannot be delivered there, it would be better to send them to Andersonville, if it is inconvenient to keep them in Mobile. The Yankees would not recognize the paroles if the men were delivered at any other point than Vicksburg or City Point. July 8, 1864. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 549 F53. Richmond, Va., July 6, 1864. General: lam directed by tlie adintaut and inspector general to make the follow- ing response to your letter of '24tli ultimo. The department fully appreciates the im- portance of having an efficient force to guard the federal prisoners at Andersonvillc. It was supposed the regiment of reserves ordered there would be sufficient for the pur- pose, if they are not, you will request General Cobb to send additional force. Troops cannot be drawn from any other source. It is not desirable to keep a large body of prisoners together ; and you were requested some time since to select a i)lace in Alabama, Cahaba, or Union Springs, (the former is i)referred.) being suggested to which a portion of them may be transferred. As soon as the location is determined upon, you will send to it as speedily as possible as many of the i)risoners as you think it expedient to remove from Andersonville. If the neces- sary guard for the purpose cannot be had there, voluutetirs from the reserve corps, Lieutenant General S. D. Lee, Meridian, Mississijipi, will furnish it to you from tlie regiment of cavalry at Selma, and the detachment of paroled men (now exchanged) at Demopolis, Alabama. Until the I'eserves of Alabama, which General Withers has been directed to (uganize and turn over to you, arrive, these troops -may continue upon duty, guarding j)risoners at the point you may select. You had better correspond with Generals Lee and Withers upon these matters, and send them an extract from this letter, that no obstacle may be presented to the safe custody of the ijrisoners after they leave Andersonville. Attention will be given to your request that Captain Vowles, Private Weatherford, and the detectives, may be sent to you. I am sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, H. L. CLAY, A. A. G. Brigadier General Joiix II. Wixdek, Commanding Prison, Andersonville, Georgia. ^ An extract of the foregoing letter commencing with the words " As soon as the location is determined" sent to General S. D. Lee. F54. [Copy of telegram.] Near Atlvnta, July 11, 1864. General Bragg: I strongly recommend the distribution of the United States prisoners now at Ander- sonville, immediately. J. E. JOHNSTON. Official : JOHN B. SALE, Colonel and Military Secretary. Honorable secretary of war for his information. F55. Stephen C. Hill, acting ensign United States Navy. Wishes to be j>aroled and sent through the confederate lines, on the ground that he is wounded and can't perform military service. Stephen C. Hill, acting ensign United States Navy. Returned to honorable secretary of the navy. This request had better not be com- plied with at this time. When any delivery is made from our southern prisons, this party will be sent off. July 18, 1864. F56. Lieutenant J. D. B. Forte, lieutenant Company K, Sixth Virginia cavalry. States that a member of his company captured and coutined at Point Lookout, when at the point of death, was induced by the entreaties of his mother to take the oath of 550 rKKATMr.NT iM' TKISONKKS OK WAK rtUojjiiUiro :>ii(l n>tnni homo. Uavini; nvovonul :uul \\ ishir,i<- (o join his iHMiunatul. ho jj.sks it' ho o: oaivi\ol in a:»y way roooiiuizo tlu» hiiuliu!; t'oro<» otMioh an oath. .\n oxohanno ov<>n wouKl not roh>a.>*o him, it" tlioro is any validity in tlio oath. lt"a oontoth'r.jto sohlior. nnih>r any snthMin-; or disoa.so. takos tlio oath of aUoiiianoo to tho imumuv , ho ih>os it in l\is o\\ n w ron-;. and osnot tlioii>l>y rolioM' liin\- NoU t"nm\ his i)aran\onnt duty to his own ,i;o\ ornm<>ut. Histii-st and hist and o\ohisivt< stM'vioo is duo to tho oontodoraoy. and oannot b<> thixnvn otV by any torms ma with tho ononiy. Tho sohlior yo>\ jvtor to must no to sortor in tl>o oyo of tho hnv. It" l\o is in a .sorapo, ho has ijotton himsolf into it. 1 do not think. howoN or, ho nood t"otir any sorions i'onsoqn»r, thi> lino ot" Ids (huy is oh'ar. •h i\ -JO. isr.i. F W. IMijiadii'V Itonoral N. 1>. Fonost. lnt|uiiinii wl\othor otVn-oi-s namod aiv iVoo to ronih>r sorvioo by virlno of" havins; osvajH^d Ihoir jiuaid. or whoth»'r thoy n\nst await o\ohan>;o. Ihiiiadior (lononil N. H. I'orrost. Kos)>i>ot fully n>tnrnod to tionoral Maokall. ohiofof statV. All tho olVu'ors who n\ado thoirosoapo t'nnn tho I'nitod Statos stoanu>r Maph> l.oaf havo boon doolarod oxohau.uod; ivloasod t"i\nn thoir par»»lo and at liborly to iv-tM\(or our sor\ ioo at ouoo. .In V -J I. ISiU. F -K^. l\donol ti. 0. ttibbs. otMutnaiidiuii t.\M\l"odorato Slatos nulitary pri.-ion. Macon, i;oori;ia. Askiuj; that tho ("odoral chaplains bo sent houu> as thoy jiivo a groat deal of trouble. (.\donol (.1, 0. liibbs^, oouunantlijiji military prison, Macon, l.oorjiia. Kospoctfvdly uMnrnod. Tho chaplains and surgeons have been ordoixnl to Kicluuoud to bo sent thuuigh tho linos by llag of truce. .U 1 V VV, ISfvJ. F r^i). Hr ux.n vi;n.i;s PrivvinviiNr or Viiu;inia .vm> Xoktu Ovijim ina. Ill Iht' jiclti. I'irijinio, Aiiiiuxl >, 18(>4. SiK : 1 havo tho honor to t'orwaixl tho inoK>sod copies of certain papoi-s ivlatiuji to th<> tivattnouf of ot1lcoi-s captured on tho oxpinlit ion of t.>etuMal Kdpatrick. Fu>m tho eiivtnnstances heiv narratoil 1 am le»l to say that I will make special oxchattjiv of all those olVict'i-s, giviui;' you such otiiccrs as you n\ay dosiiv of equal raidi. 1 also have th«^ honor turthor to intorm y»>v«, that unless I ivceive triun tho othcoi"s statomeuls that they an> now w«dl !uul pn>porly tivatod as prisonoi-s of war, I shall bo \nuler th»< necessity »>f put ting in conti>u-nu>nt an eer »>f iitlicci-s b\ us in like ciMiiUtion and tn>atnu>nt as »\escnbed in iudo.scd paper. .V.s \ on are ,iwait', 1 havo nc\t>r ssitv, 1 eortainly shall bo obliged to carry out my intentions. I l\a\o tho honor to bo, vorv respoctfullv. vour obodient .servant, 15F.N.1. F. r.rri.FK, Miijor (iCMfTci/ and ComiHimm».<5to»«T rt>r f.jvAiiM.;<-. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 551 F m. Ohio ))riHoii('rs coiifiiuMl ni Andcrsoiivillt', (Icorj^ia. I'clitioii ofOovcrintr r.i<)iij;li, of Ohio, to I'llrct their release. Ohio ])risoiicrn coiinncd at vViKh'r.soiivillt!, (jlcurgiii. Ikctniiicil to lioiioial)h' secretary of war. I seo no objectiou taforwardiiif? this poti- tion, (ispeiiially as tlii^ eoufedeiatc* aiitlioritics havo always been ready to exehaiif^e- these, uieii. 'rh(!y and all othSitmtcr,) Andcrsonville, llcorijia. Cami' SuM'iiioit, Okohgia, Jnhj :>n, 1864. To his Excellency Governor John Binnion, of Ohio : Di:au 8iu: We, the undersij^ned, and other soldiers from Ohio, who were eoinpell(\d by the misfortunes of war to surrender ourselves to the eonfedei :'.t(^ ibrees whih; doin;^ our duly as soldiers, do most- I'espectlully and eainestly entreat and petition that some; action may l)e taken soon to alleviate our j)resent suffering;' condition. W(! iiave suf- fered Ioueen in (;onliuement for ten and twelve months. Very few of the old i>risoners have escaped it. Durinjf the next two months, we doubt not but threc-fburliis of the ])risoners will have taken the scurvy. If it is within tin; ])ower of the federal j;ovei'nnu'nt, we (rust that an exchan;:;e<)r i>arole may b(^ elfectcMl, and oui' condit ion l>et tered. We ha\M' stood by the nat ion in its peril, and now will not our >Stat(! and j;'ove,iniii(Uit- symi)athi/,e with its Hutferin<^ and lst infantry. J. Robinson, 1st battery. F. (i. Palmer, 2d infantry. And many others. C. C. McLean, 2(1 infantry. 552 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Petition to Governor Brougli, of Ohio, sent by tl\c Ohio prisoners confined at the con- federate military i)risou at Audersonville, Georgia. July 24, 1864. Respcctfnlly I'eferred to the adjutant and inspector general. These men ask that this document may be forwarded to the governor of Ohio. JNO. H. WINDER, Britjadier General. Adjutant axd Inspector General's Office, Aurjust G, 1604. Respectfully referred to commissioner for exchange. By command of the secretary of war : IT. L. CLAY, Assistant Adjutant (hncral. August 9, 18G4. To commissioner of exchange, Colonel Ould, for remacks. J. S. S. Richmond, August 10, 1864. Respectfully returned to honorable secretary of war. I see no objection to forwarding this petition, especially as the confederate authorities have always been ready to exchange these men. They and all other prisoners can now be released upon the delivery of Ihcir equivalents to us. RO. OULD, Agent of Exchange. The commissioner of exchange, forward, August 11, 1864. J. S. S. Office Exchange of Prisoners, Riclimond, August 11, 1864. Respectfully referred to Major John E. Mulford, assistant agent of exchange. W. n. HATCH, Captain and Assistant Adjutant General. Executive Department Ohio, ColumMs, September 7, 1864. Respectfully referred to the War Department, and attention directed to the indorse- ment of Commissioner Ould. I respectfully request to be informed what is the " equiv- alent" required, and what the obstacles in the way of this exchange. JNO. BROUGH. Septejibei: 12, 1804. The undersigned annexes to this paper a printed copy of a letter from ^lajor General Butler, of the August, 1864, addressed to the rebel agent of exchange on the subject of the cxcliange of prisoners, showing that the offer of exchange, as indorsed by Colonel Ould, is so delusive that it miglit justly bo called an attempted fraud upon piil)lic opinion. No answer to General Butler's letter has been received, so far as the undei- signed is informed. E. a. HITCHCOCK, Major General of Volunteers. F 61. Confederate States of A:merica, War Department, Exchange Bureau, Richmond, August 10, 1864. Sir : You have several times proposed to me to exchange the prisoners respectively held by the two belligerents, officer for officer and man for man. Tin; same otTer has also been nuide by other officials having charge of matters connected with the exchange of prisoners. This proposal has heretofore been declined by the confederate authorities, they insisting upon the terms of the cartel, which required the delivery of the excess on either side upon ])arole. In view, however, of tlie very large number of jirisoners now held by each iiarty, and tlie snU'eriugeonsefiuent u])on their continued c<)nfii;en)ent, I now consent to the above proiiosal, and agree to deliver to you the prisoners held in captivity by the confederate authorities, xu-ovided you agree to deliver an equal number BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 553 of confederate officers aucl meu. As equal numbers are delivered from time to time, they will be declared exchanged. Tliis proposal is made with the understanding that the officers and meu on both sides ■who have been longest in captivity will be tirst delivered when it is i^racticablc. I shall be hai)py to hear from you as speedily as possible whether this arrangement can be carried out. Respectfully, your obedient servant, ROBERT OULD, Agent for Exchange. Major John E. Mulfoud, Assisianl Agent for Exchange. F62. Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina, //( the Field, August —, 1864. Sir : Your note to Major Mulford, assistant agent of exchange, under date of 10th of August, has been referretl to me. You therein state that Major Mulford has several times ])roposed to exchange pris- oners respectively held by the two belligerents, officer for officer and man for man, and that " the offer has also been made by other officials having charge of matters con- nected with the exchange of prisoners ;" and that " this proposal has been heretofore declined by the confederate authorities ;" that you now consent to the above proposi- tion, and agree to deliver to you (Major Mulford) the prisoners held in captivity by the confederate authorities, provided you agree to deliver an equal number of officers and men. As equal numbers are delivered from time to time they will be declared ex- changed. This proposal is made with the understanding that the officers and meu on both sides who have been longest in captivity will be hrst delivered, where it is i>racti- cable. From a slight ambiguity in your phraseology, but more, perhaps, from the antece- dent action of your authorities, and because of your acce}»tauce of it, I am in doubt whether you have stated the proposition with entire accuracy. It is true, a proposition was made both by Major Mulford and myself, as agent of exchange, to exchange all prisoners of war taken by either belligerent party, man for man, officer for officer, of equal rank, or their equivalents. It was made by me as early as the first of the winter of 1863-64, and has not been accepted. In May last I for- warded to you a note, desiring to know whether the confederate authorities intended to treat colored soldiers of the United States Army as prisoners of war. To that inquiry no answer has yet been made. To avoid all possible misapprehension or mistake here- after, as to your offer now, will you say now whether you mean by " prisoners held in captivity," colored men, duly enrolled and mustered into the service of the United States, who have been captured by the confederate forces ; and if your authorities are willing to exchange all soldiers so mustered into the United States Army, whether col- ored or otherwise, and the officers commanding them, man for man, officer for officer? At an interview which was held between yourself and the agent of exchange on the part of the United States, at Fort Monroe, in March last, you will do mo the favor to remember the principal discussion turned upon this very point ; you, on behalf of the confederate government, claiming the right to hold all negroes, who had hereto- fore been slaves and not emau:;ipated by their masters, enrolled and mustered into the service of the United States, when captured by your forces, not as prisoners of war, but, upon capture, to be turned over to their supposed masters or claimants, whoever they might be, to be held by them as slaves. By the advertisements in your newspapers, calling upon masters to come forward and claim these meu so captured, I suppose that your authorities still adhere to that claim ; that is to say, that whenever a colored soldier of the United States is captured by you, upon whom any claim cau be made by any person residing within the States now in insurrection, such soldier is not to be treated as a prisoner of war, but is to be turned over to his supposed owner or claimant, and put at such labor or service as that owner or claimant may choose ; and the officers in conmiand of such soldiers, in the language of a supposed act of the Confederate States, are to be turned over to the gov- ernors of States, upon requisitions, for the purpose of being punished by the laws of such States for acts done in war in the armies of the United States. You nuist be aware that there is still a proclamation by Jefferson Davis, claiming to b(i chief executive of the Confederate States, declaring in substance that all officers of colored troops mustered into the service of the United' States were not to be treated as prisoners of war, but were to be turned over for punishment to the governors of States. I am reciting these public acts from memory, and will be pardoned for not giving 554 TREATMENT OF PKISONEKS OF WAR the exact words, althoui;;li I believe I do not vary the substance and effect. These de- clarations on the part of those whom you represent yet remain unrepealed, imaunulled, unrevoked, aud must therefore be still supposed to be authoritative. By your accept- ance of our propo-sition, is the government of the Uuited States to understand that these several claims, enactments, iind proclaimed declarations are to be given up, set aside, revoked, and hehl for naught l>y tlie confederate authorities, and that you are ready and williug to exchange, man for man, those colored sohUers of the United States, duly mustered and enrolled as such, who have heretofore been claimed as slaves by the Confederate States, as well as white soldiers ? If tliis be so, and you are so willing to exchange these colored men claimed as slaves, and you will so ofticially inform the government of the United States, then, as I am instructed, a principal dihiculty in eii'ccting cxcliauges will be removed. As I informed you personally, in my .iudgmeiit, it is neither consistent with the pol- icy, dignity, nor honor of the United States, upon any con.sideration, to allow those who, by our laws .solemnly enacted, are nuide soldiers of the Union, and who have been duly enlisted, enrolled, and mustered as such soldiers — who have borne arms in behalf of this counti'y, and who have been captured while fighting in vindication of the rights of that country — not to be trcJtred as i)risoners of war, aud remain unexchanged and in the service of those who claim them as masters; and I cannot believe that the goveru- luent of the United States will ever be found to consent to so gross a wrong. Pardon me if I misuuderotood you in supposing that your acceptance of our projiosi- tion does not in good faith mean to include all the soldiers of the Union, and that you still intend, if your acceptance is agreed to, to hold the colored soldiers of the Union unexchanged, and at labor or service, because I am informed that very lately, almost cotempurMuedusly with this otter on your part to exchange prisoners, aud which .seems to inchide (ill prisoners of Avar, the confederate authorities have made a declaration that the negroes heretofore held to service by owners in the States of Delaware, Mary- laud, aud Missouri, are to be treated as prisoners of war when captured in arms in the service of the United States. Such declaration, that a part of the colored soldiers of the United States were to be prisoners of war, wouhl seem most strongly to imply that others were not to be so treated ; or, in other words, that colored men from the insur- rectionary States are to be h(dd to labor and returned to their masters, if captured by the confederate forces while duly enrolled and luustered into and actually in the armies of the United States. In the view which the government of the United States takes of the claim made by you to the persons and services of these negroes, it is not to be supported upon any principle of national or municipal law. Looking upon these men only as property, upon your theory of property in them, we do not see how this claim can be made ; certainly not how it can be yielded. It is be- lieved to be a well-settled rule of public international law, and a custom and part of the laws of war, that the capture of movable property vests the title to that property in the captor, and therefore, when one belligerent gets into full possession of property belonging to the subjects or citizens of the other belligerent, the owner of that prop- erty is at once divested of his title, Avhich rests in the belligerent government captur- ing and holding such possession. Upon this rule of international law all civilized na- tions have acted, and by it both belligerents have dealt with all property, save slaves, taken from each other during the present war. If the confederate forces capture a number of horses from the United States, the ani- mals are immediately claimed to be, and, as we understand it, become the i)ioperty of the confederate authorities. If the United States capture any movable property in the rebellion, by our regula- tions and laws, in conformity with the international law and the laws of war, such property is turned over to our government TjS its projjerty. Therefore, if we obtain possession of that species of property known to the laws of the insurrectionary States as slaves, why shouhl there be any doubt that that projierty, like any other, vests in the United States? If th(^ l)r()i>erty in the slave does so vest, the "jus (Usjmnendi," the right of disposing of that i)roj»erty, rests in the United States. Now, the United States have disposed of the property which they have acquired by capture in slaves taken by them, by giving that right of property to the man himself, to the slave — !. c, by emancipating him and declaring him free forever ; so that if we have not mistaken tlio principles of international law and the laws of war, we have no slaves in the armies of the United States. All are free men, being made so in such manner as we have chosen to dispose of our jiroperty in them which we acquire by capture. Slaves being captured by us, and the right of property in them thereby vested in us, that right of property has been disposed of by us by manumitting them, as has always been the acknowledged right of the owner to do to his slave. The manner in which Ave dispose of our property Avhile it is in our possession certainly caunot be questioned by you. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 555 Nor is the case .altered if the property ia not actually captured in battle, but comes either voluntarily or involuntarily from the belligerent owner into the possession of the other belligerent. I take it no one would doubt the right of the United States to a drove of confederate mules, or a herd of confederate cattle, which should wander or rush across the confed- erate lines into the lines of the United States arn\y. So it seems to me, treating the negro as property merely, if that piece of property passes the confederate lines and comes into the lines of tlie United States, that property is as nmch lost to its owner in the Confederate States as would be the mule or ox, the property of the resident of the Confederate States, which should fall into our hands. If, therefore, the principles of international law and the laws of war used in this discussion are correctly stated, tlien it would seem that the deduction logically iiows therefrom, in natural sequence, that the Confederate States can liave no claim upon the negro soldiers captured by them from tlie armies of the United States, because of the former ownership of them by their citizens or subjects, and only claim such as result, uuder the laws of war, from their capture merely. Do the confederate authorities claim the right to reduce to a state of slavery free meu, prisoners of war, captured by them ? This claim our fathers fought against vinder Bainbridge and Uecatur, when set up by tlie Barbary powers on the northern shore of Africa, about the year 1800 ; and, in 18(34 their children will hardly yield it upon their owu soil. This point I will not pursue further, because I understand you to repudiate the idea that you will reduce free men to slaves because of capture in war, and that you base the claim of the confederate authorities to re-enslave our negro soldiers when captured by you upon the ^\jus po>ft Umiiii," or that principle of the law of nations which re- habilitates the former owner with his property taken by an enemy, when such property is recovered by the forces of his own country. Or, in other words, you claim that, by the laws of nations and of war, when property of the subjects of one belligerent power captured by the forces of the other belligerent is recaptured by the armies of the former owner, then such property is to be restored to its prior possessor, as if it had never been captured ; and, therefore, under this principle your authorities propose to restore to their masters the slaves which heretofore belonged to them which you may capture from us. But this postliminary right under which you claim to act, as understood and deiined by all writers of national law, is applicable simply to immovahle propcfty, and that, too, only after the complete subjugation of that portion of the country in which the property is situated, upon which this right fastens itself. By the laws and customs of war this right has never been applied to movable property. ^ True it is, I believe, that the Romans attempted to apply it in the case of slaves, but for two thousand years no other nation has attempted to set up this right as ground for treating slaves dili'erently from other property. But the Romans even I'efused to re-enslave men captured from opposing belligerents in a civil war, such as ours unhappily is. Consistently, then, with any principle of the law of nations, treating slaves as property merely, it would seem to be impossible for the government of the United States to permit the negroes in their ranks to be re-enslaved when captui'ed, or treated otherwise than as prisoners of war. I have forborne, sir, m this discussion, to argue the question upon any other or diifer- eut grounds of right than those adopted by your authorities in claiming the negro as l)roperty, because I understand that your fabric of opposition to the government of the United States has the right of property in man as its corner-stone. Of course it would not be protitable in settling a question of exchange of prisoners of war to attempt to argue the question of abandonment of the very corner-stone of their attempted politi- cal edifice. Therefore, I have admitted all the considerations which should apply to the negro soldier as a man, and dealt with him upon the confederate theory of property only. I unite with you most cordially, sir, in desiring a speedy settlement of all these questions, in view of the great suffering endured by our prisoners in the hands of your authorities, of which you so feelingly speak. Let me ask, in view of that suffering, Avhy you have delayed eight months to answer a proposition which, by now accepting, you admit to be right, just, and humane, allowing that suffering to continue so long? One caunot help thinking, even at the risk of being deemed uncharitable, that the benevolent sympathies of the confederate authorities have been lately stirred by the depleted condition of their armies, and a desire to get into the field, to affect the preseut campaign, the hale, hearty, and well-fed prisoners held by the United States, in exchange for the half-starved, sick, emaciated, and unserviceable soldiers of the United States now languishing iu your prisons. The events of this war, if we did not know it before, have taught us that it is not the northern portion of the American peo- ple alone who know how to drive sharp bargains. The wrongs, indignities, and privations suffered by our soldiers would move me to 556 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR consent to anything to procure their exchange, except to barter away the honor and feith of the government of the United States, which has been so solemnly pledged to the colored soldiers in its ranks. Consistently with national faith and justice, we cannot relinquish this position. With your authorities it is a question of property merely. It seems to address itself to you in this form: Will you sutler your soldier, captured in fighting your battles, to bo in coniinement for months rather tlian release him by giving for him that which yon call a piece of property, and which we are willing to accept as a man '? You certainly appear to place less value upon your soldier than you do upon your negro. I assure you, much as we of the North are accused of loving property, our citi- zeus would liave no dithculty in yielding up any piece of property tliey have iii exchange for one of their brothers or sons languishing in your prisons. Certainly there could bo no doubt that they would do so were that piece of property less in value than five thousand dollars in confederate money, which is believed to be the price of an able- bodied negro in the insurrectionary States. Trustuig that I may receive such a reply to the questions propounded in tliis note as will lead to a speedy resumption of the negotiations for a full exchange of all jjrisoners, and a delivery of them to tlieir respective authorities^ I have the honor to be, very re- siiectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange. Hon. ROBEIJT Oui.D, Commissioner for Exchange. F63. COXFEDKRAIE STATES OF AMEniCA, TTrtr Department, Exchange Bureau, Richmond, August 10, 1864. Sir : You haA'e several times proposed to me to exchange the prisoners resj^ectively held by the two belligerents, ofticer for officer, and man for man. The same ofter li;is also been jnade by other othcials having charge of matters connected witli the exchange of prisoners. This jn-oposal has heretofore been declined by the confederate authori- ties, they insisting upon the terms of the cartel, which required the delivery of the excess on either side upon parole. In view, however, of the very large number of prisoners now held by each party, and the sutfering consequent upon their continued confinement, I now consent to the above proposal, and agree to deliver to you tlie pris- onervS held in captivity by the confederate authorities, provided you agree to deliver an equal number of confederate officers and men. As equal numbers are delivered from time to time, they will be declared exchanged. This proposal is made with the understanding that the officers and men on both sides who have been longest in captivity will be first delivered when it is practicable. I shall be happy to hear from you as speedily as possible whether this arrangement can be carried out. Resi>ectfully, your obedient servant, ROBERT OULD, Agent for Exchange. Major John E. Mulford, Assistant Agent for Exchange. Richmond, Va., August 22, 1864. Sir : Inclosed is a copy of a communication which, on the 10th instant, I addressed and delivered to Major John E. Slulford, assistant agent fin- exchange. I'nder the cir- cumstances of the case, I deem it proper to forward tliis i)aper to you, in order that you may fully understand thejjosition which is taken by tlie confederate authorities. I ehall be glad if the pro])ositi()n therein made is accepted by your government. Respectfully, your obedient servant, RO. OULD, Agent for Exchange. Major General E. A. Hitchcock, United States Commissioner for Exchange. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 557 F 64. Richmond, Va., September 5, 1864. General Johx H. Windek, Andersonville, Ga. : Take immediate means for seudiug the prisoners at Andersonville and Macon to Charleston and Savannah. Push forward to completion the prison at Millen, that some of the prisoners at Andersonville maj' be sent there as soon as possible. Cannot part be at once prepared before completion of the whole prison grounds ? S. COOPER, Adjutant and Inspector General. F65. Richmond, Va., Septemler 5, 1864. Major General Sam Jones, Charleston, S. C. : The federal prisoners at Charleston cannot be removed. Emergencies have arisen that will necessitate the sending of other prisoners to^that city, and orders to that end have been given to General Winder. S. COOPER, Adjutant and Inspector General. [Received September 4, 1864.— From Charleston, September 4, 1864.] To General S. Cooper : Please have United States ofiticers, prisoners of war now here, moved to some other place, under recent orders taking them entirely from my control. It is very inconve- nient and unsafe to keep them here. SAM JONES, Major General. L. B., No. 6, page 13. Answered and filed. F 66. QuiNCY, Florida, Septemher 8, 1864. Dear Sir : If Sherman continues to press General Hood back, as he will make every eft'ort to do, for the fate of Seward-Lincoln dynasty evidently depends on pi'ompt mil- itary success, the result will be the immediate release of near forty thousand prison- ers at Andersonville, the overrunning of the States of Georgia, Soutli Carolina, Florida, svnd Alabama, and the loss to us of all supplies from these States, the main resource for feeding our armies, while the federal army will be recruited to an enormous amount from the large negro i>opulationmade accessible to them. In a word, it would result in the ruin of our cause, for without these States we could not feed our army, nor could we forward supplies if we had them, with our roads in possession of the enemy. I fear both our army and people are demoralized by the failure of Hood. Something prompt and decisive must be done. But one plan, promising certain success, occurs to me. Send General Lee with the necessary force, not only to defeat, but to annihilate Sherman, and our cause is won, even if Richmond falls. But would Richmond necessarily fall ? Cannot Ewell, Early, or Longstreet hold the defenses of Richmond until Lee could return to its relief? The presence of Lee and his veterans, victors on so many fields, would inspire confidence and enthusiasm, and be of value not measured by their numbers, and render the destruction of Sherman's army as certain as any future military event, and this accomplished, I repeat, our cause is won. On the other hand, it is equally apparent that the loss of our principal remaining provision States is the loss of our'cause. As acitizen of the Confederate States I make these suggestions to the chief magistrate, and ask for them a respectful consideration. Respectfully, your obedient servant, President Davis, 558 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR F67. Headquarters Georgia Reserves, 2Iaco)i, Gvonfia, Sepiemhvr 9, 1864. My Dear Sir : I was gratifietl to leani from your lcttroclamation in i-egard to turning over olBcers of the United States to the governors of the several rebel States for punishment; and I think that before we should agree to the proposition linally, this matter should be very carefully scanned and critically examined. To do this certainly will requii-e the application of a single mind to the business of negotiation, or, if more than one mind is brought to bear upon it, they must be minds actiug in concert and making propositions upon careful consultatiou. Therefore, I respectfully ask that the propositions of General Hitchcock may be sub- mitted to me before being sent, so that we may not be, apparently, at cross purposes in our negotiations. Awaiting instructions, I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient dervant, BENJ. F. BUTLER. Hon. Edwin M. Stantox, Secretary of War. F 73. Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina, In the Field, Septemher 9, 1864. Sir : I propose that the belligerent parties, waiving all other questions, shall from time to time exchange all sick and invalid ofdcers and men who from wounds or sick- ness shall, in the j udgmeut of the party holding them, be unfit for duty, and likely to remain so for sixty (60) days. I make this proposition in order to alleviate the sufferings of those unable to bear the confinement incident to a prisoner of war, and whose condition might be benefited by the comforts of home and medical treatment l)y tbeir friends. I trust and believe that this measure of obvious humanity will meet your agreement, as I am satisfied no advantage can accrue to either party by retaining such men in confinement. As a fui'ther evidence of the strong desire on the part of this government to expose their soldiers to as little hardship as possible, consistently with such action as they feel called upon to take to observe their good faith, pledged alike to all soldiers, although it will involve the government in a very considerable expense, yet, to save the sick and suffering a long and tedious transportation by rail, I will receive such invalid officers and soldiei's of the United States as may be confined in tht? States of North and South Carolina and Georgia at Fort Pulaski, near Savannah, and will trans- port thither any such invalids of the confederate forces as may be in cur possession who can be more easily carried thither. Other invalid prisoners in the western depart- ment I will deliver at such ports on the Mississippi River as may hereafter be agreed upon ; the invalid soldiei's of the United States to be received in exchange therefor who are convenient to the points. Full rolls of the invalids so exchanged to be kept, so that the equivalents may be adjusted hereafter. Asking as early as possible attention to his proposition, I have the honor to be your obedient servant, &c., BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange. Hon. Robert Ould. F 74. Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina, In the Field, Virginia, Scptemher 13, 1864. Sir : I have the honor to inclose herewith five propositions as to matters relating to the exchange of prisoners made by mo to Mr. Ould, together with a printed copy of my note of August 27, also forwarded to him. I have as yet received no formal answer to either of my propositions, but I am in- H. Eep. 45 3G 562 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR formed, Tiiiofficially, that the'proposition to exchange invalid prisoners will be accepted, and that I may prepare and send down to Fort Pulaski transportation for at least live thousand (5,000) invalid men forthwith. This I shall at once proceed to do to make all ijossible provision for the comfort of our sick soldiers. If my action is approved, please direct the Commissary General of Prisoners to inforn» me at what points, and how many of the confederate invalids, not tit for service within sixty (GO) days, will be ready, that my boat may take them for delivery. As soou as they can be got ready I propose to take them down by the same transportation that brings our men up. Perhaps it may not be out of place to say that all these propositions received the sanction of the lieutenant general commanding. If my action is approved, I pray earlj^ attention on the part of the Commissary General of Prisoners, as I will endeavor to be ready to move the confederate sick as soou as they are ready for me. I have the honor to be, very resi^ectfullj', your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War. F 75. Headquarters Army of the James, . September 25, 1864—8.30 p. m. I have made arrangements with Mr. Ould to give me at least five thousand (5,000) of our sick men in Georgia and South Carolina, and take what equivalent we may have. I have offered to take them at Fort Pulaski as an act of humanity, because I think that railroading through the confederacy, with such acconmiodations as they would get, would bring many of them to their death. He will receive on the Mississippi or its tributaries, at such points as may be agreed upon, all the sick we may have at the western camps, and will be glad to do it for the same reason. After the boat load up the river, we may as well send our balance down with the same transportation to Fort Pulaski. Please advise me, looking on the matter in the light of this dispatch. I have the honor to be, very resi^ectfullv, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange. Colonel Hoffman, Commissary General of Prisoners, Washington, D. C. F 76. Headquarters Junction Varina and Newmarket Roads, In the Field, October 4. 1864. I am informed that certain prisoners of war are now employed at labor in making army material for your forces. It is so published, without contradiction, in two Rich- mond journals. K this be so, the practice must cease. This government have never employed prisoners of war in any other work than that which contributed to their own comfort and convenience. If this fact is not either officially denied or assurances given that it will be stopped by your authorities, I shall be compelled to employ an equal or greater number of your men, prisoners in my hands, in the manner judged by me most advan- tageous to my army, as you have done with ours. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange. Robert Ould, Esq., Commissioner for Exchange. F 77. Headquarters Army of the James, In the Field, October 12, 1864. Sir: I inclose herewith affidavits showing the employment of one hundred and ten (110) United States colored soldiers by the military officers of the confederate forces in BY THE REBEL AUTHOEITIES. 563 the trenches near Fort Gihner — a practice justified by no rule of war or claim heretofore made by the confederate authorities. I have ordered a like number of the officers and soldiers captured by us (preferring as many of the Virginia reserve forces, by whom this outrage is beiug done, as I have captured) into the canal at Dutch Gap, and put them at hard labor, and I shall continue to add to their number until this practice is stopped. I have the honor to be, very respectfullv, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General Commandiiuj. Hon. Robert Ould, Commissioner for Exchange, Richmond, Va. Headquarters Army of the James, October 12, 1864. Samuel Miller, of battery C, Eighteenth Virginia battalion of artillery, being duly sworn, deposes and says, that he, with his company, has been for some weeks past stationed at battery No. 8, situated on the intermediate lines between the Charles City and Derbytown roads, and that to his personal knowledge he knows of some twenty- five to eighty colored prisoners of war, clad in the uniform of the United States, to have been kept at work on fortifications and iuti'euchments in that vicinity, and upon that line, since Thursday, the Gth instant. Deponent also further says, that he knows of numbers of them having been obliged to trade their clothes and shoes with the confederate soldiers for food, owing to an insufficiency being furnished them. SAM. MILLER. Headquarters Army op the James, October 12, 1864. James F. Knight, Company F, Fifty-ninth Virginia regiment, put into the First regiment Virginia reserves, being duly sworn, deposes and says, that on Thursday, the 6th, and on Friday, the 7th instant, ho was on duty with his regiment, (First Virginia reserves,) and that on one of the above-mentioned days, which he does not now definitely remember, he, with his company, (Company A, First regiment Virginia reserves,) went from their camp, which was then on the intermediate line near the Derbytown road to Richmond, Virginia, and took from Libby prison about eighty-two (82) colored men who were there as captui-ed prisoners of war, and brought them to the intermediate Hues between the Newmarket and Derbytown roads, where they were put to work throwing up intrenchments; and where, to the best of his knowledge and belief, they now remained, doing work in the manner described above, he having left tliem on the morning of this day. Deponent further says, that they were clad in uniform. JAMES F. KNIGHT. Hheadquartees Army of the James, October 12, 1864. Chapman Diuking, of Yadkin County, North Carolina, member of the Thirty-eighth North Carolina regiment, put into the Virginia local reserves, lately stationed at Fort Gilmer, on oath dejioses and says, that coming to Fort Gilmer on the night of Thursday the 6th of October, he fouud oiw- hundred and ten (110) colored soldiers in the uniform of the United States, captured in the recent engagements, at work in the trenches at Fort Gilmer, without sufficient food, so that they were exchanging their clothes for food with the confederate soldiers. Deponent further says, that he left the confederate lines on the night of the 11th instant, and that when he left the trenches they were still at work. CHAPMAN DINKING. Headquarters Army of the James, October 12, 1864, Samuel Hntchings, of the Thirty-eighth North Carolina regiment, lately put into- the Virginia local reserves, and stationed at Fort Gilmer, on oath deposes and says, that coming to Fort Gilmer on the night of Thursday, the 6th of October, he found about one hundred negroes, colored soldiers, clad in the uniform of the United States, captured in the recent engagement, at work in the trenches at and near Fort Gilmer. 564 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Dcponeut further says, that lie left the confederate lines on the night of the 11th instant, and that when he left the trenches they were still at work. his SAMUEL X HUTCHINGS. mark. Sworn to and .subscribed by making his mark in my presence and before me this 12th day of October, 1864. JOHN J. DAVENPORT, Lieutenant and Aide-de-Camp, Assistant Frovost Marshal. F 78. Headquarters Army of the James, October 20, 18(34— 9..'-U p. m. Your telegram concerning the ofiicial dispatch of General Lee regarding the prisoners at work in the rebel trenches is received. Orders have been issued returning to-night the prisoners at Duch Gap. A copy of the order will be sent yoti in the morning. BENJ. F. BUTLER, Lieutenant General Graxt, City Point. Major General, <^c. F 79. ExECUTix-^E Mansion, Washington, October 5, 1864. I inclose you a copy of a correspondence in regard to a contemplated exchange of naval prisoners through your lines, and not very distant from your headquarters. It only came to the knov.ledge of the War Department and of myself yesterday, and it gives us some uneasiness. I therefore send it ifi you with the statement that as the numbers to be exchanged under it are small, and so mnch has already been done to effect the exchange. I hope you may tind it consistant to let it go forward under the general supervision of General Butler, and particularly in reference to the points he holds vital in exchanges. Still you are at liberty to arrest the whole operation if in your judgment the public good requires it. Yours truly, A. LINCOLN. Lieutenant General Grant. Navy Department, Confederate States, llichmond, Va., August 2U, 1864. Sir : In your official note of the 2d of October, 1863, addressed to Commander Wil- liam A. Weblj, Confederate States navy, are the following paragraphs: "Yesterday a list of the oflicers of the Atlanta, held by the United States, with au equal list now in confmement in the South, was forwarded to General Meredith, United States agent for the exchange of prisoners, with a suggestion that he should see Mr. Onld, and propose an i-s])t'cial exchange in these cases, general exchanging having been stopped for reasons uukuowu to me." " If you desire to forward a letter u]iou the subject to Richmond, I will have it placed in the hands of Mr. Ould. You aud your oflicers are detaiued in consequence of the authorities at Richmond declining to respond to any action on the iiart of this 'y Department, September 24, 1804. Sir: On the 7th instant I advised you of the intention of the department to send to j'ou by the Circassian, on her next trip, all the officers and seamen of the so-called confederate navy now imprisoned in the North, with a view to their exchange for our navy officers in the South. The Circassian, which carries out this communication, will take out some forty offi- cers and one hundred and forty men — the exact numbers not being known to the depart- ment. They embrace all that have any connection, so far as known, with the so-called southern navy, excepting such as of tlieir own accord iireferred remaining here. 566 TREATMENT OF PEISONEES OF WAR A list of tlie officers is lierewith inclosed ; also inclose copy of a correspondence that has just passed between this department and Mr. Malloiy, from which you will perceive that there is a mutual desire and understanding for the exchange of all naval prison- ers held by either side. No information of the receipt by Mr. Mallory of the letter of this department has reached me; but as it was sent to Lieutenant General Grant to be forwarded through the lines, it is presumed it reached its destination, and that there will be no ol)stacle in the way of eftectiug the exchange of the ijrisoners now sent down, and of receiving such of ours as are within reach in return. Accompanying this is a list, but not a perfect one, of our officers of the navy impris- oned in the Soutli. As you are doubtless aware, Lieutenant Commander P. Williams has returned home under parole, and the department, in view of the contemplated general exchange, considered it unnecessary for him to return. Acting Ensign F. W. Sanborn was also permitted to come home, in order to effect an exchange for Acting Master Bonneau, the latter of whom goes out in the Circassian. Acting Master Dil- lingham has likewise returned, with a view of effecting an exchange for a Captain Fowk-r, who was captured at Sabine Pass. There seems to bo no satisfactory evidence of Fowler being an officer in the so-called confederate navy, and the department lias not included him in those sent down. Any other equivalent can be given for Acting Master Dillingham. In addition to the navy officers sent down, there are two officers of the so-called confederate army, viz : Major Harold Borland, and Major G. A. Preston. The former can be offered in exchange for Major Forbes, of Boston, who was captured near Aldie's Gap. The department, in a letter to Major Borland, has informed him that he could remain in the department of the South until an answer is received in reply to the offer, or until Major Forbes should be delivered to you. Major Preston has been sent out with no view to exchange for any specially named person, but simply in compliance with his request, and at the urgent solicitation of Comnuinder William A. Webb. He can be offered in exchange for an equivalent. Buih of the army officers mimed were captured by the naval forces. Among the prisoners on board the Circassian is Francis Hernandez, of St. Augustine, Florida, who was captured in violating the blockade. He is sent down as an act of huiuanity, being quite old, and anxious to return to his family and friends, and is in bad health. We have in our forts many blockade runners who have been appealing to the depart- ment to send them with the navy officers and seamen for exchange, and expressing conlidcnice that they would be received. It is believed there is or will be a large excess in iavt)r of the South in this exchange of naval olHcers and seamen for whom we will have to give e(iuivalents, in accordance with the understanding between this depart- ment and Mr. Mallory. But I have declined to send out the blockade runners referred to, because we have no assurance that they would be received upon the same footing as the navy officers and seamen. Most of them were masters of the blockade runners, and a number of them were serving on blockade runners commanded by officers of the eo-called confederate navy. If, as I have informed Commander Webb, they will be received for our otticers and seamen, they will be sent to you in the Circassian, as she comes along on her next trip to the Gulf. You will tiuil among the [)risouers several who were recently captured at Mobile, and have just been Ijiought north. Our officers and seamen imprisoned in Texas, and many of whom have been there over eighteen months, deserve our lirst consideration, and it is hoped the authorities at the South will take the earliest means to place them in our hands. It will not be necessary to dcjtain the Circassian at Port Royal. The prisoners can he transferred to souie other vessel, or to some place on shore, for safe custody, should there be delay in effecting the exchange. The Circassian must return without any delay to n^sume her regular trips. Major General Hitchcock, commissioner of exchange, advised me a few days since of the return from the South of Captain Bird, of the army, under parole for the purpose of effecting a special exchange for Captain IMurden, late in conunaud of the blockade- running steamer Victory. Captain Murden holds an a]ii)ointmeiit as an acting master of the so-called confederate navy. At the request of Major General Hitchcock the department consented that Mr. Murden should be exchanged as an equivalent for Cai>- tain Bird, on the condition that an ariuy officer should be turned over to us to give in exchange for ona of our navy officers. Mr. Murden is among the number sent down, and yon will use him iu accordance with the assurance made by Major General Hitch- cock. Very respectfully, &c., GIDEON A\^LLES, Secretary of the Xari/. Rear- Admiral John A. Daiilgken, Commanding South Atlantic Blockading Squadron, off Charleston. BY THE EEBEL AUTHOEITIES. 567 Headquarters Armies of the United States, City Point, Va., October 11, 1864. General : I inclose you the letter of the President to me, together with all other papers relating to the exchange of naval prisoners of war now in the James River, and turn the whole matter .over to you to conduct. In our conversation yesterday I explained the point in Secretary Welles's corre- spondence, which the President was afraid might involve us in trouble if retained by him. In conducting this exchange, ignore all that has been done heretofore in the mat- ter, but make the exchange man for man, yielding no point before insisted on. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General. Major General B. F. Butler, Commanding Army of the James. F 81. Headquarters Army of the James, Octoier 12, 1864. Sir : As commissioner of exchange for this government to negotiate exchanges with the belligerents represented by yourself, I propose to exchange all the prisoners in your naval service which we hold, for all the prisoners in our naval service taken by you which you hold, man for man, according to the equivalents of assimilated rauk set forth in the cartel, the excess to be made up in officers and men on either part from the army. In making this proposition, I repose Avith confidence upon your statement to Major Mulford that you would exchange all the naval prisoners so taken, without distinction. I have these men at City Point ready for delivery, and will deliver them at Cox's Ferry at such time, after five hours' notice, as you may designate. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Hon. Robert Ould, Agent for Exchange, Richmond, Va. Major General Commanding. F 82. Headquarters Army of the James, October 18, 1864—9 p. m. Colonel: Lieutenant Colonel Mulford has delivered to the confederate agent of exchange, Mr. Ould, ninety naval oflicers and men of the confederate service. He has received three hundred and twenty-three officers and men of owe naval service, including five negroes, whicli ho claims are all the negroes captured of our naval ser- vice. It is agreed between Ould and myself that I shall deliver any other naval pris- oners which we have, and he will deliver all the naval prisoners, black or white, that he has, and he desires from us a list of any others which are supposed to be in the possession of the confederates. He also wishes any other j)risoners of their naval service which we have to be sent forward. He thinks there are some at Elmira and some at Fort Delaware. Please have inrxuiry made at our depots, because I am to deliver to him any equiva- lents according to assimihxted rank for the excess. Please have these naval men assembled at Point Lookout, so that I may take them when we go to Savannah. Colonel Mulford will be in Anuapolis on Thursday morn- ing; immediately afterward we shall embark as soon as possible all the invalid pris- oners we can get, tip to five thousand, (5,000,) to be exchanged at Fort Pulaski for invalid prisoners in the hands of the coufederates. Colonel Mulford has also four hundred and fifty (450) army prisoners, including twenty-seven (27) officers. ^ ^ ' ° ^ BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General, ^c. Colonel Hoffman, Commissary General of Prisoners, Washington, D. C. 568 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR F 83. CONFEDEHATE STATES OF AMERICA, Wai- Department, Iiichnond, Va., October 7, 1864. Sir: On the 6tli instant I addressed the accompanying letter to Major John E. Mul- ford, assistant agent of exchange. I think it proper to notify you that I have done so in order that you may be made acquainted at an early date with the views of the confederate authorities in relation to the matter to which that communication refers. Respectfully, your obedient servant, RO. OULD, Agent of Exchange. Hon. Edwin M. Staxtox, Secretary of War. Confederate States of America, War Department, Richmond, Va., October (3, 1864. Sir : 4*^ it appears to be more than probable that a large number of prisoners will bo held iu captivity by both belligerents during tlie coming winter, the cause of human- ity, to whicli, though foes, we all owe a couimou allegiance, demands that some meas- ures should be adopted for the relief of such as are held by either party. To that end I propose that each government shall have the ]n-ivilege of forwarding, for the use and comfort of such of its prisoners as are held V)y the other, necessary articles of food and clothing. The manner of their distribution, with all proper safeguards, can be agreed upon in the future. A fair reciprocity is only asked. The articles that can be mutually sent can also be made the subject of agreement. I projiose that each may scud necessary clothing and blankets, and rations of nieat, bread, cotiee, sugar, tobacco, pickles, and vinegar. I would suggest that the receipt of the stores and their distributions among the- prisoners for whom they are intended might be authenticated by the certihcate of the senior officer at the respective camps or depots. In order to carry out this arrangement with effectiveness, it would be necessary that we should make purchases outside the limits of the Confederate States, and then to ship them to one of your ports. It would be impracticable to send the stores by your flag-of-truce boats. Of course the supplies referred to iu this comnniuication are to be considered as being in addition to such rations as are furnished by the government which lias tlie ju-isoners iu custody. Neither belligerent is to be discharged from the obligation of feeding and clothing tlie prisoners in its charge. This is a matter of such grave importance that I sincerely trust an early and favor- able response will be made. Respectfully, your obedient servant, RO OVhD, Agent of Exchange. Major John E. Mclford, Assistant Agent of Exchange. [ludoi'semeiit.] October 15, 18G4. Referred to Lieutenant General Grant, with authority to act upon the subject iu such manner as he may deem proper, and with authority to take such measures as he deems consistent with national honor and safety, for the release cf all soldiers and loyal x)er- sons held by the rebels in captivity. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. F84. Headquarters Armies op the United States, October 1.5, 1864. General: A communication signed R. Ould, agent of exchange, dated October 7, instant, mailed at Fort Monroe, and addressed to me, is herewith refen'ed to you, together with a paper that accompanied it, bearing the same signature, dated October 6, and addressed to Major John E. Mulford, assistant agent of exchange. You are au- thorized and instructed to take such action in reference to said papers and the subject- matter to which they relate as you may deem best adapted to the relief of oiu- soldiers BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 569 held, as prisoners by the rebels. You are also authorized to take any steps that you may deem proper to effect the release and exchange of our soldiers and all loyal per- sons held as prisoner's by the rebel authorities. It is the desire of the President that no efforts consistent with national safety and honor be spared to effect the jiromiit release of all soldiers and loyal persons in cap- tivity to the rebels as prisoners of war, or on any other grounds ; and the subject is committed to you with full authority to act in the premises as you shall deem right and proper. By order of the President : EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. Lieutenant General Gr^vnt. F 85. Headquarters Army of the James, In the Field, October 26, 1864. Having, in obedience to orders by telegraph, received on board the fleet of vessels which Colonel Webster, chief quartermaster, has been ordered to place at your dis- posal, all invalid confederate prisoners of war as certified to mo by Colonel Hoffman in the eastern camps held by us, you will proceed to Fort Pulaski with your prisoners, and there tender them for exchange, according to the agreement made between the commissioner of exchange on the part of the United States and tlie agent of exchange, for the confederate authorities, and there receive on board all the prisoners belonging to the United States which shall be given you by the confederate authorities. You will also inform the confederate authorities that there are from 2,500 to 3,000 invalid prisoners within the agreement ready for delivery on the Mississippi River as soon as the point shall be designated. They are in the western camps. As this mat- ter of the exchange of prisoners is managed in behalf of the military authorities of the United States through the agent of exchange, you will take no direction upon the subject except from the commissioner of exchange or the Secretary of War. This direction is given yon because your business at Fort Puhxski will be within the depart- ment of General Foster; and to save all possible conflict of autliority, you will report your arrival and business to the commander of the department, so that your operations iuay not interfere with any militai^' movements within his lines. You will doubtless be obliged to go into Port Royal with your large ships and load them with your smaller vessels from the inside passage, which will be more condu- cive to the comfort of the men and safety of your fleet. As soon as you get one of the largest vessels loaded, yoii will send it forward to iVunapol is; and if you can receive more prisoners than your fleet can acconnnodate, order her to return. You will allow one agent of either the Christian or Sanitary Commission on each vessel. You will take competent pilots, and see that your vessels are well watered. You will draw from the quartermaster such extra clothing, blankets, and other articles as may be neces- sary for the comfort of the prisoners. The United States government will by no means stint these men who have sutfered so much in anything tor their comfort as soon as they come within our jurisdiction. For other details I must depend upon your judg- ment, zeal and activity in the service. In the matter which has been discuesed between the United States government and the confederate authorities providing for their respective prisoners, you are authorized to offer the confederate military autliorities the following terms: It is understood that prisoners of both sides complain of their treatment by those having them in charge, in shelter, food, clothing, and hospital stores. You will then offer, on the part of the United States — First. That the Uniteil States will furnish food, according to its discretion, to the prisoners held by the confedei-ate authoi-ities, delivering it at the nearest seaport to the place where th.', prisoners are held, the confederate authorities to furnish trans- portation from the point of delivery. The United States will furnish its i^risoners in the hands of the confederate authorities, delivered in like manner, with such articles of clothing, and other necessary articles, including tea, coffee, tobacco, and stationery, as they may judge expedient, delivered in like manner. The United States will fui-- nish such hospital store's as they deem exjjedieut to their prisoners, delivered and to be transported in like manner. The United States will furnish such shelter to their prisoners as they deem expedient, delivered in like manner. The United States, on the other hand, will permit the confederate authorities to furnish, at such points as they may choose, confederates held as prisoners of war with shelter, food, clothing, including blankets and hospital stores, at the discretion of the confederate authorities; or, if preferred by the confederate authorities, the United States will permit the con- federate authorities to purchase fiom the quartermaster, commissary, and medical 570 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR departments of the United States such food and clothing, including blankets, as the confederate authorities may choose for their prisoners^, at such prices paid hy the United States for such articles, except the uniform of the soldiers of the United States, whicli ■will not be permitted to be -o-orn by the confederate prisoners, and the United States will permit to be purchased in the markets of the United States such clothing as the confederate authorities may choose, including blankets, to furnish to the ccfti- federate prisoners of war, all to be paid for in the legal currency of the United States, or the United States will receiv^e in payment for such goods so sold by them, cotton, upon the terms and conditions upon which cotton is pledged for the confederate loan in Europe, and will permit such cotton to be sent from any port in the United States, whether such ports are in the possession of the confederate authorities or otherwise, or we will receive such cotton in payment at any port to be designated by the con- federate authorities in the United States, whether said port is in the possession of the confederate authorities or otherwise, for all articles. The United States will also permit the purchase of tents, at the price paid by the United States, for shelter to the confederate prisoners held by them, upon the same terms and conditions as the pur- chase of provisions and supplies. Hospital stores maybe furnished upon the same condition by the confederate authorities. All these to be receipted for and distributed and expended by a board of three officers from the prisoners of war held by either side above the rank of company offi- cers at each prison, who shall be paroled for that purpose, and shall have full liberty to communicate with the commissioner of exchange of the confederate authorities and the United States in o^ien letters. It being understood and agreed that no articles per- mitted l)y either government for the use of its prisoners shall be upon any pretext or for any cause whatever diverted from the use for which they are dedicated ; and any surplus of articles furnished by the United States or by the confederate authorities is to be returned to the place where received by either party, and put at the disposal of the party owning the same. Any other mintn- details not provided for in these instructions will be the subject of further just and equitable arrangement. It is further understood and agreed that either party shall have the privilege of put- ting a surgeon on each board of officers herein provided for. All these terms are believed to be so manifestly equitable and just, and will so re- lieve either party from complaints of the other party, that it is hoped they Avill be ac- cepted. If in any minor points any objections are nuide on the part of the confederate authorities, you will report the objections, and they will be carefully considered, and, unless vital, will be yielded to. These terms you will write out separately from yonr letters of instruction" or propositions for agreement, and certify them officially, so that there may be no mistake in the terms offered. If, as may bo the case, it is objected by the confederate authorities that the United States had a larger number of j)risoners taken from the confederate army than the eon- federate authorities hold taken from the army of the United States, and that therefore accepting tliese terms will impose a burden upon the confederate authorities greater than that assumetl by the United States, although such claims would not apparently bo well founded; yet, the government of the United States being very anxious to re- lieve in so far as they may their prisoners of war from what they are instructed and believe to be great want and distress, you are authorized to offer, rather than the ne- gotiations shall be broken off upon this point, that the United States will, after supi)ly- ing an equal number of the prisoners held by the United States according to the e(iuiv- alent established by the cartel, using that as a measure of reference, only supplying the surplus of prisoners held by us with precisely the same and not other and dirt'erent shelter, clothing, food, and medicine with which the confederate authorities supply an equal number of their prisoners held by tlie United States ; but this proposition is not to be made except for the purpose of closing the negotiation on the point, as it is not deemed just that, from motives of humanity, the United States should l)ear any por- tion of the burden which properly belongs "to the confederate authorities because of the superiority of the United States in capturing prisoners of war. All propositions received upon this subject fiom the confederate authorities will be received by you in writing, but they will not prevent oral discussion of the several points involved, in order to their true and jnst settlemiMit; but such discussion shall not be taken or deemed to be propositions on the one side or the other. You will see how much is contided to your discretion, care, and judgment ; and it is hoped that you may succeed in having established some just and equitable arrange- ment upon the basis of these instructions for the care and treatment of prisoners of war which seem very likely not to be exchanged. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange. Colonel MuLFOUD. BY THE EEBEL AUTHOEITIES. 571 F 86. Office Ass't Agent for Exchange op Prisoners, Fort Monroe, V'mi'mia, November 6, 1864. Sir : lu accordance with iustructions received from the commissiouer for exchange, I have the honor to submit the following propositions on the iiart of the United States, for the consideration of your authorities in the matter recently under negotiation by the United States and confederate military authorities, for furnishing supplies of food, clothing, medicines, &c., for the respective prisoners held by each. It being expressly understood and agreed that this arrangement being made from motives of humanity, and to relieve evils necessarily inherent in a state of war, no- thing contained therein shall be taken to have altered, changed, or in anj^ way affected the rights, duties, or liabilities of either belligerent party, except and so far as only therein set forth and agreed. All the terms herein proposed are believed to be so manifestly equitable and just, and will so relieve either party from complaint of the other party, that it is hoped they will be accepted. Soliciting an early response, I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JNO. E. MULFORD, Lieutenant Colonel and Assistant A Agent of Exchange. Lieutenant General U. S. Grant, United States Army. F 88. Headquarters Armies of the United States, yovemher 12, 18G4. Sir : Your communication of yesterday is received. All that you tvsk will be com- plied with. I will send instructions immediately to the federal commander in Mobile BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 573 Bay, to notify General Maury of his readiness to receive and ship to New York City one thousand bales of cotton, to be consigned to one of the parties you name, ^Yho shall have every facility asked by you. i\Iy instructions in this matter will have to go by way of Washington and New York <"i*iies, aiul may be ten days in reaching their destination. All shipments of clothing, provisions, &c., for distribution among prisoners of war, will be sent from the jjlace of purchase to the iioint of delivery, free of charge, as you suggest. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General. Judge Ro. OiTLD, Af/ent of Exchange. F89. Headquarters Armies of the United States, City Point, Fa., Dccemher 24, 1864. Sir : I am informed that there is quite a number of federal prisoners in Richmond who are suffering for want of proper clothing. I would respectfully request the au- thority to send for their benefit a few hundred blankets, and ask that a commissioned officer from among the prisoners be allowed to receive aud distribute them. If my request in this matter be acceded to, I will be j)leased to learn at what point and at what time they will be received, and the name of the officer designated to receive the clothing. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General. Judge Ro. OuLD, Agent of Exchange. F90. Richmond, Va., Beceniber 27, 18G4. Sir : Your note of the 24th instant is received. You can send as many blankets for the benefit of the federal prisoners in Richmond as you may think proper. If you choose, you may send others for those confined in other places. The blankets will be received at Boul ware's wharf, (otherwise kuow^ as the "Graveyard,") on .James River. In order to give you sufficient time I would suggest next Saturday, the 31st instant, at 1 o'clock p. m., as the day and hour when the articles will be received. The four officers highest in rank (uot in hospital) now at the Libby are Lieutenant Colonel Ilutchins, 1st New Hampshire cavalry; Major W. N. Owens, 1st Kentucky cavalry; Captain J. M. Wallace, 3d Delaware ; and Captain J. M. Watson, 2d New York mounted rifles. You can select either of them as the assignee. I will deliver the blankets to him, taking his receipts in duplicate, one of which I will forward to yon. He and as many assistants as he may need will be given such a parole as will enable them to dis- charge their duty effectively. Every reasonal>le and proper effort will be njade by the confederate authorities to secure such a distribution as you may desire. By using the Avord " blankets," I do not wish to be understood as limiting the supi)lies to that article. RO. OULD, Agent of Exchange. Lieutenant General U. S. Grant. F. 91. Headquarters Armies of the United States, City Point, Va., December 28, 1864. Sir : Your communication of the 27th instant, acknowledging receipt of Brigadier General William N. R. Beall's letter, is received. I think no better plan than that proposed by you for the distribution of contributions for prisoners of war can be de- vised, viz : " The reception of supplies, and their subsequent distribution among the prisoners on both sides, shall be certilied by a connnittee of officers confined in the prisons so Bupplied. Such a parole will be given by such officers as will enable them to carry out 574 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR the agreement with clue facility. They will report, through the proper agents, their proceedings to their respective governments." When I framed the foregoing paragraph, my idea was that a committee of three from each prison on both sides would be selected and paroled to attend to the distribution at the prison to which the committee belonged. That seemed to me to be the best plan. If it was carried out there would be on each side three times as many persons selected as there were iirisoners. I now again respectfully suggest that this plan be adopted. If you desire that six or more fedcr.al officers shall be paroled to attend to the recep- tion of such .vipplks as you may send, it Avill be done, although I do not see the neces- sity for any such number. It will take more to attend to the distribution. As many will be paroled for the latter purpose as you desire. I take it for granted that when supplies are sent they will be consigned to some one named party. He will give duplicate receipts for the same, one of which will be for- warded to your government. If it does not correspond with the invoice, some irregu- larity will have immediately taken place, which can be detected and corrected. Tlui consignee and two others (to be named by him, if you choose) will attend to the distribution at the particular prison, and will forward a certificate of that fact to their government. It seems to me that this plan is simple, and wiH ^^ effective. If you will suggest any other, or any addition to the foregoing, which will more effect- ually carry out the views of both parties for the speedy and certain relief of prisoners on both sides, it will bo cheerfully adopted by our side. You may rest assured that the confederate authorities will consent to any measure that will best secure tlie end proposed. If this plan is adopted, it AvouUrbe well to have at*least three officers at each prison, on both sides. Respectfully, your obedient servant, RO. OULD, Agent of Exchange. Lieutenant General U. S. Grant, United States Army, F93. Headquarters Army of the James, Octolcr 12, 1864. Sir; I inclose marked copies of the Richmond Enquirer of the 12th, showing that the officers paroled at Charleston are ordered into service by the confederates. Ought there not to be some declaration on our part ? I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Colonel W. Hoffman, Commissary General of Prisoners. Major General Commanding. F94. Headquarters Dept. of Virginia and North Carolina, Army of the James, in the Field, Dectmler 2, 1864. General: Mr. Ould has, by a notice in the Richmond papers, declared all prisoners delivered for excliange or parole by our government to the confederates, up to Novem- ber 25, exchanged ; I see no reason, under the cartel or otherwise, why a similar declara- tion should not be made both for navy and army prisoners of war received on parole for exchange by us up to that time. Please advise me, and I will issue such declara- tion as provided in the cartel. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General Commanding. Brigadier General Wessells, Commissary General of Prisoners, Washington, D. C. F95. Headquarters Dept. of "Virginia and North Carolina, In the field, December 7, 1864. General : You will have seen by the papers that Mr. Ould, the agent of exchange for the confederates, has declared all persons exchanged delivered to either party up to BY THE KEBEL AUTHORITIES. 575 N'ovember 25, and also declareil all the paroled prisoners delivered at Vicksburg ex- changed, and this applies to both naval and military. I think there ought to be a concurrent declaration on our part. I have called the attention of the authorities at Washington to this once before. I think we are losing the services of good officers by this means. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. r. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange. Major General Hitchcock, Commissioner for Exchange, Washingion, D, C. F96. R. E. A. Stewart, captain company H, 25th Virginia, and prisoner of war. Asking that clothing be sent him. Captain R. E. A. Stewart, company H, 25th Virginia, prisoner of war. Returned to honorable Secretary of War. The federals still continue to refuse that State or confederate contributions should be sent to our prisoners, and allege, as the reason, that we will not allow a like proceeding. They say they will make a recip- rocal rule. July 20, 18'i4. F97. Brigadier General John H. Winder. Inquire what is the policy of the government in regard to clothing federal prisoners, many of whom are in need. Brigadier General John H. Winder. Returned to adjutant and inspector general. Of course our first duty is to our own soldiers ; but if we can supply the federal prisoners, I think we ought to"^ do so. I know the fact that clothing to quite a considerable amount has been furnished by the federal government to our soldiers at Fort Delaware and other prisons. However, if we do not clothe these men, will not the enemy proceed to the extremity of strippiuf our men in their hands of the clothing they have ? I see no very great objection to allow- ing the enemy to furnish plain clothing to the federal prisoners in our hands. It is not like the case of furnishing luxuries. . September 17, 1864. F 98. W. Walkarte, and others, confederate prisoners. Camp Chase. Asking that clothing, blankets, and shoes, of which they are much in need, be sent to them by the government. W. Walkarte, and others, confederate prisoners. Camp Chase. Respectfully returned to quartermaster general. There is at present no agreement between the two belligerents as to the supply of clothing to prisoners. I am now, and have been for some time, of the firm belief that it would be good policy to allow the federals to supply Yankee prisoners here with coai'se clothing. It would save us the expense, and give us an opportunity of sending clothing to our people in the North, which otherwise would be denied to us. I see no other way half as acceptable of set- tling the question, both as to our own and the enemy's prisoners. I understand from a conversation Avith the seci'etary of war that such is his view also. I shall accordingly make the proposition (limiting it to one suit of coarse clothing for each prisoner, with blanket) to the federal authorities when I next meet them. I am quite sure they will accede to it. September 27, 1864. 576 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR F oe. [Telegram. — Sent 11 a. m., 21st instant.] War Department, Washington Citij, February 20, 18G4. Major General B. F. Butler, ComWg DepH of Va. and X. C, Fort Monroe, Va. : Have you any information that any officers of the United States Navy now held by the rebels as prisoners of war are kept in irons and close confinement ? By order of the Secretary of War : ED. R. S. CANBY, Brigadier General, A. A. G. F 100. Major Thos. P. Turner, commanding, &c. Makes a report relative to certain ofdcers and seamen sent to Salisbury in December last. Major Thomas P. Turner, commanding, &c. Returned to General Gardner. The ofticers and seamen mentioned vrithin are treated as prisoners of war by the federal aniliorities. Thej' were at one time in irons, but were relieved by General Butler. At the same time I thought those we held were relieved from close confinement. I know such an order was given. August 10, 1864. F 101. H. L. Clay, Lieutenant Colonel and A. A. General. Respecting negroes confined at Salisbury. Lieutenant Colonel H. L. Clay, A. A. General. Returned to General Gardner. I do not understand this as an order to send these parties oft' by flag of truce, but simphj that they are subject to be sent, when a due occa- sion ofiers. If I wait a while I can make good use of them. Please let me have your views. November 19, 1864. G 1. Vermili-IOXVIlle, La., Xovemher 28, 1863. Sir : I am instructed by Major General Taylor, commanding, to open communication at once with yon on the subjert r)f the exchange of prisoners, " stating that we ha\e on hand several hundred prisoners, all of whom are without blankets, and many with- out shoes, and indifferently supplied with clotliing, and whose sufferings tliis winter it will be impossible for us to alleviate. You will use every exertion consistent with the dignity of your position to ix-rfeet some arrangement, and ia the event of success will exchange immediately man for num," tilic. In aceordanee with the above order, I therefore propose an immediate exchange of prisoners, or the openingof negotiations for that purpose, authorized by the cartel now in force, authorizing commanders in the tield to enter into such negotiations. I send Assistant Adjutant General Wells, of my .staff, charged Avith full authority in the premises. I am, very respectfully, vour obedient servant. THOMAS GREEN, Britjadicr General, Commanding First Division Cavalry. The COMMANDLSG OFFICER of the Federal Forees on the Teche. G 2. Headqt'arterp of the U. S. Titoors ix Wicsterx Louisiaxa, Xew Iberia, Xovember 29, 1863. Gexf.raI- : I acknowledge the receipt of Brigadier General Green's letter of the '27th or 28tli instant, referring to an exchange of prisoners, which he is authorized by you to ofi'er. BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 577 I state, in reply, that if yon will commence the exchange -without regard to the regi- ments or corps to which the prisoners belong, I am willing to exchange man for man, and will depute a general officer to arrange at once with General Green a place for the delivery of the prisoners on both sides. I also make this proposition : I Avill have brought here, and send to such point of de- livery as you may designate, clothing and blankets for the prisoners of war that remain in your hands, provided that you will permit the articles to be delivered to the pris- oners, the United States engaging to pay a reasonable price for freight and handling. Another matter which I have been intending for some time to bring to your notice is this : When a part of my force was at Carrion Crow Bayou, previous to October "21 last, three of my men were placed as a safeguard at the house of a Fi'euch subject on the road from Carrion Crow Bayou to Vermillion. I do not know his name. They ■were taken by some of your troops on the night before I moved forward from Carrion Crow Bayou upon Opelousas. Another man who was placed as a safeguard in the house of Mrs. May, a widow, not far from Bisland, was captured in September last. In my opinion, these men are not legitimate prisoners of war, and ought to be sent back to us with their arms and accoutrements without exchange. A precedent has been established in the armies in Virginia, as General R. E. Lee has lately sent back men to General Meade who were captured under precisely the same circuinstances. As my sole object in placing these safeguards was to lessen the sufferings of iuolien- sive persons, and was not in the slightest degree military or dependent upon the friend- ship or enmity of the persons to the United States, I hope that you will acknowledge the propriety of my request, and return the prisoners referred to without exchange. They are : Private Henry C. Marsh, Company C, 12th Connecticut volunteers ; Pri- vate Francis C. W. Rogers, Company D, 12th Connecticut volunteers ; Private Hugh Monroe, Company H, 12th Connecticut volunteers ; Private Louis Ulrick, 165th New York volunteers. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, W. B. FRANKLIN, Major General Commanding G 3. Headquarters District Western Louisiana, Alexandria, Novemher 30, 1863. GENER.i.L : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication dated November 29, 1863. In reply I have the honor to state that if your expression of willingness to commence the exchange, without regard to the regiments and corps to which the prisoners belong, is intended to embrace those who belong to negro organ- izations, the instructions of my government preclude me from acceding thereto. With the exceptions of members of such organizations, I am willing to exchange all prisoners, man for man. In view of the hardships and sufferings to which the i>risoners were subjected, and my inability to supply their wants of clothing, I dispatched an officer to Vicksburg to endeavor to make an arrangement for their reception until they should be jiroperly exchanged, and they have been moved in that directi*a ; if such arraug-ement is effected, the prisoners will not require the clothing and blankets to be forwarded to them as you, propose. Should it not be effected, I will communicate with you on the subject, so that those articles may reach them. The officers of your command who are prisoners in my hands, a list of whom I for- warded to General Washburn shortly after their ca^rture, are in want of clothing, and out of money and articles necessary for making them comfortable, which you may send by Brigadier General Green, and it will be delivered to them. Recognizing your statement relative to the improper detention of the four men who were captiired while acting as safeguards as being well-founded, I have directed their immediate release, and at the earliest practicable moment they shall be returned to your lines. I have taken steps to prevent the recurrence of this matter. Should you accede to my proposition for exchanges, as herein stated, I will appoint an officer authorized to negotiate with one whom you may apijoint the necessary terms and details. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, R. TAYLOR, Major General Commanding. Major General W. B. Franklin, U. S. Service, Commanding Troops in Western Louisiana, H. Eep. 45 37 578 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR G 4. Headquarteus District AVestern Louisiana, Alexandria, December 3, 1863. General: In reply to yonr coramiiuication of the 2cl instant, I have to state that, wliile I believe I have no jirisoners from your command belonging to negro organiza- tions, the expression contained in your letter of the 29th ultimo, requiring as a condition ])recedent that I should agree to " the exchange without regard to the regiuieutor corps to which the prisoners belong," rendered it necessary that I should distinctly inform you that I was i)recluded by the instructions of my government from acceding to a propo- sition which would embrace that class of persons; otherwise I would clearly have com- mitted myself to a policy, or at least to its recognition, in violation of positive instruc- tions. My inability to provide for the prisoners in my hands in such manner as I desire, and my anxiety to alleviate their condition by restoring them to their government, if satis- factory arrangements could be agreed upon between us, induced me to address you on the subject of their exchange. I know that yon have the means, and I do not doubt your inclination, to extend to the prisoners in your hands all the comforts and attentions to which the usages of war entitle them. I am willing at all times to exchange with you, with the exception heretofore noted, ofticer for officer, and enlisted man for enlisted man, at such jioint or points as we may agree upon. The clothing and other necessary articles of comfort which you intend for the pris- oners will be delivered to them. If you desire to send one of your ofdcer.s for the pur- pose of distributing the clothing and money, permission will bo granted to him to visit the officers, prisoners, for that purpose. T take occasion to inform you that orders of the Confederate States war department prevent the treasury notes of the United States from being delivered to or put in cir- culation by prisoners. Gold and silver, notes of any banks chartered by the legislature of Louisiana, and Confederate States treasury notes may be sent to these officers. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, R. TAYLOR, Major General Commanding. Major General W. B. Franklin, Commanding U. S. Forces in Western Louisiana. G 5. Headquarters First Division or Cavalry, VermiUioHvUh; December 4, 18G3. General: Inclosed I send you by Captain Wells, assistant adjutant general on my staff, a communication from General Taylor. Having no officers or soldiers of the class spoken of in this district, and that question being unnecessary to be noted in an arrange- ment for the exchange of prisoners between yourself and General Taylor, I sui)pose the exchange will be effected, and it will be unnecessary to send clothing or money to your officers and men who are prisoners in our hands. If, however, the negotiation should be again broken ofl", I will take great pleasure in facilitating you in forwarding money, clothing, or other articles to your officers or soldiers in our hands, in accordance with the terms contained in General Taylor's comnmnication. I am, general, very respectfully, yoiu' obedient servant, ' ^ ' ^ 1 ^' ^ THOMAS GREEN, Brig. Gen. Commanding First Division of Cavalry, Western Louisiana, G 6. New Iberia, December 13, 1863. The exchange of prisoners, officer for officer and man for man, is progressing. Gen- eral Taylor offers to iilace the excess of prisoners iuhis hands in our possession on these terms, viz: 1. Their parole to be recognized by the United States authorities ; and if they are not so recognized, the prisoners to be returned to General Taylor. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 579 2. All prisoners from the forces under General Taylor's command to be exchanged for these paroled prisoners, including those taken at Fort Butler or elsewhere. 3. The agreement thus entered into is not to be affected by the action of the govern- ment of either party ; but if any general exchange be agreed upon by the two govern- ments, the excess of prisoners is not to be included in that agreement until formal notice has been given by one party to the other to include them in that exchange. Also, ten days' notice must be given of the cessation of exchange before any change in the cartel shall go into effect. General Taylor wishes an acceptance of these terms by the department commander. W. B. FRANKLIN, Major General Commanding. Brigadier General C. P. Stone, Chief of Staff, New Orleans, La. Official: ROBERT N. SCOTT, Major and A. A. G. Department of the Gulp, United States Military Telegraph Office, Iheria, December 14, 1863. [By telegraph from New Orleans, December 14, 1863.] Major General Franki^n, Commanding Troops in Western Louisiana: The major general commanding the department will approve the acceptance by you of the terms proposed by General Taylor, as by your dispatch of yesterday, just received. C. P. STONE, Brigadier General and Chief of Staff. Official: ROBERT N. SCOTT, Major and A. A. G. G 7. Headquarters Department of the Gulf, New Orleans, December 31, 1863. Colonel : The major general commanding appoints you commissioner to confer, in his name, with a commissioner appointed by Major General R. Taylor, C. S. A., on the subject of exchange of jirisouers. The i^lace of meeting agreed upon for the conference is Red River Landing, near the mouth of Red River, to which place you will please proceed without delay. The time of meeting is the 1st proximo, or as soon thereafter as practicable. Inclosed you have a copy of a letter from the major general commanding to Major General Franklin, confirming the exchange agreed upon by the latter, and you are desired to give formal sanction to that exchange, in the name of the major general com- manding, should it be requested. You are authorized to offer to Major General Taylor, on the same terms as those agreed upon by Major General Franklin, all the prisoners recently captured by the United States forces in Texas, providecl he will procure the delivery of all captured from the United States at Galveston, Sabine Pass, and other points in Texas. You will also endeavor to procure the release on parole of our prisoners captured at Brashear and other points in the dei)artmeut, and now held by the confederate authorities. You will be careful in all conferences to keep in view the fact that the command- ing general will not sanction any difference being made between the officers and men of different corps of the army. The officers and men of colored regiments have been received into the service of the country, and no agreement can be made or discussed in which the rights of the colored troops or their officers to be treated and exchanged as other prisoners ol" war may be ignored. You will please correspond freely with these headquarters during yoiu- conferences, using the telegraph from Port Hudson to facilitate communication. I am, very respectfully, colonel, your obedient servant, CHARLES P. STONE, Brigadier General, Chief of Staff. Colonel C. C. Dwight, IGOth Regiment N. Y. Volunteers, New Orleans. 580 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR G 8. Cartel for the exchange of prisoners captured, rcspectirehj, from the commands of Major Gen- eral N. P. Banks, United States Army, and Major General li. Taylor, Confederate States army, and for the parole and delivery of the excess of prisoners heldhy either of these officers. Red Riveh Landing, La., January 4, 18G4. Thft under signed commissioners, appointed, respectively, b 7 Major General N.P.Banks, United States Army, and Major General R. Taylor, Conl'ederateStates army, lor the pur- pose of arranging and agreeing upon a cartel for exchange of prisoners of w.ir belonging to the above-mentioned commands, do hereby agree upon the following articles, viz: I. The officers and enlisted men who have heretofore been captured, respectively, by and from the commands of Major General N. P. Banks, United States Army, and Major General R. Taylor, Confederate States army, in western Louisiana, west of the Missis- sipi river, shall be exchanged, officer for officer, according to their several correspond- ing grades in service, and enlisted man for enlisted man, as far as the officers and en- listed men held by Major General Banks and Major General Taylor will enable such ex- change 2)er capita to be made. n. The excess of officers and enlisted men, prisoners of war, belonging to either of the commands above mentioned, shall be delivered on parole not to bear arms or ren- der any military service until regularly exchanged, under the terms and conditions hereinafter mentioned, to their friends at the places herein selected, though said pris- oners shall not be released from their paroles until regularly exchanged ; and, in the event of the ])aroles of such prisoners not being recognized by their respective govern- ments, they shall be returned by Major General N. P. Banks, United States Army, or Major General R. Taylor, Confederate States army, as the said excess may have been delivered to one or the other of them. m. This cartel is intended to embrace all the prisoners heretofore captured in west- ern Loviisiana by the forces of Major General R. Taylor, Confederate States army, from the command of Major General N. P. Banks, and those captured by the forces of Major General Banks from the command of Major General Taylor, at any points in western Louisiana, not heretofore exchanged or delivered on jiarole, includingthose captured at and near Fort Butler, Louisiana, in June, 1863. IV. List of the prisoners herein embraced, who have been heretofore captured by either of the connnands above mentioned, and whose exchange and delivery is herein provided for, shall be furnished respectively to each other by Major General Banks and - Major General Taylor; and, in the exchange and delivery of said prisoners, any mis- nomers or fiiilure to deliver according to said lists on account of death or escape of the prisoners shall be corrected at the time of delivery by the officers charged with the delivery, the s]iirit of the cartel not to be vitiated by any discrepancies or errors in such lists which may be fairly explained. V. The i)oiut of delivery of the prisoners to be exchanged and paroled shall be the Red River Lauding, near the mouth of the Red River, in the parish of Point Coupee ; but, upon due notihcation of a desire to change the same by either of these commis- sioners, some other point may be selected by them. VI. If ]uisoners belonging to the command of Major General N. P. Banks, hereto- fore captureil by other forces in the trans-Mississippi department. Confederate States of America, than those of Major General Taylor, or prisoners on parole within the dis- trict of ISIajor General Taylor, can, with the'consent of the authorities having control of the same, be included in the terms of this cartel, due notice thereof shall be given by Major General Banks and Major General Taylor to each other, with a view to em- bracing them in tlie terms hereof. VII. Colonel Charles C. Dwight, one hundred and sixtieth New York volunteers, United States Army, commissioner on behalf of Major General N. P. Banks, United States Army, commanding department of the Gulf, under authority vested in him by ilajor General N. P. Banks, United States Army, does hereby, in behalf of Major Gen- eral N. P. Banks, commanding department of the Gulf, ratify and approve the delivery of the excess of paroled prisoners by Major General R. Taylor, Confederate States army, to Major General William B. Franklin, United States Army, under the agreement en- tered into between Colonel E. L. Molineaux and Major W. M. Levy, commissioner for exchange on behalf of Major General Franklin and Major General Taylor, respectively, and approves and ratifies the terms and conditions of said agreement. VIII. The jirisoncrs in excess, who may be delivered on parole as hereinbefore men- tioned, shall not lie included in any cartel which may be entered into on behalf of the United States and Conl'ederate States without due notification and the consent of Major General Banks and Major General Taj'lor, as the excess may be in favor of the one or the other. Executed in duplicate. CHARLES C. DWIGHT, \ Col. imth N. T. v., ConVr, lied with, and that he has assurances from General Jones that no similar experiment shall be made. E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General of Vols., Commissioner of Exchange. Washington, July 18, 1864. G 16. Headquarters Dep't op the South, July 4, 1864. General : I have received your letter of the 1st instant, covering a letter from the five general officers of the United States Army, now i^risoners of war in Charleston, to Brigadier General L. Thomas, Adjutant General United States Ai'uiy. I fully reciprocate your desire for an exchange of prisoners, but before any steps can be taken to effect it, it will be necessary for you to withdraw from exposure to our fire those officers now confined in Charleston. I have not yet jilaced your prisoners in a similar position of exposure. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. G. FOSTER, Major General Commanding. Major General Sam. Jones, Commanding Confederate Forces in South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida, Charleston, S. C. Headquarters Dep't oe South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, Charleston, S. C, July 13, 1864. General : Yovu- letter of the 4th, in reply to mine of the 1st, has been received. I am pleased to know that you reciprocate my desire for an exchange of prisoners, but I regret that you should require, as a condition ijrecedent to any negotiation for this 586 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR end, that I should remove from their present location the United States prisoners of war now in this city. Such a course on my part Avould be an implied admission that these officers are unduly exposed and treated with unnecessary rigor, which they have themselves assured you, in their letter of the 1st instant, is not the case. I regard the exchange of prisoners as demanded alike by the rules of civilized war- fare and the dictates of common humanity, and to require a change of location, which you have every reason to know the prisoners do not themselves desire, is to throw an unnecessary obstacle in the way of accomplishing this end, and thus retain prisoners of war in irksome confinement. The change I most prefer would be to send them to your headquarters, and this may yet be done unless defeated by obstacles interposed by yourself or your government. I was notified of your request to send a staft' officer to meet one of yours at Port Royal at 2 p. m. to-day, too late to comply therewith. I have, however, directed the officer of your statt" to be informed that I would send an officer to meet him at 4 p. m. to-morrow, and have accordingly directed INIajor J. F. Lay, A. A. and I. General, to take charge of this letter and deliver it at Port Royal ferry. I repeat that he is fully ad- vised of my views, and should you desire it, will confer with you or any officer of your staff whom you may designate. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, SAM. JONES, Major General Commanding. Major General J. G. Foster, Commanding U. S. Forces, Hilton Head, S. C. G 17. Headquarters of the Army, Washington, D. C.,Juhi 19, 1864. General : The Secretary of War authorizes you to exchange any prisoners of war now in your hands, rank for rank, or their equivalents, as fixed by the cartel, such exchange being a special one. Very resijectfuUy, your obedient servant, H. W. HALLECK, Major General and Chief of Staff. Major General John G. Foster, Commanding Department of the South. G18. Headquarters Department of the South, Hilton Head, S. C, August 4, 1864. General : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 19th ultimo, authorizing me to exchange the prisoners of war now in my hands, and to report that I made such exchange yesterday in Charleston harbor, and that our released offi- cers, comprising five general and one field officer, will preceed north on the steamer Fulton, under command of Brigadier General Wessels, who has orders to report to the Adjutant General of the Army from Fort Monroe, and also from New York, if no orders are received before their arrival iu the latter city. Five line officers, that escaped from the railroad train en route to Charleston, are sent with other officers. Very respectfully, yoirr obedient servant, J. G. FOSTER, Major General Commanding Major General H. W. Halleck, Chief of Staff U. S. A., Washington, D. C. G19. . Headquarters Department of the South, Hilton Head, S. C, August 17, 1864. General: I have the honor to inclose to you a report made to me by Lieutenant Colonel Woodford, the officer whom I had appointed to attend to whatever exchange of prisoners might be authorized in this department. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES, 587 From this it will appear that the confederate authorities are anxious to effect an exchange of officers and men, rank for rank, or its equivalent, to embrace all the pris- oners the confederacy have now on hand. I have made no propositions of any kind, and will only carry out the wishes of the government strictly and carefully, whatever they may be. It may bo jjroper to say that, if it be the wish of the government to obtain all our prisoners by exchange, it can be effected readily by way of the Savannah River, and the rebel prisoners, up to the time of their exchange, can, I think, be safely guarded upon these islands. I have the honor to be, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. G. FOSTER, Major General Commanding, Major General H. W. Halleck, Chief of Staff U. S. A., Wasliingion, D. C. Judge Advocate's Office, Department of the South, Hilton Head, S. C, August 17, 1864. General : I have the honor to report that, in obedience to your instructions of August 6, instaiTt, directing me to accompany Major Anderson, A. D. C, to Port Royal Ferry, for the purpose of being introduced to Major Lay, of the confederate forces, as the officer who would in futui'e conduct all exchange of prisoners at this point, I proceeded on the 16th instant with Major Anderson to the designated place, and met Major Lay. In conformity with an arrangement previously made between Majors Anderson and Lay, I took with me eight (8) confederate privates, and duly exchanged them for the same number of United States soldiers. I also delivered to Major Lay Dr. William Wilson, an assistant surgeon of the Villepigues battalion, (confederate,) who was cap- tured recently in Florida, and had been held as a hostage for surgeons of our army, prisoners in the hands of the confederate authorities. Major Lay delivered to me Dr. William T. Robinson, surgeon 104th Pennsylvania voltmteers, and Dr. H. S. Tyrrell, assistant surgeon 17th Connecticut volunteers, who had been held by them as prisoners. It was then agreed between Major Lay and myself that all surgeons and chaplains who might be captured by either army in this department should be released so soon as their profession and rank should be ascertained. In obedience to your verbal instructions, given me on the 14th instant, I asked Major Lay what authority he had in regard to the future exchange of prisoners, and he replied that he was empowered to exchange man for man, and rank for rank, as many prisoners of war as would be delivered to him in this department. Ho further stated that he was able to exchange a large number of private soldiers, and was directed to facilitate such exchange by all iiroper means. I replied that you were personally desirous of exchang- ing all the prisoners of war whom you properly could, and that you had Avritten to the War Department at Washington, asking instructions upon the entire subject of a further exchange in this department. I also promised, that should you receive any instructions authorizing either a pai-tial or general exchange, you would immediately notify Majoi General Jones by flag of truce. Major Lay informed me that he had with him about twelve officers and twenty pri- vates, whom he was ready to deliver to me upon the condition that I would sign a stipu- lation in j^oiu- behalf to return an equal number of confederate officers and men. Under your instructions to close up the limited exchanges already agreed upon, and not to make any arrangements for future ones until you should receive definite authority from Washington, I was compelled, although with regret, to decline Major Lay's ofi'ei". In conclusion, I would respectfully state that I am fully satisfied that an exchange of our officers now confined at Charleston, Savannah, and Macon can be effected, as also of many of our soldiers who are imprisoned and suffering at Andersonville, Georgia. The privates received by me yesterday unite in desciibing the condition of their late comrades at Andersonville as being pitiful in the extreme. They state they are but talf fed ; that they are naked, suffering, sick, and dying. They beg the government to at least exchange as many of their number as possible, and thus save them from further agony. In their prayer I respectfully concur. I am, general, with great resi)ect, your obedient servant, STEWART L. WOODFORD, Lieut. Col. 127th Regiment N, Y. Vols, and A. J. Major General John G. Foster, U. S. A., Commanding Department of the South. 588 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR G20. Headquarters Department of the South, Hilton Head, S. C, August 4, 1864. General : The information given by our prisoners of war now liberated, and by de- serters, also by the late rebel papers, represents that our soldiers, now prisoners at An- dersonville, Georgia, are destitute of comforts and necessaries, and are rapidly dying. The number of deatlis per day varies, according to reports, from thirty to seventy. 1 do not know what the wish of the government may be; but if it desire that our imprisoned soldiers may be exchauged, so as to relieve them from their distress, I can easily have the matter'arranged with the confederate authorities so as to eHect an ex- change here. The exchange can be made by the way of Savannah River, and yve can easily arrange to guard any number of prisouers on our islands here, and to supply them as bountifully at least as our men are supplied that are in the hands of the eneuiy. I think the confederate authorities are very desirous to have an exchange effected, both of officers and men. The insecure position in which our prisoners have been confined probably causes this desire. They have already been obliged to remove our officers from Macon, and 600 of tliem have already arrived in Charleston, and the others are to follow. This is probably from its being the only secure place, and from the hope that it may induce still further exchange. I shall notify General Samuel Jones that no more exchanges will be made through Charleston Harbor, and if any are authorized by the government they will be made by the Savauuah River. The object of this is to induce them to remove our officers from Charleston to Savannah, so that our fire on the city may be continued without the risk of hurtiug our friends. I have, however, taken pains to ascertain where oiu- prisoners ■\\ ere coulined, so as to direct our fire on other parts. I have the honor to be, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. G. FOSTER, Major General Commanding. Major General H. W. Halleck, Chief of Staff U. S. A., Washington, D. C. G 21. Headquarters of the Akmy, Washington, D. C, August 19, 1864. General : The testimony of our prisoners at Richmond abundantly proved that they received only a small portion of the stores sent to them. jMost of these stores were used by the rebels themselves — whether by the authority or connivance of their o^vn government and officers is not known. It is stated that in many cases where the stores were actually distributed to our prisoners, and the distribution witnessed and certified to by our officers, the guards actually removed them, either being ordered to do so or acting on their own responsibility. Nevertheless, the Secretary of War authorizes the sending of necessary supplies to "our prisouers where measures can be taken to insure their enjoyment of the supplies so sent. To turn over such supplies to the rebel authori- ties, without security as to their delivery, would only be adding so much to the support of the rebel army. "Very respectfully, your obedient servant, '■^ H.W. HALLECK, Major General, Chief of Staff. Major General Foster, Commanding Dejiarfment of the South. G 22. Headquarters Dep't of S. Carolina, Georglv and Florida, Charleston, S. C, August 25, 1864. General: I received yesterday your letter of the 21st instant. The United States soldiers, prisoners of war, now at Andersonville, Georgia, are in no way whatever under my control, and I therefore cannot undertake to deliver them the sanitary stores yon desire to send, without the sanction of the officer having charge of the prisoners. I BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 589 have referred the matter to him, and feel quite sure that he will not hesitate to allow the stores to be sent to them. I cauuot permit any prisoner to take charge of the stores and act as quartermaster to distribute them ; but if the officer having charge of the iirisoners will permit them to be delivei'ed, I will designate an officer to receive and receipt to the proper officer of your command for them, and hold him to as strict an accountability for their proper delivery as though these were stores belonging to my government. I will communicate with you further on this subject when I receive a reply from the officer to whom I have referred your request. I am, very resjiectfuUy, your obedient servant, SAM. JONES, Major General Commanding. Major General J. G. Foster, Commanding Department of the South, Hilton Head. G 23. Headquarters Department of the South, Hilton Head, S. C, August 25, 1864. General : I have the honor to report the receipt yesterday of a communication from Major General Sam. Jones, dated the 20th instant. I inclose a copy, marked A. It is in reply to my letter to him of the 15th instant, a cojiy of which I sent to you on that day. By the same flag of truce which brought me this letter from General Jones, he also sent one from Colonel John Bedell, Third New Hampshire volunteers, to himself, with one from the colonel to me. Both these letters are dated on the 17th instant. I also inclose cojiies marked, respectively, B and C, and have the honor to invito your atten- tion to General Jones's indorsement on the letter marked B, [C] As all these papers relate to the subject of exchange, I have made no reply to them, but refer them to you for the action of the honorable Secretary of War, as directed in your letter to me of the 8th instant. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. G. FOSTER, Major General Commanding. Major General H. W. Halleck, Chief of Staff, United States Army. Headquarters Dep't S. Carolina, Georglv, and Florida, Charleston, S. C, August 20, 1864. General : Your letter of the 15th instant was received two days since. The information given you by deserters and the United States officers exchanged on the 3d instant, that there were other United States officei's, prisoners of war, confined in this city, is correct. Others have since arrived, as you have probably ah'eady as- certained by the masses of letters they have been permitted to send under flag of truce to your lines. You are mistaken if you suppose those -prisoners have been sent here for the purpose of being placed in positions where they may be reached by your shot. They are jflaced here by the government siuqily because it is found more convenient at present to con- fine them here than elsewhere. When proper arrangi-uK uts are made for their accommod.ation elsewhere, they may be removed, but their removal will not be hurried or retarded by your threat to jilace an equal number of Confederate States officers, prisoners of war, under our fire. I do not feel it incum))ent upon me to kee}} you informed of the number and rank of the prisoners of war and where they are located. Not that I desire any concealment in the matter, as you may know from the fact that they are permitted to communicate very fully and freely by letters with their friends, and these letters pass through your headquarters. In reply to yowr reiterated declaration that to confine prisoners of war in Charleston is cruel and inconsistent with the usage of civilized warfare, I have to reifly that I dif- fer with you in opinion on that point, and refer you for my views on the subject to a letter which I addressed to you on the 22d of June last. You will permit me to add, that the only treatment received by the prisoners of war now in our possession, that is in disregard' of the usage of civilzed warfare, they receive 590 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR at the hands of thoir own soveriinient. They are certainly, as prisoners of war, justly entitled to fair and honorable exchange, and that their government denies them. I am ready at any time to send yon eveiy prisoner of war now in this department, if you will give me in exchange an efjual number of Confederate States prisoners, man for man, rank for rank, or their equivalent. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, SAM. JONES, Major General. Major General J. G. Foster, Commanding De})artmtnt of the South, Hilton Head, S. C. G 24. Headquarters of the Army, Washington, D. C, October :51, 1864. General: Your letter of the 20th instant, transmitting General Hardee's proposition for an exchange of prisoners of war, has been submitted to Lieutenant General Grant, who directs me to say that no exchanges will be made (except on thelield of battle, as provided in the cartel) without special orders, or through the duly appointed commis- sioners. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, Major General Foster, Hilton Head. G 25. H. W. HALLECK, Major General Chief of Staff. Atlanta, Ga., September 9, 1864, Last eve Hood sent in a flag of truce asking to exchange prisoners. I have about two thousand on hand, and will exchange, if he will make a fair deal. I have sent out my inspector general to confer and agree, and to make arrangements for the exodus of citizens. I am not willing to have Atlanta encumbered by thefiimilies of our enemies. I want it a pure Gibraltar, and will have it so by the lirst of October. W. T. SHERMAN, Major General. Major General Halleck, Chief of Staff. H. Q. a., January 6, 1865. Official : D. C. WAGER, A. A. G. G26. Atlanta, Ga., September 29, 1864. I have now effected the actual exchange of two thousand prisonius of my own army. Our prisoners have been moved from Andersonville to Savannah, Millen, and Charles- ton. Auy cliange will be for the better. I have agreed with Hood to send to Griftin, to be forwardtnl to our prisoners^ a supply of clothing, soap, combs, &c. The latter will bo furnished by the sanitary commission, and the former by the quartermaster's deiiartment. W. T. SHERMAN, Major General. Major General Halleck, Chief of Staff", H. Q. A., January G, 1865. Official : D. C. WAGER, A. A. G. G 27. Headquarters Military Division of West Mississippi, New Orleans, Louisiana, June 21, 1864. General : General E. K. Smith has projiosed a general exchange of prisoners held by both armies in the trans-Mississippi departinent and the division of West Mississippi, BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 591 anfl I have seut a commissioner to the mouth of Red River to meet the commissioner appointed by him. I have instructed the commissioner sent by me that all negotiations shall be con- ducted under the recognized and expressed understanding that the condition of the cartel of July 22, 1861, shall apply to all troops in the service of the United States ; that officers and men of colored regiments shall receive the same treatment, be entitled to the same privileges, and be exchanged in the same manner as other troops ; and that the third article of the cartel shall apply to all conditions without distinction. In addition to the prisoners now held by us, General Smith proposes to exchange the Louisiana brigade captured at Vicksburg and paroled by Lieutenant General Grant, and the captures at Arkansas Post, which it is understood have not yet been exchanged, against recent captures in the department of Arkansas and the Gulf. If these exchanges are made there will bo still a balance against us in the division of three thousand men. I have no information with regard to the Louisiana brigade or the cajitures at Ark- ansas Post. Will you please cause it to be furnished me ? Very respectfully, your obedient servant, E. R. S. CANBY, Major Generat Commanding. Major General E. A. Hitchcock, Commissioner of Exchange of Prisoners. G 28. Headquakters Military Division of West Mississippi, New Orleans, Louisiana, August 4, 1864. General: I have the honor to report that the proposed exchange of prisoners of war in this division and the trans-Mississippi department failed on the alleged ground of want of authority on the part of General Smith. A special exchange was subsequently propovsed, to which I have agreed, as it will release a largenuraber of our prisoners now contiued in Texas in exchange, in great part, for men that have been paroled and are Avithiu the I'ebel lines. I inclose a copy of this agreement, and have the honor to request that the prisoners referred to in articles two and three may be sent me for delivery. The exchange of the prisoners belonging to our navy now confined in Texas was refused in consequence of orders from the rebel government at Richmond, prohibiting their exchange except for prisoners belonging to the rebel navy. It is hoped that Admiral Farragut's operation at Mobile Bay will give us the means of efl'ecting the release of these men. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, E. R. S. CANBY, Major General Commanding. Major General E. A. Hitchcock, Commissioner for Exchange of Prisoners. Official: C. T. CHRISTENSEN, Lieutenant Colonel and A. A. G, G 20. Headquarters of the Army, Washington, D. C, September 6, 1864. General: »# * ^*^„,^ I presume that General Grant's order to make no more exchanges of prisoners was based on the fact that they give us only such men as they have utterly broken down by starvation, receiving in return from us men fit for duty. Every exchange, therefore, gives tlicm Kti'ongth, without any corresponding advantage to us. Not so, however, with exrliaiigcs made on the battle-field, or imiiicdiatcly after an engagement. Ex- changes of this kind, made man for man, as jiruvided for in the cartel. General Grant did not intend to prohibit. You and the officers under your command are therefore at liberty to continue the exchanges in the field, as provided for in the last clause of article 7 of the cartel of July 22, 1862. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, H. W. HALLECK, Major General, Chief of Staff. Major General Canby, New Orleans, 592 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR G 30. Headquarters Military Division of "West Mississippi, Xew Orleans, La., Se2)temher 9, 1864. Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch of the 26th ultimo. No further exchange of prisoners of war will be made. I ti-aumit for your information copies of the correspondence upon this subject show- ing the extent to which exchanges have been made, and the reasons and authority for making them. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, ED. R. S. CANBY, Major General Commanding. Major General H. W. Halleck, Chief of Staff, .j-c, .Jr., Washington, D. C. H. Q. A., January 4, 1865. Official copy : J. C. IffiLTON, A. A. G. Headquarters Military DmsioN West Mississippi, Ncio Orleans, La., Septemher 19, 1864. gjjj . # # # * * * *,# « # The exchange of prisoners in this command has been regulated upon the principle of getting a fair equivalent for the men exchanged. By the cartel of July 28, with the exception of about 500 men captured by General Steele, we obtain effective men (now on theii- way from Tyler, Texas) in exchange for men paroled at Vicksburg, and already within the rebel lines. This has been approved by the commissioner of exchange. The exchange made by Major General Herron, and subsequently ratified by me, was from men recently captured from us. The exchange of the naval jirisoners in Texas was referred to me by the War Department. In order to effect it, it was necessary to include the Fort Gaines iirisouers. We lose nothing by the exchange. Coj)ies of G. O. Nos. 37 and 38 are respectfully inclosed. Very respectfully, sir, your obedient servant, ED. R. S. CANBY, Major General. Major General H. W. Halleck, Chief of Staff of the Army, Washington, D. C. H. Q. a., January 4, 1865. Official copy : ROBERT N. SCOTT, A. A. G. H 1. Headquarters Eighteenth Army Corps, Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Fort Monroe, Dccemhe)' 7 , 1863. Sir: I have been informed that the small-pox has unfortunately broken out among the x>risoners of war now in the hands of the confederate authorities, both at BeUe Isle and at Lynchburg. Anxious from obvious humane considerations to prevent the spread of this terrible disorder, I have taken leave to forward for their use, by Major Mulford, assistant agent of exchange, in behalf of the United States, a package of vaccine matter sufficient, as my medical director informs me, to vaccinate six thousand persons. May I ask that it shall be applied under the direction of the proper medical officer to the use intended. Being uncertain how far I can interfere as a matter of official duty, I beg you to con- eider this note either official or unofficial as may best serve the purposes of alleviating the distresses of these unfortunate men. Since learning the fact I have had no oppor- tunity to apply to the department at Washington for instructions. No formal receipt is needed ; a note acknowledging the receipt of this being all that can be desired. If more vaccine matter is necessary, it will be furnished. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General Commanding. Hon. Robert Ould, Commissioner of Exchange, Eichmond, Fa. Official copy: H. C. CLARKE, CajMin and A. D. C. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIEi. 593 Confederate States of America, TTar Department, Richmond, Va., December 9, 1863. Sir: The package of vaccine matter has been received and will be fiiithfiilly devoted to the purposes indicated in your letter. Permit me in response to the friendly tone of your letter to assure you that it is my most anxious desire and will be my constant effort to do everything in my power to alleviate the miseries that spring out of this terrible war. I have the honor to be, very resjiectfully, your obedient servant, R. OULD, Agent of Exchange. Major General B. F. Butler. Official copy : H. C. CLARKE, CapMn and A. D. C. H2. Headquarters Eighteenth Army Corps, Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Fort Monroe, Decemher 25, 1863. Sir : I send by Major Mulford, assistant commissioner of exchange, (502) five hundred and two i)risoners of war, from the confederate army, from Point Lookout — all, I be- lieve, serviceable men, and substantially those longest therein confinement. I offer them for delivery at City Point, upon condition of receiving the same number of men held by your authorities as prisoners of war, from our army, leaving all questions of difierence in controversy between your autHorities and my government, for the present, in abeyance. I have made personal examination of the conditioTi of the prisoners of war of the confederate army, now in prison at Point Lookout, and beg leave to assure you that they are as well cared for, and in as good health, and as well fed, as the soldiers in our arniy. I will send you in my next communication the statement of the sergeants, confeder- ate prisoners, who have charge of the several cook-houses, upon that subject. I do not mean to say that their ration is as large as our regularly issued ration, be- cause of their state of entire inactivity ; but it is in every respect of the same quality as those issued to the men generally. If you have auy doubt of it, uf)on an examination of the condition of the men I send you, and ui)on hearing their statements, please suggest what, in your judgment, should be done further in their behalf. I have made this examination, and this statement to you, in order that you may be able to satisfy the friends of th(>. prisoners, who may be disturbed by the unfounded re- ports of ill treatment and cruelty suffered by the prisoners at Poiut Lookout, in like manner as our people are excited by what I hope are like groundless stories of ill usage and starvation suffered by our soldiers in your hands. I find there some of the wounded from Gettysburg, and some that have been sick that are convalescent, and some so far disabled by sickness that while they may be sent forward for exchange, thej'^ will probably be of no further service in the field. Men without arms and legs, and debilitated by sickness, are certainly unfit to bear the necessary hardships incident to a condition of prisoners of war ; besides, they en- cumber our hospitals. As, upon exauiination, I did not think it proper to order them into the prisoners' camp, with wounds I'reshly healed, and health hardly restored, and as perhaps the hope of seeing their friends might have a beneficial influence upon their health, therefore I suggest that in the next transport I send up as many of these as are entirely able to bear the exposm-es of traveling, without probable danger to their health, and that in exchange you will return to me an equal number of our soldiers that may be in like condition. As it maybe inconvenient and prejudicial to their health to transship these invalids, on either side, I will have them put upon a separate boat, upon which there shall be nothing but provisions for them, and will direct that that boat be put at your disposal at City Point, to carry them immediately to Richmond, and bring back those that you shall give in exchange. Of course, you will transfer, if you think best, the master and crew of the boat to the steamer New York, which will accompany them, and will remain at City Point, and i)ut your own master and crew on board until the boat is returned. I need not suggest the necessity of care that the boat, which is but a hired transport- shall receive no damage while iu your charge, for which my government will be respon- sible. H. Eep. 45 38 594 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR And I further suggest whether the same means of avoiding transshipment might not he a convenience and facility in making further exchanges of Avell men, as Avell as invalids. I also send four officers, lately captnred at Charles City Court House, and a surgeon ; one in exchange for Captain Irving, who was sent down by last boat ; one at his urgent request, being sutiteriug from injuries; and two others, for whom you will forward me any officers of equal rank. I send these, though lately captured, because I have no officei's short of Johnson's Island, and I wish to avoid delay. I also send others, prisoners whom I imderstaud were exchanged long since, but by some oversight were not forwarded initil now. I trust such oversight will never happen again. I have the honor to be, very resiiectfully, vour obedient servant, BENJAMIN F. BUTLER, Major General Commanding, Comnmsioner of Exchange. Hon. ROBEliT OULD, Commissioner of Exchange of the Confederate Authorities. H 3. RiCHMOxn, Va., March 14, 1864. Gexerai. : In obedience to orders, the undersigned have inspected the hospital used for sick and wounded prisoners of war attached to the military prisons of this city, and beg leave respectfully to submit the following report : The buildings are three in number, each of brick, three stories above ground. One is situated at the coi'uer of Twenty-lifth and Carey streets, oue at the corner of Main and Twenty-sixth streets, and the (fther at the corner of Franklin and Twenty-hfth streets. The last two seem to be well adapted for the purpose designed, being well ventilated and easily kept clean ; but the first, possessing neither of these conditions, is whollj' unsuital)le. The three buildings can accommodate comfortably about five hundred (500) patients, allowing eight hundred (800) cubic feet per man. On the 11th instant, there were present in hospital eleven himdred and twenty-seven (1,127) sick and wounded. The wards contain, therefore, nun-e than twice the number prescribed by orders; and such is their crowded condition that in some instances two patients were found on a single bunk. The evil consequences of this state of aft'airs are clearly manifested in the severe mortality exhibited by the reports of the surgeon in cliarge : Ratio of deaths per 1,000 in Januarv, 18G4 188 Ratio of 'deaths per 1,000 in February 240 Number of deatlis in March, to date, (eleven days) 244 Stated in another form, the average inimber of deaths per day during the month of January was 10; the average numl)er of deaths iwv day during the month of February, 18; the average number of ileaths per day during the mouth of March to date, 22; on the day previous to that of inspection, the numl)er was 23. The ratio, it will be observed, is rajyidly increasing; and, compared Avith that of the ho.spital for our own sick and wounded, the mortality in which for the same period did not in any case exceed 20 per 1,000, and in some did not reacli 10 per thousand, is truly frightful. As a further illustration of this sad conditiiou of things, it may be men- tioned tliat in the month of February, of "337 cases of diarrhea admitted, 265 were fatal, a result ascribed, in part, by the medical officer, to the want of flour — corn-meal alone being furnished. Of typhoid fever cases aduutted during the three months preceding March 1st, 64| per cent, proved fatal. Dr. Wilkins, the surgeon in charge until very recently, an officer to whose ability and efficiency the medical director of liospitals bears written testimony in most compli- mentary terms, nuule to the proper authorities a re])ort (see inclosure marked A) dated November 21, 186:?, setting forth the cajjacity of tiie hospital buildings, :uid the over- crowded stati! of his wards, and urginu; the necessity for further accDUiniodations; but it seems that his request was not complied with, lie again, in a conmiunication dated Decemlter Iti, 186:5, (inclosure marked 15,) called attention to the same subject; but, so far as it appears, with no etlect. He further reports to the undersigned that the medical purveyor does not furnish a sulficiency of medicines, and that the commissary does not provide for the sick requiring its use. The kitchen and laundries of two of the buildings are tolerably well arranged, and well attended to. Tile latrines are badly located, l)ut well cared for. From the crowded condition of the wards it is impossible to preserve them fi-om ofi'ensive elUuvia. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 595 The officers and attendants (confederate) attached to this hospital are : Surjnjeons 5 Assistant surj^eons 9 Acting assistant surgeons 3 Hospital stewards 2 Ward masters 4 Total 23 Nurses, cooks, washers, and clerks, fifty-two in numher, are taken from the prisoners. The daily guard i-equired for the hospital consists of: Commissioned officers 3 Non-commissioned officers and j)rivates 105 Total 108 The ward at Libby Prison appropriated to sick and wounded federal officers is also objectionable, being on the ground floor and not well ventilated ; but the mortality has been very slight, owing in a measure, it is thought by the surgeon in charge, to the fact that the patients generally have the means and privilege of puixhasing better diet than can be furnished by the commissary. There are 40 sick in this ward, which is its full capacity. The bedding of the hospital is, in the main, good, and, considering the limited facil- ities, well taken care of. The books and records are ueatlj kept. In conclusion, the undersigned would respectfully iirge that an enlargement or entire change of hospital is absolutely necessary, to meet the varied wants of the sick and wounded of the enemy now in our hands. GEORGE W. BRENT, Colonel, A. A. General. T. G. RICHARDSON, Surgeon, P. A. C. S, Gen. Braxtox Bragg. [Indorsements.] Respectfully submitted for the information of the war department. A copy will be furnished General Wiuder, and his atteution called to the condition of his command. The medical department is compromised by this state of affairs, which can but seri- ously and justly compromise us in the treatment of our prisoners. BRAXTON BRAGG, General. March 18. Respectfully referred to General Winder for examination and report before submit- ting to higher authority. These papers to be returned to this office. L. COOPER, A. L G. March 21, 1864. Headquarters Dep't Henrico, Richmond, Va., March 26, 1864. Respectfully returned with a report from Surgeon William A. Carrington, medical director, to General Cooper. I file also a statement showing ratio of deaths from September, 1862, to February, 1864, inclusive, among federal prisoners ; and also a statement of deaths in officers' hospital. Reference to this statement will show that the ratio of deaths for the months of De- cember, January, and February, 1862-63, approximates the ratio of deaths for the cor- responding mouths in the year 1863-64. Yet the number in hospital during the first period was very small. The increase of mortality for the month of February, 1864, may be fairly attributed to the virulence of small-j)OX. These facts, taken in connection with the causes of mortality set forth in inclosures Nos. 3 and 7, show that the ascription of the mortality to the crowded state of the hospital was perhaps precipitate. It is stated in the report of Surgeon Simple that the ratio of mortality does not exceed that of our own prisoners in the hands of the enemy. All these facts show that the mortality is incidental to prison life, and cannot reasona- bly be attributed to the want of space in the hospitals. I do not contend that the hos- pital accomodations have been such as were desirable, or that the quarters, fuel and rations of the prisoners have been such as were most conducive to their health and com- fort. The best disposition of them has been made which the guard aud the means at my disposal would allow. With an insufficient guard I have been compelled to concen- 596 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR trate them as far as possible, and even Trith the aid of the local forces, serious and well grounded apprehensions have been entertained that they would effect their escape. Their safe-keeping was the paramount and controlling object, and every relaxation, consistent with this object, has been extended. It was impossible to extend tlio hospi- tal accomodations, for I had not sufficient guard. On several occasions the guard was retained on duty for forty-eight successive hours. The deficiency in commissary sup- plies, which has not been confined to this department, and for which I am not responsi- ble, has prevented the supply of rations necessary to the health of the prisoners. The quantity and quality has been such as necessity compelled me to use. This remark refers to rations furnished in quarters. It will be seen that the hospitals were placed on the same footing as confederate hospitals. The report of Surgeon Williams, Septem- ber 5, 1H63, taken in connection with the report of deaths at the officer's hospital in the Libby Prison, iirove that the objection urged against this hospital is not well taken. (A No. 118.) JOHN H. WINDER, Brig. General. Adjutant Gkneeal's Office, March 31, 1864. Respectfully submitted to the adjutant and inspector general. SAM. W. MELLON, Major and A. A. A. G. April 4, 1864. Respectfully referred to General Bragg with the reports of General Winder and the medical director. Surgeon Carrington. L. COOPER, Adjutant and Inspector General. Second Military District, May 30, 1868. A true copy : LOUIS V. CAZIARC, A. D. C, A. A. A. G. H 4. Medical Director's Office, lilchmond, Virginia, March 23, 1864. General : I respectfully request that you forward this communication, with inclo- sures, that it may bo considered in connection with the report ot Lieutenant Colonel George W. Brent and Surgeon T. G. Richardson, Richmond, March 14, on their inspec- tion of prison hospitals in Richmond. I request that inclosnres No. 3, No. 7, and No. 8, with indorsements, be perused before deciding the causes of the mortality at these prisons, and that especially the commis- sary abstracts for Belle Isle for the last four months be consulted. The great mortality and snfloring among our prisoners has been a cause of constant anxiety and painful solicitude to me. Daily reports have been made to the general commanding and the surgeon general of the mortality, »S:c. Inclosnres Nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, and 6 will show that I made reiiuisition on the proper authority fop- additional hospital accommodation, and named the Texas Hospital, General Hospital No. 10, General Hos- pital No. 20, and (Jcneral Hospital No. 23, in succession, as jn-oper buildings. I also oft'ered the Third Alabama Hosjntal, when closed, and proposed to use for this i)ur])ose Howard's Grove Hospital, which has 1,150 beds, is tenqiorarily closed, and is isolated fiom the city and all other buildings; or part of Chimborazo Hospital, which has 3,200 beds. I was informed that they could not be used for this puri)ose, as guard sufficient could not be furnished, and that only in buildings with several stories and few en- trances could the sick and wounded prisoners be guarded with the force furnished. As it was, I know that quite frequent escapes occurred. No. 2 is the action taken on the paper of Surgeon Wilkins, marked A. No. 6 is his application, marked B, with my reference and indorsement. I brought the matter to the attention of the surgeon general in a personal interview; told him of the difficulties existing, and that I had represented the violation of hygienic laws in the \)risous and prison hospitals without effect, and understood from his remarks that the matter was one of international policy and military control. There was an insjjection made of the hos])itals and prisons by the direction of the secretary of war, for the use of the agent of exchaugt-. Gen<'ral .John H. Morgan and a committee of escaped officers inspected them, and a committee of congress also, and they all reported favorably and approvingly. At this time I adopted the conviction that the existing state of things was known and approved by the department for the BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 597 purposes of diplomatic policy, or forced upon them by the stern necessities of the occa- sion. I lost no occasion to make kno^Y^ to the proper authorities the A'iolatiou of ordi- nary hygienic la\YS, and while I looked upon the spectacle with pain and mortification, I was deterred from further remonstrances by a feeling that it was supererogatory, and might )>e understood as disrespectful. Large, well-ventilated, and completely organized hospitals near the city have beeu empty during the whole of this time. They wero oli'ered and refused. I dissent from the officer's report, as far as the principal cause of mortality is stated to be the crowded conditiou of the hospital, and request that the inclosures Nos. 3, 7, and 8 be considered, and the facts therein referred to be investigated and considered. (See note.) From the facts above considered, I do not consider myself responsible for, or compro- mised by, the condition of things at the prison hospital. I will further state that since the sickness has increased to any exteut I have had reasons constantly given me to bidieve that most of tlie prisoners would be soon removed from this city. Within the last few days the luunber of sick have beeu reduced to bOO by parole, and within a few days the llag-of-truce boat will return and carry oft" 600 more. I did all I could, by proper supply of officers, and directions to them, to avoid impu- tation that the medical department could legitimately be considered as couijiromised by, or responsible for, the existing regulations adopted by the necessities of military law. The medical officers were directed to show the sick and wounded federals all kindness and consideration, and to give them all care possible under the circumstances. Very respectfully, youi- obedient servant, WM. A. CAERINGTON, Medical Director. General John H. Wlxdeij, Commandin(j Department Henrico, Itichmond, Va. Note. — When the three hospital l)uildiugs were separate confederate hospitals they contained 650 beds, room being left for store-rooms, kitchen, apothecary shops, mess- rooms, dining-rooms, bath-rooms, and offices. The officers' portion of the hospital also contained more thau 100 beds, making 750 beds. W. A. C. Headquarters 2d Military District, May 30, 1868. A true copy : LOUIS V. CAZIAEC, A. D. a, A. A. A. G. H 5. Headquarters Armies Confederate States, Richmond, April 11, 1864. General : Allow me to call your attention to the indorsement of General Winder upou the " report of inspection of prison hospital." General Winder's attempt to prove tliat the fearful mortality in this hospital during the past four or livo months was entirely iudepeudent of the over-crowded conditiou of the wards is deemed hardly sufficient to overthrow a fundameutal and heretofore unquestioned hygienic law, the persistent violation of which has in other hospitals invariably resulted in a largely increased death rate. Other causes may have contrib- uted to the sad result set fortii in the " report," but the fact remains, that the patients in the prison hospital were limited to one-half the amount of atmospheric air required in the treatment of the sick and prescribed by orders for the management of hospitals. The general admits that the foul exhalations in the camps ou Belle Isle had much to do with the severe mortality in the hospital, but refuses to believe that tlie vitiated atmosphere of the hospital itself was at all prejudicial to the unfortunate inmates. The conditiou of the cami)S ou Belle Isle, as set forth iu the " Report of Surgeon G. W. Semple," transmitted by General Winder, was disgusting and filthy in the extreme, for which Surgeon Semple asserts the officer in charge was not respousible. The reference made by General Wiiider to the tact that the ratio of mortality a year ago, when the number of patients was comparatively small, sup^iosing the hospital ac- commodation then equal to what it is now, (which, however, is not stated,) only proves that other grave causes existed at that time, and suggests the inqiury why they were not investigated and removed. The statement that the largely increased mortality in February, 1884, was due to small-pox, cannot be received, as the report does not include deaths at the small-pox hospital. 598 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR The deficiency of soldiers to guard a larger hospital establishment may he a valid excuse for not correcting the evil referred to in the report, hnt of this the inspectors cannot judge. I Avould, however, direct your attention to the statement made by tlie medical director, in the accompanying letter addressed to General Winder, that he was led to believe by the Surgeon-general that the refusal of jiroper accommodations to the sick federal prisoners was one of state policy. A paragraph in General Winder's indorsement, in which he refers to the condition of our own sick in the hands of the enemy, would seem to imply that he was to some extent intiueuced by a similar impression. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, T. G. RICHARDSON, Surgeon P. A. C. S. General Braxton Buagg. Returned with report to adjutant and inspector general. The explanations are not satisfactory, but as the condition of affairs is entirely changed by the removal of the sick prisoners, no further action seems to be necessary. BRAXTON BRAGG, General April 13, 1864. H6. Headquarters Departmea^t Henrico, Iiichmo)id, February 7, 1864. General : In obedience to your instructions, I have the honor to state that I propose to send the prisoners to Audersonville, Georgia, by the way of Raleigh, North Carolina, and Columbia, that route being preferred by the ofticer in charge of transportation. They will be sent in detachments of four hundred, daily, which will require a guard of fifty privates, three otflcers, and four sergeants and four corporals. I propose that the guard from here shall be relieved at Weldon, and return immedi- ately ; that guard from Weldon be relieved at Augusta, return immediately to Weldon ; the guard from Augusta to go to Audersonville. 1 propose to place an othcer at Char- lotte, North Carolina, and one at Augusta, to procure, cook, and distribute the rations to the prisoners. I have just received a note from Colonel Sims, superintendent of transportation, that the prisoners will be sent by Gaston, instead of Weldon. I request that the troops in- tended to relieve the guard from here be ordered to rejoair to Gaston, twelve miles from Weldon, and there relieve the guard. Respectfully, JOHN H. WINDER, Brigadier General. General S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector General. H7. Confederate States Prison, Charleston, S. C, August 14, 1864. To the President of the United States : The condition of the enlisted men belonging to the federal armies, now prisoners to the confederate rebel forces, is such that it becomes our duty, and the duty of every commissioned officer, to make knowu the facts in the case to the government of the United States, and to use every honorable effort to secure a general exchange of pris- oners, thereby relieving thousands of our comrades from the horrors now surrounding them. For some time past there has l)een a concentration of ]>risoners from all parts of the rebel territory to the State of Georgia ; the commissioned othcers being confined at Macon and tlie enlisted men at Audersonville. Recent movements of the federal armies by General Sherman have compelled the movement of the prisoners to otlier points, and it is now understood they will be removed to Savannah, Georgia, and Co- lumbia and Charleston, South Carolina. But no change of this kind holds out any lirospect of relief to our j)oor meu ; indeed, as tlie localities selected are far more un- healthy, there must be an increase rather than a dinnnution of suffering. Colonel Hill, provost marshal general Confederate States army at Atlanta, stated to one of the undersigned that there were thirty-five thousand prisoners at Audersonville ; and by BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES, 599 all accounts from the United States soldiers who have been confined there, the num- ber is not overestimated by him. These thirty-five thousand are confined in a field of some thirty acres, inclosed by a board fence, heavily guarded. About one-third have various kinds of indiflereut shelter, but upward of twenty thousand are wholly with- out shelter or shade of any kind, and are exposed to the storms and rains, which are of almost daily occurrence ; the cold dews of night and the more terrible effects of the sun striking with almost tropical fierceness upon their unprotected heads. This mass of men jostle and crowd each other up and down the limits of their inclosure, in storm or sun, and then lie down on the pitiless earth at night, with no other covering than the clothing upon their back, but few of them having even a blanket. Upon entering the pi'ison, every man is deliberately stripped of money and other property, and as no clothing or blankets are ever supplied to their prisoners by the Confederate States army authorities, the condition ot the apparel of the soldiers just from an active cam- paign can be easily imagined. Thousands are without pants or coats, and hundreds without even a pair of drawers to cover their nakedness. To these men, as indeed to all prisoners, there is issued three-fourths of a pound of bread or meal and one-eighth of a pound of meat per day ; this is the entire ration, and iipou it the prisoner must live or die. The meal is often unsifted and sour, and the meat such as in the North is consigned to the soap-maker. Such are tlie rations upon which the Union soldiers are fed by the rebel authorities, and by which they are bravely holduig on to life. But to starvation and exposure, to suu and storm, add the sickness whicli prevails to a most alarming and terrible extent ; on an average one hundred die dailj'. It is im- possible tluit any Union soldiers should know all the facts pertaining to this terrible mortality, as they are not jiaraded by the rebel authorities. Such statements as the following, made by Sergeant Bindman, 98th Ohio infantry, speak eloquent testimony. Said the sergeant : " Of twelve of us who were captured, six died ; four in the hospital — I never expect to see them again ; there are but two of us left." In 1862, at Montgomery, Alabama, under far more favorable circumstances, the pris- oners being protected by sheds, from one hundred to two hundred were sick from diar- rhea aiul chills out of seven hundred ; the same percentage Avould give seveu thou- sand at Audersouville. It needs no comment, no efibrts at word-painting, to make such a ])icture stand out boldly in most horrible colors. Nor is this all ; among the ill- fated of the many who liave sufl'ered amputation in consequence of injuries received before capture, sent from rebel hospitals before their wounds were healed, there are eloquent witnesses against the barbarities of which they are victims. If to these facts be added this, that nothing more demoralizes soldiers and develops the evil passions of man than starvation, the terrible condition of Union prisoners at Audersouville can be readily imagined. They are fast losing hope, and are becoming reckless of life. Numbers, crazed by their sufferings, wander about in a state of idiocy; others deliber- ately cross the " dead-line," and are remorselessly shot down. In behalf of these men we most earnestly appeal to the President of tlie United States. Few of them have been captured except in the front of l)attle, in the deadly encounter, and only wheu overpowered by numbers. They constitute as gallant a portion of our armies as carry oiu' banner anywhere. If released they would soon return to again do vigorous battle for our cause. We are told that the only obstacle in the way of exchange is the status of enlisted negroes captured from our armies, the United States claiming that the cartel covers all who serve under its flag, and the Confederate States refusing to consider tlie negro soldiers, heretofore slaves, as prisoners of war. We beg leave to suggest some facts bearing upon the question of exchange, which we would urge upon his consideration. Is it not consistent with the national honor, without waiving the claim that the negro soldier shall be treated as prisoners of war, to effect an exchange of the white soldiers ? The two classes are treated differently by the enemy. The white are confined in such prisons as Libby and Audersouville, starved and treated with a barbarism unknown to civilized nations. The black, on the contrary, is seldom imprisoned ; they are dis- tributed among the citizens, or employed upon government works. Under these cir- cumstances they receive enough to eat, and are worked no harder than accustomed to. They are neither starved nor killed olf by the pestilence in the dungeons of Richmond and Charleston. It is true they ai"e again made slaves, but their slaveiy is freedom and happiness compared with the cruel existence imposed upon our gallant men. They are not bereft of hope, as are the Union soldiers, dying by inches. Their chances of escape are ten-fold greater than those of the white soldiers, and their condition, in all its lights, is tolerable in comparison with that of the prisoners of war now languishing in the dens and pens of secessia. While, therefore, believing the claims of our government in matters of exchange to- be just, we are yet profoundly impressed with the conviction that the circumstances, of the classes of soldiers are so widely difi^'erent, that the government cau honorably consent to an exchange, waiving for a time the established principle justly claimed to be aitplicable in the case. Let 35,000 suffering, starving, and dying eulistetl men aid this appeal to the Chief Magistrate of the republic for^jirompt' and decided action iu, 600 TREATMENT OF rRISONERS OF WAR their behalf, and 35,000 heroes will be made happy. For the 1,800 commissioned officers now prisoners, we urge nothing. Although desirous of returning to our duty, we can bear imprisonment with more fortitiule if the enlisted men, whose suli'eriugs we know to be intolerable, were restored to liberty and life. J. B. DORR, Colonel Eiqhth Iowa Cavalry. T. J. HARRISON, Colonel Eighth Indiana Cavalry. GEO. STONEMAN, Major General United States Volnnteerft. Statement of Private Frescoti Tracy, eighty-second Xew Fo/'A" volunteers, an exchanged pris- oner of war. Hilton Head, August 19, 1864. Prescott Tracy, eighty-second New York volunteers, a prisoner of war, exchanged at Port Royal ferry on the 18th instant, states that Captain Wirz, post captain at Ander- sonville, who has charge of the Union prisoners at the Confederate States prison. Camp Sumter, Andersonville, Georgia, is a bnital monster. When the men come to camp, worn out and weary, they are kept in the hor sun ; and if they attempt to sit down or go aside to relieve the calls of nature, he orders them to be shot, and it is of^en done. His usual language is, " You G — d son of a b — h, stand up in line or I will shoot you down." If there are any Germans, he takes them to his private office and has conversation with them ; I can't tell what about, but we all think it suspicious. They will not tell us what is said or done in these private conversations. All the orders for shooting and ill-treating our men in the vile manner it is done come from him. He tells them that every Yankee they kill is a day less to serve in the armj\ Statement. Office of the Provost Marshal General, Department of the South, Hilton Head, S. C, August 19, 18fi4. Prescott Tracy, private company G, 82d New York volunteers, from New York City, a prisoner of war, cai^tured at Petersburg on the 22t\ of June ; from Petersburg was taken to Richmond ; from Richmond to Bcdle Island. Over 1,200 men were at Belle Island; we were starved there; our treatment was very bad. From Belle Island we were taken to Lynchburg, thence we marched seventy-five miles to Danville ; it took five days, and all we had to eat was a few crackers, from eleven to tifteen for each man for the trip. At Danville we were well treated. From Danville we went to Ander- sonville, and were nearly starved to death ; we had no shelter; they stole our Idaukets, money, coliee, and everything ; we W(^re comi»lctely robbed. On the road down some of the officers made the men take the rings olf tlieir fingers. Most of tlie men at An- dersonville are nearly naked ; they steal the clothing off your back ; they stole my shirt, the only one I had ; they made me take it off. Sonus of the men have no clothing except a meal-bag with a hole cut for their head and others for their arms, their clothing having been all stolen. We have no shelter whatever from sun, rain, or cold ; no covering at night. Full one- half are sick with malignant diarrhea and scurvy the worst and inost loathsome kind. There are some 34,672 prisoners there; from 80 to 145 die daily. We find them lying dead all over the camp in the morning. The h()si)ital department is outside tlie stock- ade, with a few tents, but most of the men are on the ground without Ix'd or shelter. The surgeons, as a general rule, are kind, and do what they can, but they have no med- icine and very little nu-ans of doing for tlu' sick. The petition inclosed was suggested by some of the rebel sergeants who call the roll; they asked why we did m)t get up a petition to our government. The authori- ties gave us the paper, and it was agreed, if we would tell nothing but the truth, it would be forwarded to the rebel government and thence to Waslungton, together with the three men. Bates, Higginson, and Norrot, and personally repicsent the case to the President. Tlie statement was got up so as to jiass the rebel authorities ; it does not tell a tithe, no, not a thousandth part of our miseries. The letter from General Stoneinaii, Colonels Dorr and Harrison Avas handed to mo by General Stoneman on tlie night before we started, when in Charleston prison. I hid it in my stock ; my stock -was taken and thiowu away by the rebels ; I took it x\\} BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 601 afrain and brotigbt it through, and did not take the letter out until I gave it to Colonel Hall, provost marshal general. I did not know its contents. PRESCOTT TRACY. Subscribed and sworn before me this 19th day of August, 1864, at Hilton Head, South Carolina. JAMES F. HALL, Lieutenant Colonel and Provost Marahal General. H8. Minutes of a meeting of the sergeants commanding detachments of prisoners at Andersonville, Georgia. At a meeting of the sergeants in charge of the various detachments of prisoners con- fined at Andersonville, Georgia, held for the purpose of taking some action to properly represent the present condition of the prisoners to our government at Wasbingtou, and thereby secure, if possible, a speedy redress of the wrongs complained of, the iullowiu"- committee was appointed, who, after due consultation, reported the following preamble and resolutions, which were unanimously adopted : Commitfce. — William N. Johnson, chairman ; H. C. Higginson, J. S. Banks, E. W. Webb. Preamble. — Apparently one of the sad effects of the progress of this terrible war has been to deaden our sympathies and make us more seltish than we were wlien the tocsin of battle-strife first sounded in the land. Perhaps this state of public feeling was to have been anticipated. The frequency with which you hear of captures in battle, and the accounts you have seen of their treatment, has robbed the spectacle of its novelty, and, by a law of our nature, has taken otf the edge of sensibilities, and makes them less the object of iuterest. No one can know the hoiTors of imprisonment in crowded and filthy quarters but he who has endured it, and it requires a brave heart not to succomb ; but hunger, filth, nakedness, squalor and disease, are as nothing compared with the heart-sickness which wears prisoners down, most of them young nien whose terms of enlistment have expired, and many of them with nothing'to attach them to the cause in which they serve but principle and love of country and of friends. Does the misfortune of being taken prisoner make us less the object of interest and value to our government ? If such you plead, plead it no longer ; these are no common men, and it is no common merit that they call upon you to aid in their release-from captivity. The undersigned, sergeants of the United States Army, having in charge the various detachments of prisoners now confined in Andersonville, Georgia, would respectfully represent : 1st. That a large portion of the prisoners have been held as such for periods. ranging from nine to fifteen months, siibject to all the hardships and privations incident to a state of cajitivity in an enemy's country. 2d. That there are now confined in this prison from 25,000 to 30,000 men, with daily accessions of hundreds, and that the mortality among them, generated by various causes, such as change cjf climate, diet, and want of proper exercise, is becoming truly frightful to contemplate, and is rapidly increasing in virulence, decimating tbeir ranks by hundreds weekly. 3d. In view of the foregoing facts, wo, your petitioners, most earnestly, yet respect- fully, pray that some action be immediately taken to eftect our speedy release, either on parole or by exchange, the dictates both of humanity and justice alike demanding it on the part of our government. 4th. We shall look forward with a hopeful confidence that something will be speedily done in this matter, believing that a proper statement of the facts is all that is neces- sary to secure a redress of the grievances complained of. The above has been read to each detachment by its respective sergeant, and approved by the men, who have unanimously authorized each sergeant to sign it as the will and deed of the whole. This petition is signed by a hundred and eight sergeants of the United States Army. At a meeting of the committee appointed for the pui'pose of appointing delegates, to present a petition from the prisoners confined in the Andersonville (Georgia) military prison to the United States government, to the governors of the several States, and the Associated Press of the United States, the following named gentlemen were unani- mously nominated : Edward Bates, chairman ; H. C. Higginson, S. Norrot, F. Garland, W. N. Johnson, P. Tracy. 602 TEEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR On motion it was ilecided that the following letter should accompany the copy of the petition, which is to be forwarded to the confederate authorities at Richmond : Camp Sumter, Andehsoxville, Ga., July 20, 1864. In order to facilitate the circulation of the inclosed petition, wc would respectfully Tirge the necessity of having representatives from the prisons here conlined, who will he permitted to convey within the United States lines, and place before the peoi)le, through the medium of the Associated Press of the United States, the governors of the respective States, and the executive authority of the United States, the facts contained in the accompanying document, and do wliatever may be advisable in reference thereto. Believing, as wo do, that such a course would best siibserve the ends in view, we, as a committee of the whole, respectfully submit the following named persons, subject to cousunuuate the undertaking: Edward Bates, II. C. Higginson, S. Norrot, F. Garland, Wm. N. Johnson, Prescott Tracy. On motion, the committee adjourned, to meet again at six and a half o'clock, to act in conjunction with the general meeting. S. NORROTT, Chairman. C. A. McCLASKEY, Secretary for Comviissioner. H9. Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, Bichmond, September '^, 1864. General : The following extracts from report of inspection of military prisons at An- dersonville, Georgia, of Lieutenant Colonel Chandler, adjutant and inspector general, are referred to you by direction of General Cooper : [Extract.] The Fifty-fifth Georgia is composed of men who were absent from their commands at the time their regiment proper was captured at Cumberland Gap. They are thoroughly demoralized, mutinous, and entirely without discipline, and should be at once removed from this point, and their place supplied with better troops. The colonel of this regi- ment, C. B. Harkie, though armed at th(! time, permitted his men to drag him from a railroad car, and march him up and down the platform of the depot, and to take him from his tent, place him on a stump, and compel him to go through the manual of arms with a tent pole, and to sign and forward his resignation to the Avar de])artnient. This last he recalled by telegram from Fort Valley. He has recently rejoined his command, but dares not assume command of the regiment. ***#*# There is no medical attendance furnished within the stockade ; small quantities of medicines are placed in the hands of certain prisoners of each squad or division, and the sick are directed to bo brought out by the sergeants of squads daily, at siclv call, to the medical officers, who attend at the gate. The crowd at these times is so great that only the strongest can get access to the doctors, the weaker ones being unable to force their w^ ay througli the press ; and the hospital acconunodations are so limited that, though the beds (so called) have all, or nearly all, two occupants each, large numbers who would otherwise be received are necessarily sent back to the stockade. Many — twenty yesterday — are carted out daily, who had died from unknown causes, and whom the medical officers had never seen. * * # * * # # The arrangements for cooking and baking have been wholly inadequate, and though additions are now being completed, it will still be impossible to cook for the whole number of prisoners. Raw rations have to be issued to a very large proportion Avho are entirely unprovided with proper utensils, and furnished so limited a supply of fuel, they are compelled to dig with their hands in \\w, tilthy marsh before mentioned for roots, &c. After inquiry, I am confident that, by slight exertions, green corn and other anti-scorbnties could readily be obtained. * * The small-pox hospital is untc. Acknowledges the receipt of a list of pri.soners, &c. In reference to exchanges of Corcoran and Ihu kiier, &c. Transmits copies of two letters from General Lee. (No iuclosures.) In relation to prisoners of war. (Record to bo forwarded to Presi- dent before execution of sentence.) Reciuests that some of the officers of General Pope's command recently taken, may be turned over to the civil authorities of the State for tri- al as "murderers" and "robbers," fcc. Asks ])einussion fori ieneral Hunter's daughter to come \ortli. Sends corrc-^pondeiiee with Ould in relation to threatened execution of some of our ollii^<'rs. Relating to the exchange of the Sev- euty-tirst Indiana regiment. Reports that tluf Seventy-lirst Indi- ana regiment has been declared ex- changed. Retaking pri.soners (otHcers) captured near Vieksbnrg. Relation to ('ajjtain McLaughv, of the Sixteenth Ohio, and others,'held in jail at Jackson, Miss. BY THE EEBEL AUTHOEITIES. 607 Chronological index of papers relating to prisoners of tvar — Continued. Fort Mouroe, Va., April 7, 1863. . . Fort Monroe, Va., April 24, 1863.. Fort Monroe, Va., May 3, 1863 Montgomery, Ala., May 8, 1863 Adjutant and inspector general's otiice, Eichmond, May 11, 1863. Headquarters department of Vir giuia, May 14, 1863. Fort Monroe, Va., May 15, 1863. . . , Fort Monroe, Va., May 11, 18C3. . . . Fort Monroe, Va., May 15, 1863. . . Fort Monroe, Va., May 19, 1863 Fort Monroe, Va., May 2S, 1863 Fort Monroe, Va., May 25, 1863 Fort Monroe, Va., May 25, 1863 Headquarters trans-Mississippi department, June 13, 1863. Fort Monroe, Va., July 15, 1863.. .. Charleston, S. C, July 17, 1863. . . . Charleston, S. C, July 21, 18G3.. .. Libby Prison, Kichmond, Va., August 30, 1863. Canton, Miss., September 17, 1863. Kichmond, Va., September 21, 1863. October 12, 1863 Navj'Dopartment,October20, 1863 November 2, 1863 Fort Monroe, Va., Nov. 12, 18G3. Confederate States of America War Department, Nov. 13, 1803.. Fort Mouroe, Va., Nov. 16, 1863.. .. "Washington, D. C, Sept. 21, 1803.. Headquarters of Virginia and North Carolina, Fort Monroe, Va., November 18, 1803. Name of writer. Colonel Ludlow to Sec- retary of War. General Dix to Secre- tary of War. General Dix to Secre- tary of War. Governor J. Gill Shor- ter to James A. Sed- don. General orders No. 58 Ludlow to ) Advocate Colonel Judj^ Holt. General Dix to Secre- tary of War. General Dix to Secre- tary of War. Colonel Ludlow to .Sec- retary of War. Secretary of War to Colonel Ludlow. Colonel Liullow to Col- onel Ilotl'mau. General Dix to Seci'o- tary of War. General Dix to Secre- tary of War. General E. K. Smith to General K. Taylor. Colonel Ludlow to Sec- retary of War. General ISeaiiregardto General Cooper. General Beauregard to secretary of war. Colonel Streight to General Meredith. Colonel Logan D. vS. Boyle to secreta- ry of war. General E. K. Smith. . Secretary of Navy to Secretary of War. General Hitchcock . . . General Meredith to General Hitchcock. Mr. Ould to General Meredith. General Meredith to General Hitchcock. General Hitchcock to General Meredith. General Butler to Sec- retary of War. Contents. Ask if prisoners who are on their way to City Point, and who desire to enter our service, can be permit- ted to do so. States that persons that had been sent to City Point have been returned, &c. Asks permission for an orphan eight years old to come North. Demands the officers captured by General Forrest near Piome for triiJ by the State autlioiities, under the President's pnulauiatiou, as they armed and incited the slaves to in- surrection, &c. Exchange notice No. 5. Asks for information concerning two men hung in Kentucky by our au- thorities. States that prisoners are arriving from Richmond, of ne- groes and tlieir officers captured in arms. Inclosing a letter of his to Mr. Ould on the .subject of exchange. Asks what ho shall do with captured negroes. Liquires wliat shall be done with the negro prisoners. In regartl to the treatment of jirison- ers of war. In legard to the killing of negroes by his command at or near Port Hud.- sou. In reference to the exchange of Charles W. Webster, &c. Desires information in regard to the exchange of the Vicksburg prison- ers. In reference to the exchange of the officers and crews of the United States ships Morning Light, Velo- city, and Harriet Lane, &c. Indorsement upon General Mere- dith's proposed letter to Mr. Ould. In legard to the exchange of medi- cal officers. Relating to General Burnside's order (No. 153) the sentences of Maj. Lee W. Long, C. A. S., and Private George Woolfolk. Report that the rebel authority will not allow the commissaries ap- pointed by mo to deliver subsist- ence to our prisoners, iSic. Concerning the exchange of the crew of bark Texana, ifcc. Relating to the treatment of officers of colored troops as prisoners. Let- ter from General Meredith to Mr. Ould, &c. 608 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Chronological index of papers relating to prisoners of tear — Continued. "Washington, D. C, Nov. 24, 1863. Waahington, D. C, Nov. 28, 1863. December 30, 1863 December 31, 1863 January 18, 1864 Janu.irj- 1-2, 1864 Washington, D. C. Jan 13, 1864. Danville, Ta., January 23, 1864... Libby Prison, Feb. 10, 1864 Washington, D. C, Feb. 15, 1864. Headquarters Eighteenth Army Corps, Fort Monroe, Va., Feb- rnaj-y 16, 1864. Headquarters department Virginia and North Carolina, Fort Mon- roe, Va., February 20, 1864. Kichmoud, Va., March 4, 1864 Washington, D. C, March 20, 1864 ApriI13, 1864 Demopolis, April 19, 1864 Americus, Ga., May 10, 1864. . MobUe, ^la., May 20, 1864. . . . Charleston, S. C, June 1, 1864. June 18, 1864 Macon, Ga., June 21, 1864 Camp Sumter, Ga., June 23, 1864.. Ander-sonville, Ga., June 24, 1864. . July 16, 1S64 Andersonville, Ga., July 25, 1864.. July 3D, 1864 Eichmon:!, Va., August 11, 1864. General Hitchcock to Secretary of War. Major General Hitch- cock. General ^Meredith to rebel authorities. General Hitchcock to Secretary of War. J. M. Aiken, Forty- third Tennessee cav- alry. Captain C. Morfet General Hitchcock to Secretary of War. Ma,jor S. P. Atkinson and others. James M. Sanderson and others. General Uoft'man to General Butler. General Butler to Sec- retary of War. General Butler to Col- onel . General Bragg to Hon. J. A. Sediion. General Hitchcock to General Halleck. Lieut. Colonel Henry C. Davis. General Polk to Gen- eral Cooper. Captain Walter Bowie to General Chilton. General Maury to Gen- eral Coojjer. General Sam. Jones to General Bragg. K. S. Baldwin, surgeon. W. M. Hammond to Gen. Braxton Bragg. •James E. Anderson to Jeltl Davis. General Winder to General Cooper. Sam'l Jolinson, 1st ser- geant U. S. col. cav. General Winder to General Cooper. E. P. Scammon, Brig. Gen. U. S. A. Major J.H.Carrington to Secretary of War. In regard to the exchange of colored troops or officers serving with them. Letter on exchange of prisoners. Makes inquiry as to what has become of $15 in gold sent to William S. Scudder, jiiisMiiir of war. Reviews Mr. Onld's action in regard to the exchange of prisoners. Application to be exchanged. Reports the names of United States lirisoners of war who had more than #500 when captured, «fcc. Urges the Secretary of War not to aecej)t ilr. Burrow's ofler to visit Richmond, Va., &c. Page — .) Communication in regard to exchanges of all political prisoners of East Tennessee. From report of inspection of post and prison at Cahaba, Ala. Reports prisoners having been sent away; there is no local cause for disease, &c. Forwards list of sick and disabled federals in hospital at that place. Reports on the proceedings of com- missioners for exchange of non- combatants in East Tennessee. Advising him of the probable time the United States forces will be in Macon, Georgia ; advises the pris- oners to be moved from the State. States that the prisoners at Salisbury tried to make their escape, &e. 610 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Chronological index of papers relating to jirisoncrs oftvar — Contiuued. -No. 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 Date. Name of Trriter. Contents. Headquarters post, Richmond, Va., November 5, 1864. Wytheville, Kov. 22, 1864 Salisbury, N.C., December 13, 1864. Salisbury, N. C, December 14, 1864 . No date Richmond Va., (no date of month) 1864. December 21, 1864 December 31, 1864 January 18, 1865 Judge Advocate's Office, Jan- uary 24, 1865. "Washington, D. C, Jan. 25, 1865 . . "Washington, D. C, Jan. 30, 1805 . . Headquarters Florence, S. C, Jan- uary 31, 18C5. City Point, February 2, 1865 Salisbury, N. C, February 17, 1865. Salisbury, N. C, February 18, 1865 Meridian, March 6, 1865 Salisbury, N. C, March 28, 1865. . . . Military prison, Macon, Ga., March 26, 1865. "Washington, D. C, April 14, 1865 . . Captain J. C. Ruther- ford. "W. Carroll Hall to Col- onel Chilton. General "Winder to General Cooper. Captain J. A. Fugna to General "Winder. General J. G. Martin . . S.' Cooper. R. "W. Memminger Mrs. M. E. Hambleton . Edward E. Pollard . . . . Judge Holt to Secre- tary of "War. General "Wessells General Hitchcock to Secretary of War. John F. Jonson to General "Winder. General Grant to Sec- retary of War. Captain S. W. Hull . . . General Bradley T. Johnson. General Taylor to General Maury. Captain S. R. Stewart to Colonel Farno. Gen. Pillow, C. S. A., to the Commis.sary general of Prison- ers, U. S. A. General Hoffman to Captain Williams. Report of an inspection of the mili- tary prisoners at Florence, South Carolina. (See Florence, page — .) Relative to inspection report made by Colonel ChaniUer, Aug. 5, 1864, &c. (See Anderson ville, page — .) Urges the immediate removal of the prison ; gives reasons, &c. (See Sal- isbury, page — .) Reports the average number of deaths among the prisoners daily, &c. (See Salisbury, page — .) Desires to meet General "Wessels, with a view of effecting a general exchange. Orders Lieutenant Colonel D. T. Chandler to inspect the prison at Andersonville, (fcc. (See Anderson- viUe, page — .) Relative to monej' in hand for federal officers. Gives detailed statement of facts in the case of Dr. James P. Hamble- ton, &c. Asking that Richardson, correspond- ent of Tribune, be given in ex- change for himself. Comments of Colonel Ludlow's acting in givhig the rubul authorities infor- mation about court-martials, &c. Transmitting statement of prisoners of war, &c. Reviews the rebel policy of exchange during his and General Butler's term of agnicy, &!c. Reports the (.■(ii'iditi(m of the prison- ers respecting rations, &c. Concerning anangements for the ex- change of two thousand prisoners per daj-. Reports of insiiection of the military inison in Salisbury, N. C. — eight inclosures. (See Salisbury, page — .) Asks to have Captain J. M. Goodman, post quartermaster, removed for in- efficiency, &c. In regard to the employment of cap- tured negroes. &c. Statement relative to conduct of prison at Columbia, &c. Projjoses impro\-ing condition of pris- oners of war, &c. In relation to the future comfort of our prisoners, &c. No. 1. RicHMOXD, Virginia, August S, 18G1. Sir : I liavo had the honor to receive your letter iufonniug me that the surgeon gen- eral had called the attention of the department to the crowded condition of the pris- oners. In au.swer I have the honor to state that the crowded state oi the prisoners arises entirely from the fact that one of the buildings occupied by prisouers was vacated at the request of the surgeon general himself to be used as a hospital. As this evacuation was done at a few moments' notice, another house could uot be procured as readily as the other was vacated ; Init I iiumediately set to work to procm-e a house, and shall occupy it to-day. I think the complaint of the surgeon general was premature, as to the police of the prisons. The crowded condition complained of was brought about by crowdiuf' the prisoners from three buildings into two, for the purpose of accommodating the surgeon general. . . , ' .,.,. , , I have endeavored at all times to keep the pri.soners in good condition, and have always taken the responsibility to procure all that was necessary to accomplish it. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 611 I have been very much liampered for want of proper officers, finding it very difficult to prociu'e them. I never send prisoners out of town without express orders to that effect. I repeat, I think the complaint of the surgeon general was, to say the least, premature. Respectfully, your obedient servant, JNO. H. WINDER, Brigadier General, in charge of Prisoners. Hon. L. P. Walker, Secretary of War. No. 2. Confederate States of America, War Bcpartmcni, Richmond, February 6, 1862. Gentlemen: I have received through General Huger, (to whom communication was made by General Wool, the enemy's commander at Fort Monroe,) the inclosed copy of a letter addressed by the Honorable Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War of the United States, to the Reverend Bishoj) Ames and the Honorable Hamilton Fish. From this letter you will perceive tliat the government of the United States has appointed the two last named gentlemen commissioners charged with the duty of visit- ing and providing for the comfort of the prisoners of war taken by us from the enemy, as well as of obtaining " all i)articulars useful to be known by this government, (the government of the United States, ) for the purpose of effecting their exchange or release." I cordially welcome this proposition, which, as you are aware, is in entire accordance with the views already entertained by this government, and desire to meet the proposal of the Secretary of War of the United States more than half way. I propose to render unnecessary that part of the mission intrusted by him to the comnussioners he has selected, which relates to supplying the wants and providing for the comfort of the prisoners of war, by exchanging them all, man for man and grade for grade, on equal terms, and thus restoring them to their country and their homes. With this view you have been selected as commissioners to meet the two commis- sioners sent by the enemy. Having been assured in advance of your willingness to accept this honorable and humane mission, I now communicate for your guidance the following instructions : 1. You will i^roceed to Norfolk and communicate with General Benjamin Huger, com- manding there, who is instructed to take such measures as may be right and proper to procure you a safeguard and passage to Fort Monroe, where Messrs, Ames and Fish are now awaiting an answer to their communication, with a view of acceding at once to the proposition for exchange and release of prisoners of war on equal terms, thus sparing those gentlemen the necessity of further travel in the accomplishment of their humane purpose. 2. If it shall be for any reason unacceptable to the enemy that you should hold your ■interview with Messrs. Ames and Fish at Fort Monroe, your communication with them may take place on board of a cartel vessel between the strongholds of the two nations, as is usual in such cases between belligerent powers. 3. You are empowered to agree with Messrs. Ames and Fish for a general exchange of prisoners of war on equal terms, man for man and officer for officer of equal grades, assimilating the grades of officers of the army and navy in accordance with established usage, where necessary, and agreeing upon equitable terms for the number of men or officers of inferior grade to be exchanged for any officer of higher grade, when the occa- sion shall arise for such an exchange. 4. If upon the conclusion of such exchange, either party shall remain possessed of prisoners of war for whom the other can offer no exchange, the party remaining in possession of prisoners shall grant to the other the permission to keep and maintain a commissary general of prisoners within the country where the prisoners are kept, in accordance with the laws of war and international usage in modern times. 5. Or you may go even further, and agree (inasmuch as it is believed that we possess more prisoners of war than the enemy) that we will release all the siu'plus prisoners on parole, with the agreement that any prisoners of war taken from us by the enemy shall be restored to us in exchange as fast as captured, and that this system shall be con- tinued through the war, so that on all occasions either party holding prisoners shall so hold them only on i^arole till exchanged, the prisoners being allowed to remain in their own country till the exchange is effected. The foregoing insti'uctions will fully satisfy you that we do not intend to allow the enemy to go further than we are ready to go in the honorable effort to change the past system on which this war has been conducted, and that we earnestly desii-e to mitigate its severity to the utmost extent compatible with our safety and the maintenance of our rights. <612 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR I have said nothing on the subject of our privateers recently treated as felons, because il have been gratified to find, fi-om the statements of the jiublic journals, that these cap- tives are henceforth to be treated as prisoners of war. It is, however, so extremely unsafe to rely on newspaper statements that it will be well for you to request an offi- cial assurance of this fact from Messrs. Ames and Fish, in order that the prisoners held by us as hostages beat once relieved from theix exceptional condition and comprehended in the general exchange. Youx obedient servant, J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of War. Hon. James A. Seddon and Hon. Chari-es M. Conra©. A true copy : JOHN E. WOOL, Major Getieral. No. 3. Headquarteks Department of Norfolk, Norfolk, Virginia, February 9, 1862. Sir : I have communicated to my government, as announced in my letter of 4th in- stant, your letter to me of that date, with the copy of the tustructlons to the Secretary of War of the United States, addressed to the Rev. Bishop Ames and the Hon. Hamil- ton Fish. I am happy to inform you that the proposition contained in the letter of instructions is cordially welcomed, and that in order more effectually to accomplish the humane purpose so justly lauded by you, the secretary of war of the Confederate States has apjiointed the Hon. James A. Seddon and the Hon. Charles M. Conrad commissioners to meet and confer with Messrs. Ames and Fish, with instructions, a copy of which is herewith inclosed. These honorable gentlemen, commissioners, propose to spare Messrs. Ames and Fish the necessity of travel to Richmond and other places in the South, by agreeing at once to the restoration of all the prisoners to their homes on fair terms of equal exchange, and with this view to confer with Messrs. Ames and Fish at Fort Monroe, anticipating that you will previously transmit to me such safeguard as will insure their protection. If this, however, should not be acceptable to you, I will accede to any arrangement J^ou may desire for the meeting of these four gentlemen on a cartel vessel, as is usual between belligerent powers on such occasions. I call your attention to the last paragraph of the instructions to our commissioners, and to say if a satisfactory answer can be given at once I have no doubt that on re- ceiving the assurance mentioned the officers now retained as hostages will at once be put on the same footing as other prisoners of war. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. HUGER, Major General Commanding. Major General J. E. Wool, Commanding Department of Virginia. No. 4. Fort Monroe, February 9, 1862. Sir : We have the honor to inclose herewith a copy of a letter from General Hnger to Major General AVool, in response to the letter of the latter announcing our arrival at this post and the purpose of our appointment. Also, a copy of the instructions re- ferred to in General Huger's letter as given by Mr. Benjamin to Messrs. Seddon and "Conrad, which have been this day received by a flag of truce from Norfolk. As the purport of these instructions from Mr. Benjamin embraces matters not in- trusted to us, we take this earliest opportunity to communicate them to you, and will await here your further instructions. General Wool has not yet acknowledged the receipt of these papers. We have the honor to be your obedient servants, E. R. AMES. HAMILTON FISH. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washington. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 613 No. 5. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, Virginia, February 10, 1862. General: Yesterday, by flag of truce, I received your conimuuication of the 9th in- stant. Although probably intended as such, it [is] not a reply to mine of the 4th in- stant. The object of the visitors, the Rev. Bishop Ames and tlie Hon. Hamilton Fish, is simply a himiane mission, having reference to the condition of the United States prisoners of war in the Southern States. Your reply of the 9tli instant relates princi- pally to the exchanges of prisoners. As they have no authority to make exchanges of prisoners of war, I have deemed it proper to transmit your communication, with the instructions to the Hon. James A. Seddon and the Hon. Charles M. Conrad, to tlie Sec- retary of War. As soon as I receive a reply it will be communicated to yon. In reply to so 'much of your communication as relates to the last paragraph of the instructions to the Hon. James A. Seddon and the Hon. Charles M. Conrad, I herewith transmit copies of two letters from Hon. William H. Seward, which I presume will be satisfac- tory. The prisoners have been transferred to Fort Lafayette. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. Major General B. Huger, Commanding at Norfolk, Virginia, No. 6. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, Virginia, February 10, 1862. Sir : I have the honor to report that yesterday, the 9th instant, I received a dispatch, herewith forwarded, from Major General Huger, commanding at Norfolk, in reply to my letter to him of the 4th instant, a copy of which I have already transmitted to you. I also received from the general a copy, herewitli inclosed, of instructions from J. P. Benjamin to the Hon. James A. Seddon and Hon. C. M. Conrad. These comnranications were submitted to the Visitors, the Rev. Bishop Ames and the Hon. Hamilton Fish, when it was decided — they having no authority to make arrange- ments relating to the exchange of prisoners of war — to defer a reply to General Huger until to-day, when I informed him by flag of truce that, as the visitors had no author- ity to make arrangements in regard to the exchange of prisoners of war, the instruc- tions to the Hon. James A. Seddon and the Hon. C. M. Conrad had been referred to the Secretary of War, Edwin M. Stanton, and as soon as a reijly was received it would be communicated to him. Herewith you will receive a copy of my reply to General Huger. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. No. 7. War Department, Washington, February 11, 1862. Gentlemen : Your communication of the 9th instant has been received. Leave to pass through the opposing lines having been denied to you, you will con^ sider your mission terminated, and you will return, at your convenience, to this city. I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant, EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. Hon. Hamilton Fish and Right. Rev. Edward R. Ames. No. 8. War Department, Washington City, D. C, February 11, 1862. General : You will inform General Huger that Messrs. Ames and Fish have no au- thority to act in behalf of this government in regard to the exchange of prisoners, or any other purpose than the simple one of providing for the comfort of prisoners, if al*: 614 TKEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR lowed to do so. That purpose having failed, they have been directed to return to this city. You "will inform General Huger that you alone are clothed with full powers for the pur^iose of arranging for the exchange of ])risouers. You may confer with General Huger himself, or with Messrs. Seddou and Conrad, or any other person appearing for that i)urpose. You may give such persons a safeguard to Fort Monroe for the purpose of consulta- tion, or you may hold the consultation anywhere else in your discretion. You may ar- range for the restoration of all the prisoners to their homes on fair terms of exchange, man for man, and officer for officer, of equal grade, assimilating the grade of officers of the army and navy when necessary, and agreeing upon equitable terms for the number of men or officers of inferior grade to be exchanged for any of higher grade when the occasion shall arise. That all the surplus prisoners on either side be discharged on parole, with the agreement that any prisoners of war taken by the other ]iarty shall be returned in exchange as fast as cajitured, and this system to be continued while hostil- ities continue, so that on all occasions either party holding prisoners shall so hold thorn only on parole till exchange, the prisoners being allowed to remain in their own region till the exchange is effected. You will further inform General Huger or Messrs. Seddon and Conrad, or whoever else it may concern, that all the prisoners taken on board of vessels, or otherwise, in maritime conflict by the forces of the United States, have been put and are now held only in military custody and on the same footing as the other prisoners taken in arms. I am your obedient servant, EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. Major General John E. Wool, Fort Monroe, Virginia. No. 9. • FoKT Monroe, February 10, 1862. Sir : We were barely able yesterday to forward to you by the boat for Baltimore (which General Wool detained a short time for the purpose of transmitting our letter) a copy of a letter from General Huger, addressed to Major General Wool, covering a copy of instructions from Mr. J. P. Benjamin to Messrs. Seddon and Conrad, commis- sioners to meet and treat with us on the subject of a general exchange of prisoners. A copy of these instructions was also inclosed with our letter of yesterday. These instructions of Mr. Benjamin to his commissioners very studiously ignore the humane and Christian objects of our appointment, and the injunction contained in our instructions, (of which General Huger has been furnished a copy by General Wool,) that our "message was purely an errand of mercy," and that we were expected not to " have communication on any subject not inmiediately relating to. its humane and Chris- tian object ;" while they attempt to give to our appointment a political signiticauce, and attribute to us a title and powers not conferred or contemplated by our instructions, but which, if recognized by us, might inferentially aid a cherished object on the part of those in rebellion to the government. Thus regarding the papers received by General Wool from General Huger as a refusal to allow us to execute our duties, and as the rejection of a benevolent aud humane proposition oti the part of the government of tlie United States to meliorate and to humanize the practices of war, we should have felt it our duty to return innnediately to Washington, but were restrained from so doing only by the consideration that such act on our jiart might be construed by Mr. Benjamin and his associates into a rejection of a proposal for a general exchange of j^risoners, an object which we believe not to be contemplated with disfavor by you, and one to which we should be very unwilling, by any act of ours, to interpose any obstacle. Permit us now to say, what the necessary haste with which we sent our letter of yester- day did not allow us time to say, that (although remaining here to await your further instructions) in the event of your deciding to enter into an agreement for a general exchange of prisoners, we earnestly insist that neither our presence here, nor our appointment as visitors, nor Mr. Benjamin's unwarranted assumption that we are clothed with powers for that i>urpose, shall be permitted to embarrass you in the se- lection of suitable agents on the part of the government. We are and ever shall be ready to make all sacrifices, and to render to our govern- ment and country every duty and every assistance within our power; but we are not ambitious or desirous of this appointment. We are fully aware that a negotiation for an exchange of prisoners of war must require a practical and technical knowledge, of which we, probably, are not possessed. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 615 In view oi the allusion in Mr. Benjamin's instructions, and of the clause in General Huger's letter referring to the privateersmen, it has occurred to us that the release of our gallant officers, so cruelly held as hostages and treated as felons, might he expe- dited hy a communication to the rehel authorities of copies of the official orders of the State Department transferring the privateersmen to the military prisons. We have therefore furnished copies of those orders to Major General Wool, and have suggested to him the propriety of communicating them to General Huger. He assented to the propriety of so doing, and, as we understand, transmits them to-day. Hoping that our action in the premises may meet your approval. We have the honor to be, very respectfully, yours, E. R. AMES. HAJMILTON FISH. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. No. 10. HeadqUjVrters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, February 13, 1862. General: In reply to your communication of the 9th instant, I am instructed to inform you that no authority was conferred on the honorable Messrs. Ames and Fish in regard to the exchange of prisoners, or for any other purpose than the simple one of providing for the comfort of prisoners, if allowed to do so. This having been declined, their mission has terminated. I am, however, instructed to inform you that I am alone clothed with full powers for the pvirpose of arranging for the exchange of prisoners. Being thus empowered, I am ready to confer with you on the subject, or Avith the honorable Messrs. Seddon and Conrad, or any other person appearing for that purpose. I am prepared to jwrange for the restoration of all the prisoners to their homes on fair terms of exchange, man for man and officer for officer of equal grade, assimilating the grade of officers of the army and navy when necessary, and agreeing vipon equitable terms for the number of men or officers of infeinor grade to be exchanged for any of higher grade when the occasion shall arise. That all the surplus prisoners on either side be discharged on parole, with the agreement that any prisoners of war taken by the other party shall be returned in exchange as fast as captured, and this system to be continued while hostili- ties continue. I Avould further inform you, or any other person selected for the purpose of making arrangements for the exchange of prisoners, that the prisoners taken on board of vessels, or others in maritime condict, by the forces of the United States, have been put and are now held only in military custody, and on the same footing as the other prisoners taken in arms. In conclusion, I have only to remark t4iat I am ready at any moment to enter upon this important duty, Avith no other view than a fair and honorable exchange of all prisoners, and to subserve the interests of humanity. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major Genei'al. Major General B. Huger, Commanding at Norfolk, Va. Official: JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. No. 11. Washington, February 14, 1862. Sir : The humane purpose of ministering relief and comfort to the unfortunate per- sons formerly in the military service of the United States, now held as prisoners at va- rious places in the South, contemplated by your wise and benevolent symi)athy, has. failed of its object by the refusal of those in power in the rebellious States to allow the visitors appointed by you to pass their lines. Immediately on receiving notice of your order of the 26th of January last, appoint- ing us to this duty, we repaired to this city, and having, in personal interviews with, yourself, ascertained your views and wishes, and after conference with the adjutant 616 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR general and quartermaster general, and other officers, to wliom we were referred by yon, on the 3d of February we received your written iiistrnctious, and the funds and ■ credits necessary for tbe execution of the humane and Christian objects contemplated hy your i)ractical sympathy for the unfortunate prisoners ; and on the same day we took our departure for Fort Monroe. In the meantime, orders had been given through the adjutant general and the quarter- master's and surgeon genei-al's departments, and arrangements made for establishing a depot of clothing, medicines, supplies, and other articles not usually fnrnishcd to the army, but deemed necessary for the comfort and health of the prisoners, to bo oj)ened at Fort Monroe, subject to our requisition. Arriving at Fort Monroe on the 4th instant, we communicated with Major Gen- eral Wool, and delivered to him yonr letter under date of 30tli January. He entered mast cordially and earnestly into the spirit of our mission, and forthwith communicated to General Hugcr, in command of the rebel forces at Norfolk, the fact of our arrival there and the object of our visit ; transmitting to him at the same time a copy of our written instructions, While wailing at Fort Monroe for a reply from General Huger, we received all practical )h! assistance from Dr. Cuyler, the medical director of the Department of Vir- ginia, and from Captain Tallmadge, assistant (luartermaster, with reference to the medi- cal 8upi)lies, and the clothing and other articles that it was thought would be needed in case permission should be granted to execute the objects of our visit ; and arrange- ments were made to secure the prompt forwarding of these sujiplies as required. The ready, cheerful, and intelligent advice and assistance rendered by these gentlemen, afforded certain assurance of the efficient co-operation they were anxious to give to your objects. On the 9th instant. General Huger sent to Major General Wool a letter, (in reply to that of the latter,) covering certain instructions from Mr. J. P. Benjamin to the Hon. James A. Seddon and Hon. Charles M. Conrad, appointing them commissioners to treat with us on the subject of a general exchange of prisoners; affecting to suppose us clothed with a power not committed to us, while he ignored the Christian and humane objects of the proposed visit, but dexterously sought to pervert it to a political sig- nilicaucc. We immediately forwarded to you copies of General Huger's letter, aud of Mr, Ben- jamin's instructions. Regarding these as a refusal to allow us to pass through their lines, or to visit the prisoners, we should have returned immediately to Washington but for reasons stated in a letter which we addressed to yon on the lOtli instant. On the 13th instant wo received your letter of the 11th, aud immediately left Fort Monroe, on our return to this place. Prior to our departure from Washington, we received from you $5,000, (one-half in gold and half in treasury notes ;) also a notice of deposit of $20,000 in coin with the assistant treasurer of the United States in New York, subject to draft by us ; and also authority to draw, at sight, iipon the assistant treasurer in New York for the further sum of $2.5,000. The refusal of Mr. Benjamin and his associates to allow any portion of this money to be distributed among or expended for the relief of some hundreds of suffering sick and wounded prisoners, enables us to return to you untouched the entire amount thus re- ceived by us. And herewith our duties close. Permit us, in conclusion, to present to you our congratulations, that although your tender of a mission of mercy and of charity has been refused, you have secured other means which promise relief and liberation to our prisoners ; and our further congratu- lations, that while our humble agency has been refused, other aud potent agencies are active and efficient to dispel the various illusions prevailing in the insurgeut States, and to give to all good citizens the comforting assurance that their government has other means than those of a humane and peaceful mission to extend its 2)rotection over all its citizens, to vindicate its authority, and to maintain its national existence. We have the honor to be vour obedient servants, E. R. AMES. HAMILTON FISH. Hon. Edwin M. Stantox, Secretary of War. No. 12. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, Virginia, February 14, 1862. Sir : I had the honor to receive your letter of instructions, relating to the exchange ■of prisoners, on the 13th instant, aud I transmitted the same day, by flag of truce, a BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 617 letter to Major General Huger, a copy of which is inclosed herewith, which I hope will meet with your approbation. I presume I shall receive an affirmative answer in the course of a clay or two. In such a case I see no reason why all the prisoners of the United States, and the rebels, should not be exchanged in the course of a very few days. I congratulate you ou the glorious result of the Goldsborough and Burnside expedi- tion. 1 have only to regret that I am not in a condition to avail myself of the oppor- tunity presented of a successful attack on Norfolk. Of this, however, and of what is required to act efficiently when the opportunity is offered, I will, with your assent, present to you at a future day. I have already informed you that the position of Fort Monroe is second to no other in the United States. To judge correctly of it it should be seen. As it appears to me you could not do a more useful service to the country than to make us a visit. In one hour you would learn more of the importance of the po- sition than you would from volumes of letters or reports. As long as you hold Fort Monroe, Virginia is excluded from the ocean, except through the canal's leading into Pamlico Sound. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, Major General. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. No. 13. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Fort Monroe, Virginia, February 23, 1862. Sir : I have the honor to inform you that I this day had an interview witli Brio-adier General Howell Cobb, of the rebel army, on the subject of the exchange of prisoners &c. We agreed very well upon most points, except one, as follows": He proposed " that prisoners to be discharged or paroled within ten days after their capture, and to be delivered on the frontier of their own country free of expense to the prisoners, and at the expense of the capturing party." To this proposition I did not agree. I con- sented to f dopt it in regard to all prisoners hereafter taken, leaving out frontier. The gi-eat objection to the proposition on my part was, that we had, at this time, in Ohio and Illinois, some thii-teen thousand prisoners taken at Fort Donelsou. The question was one which I considered at least doubtful. At all events, it does not appear to be embraced in my instructions. On this question I shall await your instructions, which I hope to receive by the return of Colonel Cram, who I shall expect on Tuesday morn- ing next. The question is considered an important one by General Cobb. I have the honor to be your obedient servant, JOHN E. WOOL, „ „ ,, ^ Major General. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. No. 14. [Confidential.] Headquarters Department op Virginia, Fort Monroe, Virginia, February 24, 1862. Sir: Your order of the 18th instant, not to exchange, either by equivalent or other- wise, Generals Johnson, Buckner, Pillow, or Tighlmau, nor prisoners who have served in our regular army, without special orders from the headquarters of the army, con- flicts with your orders of the 11th of February, in which uo exception of individual persons or former profession is made. Acting under your instructions of the 11th in- stant, I informed General Huger of my willingness to negotiate a general exchange of prisoners, based upon your instructions to me. The principle of exchanging rebel officers captured by us and who had resigned from our army, has been recognized by the exchange of several officers— among others, De Laguel and Pegram— though in no instance done by me. The exception made in yours of the 18th instant, through General McClellan, I have not yet broached to Generals Huger or Cobb, lest it should embarrass negotiations and prevent the prisoners, including hostages now in transit for the North, coming forward to these headquarters. 618 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Am I to adhere iu any ev^ut to the exceptions made iu yours of the 18th instant ? Reply immetliately by telegram and mail. I have the honor to be. ver\' resj^ectfullv, Tonr obedient servant. JOHN E. WOOL. Major General. P. S. — Oopv of fhe above ^vas sent to vou bv telegraph this morniusr. JOHN E. WOOL. Jlitjor ireHemL Hon. Ecwix M. StjlVTOX. Cycrefejry of H «r, WaskimgtoH, D. C. No. 15. "War DEFAKTMi:>-r, WasXingtoH Citif, T>. C, Ftbrmiry '26. 1S62. Gexeral : Yoiir objections to the proposition respecting the mode of discharging and piuvliug prisoners are approved. The pn.sition is obnoxious in its terms and import, and wholly inadmissible : and as the terms you weiv authorized to ofler have not been accepted, you will make no arnuigemeut at present, except for actual exchanges. But your arrangement may l>e made without reference to the instructions of the 16th instant in relation to the reten- tion of IMllow and others, which are revoked. Yours triilv, EDWIN M. STANTON. Afcrt'^jry ()/ War. Migor General John E. Wc>ol, CommaHding ai Fort Monrve, Virginia. No. 16. War Department, Washington City, I>. C, Februart/ 26, 18G2. General: There is a report that Bnckner has been surrendered to the civil author- ities in Kentucky. I have not yet been able to find where he is, but my orvlers are that he be treateil as a prisoner of war. If he has been suri-endered. he will be immeiUately remanded into military custody. If Cobb should say anything on the subject, you may tell him that he is regarded as a pris^mer of war, aud should W treated as such. Yours tnilv, EDWIN M. STANTON. Secretary of War. Major General John E. Wool, Commanding at Fort Monroe, Virginia. No. IT. War DErARTMEXT, Wa.^hington City, D. C. February "27. 1S62. It M ordered : 1st. That a special commission of two persons, one of military rank and the other in ci\"il life, W appointed to examine the cases of the state prisonei"s remain- ing in the military custo*ly of the Unitetl States, aud to deteruune whether, in view of the public Siifety, ami the existing rebellion, they should Ih» discharged, or remain in military custody, or be remitted to the civil tribunal for trial. '2d. That Major General John A. Dix. commanding in Baltimore, and the Hon. Ed- ■wanls Pierrepont, of New York, be, and they are hereby. apix>inted commissioners for the pur{>oses above mentioned : aud they are authorized to examine, hear and determine the cases aforesaid, ex parte, aud iu a summary manner, at such times aud places as in their discretion they may appoint, and make full report to the War Department. By order of the President. EDWIN M. STANTON. Secretary of War. Adjttant Ge>-eral's Office. Washington, August 2, 1867. Official: E. WILLIAMS. Assistant Adjutant General. BY THE REBEL ALTHOBrnES. 019 TSo. 16. Wajb Depabtjcekt, Gkiveeaj:; yit>c«*diugs approved- Vour re'. jxiicat/ed to tJUe geiieial eoaoanaadiDC, to j»archa*e and sux^ply you -writli fire i- :rfA and twenty-live for yoor eavalrj. It io I. . .»ii oi Uifc patch of the 12th instant, aceompanying oopiee of General Hu- ger« letter to you dated ^larch 12th. ha» been reeei%-ed- Thiii dej^artmeut ha* at present no foither iustruetione to give in relation to pri*on- erb' exchange, having exhauiei-al system of exchange with the enemy. Should any opportunity offer hert>- aftei' U) a<;'y>njplish the object in aeeordance with the instractionis heretofore given, you will embrace it, or a«k further instructions, a« the case may require. Trulv vours, EDWrS M. eTA^'TON. Major General JoHS E. Wool Ko. 20. {TelegEaai.] Adjctajtt Gekeeax'k Office. WtukmgUm, May 2r. 18^ Major General J. E. Wool, Fort Monroe. Virginia : Orders have l>een given to send ixomediately to Fort Monroe all the privateersmen at. Forts Warren and Lafayette, eighty-six in all As soon as I know the day and hour they sail, I will inform you. L. TH0MAJ5, Adjutant GemamL No. 21. HeaDQUAITTEES DePaP-TMEXT ?SOBTHEEy VrRGESXA. June 9, 1662. SiE : I have the honor to forward to the department a letter from ilajor General McClellan, commanding L'nited States forces near Richmond. With reference to that part of the commuiiication of General McCleUan which refers to the exchang:e of pris- oners. I resj>ectfuliy recomiaend that the necessary steps l>e taken to effect it. Should the depaj-tment approve of the projwsition. I respectfally gusfre*i: that the previous experience of G'.^ueral IL Cobb makes him a suitable i>ersoQ to be selected to arrange the terms of a general exchange on our jjart : or should it be deemed proper to leave the details of exchange to myself. I will gladly undertake to arrange the proper condi- tions of an exchange, which I regard as in every way desirable. So far as the letter of General McCiellan refers to furnishing medical supplies for his wounded in our hands, I resi>ectfully advise a relea*>e on jjarole of such of the wounded on each side as are in condition to l>e removed. Of course the projxjsition to sujiply the enemy's wounded in our hands with medical stores cannot l>e entertained. I have the honor to be, very respectfuUv, your obedient servant, E. E. LEE, Geojeral ComnuiiuUng. The Honorable the Seceetaey of Wae, EiohnumcL 620 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR No. 22. [Time received, 9.45 a. m.] United States Military Telegraph, Headquarters Army of the Potomac, War Department, Washington, D. C, June 13, 1862. L. Thomas, Adjutant General : I respectfully apply to be iuformed by telegraph to-day, if possible, whether it be true, as has been stated to me, that the eueiny make ouly partial exchanges of prison- ers, excluding officers ; and if so, what reasons are assigned for this course. The enemy having proposed to me to negotiate with me for a general exchange of jirisoners, and the War Department having authorized me to make such exchanges, so far as the army under my command and that opposed to me are concerned, it is important, before enter- ing into any arrangement on the subject, that I should speedily be made acquainted with the information herein sought. GEO. B. McCLELLAN, Major General. No. 23. Headquarters Department Henrico, Eichmond, June 14, 1862. Sir : I have had the honor to receive the report of Surgeon Lane to the secretary of ■war, in relation to Camp Windea*. It is no part of the duty of Surgeon Lane to make a report of anything connected with Camp Winder to the secretary of war. On the contrary, the regulations prohibit any direct correspondence on the jiart of ofdcers directly with the war deiiartment. The whole course of Surgeon Lane in the matter is irregular, improper, and insubordinate, for which I shall immediately bring him to trial. I will not follow Surgeon Lane through his long letter, but shall touch upon some of thef prominent points. It is but a very short time since when there were three companies at Camp Winder, viz : Captain Jones's, Captain Bruce's, and the infirmary company ; that Surgeon Lane complained very much that, unless there was an inci'ease of guard, the police of the camp could not be maintained. I represented the necessity for a commanding officer and guard, which was accordingly ordered by the war de- partment. The order was received at Camp Winder as soon as issued ; the date is not material, as it was only operative from the time of its issue from the adjutant gen- eral's office. A short time since I rode around the camp and could not find a single medical officoi% not one being in camp that I could find. I found the public property scattered over the whole camp, lying exposed to the weather and to depredation. I found that hands that I had employed to work on a very important piece of work, upon the execution of which depended the possibility of occupying at least one-third if not one-half the camp, taken off and employed upon matters of very comparative unim- portance. I thouglit it was high time that military control should be exercised. It is no part of the duty of the surgeon to meddle with the buildings, nor with the prop- erty, except such property as exclusively belongs to the hospitals. It is the duty of the quartermaster's department to build, rexiair, and keep in order all buildings, and to take care of all property not specially in charge of other officers. A surgeon in charge of a hospital of that size has quite enough to do to attend to the duties growing out of it, witbout aspiring to command troops. As to the number of officers at the post, I will remark — a captain, two lieutenants, one quartermaster, one commissary and the sergeants, and one barrack master, are none too much for a post containing some one hundred and eighty houses, and covering a very lai'go extent, containing between three and four thousand men ; besides which, one of the subalterns is intended for Chimbo- razo as soon as a commander can be found. I have not the honor of knowing Mr. Chambliss, whose report is quoted, nor have I seen the report. I will close by remark- ing that Surgeon Lane, in my oftice, while speaking on this subject, used highly im- proper and insubordinate language, for which I was obliged to rebuke him, and warn him that a repetition would cause his arrest. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JNO. H. WINDER, Brigadier General. Hon. George W. Randolph, Secretary of War, Eichmond, Va. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 621 No. 24. [Copy of telegram.] Stauntox, June 17, 1862. Hon. G. "W. Randolph, Secretary of TVar : Am I authorized by law of Virginia, or Confederate States of America, to bang or shoot, by drumhead court-martial, marauding parties of the enemy ca))tured kidnap- ping negroes ? also, to put to death prisoners taken with counterfeit confederate money in their possession ? W. H. C. WHITING. No. 25. Headquarters Army of the Potomac, Camj) Lincoln, June 17, 1862. Sir : I have the honor to inclose herewith a letter from Colonel Key, oue of my aides- de-camp, giving the substance of a conversation with General Howell Cobb. The subject is interesting, and I would be glad to have it laid before the President. The letter should be regarded as confidential. I would be glad to learn the wishes of the government in regard to a general ex- change. I am inclined to think that a satisfactory cartel can be made. You will observe General Cobb's views on the subject. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, GEO. B. McCLELL.\N, Major General Commanding. Hon. Edwin M. St.vnton, Secretary of TVar. Adjutant General's Office, January 4, 1865. I certify that the above is a true copy. E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. No. 26. Headquarters, Eichmond, Va., June 17, 1862. General: Your proposition, to consider medical officers in care of the sick and wounded as non-combatants, is concurred in by me, and such officers will be so re- garded in the operations of the armies of northern and eastern Virginia. I take this occasion to thank you for the unconditional release of Dr. Taylor, of the Confederate States army, who was left in attendance upon a sick man at Williamsburg. I have the honor to be your obedient servant, R. E. LEE, General. Major General George B. McClellan, U. S. Army, Commanding Army of the Potomac. Adjutant General's Office, June 26, 1862. Official: E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. No. 27. Headquarters, Richmond, Va., June 19, 1862. General : I am directed by the secretary of war to state that having been informed of the capture of Captains Sprigg and Triplett; of the ranger service of the State of Virginia, and of theu- intended execution by order of the United States government, he has caused lots to be drawn from among the United States officers detained as prisoners of war, for the purpose of selecting subjects for retaliation; and that the lots have fallen upon Captain Geo. Austin, Company B Second Kentucky regiment of in- fantry, and Captain Timothy O'Meara, Tammany regiment. New York volunteers. It is the desire of the confederate government to conduct this war in conformity to 622 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR the usages of Cliristiau and civilized nations ; but should he have been correctly in- formed, and should Captains Sprigg and Trii)lett be executed, retaliation will be made on Captains Austin and O'Meara. This course will be demanded by a due regard for the citizens of the Confederate States, and vrill be unhesitatingly though reluctantly pur- sued. Not being certain of the coiTectness of the report, no change has been made in the treatment of the hostages, and I shall be very happy to learn that the report is without foundation. I am, most respectfully, your obedient servant, Jl. E. LEE, General Major General G. B. McClellan, United States Army, Commanding Army of the Potomac. Adjutant General's Office, June 26, 1862. Official : E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. No. 28. Headquarters, Army of the Potomac, June 19, 1862. General : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of to-day, relative to a reported intention on the part of the United States government to order the execution of two prisoners, Captains Sprigg and Triplett, of the Virginia ranger service. I know nothing of any such persons. If they were taken by this army the report is without foundation. I have telegraphed upon the subject to the Secretary of War, and I will communicate the facts to you as soon as I learn them. I shall much regret any commencement of retaliatory execution. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, GEO. B. McCLELLAN, Major General Commanding. General R. E. Lee, Commanding Military Forces, Biclnnond, Virginia. Adjutant General's Office, June 26, 1862. Official: E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. No 29. Headquarters Army op the Potomac, June 19, 1862. General : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of a list of prisoners from this army, taken by the force under your command. I thank you for responding thus promptly to my proposition on this subject, and for relieving the minds of the prisoners' friends. I shall continue to send you, from time to time, lists of prisoners taken by us, and am sure that you will return similar lists. I have the honor to be, very respectfullv, your obedient servant, GEO. B. McCLELLAN, Major General Commanding. General R. E. Lee, Commanding Military Forces, Hichmond, Virginia. Adjutant General's Office, June 26, 1862. Official : E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 623 No. 30. "War Department, Washington City, D. C, June 18, 1862. The Adjutant General has just submitted to me your telegram addressed to him, and dated the 13th instant, respecting the exchange of prisoners. This subject has for several months been under the direction of General Wool, who has had several negotiations with Howell Cobb and General Huger. The last arrange- ment made was broken oJf by the rebel authorities denying Huger's authority to make the arrangement for Corcoran's exchange. It is believed that their real reason for breaking off was to obtain an arrangement that woukl secure the release of General Buckner. The President has for some days been considering the question of agreeing to a general exchange, but has not yet de- cided, because strong opposition is manifested to the exchange of Buckner. I have ordered the Adjutant General to send you immediately, by mail, a copy of the corresj)ondeuce between General Wool and General Huger, which will enable you fully to understand the question in dispute when General Wool left Fort Monroe. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. Major General McClellan. No. 31. Headquarters Army of the Potomac, Canq) Lincoln, Va., June 20, 1862. General: I have the honor herewith to transmit copies of two communications received by me under date of the 17th and 19th instant from General R. E. Lee, com- manding the military forces at Riclimond, together with copies of my replies to the same. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, GEO. B. McCLELLAN, Major General Commanding. Brigadier General L. Thomas, Adjutant General of the Army, Washington, D. C. Adjutant General's Office, June 26, 1862. Official : E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. No. 32. [General Orders No. 71.] War Department, Adjutant General's Office, Washington, June 21, 1862. In every case of prisoners taken in arms against the United States, who may be tried and sentenced to death, the record of the tribunal before which the trial was had will be forwarded for the action of the President of the United States, without whose orders no such sentence in such cases will be executed. By order of the Secretary of War. Official : L. THOMAS, Adjutant General. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. No. 33. Executive Department, August 15, 1862. Sir : Since my communication to you of July 28 last, and your reply of the 3l8t of the same month, occurrences have transpired which make further correspondence necessary upon the subjects therein referred to, and subjects of a kindred character. 624 TREATMENT OP PRISONERS OF WAR I understand that the prisoners recently confined at Lynchljurg, captured by General Jackson, and belonging to northwestern Virginia regiments, organized by the author- ity and with the approbation of the usui-ped government under Peirpout, have been ordered to this city preparatory to being exchanged, and some of tliem have actually been exchanged under the cartel recently agreed upon between the confed- erate government and the government of the United States. I conclude, therefore, that you have decided that my request in regard to them is not to be acceded to. If this request is not to be granted, I imagine the request in regard to 1 he officers cap- tured on the Chickahominy will also be denied. As the executive of Virginia, I have presented these matters for the consideration of the War Department from an impera- tive sense of duty to the people of Virginia, by whom I have be(;n charged with the execution of the laws of the State. These matters having been disposed of, I come now to one Avhich recent occitrrences have presented for the consideration of the people of Virginia especially, and of the South generally. In the late engagement between the armies of Generals Jackson and Pope, captures have been made of officers and men who have violated the laws of Virginia and have incurred the penalties annexed to their violation. If I can procure the necessary evi- dence, (as I believe I can do,) I wish to subject these i^arties to a trial. If the State shall fail to make out the case they will be restored to the custody of confederate officers. In the recent letter of the President to General Lee, under date July 31, 1862, I find these prisoners thus truthfully and appropriately described : "Under this state of facts this government has issued the inclosed general order recognizing General Pope and his otiicers to be in the position which they have chosen for themselves — that of rob- bers and murderers, and not that of public enemies, entitled, if captured, to be consid- ered as prisoners of war. We find ourselves di'iven by our enemies, by a steady pro- gress, toward a practice which we abhor, aud which wo are vainly striving to avoid. Some of the iliilitary authorities of the United States seem to suppose that better suc- cess will attend a savage war, in which no quarter is to be given and no age or sex to be spared, than has hitherto been secured by such hostilities as are alone recognized to be lawful by civilized man in modern times. " For the present we renounce our right of retaliation on the innocent, and shall con- tinue to treat the private enlisted soldiers of General Pope's army as prisoners of war ; but if, after notice has been given to the government at Washington of our confiding in the repressive measure of punishment, only the commissioned officers, who .are willing participants in these crimes, these savage practices are continued, we shall re- luctantly be forced to the last resort of accepting the war on the tern)s chosen by our foes until the outraged voice of a common humanity forces a respect for the recognized rules of war." If these men are to be considered as " robbers and murderers," they are such under the laws of Virginia, and they have justly incurred the penalties which those laws annex to their crimes. If they are not " prisoners of war," then they can be regarded in no other light than as criminals. I therefore request that some of these officers shall be turned over to the State au- thorities, in order that they may be proceeded against in the mode prescribed by the laws of Virginia. If found guilty, I will see that they are made to pay the penalty for their crimes against humanity and civilization. I understand also that General Jackson, in his recent battle at Cedar Run, has cap- tured some free negroes, who came with the federal army to Virginia, and who are here in violation of the laws of the State. I request also that these may be turned over to the State authorities, to be dealt with as the Virginia laws prescribe. I am, truly, JOHN LETCHER. Hon. George W. Randolph, Secretary of War. [Indorsement.] Respectfully submitted to the president. This demand of Governor Letcher renders it necessary for the Confederate States government to define its position Avith reference to the prisoners of war claimed by State authorities as offenders against the municipal laws of the States. This being an important question, and one requiring consideration, I deem it best to submit it to the president. GEO. W. RANDOLPH, Secretary of War. Secretary of war inquire of the governor as to the cases referred to. It can only be decided after specifications. J. D. Received August 16, 1862. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 625 No. 34. House of Representatives, Confederate States of America, Richmond, Virginia, Sejitcmhcr 22, 1862. Mr. Secretary : Yon vrill fiud inclosed a resolution passed this morning at a session of the committee on the medical department. In the discharge of our duties we vis- ited the hospital of the sick and -wounded of our enenues now in our custody. All of the wards are in a wretclied condition. The up})er ward was such as to drive the committee out of it almost instantly. The honor of our country will not permit us to bring the matter to the attention of congress, thereby making the matter public. We attach no blame to the secretary of war ; we know that in his almost over- whelming labors this matter has escajjcd his attention. We address you in the full confidence that you will have this condition of things altered at once. We think that the hospital for prisoners ought to be ou average, at least, with those for our own soldiers. Regretting to add another to your very many labors, I am, sir, with high considera- tion, very truly, AGUSTUS R. WRIGHT, Chairman of Committee. Hon. G. W. Randolph, Secretary of War, Confederate States of America. EesoJved, That the chairman of the medical committee be instructed to address a letter to the secretary of war in relation to the condition of the federal prisoners of war now confined in the hospitals in Richmond, and urge him to have the same placed in a more comfortable position as soon as possible. Acknowledge receipt of the lettei', and inform Mr. Wright that the letter and reso- lution have been sent to General W. Smith, with the request that he would cause his medical director to inspect the prisoners' hospital and to report upon it, and correct abuses. Write accordingly to General Smith and inclose copies of letter and reso- lution. G. W. R. No. 35. [General Orders Xo. 142.] War Department, Adjutant General's Office, Washington, Septetnher 25, 1862. The following is the cartel under which prisoners are exchanged in the existing war with the southern States : Haxaxl's Landing, on J.imes River, Virginia, July 22, 1862. The undersigned, having been commissioned by the authorities they respectively rep- resent to make arrangements for a general exchange of prisoners of war, have agreed to the following articles : Article 1. It is hereby agreed and stipulated that all prisoners of war held by either party, including those taken on private armed vessels known as privateers, shaU. be discharged upon the conditions and terms following : Prisoners to be exchanged man for man and officer for officer ; privateers to be placed upon the footing of officers and men of the navy. Men and officers of lower grades may be exchanged for officers of a higher grade, and men and officers of different services may be exchanged, according to the following scale of equivalents : A general commanding in chief, or an admiral, shall be exchanged for officers of equal rank, or for sixty privates or common seamen. A flag officer, or major general, shall be exchanged for officers of equal rank, or for forty privates or common seamen. A commodore carrying a bi-oad pennant, or a brigadier general, shall be exchanged for officers of equal rank, or twenty privates or common seamen. A captain in the navy, or a colonel, shall be exchanged for officers of equal rank, or for fifteen privates or common seamen. A lieutenant colonel, or a commander in the navy, shall be exchanged for officers of equal rank, or for ten privates or common seamen. H. Eep. 45 40 626 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR A lieuteuant commander, or a major, shall Le exchanged for officers of equal rank, or eight privates or common seamen. A lieutenant or a master in the navy, or a captain in the army or marines, shall be exchanged for officers of equal rank, or six privates or common seamen. Master's mates in the navy, or lieutenants and ensigns in the army, shall be ex- changed for officers of equal rank, or four privates or common seamen. Midshipmen, warrant officers in the navy, masters of merchant vessels, and com- manders of privateers, shall be exchanged for officers of equal rank, or tiiree privates or common seamen. Second captains, lieutenants, or mates, of merchant vessels or privateers, and all petty officers in the navy, and all non-commissioned officers in the army or marines, shall be severally exchanged for persons of equal rank, or for two privates or common seamen; and private soldiers or common seamen shall be exchanged for each other, man for man. Article 2. Local, State, civil and militia rank held by persons not in actual nnlitary service will not be recognized, the basis of exchange being the grade actually held in the naval and military service of the resi>ective parties. Article 3. If citizens held by either party on charges of disloyalty or any alleged civil oliense are exchanged, it shall only be for citizens. Captured sutlers, teamsters, and all civilians in the actual service of either party, to be exchanged for ijcrsons in similar position. Article 4. All prisoners of war to be discharged on parole in ten days after their capture, anrisouers, other places, Ijearing, as nearly as may be, the present local relations of said places to the lines of said parlies, shall be by nuitnal agreement sub- stituted. But nothing in this article contained shall prevent the commanders of two opposing armies from exchanging prisoners or releasing them ou parole at other points mutually agreed ou by said commanders. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 627' Article 8. For the purpose of carrying into effect the foregoing articles of agree- ment, each party will appoint two agents, to be called agents for the exchange of pris- oners of war, whose duty it shall be to communicate with each other, by cori'espondence and otherwise, to prepare the lists of }irisoners, to attend to the delivery of the prisoners at the i>laces agreed on, and to carry out jiroiuptly, effectually, and in good faith, all the details and provisions of the said articles of agreement. AuTiCLE 9. And in case any misunderstanding shall arise in regard to any clause or stipulation in the foregoing articles, it is mutually agreed that such misunderstanding shall not interrupt the release of prisoners on parole, as herein provided, but shall be made the subject of friendly explanations, in order that the object of this agreement may neither be defeated nor postponed. JOHN A. DIX, Major General. D. H. HILL, Major General C. S. A. By order of the Secretaxy of War : L. THOMAS, Adjutant General. Official: Assistant Adjutant General. No. 36. [Copy of printed slip.] TREATMENT OF NEGROES TAKEN IN ARMS. [General Order No. 111.— Extract.] Adjutant ajstd Inspector General's Office, Richmond, December 24, 1862. »# ##*#*** 3d. That all negro slaves captured in arms be at once delivered over to the executive authorities of the respective States to which they belong, to be dealt with according to the laws of said States. JEFFERSON DAVIS. By order : S. COOPER. Adjutant and Insjyector General. [From the Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vi, p. 356.] AN ACT for the better ordering and governing of negroes and slaves. #* **##*#* XII. And it is further enacted l)y the authority aforesaid, That if any negroes or other slaves shall make mutiny or insurrection, or rise in rebellion against the authority and government of this province, or shall make preparation of arms, powder, bullets, or offensive weapons, in order to carry on such mutiny or insurrection, or shall hold any counsel or conspiracy for raising such mutiny, insurrection, or rebellion, the offender shall be tried by two justices of the peace and three freeholders, associated together as before expressed in case of murder, burglary, &c., who are hereby empowered and re- quired to try the said slaves so offending, and inflict death or any other punishment upon the ofienders, and forthwith by their warrant cause execution to be done by the com- mon or any other executioner, in such manner as they shall think fitting ; and if any per- son shall make way or conceal any negro or negroes, or other slave or slaves, suspected to be guilty of the before-mentioned crimes, and not upon demand bring forth the sus- pected offender or offenders, such person shall forfeit for every negro or slave so con- cealed or made away the sum of fifty pounds : Provided, nevertheless. That when and as often as any of the before-mentioned crimes shall be committed by more tlian one negro, that shall deserve death, that then and in all such cases, if tlie governor and council of this province shall think fitting, and accordingly shall order that only one or more of the said crimmals should suffer death, as exemplary, and the rest be returned to the 628 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR owners, that then the owners of the negroes so offending shall bear proportionately the loss of the said negro or negroes so put to death as shall be allotted them by the said justices and free-holders ; and if any person shall refuse his part so allotted him, that then, and in all such cases, the said justices and free-holders are hereby required to issue out their warrant of distress upon the goods and chattels of the person so refus- ing, and shall cause the same to bo sold by public outcry, to satisfy the said money so allotted him to pay, and to return the surplus, if any be, to the owner : Provided, never- theless, That the part allotted for any person to pay for his part or proportion of the negro or negroes so put to death shall not exceed one-sixth pait of his negro or negroes so excused and pardoned, and in case that shall not be suflicient to satisfy for the negro or negroes that shall be put to death, that the remaining sum shall be paid out of the public treasury of this pi-ovince. * * * # ****** Read three times and ratified in open assembly the seventh day of June, A. D. 1712. THOMAS BKOUGHTON. RICHARD BERESFORD. SAM. EVELEIGH. CHAS. CRAVEN. CHARLES HART. ARTHUR MIDDLETON. [Found among Beauregard's papers.] No. 37. Headquarters Cavalry, First Brigade, Janmry 13, 1863. The steamboat Hastings having been captured by the confederate forces under Col- onel Wade, and having been foimd as a sanitary steamer, purely, is permitted to pass without molestation. By order of Colonel Wade : E. S. BREFORD, Acting Assistant Adjutant General. Headquarters Department of the Ohio, Cincinnati, Ohio, January 26, 1863. Official : W. P. ANDERSON, Assistant Adjutant General. On board Steamboat Hastings, January 16, 1863. Sir : Agreeably to instructions received from Major Sidell, by telegrai)h, dated Nash- ville, January 13, 1863, a copy of which is hereto attached, I beg to state that I was one of the passengers aboai'd the steamer Hastings (iu government employ transport- ing wounded men from Nashville to Louisville) on the 13th instant, the day she was fired into by a party of rebel guerrillas of General Wheeler's cavalry brigade, under com- mand of Colonel Wade. The Hastings had on board two hundred and fiity-two wounded soldiers, under charge of Surgeon Waterman, with instructions to rejiort the same at Louisville. The Hastings left Nashville without any convoy. On neariug Harper's Shoals, we saw the burning hull of the steamer Charter, opposite a group of some half dozen or more small houses that had also been burned. A short distance below a fleet of six steamers were engaged in loading and unloading government stores, under the protection of the gunboat Sidell, commanded by Lieutenant Van Dorn. Suspicious of some danger below, I hailed Van Dorn and inquired as to who burned the boat and houses, he replied that the guerrillas had burned the steamer, and that he had retaliated by burniug the houses. " Is there any danger below ?" " No ;" said he, " you can pass on safely. I have cleaned them out." The steamer Trio, also ladened witli wounded, was in advance of us some four or iive miles. Believing all safe below, we passed on. On reach- ing the head of Harjier's Shoals we saw the Trio lyiug-to in a cove on the south bank of the Cumberland River, thirty-five miles from Nashville and thirty miles from Clarks- ville. Haviug heard the captain of the Trio say that he was nearly out of fuel, I pre- sumed that he was taking on wood. On a nearer approach to her I discovered a com- pany of cavalry drawn up in line on the bank just above the Trio. Two of the company took otf their hats, waved them at us, and ordered us to come-to. I inquired, " Why, and what do you want ? we are loaded with wounded, and have no time to stop." '' Coiue-to, or we will fire into you." And at that instant the whole line came to a ready. Being the BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 629 only commissioned officer on board (not wounded) with the exception of Surgeon Wa- terman, I immediately assumed command, and ordered the captain of the Hastings to land. Tlie boat in the meantime had moved past the designated landing-point, and the guerrilla commander gave the order to fire, and three volleys of musketry were fired, all taking eliect upon tlie upper and forward portion of the steamer. The volleys were followed by one discharge of cannon, the ball passing through the clerk's olBce, on the starboard side, and out on the ojiposite side of the cabin. I told them to cease firino- as we were landing as rapidly as possible. On lauding they boarded the steamer and ordered the men all to leave the boat, as they must burn her. lu connection with Dr. Waterman, I urged the claims of humanity upon them, and tinally, through a personal acquaintance with Captain Beauford, General Wheeler's assistant adjutant general, we extracted from tliem a promise to spare tlie boat on condition of the captain eutcriu"- into bonds that she should carry no more supplies for the army of the United States. I pass by a description of the horrible scenes enacted by Wade's men. They plundered the boat, even to the knives, forks, spoons, &c. ; rilled passengers' baggage ; robbed wounded soldiers of their rations, and money from their pockets ; took the officers' side- arms, overcoats, hats, &c. I reasoned with their officers to no purpose, save Captain Beauford, who was utterly unable to control the men. I then took on board the wounded of the Trio and her crew, and asked permission to leave. This was granted, and the colonel ordered his men olf. On his leaving he noticed several bales of cotton on which our wounded men were lying ; he instantly became furious, and ordered us to remove the same ashore and burn it, a task almost impossible. Many of the men were badly wounded ; night was coming on ; no rations nor medicines, and thirty miles distant from any military post. Seeing all this, I asked for other terms. He then agreed if I would burn the cotton on my arrival at Louisville he would spare the boat and allow us to go on unmolested ; and in the event of my failing to comply Avith the order, I uuist return to the line of the Confederate States as a prisoner of war. These terms were harsh, but in view of the suft'ering men 1 instantly complied. During the in- terim the steamer Parthenia hove in sight ; was also brought-to ; her crew and pas- sengers transferred to us, and preparation was then made to burn the Trio and Parthe- nia. In order to save the Hastings from coming in contact with the steamers when hred, I again asked to leave ; this they Avould not grant, but through the entreaties of Captain Beauford we were allowed to cross to the other side of the" river, under range of their cannon. We hardly landed Avhen the gunboat Sidell hove in sight. On her appearance the enemy mounted their horses and awaited her action. She came on under a full head of steam, carrying lier, when the engiue had ceased, within one hun- dred and hfty yards of our boat, on the same side of the river. I hailed Van Dorn ; told him to take the middle of the stream and not endanger the lives of the wounded during the engagement, for we had no other idea but that he would fight. To our utter astonishment he ignominously surrendered without firing a single shot. He then crossed her over to the enemy, who boarded her, threw over lier cannon, then fired the three steamers, and ordered us across the river again. I took on what was left of the crew and soldiers ; and after waiting one hour and a half, according to their orders, I started with the Hastings for Clarksville, reaching there at 8 jj. m. and reporting to Colonel Bruce. He acted promptly, and soon furnished us with supplies. I telegraphed the facts to General Rosecrans at Nashville and received the answer under which I am ordered to make a statement of the whole affair for your consideration. The commis- sioned officers and jn-ivates were all paroled, they taking complete lists of the same, but furnishing no evidence of parole in return. I await at Louisville your decision in regard to myself. I do not desire to burn the cotton, neither to return as a prisoner of war. I shall reach Louisville on the 18th. Too much praise cannot be awarded to Surgeon Waterman, Thirty-ninth Indiana volunteers, in charge as medical director, for his efficiency and energy during the trying hour. He will turn the wounded men over to medical director at Louisville. I might add that large hospital flags were fly- ing at t*he head of the jack-staff, and that Colonel Wade admitted that he knew we had wounded on board. General Wheeler's orders to him were to burn all boats, irrespec- tive of what they carried. Respectfully submitted from your most obedient servant, Capt. M. GADDIS, Second Becjiment Ohio Volunteer Infantry. Nashville, January 1.3, 1863. Captain Gaddis : The wounded must be got to Louisville without delay. Report.at Cincinnati to General Wright on arrival at Louisville. Send him a written statement. Will report before your arrival. H. SIDELL, Assistant Adjutant General. I certify the above to be a correct copy of telegram. Capt. M. P. GADDIS. 630 TREATMENT OF -PRISONERS OF WAR [Orders.] Headquarters District of Western Kentucky, Louisville, January 19, 1863. Chaplain M. P. Gaddis, Second Ohio volunteer infantry, having reported to these headquarters that he was taken prisoner on the 13th day of December on the Cumber- land River by the rebel General Wheeler, and released on the following conditions: That upon the arriA^al of the steamer Hastings with wounded men at the city of Louis- ville, Kentucky, the one hundred and eleven bales of cotton on the boat, said to belong to private parties, shoiild be burned on the wharf of the said city, and in the event of this not being done, he was to report himself to the confederate authorities within twenty days from date of parole. Mr. Gaddis being a non-combatant and not being a prisoner of war, according to the terms of the cartel agreed upon by the representative of the United States and the so- called Confederate States, he is hereby positively forbid burning the aforesaid cotton, and will not deliver himself up to the confederate axithorities. Mr. Gaddis will proceed to Cincinnati at once, and will report to Major General H. G. Wright, commanding the department of the Ohio. By command of Major General Boyle : A. C. SEMPLE, Assistant Adjutant General. Headquarters Department of the Ohio, Cincinnati, Ohio, January 26, 1863. Official copy: W. P. ANDERSON, Assistant Adjutant General. Headquarters Department of the Ohio, Cincinnati, Ohio, January 21, 1863. I am directed by the commanding general to acknowledge the receipt of your report of the 16th instant in relation to the burning of government steamer on the Cumber- land River, and to state that, as seen in General Order No. 90, War Department, 1862, you, as a chaplain, if captured by the enemy, cannot be held as a prisoner of war; that you had no authority to enter into any obligation to destroy the cotton on your arrival at Louisville. The decision of General Boyle in relation thereto is approved. Very i-espectfully, your obedient servant, W. P. ANDERSON, Assistant Adjutant General. Headquarters Department of the Ohio, Cincinnati, Ohio, January 24, 1863. Official : W. P. ANDERSON, Assistant Adjutant General. Cincinnati, January 23, 1863. I desire to state, in connection with the above indorsement of Brigadier General Boyle's order, that on reaching Louisville I took steps to carry out my plighted faith with the so-called Confederate States, viz., the burning of the cotton; but having first deemed it my duty to report to General Boyle, was by him forbid to do the same, or my return as a prisoner of war. Believing that, under the circumstances, I was fully justifiable in entering into such an obligation, I hereby enter my solemn protest against said orders, and demand permission to carry out the intentions of the obliga- tion. Very respectfully, M. P. GADDIS, • Chaplain Second Ohio Volunteer Infantry. Headquarters Department of the Ohio, Cincinnati, Ohio, January 26, 1863. Official copy: W. P. ANDERSON, Assistant Adjutant General. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 631 Cincinnati, January 24, 1863. Sir: After more mature reflection in regard to my present position toward the so- called Confederate States, I am convinced that the "orders" issued to me by Brigadier General Boyle, and subsequently indorsed by Major General Wright, are wrong and do me unintentional injustice, and place me in a position not at all desirable to one who values his veracity and honor at any time, much less in a case like the present. I must either burii the cotton, return to the confederate lines, or my government must, through the proper channels, assume the responsibility of my actions, and thus publicly relieve me. I being the only commissioned officer on either steamer able to treat with our captors, certainly did my duty in making the best terms possible. In doing this, you, in the indorsement of General Boyle's order, condenui me. My position as chaplain does not relieve me. General Wheeler did not parole me ; he said it would be a viola- tion of the cartel. The cotton was a lawful capture by them, and under the circum- stances they would have been justilied in burning the same. Placed as both parties then were, the cotton could not be burned without endangering the lives of many of the sufferers on the Hastings. Hence General Wheeler ordered me to be held personally responsible for the burning of the cotton on my reaching Louisville. I accepted the terms, not dreaming that commanding generals would condemn instead of indorsing my course. So long as there were other lives at stake I cared not for my own, but as it is now reduced to one, and that my own, it is just as valuable to me as yours, and far more valuable than the paltry price of one hundx'ed and eleven bales of cotton, in order to save which it is now proposed to consign me to a doom not desirable to any man. I am fully aware of what that doom will be if I return without having tried to burn the cotton, and I would rather submit to that doom than live and ))ear the disgrace neces- sarily involved in the violation of a faith plighted to a recognized "belligerent power" under such circumstances. In conclusion, allow me to say that I have been connected with the army ever since the commencement of the war, and have tried to do my duty. I have been on detached service part of the time as recruiting officer, quartermaster, transporting supplies, &c., and have always had the commendations of my superiors, and at this period of the war I can ill afford to be thus cast off. Hoping, my dear sir, that you now fully understand my position, and will give it the attention that it deserves, I remain, most respectfully, your obedient servant, M. P. GADDIS, Chaplain Second Regiment Ohio Volunteer Infantry. Major N. H. McClean, Assistant Adjutant General, Department of Ohio, Cincinnati, January 24. 1863. Sir : Please have my case settled as soon as possible. I am of the opinion that nothing short of an understanding between Secretary Stanton or General Halleck with the rebel secretary will insure my safety either in the army or out of it. I know them too well. Respectfully yours, M. P. GADDIS, Chaplain Second Regiment Ohio Volunteers. Major N. H. McClean, Department Ohio, [Indorsement.] Headquarters Department of the Ohio, Cincinnati, Ohio, January 27, 1863. Respectfully referred to Colonel W. Hoffman, commissary general of j)risoners, for reference, if necessary, to the Secretary of War. On the first statement presented by Chaplain Gaddis, I was confident the decision of Brigadier General Boyle was the proper one, and therefore approved it. The papers subsequently submitted by the chaplain cast some doubt on the correctness of that decision, particularly the statement tluit the rebels refused to parole him as a chaplain, such proceeding being in violatiim of the cartel, and required, as the condition of let- ting the cotton remain on board for the use and comfort of the sick and wounded, that he should pledge himself, not as chaplain, but as an individual in care of the wounded, to destroy the cotton or deliver himself up. While I remain of the opinion still that the rebels cannot, under any understanding had between the parties, hold Chaplain 632 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Gaddis, I am not conversant enough with the nnder.standing existing with the so-called confederate authorities to be positive, and therefore refer the case for decision. Instructions have been given to hold the cotton till the matter shall be tin ally decided. H. G. WRIGHT, Major Geneful Commanding. Office Commissary General of Prisoners. Respectfully referred to the Secretary of War. W. HOFFMAN, Col. Third Infantry, Coinmissary Gen. of Prisoners. Referred to General Hitchcock. E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War. Washington City, D. C, January 31, 1863. Sir: In the case of the Rev. M. P. Gaddis, chaplain of the Second Ohio regiment, I have the honor to report that the circumstances appear to be these, as gatheied from the papers submitted : The steamer Hastings, on the 13th instant, was passing down the Cumberland River from Nashville, bound to Louisville, having on board two liundred and tifty-two wounded soldiers of the United States Army, and at a point some thirty-five miles from Nash- ville fell into the hands of an armed force acting under confederate authority, whose commander, observing that she was a sanitary vessel, gave her permission to pass " without molestation," but on discovering soon after some cotton bales on board of the vessel, on which some of the wounded men were lying, he gave orders to remove and burn it. Chaplain Gaddis, who was on board, appears to have assumed command of the vessel, and by his interposition, representiug the danger to the Avounded if dis- turbed, he obtained permission to proceed with the vessel and with the cotton, upon a promise made by him, not as chaplain but in his individual capacity, to burn the cotton " on the wharf" at Louisville, or return within twenty days and deliver himself up to the confederate authorities as a prisoner of war. On arriving at Louis\'ille and reporting the circumstances. General Boyle ordered, January 19, that the cotton should not be burned, and that Chaplain Gaddis should not return to the confederate authorities. This order was approved by General Wright, commanding department of the Ohio, by an order dated at Cincinnati, January 21, but subsequently, January 24, on an appeal from Chaplain Gaddis, General Wright expresses some doubt as to the propriety of the order given by General Boyle, and refers the sub- ject for the disposal of the War Department. Being required to report in this case, I have the honor to observe that there can be no doubt as to the humane purj)0se of Chaplain Gaddis, but there is as little doubt that he had no authority to pledge himself to burn the cotton " on the wharf" at Louisville ; a pledge, the invalidity of which must have been known to the confederate connnander, who might with as much propriety have retpiired from Chaplain Gaddis a jdedge to fire the city of Louisville as a condition for allowing the Hastings to pass. Under such circumstances it might be assumed that the confederate commander had no expectation of a compliance with such a pledge, and only accepted it as a matter of form, under cover of which to allow the wounded men to proceed undisturbed. I suppose the pledge is a nullity on the face of it. The alternative condition, by which Chaplain Gaddis promised to return as a prisoner of war, presents a case for himself to decide upon, and his determination in view of it ought not to be interfered with by external authority. In the event of his deciding to return, with the evidence clearly in his power to furnish of his own personal good faith in the matter, the confederate authorities wcnild be answerable to humanity and to civilized history that his treatment should not disgrace the usages of modern warfare. The further action of the War Department, it would seem, must depend upon the decision of Chaplain Gaddis. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Maj. Gen. Vols., Commissioner for the Exchange of Prisoners. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 633 No. 38. [General Orders No. 5.] Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, Richmond, January 13, 1863. I. The following order is published for the iuformation of all concerued : "Exchange notice -A'b. 4. " The following officers and men have been duly exchanged, and are hereby so de- clared: "1. All officers and men captured in Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, up to December 10, 1862. "2. All officers and men captui-ed in Missouri, Kansas, New Mexico, Arizona, Arkan- sas, and Louisiana, up to Jauuary 1, 1863. " 3. The two foregoing sections apply not only to officers and men of the Confederate service, but also to persons captured in arms or hostile array against the United States, whatever may have been the character of the military organization to which they were attached, and whatever may have been the terms of the paroles givcu by them. If any are in federal prisons, they are to be immediately released and delivered to the confed- erate authorities. " 4. All persons who have been captured on the sea or sea-coast of the Confederate or United States up to December 10, 1802. If any such are in federal prisons, they are to be inimediately released and delivered to the confederate authorities. "5. All confederate officers and men who have been delivered at City Poiut up to January 6, 1863. " 6. All confederate officers and men who have been delivered at Vicksburg up to December 23, 1862, and including said date. " 7. All paroled confederate officers and men receipted for at Vicksburg up to Decem- ber 23, 1862, and inchidiug said date. " 8. All confederate officers and men captured and paroled at Fredericksburg, Vir- ginia, in December, 1862. *' 9. AH confederate officers and men captured and paroled at Goldsboro, North Caro- lina, in December, 1862. " 10. Other miscellaneous and minor exchanges, of which the appropriate officers Avill be duly informed. ''ROBERT OULD, "Agent of Exchange. " Richmond, January 10, 1863." By order : S. COOPER, Adjutant and Ins2)ector General. No. 39. Washington City, D. C, February 2, 1803. Sir: I have the honor to ask whether Zarvona, (alias Thomas,) now in confinement at Fort Lafayette, (taken in women's clothes,) is a subject for exchange. I have under- stood that the State Department of the government does uot xiropose to jirosecute him for an offense against the civil law. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Maj. Gen. Vols., Commissioner for Exchange of Prisoners. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. No. 40. [Telegram. — Keceivecl 12.35 p. m.] Fort Monroe, Virginia, March 1, 1863, Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War : There are twelve confederate surgeons here to go to City Poiut on Tuesday or Wed- nesday. They are from Murfreesboro. One has his wife with him. Shall she go ? JOHN A. DIX, Major General. 634 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR No. 41. [Telegram.— Received 1 p. ru.] Fort Monroe, March 2, 1863.' Major L. C. Turner, War Department : Has Miss Alice Crews the permission of the Secretary of War to go to Richmond ? JOHN A. DIX, Major General. I have given permission to no one since January 7. L. C. T., ^c. No. 42. [Telegram. — Received 5..'30 p. m.] Fort Monroe, March 2, 1863. Hon. E. M. Stanton : Mr. Crews has sent no pass for his daughter. He applied to me and I refused to give him one, saying that no one but you could grant it. He wrote me letter from Balti- more, referring to Major Turner as knowing all about his case, and it was for this reason that I telegraphed the major to ascertain whether you had given the required permis- sion. JOHN A. DIX, Major General. No. 43. [Telegram. — Received 12.20 p. m.] Fort Monroe, March 14, 1863. Hon. E. M. StjVNTON, Secretary of War : I see no objection to allowing the daughter of Major General Sumner to come here from City Point, and unless you object, I will allow her to come, with the permission of the authorities there. JOHN A. DIX, Major General. No. 44. [Telegram. — Received 3.35 p. m.] Fort Monroe, March 19, 1863. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War : Mrs. Stewart, the daughter of General Hunter, applies to pass through our lines. She is represented to be in disgrace at Richmond owing to her Union sentiments, and wishes to come to her mother. Shall she be permitted to come ? WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of Frisoners. No. 45. [Telegram. — Received 9.40 p. m.] Fort Monroe, March 25, 1863. Hon. E. M. Stanton : I mailed to you this p. m. copies of correspondence with Mr. Ould relative to threat- ened executions of our officers and other matters. WM. H. LUDLOW, lAeutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 635 No. 46. iTelegram. — Received 11.50 a. m.] Fort Monroe, March 29, 1863. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War : If the Seventy-first Indiana was captured before the 10th of December last, they have long ago been declared exchanged in general orders. If cai)tured since that date, I will, upon information of that fact, arrange the exchange, and send to you the necessary notice thereof, as I make declarations of exchanges. I hand over to Colonel Hoft'man all papers connected therewith. I am under the impression that this regi- ment was declared exchanged in General Orders No. 191, November 19, 1862. WILLIAM H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. No. 47. [Telegram. — Received 4.35 p. m.] Fort Monroe, March 31, 1863. Hon. E. M. Stanton : I have just returned from City Point, and have the honor to report to you that the Seventy-first regiment Indiana volunteers, captured on the 28th December last, at Muldraugh's Hill, Kentucky, are declared exchanged. I am, very respectfully, WILLIAM H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of I'risoners. No. 48. Headquarters Departsient of Virginia, Seventh Army Corps, April 4, 1863. General: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 2d instant relating to oificers captured near Vicksburg. I had previously received a com- munication from Colonel Thomas C. Fletcher, Thirteenth Missouri volunteers, dated Libby Prison, Richmond, March 30, informing me that he and twenty other officers captured near Vicksburg, on the 29th December last, were in the Libby Prison. He sends me their names, and among them are those of eleven ofiScers of the Sixteenth regiment Ohio volunteers. I presume that they are the same as referred to by you, and have been transferred from Jackson, Mississippi. The arrangements made will release all our officers, as soon as I can deliver an equivalent number of confederates, who, as I am informed, are now on their way here. Sergeant MuUin, in whom you took a personal interest, is released, and went to Annapolis to-day. He can give you information relating to the so-called Captain Stewart, sentenced by the confederates to be hung. I know nothing of Stewart, except from MuUin's account. No one else seems to know. anything about him. Mullin says that Stewart did break his parole. I have not seen Mullin myself. The above infor- mation is brought to me by an officer whom I sent to see and talk with him. I am, verv respectfully, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. Major General E. A. Hitchcock, Commissioner for Exchange of Prisoners. No. 49. War Department, Washington City, April 6, 1863. General : It has been reported to this department by Mr. Charles McLoughry, now at the Kirkwood House in this city, that his son. Captain McLoughiy, of the Sixteenth 636 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Ohio Tolunteers, and ten other commissioned officers, who were captured in the first attack upon Vicksburg, and paroled, are uo^Y contined in the jail at Jaclvson, Mississippi, as common felons. You will please examine as to the truth of this statement, and report thereupon to the department at your earliest conveuieuce. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, EDWIN M. STANTON, Secrttarij of War. Major General E. A. Hitchcock, Commissioner for Exchange of Prisoners. The undersigned has already taken the necessary steps to reach the persons referred to, and respectfully submits a report from Colonel Ludlow, received this morning, (ijth of April,) on the subject. E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General Vohtnteers, Commissioner for Exchange of Frisoners. No. 50. [Telegram. — Eeceived 2.30 p. m.] Fort Monroe, Ajyril 7, 1863. Hon. E. M. Stanton: Shall such confederate prisoners as arrive here en route to City Point, who desire to take the oath of allegiance, and enter our military service, be permitted to do so ? WILLIAM H. LUDLOW, lieutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. No. 51. [Telegram. — Received 9.25.] Fort Monroe, Ajml 24, 1863. Hon. E. M. Stanton: General Burnside has sent three ladies from Cincinnati to go to City Point by your permission. When Mr. Ould was advised that no one was to come north, without previous permission from you, he notified us that no one would be received at City Point, to go south, without previous permisson from the authorities at Richmond; and several persons sent up by your authority have been returned by the boat which took them there. I advised you at the time. JOHN A. DIX, Major General. No. 52. [Telegram. — Received 9.50 a. m.l Fort Monroe, May 3, 1863. Hon. E. M. Stanton: A lady of my aquaintanco in Louisville has just lost a sister in Georgia, who has left an only orphan child of eight years of age. Can the child come north and go to her aunt, who adopts her ? Colonel Ludlow goes to City Point to-morrow. JOHN A. DIX, Major General. No. 53. Executht: Department, Montgomery, Ala., May 8, 1863. Sir: I am advised that among the prisoners recently captured near Rome, Georgia, by General Forrest, are oflicers found serving within the limits of the State of Alaba- BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 637 ma, ■with armed slaves, inciting slaves to insurrection within this State. If this information proves to be correct, the departure from the rules of civilized warfare will and should deprive them of the benefit of any convention giving them the privileges of prisoners of war, and render them amenable to the laws of the State of Alabama as criminals. In order that the military authorities might not be trammeled by any action in advance, which might i>rejudice the claim of the State of Alabama upon the prisoners, I telegraphed to General Bragg my intention to demand tliem for trial imder the laws of this State; and the propriety of granting it can easily be determined upon the rejDorts which General Forrest will make of the results of his expedition. If his report should state the fact to be as I have been informed, the case of these officers will be clearly within the announcement of the intention of the President, in relation to the proclamation of President Lincoln, that they shall be surrendered on demand to the State authorities for trial. But another matter has been brought to my notice in reference to this capture, to which I wish especially to call your attention, not with a view to embarrassing the action of the government, but to arrive at just and correct conclusions as to the proper course to pursue, not only in relation to the present but to future captures ot our own citizens, willingly serving in the ranks of the enemy. Among the prisoners captured by General Forrest I understand thei'e are two com- panies of Alabamians, who have enlisted as such in the army of the enemy, and having been engaged Avith known enemies of the State and the Confederate States, in acts not justified by any rule of war, or by necessity, have been captured upon the soil of Ala- bama, not only levying war against the State, but instigating slaves to rebellion, and committing deeds of rapine and destruction upon the property of its citizens, without the excuse which can pertain to military necessity or the course of war. If the uniform of our enemy is to continue to protect their officers and men in their depredations upon private property and wanton destruction of connnodities, which cannot be classed as munitions of war, to say nothing of assaults upon peaceful citi- zens, and iidmman treatment of the helpless and unprotected, or their instigation of our slaves to leave their service, is it also to protect our recreant and traitorous citi- zens, who still claiming as Alabamians, afford to our enemies the means of striking at the heart of the State, and when captured claim the flag of the enemy as their protec- tion? Ample opportunity was given to these traitors to cast their lot with the enemy, and remove this reproach and stigma from the State. With a forbearance before unknown, one of the earliest acts of the confederacy was to invite those who preferred the rule of our enemies to leave our borders in peace, and establish themselves in the goverimient of their choice. But these traitors pre- ferred to remain, that their crime might strike deeper and their blow fall heavier; and having chosen their status as citizens of a State of the confederacy, they should not be allowed to escape the penalty of treason, which they have invited. They stand as citizens levying war as well as giving aid and comfort to our enemies. They have chosen this position deliberately, well knowing the penalty, rejecting the clemency of the government, leaving, in many instances, their dependent families upon our soil to be supported by the charity of our people, and in'oclaiming their intention to lead or accompany the armies of our enemy for our overthrow and destruction. * If there could be any doubt as to their position, if captured in legitimate warfare in the ranks of our enemies, that doubt must be resolved when they abandon such warfare to engage in pillage of private property and murderous destruction of life. No com- mission can justify deeds of rapine and violence committed apart from military neces- sity, and in violation of the known rules of civilized warfare. Even if, through motives of policy, we suspend the proper and fitting punishment of our known enemies, citizens of hostile States, or aliens serving in their ranks, who, under orders of their superiors, commit such acts of Avanton depredation, the same reasons cannot apply to these marauders, who flaunt the flag of their treason in our faces, and dare and defy us in their malice. I do not wish to discuss the question whether their treason to their own State is merged in their treason to the confederacy, nor to embarrass the confederate govern- ment with questions of jurisdiction. It will be enough for me and the State which I represent, if these traitors be taught that impunity is not to be bought with bravado, and it will be matter of indiff"erence whether they receive the reward of their treason at the hands of the confederacy or by the laws of the State. It is then with a view of disembarrassing the confederate government that I respect- fully request that these marauders be delivered up to the authorities of this State for trial by her civil tribunals, for their acts of violence and i-apine against our citizens, and their treason against the State whose citizens they claim to be. It cannot be alleged for them, as it might be for traitorous citizens of border States, that there are conflicting claims of hostile governments to jurisdiction, or that the State has failed through the calamity of war to afford protection and redress to her citizens. Their position has been voluntarily sought, their treason openly avowed C38 TREATMENT OF PEISONERS OF WAR and boastingly viudicated, tlieir attack upon the State premeditated, tlieir violence wanton and malicious. Tliey have braved the penalty of treason in avowing them- selves Alabaniians, and, as such, serving with marauding bands of the enemy within tlie borders of our State, and are not entitled to the privileges of i)risoners of war. If it is preferred by the confederate authorities to retain and try them for their treas- onable acts, I am willing to waive the demand on the part of the State ; but believing that justice will be fullj'^ and fairly meted out to them by the judicial tribunals of Alabama, it would be more agreeable to me that both the officers mentioned, and the men alluded, to be turned over upon my demand to the State anthorities. Proper arrangements will be made for their safe- keeping until they can have a fair and impar- tial trial. Very resiiectfuHv, your obedient servant, JNO. GILL SHORTER, Governor of Alabama. Hon. James A. Seddon, Secretary of War, Richmond. N. B. — It may become expedient, in order to satisfy the public mind, now much excited on these questions, to publish our correspondence. I shall be jDleased to receive any suggestions from you on this jioint. JNO. GILL SHORTER. No. 54. [General Orders No. 58. J Adjutant axd Inspectok General's Office, Richmond, May 11, 1863. I. The following notice, relative to exchanged ijrisouers, is published for the informa- tion of all concerned : "Exchange Notice No. 5. "Richmond, May 9, 1863. " The following confederate officers and men have been duly exchanged, and are hereby so declared : " 1. All officers and men who have been delivered at City Point at any time previous to May 6, 1863. "2. All officers captured at anyplace before the Ist of April, 1863, who have been released on parole. " 3. All men captured in North Carolina or Virginia before the 1st of March, 1863, who have been released on parole. " 4. The officers and men captured and paroled by General S. P. Carter, in his expedi- tion to East Tennessee in December last. "5. The officers and men caiitured and paroled by Lieutenant Colonel Stewart at Van Buren, Arkansas, January 25, 1863 ; by Colonel Dickey, in December, 1862, in his march to the Mobile and Ohio railroad, and by Captain Cameron, at Corinth, Mississipju, in December, 1862. " 6. The officers and men iiaroled at Oxford, Mississippi, on the 23d of December, 1862 ; at Des Arc, Arkansas, on the 17th of January, 1863, and at Baton Rouge, Louisiana, on the 23d February, 1863. " 7. All persons who have been captured on the sea or the waters leading to the same, or upon the sea-coast of the Confederate or United States, at any time i)revious to December 10, 1862. "8. All civilians who have been arrested at any time before the 6th of May, 1863, and released on parole, are discharged from any and every obligation contained in said parole. If any such person has taken any oath of allegiance to the United States, or given any bond, or if his release was accompanied with any o^her condition, he is dis- charged from the same. ■ " 9. If any person embraced in any of the foregoing sections, or in any section of any previous exchange notice, wherein they are declared exchanged, are in any federal prison, they are to be immediately released and delivered to tlie confederate authorities. "ROBERT OULD, '■^ Agent of Exchange." II. All persons, whether citizens or soldiers, are expressly prohibited from using or in any manner interfering with fuel or wood cut and delivered for the use of railroads BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 639 or railroad companies. It is of the first imiiortance that this order should he ohserved, and it will he strictly oheyed and enforced by the army. By order : S. COOPER, Adjutant and Insjyectar General. No. 55. Headquarters Department of Virginta, Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, May 14, 1863. Sir : Will you please furnish me with such information as you may deem projier in rela- tion to the trial and conviction of two men in Kentucky as spies, and sentenced tc death ? Also in the cases of other men iu General Hooker's command iu the same sit- uation. I am called on by the confederate agent for information in these cases. He responded to my call satisfactorily in the case of Captain Webster, hung at Richmond, and I desire to be enabled to do the same. WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Assistant Inspector GeneraL Seventh Army Corps, and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. Colonel Joseph Holt, Judge Advocate General. Judge Advocate General's Office, May 16, 1863. Respectfully referred to the Secretary of War. The demand made by the rebel authorities for information in reference to the proceedings of our courts-martial, which resulted in the conviction of certain spies and traitorous emissaries in Kentucky, is deemed imjiertinent, and the information sought will not be communicated unless specially directed by the Secretary. This government is in no degree responsible to rebels in arms for the action of its military courts, and it seems to me that it would utterly degrade itself by recognizing any such responsibility. Any such recognition would involve an ignoring of the great truth, that this is a war on crime and criminals, which caunot be lost sight of, without incurring the risk of becoming, in the judgment of the world, criminals ourselves. J. HOLT, Judge Advocate General. Hon. E. M. Stanton : No. 56. [Telegram. — Received IL45 p. tn.] Fort Monroe, May 15, 1863. I send by to-day's mail, from Richmond papers of the llth, news from TuUahoma, Chattanooga, and Charleston, up to the 12th. Nothing important. The prisoners from Richmond are arriving. It is thought they will not exceed seven thousand. This does not probably include all the wounded captured near Fredericksburg. JOHN A. DIX, Major General. No. 57. [Telegram, (cipher.)— Keceived 2.40 p. m.] Fort Monroe, May 11, 1863—2.30 p. m. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War : Mr. Ould has come down with a flag of truce to the vicinity of Newport News, where Tae was stopped by Admiral Lee. He came to ask Colonel Ludlow to send up to Rich ■ mond to receive ten thousand prisoners. Five thousand have arrived there and the other five thousand will be there by the time the transports reach City Point. Admiral Lee has sent me some Richmond papers, which I will send by the afternoon mail. They acknowledge seven thousand wounded, nine hundred killed, and twelve hundred missing. General Van Dorn is dead. JOHN A. DIX, Major General. 640 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR No. 58. Hon. E. M. Stanton [Telegram. — Eeceivecl 1.35 p.m.] Fort Monroe, May 1.5, 1863. I have every reason to believe that the whole number of our officers and men cap- tured at Fre(lericksburg, and sent to Richmond, will not exceed forty-five hundred. There are very few wounded among them. Over one hundred of our officers, Gen- eral Hays among them, and not wounded, arrive here this morning. Colonel Sleight's command, captured in Georgia, have been received at City Point. I shall know to-morrow the exact number. WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. No. 59. [Telegram. — Eeceived 9.35 a. m.] Fort Montioe, May 19, 1863. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War : Will you please direct that all prisoners be jiaroled before leaving their places of detention, and esi)ecially before embarking on any transport ? Unless done, in the latter case, there is great danger that they may overpower the gnard and run away with the vessel. I have had intimations of such intentions. Two transports left last night to bring away prisoners from Fort Delaware. WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. No. 60. [Telegram. — Received 2.20 p. m. — Copy for Secretary of War.] Fort Monroe, May 25, 1863—12.30 p. m. Colonel Wm. Hoffman, Commissary General Prisoners : Colonel Morehead, Doctor Dixon, and other rebel officers, have arrived here. I will hold on to them. WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. No. 61. [Telegram. — Eeceived 10.20 a. m.] Fort Monroe, May 22, 1863. Hon. E. M. St.^nton, Secretary of War : The sister-in-law of Captain Robinson, a gallant officer in the Second United States Artillery, is at Petersburg, and wishes to return to her father at Plattsburg, on Lake Chaniplain, to remain. She is in bad health, and her return to her family is a matter of urgent necessity. Will you leave the matter to my discretion. JOHN A. DIX, Major General. No. 62. [Telegram, (cipher.)— Eeceived at 3.30 p.m.] Fort Montioe, Virginia, May 25, 1863. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War : Mr. Kirby, who has been in prison six months in Richmond, is here. If it is your wish to see him, please apprise me. JOHN A. DIX, Major General. BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 641 No. 63. Headquarters Department Trans-Mississippi, Slirevcport, Louisiana, June 13, 1863. General : I have been imoflacially informed that some of your troojis have captured negroes in arms. I hope this may not be so, and that your subordinates who may have been in command of capturing parties may have recognized the propriety of giving no qviarter to armed negroes and tlieir officers. In this Avay we may be relieved from a disagreeable dilemma. If they are taken, however, you will turn them over to the State authorities to be tried for crimes against the State, and you will afford such fa- cilities in obtaining witnesses as the interests of the iiublic service will permit. I am told that negroes found in a state of insurrection may be tried by a court of the par- ish in whicli the crime is committed, composed of two justices of the i^eace and a cer- tain number of slave-holders. Governor Moore has called on me and stated that if the report is true, that any armed negroes have been captured, he will send the attorney general to conduct the prosecution as soon as you notify him of the capture. I have the honor to be, general, your obedient servant, E. KIRBY SMITH, Lieutenant General Commanding. Major General R. Taylor, Commanding District of Louisiana. Headquarters Departjient TRiVNS-Mississippi, Shrcve2)orf, Louisiana, June 13, 1863. General : In answer to the communication of Brigadier General Hebert, of the 6th instant, asking what disposition should be made of negro slaves taken in arms, I am directed by Lieutenant General Smith to say no quarter should be shown them ; if taken prisoners, however, they should be turned over to the executive authorities of the St.ates in which they may be captured, in obedience to the proclamation of the presi- dent of the Confederate States, sections 3 and 4, published to the army in General Or- ders No. Ill, Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, series of 1862. Should negroes thus taken be executed by the military authorities capturing them, it Avould certainly provoke retaliation ; by turning them over to the civil authorities to be tried by the laws of the State, no exception can be taken. I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, S. S. ANDERSON, Assistant Adjutant General. Major General R. Taylor, Commanding District of Louisiana. Headqu^uiters Department Trans-Mississippi, Shreveport, Louisiana, June 16, 1863. General : I have the honor to inclose you two letters addressed to Major General Taylor in regard to the disposition to be made of negroes and their officers captured in arms. Unfortunately, such captures were made by some of Major General Taylor's subordinates. I have heard, unofficially, that the last congress did not adopt any re- taliatory legislation on the subject of armed negroes and their officers, but left the president to dispose of this delicate and important question. In the absence of any legislation, and of any orders, except those referred to in the inclosed letters, I saw no other proper and legal course for me to pursue except the one which I adoiited. I have the honor to be, general, your obedient servant, E. KIRBY SMITH, Lieutenant General Commanding. General S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector General, Richmond, Va. Headquarters Trans-Mississippi Department, Slireveport, Louisiana, June 16, 1863. Lieutenant General E. K. Smith, commanding, &..c., forwarding two letters addressed to Major General Taylor in regard to the disposition to be made of negroes and their officers captured in arms. Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, Juhj 7, 1863. Respectfully submitted to the Secretary of War. H. L. CLAY, Assistant Adjutant GencraL H. Eep. 45 41 642 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Adjutant General : I would suggest a different policy in regard to the negroes, considering tliem as deluded victims. I would have them received to mercy, and returned to their owners. A few examples might perhaps be made, but to refuse them quarter would only make them, against their tendencies, fight desperately. Write so.' J. A. S., Secretary. July 9, 1863. No. 64. Headquarters Department of Virginia, Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, Jnhj 15, 1863. Sir: I have the honor to inclose to you a copy of letter to Mr. Quid. As the corre- spondence between Davis and Stephens, published in the inclosed ])aper, contains gross misstatements, would it not be well to have my letter to Mr. Ould published as a cor- rective ? A copy of the communication and protest of the 14th June, referred to, was sent to you. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War. Headquarters Department of Virginia. Seventh Army Corps, Fort Monroe, Juljj 15, 1863. Sir: In the letter of July 8 of the Hon. Alexander Stephens to Hon. .JefTerson Davis, giving a report of his mission, ajipears the following statement : " The reasons as- signed for the refusal by the United States Secretary of War, to wit, that the ' custom- ary agents and cliannels are considered adequate for all needful military communica- tions and conferences,' to one acquainted with the facts, seems not only unsatisfiictory, but very singular and unaccountable, for it is certainly known to him that tliese very agents to whom he evidently alludes, heretofore agreed upon in a former conference in reference to the exchange of ])risoners, (one of the subjects embraced in your letter to me,) are now, and have been for some tiiue, distinctly at issue on several iuiportant points. The existing cartel, owing to these disagreements, is virtually susjiended, so far as the exchange of officers on eitlier side is concerned." As in this statement Mr. Stephens appears to be unacquainted with the facts, may I ask you will inform him that exchanges of prisoners of war, and the settlement of the intricate and troublesome questions eonnectcHl therewith, were being proceeded with successfully by us until the issue of the proclamation of the Hon. Jefferson Davis, on the •23d of December last, which, in gross violation of the cartel, reserved for execution certain of our cai)tured officers and men. Will you also please inform Mr. Stei)hens that in yonr and my anxious desire to al- leviate the horrors of war, tlic proclamation, after a little delay, was ignored, and ex- changes of officei's were resumed. That the exchanges were again interrupted in May last by the operation of an act of the confederate congress, which was another gross violation of the cartel and the laws and usages of war, and which consigned to execu- tion and other punishments certain of our cai)tured ol'lieers and mvw. Will you please furnish Mr. Stephens with a copy of luy eoinmuiiication to you and i)rotest of the 14th of June last on this subject, and also inform him that nnder that act of confederate congress, yonr authorities now retain in close confinement large numbers of our offi- cers, though their release has been demand<'d, and equivalents in your officers ten- dered, which efjuivalents have been sent back to Fort Monroe from City I'oint. Please also inform him that I have again aud again invited your authorities to a re- turn to file cartel, in exchanges of officers, and that such invitation has not been re- sponded to. I cannot but believe that with a statement of these plain fiicts, so well known to you and to me, Mr. Stephens will readily see that your authorities arc alone at fault. and that he uill, in the humane .spirit n-itlt. whicli lie entered on his mission, earnestly recommend the ignoring or repeal of th(; act of your congress, which is such a clear violation of the cartel, aud the fruitful, I may say only, som-ce of the practical diffi- culties now surrounding the exchange of officers. I have indulged the hope that the magnanimous treatment of your officers captured BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 643 at Vicksbiirt?, and their release upon parole, would have prompted the immediate re- lease, on parole, of all our officers held by you. That hope I have not abandoned. I am, very respectfully, yoiu- obedient servant, ^ WM. H. LUDLOW, Lieutenant Colonel and Agent 'for Exchange of Prisoners. Hon. Robert Ould, Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. No. 65. [Telegram.] Charleston, July 17, 1863. General S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector General : Enemy still actively constructing batteries on Morris Island. Since our reconnois- sance of yesterday he has evacuated James Island, concentrating his forces on Little Folly and Morris Islands. His loss yesterday was about forty negroes killed, and fourteen prisoners ; several of latter claim to be free, from Massachusetts. Shall they be turned over to State authorities with the other negroes ? G. T. BEAUREGARD. Official copy of telegram received, and respectfully submitted to the Secretary of War. JNO. WITHERS, Assistant Adjutant General. No. 66. [Eeceived Eichmond, July 21, ie63.J Charleston, July 21, 1863. 'Tis very important not to exchange prisoners for one month sent from here. What shall be done with the negro prisoners who say they are free ? Please answer. G. T. BEAUREGARD. Official : JNO. WITHERS, Assistant Adjutant General. Respectfully submitted to the Secretary of War. No. 67. LiBBY Prison, Richmond, Virginia, August 30, 1863. Sir : I have the honor to call your attention to the inclosed copy of a communica- tion to the Hon. James A. Seddon. I, as well as others of my fellow-prisoners, have repeatedly appealed for relief to the subordinate officers having us in charge, but have as often been assured that our situation as to rations, quarters, and treatment generally, was much better than theii- officers received at the hands of our government. It is needless to add that our treatment as officers, prisoners ^of war, is entirely contrary to all civilized usages, and it is my earnest hope, and, so far as I have been able to ascer- tain, it is the unanimous desire of the officers here, that such measures be taken by our government as will insure ijroper treatment to both our officers and men while itrisoners ot war in the hands of the enemy, no matter who that enemy may be. I have the honor, sir, to be your most obedient servant, A. D. STREIGHT, Colonel Fifty-first Indiana Volunteers, U. S. A. Brigadier General S. A. Meredith, U. S. A., Commissioned' for Excliange of Prisoners. 644 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR No. 68. Headquarters United States Forces, Port Hudson, Louisiana, August 8, 1863. Sir : I have been informed by several eye-witnesses that two of the colored soldiers of this command have been recently hanged at or near Jackson, Louisiana, by the men of your command. I am also informed that some of the colored soldiers of this com- mand were, while prisoners of war, badly beaten and otherwise ill treated. I cannot doubt that these outrages were committed without your authority, but it is-my duty to call upon you to disavow these acts and to punish the perpetrators thereof. I would also suggest the expediency of your men, that while it may be difficult to discover and bring lo Justice those concerned in such crimes, particularly where, as it is certainly probable, they are at least not repressed by some of your junior officers as they might be, it is not at all difficult to retaliate severely upon the prisoners in our hands, and upon more that may be taken hereafter. The severest measures of retaliation will cer- tainly be adopted on my part if such outrages should be again committed, or if those herein mentioned are not disavowed and the perpetrators properly dealt with. I am, general, respectfully, your obedient servant, GEO. L. ANDREWS, Brigadier General Volunteers, Commanding. Brigadier General J. L. Logan, or CoMMANDESTG OFFICER of Confederate Forces at or near Jackson, La. Headquarters Confederate States Cavalry, * August 8, 1863. Sir : Your communication of the 5th instant, per flag of truce, is at hand, and in reply I will state that if any negroes in arras have been hung by troops of this command, it was done without my knowledge, or by some one, if at all, without authority from me. The report that negroes, after capture, were beaten, is false. Should you exercise cruel or mikind treatment toward any officer or soldier captured by your forces belonging to this command, I shall most certainly use the seA'erest means of retaliation u pon all negroes or white men protected by the United States flag now in, or those that may hereafter fall into my hands. The officers and soldiers of your command captured by my forces at Jackson and other places will be placed in close confinement until your iiolicy toward officers and soldiers ca^jtiu'ed from this command is made known to me. I am, &c., JNO. L. LOGAN, Colonel Commanding Brigade. Brigadier General George L. Andrews, Commanding United States Forces, Port Hudson, La. Headquarters near Crystal Springs, Mississippi, September 2, 1863. Colonel : Inclosed find an order from General Johnstone, which I am directed by Colonel Logan to forward to you, it having been rumored in camps that your command cai>tured and hung, or shot, certain federal prisoners and negroes in arms at Jackson, Louisiana, on the 3d ultimo. Colonel Logan directs that you make a full report of all the facts attendant u^jon this matter, and forward the same, in writing, without delay, to these headquarters. I am, colonel, very respectfidly, your obedient servant, NED WARREN, Assistant Adjutant General. Colonel John Griffith, Commanding Regiment Missouri Infantry. Headquarters Consolidated Regiment, Camp near Crystal Springs, Mississippi, September 2, 1863. Colonel: In reply to your note just received, and herewith inclosed, I would say that a squad of negroes was captured on or about the 3d of August, at Jackson, Louis- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 645 iana. When the command started back, the negroes, under guard, were ordered on iu advance of the command, and learning that the guard had taken the Avrong road, Colonel Powers and myself rode on in advance to put them in the pioper route for camp. About the time we were reaching them, or shortly before, four of the negroes attempted to escape. They were immediately tired into by the guard; this created some excitement, and a general stampede among them, all attempting to effect their escai^e, whereupon the tiring became general upon them from the guard, and few, I think, succeeded in making good their escape. There were no federal prisouers among them, having been separated the night previous. No further particulars remembered. I am, colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN GRIFFITH, Colonel Commanding Regiment Colonel Logan, Commanding Brigade. Headquarters Cavalry Commaxd, SejHember 2, 1863. Colonel : In compliance with the inclosed order, I would sa^- a squad of negroes (in arms) were captured at Jackson, Louisiana. The morning after the affair at Jackson, Colonel Griffith and myself ordered the ne- groes several hours in advance of the command, so as to arrive in camp at the proper time. Finding the guaid took the wrong road, myself and Colonel Griftith rode in ad- vance of the command so as to notify them of the fact and order them back. On the route back four of the negroes attemiited to escape ; I ordered the guard to shoot them down ; in the confusion the other negroes attempted to escape likewise. I then or- dered every one shot, and with my six-shooter assisted in the execution of the order. I believe few escaped, most of them being killed instantly. There were not any federal prisoners with the negroes. I am, colonel, yours respectfully, FRANK POWERS, Colonel and Chief of Cavalry. John L. Logan, Colonel Commanding. Headquarters Cavalry Brigade, Xear Crystal Sjjrings, September 3, 1863. Colonel: In obedience to instructions, I submit the following report in reference to the hanging and shooting of federal prisoners aud negroes in arms, captured at Jackson, Mississipiji, on the 3d instant. Several negroes were captured at that place and turned over to a guard from Colonel Griffith's Arkansas regiment, infantry. I was in front of the command when a report came to me that Colonels Griffith and Powers had marched the negroes forward before the command left camp at Centreville, aud supposing they had taken the wrong road, I sent a staff officer to turn them back, who came back to me and reported that they said they would join the command, via near route, in advance of Centreville. After some time, these officers came up and brought no negroes. I immediately demanded " what disposition had been made of them," when they replied iu substance what is stated in their inclosed reports. Other reports came saying they had been sent to Mo- bile, &c. I rebuked Colonels Powers and Griffiths severely for making any disposition of them without my orders. My own opinion is that the negroes were summarily dis- posed of; by whom I cannot say, as all deny any other statements except the inclosed letters of Colonels Powers and Griffith, and do not know that any federal officers or soldiers were missing. The whole transaction was contrary to my wishes, and against my own consent. In regard to the hanging of negroes captured after the fight, I can only submit the inclosed communication from Brigadier General Andrews, United States Army, and my reply, which fully explains my position, aud which I presume is a final terminus to the affair. I am, colonel, very respectfullv, your obedient servant, JOHN L. LOGAN, Commanding Brigade. Colonel B. L. Ewell, Assistant Adjutant General. 646 TEEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR No. 68. Headquarters Cavalry in Mississippi, Canton, Sei)temher 17, 1863. Respectfully forwarded. Do not consider it to the interests of the service that this matter be further investigated at present, as a court of inquiry or court-martial will afford the only means of gaining correct information. S. D. LEE, Major General. No. G9. Richmond, Se2)tember 21, 1863. Sir : The case of C. W, Webster, a political prisoner from Carroll County, Maryland, being now under consideration in your department, I feel as though it were my duty to give him this letter in conjunction with my evidence before the comuiissiouer. Ma- jor Carriugtou. Last fall when the confederate army entered Maryland, my father showed by many acts of kiuduess his sympathy for our soldiers. When the army left Maryland the United States govei'nmeut had him arrested and held in confinement several months, and would perhaps have so remained to the present time had i t u ot been that the prominent Union citizens of the county interested themselves in his behalf and demanded his release. Out of justice to Mr. Webster, I must say that he co-operated with this movement, and lent whatever influence he had to it. I received per flag of truce a letter from my father several days ago, and he expressed the hope that Mr. Webster Avould soon be restored to his family, who are much distressed, and whose wife is in a very delicate condition. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, D. S. BOYLE. Hon. Jas. a. Seddon, Secretary of War. Charles W. Webster states that he is a citizen of Westminster, Carroll County, Ma- ryland ; is fifty-three years of age ; was arrested on 29th July, 1863, by some of General Stuart's cavalry. He was walking on the street at the time, smoking a pipe. No other citizen was arrested except one Billingsley, who was discharged the next day. Prisoner thinks his arrest was caused by one Harry Neal, a private in the cavalry, who formerly lived in Westminster. Neal was once arrested in Westminster, and prisoner states that Neal erroneously sui^posed him (prisoner) to have caused his arrest. Says that there was no charge made against him, and does not know of any pretense for his arrest except that he was known as a Union man. Was carried with the army into Pennsylvania ; at Gettysburg made an attempt to escape, and was init under close guard and brought to Richmond. Is by profession an attorney at law. Taken on oath, 15th Se^itember, 1863. IS. H. CARRINGTON, Commissioner. D. S. Boyle states that he is a surgeon in Confederate States army, stationed at Chim- borazo Hospital, Richmond, Virginia. Was a resident of Westminster, Carroll County, Maryland, before the war ; knows the prisoner. He is an attorney at law, of respect- able standing. Witness received a letter from his father giving him information of the arrest of the prisoner, and corroborating his statement that there was no charge against him except that he was a Union man. Prisoner has always been subject to an affection of the eyes, which amounts to a deformity, which impairs his sight to a con- siderable extent. From all the witness knows and has heard of prisoner, he regards him as an officious Union man, who has generally remained at home, and has taken no other part except the expression and propagation of his opinions. Taken on oath, 15th September, 1863. IS. H. CARRINGTON, Commissioner. The prisoner bein<^ a citizen of Maryland, can be regarded neither as an alien enemy nor as a disloyal citizen of the Confederate States. I recommend that he be trans- ferred to the Libby Prison, and be sent to the United States by the next flag of truce. Respectfully submitted. IS. H. CARRINGTON, Commissioner, Captain W. S. Winder, Assistant Adjutant General. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 647 Recommends that Charles W. Webster be transfeiTed to the Libby Prison, and be Bent to the United States by next flag of truce. Respectfully referred to honorable secretary of war : Skptember 16, 1863. JNO. H. WINDER, BrUjmUer General. Respectfully referred to Ro. Ould, esq., for such suggestions as he may think called for by the circumstances of this case. By order secretary of war : B, R. WELLFORD, Jr. Septembeh 17, 1863. Respectfully returned to the secretary of war. I think Castle Thunder the very place for Webster. I do most earnestly hope he will not be sent to the United States. How are we to secure the release of our people in confinement at the North, excei)t by taking and holding northern citizens? I hope the day is not far off when some four or five hundred like Webster will be sent here. Then, and only then, will our citizens languishing in northern prisons be released. We must ha\'e a northern pressure to assist us. That can only be obtained by holding on to every northern Union man. RO. OULD, Agent of Exchange. Septemrer 21, 1863. I concur. J. A. S., Secretary. Headquari-ers Department of Henrico, Richmond, September 23, 1863. Respectfully returned to Major Carrington, commissioner, «&c., with indorsements of the secretary of war and Hon. Ro. Ould. JNO. H. WINDER, Brigadier General. EEPORT. December 12, 1863. Charles W. Webster, citizen of Maryland, committed August, 1863. I return my report in this case. No. 190, which was made on 15th September, 1863. It has been reported to me by the commandant of the prison that the prisoner has re- cently given him information of the attempted escape of a number of lawless charac- ters from the prison, which enabled him to arrest a well-devised scheme, by which many of them would otherwise have escaped. He also represents that the prisoner is losing his sight by continement. Doctor Boyle, assistant surgeon of second Mississippi regiment, whose residence is in Carroll County, Maryland, states that he has recently been informed by his father, that Doctor George Furmbo, of that' county, is a prisoner at Fort McIIenry, for dis- loyalty to tlie United States, and that he tliinks his release could be effected if the dis- charge of Webster be ordered. I return the papers with these additional reasons for the discharge of the iirisoner, for the consideration of the secretary of war. IS. H. CARRINGTON. Commissioner Carrington, December 12, 1863. Report 190, in case of Charles W. Webster. Returned at the request of the jn-isouer, with additional reasons on which his dis- charge is asked. Respectfully referred to honorable secretary of war. JNO. H. WINDER, Brigadier General. December 12, 1863. I think the reasons assigned Avill justify a departure from the policy which has dic^- tated the retention of this man, and that he should be sent north by flag of truce. B. R. W., Jr. December 14, 1863. File.— See letter to General Winder, December 13, 1863. 648 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR No. 70. Lieutenant General E. K. Smith desires certain information in regard to exchange of Vicksburg prisoners. Respectfully returned to the secretary of war. I hope Lieutenant General Smith will be siieedily informed that the exchange of officers has not been resumed, and I trust he will keep all his prisoners, officers and men, in custody. Would it not be well to send by certain conveyance to him my declaration of the exchange of the Vicks- burg prisoners ? I have dispatched Major Szymanski west of the Mississippi, to inform our commanders there of all essential information as to the present iiositiou of all mat- ters connected with exchanges and paroles. ROBT. OULD, Agent of Exchange. October 12, 18G3. No. 71. Navy Department, October 20, 1863. Sir : I have the honor to inclose herewith for your perusal three letters from Acting Master John Dillingham, United States Navy, late commanding officer of the United States sliip Morning Light, which vessel, witli tlie United States schooner Velocity, was captured at Sabine Pass on the 21st of January last. The officers and crews of these vessels have been in confinement since that date, and, it appears from the letters of Acting Master Dillingham, have suffered uuich from sickness and other causes. It is to be hoped that they will be soon released and restored to the service and their families. In addition to these cases, the detention of a part of the officers and a portion of the crew of the United States steamer Harriet Lane is a subject that deserves especial at- tention. The Harriet Lane was captured January 1, 1863, and some of her officers and men were jiaroled and sent home shortly afterward. The remainder have been detained and imprisoned, notwithstanding this department was informed by Colonel Ludlow, on the 3Uth of May last, that all the officers and men of the Harriet Lane had been declared duly exchanged. The detention of these persons has been several times brought to the notice of the conmiissioners for the exchange of i)risoners, and they doubtless gave the subject "their attention. But the desired object has not been at- tained, and prompt and more potent measures seem to be required. I, therefore, have the honor to invite your attention to the subject. Very respectfully, «&c., GIDEON WELLES, Secretary of the Navy. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War. This copy of a letter from the Navy to the War Department is sent to General Mere- dith, with instructions to confer with Mr. Ould on the subject, especially as to the prisoners of the Harriet Lane. General Meredith's report on the subject, when received by the undersigned, will be transmitted to Navy Department. E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General Volunteers, Commissioner for Exchange of I'rimnera. Washlngton, October 26, 1863. Office Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe, Virginia, October 28, 1863. • Sir : Allow me to call your attention to the fact that the officers and crews of the fol- lowing named vessels are still detained in southern ])risons. These captures were made in January last, and the officers have been paroled and exchanged. WiU you let me know by the next llag of truce why they are not irleased f United States ship Morning Light, United States schooner Velocity, United States steamer Harriet Lane. Respectfully, your obedient servant, S. A. MEREDITH, Brigadier General and Commissioner for Exchange Hon. Robert Ould, Agent of Exchange, Richmond, Virginia. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 649 This correspondence is respectfully submitted to the honorable Secretary of War, with a request that it be sent to the Navy Deijartment. E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General Volunteers. Note. — The subject is involved in that i)resented by the letter of the 4th November, 18(33, from the undersigned to the Secretarv of War. E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General Volunteers. November 5, 1863. Office Commissioner for Exchange, Fori Monroe, Virginia, November 3, 1863. Sir: I have the honor to report that the reply to my request for the release of the officers and crews of the Morning Light, Velocity, aud Harriet Lane was as follows : " If the officers and crews of those vessels are in confinement, they are there because you refuse to release the officers and crews of confederate vessels. The former are very likely to remain in confinement until you release the latter, unless I have made some agreement which entitles them to a discharge ; I am not aware of having done so. " Respectfully, your obedient servant, "RO. OULD, "Agent of Exchange." I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, S. A. MEREDITH, Brigadier General and Commissioner for Exchange. Major General E. A. Hitchcock, Commissioner of Exchange, Washington, D. C. No. 72. PRIVATE. Brigadier General Meredith incloses to General Hitchcock letter which he has writ- ten to Mr. Ould ; has but little hope that he will accept either j)roposal, but thinks if it is presented, and then published, it will allay public feeling against the government as to the suspension of exchanges. Will not go to City Point before Friday or Satur- day next, and would be ijleased to have General Hitchcock's decision on accompanying letter. General Meredith to Hon. E. Ould. Office Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe, Virginia, November 2, 1863. The confederate government having neither the means nor power to subsist, clothe, or furnish proper quarters for Union prisoners, from motives of humanity, proposes, first, to exchange officer for officer, man for man, according to the date of captiu'e, sufficient to secure the release of all Union i^risoners of war, with the distinct under- standing that this ofler, if accepted, shall not aftect any matter of controversy now pending between us. If this proposition is not accepted, will agree that each party shall subsist and clothe the prisoners held by the other, providing for speedj" transportation and delivery of such subsistence and clothing, or may furnish in lieu a money equivalent, the resjiect- ive agents exchanging from time to time proper vouchers, and showing faithful com- pliance. K neither proposition is accepted, shall deem it his duty to urge upon his govern- ment to render the condition of confederate prisoners held by us as nearly as possible similar to that of ours held by them. 650 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR No. 73. [Telegram. — Keceived 6.40 p. m.] Fort Monroe, Virglma, Novemher 12, 1863 — 6.30 p. m. Major General E. A. Hitchcock, Commissioner for Exchange of Prisoners : Mr. Oiild accepts the proposition to release all medical ofificers if tlie proposition ap- plies to future cases as well as those now in captivity. Please telegraiih me, and I ■wUl send a boat for the rebel meilical officers in our hands. S. A. MEREDITH, Brigadier General. No. 74. Confederate States of America, War Department, Richmond, Va., Koremhcr 13, 1863. Sir: I have before me a printed order of General Burnside, No. 153, dated Cincin- nati, September 18, 1863, by wliich two prisoners, Major Lee W. Long, Confederate States army, and private George Woolfolk, Confederate States army, are ordered "to be shot unto death" on the 30th October, 1863. Tlie order is made "subject to the api^roval of tlie President of the United States." Major Long is charged with " being secretly within the lines of the United States forces." Substantially the same charge is made against Woolfolk. It appears that so much of the specification in the case of Major Long as averred that he denied his character and employment as a soldier was found by the court not to be true. I will thank you to inform me at an early date whether these parties have been tried on these charges, whether they have been found guilty, and whether the sentence has been, or is to be, carried into effect. As this charge of " being secretly within the lines of the United States forces" seems to be made a matter of life and death, I will thank you also to inform me what your authorities consider " being within the lines of the United States forces." Do your lines include all Kentucky and Tennessee ? Do you consider that any portion of confederate territory not actually occuxned by your forces is " withm the lines of the United States forces ? " Respectfully, your obedient servant, RO. OULD, Agent of Exchange. Brigadier General S. A. Meredith, Agent of Exchange. Hon. Robert Ould, agent of exchange, Richmond, Va., November 12, 1863. lu rela- tion to Major Lee W. Long, Confederate States army, and i^rivate George Woolfolk, Confederate States army. Office Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe, Va., November 18, 1863. Respectfully referred to Major General E. A. Hitchcock, commissioner of exchange. S. A. MEREDITH, Brigadier General and Commissioner for Exchange. Respectfully submitted to the General-in-chief, November 20, 1863. E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General Volunteers, Commissioner for Exchange of Prisoners. Judge Advocate General's Office, November 21, 1863. The information so insolently demanded by the writer of this letter will not be fur- nished unless under the special direction of the Seci'etary of War. This position was taken some time since, it is believed with the Secretary's approval, in reference-to a similar communication from the same source. J. HOLT, Judge Advocate General. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 651 No. 75. [Telegram.— Eeceived 12.05 p. in.] Fort Monroe, Virginia, November 16, 1863—10.55 a. m. Major General E. A. Hitchcock, Commissioner for Exchange of Prisoners: The rebels will not allow the commissary appointed by me to deliver the subsistence to our prisoners, but 3ay that their own commissary shall do it and they will o-ive assurance that it will be faithfully done. Shall I send another up? Mr. Ould^has returned my letter of November 12. S. A. MEREDITH, Brigadier General. No. 76. Washington City, D. C, September 21, 1863. The communication of the 3d instant from his excellency the governor of Connecticut, on the subject of the crew of the bark Texana, having been returned with an indorse- ment from Mr. Onld, proposing to discharge said crew "on the release of those simi- larly situated in federal prisons," you are requested to say to Mr. Ould that I do not know nor cau I hear of any prisoners held by us under circumstances corresponding to those of the Texana held in the South. If Mr. Ould will refer specifically to any such prisoners in our hands, they shall be released — it being understood that tiie cases shall be similar. The communication from Mr. Ould of the 1st of August, referred to in the indorse- ment as unanswered, was handed to the Secretary of War on its receipt, who does not think proper to enter into such broad general agreements as proposed, implying so set- tled a state of things as does not in fact exist. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General Volunteers, Commissioner for Exchange of Prisoners, General S. A. Meredith, Commissioner for Exchange of Prisoners. No. 77. Headquarters Eighteenth Army Corps, Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Fortress Monroe, November 18, 1863. Sir: In the limits of a telegram and for the public eye, it was impossible to explain my full thought on the subject of exchange of prisoners. I believed there was some misunderstanding of the questions involved when I telegraphed, and your answer, with the sentiments of which in every word I concur, convince me that I was right in my belief. No one will go further in exerting every power of the government in protecting the colored troops aiid their officers than myself, and if that is the question which pre- vents exchange, and we stand before the country upon that question, I have not a word further to urge. But 1 fear that is not the point, or at least it is not now understood by the country that it is upon the pledge of the country's honor that all men, white or black, who fight for us shall be protected, that we now feel obliged to let our fellow- soldiers starve, if such shall he the inhumanity of the rebels. I ought to premise perhaps why I interfere where it is not specially within my com- mand. Believing that I could do something for the good of the service, 1 took the lib- erty of making the application, aud, with your leave, shall continue to make sugges- tions wherever and Avhenever I think the government may be aided by so doing, although not strictly called upon so to do, to complete my routine of duty. I am informed and believe that the rebel authorities will exchange every officer and soldier they now hold in custody, whether colored or not, upon receiving an equivalent number and rank from us. Indeed, 1 can put no other interpretation upon the letter of Robert Ould, esq., agent of exchange at Richmond, of October 20, referring to a letter of a previous date, in which he says : " More than a month ago I asked your acquiescence in a proposition that all officers and soldiers on both sides should be released in conformity with the provisions of the cartel." I have forwarded copies of all the correspondence, so that you can refer to it. If there 652 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR is auy interpretatiou to the contrary, it is not made apparent to the country and the government ; for all that appears from the correspondence hetween the two commission- ers are now sufferino- our soldiers to be starved to death upon the proposition of ine- quality in the computation and value of paroles. If you will examine the correspond- ence it will be seen that the whole question turns upon that point; not a suggestion is made that color, caste, or condition has anything to do with the dispute. It would seeua that the discussion had grown sufficiently acrimonious to have lost sight of the point of dispute, as we know many discussions do. I do not mean to inqnite blame to any party, l>ecause 1 am not sufficiently informed, nor have I the authority so to do, but simply to suggest a remedy. I assume that we have in actual custody s(jme tweuty-six thousand prisoners, against thirteen thousand that the rebels have. Now, then, why may not Quid's proposition be accepted and exchange man for man, otTficer for officer, until the rebels stoi* ; if then every prisoner they hold has been exchanged, the (luestion of color does not arise and our men will have been relieved from starvation up to that number. But if the colored prisoners and their officers shall not be produced by the rebels for exchange, we shall have ten thousand of their men upon whom to work both retaliation and reprisal to the fullest extent to wring from the rebels justice to the colored soldier. It is not necessary to argue this point ; its statement is the argument. This action, not offers and correspondence, will jiiace the government right before the country, and if then the negro })risouers, whether civilians or soldiers, or their officers, are kept in prison or maltreated, the world will justify us in the reprisal and retaliation to any extent. I believe that this exchange will be made by the rebels, from information derived from various sources, and especially from Mr. J. W. Monfort, agent of the State of Indiana, who has gone to Washington, and from whom you can learn the facts that lead to my belief. Without suggesting auy blame upon the part of the agent of exchange, would not the fact seem to be that such a state of feeling has grown up between himself and the rebel agent, that, without doing anything which would impute wrong or detract from the appreciation of the eliorts of General Meredith, this might be done as if outside of either agent ? This is submitted for consideration with a single desire to relieve the soldiers now in a condition to enlist all our sympathies. I can make these suggestions all the more freely as I leave this evening to arrange the afiairs of this department in North Carolina, and can have probably no personal part in the matter. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BEN J. F. BUTLER, Major General Commanding. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War. . Office Commissioner for Exchange, Fort Monroe, Va., Kovemhcr 12, 1863. Sir: I acknowledge the receipt of your communication of October 31. I would have been surprised at its contents had I not been previously acquainted with your habit of special pleading, and of perverting the truth. In the last interview but one which I had with you, you stated to me distinctly and unequivocally that you would make declarations of exchange whenever you conscientiously felt that you had the right so to Ao, for the purpose of putting men into the field. You made this statement not only once, but two or three times. In my previous interview with j'ou I had taken the pre- caution to have verbal propositions of any inqiortance, made by you, reduced to writing ; on this occasion I refrained from my usual course, now much to my regret, as I will do you the justice to say that I have no doubt you have forgotten what occurred at that meeting. The following extracts from two of your letters will probably serve to convince yon that it is highly probable that while laboring under the excitement hinted at above, you may have made the statement attributed to you. From your letter dated October 2, 1862,1 take the following : " I now inform you, in view of the recent declaration of exchange made by yon, coupled with your failure either to agree to or decline the proposition made hy you, on the 24th of August last, in relation to paroles, that the confederate authorities Avill consider themselves entirely at liberty to pursue auy course as to exchanges or parolea "which they may deem right and i)roper." Again, in your letter to me of October 16, you stated as follows : " I reserve to myself the right to make further declarations of exchange from time to time, based upon the paroles in my office, until I have declared exchanged a number of coufederate soldiers equal to that of federal troops declared exchanged by your last notice." BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 653 In these two extracts you arrogate to your government and. to youi'self the right to declare exchanges. Of course, a government in as prosperous a condition as the confed- eracy, with men in superabundance to put into the field, would not declare men exchanged for that purpose, nor would a high-toned, honorable gentleman, who has reserved t-o himself the right to declare exchanges, use that right, with the idea of putting men in tlie lield. Yet it is well known that many officers and men captured at Vicksburg were in the battle of Chickamauga. I deem it proper hei'e to say a few words in relation to the 18,000 paroles which you state you have in your possession, and which you claim as valid. You rest the validity of the paroles (which I have never seen, and which you acknowledge to have been accumulating for many mouths) on general orders of the United States government, Nos. 49 and 100. Thesi; two orders announced general rules based on the usages of war, but a cartel having been agreed upon, no order of either party couhlset aside its prisoners, (which I have stated to you on several occasions.) For instance: a commander, on being captured, might under some circumstances give a parole for himself and hisconnnand without violating Gen- eral Orders No. 100, (which includes General Orders No. 49 ;) but, unless the jiaroling was done at City Point, or other named place, it would be in violation of the cartel, nor could exceptions be taken to this course by the party granting the parole, because the validity of the parole depends on a strict compliance with the provisions of the cartel. Paragraph 130 of Order 100, which prescribes thtf duties that a paroled soldier may perform, is also to some extent set aside by the cartel, which restricts these duties to a much more limited field than the order. Paragraph I'M, which you attempt to make so much of, is also rendered inoperative by the cartel, because it could only apply to paroles given at the points designated for delivery, but all such j)aroles are by the cartel made invalid, and the paroling party therefore has no pretext for claiming their recognition. Had such a claim been admitted, the effect at Gettysburg would have been to give to General R. Lee the privilege of placing his prisoners in our hands to be delivered to him at City Point, at our own charge, a claim so manifestly absurd that I am surprised that even you should have had the assurance to make it. Yet on precisely this ground rests the foundation for the 18,000 paroles which you claim as valid. Paroles on the field of battle, often given in haste by un enemy unable to take care of or receive them, are informal and invalid by the laws of war. Most of the paroles above mentioned were taken by guerillas, bushwhackers, and detached commands in the West. No possession was ever had, no delivery was ever made, and no rolls have ever heen furnished of those giving them. On the capture of a town by a cavalry raid, the command remained long enovigh to take the paroles of the unarmed citizens there, and then decamped leaving the paroled men behind, and forwarding the paroles to accumu- late in your office in Richmond ; yet you have the assurance to say that you expect the United States government to exchange prisoners legitimately captured in battle and now held in custody for such paroles as these. It is well for you to write letters filled with well-figured indignation at .any imputa- tion upon the integrity or honestj^ of your government or yourself, for publication in the South, to delude the suffering people there into the belief that you and your government are doing everything to cause a resumption of exchanges ; but I feel it my duty to say that your principles are so flexible and your rule of action so slightly influenced by a sense of truth, honesty, or honor, that I find it almost impossible to arrive at any fair understanding with you on the subject, and all my efforts thus far, for the above reason, have been fruitless. In your communication of October 27 you use the following language : " I state that General Orders Nos. 49 and 100 were not sent to me at the same time. I received General Order No. 49 long before No. 100 was delivered to me. Their respect- ive dates will show that to be the fact. My own personal recollection is that General Order No. 100 was never communicated in a letter." You then proceed to impress the j)ublic with an idea of your careful habits as follows : " It is my habit faithfully to keep all letters written by the federal agent of exchange." . But this most important letter hapiiened to be mislaid, which intelligence you con- vey to the southern public as follows : " A careful search of the records of my office does not disclose any letter from Lieu- tenant Colonel Ludlow, communicating General Order No. 100." On November 7 I sent you a copy of tlie letter hereto annexed, copied from Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow's letter-book, but through fear that it might have met the fate of the original and miscarried, I sent it again : " Headquarters Department of Virgixia, "Seventh Army Corps, " Fort Monroe, Va., May 22, 1863. " Sir : I have the honor to inclose to you coifies of General Orders No. 49 and No. 100 of War Department, announcing regulations and iustructions for the government of the United States forces in the field in the matter of paroles. These, together with 654 TEEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR. the stiijnlations of the cartel, will govern our army. I \roiild invite yonr special atten- tion to article 7 of the cartel, which provides that all prisoners of war shall be sent to places of delivery therein specified. The execution of this article will obviate mnch discussion and difficulty growing out of the mode, time, and place of giving paroles. No paroles or exchanges will be considered binding except those under the stipuLitions of said article, permitting commanders of the two opposing armies to exchange or re- lease on parole at other points mutually agreed on by said commanders. " I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, " WM. H. LUDLOW, " Lieutenant Colonel and Agent for Exchange of Prisoners. " Hon. Robert Ould, "Agent for Exchange of Prisoners." It appears to me that you have been unfortunate on two occasions, first, in forgetting the statement you made to me, alluded to in the beginning of this communication ; and, second, in your not having received the above letter. As communications between the agents of exchange go through but two hands, (the assistant agents,) it strikes me as a little extraordinary, that out of hundreds, the above should be the only one to mis- carry. The denials of facts which abound in your last letter, though they may have some weight in tlie South, will not avail to convince the people of the North that you are not utterly reckless of integrity and fairness, and full of finesse, in your declarations of exchange and the foundations you claim for them. Respectfully, S. A. MEREDITH, Brigadier General and Commissioner of Exchange. Hon. Robert Ould, Agent of Exchange, Richmond, Va. Official copy. [From Richmond papers of 11th November.] Correspondence heticccn Brigadier General Meredith and Pohert Ould, the rebel agent — Tlie liich^noiul Enquirer attacks the rebel government — Frank admission of defeat — It is called a disastrous defeat — Scarcity of socks in the army of Xorthern Virginia — The ladies called upon to supply them — 15,583 shots fired into Sumter — 12,302 struck. [CoiTcspondence between commissioners of exchange.] The following is the continuation of the correspondence between the agents of ex- change, the beginning of which was published some time ago in the Enquirer. We call particular attention to the last letter of our agent. He admhiisters a severe but just rebuke to the insolence of General Meredith: Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina, Fortress Monroe, October 17, 1863. Sir : On the 22d day of May, 1863, Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow, then agent of exchange for the United States, inclosed you copies of General Orders No. 39 and No. 100 of War Department announcing regulations and instructions for the government of United States forces in the field in the matter of paroles, stating that these orders and the cartel are to govern our forces ; when the cartel confiicts with the orders, they must be set aside. The cartel requires that prisoners of war shall bo delivered at certain named places, and if they are not so delivered the paroles cannot be valid. In conse- (luenco of the usage which had governed both parties up to that time, instructions were subsequently issued that paroles given before the 22d of May should be c(msidered valid, though deliveries had not been made as required by the cartel. In order to the putting in force these instructions, it was not necessary to ask your consent. We were only bound to notify you that from that time the cartel woukl be rigidly ailhered to by us, and the same course would be exacted of the confederate authorities. If you wish paroles recognized when the parties were not delivered in the places named in the cartel, you " ask that paroles not in conformity with the stipulations of the cartel should be regarded as valid." I will now proceed to show that your declaration of September 12 was not in con- formity with the stipulations of the cartel. Your reference to acts of Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow does not sustain you ; for, according to your own letter, Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow was declaring an exchange to cover a "balance due" on declarations BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 655 previously made by you. The troops thus declared esclianged by Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow are as follows: Fifty-first regiment Indiana Tolunteers 371 Seventy-fifth regiment Indiana volunteers 268 Third regiment Ohio volunteers 311 Tennessee cavalry 58 1,008 Paroled at Mount Sterling 463 Total 1,471 You state that the " excess " without taking into account the Mount Sterling captures, was 2,290, wheieas the whole number, including said captures, amounts only to 1,147. If, in making up the balance, Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow failed to give rolls and numbers, it does not justify you in anticipating a declaration by me, without furnish- ing me either rolls or numbers, or giving me time to consult the records to make them up for myself. When the iiaroliug is properly done, both i)arties have rolls, and then there can be little difficulty in arranging an exchange to be simultaneously declared. You state that when the federal troops were declared exchanged on the 6th of May, the confederates were declared exchanged to the 23d of May, inclusive. I have noth- ing to show that the exchanges on both sides were not alike. The confederate pris- oners delivered between the two dates amount to 5,083 privates, and, if we have already received equivalents for them, they should be deducted from my former com- putation. AVithout counting these, the number covered by your declaration of Sep- tember 12, and the subsequent explanatory declaration of September 26, amounts to 29,450. The number of federal troops on parole to September 1, and declared exchanged, amounts to 23,911. The oflScers included are those paroled at Gettj^sburg and elsewhere ; not those delivered at City Point. ' These numbers ditier from those given to you before, because in making up that cal- culation, all enlisted men were counted alike, whereas non-commissioned officers should have been counted as two privates. Giving you, then, credit for the 5,083 enlisted men, which you state were delivered at City Point between the 6th and the 23d of May, and declared exchanged bj' Colonel Ludlow, you are now in our debt 5,539 enlisted men. You state that you have in youi possession paroles amounting to 16,000 men. For all tlie prisoners that we claim as on parole we can show the rolls of delivery at the places named in the cartel, receipted by confederate officers; and as you can show similar rolls of the 16,000 men you speak of, they will of course be recognized as valid, and you will be credited with them. Respectfully, your obedient servant, S. A. MEREDITH, Brigadier Getwal and Commissioner of Exchange, Hon. Robert Ould, Agent of Exchange, Bichmond, Virginia. Richmond, Octoher 27, 1863. Sir : In reply to your communication of the 17th instant, I state that General Orders Nos. 49 and 100 were not sent to me at the same time. I received General Orders No. 49 long before No. 100 was delivered to me. Their respective dates will show that to be the fact. My own iiersonal recollection is that General Order No. 100 was never com- municated in a letter. It is my haliit faithfully to keep all letters written by the federal agent of exchange. A careful search of the records of my office does not dis- close any letter from Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow communicating General Orders No. 100. Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow met me at City Point on the 23d of May, 1H63, and he then and there delivered to me General Orders No. 100, stating that the principles there- in announced would, in the future, control the operations of the forces of the United States. No written communication accompanied it. If any one was ever written to accompany it, I never received it. Yoa are in error, therefore, when you say that Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow, on the 22d of May, 1803, inclosed copies of General Orders No. 49 and No. 100, announcing regulations and instructions for the government of the United States forces in the field in the matter of paroles, stating that these orders and the cartel were to govern your forces, and that when the cartel conflicted with the orders, they were to be set aside. Independent of the facts of the case, I am justified in saying that any such communi- cation would have been very extraordinary. It would not only have admitted that the General Orders were in violation of the cartel, but would have declared that the later 656 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR General Order, which on its face was announced to be the controlling law, should be set aside by the provisions contained in the earlier papers. I again assert that the only notification I ever received as to your successive changes of purpose in the matter of paroles was from your own General Orders, according to their respective dates, delivered to me without any further comment than I have already comniuuicated to yon. You say my " reference to the acts of Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow" does not sustain me. You further say, that the troops thus declared exchanged by Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow are as follows : Fifty-first regiment Indiana volunteers 371 Seventy-fifth regiment Indiana volunteers 2G8 Third regiment Ohio volunteers 314 Tennessee cavalry 58 1,008 Paroled at Mount Sterling 463 Total 1,471 Permit me to say that I read this paragraph of your letter with very great surprise. In my letter of the '^d instant, which you were contesting, I gave, at length, the commu- nication of Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow, and by reference to it you will find that not only are the regiments which you have named therein mentioned, but also the Holly Springs capture, numbering 1,383 privates ; the Niuety-first Illinois regiment, number- ing 649 privates ; the officers and men of the Indiauola, numbering 69 })rivates ; and the Eightieth regiment Illinois volunteers, numbering 400 privates. Not only is that the case, but your enumeration of 1,471 privates in the specified regiments is incorrect. The true aggregate is 1,676 privates. You misname one of the regiments also. The regi- ment declared exchanged was not the Seventy-fifth Indiana, but the Seventy-third. In an interview with me, at City Point, in the presence of Major Mulford, you ad- mitted tluit all confederate officers and soldiers delivered at City Point before the 23d of May, 1863, were declared exchanged, while the federal soldiers were only declared exchanged up to May 6, 1863. Yet, in your letter written subsequent to this admission, you say you '• have nothiug to show that exchanges ou both sides were not alike." Since your letter of the 17th, in our late interview, you made the same admission. If the fact is denied at anytime, I stand prepared to prove it. As to your computation based upon my declarations of exchange, I refer you to my letter of the 2d of October, 1863. Every statement therein contained is strictly and accurately correct. I again assert, what I am ready to prove, that I have in mj' posses- sion more valid p.ii'oles of your officers and men than would be an equivalent for the exchanges I have declared up to this date. Respectfully, your obeilient servant, EO. OULD, Agent of Exchange. Brigadier General S. A. Meredith, Agent of Exchange. Richmond, October 20, 1863. Sir : More than a month ago I asked your acquiescence in a proposition that all offi- cers and soldiers cu both sides should be released in conformity with the provisions of the cartel. In o; der to obviate the difficulties betweeu us, I suggested that all officers and men on both sides should be released, viuless they were subject to charges, in which event the opposite government should have the right of holding one or more hostages if the retention was not justified. You stated to me in conversation, that this proposi- tion was very fair, and that you would ask the consent of your government to it. As usual, yovi have as yet made no response. I tell you frankly I do not expe3t any. Per- haps you may disappoint me, and tell me that you reject or accept the proposition. I write tliis letter for the purpose of bringing to your recollection my proposition, and of dissipating the idea that seems to have been purposely encouraged by your public jiapers, that the confederate government has refused or objected to a systeni of exchanges. In order to avoid any mistake in that direction, I now propose that all officers and men, on both sides, be released in conformity with the provisions of the cartel, the ex- cess on one side or the other to be on parole. Will you accept this f I have no expecta- tion of an answer, but, perhaps you may give one. If it does come, I hope it wiU be soon. Respectfully, your obedient servant, RO. OULD, Agent of Exchange. Brigadier General S. A. Meredith, Agent of Exchange. BY THE REBEL AUTHOBTTIES. 657 Richmond, October 27, 1863. Sir: I iuclose to you a memoranduin of tlio paroles to which I have referred in sev- eral recent communlcation.s. Most of these paroles, you ■will observe, are antecedent to May 2'.i, 18o,i. The reason why these paroles have not been heretofore discharged is, that up to July, lii'6% we had the advantage of i)risoners and paroles. Not one of these paroles is covered by any declaration of exchange, exce])t the one lately made by you. For no one of them have I received any ecpiivalent. All of them, since the date of your General Orders No. 207, were given in pursuance of a distinct agreement be- tween the commanders of two opi)osing armies. I have many other paroles in my pos- session, but I have only presented those which are within the terms of your General Orders, according to their resj)ective dates. I understand there are other paroles coming within the same General Orders, wliich "were given by your officers and men on the otlier side of the Mississi]ii)i River. They have not as yet reached me. When they do, and when I siiow they are within the scope of your General Orders, I wdl claim them, otherwise I will discard them. I have also received other informal paroles, which 1 have sent back for correction. They are also within the provisions of your General Orders. When they are returned, I will claim them also. Respectl'ullv, your obedient servant, EG. OULD, Agent of Exchange. Brigadier General S. A. Meredith, Agent of Exchange. Office Commissioxer of Exchaxge, Fortress Monroe, Virginia, October 29, 1863. Sir: I am in receipt of your communication of the 20th instant, the tenor of which- induces me to make some explanatory statement of facts, with which, it would seem, you need to be reminded. The system of exchanges of prisoners of war, determined in the existing cartel, was first interrupted by the declared purpose of the confederate government to make certain distinctions in the treatment of a particular class of troops, ofdcers and men, in viola- tion of the provisions of the cartel. This appears to have been the tirst step toward the irregularities which have culminated in your unequivocal declaration, reported by }ne to my government on the 8th instant, that " you will proceed to declare exchanges whenever you conscientiously ^eel that you have the right to do so, for the purpose of putting men into the lield." There can be no objections to your acting conscientiously in any given case so long as your conscience is enlightened and guided by those laws of war which require obe- dience between belligerents to solemn agreements entered into hy authorized com- missioners acting in the name of their I'espective superiors. But, if you mean by the expression, "your conscientious sense of right," to substitute this sense of right for the requirements of an existing cartel, I can by no means concede to you that right ; and if you do not mean this, I cannot understand what you do mean by so vague and gen- eral a declaration. Judging by your recent proceedings, it seems that you have de- clared exchanged all confederate officers and soldiers on parole within what you claim as your lines up to a very recent date, w'ithout having any proper right so to do, either under the cartel or under the laws of war. The history of this matter, as 1 understand it, is briefly this : While my predecessor on duty at this place was here in discharge of the duties now committed to me, you, at one time, made a declaration of exchange, embracing no great numbers of prisoners of war, not in accordance with the requirements of the cartel, and you invited Colonel Liullow, my predecessor, to make a corresponding declaration of equivalents. Such a declaration was made by Colonel Ludlow, doubtless, without anticipating the magni- tude of tiie evil, which appears now as the result of that dei)arture from the cartel first iuaugvu'ated by yourself. Subsequently to my coming on duty here, the events of the war threw upon your hands a large body of paroled othcers and men, (over 30,000,) captured by General Grant at Vicksburg, and not long afterward, some 6,000 or more, captured by General Banks at Port Hudson. Suddenly, and w^ithout any i^roper conference or understanding with me, and but a few days prior to the important events atChickamauga, as if for the express puri)0se of increasing the forces of General Bragg against General Rosecrans, j^ou gave me notice that, on the next day after the date of that notice you would declare exchanged a large jjortion of the troops which had been captured by General Grant. W^heu your declaration was made it covered an indeterminate number of troops, designated by commands, brigades, divisions, and corps; no definite number of either officers or men being designated. Up to that time you had delivered at City Point a certain number of prisoners of war, for which you had receipts, by which you must H. Eep. 45 42 658 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR have known tlip- number yon might claim the right to discharge from their parole. You did not think proper to limit yourself to this uum))er, nor in any proper manner did you refer to it, but made your d(!claration of exchange in such indelinitc terms as made it next to certain that you did not intend to be governed by the cartel. On referring to the data furnislied by the reports of (leneral (Jraut, and now in the hands of the Commissary General of Prisoners at Washington, it was ascertained that yon had discharged from parole, by your declaration, a very considerable numl)er of your men over and above any claim you might luetend to, founded on receipts for prisoners of war delivered frouj the South according to the cartel. Without referring tc fractions, it apjjeared, from the best data in our hands that you had discharged three for two, or one-third nioi'c than you were entitled to. You suggested that I should make a corresponding dechnati(ju of exchange, when, as I supi)ose, you must have known you had not delivered to nie, nor had yon valid paroles of our men suflicient to cover the number declared exchanged by yourself, and, when I proceeded to make the declaration extending to those men you had deUvere-l, andstatedtoyonmy objection to your proceedings, yon insisted that you had valid ])aroles for more than the number that you had declared exchanged, though yon failed to]n()duce those paroles or to give any account or history of them ; and you then ])roceeded to make a further declaration of exchange, ignoring the cartel altogetlier ; basing your action upon no data counnunicated to me, the whole ]uoceeding resting, as I suppose you will say, upon your sense of right, as if you were the only party having a ri(jht to an oi)iiiion on the subject — acting evidently in anticipation of the formal declaration referred to at the commencement of this communication, " that you will jjroceed to make declarations of exchange for tlie purjxise of putting tr()o])s into the held when- ever you think proper;" and having now exhausted, by a- declaration of exchange, the paroled prisoners in your hands, you propose to me the delivery of prisoners of war in our hands, for whom you have no equivalents — ■ r, comparatively, but very few — in order, as it were, that you may obtain possession of many thousauds more men of your own, delivered or on i)arf)le, for the purpose of declaring them also exchanged and putting them into the lield, not in conformity with the existing cartel, nor in accord- ance with the usages of war, but whenever, in your individual judgment, you may think it i)roper to do so. I have only to add that an easy inference from this statement is the answer I have to make to your ])roposal of the •2Uth instant, which is not accepted. Respectfully, your obetlieut servant, S. A. MEREDITH, Brifjadier General a7id Commitifiioiier of Exchange. Hon. R. OULD, Agent of Exchange, Uichmond, J'irginia. Confederate States of America, War Department, Richmond, October 31, 1863. Sir: Your communication of the 29th instant has been received, and its extraordi- nary and groundless statements read with surjirise. You tirst represent me as having informed you that I would proceed to declare ex- changes whenever I conscientiously felt that I had the right to do so, for the purpo.se of putting men into the held. In another part of your letter I am charged witli hav- ing stated that I would proceed to make declarations of exchange for the purpose of putting troops into the field, whenever I thought proper. Both of these paragraphs are between <)U()tation marks, to indicate tliat I had comnmnicated them. Moreover, they are mentioned as being my " unequivocal declaration." Upon a faithful examina- tion of my correspondence with you and your ])redecessor, I can find no instance in winch such language has been used l)y me. Will you inform me of the date of any such connnunication, or furnish me with a copy of it ? If you cannot, you will cer- tainly deem me justified in denouncing your statement as utterlj'^ without fouudatiou in truth. Upon these premises you have proceeded to throw oif sundry sentences, more flip- pant than worthy of notice. As usual, however, yon linisli the paragrajih which con- tains them with a misstatement, in as.serting that I " have d(;clared exchanged all con- federate officers and men on parole," within our lines, "up to a very riH'cut date." I have don(i no such thing. I specially excepted the larger i)art of the Yicksburg cap- ture. You then proceed to giv(^ what you call " a history of this matt;^r." That history, like many others, turns out to be a romance. Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow's declara- tions of exchange to which I referred in my letter of OctoV)er 2, 1853, were not made in response to any invitation from me, or in consequeuce of any previous declarations winch Iliad made. I did ,not "inaugurate" what you term " a departure from the cartel." The correspondence of the olfice very clearly shows that fact. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. G59 You are wrong also in your statement that tlie Vicksburg capture was subsequent to your •' coming to duty" at Fortress Monroe. I received official commuuicatious from Lieutenant Colonel Lmllow as late as July 22, 18C:?, weeks after the Vicksburg sur- render, and none from you until the 25th of the same month. You charge that the declaration of exchange, bearing date September 12, 1863, was made " as if for the express purpose of increasing the force of General Bi-agg against General Rosecrans." This, also, is untrue. The declaration was not published until several days after the 12th, although it bore that date. Not one of the officers or men named in tbat declaration of exchange was on the battle-lield of Cbickaniauga. You further say J must have known that I had not delivered to you, nor had I valid paroles of your men sufficient to cover the number declared exchanged by me. I know exactly the contrary, and so informed you. On the 12th of September, 1863, in an- nouncing the declaration of exchange I would make on the following day, I wrote to you that I had "in my possession more valiil paroles of your officers and men than would be an efjuivalent for the officers and men enumerated in the exchange notice." I have made the same statement to you more than once since. I am prepared to prove that it was true each time it was uttered. Yon say your declaration of exchange extended to those whom I had delimred. If you mean that it was limited to such, you are incorrect ; for it declared exchanged all officers and men of the United States Army captured and paroled at any time previous to the 1st of September, 1863, and included nniuy thousands of })risoners taken and paroled by our cavalry and other forces in many Stales of the confederacy, never de- livered by me. I have already furnished you a memorantlum of at least sixteen thou- sand of these paroled prisoners. You say I failed to produce the paroles or to give any account or history of them. If you mean I refused to do so, it is not true. I offered to produce them at any time, and importuned you to agree to some principle by which they could be computed and ad-, justed. When I last met you at City Point, you requested me for the first time to send to you a memorandum of the jjaroles claimed as valid by me. I furnished you with the list on the 27th instant, that being the first day after your request on which a flag-of-truce boat appeared at City Point. You say I then proceeded to make a further declaration of exchange, ignoring the cartel altogether, and resting the whole proceeding, as you suppose, on my sense of right. There again you are mistaken. I did not rest the proceeding entirely upon my sense of right ; I relied in some measure upon yours, and to that extent its pro- priety may be doubtful. In communicating to you Excliauge Notice No. 7, which is the one to which yon refer, I wrote to you as follows : " I herewith inclose to you a declaration of exchange, which I shall publish in a day or two. You will perceive it is based upon the declaration of exchange connnunicated to me in your letter of the 24th of September last. In my notice I have followed your phraseology. I would have preferred another form of declaration more in accordance with the circumstances of the case. Inasmuch, however, as my declaration, to a considerable extent, is retaliatory .of yours, I have deemed it more appropriate to follow your own form of expression." Your letter of the 24th of September declared that " all officers and men of the United States Army captured and paroled at any time previous to the 1st of September, 1863, are duly exchanged." On the 16th of October following, I declared exchanged " all confederate officers and men captured and paroled at any time previous to the Ist of September, 1863." If that was " ignoring the cartel," as you charge, I only followed your example. Our declarations of exchange were precisely similar, except that, in another part of my notice, I reserved from its operation the larger part of the Vicks- burg paroles. If I had followed your " sense of right," as I then had and still claim the right to do, I would have included all. The confederate authorities take it unto themselves, as a proud and honorable boast — that they have tleterniined all these matters of paroles and exchanges according to their "sense of right," and not by any views of temporary expediency. In following that guide, they have at least shunned some exam])les furnished by your government. They have never, in violation of their General Orders, and without notice to the ad- verse party, ordered their paroled officers and men to break their solemn covenant, and, without exchange, lift their arms against their captors. They have, therefore, escaped the pangs of that retributive justice which made your General Orders of July 3, 1863, though so well suited to the meridian of Gettysburg, invalidate the paroles given at Port Hudson on the 9th of the same month. Upon fur- ther retlection, I am sure j^ou will be satisfied that it does not become your authorities, who have chosen whenever they felt so disposed, without notice or consent from us, to repudiate the established usages of exchange and put new constructions upon the cartel, to complain that others have acted according to their sense of right. Not content with all the misstatements of fact which I have cited, you have, in your letter of the 29th instant, descended to a malignant and wanton aspersion of the mo- tives of the confederate authorities in making the proposal contained in my letter of the 2Uth instaut. You were asked to asiree " that all officers and men on both sides 660 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR sliould be released, the excess on one side or the other to be on parole." It would have been injustice enough to the many thousands of your prisoners in our hands, and to those of ours in your custody, simply to have declined the proposal. But you have thought proper to add to your refusal the gratuitous insult to the Confederate States of intiuuiting tliat their fair and honest offer was made for the purpose of putting into the lield ofdcers and men fraudulently exchanged. This calumny is as destitute of foundation in fact as it is despicable in spirit. [n conclusion, let me tell you that the purpose of your letter is apparent. It has been well known for a long time tlnvt your autliorities are opposed to a fair and reg- ular exchange of prisoners under tlio cartel. In rejecting my i^roposition you liave endeavored to conceal, under a cloud of vague charges and unfoundeil statenuiuts, the determination at which your government long since arrived. Why not be frank once f Why u(jt say, without any further subterfuges, that you have reached the cou- clusion that our officers and soldiers are more valuable, man for man, than yours ? Respectfully, yoiu' obedient servant, RO. OULD, Agent of Exchange. Brigadier General S. A. Meredith, Agent of Exchange. No. 78. Washington City, D. C, November 2i, 1963. Sir : I have read the communication of Major General Butler of the 18th instant, adiressed to the War Department, on the snVyect of the exchange of prisoners, and beg to remark that the i)roposition of Mr. Quid has not been, as General Butler seems to suppose, to exchange man for mau and grade for grade, leaving in tlie hands t)f one or the other party any excess there might be, still prisoners of war ; but his proposi- tion is to deliver all on both sides, the excess to be on parole, who would thus be within the lines and at the disposal of the enemy. More than two months ago 1 handed a written suggestion to the General-in-chief, by whom it was submitted to the Secretary of War, to wit : to exchange prisoners mutually, as far as the enemy would exchange man for mau or grade for grade, it being my design to hold the excess, to be used, as General Butler suggests, to force out of tlie hands of the enemy such officers and men as they might retain on the ijlea that they were captured with colored troops. That j)roposal was negatived on the grouud that such an exchange would be a virtual acquiescence in the publicly dt.^clared purpose of the enemy not to treat col- ored troops, when cai)tured, as prisoners of war. This declaration exists in the pub- lished proclamation of Mr. Davis, and in an act of the so-called confederate congress, while their newspapers, from one end of the country to the other, have rung out the declaration in every form, that they will never agree to treat colored troops as pris- oners of war, asseverating, in the strongest language, that it would be a complete surrender of ;ill they are lighting for in tlie South. Mr. Quid's offer to exchange all prisoners on both sides, the excess to be held on parole, is positively deceptive and de- lusive, and had for its purpose, as I am bound to say, to get into the power of the South the excess of prisoners, now iu our hands, in order to set them free from their parole by an offset, not of prisoners captured with colored troops, who we have every reason to believe would not be exchanged, but by parading a long sched- ule of alleged captures iu the West and South by guerilla parties, ranging over por- tions of Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, Missouri, Texas, &.c., where non-combatants have been swooped in by whole villages, and put under some form of oath not to take arms, and this class of men, not soldiers captured ou the field of battle, Mr. Ould wishes to use as against the captured troops in our possession, who have been taken on bloody battle-fields. This is what Mr. Ould has already done for the purpose of putting into the field the troops captured by General Grant at Vicksburg, aud who were luifortuuately pa- roled ill tli(! South. But this is not the main point. AVe have positive evidence that Mr. Ould, or the authorities in tlie South, do not intend to deliver up colored troops, or officers caj»- turcid with that class of troops. Only a few weeks since I proposed a mutual exchange of all chaplains held on either side, we having two for one against tliose held in the South. JNIr. Ould pro- fessed to accept the proposition " cheerfully," as lit; expressed it iu his note. We sent all we had iu good faith ; but now I have indubitable evidence that a chaplain of a Massachusetts colored regiment, captured near Charleston, has been withheld, and is now iu heavy irons at Columbia, iu South Caroliua. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 661 We know also that two colored marines are in irons in a Cbarlestou prison, anfl have been for mouths, if they have not been otherwise disposed of contrary to the laws of war. I have just received what purports to be the proceedings of a Virginia State court, by which two Union men, whom I have reason to believe are officers of colored troops, have been sentenced to the penitentiary on the allegalkion of negro stealing ; and the governor of Virginia lias indorsed, ou my demand for their history, his declaration that they shall remain in the penitentiary whil(^ he remains governor of Virginia. We know also fhat two free colored lads were taken prisoners, belong- ing to a colored regiment, near Galveston, and were publicly- sold into slavery. By the force of public edicts in tlie South, captured colored troops are delivered over to State authorities, to be disposed of under State laws ; and when Mr. Ould is called upon to give some account of that class of captured troops, he answers, as he did verbally, recently, to General :M.;redith, that he had no trooi)s of that class in his possession. It is most likely, because, if suffered to live, they are in southern peni- tentiaries. It is undeniable that, if Mr. Quid's seemingly fiiir verbal proposition for a general exchange takes place, we shall lose all the advantages we now possess, and shall gain nothing toward the point of compelling the enemy either to surrender the colored troops now in his hands, or pledge himself to their proper treatment hereafter. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, vour obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General Volunteers, Commissioner for the Exchantje of Prisoners. Hon. Edwin M. Stantox, Secretary of War. No. 79. Outline of the annual report of the Secretary of War, 1863. 1. The military operations are fully detailed in the report of the General-iu-chief, here- with submitted, to which reference is made without further observation. 2. The second topic will be the organization of colored troops. In order to regulate this branch of the service, a bureau has been organized in the War Department, under charge of Major Foster, Avhose report is referred to for such details as are required. The general result is stated in the memorandum submitted to the President. 3. The questions pending in relation to the exchange of prisoners and the causes that have produced a stoppage of excbange, together witli the correspondence on the sub- ject, are detailed in the report of Major General Hitchcock. A full summary is given in the accompanying letter of General Hitchcock to the New York Times, herewith sub- mitted : '^ Exchauf/e of prisoners — Important statemcnthy Major General Hitchcoclc — Wliy the exchange ivas stopped — Rebel subterfuges and qaibbliny — The disposition made of colored soldiers and their white officers. " Washington City, Saturday, November 28, 1863. " To the Editor of the New York Times : "The public appears to be in need of information on the subject of the exchange of prisoners of war. The condition of our men held as prisoners of war in Richmond, the extreme suiferiugs to which they have been subjected, contrary to the usages of w^r and the dictates of humanity, have naturally aroused the sympathies of our people, and the question is asked by many. Why are they not exchanged ? " I propose to furnish you a statement of facts, from which a judgment may be formed in answer to the ((uestion just stated. " On the IGth of January of the present year, Colonel Ludlow, then stationed at Fort- ress Monroe, as the agent of exchange under the cartel which was published in Septem- ber, 1862, addressed me a letter forwarding acoi>y of the Richmond Euquirer of the loth of that montli, containing a message to the rebel congress from Jefferson Davis, refer- ring to the proclamation of the President of the United States, dated the 1st of Januarj', on the subject of slaves within certain designated portions of the United States. The de- nunciatory character of Mr. Davis's message, leveled against the proclamation of the President, and against the loyal people of the Union, Avill be rememl»ered by most of your readers at this time. One passage in the message of Mr. Davis very clearly indi- cates the policy then determined upon in the South, expressed in these words : " ' So far as regards the action of this government on such criminals as may attempt its execution, (referring to the prochimation of the President of the United States,) I 662 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR confiue myself to iuforming you that I shall, unless in your wisdom you deem some other course more expedient, deliver to the several State authorities all commissioned officers of the United States that may hereafter l)e captured by our foices in any of the States embraced in the proclanuition, tliat they may be dealt with in accordance with the law* of those States i>rovidiug for the punishment of criminals engaged in exciting servile insurrection.' " Colonel Ludlow, in forwarding the message, gives >n opinion in the following wonls : " ' His (Mr. Davis's) determination, avowed in most insolent terms, to deliver to the several State authorities all connuissioned oihcers of the United States that may here- after be captured, will, I tliiidv, be persevered in. ' " This opinion of Colonel Ludlow was, without doubt, well founded at the time, so far as the rebel authorities had tlie power or dared to put in force the threat of Mr. Davis, which met the approbation of the confederate congress, and I luizard nothing in saying tliat the sole reason why this tiireat has not been m(;re openly executed in the South has been the preponderance of northern power, as shown by tlie superior num- ber of prisoners of war held in the North against those held in the South ; and if this Inequality could now be neutralized, or if the South could succeed in capturing an excess of prisoners over those held in the North, not a moment wouUi be lost by the rebel authorities in putting in force the tbreat of Mr. Davis. Whoever doubts this must be utterly ignorant of the spirit which animates those who are silruggling in the South to destroy the union of the States, in behalf of a government whose corner-stone is slavery. " But the point thus stated will not be further insisted upon at this time; because, Avhatever was the threatening character of Mr. Davis's declared purpose, as set out in his message, it has been thrown entirely into the shade by substsqnent events, which are but just now Ijcing developed, growing out of the most solemn acts of the govern- ment of the United States. "It is generally known that when the Congress of the United States proceeded to au- thorize by law the employment of colored tn)ops for the sujjpression of the rel)ellion, there was throughout the whole length and breadth of the South one universal cry of real or well-atfected indignation, accompanied with the wildest threats of vengeance against such officers as might be captured with colored troops, while the colored soldiers themselves, it was everywhere believed, should be either ' returned or sold into slavery.' It was everywhere published throughout the South that this class of troops was not entitled to and should not receive the protection of the laws of war, aud the strongest terms which infuriate madness could devise or invent Avere userl in condemnation of the measure authorized by the United States government. " What has actually been done up to the present time in the South in obedience to this spirit of vengeance so openly dechired, it may be impossible to determiiu^ in detail, except in a few scattered instances; but it is a most signilicant fact, that in no single instance has the smallest evidence come to light tending to show that any ofticer con- nected with colored troops has been ca])ture(ralive and held in the South as a ])risouer of war ; nor has any colored man employed as a soldier of the United States been cap- tui'ed in the South and accounted for as a prisoner of war. To any reasonable man this glaring fact might be siifficient to show the fell purposes of the rebel authorities to countenance, if they have not directly ordered, the destruction of this class of troops whenever and wherever they nnhaiipily fall into their power. From the nature of the case, the evidence of the proceedings in the South, when characterized by the murder of colored troops aud their white officers, can hardly be expected to reach the i)ublic through the confederate authorities, but we must look for them chiefly through iiuli- rect disclosures, such as may be found in a paragraph from a New York paper of a re- cent date, in the words following : • '"Eehel C.vkrauity.— The following is an extract from a letter, dated Port Hudson, November :3, written bv a captain in the seventh regiment, aud addressed to his father in jS(nv lork : " 'We Inne just received information of a positive character (we only had rumors before) that First Lieutenant George 13. Coleman, jr., of New York City, who was cap- tured about two months agt) while out on a raid, was hanged within twentv-fonr hours afterward, togethtu- with some twenty privates (colored) who were tak<'n with him. I hope some action will be taken on the subject, and that soon. I know that the offi- cers aud soldiers of the Corps d'Afrique will take innnediate and tinal action, if they ever get into a tight. The nu'U of the command will endeavor to protect themselves from such a fate, thuugh the goveriunent should neglect to do it.' "The government of the I'nited States, in authorizing the eiuidoymeut of colored troops for the suppression of the rebellion, bound itself, aud is undoui)tedly under the most solemn obligation, to use its utmost [>ower to throw over that class of troops the protection of the laws of war, and stands engaged before the world to make no com- promise whatever which shall jeopardize the claim of this class of troops, when cap- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 663 tnred, to be treated Avitli that luimanity which is due to all other troops iu likecircum- stuuces, aecovdiuo- to the laws of civilized warfare. "While we know of some individual iustauces in which the rebels have violated the laws of war, we do 7iot know of a single instance in which they have respected those laws in their treatment of colored troo))s ; and when the rebel Hgent of exchange otters, as he has done, to exchange all the ])risoners of war in his han(is against all that w(; have iu our hands, the surplus to remain on parole, it would manifest the most stupid blindness on our part to imagine, for one moment, that he has ever intended to include colored troops as subject to excliange. He might say, and with verbal truth, speaking individually, that he would deliver, under certain conditions, all prisoners in his hands, without intending to include this class of troops; Ijecause, by the actit)n of the confederate authorities, not a single man, officer, or soldier belonging to the Corps d'Afrique, has been or will bo permitted to come into his hands. Tliey have on tiie contrary, when captured, been either murdered, cast into prison, or sold into slavery. They are not recognized in the South as soldiers. "Among a few instances serving to illustrate the spirit and purpose of the rebels in their treatment of colored troops, or colored persons in the employment of the govern- ment, it may be stated that two colored men ('m[)loyed in the navy, who were captured near Charleston, were heavily ironed and cast into jirison in that city, beyoiul which fact we have no trace of them. We know of two free colored young men belougiuerty to discredit, a chaplain belonging to a Massachu- setts colored regiment, upon being captured, was heavily ironed and sent to a prison in Columbia, South Carolina, where he has been held in violation of Mr. Ould's 'cordial' acceptance of the proposition for a general release of this class of persons. I have every reason to believe that this particular chaplain, because he had belonged to a colored regiment, was deliberat(!ly withheld. Another chai)laiu, who had been his fellow-prisoner, was separated from him and released, from whom we learned the facts in the case as just stated. Witlun the past few days, upon a fornuil api)lication made by General Meredith, at my instance, to learn the history of two men who were reported to be, and are believed to be, officers of the federal army, said to be in the hands of the enemy, Mr. Ould furnished to General Meredith what purjiorted to be the proceedings of a civil court in the State of Virginia, the testimony in the cases not being furnished, by which it appeared that the two men liad b(,'en sentenced to a penitentiary for a term of years, on a charge of negro stealing; and the governor of Virginia, or that part of it iu rv.^hi'lliou, indorsed on the application of General Meredith a declaration that the two men iu (juestion should remain in the penitentiary while he remained governor of Virgiuia. In thesa instances there can hardly be a doubt but that these two men ai'e undergoing liumiliation and suffering because of their connec- tion with the federal government, on the pretense of being subjected to a penaltj' for negro stealing. " I supi»ose it unnecessary to proceed further into detail to show, to the satisfaction of every one who is willing to acce^tt the truth, that the i)ractice of the South has been and is entirely iu keeping with the s]>irit of Mr. Davis's message to the rebel con- gress, or is carried beyond it, and that there has not been up to the present time the slightest indication of a jjurpose to relax, in any respect whatever, in tlie execution of their declared policy iu the treatment of colored troops and their wluti; officers who may fall intotlieir hands ; and I hold it to be certain that while they will keep from the light as much as possible their barbarous [)ractices, tliey will jjursue them inex- orably, unless they can be made to feel that the national i)ower is the strongest, aud can show itself by the actual possession of a body of their troops held iu the North as prisoners of war, who, by the laws of war, are liable to be used for retaliatory purposes. " It has been su|)posed, even iu many parts of the North, that the propositi(m of Mi'. Ould, of the -iUth of October, for an exchange of prisoners, is fair, and ought to be accepted ; but it does not appear to be considered that Mr. Ould has not proi)osed to yield to us a certain number of prisoners of war and receive a like number in return, which would be a most happy consummation that would be at once accepted by this government. But his proposition is tiiat we siiall deliver to him all of the prisoners iu our possession, ainountuig now to about forty thousand men, aud receive in returu about thirteen thousand men, leaving about twenty-seven thousand men who might, 664 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR for a few clays, be considered on parole not to take arms unless duly exchanged ; and then what would Mr. Ould do with tliose men ? , "Judginj^by what he has actually recently done, he would undoubtedly assume to discharge those men from all obligations under tlieir parole, and put them into the field to light against national troops, standing under an unstained national flag — the very troops who gallantly captured those men upon bloody battle-tields within the past few months. " To show the extreme probability of this, it is only necessary to refer to a few facts, beginning with tlie statement of Mr. Ould to General Meredith, officially communicnted to me, that he, Mr. Ould, would 'proceed to make declarations of exchange whenever he conscientiously felt the right so to do, for the purpose of putting men into the field ;' thus openly setting aside the cartel and the laws and usages of war in favor of liis individual sense of right — which sense of right, in ^Mr. Ould, is so obtuse and wild as to justify him in making use of a ' tabular statement ' of alleged captures, principally in tlie Western .States, amounting to over eighteen thousand men, a considerable portion of whom were undoubtedly captured by guerilla ))arties, and were not soldiers, but, for the most part, peaceable citizens of the country, ])robably known as friends to the Union, wlio for that reason were seized and compelled to make an oath not to take arms against the southern confederacy ; and this class of persons Mr. Ould expects us to accept in exchange for rebel troops, captured mostly at Vicksburg, wlio, having been paroled in the South, were 'declared' exchauged by Mr. Ould, with(mt any con- ference or understanding with our agent, in violation of the provisions of the cartel, and in violation of the usages of war. " It nmst be borne in mind that the cartel was virtually abrogated by the mes.sage of Mr. Davis ; not, indeed, as to its binding character upon the South, for Mr. Davis had no power under the laws of war to abrogate the ]u-ovisionsof that instrument ; but his declared purposes in violation of the cartel would have fully justified the United States government in declaring its provisions null and void ; Avliile, at the same time, the government has been at libeiiy to require its observance on the part of the South. "I do not mean to deny, in the reference just made to the tabular statement prepared by Mr. Ould, but that there were some nu^n included in that statement who had been legitimately nuule i)risouers of war, th(nigh not delivered according to the cartel; but, for the most part, the prisoners included in that taltular statement were not set down as having been captured upon any known battle-lield, or as having been taken from or with any known federal conunander ; nor are they reitorted as having been delivered to any federal commander; but they are set down as having been captured at lai-ge in the State of Kentucky, nobody knows v.here ; or in the State of Tennessee, or in other States of the West and South ; while, in no less than four instances, they are reported as having been cai)tnred in ' Kentucky and Tennessee,' the two States being thus cou- pled together, nuiking it impossible, from the tabular statement itself, to determine where they were captured, or whether, indeed, any military captures whatever were made, except a few at Chickamanga, and possibly a few at one or two other places. " Mr. Ould is a mere agent under the cartel, and has no powers beyond those recog- nized in the cartel for the execution of its provisions, yet he has recently assumed to decide an important question by which he undertook to liberate from the obligations of their i»arole the whole of the prisoners, some six or seven thousand, captured by General JJanks at Port Hudson, and paroled by General Banks under a special agreement with the rebel conunander. "The world knows that those j)risouers fell unconditionnUii into the hands of General Banks at the surrender of Port Hudson, and General Banks had the power to send them to the North if it had been his pleasure to do so ; but he made an (ti/reviiieitt with the rebel commander to release them on parole, and released them at Mobile in con- formity with the ageement. "The cartel for tlie exchange of prisoners provided two ])laces for their delivery, to wit : City I'oint, on .lames River, and \'i(kshurg, on the 31issis.si|)pi ; but it pro- vided also that when either of these places should l>eeonu' unavailable by th<' exigen- cies of war for the (hdivery of jirisouers, other points might be ' agreed upon' by the commanders in the field. This was precisely what happened. Vieksljurg having fallen into tlui hands of (Jeneral Grant, had, by that exigency, become unavailalile for the delivery of captured rebel soldiers, and when, sul)se(|uently. General Banks canu; into possession of several thousand prisoners by the unconditional surrender of Port Hud.son, he nnuh! an iKjrctincnt with tlii^ rebel (ieneral Gardner, their conmumder, to deliver liis prisoners on ]>arole at ilobile. and did so. "Mr. Ould, without any proper authority whatever, assumed to write a letter on the 10th of Oi'tolter last, a copy of which he has not furnished us, but which has been pub- lished in a Richmond newspajier, in which he attemps to release all of those i»risoners from obligations under their i)arole, because, as he undi'rtak<\s to decide, they were not delivered at places named in the cartel, when the cartel itself i)rovides for other places of delivery thau those cx[»ressly named in the cartel, when rendered necessary by the •exigencies of war. lu the meau time, however, it cauuot be doubted that the body of BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 665 men in question have been put into the field to fight again the federal troops by whom they were captured but a few months since ; and this, too, without having been ex- changed^ and without having been properly released from the obligations of their parole., " Since writing the above, I have received an official report from General ^Meredith, one point in which will be hero stated, to wit : That General Meredith, ibr the i)urposo of withdrawing oursnfferiug prisoners iiom Richmond, distinctly jiroposed to Mr. Onld that lie would send him twelve thousand or more confederate prisoners, as many as he might hold of our men, and receive in return our prisoners held in the South ; which proposition Mr. Onld refnsed to accept, but said that he would agree; to a general exchange ; the efl'ect of which undoubtedly would be to cancel the excess of jtrisoners in our hands by a delivery of abont forty thousand for about thirteen thousand ; to leave the rebel authorities the entire disposition of such colored troops and their white officers as they might capture ; to exjjose Captains Sawyer and Flynn to their fate under orders in Richuion'd, which have never been eounleymanded ; to turn loose ag;iin certain notorious guerilla leaders to renew their ravages in Kentucky and ^Missouri, (neither of which States have ever united with the so-called southern CDufederacy ;) to put into the field a fresh army of rebels to be recaptured ; ami, in short, Ave shouhl deliberats'ly neutral- ize or throw away a chief part of the power of the government at this time, through which there nuiy be some hope, by measures yet to be decided upon, of controlling the action of the authorities in Richmond in their treatment of prisoners of war, and com- pelling them to respect the laws of war, if they are deaf to those of humanity. " We consider that, at this time, the rebel authorities owe us upon the exchange list more than all of the prisoners of war tiiey now hold, as equivalent for the prisoners paroled by Generals Grant and Banks; and even already the (]nestiou has come up from General Grant's glorious battle-iield at Chattanooga as to what shall Ix; done with a body of the enemy, who, having been paroleled officers unfit for the toil and labor of active field duty, but compe- tent for guard artially removes it, the most of it finding a permanent lodgment in the drains. The town has no water works to cleanse its streets. Most respectfully submitted. T. P. ATKINSON, Maipr. JOHN W. HOLLAND, President of Council. E. J. BELL, Clerk of Council. [Indorsement.] Mayor T. P. Atkinson and city council, Danville, Virginia. Petition for the removal of the Yankee prisoners from the city, &c. The stench, as alleged by the physicians, causing fevers, &c. Four indosiires. Ordered. J. A. S., Sec. Received January 29, 1864, 6i o'clock. At a meeting of the council of the town of Danville, held on the 27th January, 1864, the following preamble and resolutions were passed: Whereas it has been represented to the council by the board of health, as well as the citizens generally, that the health of the town is greatly endangered bj" the i)resence of the Yankee prisoners here ; be it Eemlved, That the mayor. Doctor T. P. Atkinson, be authorized and requested to pro- ceed to Richmond and present our situation to the secretary of war, and use every exertion to have the prisoners removed. Resolved, further, That Dr. T. P. Atkinson, our mayor, is authorized to apply to the proj)er authorities for the exemption of the council of Danville from military duty. JOHN W. HOLLAND, Fresident Council. E. J. BELL, Clerk. Office of the Board of Health, Danville, Virginia, January 27, 1864. John W. Holland, President of Council : From the number of cases of fever and small-pox occurring in the vicinity of the hos- pitals containing Yankee prisoners, and the offensiveness of the effluvia proceeding therefrom, we feel it our duty to ask the council to take such measures as are necessary to protect themselves and the community. The hospitals are located in the very heart of the town, and while every police measure may be adopted as far as the ability of the polite and gentlemanly commandant will permit, yet it is manifest that the prin- cipal streets are now avoided on account of the excessive otfeusiveness therefrom. We believe the large number of cases of fever proceed from the causes enumerated ; and if it commences so soon in the year, what are we to expect during the summer months if the cause remains ? And as the situation of our town is such as to preclude the establishing of proper regulations to enable the authorities to get clear of the of- fensive matter that naturally accumulates, we therefore respectfully request that the necessary steps be taken to have the prisoners removed from the liniit of the town. J. M. SMITH, M. D., W. S. GREEN, M. D., THOS. D. STOKES, M. D., GEO. E. WELSH, B. H., Board of Health. Danville, Virginia, January 27, 1864. The undersigned citizens of Danville desire to call the attention of the council to an intolerable grievance by which they are annoyed, and which threatens the destruction of their families unless it shall be speedily removed. The stench arising from the Confederate States prisons in this place, and in which there are some four thousand Yankee prisoners confined, many of them sulferiug from 672 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR sniall-pox and other violent diseases, is so extremely offensive to the neighborhood in ■which we respectively reside as not only to snbject us and our families to the greatest degree of annoyance, but, as we are informed by our physicians, to render it ahuost certain that the most fearful and fatal diseases must soon be brouglit upon us. Under these circumstances we call upon you, as the legislative authority of the towTJ, to talc(! such measures in the. premises as you may deem most efhcient in relieving us from tlie present and ])rospective evils of our condition. AVe iuc conrHlcnt that in making ])roper inquiry into the matter you will adopt prompt means to etiect an object so desiral)le not only to us but to the whide town. We are, very respectfully, your constituents, Wiiddell, Parish & Co., proprietors Tuu- stall House, Samuel S. Bryant, Julius Gerst, J. B. Pace, on behalf of self and woolen- mill operatives, John F. Cobbs, A. G. Taylor, J. R. Galium, J. R. Pace, Crems, Rodeuhizer & Co., on behalf of selves and operatives in fouudery and machine shops, R. E. Withers, Geo. W. Read, John W. Holland, J. C. Voss, T. M. Johnston, Jas. R. Lipscomb, Thos. D. Stokes, U. S. Pattou, J. Davis, John R. Price, Geo. E. Welch, Jno. F. Hobson, Jno. P. .Johnston, Alexander Smith, J. B. Lake, President R. F. College, Robt. S. Hart, Joseph ]\L Lipscomb, Jno. S. Exell, .James McCulley, Elisha Lenn, Jr., T. D. Brown, J. R. Pierce, C. W. Gaenant, C. M. Flvnu, William T. West, William T. Clark, F. G. Clairborne, C. C. Clialpin, J. W. liell, C. W. Watkins, J. H. Halcombe, William B. Watson, William C. Gearty, William Rison, A. M. Ryter, B. B. Merrvman, G. H. Holland, William Rebnesa, John Williams, William .J. Berrymau, John J. Berrymau, J. M. Pollard, H. C. Jackson, R. D. Wade. Richmond, January 28, 1864. Sin: I am charged by the corporate authorities of Danville with a mission, whose character will appear by a perusal of the accompanying papers, to which I ask your attention, antl will be veiy much obliged if you will favor me with a rei)ly as soon as by 10 o'clock to-morrow evening, to be left at the ollice of the Spottswood, as I desire to leave to-morrow afternoon on my return home. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, T. P. ATKINSON. Hon. Jas. AcSeddox, /Secretary of War. Richmond and Danville Railroad, President's Office, Bichmond, January 30, 1^64. Hon. Jas. A. Seddon, Secretary of War : Will you s a great deal of trouble. The question certainly gives me a great deal ; but I undergo that trouble very cheerfully, aud would if it were twice as much, in order that our prisoners may get even smaller alleviations for their suiierings than those which they receive from their friends. I have conversed with many of our prisoners on this subject, aud they say that the boxes received from their friends have been al- most a source of support to them, and they were complaining loudly of the confede- rate government because that source of supply had of late been substantially cut off. The last number of prisoners that escaped left on Monday, and the assurance that Mr. Ould sent me was given on the same day, aud they had not heard of the resump- tion of the delivery of packages ; but I have no doubt it has beeu resumed. I agree with you fully that the rebel prisoners in our hands are abundautly sujiplied, biW I suppose that when you and I were at school, abundautly fed, oui" teachers at that time 676 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR hardly tlaouglit it an imputation npou their feeilinf? because we received boxes of sweet- meats aud cakes from home. Pardon me, but I look upon this matter, so far as the rebel prisoners are concerned, pretty mucli iu the same light. But with our soldiers in their hands, it is a matter, as I am instructed, of almost entire subsistence. In the mean time, therefore, I desire to have, and shall have, the delivery of* pack- ages made in accordance with the views herein contained, unless specially directed to the contrary by the Secretary of War ; for I cannot ask the confederate commissioner to deliver boxes to our prisoners from their friends, while I refuse to deliver boxes from their friends to their prisoners. Whenever the time comes for onr government to retaliate xipon these men for the wrongs done to our i)risoners, I assure you it shall be done in a much more explicit and telling manner than by withholding boxes and pro- visions from their prisoners sent them by their friends. In the mean time I do not permit anything to come from the confederate government, or from State governments of the confederacy, for the support of their prisoners ; for that would be an implied admission that we were not supporting them sufficiently. And therefore when Gov- ernor Vance, of North Carolina, forwarded, through Commissioner Onld, a draft for ^9000, in favor of the governor of New York, to be by the governor of New York ex- pended for the beneht of North Carohna prisoners iu our hands, I retained such draft, and still do retain it, and have notified Mr. Onld unofficially, and shall here- after inform him officially, if such relations ever exist between iis, that the United States does not select the governor of any State to take care of its prisoners of war, or allow any one else to so select any of them, however much they may respect such officers in their appropriate sphere ; aud if Governor Vance, or the governor of any other State, desires to have money expended for the benefit of prisoners, if the same privilege is given ours, we shall have no objections to such expenditures, provided it is done through the agents of the United States government, and not through any corresiJondence be- tween the governors of States. I would also call your attention to what I think will be necessary to be done further in this direction, to wit : that the confederate prisoners be allowed to purchase such things as they may desire to wear, eat, or drink, (intoxicating liquors alone excepted,) with their own money or that furnished them by their friends. And I would like to have your views upon this subject. I also desire to ask your attention to these views because, if they influence your judgment as they have mine, I trust we shall make a xiniform order to all the prisoners held by us, that they shall be allowed to receive boxes from their friends, and buy with their own money a reasonable amount of things which they may need. Awaiting an interchange of views, I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Com'r for Exchange. No. 90. RiCiiMOXD, March 4, 1864. Dear Sir: It has occurred to me that fhe papers just captured from the enemy are of such an extraordinary and diabolical character, that some formal method should be adopted of giving them to the ])ublic than simply sending them to the press. My own conviction is for an execution of the prisoners aud a publication as justifica- tion. But in any event the publication should go foith with official sanction from the highest authority, calling the attention of our people and the civilized world to the fiendish and atrocious conduct of our enemies. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BRAXTON BRAGG. Hon. J. A. Seddox, Secretary of War. [Indorsement.] General B. Bragg. Advising execution of prisoners captured during recent raid of enemy iu vicinity of Richmond. No. 91. Washington City, D. C, March ;50, 1864. Sir : On the 28th instant I addressed a letter to the honorable Secretary of War in reference to a cartel for the exchange of prisoners, reported by Major General Banks ; and having understood that the pap(U's have been referred to yonrself, I desire to say that in the letter (with those papers) General Banks requests that the jirisouers he BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 677 seut north may bo returued to liis department, for the purpose of being returned to the enemy for prisoners received by him from the enemy. Colonel Hoifman, commissary general of prisonei's, informs me that General Banks seut north no prisoners exce])t officers ; and I desire now to add to the statement made by Colonel Holfniiin, and which is indorsed on the papers from General Banks, that the non-comuiissioued otiicers and privates taken by General Banks at and ])rior to the capture of Port Hudson, amounting to several thousand men, were sent by General Banks to ^lobile, and were there paroled under an express agreement with the rebel General Gardner. Those men have never been exchanged. In the midst of the controversy between General Meredith and Mr. Ould, with re- spect to irregular and unauthorized proceedings of the latter iu regard to the Vicks- burg prisoners, Mr. Ould published a letter iu a Richmond pajter, officially assuming to decide and declare that the deliveries made by General Banks at Mobile were not made in conformity with the cartel, and he assumed to tlischarge all of those men from all obligations under their parole. Immediately on receiving intelligence of this fact, I protested against the conduct of Mr. Ould, in a letter addressed to General Meredith, a copy of which was sent to Mr. Ould ; but the rebel agent has never made any explanation of that proceeding. As the commissioner of exchang;'., I claimed, and still claim, that all of those men so delivered by General Banks were and still are bound by their parole, having never been exchanged. General Banks might be permitted to use as many of those men as would cancel the number received by him under his recent cartel. We elaiiu that, independently of the men paroled at Mobile, the rebels were indebted to us, unjust princii)Ies, several thousand men released fr(jm their parole by Mr. Onld, from among those captured by General Grant at Vicksburg ; and in my judgment we ought not to yield our claim to the prisoners paroled at Mobile, without receiving proiJer equivalents. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General H. W. Haxleck, Chief of Staff, cfc. Commissioner of Exchange. No. 92. Lieutenant Colonel Henry C. Davis asks what disposition shall be made of an amount of money belonging to a deceased federal prisoner. fludorsement.l Lieutenant Colonel Henry C. Davis. Returned to Lieutenant Colonel Davis. If the money is forwarded to me with mem- orandum of the wishes of the deceased, they will be carried out. Apkil 13, 1864. Lieutenant Colonel Henry C. Davis states that he has in notes, over five dollars, four hundred and twenty-five dollars belonging to federal prisoners, and desires to know ii it must be disbursed at the discount. I Indorsement.! Lieutenant Colonel Henry C. Davis. Returned to Lieutenant Colonel Davis. The parties must submit to the deduction. There is no help to it. They cannot complain if they are treated as oiir own people. Besides, according to the theory of the matter, the two-thirds should jjurchase as much as the whole would formerly. April 12, 1«64. No. 93. [Telegram.] Demopolis, J2ml 19, 1864. To General S. Cooper : The following dispatch jhst received from General Forrest, dated Jackson, Tennes- see, April 15 : "L. Polk, lie atenant general: I attacked Fort Pillow on the morning 678 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR of the 12tli instant, with a part of Bell's and McCulloch's brigade, numbering fifteen hundred, under Brigadier General J. R. Chalmers. After a short fight drove the enemj^, seven liundred strong, into the fort under cover of their gunboats. Demanded a surrender, which was decliued by Major L. W. Booth, commanding United States forces. I stormed the fort and after a contest of thirty minutes captured the entire garrison, killing five hundred and taking two hundred horses and a large amount of quartermaster stores ; the officers in the fort were killed, including Major Booth. I sustained ii loss of twenty killed and sixty wounded ; among tlie wounded is the gal- lant Lieutenant ColonerWilliam M. Reid, wliile, h\ading the Fifth Mississippi. Over one hundred citizens, who had tied to the fort from conscription, ran into tlu> river and were drowned. Tlie confederate llag now fioats over the fort.— N. B. Forrest, Major General." L. POLK, Lieutenant General. [ludorsement.] Copy sent secretary war and General Bragg. No. 94. Americus, Georgl\, May 10, 1864. General : I have the honor to report that, in obedience to Special Orders No. 100, Adjutant and Inspector General's Ofiice, Richmond, Virginia, dated 29th April, I pro- ceeded to Americus, Georgia, where I arrived on Saturday, the 7th of May. On Mon- day, 9th, I visited Andersonville, ten miles from Americus, inspected the federal pris- oners at that place, and respectfully submit the following : I. rrisoncrs. — The whole number of prisoners received at this prison since it was first estaldished on the 23d of February, 1864, is 13, 218 The numlier of deaths since that time to this date is 1, 026 Escaped from i)rison and not recaptured 5 Sent to other posts 7 1,038 Total now in prison 12, 180 II. The prison is composed of an area of ground sixteen and a half acres in extent, situated on two opposing banks or sides of a stream of water, which furnishes an ample supply of good water for drinking and bathing purposes. This area is incased by a stockade made of lieavy pine post's, placed vertically in the ground to the depth of five feet, and rising seventeen feet above it. This inclosure is entered by two strong gates. The rjpace inclosed is in the form of a parallelogram, approaching very nearly a square. On etxch side of the inclosure, upon the top of the stockade, so as to overlook the in- terior, arc arranged eight sentry boxes or platforms, which are about fi)rty yards dis- tant fiom each other. ' The lociition of the prison ground is elevated aiul dry except that portion l)ord<'ring immediately on the stream of water and comprising about one- fonrtli of the whole space inclosed by the stockade; which is wet and marshy, and in its present condition is altogether unfit for an encampment, so that the prisoners really occupy only about twelve acres. The space, therefore, allotted to each man, is seven feet six inches. Captain II. Wirz, the commander of the prison, is now endeavoring to reclaim this piece of \v«t laud by draining, and expects to have it completed in a few days so as to make it a lit location for tents or barracks. Captain Wirz informs me that this work Avould haye been done sooner, but that he was unable to obtain the necessary imple- ments to do it with. He also informs me that just so soon as the drainage is completed be designs constructing at the upper end of the stream, inside of the stockade, two dams otditierent altitudes, the upper to c(dlect water for drinking, and the lower for bathing pur^joses. Over the remainder of the stream it is designed to construct the sinks. '^The stream is of sufticient voIuuk^ and velocity to carry off all the de])osits. The prisoners are not supplied with barracks or tents and have no shelter but such as they have niadi^ with their blankets and pine boughs. This, I would respectfully sug- gest, will in my opinion be insutficient during th(i hot weather of the suunner months. There being no trees or other protection from the rays of the sun, and crowded to- o-ether as they are, it will bo necessary to furnish them with tents or other more capa- cious quarters than those now occupied, in order that they may be divided oft' into proper streets admitting a free circulation of air and affording better facilities for the enforcing of the necessary police regulations. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 679 Colonel A. H. Persons, the conJmandant of the post, has engaged one million of feet of lumber to be sawerl near Macon, a portion of which is already sawed ; and he has collected a considerable quantity of it at the prison for the f)urpose of building bar- racks. He informs me that this would have been done sooner but for the want of transportation for the lumber on the railroad, and for the lack of the carpenter tools necessary for building imrposes. Tliere are a number of carpenters among the prison- ers who are jterfectly willing to do work which will promote tlieir own comfort. III. Discipline, — Captain Wirz, the commander of the prison, is very firm and rigid in the discipline of tlie prisoners, and at the same time exercises towards them all proper acts of kindness. The whole number of prisonei's is divided into detachments of two hundred and seventy men each. A sergeant is appoiuti'd for each detachment, whose duty it is to cause the men to fall promptly in ranks and to call the roll at seven o'clock a. m., daily. If any one is absent the sergeant is required to report the fact and the cause of his absence, innuediately, to the command(^r of the prison ; a fail- ure to do which is severely punished. For facilitating the distributing of rations these detachments of two hundred and seventy are subdivided into messes of ninety each. Those detailed for work outside of the stockade or sick in the hospital are marked on the roll-books, and as soon as their work is completed or they are dis- charged from the hospital, they are returned to the squad to which they belong. Ab- sentees from rcdl-call are puuished by withholding their day's rations. Minor offenses are punished by work not to exceed two hours. The sergeants are required, after roll- call, to carry the sick to the hospital and to return to their quarters those who are not received. The prisoners are not allowed to trade with any one except the sutler ap- pointed by the commandant of the post. On the inside of the stockade and twenty ieet from it there is a- dead-line; established, over which no prisoner is allowed to go, day or night, under penalty of being shot. The officer of the day alone is allowed to pass anyone inside the stockade, after having first ascertained if the iierson wishing to enter is entitled to do so, or has a pass from the commandant of the post. Visitors having permission to enter are allowed to converse with the prisoners only in pres- ence of an otficerof the day. The officer of the day is recpiired to examine every wagon that enters the stockade for the purpose of carrying commissary, hospital, or sutler stores, to ascertain whether they contain any contraband articles. If any prisoner makes his escape and is recaptured, lu! is punished by having attached to him a ball and chain, which is to remain on him until he is exchanged or released from prison. All the labor about the prison, including that of clerks, is done by prisoners who are under parole not to attempt escape while on the outside of the stockade. IV. rririlcges. — The prisoners were until a few days past allowed occasionally to go outside of the stockade to collect boughs and other articles to build huts, &c., but owing ro too great an intimacy which sprung up between the prisoners and their guard, the exchanging of clothing, &c., the commander found it necessary to withhold this privilege. The prisoners are allowed to send and receive letters, subject to the inspection of the prison commander. A letter-box is placed inside the stockade for the reception of all communication from the prisoners. They are also allowed to receive boxes seut them l>y friends, after their contents have l)een carefully examined. Those boxes received for prisoners who have died before their arrival are turned over to the surgeon in charge, for the use of the hospital. All money that a prisoner may have is taken from him and placed in the hands of the quartermaster, and with it the prisoner is allowed to buy anythiug that the sutler is liccnsiid to sell. V. Police rcffalations. — Two squads of prisourrs of twenty men each are detailed each day, supplied with shovels, and chargeil with the duty of removing from the encamp- ment all offal, the combustible portion of which is burned and the remainder thrown iuto the ditch through which the stream of water flows. Over each squad one of the number is appointed as superintendent, who is required to report daily to the com- mander of the prison any failure of tlie sipiad to do their duty, or any violation of ])olice rules. I'rimn f/itard. — The strength of the whole guard is : Fifty-seventh regiment Geor- gia volunteers, 0:^5 men, rauk and file; detachment of Fifty-fifth regiment Georgia volunteers, 153 men, rank and file ; detachment of Twenty-sixth regiment Alabama volunteers, 238 men, rank and file; Fhu'ida battery, 127 men; total, 1,19.5. The battery consists of four guns, two ten-pound rifled, and two NapohM)n guns. The number of men detailed for guard duty each day is, commissioned oflicers, 7 ; non-conunissioned officers, 16; privates, 280; total,' 303, exclusive of artillery. The guard is located as follows: one man iu each sentry-box, on the top of the stockade ; forty men at each gate in the day and eighty at night. The remainder are posted in a hue around and fifty yards distant from the stockade. The reliefs not on duty are required to remain at'or very near their posts. The artil- lery is posted, a section of two guns on the summit of a hill within close range and, commanding the gates and one slope of the interior of the inclosure. The other sec- tion of two guns is planted iu a like manner on another hill commanding the gates; 680 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR and the other slope of the prison inclosure, the two sections thus supporting each other and commanding pex'fectly tlie gates and the whole interior of the prison. All the officers in command 'are of the opinion that the prison is secure as at present guarded, but all ask that I will suggest to the department that they believe it would be hazardous to the safety of the prisoners to make the contemplated change in the guard, by substituting for one of the regiments now present a regiment of the reserve forces of tlie State, who are entirely unaccustomed to guard duty and liable to the numerous diseases that are incident to the commeucenumt of camp life. VI. Commissarij department. — This department is amply supplied with all the stores necessary for the subsistence of the prisoners. A large bakery and other culinary arrangements have just been comjjleted of sufficient capacity to cook for tlie whole number of prisoners present. The rations issued to the i)risouers are the same as those issued to the confederate soldiers in the field, viz : one pound of l)eef, or in lieu thereof one-third pound bacon, and one and one-fourth pound meal, with an occa- sional issue of beans or peas, rice, molasses, and vinegar. The rations are now issued, cooked, in bulk, to squads of two hundred aud seventy men, who divide them among themselves. A small supply of wood is also furnished them in the inclosure to cook anything that they may have of their own. Before the completion of the bakery the great scarcity of cooking utensils prevented a proper j)reparation of the food, and thus materially increased the number of cases in the hospital. The commander of the prison informs me that with the addition of two or three more boilers to the present arrangement he can prepare food for twenty thousand men. VII. Uof^inial department. — The hospital accommodations are extremely indifferent. The sick have no buildings or tents, nothing but thirty-live tent Hies, and they nearly worn out. A portion of the ground inside of the stockade is occupied as the hospital, a space entirely inadequate to the accommodation of the numljer of sick who are crowded in almost as thick as they can be placed. The whole number of cases that have been treated since the establishment of the prison to the present date, is 4,588; whole number of deaths, 1,026 ; number now in hospital, 582. Beside the number now in hospital, the surgeon in charge. Dr. White, informs me that there are nearly five hundred others under treatment, who are not in hospital, he- cause there are no accommodations for them. The report of the sick and wounded for the month of April exhibits a ratio of 316.1 cases, and 57.6 deaths per 1,000 of mean strength. The average number of deaths per day from the establishment of the prison to the present time is 13|. The number of deaths during the week ending May 8 was 131, making an average of 184 per day, thus showing a considerable increase in the mor- tality during the past week, and I am of the opinion that this inci'ease will continue, unless a decided improvement is made in the hospital accommodations and the comfort of the prisoners. At the earnest request of the officers commanding the prison and the surgeon in charge, (if I may be allowed to do so,) I would respectfully suggest that permission be granted the surgeon in charge to move the hos])ital to the outside of the stockade, and that a sufficient number of tents be furnished him for the accommodation of one thou- sand sick. There is a shady grove within one hundred yards of the prison which would be an exctdleut location for a hospital. The reasons urged for this change are that the hosi)ital patients are mucli crowded in their present position ; the jjrisoners with their camp tires are dtnisely crowded around the hos])ital, i)reventiiig a free circulation of air, so necessary to the treatment of diseases, and the frequent forays of the well prisoners \\\w\\ the hospital, rendering it impossible to keep the patients supi)lied with proper comforts. The hospital is divided into two divisions, with a liiU surgeon iu charge of each. One of these divisions is subdivided into three, and the other into two, wards, each ward under the care of an assistant surgeon. A suflicicnt number of nurses and hospital stewards for all purposes are ch'tailed from the nuinljer of jtrisoners. There is a surgeon appointed each day as professl(Uial officer of the day, Avliose duty it is to see that the hospital is wull policed, aud that the nurses and stewards discharge their duties promptly aud efficiently, and this officer is required to make a daily morn- ing report. In justice to Dr. White, the surgeon iu charge, permit me to say that he seems to at- tend faithfully to his een discovered, and several prisoners es- caped, but recaptured — one prisoner wounded while attempting to escape through the tunnel. There are ten posts arouiul the jail in the day and twelve at night. Most of the privates are confined in the yard of fhe jail, wiiicli is formed by a rotten wood fence ; hence the sentinels are the only security against escape. There are also senti- nels stationed on the outside of this wood fence. Sentinels upon examination exhibit considerable ignorance as to their instructions. Officers are allowed to go into jail yard and i)aroled not to attempt to make any escape. There are only two reliefs, sen- tinels being on duty three hours at a time. I found the prison iu a clean and sanitary condition and well policed — police duty performed by prisoners. There are thr>e kitchens, in which cooking for the whole prison is done ; cooks are taken from prison- ers; water is obtained outside the jail inclosure ; four prisoners are allowed to go for water under one sentinel. Prisoners receive the ration of a soldier in the field ; no complaint made as to insufficiency of ration. Four officers and three privates escaped, but have been recaptured. Prisoners are not secure under the present management; stringent and pro))er instructions are not given to the guard. Prisoners are allowed to purchase eatables iuid read our papers. Cai)tain Lenn, having other duties to per- form, is not at the prison more than one third of his time. Prisoners under the present jrt'ison organization I deem insecure. Upon examination of prison books I find a dis- crepancy of eight juisouers between the number of names and the number actually in jail, there being more prisoners in jail than upon the jirison record. The books are kept in very bail order, and no dependence or certainty can be placed in them. I would respectfully suggest that these prisoners be removed to Charleston, if a I'cgular military prison is established at that point, the number at Columbia not lieing suffi- cient to justify a new prison with a separate counnandant. Rations are drawn from post commissary, (quartermaster's stores from post quartenuaster. One officer and eight privates iu post hospital ; no guard is kept at hospital, and nothing to prevent their escai)e. Respectfully submitted. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN C. RUTHERFORD, Captain and Assista7it Adjutant General, Major Garnett Andrews, Assistant Adjutant General. No. 108. Major General Samuel Jones, headc^uarters department of South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, incloses letter from Rear- Admiral Dahlgren, relative to the capture of citizens at Mcintosh Court House, Ga., (3 inclosures,) viz : Dahlgreu's letter, his re- ply, and list of citizens. [Indorsement.! Returned to the honorable secretary of war. I look upon special exchanges of citi- zens as being, if anything, more objectionable than special exchanges of officers and soldiers. Under any such system we are at the mercy of the enemy. All such matters should be decided by principle, and I believe if we hold on to the position we have taken in such cases we will ultimately succeed. If these parties were soldiers and not citizens, then they can claim no privilege over their brethren who have been caj)tured on the battle-field. August 3U, ltiG4. BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 687 No. 109. State of South Carolina, Executive Department, Columbia, August 23, 1864. Sir : On the 10th of Auer the principal discussion turned n])on this very i)oint ; yon, on behalf of the confederate governnumt, claiming the right to hold all negroes, who had hereto- fore been slaves and not emancipated by their masters, enrolled and nmstered into the service of fln^ United States, when captured by your forces, not as prisoiu'rs of war, but upon capture to be turned over to their sup})osed nuisters or claimants, whoever they might he, to be held by them as slaves. By the advertisements in yonr newspajjcrs, calling npon masters to come forward and claim these men so cajjtnred, I snpi>ose that your anthorities still adheif to that claim, that is to say, that whenever a coloreil soklier of the United States is captured by yon, upon whom any claim can be made by any person residing within tin; States now in insurrection, such soldier is not to be treated as a prisoner of war, but is to be turned ,»ver to his supposed owner or claimant, and init at such labor or service as that owner or claimant may choose, and the officers in command of such soldiers, in the language of a supposed act of the Confederate States, are to be turned over to the governors of States, npon refiuisitions, for the ])ui pose of being punished by the laws of such States, for acts done in war in tin; armies of the United States. You nnist be aware that there is still a proclamation by Jetferson Davis, claiming to be chief executive of the Confederate States, declaring in substance that all officers of colored troops mustered into the service of the United States were not to be treated as prisoners of war, bnt were to be turned over for punishment to the go\-ernors of States. I am reciting these public acts from memory, and will be ]iardoned for not giving the exact words, although I believe I do not vary the substance and eifect. These declarations on the part of those whom yon reiireseiit yet remain unrepealed, itnannulled, unrevoked, and must therefore be still sui)posed to be authoritative. By your acceptance of our proposition, is the government of the United States to under- stand that these several claims, enactnu'uts, and proclaimed declarations are to be given up, set aside, revoked, and licdd for naught by the confederate authorities, and that you are ready and willing to exchange, man for man, those colored soldiers of tin; United States, (Uily must(;red and enrolled as such, who have heretofore been claimed as slaves by the Coiifeart to exchange prisoners, and which seems to include all prisoners of war, the confederate authorities have made a declaration that the negroes heretofore held to service by owners in the States of Delaware, Mary- land, and Missouri are to be treated as i)risoners of war when captured in aruis in the service of the United States. Such declaration, that a part of the colored soldiers of the United States were to be prisoners of war, would seem most strongly to imply that others were not to be so treated, or in other words, that colored men from the insurrec- tionary States are to be held to labor and returned to their masters if captured by the confederate forces while duly enrolled and mustered into and actually in the ai'mies of the United vStates. In the view which the government of the United States takes of the claim made by you to the persons and services of these negroes, it is not to be supported upon any principle of national or municipal law. Looking upon these men only as ])roperty, upon your theory of property in them, Ave do not see liow this claim can be made, certainly not how it cau be yielded. It is be- lieved to be a well-settled rule of public international law, and a custom and part of the laws of war, that the capture of movable property vests the title to that property in the captor ; and therefore, when one belligerent gets into full possession of property belonging to the subjects or citizens of the other belligerent, the owner of that prop- erty is at once divested of his title, which vests in the belligerent government capturing and holding such possession. Upon this rule of international law all civilized nations have acted, and by it both belligerents have dealt with all property, save slaves taken from each other during the present war. If the confederate forces capture a number of horses from the United States, the animals are immediately claimed to be, and, as we understand it, become, the property of the confederate authorities. If the United States capture any movable property in the rebellion, by our regula- tions and laws, in conformity with international law and the laws of war, such prop- erty is turned over to our government as its property. Therefore, if we obtain posses- sion of that species of property known to the laws of the insurrectionary States as slaves, why should thei'e be any doubt that that property, like any other, vests in the United States? If the property in the slave does so vest, then the "jus disjwnendi," the right of dis- posing of that property, vests in the United States. Now, the United States have disposed of tho property which they have acquired by capture in slaves taken by them, by giving that right of property to the man himself, to the slave, i. e., by emancipating liini and declaring him free forever, so that if we have not mistaken the principles of international law and the laws of war, wo have no slaves in the armies of the United States. All are free men, being made so in such manner as we have chosen to dispose of our property in them, which we acciuired by capture. Slaves being captured by us, and the right of property in them thereby vested in us, that right of property has been disposed of by us by manumitting them, as has always been the acknowledged right of the owner to do to his slave. The manner in which we dispose of our property while it is in our possession certainly cannot be questioned by you. Nor is the case altered if the property is not actually captured in battle, but comes either voluntarily or involuntarily from the belligerent owner into the ijossession of the other belligerent. I take it, no one would doubt the right of the United States to a drove of confederate mules, or a herd of confederate cattle, which should wander or rush across the con- federate lines into the lines of the United States Army. So it seems to me, treating the negro as property merely, if that piece of property passes the confederate lines and comes into the lines of the United States, that property is as much lost to its owner in the Confederate States as would be the mule or ox, the property of the resident of the Confederate States, which should fall into our hands. If, therefore, the principles of international law and the laws of war used in this dis- cussion are correctly stated, then it would seem that the deduction logically flows therefrom, in natural sequence, that the Confederate States can have no claim upon the negro soldiers captured by them from the armies of the United States, because of the former ownership of them by their citizens or subjects, and only claim such as re- sult, under the laws of war, from their captor merely. Do the confederate authorities claim the right to reduce to a state of slavery free men, prisoners of war, captured by them ? This claim our fathers fought against un- der Bainbridge and Decatur, when set up by the Barbary powers on the northern shore of Africa, about the year IdOO, and in 18(34 their children will hardly yield it upou their own soil. This point I will not pursue further, because I understand you to repudiate the idea H. Eep. 45 44 690 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR that yon will reduce free men to slaves because of capture iii war. aud that yon base the claim of the confederates authorities to re-enslave onr negro soldiers, when captured by yon, npon the "Jii-s post ?/)»;»;," or that prineipK' of the hnv of nations wliich rehabil- itates the former owner with his property taken by an enemy, when sueli property is recovered by the forces of his own country. Or, in other words, you claim that by the laws of nations and of war, when projierty of the subjects of one belligerent ])o\ver, captured by the forces of tin- other belligerent, is recaptured by the armies of the former owner, then such i)roperty is to be restored to its prior jiossessor, as if it had never been captured, and, therefore, under this prin- ciple your authorities pro])ose to restore to their nursters the slaves which heretofore belonged to them, which yon may capture from us. But this postliminary right, under which you claim to act, as understood and defined by all writers of national law, is applicable simply to iiiimordbic propciiji, and that, too, only after the complete subjugation of that |)ortion of the country in which the prop- erty is situated, upon which this right fastens itself. By the laws and customs of war, this right has never been applied to uiocahU: property. True it is, I believe, that the Romans attempted to apply it in the case of slaves, but for two thousand years no other nation has attempted to act up this right as ground for treating slaves differently from other property. But the Romans even refused to re-enslave men captured from opposing belligerents in a civil war, such as ours unhappily is. Consistently, then, with any principle of thelaw of nations, treating slaves as property merely, it would seem to be impossible for the government of the United States to per- mit the negroes in their ranks to be re-enslaved when cajitured, or treated otherwise than as piisoners of war. I have forborne, sir, in this discussion, to argne thecjuestion upon any other or differ- ent grounds of right than those adopted by your authorities in claiming the uegi'o as property, because I understand that your fa1)ric of opposition to the government of the United States has the right of ])roperty in man as its corner-stone. Of course it would not be profitable in settling ;i question of exchange of prisoners of war to attempt to argue the ([uestion of abandonment of the very corner-stone of their attempted politi- cal edifice. Therefore I have admitted all the considerations which should apply to the negro soldier as a man, aud dealt with him upon the confederate theory of property only. I unite with you most cordially, sir, in desiring a speedy settlement of all these ques- tions, in view of the great sufl'eriug endured by our jjrisoners in the hands of your au- thorities, of which yon so feelingly speak. Let me ask, in view of that suffering, why you have delayed eight months to ;inswer a proposition which, by now accepting, you admit to be rigid, just, and humane, allowing that suffering to continue so long? One cannot help thinking, even at the risk of being deemed uncharitable, that tlie benevo- lent sympathies of the confederate aufhoriti<'s have been lately stirred by the repleted condition of their armies, aud a desire to get into the field, to atteet the present cam- paign, the hale, hearty, and well-fed i)risoners held by the United States, in exchange for the half-starved, sick, emaciated, and unserviceable soldiers of the United States now languishing in your prisons. The events of this war, if we did not know it before, have taught us that it is not tl.'e northern portion of the American people alone who know how to drive sharp bargains. The wrongs, indignities, and ])rivations suffered by our soldiers would move me to consent to anything to jnocn re their exchange, except to barter away the honor and faith of the government t)f the United States, which has been so solemnly pledged to the colored soldiers in its ranks. Con.sistently with national faith and justice, we cannot relinquish this position. With your authorities it is a question of property merely. It seems to address itself to you in this form: Will you suffer your soldier, eapfined in lighting your battles, to be in conliiuuuent for nu)nths, rather than release him by giving for liim that which you call a i>iece of property, and which we are willing to accept as a man ? You certainly appear to place less value upon your solditirs than yon do upon your negro. I assure you, much as we of the North are accused of loving i)roperty, our citi zens would have no dihieulty in yielding up any piece of property they have in ex change for one of their brothers or sons iaiignishing in your prisons. Certaiidy there could be no doubt that they would do so were that piece of property less in value than five thousand dollars in confederate money, which is believed to bo the price of an able- bodied lu'gro in the insurrectionary States. Trusting that I may receive such a reply to the questions ])ropounded in this note as will lead to a s})eedy resumption of the negotiations for a full exehangt- of all prisoners, and a delivery of them to their respective authorities, I have the honor to be, very re- spectfully, your obedieut servant, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner of Exchange. Hon. Robert Ould, Commissioner of Exchange. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 691 No. 111. Abingdon, Virginia, August 25, 1864. Dear President: Honorable H. W. Bruce told me last wiater that you had kindly directed Colonel Ould to put my son's name down for the first prisoners exchanged. There seems now again a prospect of the renewal of the exchange; let me implore you to order Reid's name to be put down again on the first list. As I do not wish to be selfish, even as a mother, will you put with Reid's name that of the gallant Lt. Read, of the Tacony ? He was my dear sou's companion in his escape through the loop-hole of the fort. I rejoice with you in the brilliant success of your brave and high-toned nejjhew, J. Taylor Wood. I know you will be glad to learn that Captain Coutri proves himself not only a good soldier but an excellent husband, son, and brother. He is now away on an expedition of great hazard, but one which we fondly hope will win the reputation he deserves. Virginia is very well and happy, except for the captain's absence and the danger to which his fearless character exposes him. She joins me in best regards to yourself and Mrs. Davis. ANNA J. SANDERS. President Davis, Richmond. [Indorsement.] Mrs. Anna J. Sanders, Abingdon, Virgina, August 25, 1864. Respectfully referred to the commissioner of exchange, who will know better than mysell" of the case, and any assurances which maj' have been given. JEFFERSON DAVIS. August 30, 1864. To Colonel Ould, with the president's indorsement. September 2, 1864. J. A. S. Acknowledge and answer Mrs. Sanders that attemjits have been made for the exchange of Major Sanders, and those attempts ha^e failed. The efforts of the commissioner for this purpose have gone as far as the policy of the government would permit. Answered September 8, 1864. Anna J. Sanders relative to the release of Major Reid Sanders. [Indorsement.] Anna J. Sanders. Returned to his excellency the president. Some time ago your excellency referred to me, " for attention," an application which had been made to you for the special exchange of Major Reid Sanders. Before that I had repeatedly asked for the release of the major, as Mrs. Sanders well knows. Mrs. Sand- ers urged me on several occasions to offer Major White, the Pennsylvania State senator, for Major Sanders. That I could not consent to do without specific dh-ections. Nor could 1 offer to give ang federal major for him, for the reason that I knew that the enemy would select Major W^hite. Upon receiving your indorsement I renewed my efforts. For more than a year the federal authorities have been assiu'ed that a major would be given for Major Sanders if he were sent south. More than that I could not do, without a departure from the j)rincii)les that have governed exchanges. September 3, 1864. No. 112. Daniel Gerheart makes affidavit as to the circumstances of his cajiture, and asks to be released. [Indorsement.] Daniel Gerheart.. Returned to honorable Secretary of War. The Yankees have made several strenuous efforts to secure the release of this man. He is represented as being a " wealthy citizen of Ohio." He and Richardson and Browne of the " Tribune" seem to be the only citizenii for whom the enemy show any solicitude. I most earnestly recommend that Gerheart be held until the last confederate non-combatant is released from in'ison. I sux^pose he can have his money. Septembers, 1864. 692 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR No. 113. Thompson, Georgia, September 7, 1864. President: Permit a poor man to say a -word in these days of trouble and distress. Please read the sixtli chapter of .Second Kiugs. Follow the exauiph' of the Kin<; of Israel. Send the prisoners at Andersonville home on their parole. Send them home before the cold proves more destructive of their lives than the heat has been in the open and unshaded pen your officers provided for them. It will prove the greatest victory of the war and do our cause more good than any three victories our noble troops have gained. With the most profound respect, your unworthy servant, C. H. STILLWELL. [Indorsement.] C. H. Stillwell, Thompson, Georgia. Refers to sixtii chapter Second Kings, and recommends sending home on parole the prisoners at Andersonville. The chapter is twenty-eighth Chronicles. File — Respectfully referred by direction of the President to the honorable Secretary of War. BURTON N. HARRISON, Private Secretary. September 14, 1864. Received September 14, 1864. No. 114. Colonel J. L. Scott, forwarding an anonymous letter relative to the treatment of the Port Hudson prisoners at New Orleans. [Indorsement.] Colonel J. L. Scott. Returned to the honorable Secretary of War. These Port Hudson prisoners have all been declared exchanged. How they got to New Orleans, why they went there, or what right the enemy had to confine them after administering to them what they claim to be a valid parole, I cannot see. I suppose the fact is that most, if not all of them, were residents of New Orleans, and upon the fall of Port Hudson committed the folly of returning to their homes and thus putting themselves in the enemy's power. Upon the appearance of ihe notice which declared them exchanged, (October, 18G3,) I sup- pose the federal authorities who contested the exchange put these parties in confine- ment to prevent their joining our armies. These facts make it somewhat doubtful "whether inquiry should be made of the federal authorities, as that inquiry will be apt to make them hold on more closely to those prisoners. I shall be happy, however, to carry out anj^ directions which the honorable Secretary may give in the premises. September 8, 1864. No. 115. Headquarters Dep't of Virginia and North Carolina, In the Field, Sc2)tember 9, 1864. Sir : As by the act of the confederate authorities, passed February 17, 1864, " all white men residents of the Confederate States, between the ages of seventeen and fifty shall be in the military service of the Confederate States for the war," I am instructed to notify you that all white persons between those ages, residents of the Confederate States, captured by our forces, will be held and deemed to be soldiers of the confederate army, and will be treated as prisoners of war, and held for exchange. I have the honor to be, very respectfull5^, BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange, Hon. R. OuLD. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 693 No. IIG. Headquarteus Dep't of Virginia and North Carolina, In the Field, Septemher 9, 1864. Sir : I propose that the belligerent parties, waiving all other questions, shall from time to time exchange all sick and invalid officers and men ^Yho from wonuds or sick- ness shall, in the judgment of the party holding them, be uutit for duty, and likely to remain so for sixty days. I make this proposition in order to alleviate the sufferings of those unable to bear the oonfinemeut iucideut to a prisoner of war, and whose condition might be benetited by the comforts of home, and medical treatment by their friends. I trust au('l believe that this measure of obvious humanity will meet your agreement, as I am satisfied no advantage can accrue to either party by retaining such men in con- finement. As a further evidence of the strong desire on the part of this government to expose their soldiers to as little hardship as possilde, consistently with such action as they feel called upon to take to observe their good faith, pledged alike to all soldiers, although it will involve the government in a very considerable expense, yet, to save the sick and sufi'ering a long and tedioils transportation by rail, I will receive such invalid officers and soldiers of the United States as may be confined in the States of North and South Carolina and Georgia at Fort Pulaski, near Savannah, and will trans])ort thither any such invalids of the confederate forces as may be in our possession Avho can be more easily carried thither. Other invalid prisoners in the western department I will deliver at such ports on the Mississippi River as may hereafter be agreed upon ; the invalid sohliers of the United States to be received in exchange therefor who are con- venient to these points. Full rolls of the invalids so exchanged to be kept, so that the equivalents may be adjusted hereafter. Asking as early as possible attention to this proposition, I have the honor to be your obedient servant, &c., BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General and Commissioner for Exchange. Hon. Robert Ould. No. 117. Hon. Howell Cobb relative to the exchange of prisoners. [Indorsement.] Hon. Howell Cobb. Returned to honorable Secretary of War. My view of the matter is that we had bet- ter send otf disabled men and those whose term of service has expired, to the extent of those remaining unexchanged Vicksbnrg men. I doubt the policy of going further. The Yankees will force the meu whose term of service is unexpired into "the field, regardless of any parole which they may give. They have done so heretofore. If we send more than the Vicksbnrg capture it will tend to weaken the pressure which is now bearing upon Lincoln, and which, I doubt not, will force him verj' soon into an exchange. I fnlly agree as to the policy of retaining officers, (except disabled;) very much depends upon our holding on to this policy. September 14, 1864. No. 118. C. Morfit, assistant quartermaster, relative to the sale of greenbacks, &c. [Indorsement.] C. Morfit, assistant quartermaster. Returned to the adjutant and inspector general. I understand the federal money herein referred to is in small amounts, belonging to federal prisoners, and not subject to confiscation under prison rules or the laws of wai\ If that is so, it seems to me, if any exchange is to be permitted at all, we should avoid any rate which would virtually amount to confiscation of part of the funds. I therefore' think the prisoners should receive in confederate currency the actual market value of the federal money. I think tliat value can at least be approximated, if not actually reached, by a comparison of the two currencies according to a gold standard. September 14, 1 664, 694 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR No. 119. Rollins Baker, first auditor Confederate States, incloses letter from John W. Ham- bletou relative to the release of J. P. Hamblotou. [Iiidorecment.] Rollins Baker, first auditor Confederate States. Respectfully returned. Mr. Hambletou is mistaken in supposin,s; that Mr. Pollard or any other citizen has been specially exclianjjjcd. We never have and never can resort to special exchanges of citizens for reasons which must suggest themselves in a moment. The Yankees have offered to exchange Dr. llambleton for a Tribune correspondent, (Mr. Richardson,) in ]>rison at Salisbury; they have not gone further than that. If Dr. Hambletou is sent by flag of tn\ce I will release some Yankee citizen now in confine- ment ; cannot go further than that. SEFrEMBER 14, 1864. No. 120. Lieutenant Colonel T. E. Upshaw, Thirteenth Vii'ginia cavalry, asking the release of William Allison, Ninety-fourth Pennsjivania, on the ground of kiuduess to our soldiers. [Imlorsenicnt.] Lieutenant Colonel T. E. Upshaw, Thirteenth Virginia cavalry. Returned to the honorable Secretary of War. This is not the first time I haA'e heard of the gentleman who writes to Colonel Upshaw. The same representations of his effective kindness to our prisoners have been made from other (luaiters. Although I am o^iposed both to special exchanges and to the delivery of any federal officers who are not disabled, yet under the circumstances, perhaps, it would be well to send the party referred to (William Allison) north by next flag of truce. I believe he is a private. He will uot be sent by way of special exchange, but simply delivered on parole. September 16, 1864. No. 121. [Private.] Bexxettsville, South Carolina, Septcmher 21, 1864. My Dear Sir : I do not know whether I violate any of the rules of propriety in writ- ing you on the subject I am about introiluciug to your consideration. If unfortunately I should in the smallest degree transcend the limits assigned to the intercour.se between the citizen and the chief executive officer of the State, I must beg you to attribute it to anything else than a willingness to trespass on grounds which are not ojjen to general correspondents. Without further preface, I will just say that a parcel of the Yankee prisoners recently escaped from Florence have just been sent from our jail on their way back, and tlie sight of their wretchedness from the want of food and clothing, which it has not be(>u in our power to furnish, has induced me to suggest a remedy that without having the merit of l)eing intended solely to relieve theiu, ivlU be of vital importance fooursdrcs. We shall try to feed them ; to clothe will be entirely out of our power. Witli us tli{> future has no graver question than that of the subsistence of our armies aixl our ])eople. I only glance at this i)oint; you know all about it, and I assume that you will concur in that opinion. If so, when we add thirty thousand nu)ro consumers, or twenty-five thousand more consumers, without aiding us in the least in carrying on the war, we see at once an alarming hvik in our conuiiissary d('i)artiiH'nt, and at tlie same time the neces- sity of detailing a C()nsideral>le aruu'd foi'cc to keep tlieiii in subordination. If one peck of corn per week be given to thirty thousand men, it will be a consumption of seventy- five hundred bushels, or thirty thousand bushels per month. Can we stand this? Is there any good that will be accoiiii)lisbed by their detention that will compensate for this exhausting process that will be carried on in our resoiu'ces? Many of these pris- oners have, it is said, served their time, and d()ul>tless nearly all of them would l)e con- tent with the experience they have had already with the stern realities of war. Then ichii not parole than ? as an exchange seems to be out of the (piestion. AVc cannot give a white man for a negro, and Sherman refuses to consider a man whose time is served out BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 695 a prisoner at all, so -we are at a perfect standstill on tlie question of exchanging. If you agree with me in this, would it not be better to get rid of these mouths on the best terms we can? If you can perceive any weight in these suggestions, and any tendency to relieve the emltarrassments of oiir situation, as these jirisoners are now in South Ctirolina, the con- federate government would regard with the highest consideration any suggestion which you iiiiglit feel an inclination to make. If you see nothing in them bearing upon the great interests of our common country, in this her hour of jjeril, ycm will of course dis- miss the subject with the slight attention it merits. For altliough I should be ]deased to be of service in averting any calamity which may be threatened, I should not be at all displeased should you decide that there is no just cause for apprehension in this Uiatter. Very respectfullv, your friend and obedient servant, C. W. DUDLEY. His Excellency 'M. L. Boxiia:m, Governor Slaie of South Carolina. [Indorsements.] Hon. C. W. Dudley, September 21, 1864. In relation to the condition of the prisoners and as to their exchange, &c. Executive Depaktment, Columbia, South Carolina, Septernher 27, 1804. The within communication is respectfully forwarded to the honorable Secretary of War. It is fiom the Hon. C. W. Dudley, a prominent citizen of the eastern portion of this State. M. L. BOXHAM. It presents a grave embarrassment, but I see no remedy which is not worse than the evil. For the present we must hope the eneUiy will be constrained to relinqnisli their inhuman policy of refusing exchanges. We are not responsible for the inevitalile suffer- ings of the captives, and cannot aiibrd by this i)lan to replenish Yankee armies or sup- ply Yankee laborers. J. A. S., Secretary of TVar. Headquarters Depaktmext of the South, Hilton Read, S. C, September 25, 1864. General : I have received recent information from refugees and deserters, respect- ing our officers and soldiers, prisoners of war. There are now 1,800 officers in Charles- ton, and from GOG to 1,000 in Savannah. Their condition and treatment is tolerable. All th(^ privates have been removed irom Andersonville, 6,000 to the race-course, three miles from Charleston, 2,.o00 to Savannah, and about 20,000 to Florejice. The reason tor the removal of the privates is said to be the fear of a raid to liberate the prisoners made from Shtymau's army. All the reports unite in describing the condition of the privates as deplorable in the extreme. They are ill-fed, destitute of clothing, and rapidly sickening and dying. Those that were brought to Charleston wero of the stronger class among them, as none were permitted to come who could not get along without a cane ; of these, one whole car-load were naked. All, as they jiassed along the streets, clutched ravenously at the food that many people brought out to them. AH tenderness for each other seemed to be blunted by the brut.alizing effect of starvation and misery, and the strong would crowd aside the weak in the struggle for food. Many of these, about seven hundred in number, have volunteered to work upon the fortilications in this harbor, (Charleston,) being induced to do so by promises of better treatment, more food and clothing, and liy being told that their government refuses to exchange them, and lias abandoned them. These poor fellows, being thus deceived, have accepted these rebel conditions, and are, I am told, many of them now on Sullivan's Island at work repairing the bat- teries. The jireseuce of our prisoners in Charleston in their miserable plight has developed^ the Union sentiment, which is found to be quite considerable ; and aitl, in the form of clothing, food, and money, has been freely given. On the other hand, the vile and cruel secession sentiment has been intensihed. The following scene is described to me : A Union prisoner sinks down on the sidewalk exhausted; a poor woman carries him bread and milk, and while feeding him is accosted by one of the self-styled ladies of the better class with the question: " Feeding him, are you ?" " Yes ; why not V was the answer. •' Why not '! Why, he may have killed your brother or some of your 696 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR people." " No," was the reply, " he has killed none of mii people." " Well," says lad j', " you had better feed him with arsenic, if you feed him at all." The feelin<^ among our men, now prisoners, is not, in consequence of the deceptive reports of the rebel guards and their long confinement and apparently hopeless con- dition, of the character that loyal men could wish to exist. Our men are told by the rebels tliat our government will not exchange them, atul demanrison post. He will establish shops for manufacturing such articles as may be needed for the service, and can be produced economically by prison labor. His first duty will be to provide suitable quarters for the accommodation of the prisoners. Major Morht will turn over to Captain A. M. Braxton, by whom he will be relieved, all prison property that he will not need at Salisburj'. By order of Brigadier General W. M. Gardner : GARNETT ANDREWS, Assistant Adjutant General. No. 126. Cahaba, Alabama, October 16, 1864. Colonel : I have the honor to forward the following report of my inspection of the post of Cahaba, under the command of Lieutenant Colonel S. Jones, Twenty-second Louisiana regiment, and of the ijrisou at this place for the conhnement of federal 698 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR prisoners of war. iimler the immediate tliroction of Captain H. A. M. Henderson, assist- ant commissioner of exchange. The prison, of which I send a diagram herewith, is located immediately on the bank of the Ahibama Kivcr. and was established under orders for the accommodation of tive hundred prisoners. Until taken for its present use, the bnihling was an old brick eot- ton-shcd, around which has been erected a stockade, mainly composed of two-inch planlc, set three feet in the ground, and about twelve feet high. About one-half the building, the central portion, is without a roof, and there are no inner walls. Good water, in a suthcient quantity for the number originally intended, is suinilicd the pris- oners from an artesian well in the vicinity, whence it is coiuluctcd in pipes under- ground to the interior of the in-ison, when it tlows into the sunken barrels, and thence through the sink into the river. There are Itnnks for about live hundred num. No chimneys or means of warming the inclosnre, and the smoke from open tires, which were biiilt within the area for cooking purposes, was found insnpportalde, and the food has now to be prepared by S(pu\d cooks in the ojien air, in that portion of the inclosnre marked prison yard in the accompanying sketch. Owing to the recent large increase in number, the present arrangements have been found entirely insuthcient. At my suggestion the following are being or about to be made. The stockade and sink will be enlarged, as shown by the dotted lines on the accompanying diagram ; a suitable eook-house and bake-oven is to be erected within the inclosnre; one-half of the central ])ortion of the building, luiw uncovered, to be roofed in, and all of the prison that will then be covered to be planked in from the roof down; a large proportion of the water, which had been diverted from the pipes leading to the prison by a citizen for his private convenience, I have had turnetl on again, and the prisoners will have a suthciency for all purposes as soon a reservoir is constructed, which the commanding officer iiromises to have done. Notwithstanding these improve- ments, great sitlfering and much sickness will necessarily occur among the i>risoner8 during this winter from the impracticability of making tires inside the building, and the inability to furnrsh them with proper clothing and bedding. Most of them are now much in need of clothing, ami nearly all are without blankets or other bedding. A very insutlicient sui)ply of cooking utensils has been furnished them, and there are but three worn-out axes for the use of the whole number, in conseciueuce of which they are unable to prepare their rations, which are issued to them uncooked. Their food has consisted exclusively of bread and meat, two issues of rice only, of live days each, having been made them since June last, and no peas or beans in lien of it, those on hand being utterly imtit for use. The reason assigned by the assistant commissary of sul)sistence for this failure (the guard forces having received rice regularly during this tiuu^) is that he was not ordered to issue it- The eonnnanding officer states that he was under the impression they always received it. The jirisoners are divided into companies of one humUed, under a sergeant of their own selection, and these companies snbtlivided into nu-sses of ten. One of their own num- ber acts as commissary sergeant, draws and distributes their rations to the sergeants of companies. Their money, watches, and other valualdes are taken from tliem on their arrival at the prison, and credited to them in books kept for that pnrjiose. A purchasing clerk has been ajjpointed. whose duty it is (in addition to those he performs as druggist of the i>rison) to receive their orders fout forty wounded prisoners, who, according to Surgeon K. H. Whittield, in special charge of the sick in i)risou, shoidd be in hospital, but cannot be I'emoved for want of the necessary acconuuoilation. In addition, there are a number of cases of scurvy. The sick and wounded of tlie guard forces and of the prisoners are treated in the same hospital, which is under the charge of Surgeon L. E. Protih't. This building is kept in good jtolice, but the accommodations are entirely inadequate tor the ]ircsent number of patients. Some additional rooms in the same bnihling, occupied by other parties, have, at my suggestion, been engaged, which, with part of a contiguous house that the commanding officer has promised me to have procured and have litted up, will be sufficient for present needs. Captain J. .J. Wheadon. the assistant commissary of subsistence of this post, in addi- tion to his duties as such, is charged with the purchase and collection of subsistence stores infourcoimties, Wilcox, Monroe, Clark, and Dallas, below Cahaba Kiver. He also receives and collects all subsistence for tax in kind from those counties, having nine- teen depots. This collection of tax in kind is made by him in the name of ^la.jor Thomas T. A. Lyon, district commissary of sul>sistence at Mobile. These additional duties vrhich have been devolved upon him render it necessary to be so fre(iiuMitly absent from this post that it is not in his power to perform his duties as post couunissary of subsist- ence properly, and they are not attended to as they should be, it is believed, in conse- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 699 quencc. No vinogar has Itfon issued to troops or prisoners for some months past, nor has there been any on hand fit for use, althongh Captain Wlieadon informs me that good vinegar could readily lie obtained at Mobile by writing for it. I examined his accounts, and also thosi; of the post (juartermaster, Lieutenant V. Renaud, post assist- ant commissary of subsistence, and found them in possession of the balances due the govcrnini'nt. The available forces for guard, &c., are the Trans-Mississippi battalion, fifty-five effec- tive; two companies Alabama reserves, infantry, eighty-two effective; and one com- pany cavaliy, Alabama reserves, twenty-four effective — total, one hunilred and sixty- one men, and (ngliteen detailed mwai, and two small pieces field artillery. These men are badly armed and their discipline and instruction are very inferior. Owing to the small number, they are on duty every othi-r day, and they are totally inaileijuate for the duties re(piiie(l of them. Aliout lilty of tliem, belonging to regiments in the; army of T(!nnessee, are under oi'ders from liirlimond to rejoin tlieir commands, Ijut cannot be relieved from their present duty until tlieir places are filled by other troops. Tin; pris- oners have a sufficient oi'ganizatiou, having been dividtul into companies and stjuads for jiolice and necessary purposes, and need only a little determination and a lea(l(;r to enable them at any time to overpower the feeble garrison. Some few migiit be killed, but the majoiity could (;asily effect their escape. There are no other troojis in the vicin- ity except detailed soldiers and a small provost guard at Selma, nine miles north of this i)lace. There are ten federal officers here on parole, who are rerpiired to confine themselves within certain limits, and who are not permitted communication with the inhabitants except ftn- prescriljed ])urposes. Living in <]uarters furuished them in tin; town, they are much more comfortable than the other prisoners, and express themselves jierfectly satisfied with their treatment. This is an eligible locality for a prison depot, not only for the facilities for transpor- tation of prisoners and supplies, but for subsisting them cheaply and i)rocuring for them the vegetable food from the adjacent country which cannot well boseut to the armies in the field. It also appeals to bi; almost inaccessible to raids whihi the luesent status is ])reseived at Mobile;. If it is determined to retain a depot for federal prisoners in this section of country, an excellent sit(; for that purpose can be had about one milsj.from this point, on the plantation of Mr. Mathews, where there is suitable ground now un- occupied for the erectio:i of a large stockade. From ten to twenty-five acres could be inclosed if desireil, embracing at one end a fine oak grove ; an artesian well of good water is on the premises, and another within a short distance, which would answer for the guard forces. This site is on hlgli and level ground and its distance from the river rend<;rs it more healthy and safe, i'iiie timber and a saw-mill are near at hand. The fuel wliieli is now hauled for the prisoners at great expense is brought from this vicinity. There is an aggregate of twenty-one hundred and fifty-one prisoners of war now con- fined at this jdace, of whom sixty-nine are in hospital, and seventy-tive who would be but for the want of accommodations. The commanding officer promises that anti-scor- Jjutics (]tum])kins, potatoes, &c.) sliall be issued to them in future, and that rice shall be issuiid regularly to them as to the troops. The assistant commissary of subsistence informs me that these articles can be procured without any difficulty. Is tobacco a part of the ration for jtrisoners f If sb, please cause the commanding oflicer to be notified. I inclose herewith No. 1, list of staff officers at post of Cahaba ; No. 2, diagram of federal prison at CVihaba. W(' leave this ])lace to-morrow for Jackson, Mississippi, and request that all official communications to JSIajor Hall and myself be forwarded to that idace, care of the assist- ant adjutant general, department headquarters. I am, colonel, with great respect, your obedient servant, D. T. CHANDLER, Assistant Adjutant and Inspector General. Colonel R. H. Ciiiltox, Asst. Adjt. and Insp. Gen. C. S. A., Richmond, Va, [ludorsement.J Cahaba, Octoher 16, 1864. D. T. Chandler, lieutenant colonel, assistant adjutant and inspector general. Report of inspection of post at Cahaba. (Two inclosures.) ADJUT.VNT Axr> IxsPECTon Generat>'s Office, October 26, 1864. Respectfully submitted to the secretary of war. It appears from this report that many necessaries easily to be obtained are not procured for the ijrisouers from ineffi- 700 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR ciency of the officers in charge; hospital room especially, which was obtained on the suggestion of Colonel Chandler. An extract respecting the Fifty Tennesseeans and insufficiency of the guard has been sent to General Taylor, commanding the depart- ment. This prison is another exemplitication of the necessity of placing all under the control of one competent officer. Bv oi'der of General Cooper : R. H.. CHILTON, Assistant Adjutant and Inspector General. M. T. Make extracts of the parts applicable to the different branches of administra- tion and send to the heads of bureaus. J. A. S. November 2, 1864. Extracts made and sent as directed. NovEMCEii 3, 1864. A. G. That part shoAving the insecurity of the prison should be sent to General With- ers, and he be requested to furnish more complete guard fiom the reserves. J. A. S. NOVEMBER 2, 1864. No. 127. Headquarters Vaughn's Cavalry Forces, Morristoicn, East Tennessee, October 26, 1864. I am gratified to state that I have driven the enemy from a large portion of East Tennessee, within their fortifications at Strawberry Plains and Knoxvilk', with a force not exceeding one-half of theirs; with my small force, my stay so near tlie enemy may be but short. I find in this section of East Tenuessee forage in abundance, fine crops of coi-n and wheat, and large numbers of beeves and hogs. Permit me to bring to your notice tho fact that a large number of the best citizens of East Tenuessee are now in confinement at Knoxville, held by the federal authorities as hostages for citizen prisoners of East Tennessee, now confined in different prisons in the confederacy. The United States authorities at Knoxville, Tennessee, propose to make an entire exchange of citizen prisoners with me. Those held by the confederate government are a low-down vagabond set ; while those of ours held by them are of the wealthiest and most infiuential class of loyal citizens of East Tennessee. Our government could have nothing to lose but all to gain by the exchange ; therefore I respectfully ask of you, if agreeable with your views, to have Colonel Ould send for- ward all citizen i)risoners of East Tennessee for exchange. You will, I hope, excuse me for addressing you direct upon this subject, for the reason that I am pesonally acquainted with all the parties and the condition of atiairs in this department, from the commencement of the -j-ar to the present time. If this proposition of mine is not accepted, permit mo to ask that two prisoners, to wit, Seth Lea and Jesse R. Blackburn, who are now confined at Salisbury, North Carolina, be sent to me, to exchange for two other good loyal citizens, which I agreed to do some time ago, and I feel that my honor as a gentleman and confederate officer is at stake. I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, " JOHN C. VAUGHN, Brigader General Commanding Forces. His Excellency Jefferson Davis, Richmond, Va. No. 128. [Extract.] Confederate States of America, War DEPART^rENT, Adjutant AND IxspixTOu General 's Office, Richmond, Virginia, October 26, 1864. From report of inspection of post and prison at Cahaba., Alabama, October 16, 1864 : " The available forces for guard are ***** * About fifty of them, belonging to regiments in the army of Tennessee, are under orders BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 701 from Richmond to rejoin their commands, but cannot be relieved from their present duty until their places are tilled by other troops. " The i)risoners have a sufficient organization, having been divided into companies and scpiads for police and messing purposes, and only need a little determination and a leader to enable them, at any time, to overpower the feeble garrison. Some few might be killed, but the majority could easily eiiect their escape. There are no other troops in the vicinity, except detailed soldiers, and a provost guard at Selma, nine miles north of this place." [Indorsements.J Extract from report of inspection of post and prison at Cahaba, Alabama, respecting men belonging to commands in Tennessee, and insufficiency of the prison guards. OCTOCEK 1(5, 1864. Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, October 26, 1864. Respectfully referred to Lieutenant General Taylor, commanding department Alabama, Mississippi, and East Louisiana. Cannot these men be replaced by troops from the reserves of the State ? By order adjutant and inspector general : R. H. CHILTON, Assistant Adjutant and Inspector General. Received at adjutant and inspector general's office, November 23, 1864. Headquarters, Selma, November 12, 1864. Respectfully returned. Since this inspection report was made, the guai'd at Cahaba has been increased to two hundred and tifty men, taken from the reserves. The active forces stationed at this post have been ordered to the front. R. TAYLOR, Lieutenant General. Received at headquarters, Selma, Alabama, November 13, 1864. No. 129. Office Surgeon in charge C. S. M. P. Hospital, Camp Sumter, Andersonville, Georgia, October 4, 1864. General: I have the honor to inform you that arrangements are bi'ing made for comfortable quarters for the sick and wounded of your (l('[)artm('nt. Sheds and other suitable hospital buildings are now being rapidly erected, and (weather permitting) in the course of one month ample accommodations will be made for two thousand liatients at this post. I have the honor also to report that the necessary arrangements are being perfected for the erection of sheds and suitable hospital buildings at Milieu, after the plan submitted for your consideration now on tile at this otliee. The per centum of mortality at this post is rapidly decreasing ; this is mainly attributable to the fact that the prisoners have been sent to other points and are not in such a crowded condition as they formerly have been. No local causes whatever exist at this post to produce sickness ; a recent careful analysis of the soil and water of this place proves, conclusively that this is one of the healthiest points in the confederacy. The great amount of mortality during the mouths of July, August, and September was caused by the over-crowded condition of tlie stockade. Thirty-two thousand prisoners crowded into a place with a capacity for only ten or twelve thougaud, will produce like results again, and I most respectfully call your attention to the importance of i)re- veutiug as much as possible the crowding of prisoners in a small si)ace. 1 have the honor, general, to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, R. R. STEVENSON, Brigadier General John H. Winder, Commanding. Surgeon in Charge. No. 130. Surgeon Jos. Milligan, post surgeon, Columbia, South Carolina. Forwards list of sick and disabled federals in hospital at that place. 702 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR flndorsement.] Surgeon Jos. Milligan, post surgeon, Columbia, South Carolina. Returned to General Gardner. Captain Hatch, from Savannah, will make requisitions for the sick and wounded at the various prison camps, to bo delivered at Savannah. NOVEMBEII 6, 1864. No. 131. Richmond, Va., November 13, 1864. Sir : lu the matter of the accompanying letter of Brigadier General John C. Vaughn, I have the honor to make the following report : Several months ago a proposition came from General Carter, commanding federal forces in East Tennessee, for the release or exchange of all non-combatants of that section held by the two belligerents. Upon my recommendation you accepted it, and a commission of oflicers was appointed through General Morgan to carry it out. Our commission met a. similar one appointed by the fedei'al authorities in East Tennessee. The first act of tlic lederal commission was to decline any negotiation with respect to such non-combatants as had been indicted for treason in East Tennessee, on the ground that the military jurisdiction had ceased, and the parties had been turned over to the civil authorities. This class embraced a majority of our people. Their next proceed- ing Avas to produce a partial list of such of our friends as had not been indicted, and propose a special exchange of them, man for man, for the disloyal and traitorous crew whom we held. It was in vaiu that our commissioners protested that such was neither the spirit nor letter of the proposition tendered by General Carter. The meeting broke up without accomplishing anything further than a mutual promise that each commis- sion would seek further instructions and meet at a future day. Our commission reported their proceedings, and you instructed me to direct them to insist upon what was understood to be the original proi)osition, to wit, the unconditional release on both sides of all political or non-combataut prisoners belonging to East Tennessee, including, of course, such as had been indicted for treason. The two commissions again met and were as far ajiart as ever, each party insisting upon the position it took at the first meeting. I have always understood that General Vaughn was cognizant of these entire pro- ceedings. He says : "The United States authorities at Knoxville projiose to make an entire exchange of citizen prisoners with me." That " entire exchange" will be found to embrace the parties whom they are anxious to have, giving for them, man for man, those of our people whom they have not seen tit to indict for treason. I am quite con- fident also that they will refuse to deliver what excess of political prisoners they may have who are not under indictment. Seth Lea and Jesse R. Blackburn were not under General Vaughn's control when he " agreed to exchange them for two other good loyal citizens." They had been here and at Salisbury for more than a year. I do not think that he ever captured them. If he did they had been turned over to other authority. If General Vaughn has gotten himself in afalse position, it is his own fault. Besides, if Seth Lea is to be believed, he committed tiie otfeuse for which Corbin anil Magraw were hung. In an interview with me, he told me he had a recruiting commLssion from the federal authorities. He was captured in East Tennessee, in close proximity to our encampments. I brought his case to your notice more than once, and your instruction was to hold on to him. Of Blackburn I know nothing except that the federals ai^e very anxious for his release. I understand that authority has very recently been given to General Breckinridge to negot iate a general exchange of all East Tennessee political prisoners. I most earnestly hope he may be successful, and that our faithful Tennessee friends in the State jails and the federal prisons everywhere will be released. Respectfully, your obedient servant, ■^ RO. OULD, Agent of Exchange. Hon. James A. Seddon, Secretary of War. [Indorsement.] Robert Ould, agent of exchange, Richmond, Virginia, November 13, 1864. Let co^iy of Colonel Ould's letter be referred to General Breckinridge to be considered in connection with the authority lately given him to effect exchanges in East Tennes- see, through General Vaughn. J. A. S., Secretary. November 16, 1864. Copy sent as directed — file. November 15, 1864. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES.^ 703 No. 132. fReceived from Macon, Kovember 17, 1864.1 To General S. Cooper : I left Griffiu at 10.30 o'clock last night, and telegraphed the joint views of Gen- eral Wheeler and myself. The enemy are advancing in two columns by Griffin and McDonough, evidently moving on Macon. His forces estimated at thirty-five thousand, including Kilpatrick's cavalry. We are falling back rapidly to this place. The enemy Avill probably be here by Monday. We are too weak to resist them unless re-enforced promptly. The prisoners should be removed from this State. HOWELL COBB, Major General. No. 133. [Telegram.] Richmond, Kovemier 26, 1864. General R. S. Eweli, : Yesterday at 2 o'clock, prisoners at Salisbury made an attempt to escape; they succeeded in getting arms fiom and killing two of the guards. The guard on the par- .apet witnessing the aftair immediately opened with musketry and two pieces of artil- lery, killing between forty and fifty of the prisoners. Everything then quieted down. Nothing fiom Georgia. J. T. CALDWELL, * Superintendent. No. 135. Wytheville, November 22, 1864. Colonel. : I am surprised to see that Captain Wirz, commanding prison at Auder- sonville, Georgia, in his report of 24th September, makes me responsible for the fol- lowing : " Major Hall remarked that it (the prison at Audersonville) was about on a par with the federal prison at Johnson's Island." I did not express any such opinion, nor did I ever use any language which the ut- most ingenuity could pervert into such a misreijreseutatiou of my conviction. The rei)ort of inspection of the post and prison at Audersonville, forwarded by Colonel Chandler, assistant adjutant and inspector general, 5th August ultimo, was made by him from notes taken by both of us on the spot. He consulted witli me while prepar- ing it, and, as you will perceive, the fair copy is in my handwriting. I fully concurred in it. Colonel Chandler's couimuuicatiou to you of this date is also entirely in accord- ance with my observation of the facts ; and the statements in which reference is made to me are with my full knowledge and consent. My recollection of General Winder's language quoted by Colonel Chandler, and Captain Wirz's relative to the issue of peas, rice, fuel, &c., is clear and distinct. No vestige remained of the one thousand posts to whicli Captain Wirz refers, and no allusion to them was made. The only hut or other building in the stockade was a small frame-house, used exclusively as a sutler's shop. On each of my visits of inspection to the interior of the stockade, I noticed a large number of men digging in the marsh for roots, and, learning their purpose, called Colonel Chandler's attention to the fact. At my request, Captain Wirz weut with me to the stockade on one occasion, specially to attend "sick-call," as I desired to obtain accurate information in regard to the manner of conducting it. I am, colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant, W. CARROL HALL, Major and Assistant Adjutant General. Colonel R. H. Chilton, Assistant Adjutant and Inspector General, Biohmond. 704 TEEATMENT OF PEISONERS OF WAR No. 138. Brigadier General J. G. Martin desires to meet General Wessells witn a view of effect- ing a general exchange. [Indorsement.] Brigadier General J. G. Martin. Returiied to General R. E. Lee. I have not received any oflScial information tliat General Wessells has been appointed conmiissiouerof exchange. I doubt, indeed, very- much whctlicr such is the fact. If ho Inis, I am afraid as long as Lincoln and Stanton reign, tlieir former policy will govern their future movements. If General Wessells has been appointed, and General Martin continues to think he can induce him to pursue another line, I will be very happy of affording him an oppor- tunity of using his powers of persuasion. In that event I am afraid General Martin will tind General Wessells a "reasonable man," though he may be instructed to "light it out on the old line " all the war. No. 139. Confederate States of America, War Department, Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, Eichmond, T'a., , 1864. . Colonel: Having been assigned to duty agreeably to Special Order No. — , current series, from this oftice, you will tirst proceed to Andersonville, Georgia, and nnike a care- ful and minute inspection of the j^rison thei'e established for federal prisoners, giving your attention esi^ecially to the following points : I. As relates to shelter, jiolice, prison iliscipline, and the proper security of the prisoners, having due consideration for their health and comfort, and their subsistence and sanitary condition within the prison iuelosure. II. The prison hospitals and their management. The number of sick and the ratio of deaths ; also the number of medical officers and attendants, and the efficiency and attention with which they perform their duties. III. The strength and character of the guards employed, and the competency of their officers ; also the nature of the defenses constructed for protection against interior and exterior attempts upon the ])risou. IV. The advantages of the present site over other points in the State, in its greater inaccessibility against raids, its better health and facilities for the safe-keeping of the prisoners, and their cheaper subsistence and greater comfort. If, in your opinion, after careful examination of this prison, its removal to some other more eligible location is desirable, report the fact, with reasons for such recommendation. If guards are insuffi- cient, conuuunicate at once with the governor of Georgia, or General Col)b, command- ing the reserve forces, as may be best, bringing this necessity to their attention, and, under this authority, urge upon them an immediate increase of this for(;e. Require lists of all officials, officers, agents, and employes under General Winder, setting forth the authority under which they were assigned, and the duties performed by each. Forward your leport of this inspection soon as completed. Such measures as your inspection here may suggest as necessary to be immediately adopted, you will order in my name, exercising therein a cautious discretion. Having concluded your examina- tion at Andersonville, you will extend your inspections thence to the Mississippi River, to include the commands operating in the intervening States and districts of States, making j'our reports upon completing the inspection of each post or command, and keeping the department so advised respecting your movements as to enable it to com- municate with you. Whenever in your route abuses in any branch of the service are brought to your attention uijou reliable authority, examine into them, and make such special report as may lead to their prompt correction, where really existing. I am, respectfiUly, yours, S. COOPER, Adjutant and Inspector General. Lieutenant Colonel D. S. Chandler, Assistant Adjutant and Insi)ector General. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 705 No. 140. [Received at Eichmond, Va., December 17, 1864. By telegraph from Charleston.] To General S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector General: Wli.at shall be done with money for federal otficers, (prisoners of war,) received by- flag of truce, remaininjij in our hands ? Officers not in Columbia. For Lieutenant General Hardee. R. W. MEMMINGER, Major and Assistant Adjutant General. Eespectfully submitted to Judge Ould. . . JOHN W. RILEY, Asst. Adjt. General. [Copy of telegram to Major Memminger.] Richmond, Va., December 22, 1864. Major R. W. Memminger, Charleston, S. C : end money for federal officers to Commissioner Ould. 8. COOPER, Assistant Adjutant General. [Iiidorsemeut.] R. W. Memminger, relative to money in hand for federal officers. Returned to the adjutant and inspector geueral. This money had better be sent to this bureau. I am now making inquiries for the purpose of ascertaining beyond doubt whether the federal authorities have heretofore confiscated money sent north to our prisoners, and also what course will lie followed hereafter by the federal authorities as to contributions of money. If it is found out that money has been confiscated, then this fund should be used to reimburse the proper parties. If it has not been, it should be sent by flag of truce to the proper parties. December 21, 1864. No. 141. Mrs. M. L. Hambleton gives detailed statement of facts in the case of Dr. James P. Hamblcton. [Indorsement.] Mrs. M. L. Hambleton. Returned to General Bragg. This is a familiar case, as you perhaps may have in- ferred from Mrs. Hambleton's letter. The Yankees, for nearly two years, have been making efforts to get Richardson (the Tribune correspondent) out of our hands. (See Official Correspondence, jiages 68 and 69, accompanying.) The confederate authorities have constantly contended that the arrest and detention of non-combatants should be determinetl by rule. They therefore have not recognized the doctrine of exchanges as to them. To do so, would be a quasi recognition of the right to make captures of such. In addition, special exchanges, even of the military, have been studiously avoided. They would impose an invidious task of selection upon the government, and produce dissatisfaction and discontent among all except those who were favored. I have had dozens of oft'ers from the enemy to exchange Richardson. I have refused all. Some of the parties named have even equal merits with Mr. Hambleton. After the proposal has been declined in their cases upon principle, how would it do to exchange Richard- son for Mr. Hambleton i Moreover, as Richardson is so dear to his Yankee friends, ought he not to be kept as a " persuader " to them to come to some terms on the ques- tion of the arrest and detention of non-combatants ? For these reasons, I declined Mrs. Hambleton's proposal, although I at the same time acknowledged Mr. Hamble- ton's high claim to the con.sideratiou of his government. I have urged and urged the enemy to release him, but in vain. Richardson always turns up as his price. I shall be happy to carry out any instructions the president may give in the matter. P. S. — I do not see how the circumstances of Mr. Hambleton's capture jiuts him in any better position than those who have been torn from their own homes and put in northern prisons. General Bragg's passport extended protection only within confeder- ate lines, and beyond them Mr. Hambleton took his chances. It appears to me that if any discrimination is to be made it should be in favor of those who have not volunta- rily assumed a risk. Mr. Hambleton did not go within the enemy's lines on public ac- count. Praiseworthy as were his motives, he went on private business. December 30, 1864. H. Eep. 45 45 706 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR No. 142. Edward E. Pollard, asking that Richardson, correspondent of Tribune, be gi\"en iu exchange for him. [Indorsement.] Returned to Mr. Pollard. I am compelled, by a sense of duty, to decline the proposed exchange. I have already refused to exchange Richardson for a half dozen different named parties. It would be unjust to them, if a proposal heretofore declined were ac- cepted now. We have all along held that the arrest and detention of non-combatants should be determined 1)y rule, and that the principle of exchange man for man should not i)c applied to them. And further, whenever the fortunes o{ war threw a promi- nent Yankee in our hands, we should hold him for the purpose of forcing the United States authorities into some just rule as to tlie treatment of non-combatants. January 18, 1865. No. 143. Judge Advocatk Gkxeual's Office, June 22, 1863. Sir; : In a letter under date of the 13th instant, addressed by Lieutenant Colonel William H. Ludlow, commissioner for exchange of prisoners, to Colonel William Hoff- man, and which has been referred to this office, 1 hnd tlu' following ]>assage in refer- ence to the proceedings of a court-martial hehl in the department of the Cumberland, and which terminated in the conviction of Uavid Banner and Jacob Fitzpatrick, citi- zens of Kentucky. " I return to you for the examination of the Judge Advocate General the papers ia the cases of Banner and Fitzpatrick. The proceedings seem to me to be null and void, and had better not be submitted to the inspection of the confederate authorities." From this language it is fairly, if not necessarily, inferable that Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow has felt liiiiisilf authorized in his ofdcial intercourse with the rebels to submit to them for examination and review the records of our military courts in eases in which such inspection has been claimed. My view of what should be the action of the gov- ernment of the United States under such circumstances has been just the opposite of that apparently entertained by Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow. On the 19th May, in com- menting on a letter from this officer, which had been referred to me for a compliance with its request, I addressed to the Secretary of War the following language : " The demand made by the rebel authorities for information in reference to the pro- ceedings of our courts-martial, which resulted in the conviction of certain spies and traitor emissaries in Kentucky, is deemed impertinent, and the information sought will not be comnnmicated unless specially directed hy the Secretary. This government is in no degree responsUde to rebels in arms for the action of its own military courts, and it seems to me that it would utterly degrade itself by recognizing any such re- sponsibility. Any sucli recognition would involve an ignoring of the great truth that this is a war on crime and criminals, which cannot be lost sight of without incurring the risk of becoming, in the judgment of the world, criminals ourselves." I am Avithout advice as to whether the views thus expressed have b(!en acted on l)y the Secretary of War. Feeling, therefore, some embarrassment as to the ))roper reply to be made to the connnunication now under consideration, the whole subject is re- spectfully referred to the Secretary for his instructions. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. HOLT, Jmhjc Advocate Gcntrul. Hon. E. M. Stantox, Scoxtary of JVar. No. 144. Office of thic Commissary General of Prisoners, IVashinfjto)), 1). C, Jaituarji '25, 1865. General : I have the honor to transmit herewith a consolidated statement of pris- oners of war, as requested in your communication of the 22d instant. I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, H. W. WESSELLS, BrUjadk'r (ieucral U.S. Vol-,., Iii.^jxrtor ioid Commissari) (iencral Fri^ioncrs. Major General E. A. Hitchcock, Commitinioncr for JJ.a:Iianf/i\ Jl'ashinijtou, D. C. BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 707 Ct ff» -s ^ T-iCO t- (N •*(« (?» •wt- CO oi O -HO ■s%av in Gi F ffJOOrlC LO LO LO o 4«qiaoo-aoa lis^ox r-Tof ■fl of CO' •* CO" ^ t-o ^ oc 05 CO 0( 3 oo t- 00 ^ rH 'X> (?» ^ (71 '^ O i- o CO •SU9ZH}0 •^ l^ " 51 CO 1-1 at ^ oi rn'fM" T3 I-" ci n -*"co" 00 ff J = 1/3 r- 1^ t£ > lO CO UO ^ •sa^b'Aijd ^ • lO to CS c > O O LO t- O CO o LO CO 0% paonpaj i^Jtox o'lo" LO" II CfoO" !- cT lOcT co' M 00 CO -H CO i- II ^ iCt)< C 5 c; o 00 c CO C5 CO CO •sa^UAUj m -^ g i- »- LO C 5 O CO CO If O l>- o i- \ Ci t- o3 fff«r f o-'-o" a c 3" OO'co" of attn t" <; < t- (TJ LO ot- ^ J CO ic ao «: ^, 3 COLO ^ •s.taotyo CO rH iT 1 CO CO CO 5 CI 5 lOCO C3 05 lO -1 tx>-T c; c 3 -S" 03 "^ panojsstramoo-nojvi; M'tC c f o'u" t-" lOlO c > LO r^ LO Ci ^ O I- CO OOO c 5 ^ t-r-C OS C£ c: 3 CO CO o •s^xauaS jeipuSiag; rH in C£ s o I to N -3" •s^BjanaS aofBj\[ in o "-•^ r-T >a ^^ CO p a L- C3 co 1-5 LO o CO lOrH CC CO s oo i<-" r: >- rt "^ ^■>-s ^ o ii nary 1, Janun Jannai to Jan O S bt '^ C^ -OC p- s-a a 1 ^ii: RECA and capt and exc cS 1, 1863, iber 1, bei 1, 1 ember a -o-g -2 — ■s g fl h p< a a > a^i o a a.t- !^ 2 °- 1 aS a , cS 3 H> a rO^ ,— 1 ?■ ■^ 2 |a o £?|l bi 3 a| 1 o a S H <1 f-^ ^ H "re's T3 S i""! "St; "So •S" S M 0.2 H H Pi w w H fi 1 33 i OD H s HIT 3S P^ o Ii it <1 s W c Ph s H •^ t* S ,, 8 o-^ ^ ^ n ►J s 5S 1 WS 'S S !l '^ ■« d c ■tt :/3 ..i s £ c <; s. H w .!S O o 708 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR No. 145. Wasiuxgton City. D. C, Jannanj 30, 1865, Sir : III ail address by General Butler, reiiorteil as liaviug been reeeiitly made to the people of Lowell, Massachusetts, he is icjucscuted to have said soiiiethiii<;- which implies that he was ia the successful execution of the duty of exchange when he was stop))ed by an order, but without stating from whom the order issued. As my name has lieen more or less connected with tlie business of exchange, I deem it projier to make the following explanation, which, in order to be intelligible, requires that I should refer to the original cause of tli<^ interruption of exchanges under the cartel of 18fil, which was this : .lefterscm Davis, in a message to his congress, some two years or more since, announced his purpose to deliver to the State authorities such white Union officers as niight be captured serving in command of colored troops, to be dealt with accoi'ding to State laws in the South providing for the punishment of crimiuals engaged in exciting servile insurrection. As .soon as this became known to his excellency the President, he saw in that mes- sage a declared purpose to disregard the provisions of the cartel for the exchange of prisoners, and he thereuiiou directed that no further deliveries of captured rel)elotiicers should be made from our side, as a necessary iireparative to meet the threatened pur- pose of Mr. Davis. For a time after this enlisted men continued to be delivered on both sides, which, however, at length unavoidably ceased. In July, 1863, upon the surrender of Vicksburg to General Grant, over thirty thousand rebel soldiers were left in the country by him on parole not to take arms until ex- changed, to which number there were soon added several thousand captured by General Banks at Port Hudson, the garrison of that place, except the officers, having also been released on parole, according to the usages of war. In this state of things it will be seen that we had a valid claim for a large number of prisoners as an otfset for those paroled by us in the South ; but the rebel authorities had not in their hands prisoners of war with whom to balance the account. Under these circumstances, as subsequent events fully demonstrated, the rebel au- thorities inaugurated a i)eculiar system for making what they choose to consider pris- oners of w ar, to wit, that of capturing bodies of citizens in States accessible to them, by raiding parties at vulnerable points — Kentucky, Tennessee, and Mississijipi — these raiding parties being composed of every species of regular and irregular forces, and placing such citizens under oath not to take arms against the southern confederacy until exchanged. It w ill be ai)i)arent that while we had this claim upon the rebel authorities, deliveries from our side could not be made, and for a time there was a total susj)ension of ex- changes, and i>risoners began to accumulate on both sides, each ])arty holding their captured prisoners. At lengtli our claim upon the rebel authorities was met under a perverted constrnction of the hfth article of the cartel by a sudden and unauthorized declaration of exchange by the rebel agent of exchange, without any conference or agreement whatever with our agent of exchange stationed at Fort Monroe. By that ex parte declaration our enemy released from parole a large body of General (Ti-aiit's prisoners without giving us any propei' e<]uivalents. and it is proper to observe that the enemy selected his own time for making this declaration, and l)y means of it threw into the rebel army, without any pro])er authority according to the laws of war, a large body of men just prior to the great V>attles which gave us the possession of East Tennessee in spite of the fraudulent attempt to overwhelm our troops l>y means of the declaration of exchange referred to. The declaration itself was deliberately ju'cpared for by the enemy by an order directing the rclxd i)aroled prisoners in the South to re- port themselves at Enterprise, in Mississippi, osteusildy for instnicrion, so that when the declaration was made our commanders found themselves confronted not only by a large army of actual reliels, but by a large body associated with them in violation of every known law of war. It was impossible to permit this outrage to be conniiitted without a protest on our part, which was made, as a matter of course, by our agent of exchiinge. The corre- spondence at that time between tlu^ two agents was conducted with some as])erity, the rebel agent attempting to. justify himself by furnishing a schedule of cajjtuies, embrac- ing some that were legitinmte, but with others made up of the class of pi'isons cap- tured in Kentucky, Tennessee, and Mississippi, who could in no st^nse be considered, l^risoners of war; audit was found impossible to carry on the business of exchange under such conditions as the rebel agent of exchange attem])ted to enforce upon us, the enemy, meanwhile, refusing to recognize our claim tliat all of the troojjs employee! by the United Statf^s were equally entitled, when captured, to be treated as ])risouer8 of war; the disposition of the enemy being about that time snOieient ly manitt'sted in the barbarous butchery of jiortions of the Union army, which unhappily fell into their hands, making the duty on our side the more imperative to hold such prisoners as the Union army might capture, for such disixisition as the laws of war might justify or require to restrain the enemy from their barbarous practices. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 709 About the time when all exchanges had fully ceased, and the controversy about cxchuuges liad measurably closed, vre had a valid claim upon the rebels for more than thirty-four thousand prisoners ; the rebel agent having followed up his own example of making unauthorized ex parte declarations of exchange without any agreement whatever witli our agent, until he had put into the rebel ranks the whole of the pris- oners captured by General Grant and General Banks. As the commissioner of exchange, myself, througiiout the whole of the matters above detailed, I was not in direct communication with the rebel agent, but the correspond- ence was conducted on our part, first by Lieutenant Colonel Ludlow, aud afterward by General Meredith. At length General Butler was appointed to command, with his headquarters at Fort Monroe. He appears very soon to have conceived the idea that he could eflfeot ex- changes if empowered to do so ; and a rumor to that point having reached me, I ad- dressed a note to the Secretary of War, who may remember that I proposed to with- draw from tlie duty in favor of any officer who could make exchanges which should be satisfactory to the department, but was informed that it was nuuecessarj^, as the de- partment had other duties for me. Rumors with regard to General Butler's ability to make exchanges continued to reach the Secretary of War, and, upon being sent for myself, I found the Secretary in conference with General Halleck upon tlie subject, and heard the statement, made by the Secretary, that General Butler was not only of the opinion, himself, that he could effect exchauges, if empowered so to do, but that it was also the opinion of sevei'al members of Congress ; upon Avhich I expressed the opinion that he ought to be allowed to try ; and I was thereupon directed to proceed to Fort Monroe to communicate the authority of the Secretary of War to General Butler, to make exchanges of man for man, or officer for officer, according to grade; enjoining upon General liutler that he was on no account to couipromise or jeopardize the claims of our colored troops to the protection of the government, according to the laws of war. I proceeded to Fort Monroe, and after commuicating with General Butler, and stating the restrictions under which the secretary had placed him, I signed his orders, which were drawn up by himself, giving him the authority he desired, and returned to this city. It is proper that I should state here that General Butler is my senior in rank, and that he immediately assumed the designation of commissioner of exchange, and has acted ever since in entire indei)endeuce of myself, making no reports to me of his pro- ceedings in that character, which I mention simply as a fact, but not as taking excep- tion to it. From that time until within a few days I have had no practical control of the subject of exchanges. Soon after receiviug the proper authority to make exchanges, General Butler sent for exchange several hundred rebel prisoners by the flag-of-truce boat, offering them in exchange for a lilve nnuiber of Uuion x>risoners. When this became known to the rebel authorities — as I feel justified iu saying from the mforjnation I have received — there was some sort of conference held bj^ the chief rebel officers in Richmond, iu Avhicli it was determined that, inasnuich as a number of their men had been sent for exchange, and were then within what they considered their bonudaries, they should not be turned back into captivity; but that a corresponding number of Union prison- ers should be delivered iu exchange for them ; but it was decided at the same time by the authorities in Richmond tliat, under a j^roclamation of Jefferson Davis, General Butler was an outlaw, aud that no business whatever should be done with him ; and, as I am credibly informed, they declared that the flag of truce even should not protect him. This put an end to any further proceedings for some length of time in the busi- ness of exchange, and until an experiment was made at my suggestion, though not after the manner suggested by me. I had recommended to the Secretary of War that three or four hundred rebel officere should be sent for exchange under a flag of truce, which I knew would not be accompanied bj' General Butler himself; and I was in hopes that public opinion in Richmond woidd constrain the authorities to accept that class of prisoners, and return a like number for them; after which I thought they could not refuse to receive a boat-load of their men. This suggestion was approved by the Sec- retary of War, and Genera] Butler was directed through General, theu Colonel, Canby to make the trial ; but General Butler assumed to deviate from his orders, and sent a boat- load of officers and men, instead of officers alone. The enemy thereupon decided to return, not a like number of officers and men, but a number proportionate to the num- ber of Uuion prisoners held by them as against the number of rebel prisoners held by us. Several boat-loads were exchanged in this manner, the Richmond papers stating distinctly the method adopted by their agent, the effect of which would have been to withdraw from us all of the prisoners we held for a much less number, while the ques- tion of our claim to equivalents, under the unaiithorized declarations of the rebel agent, was entirely abandoned, aud there was no security for the jiroper treatment, by 710 TREATMENT OF PRISOXERS OF WAR the rebels, of such of the colored soldiers and their officers as might fall into their hands. After some three or four boat loads had been thus exchanged, our commissary gen- eral of prisoners called my attention to official reports, by which it appeared that, in these last exchanges, the prisoners returned by the rebel agent for rebel prisoners delivered by us, fell short of the number we wevv entitled to by more than live hun- dred men, which fact I felt it my duty to state to the Secretary of War; about which time the department decided to submit the whole subject to be disposed of by Lieuten- ant Genei'al Grant, who, as I have understood, decided to require from the rebel authorities a distinct acknowledgment of the right of colored troops to be treated as l)risoners of war, and if this was not conceded further exchanges were prohibited. I desire to say that I am not i)ositive as to the source of the order just referred to, but have supposed that it proceeded from General Grant; and there the matter has rested for some time past. I lind it necessary to state, as a ])art of the history of this matter, that our agent. Lieutenant Colonel Mulford, has informed me that th*; rebel autliorities in Richmond have in no single instance communicated officially with General Butler, acting in ac- cordance with their decision that General Butler was an outlaw under the i)roclamation of Mr. Davis, all of the apparent intercourse having been indirect through suliordinate parties: General Butler having on one occasion acted upon a letter from Mr. Ould to my address, without my knt)wledge or sanction, thus making me officially answerable for a transaction with which I had nothing to do. But the greater part of the inter- course has lieen conducted through Lieuteiumt Colonel Mulford, who was interposed by General Butler between himself and the rebel authorities, because those authorities refused to communicate witli him. As the visit made by Mr. Ould to General Butler at Fort Monroe may seem to be in conflict with this statement, I feel obliged to say, as I am well informed, that that visit was made without ofliciid public sanction on the part of the rebel authorities in Rich- mond. It was undertaken by Mr. Ould in tlu^ hope of accomplishing an exchange of prisoners which should give the rebels the possession of all the prisoners we held, without conceding our claim to equivalents for General Grant's captures, and without aftbrding any guarantee for the protection of our colored troops ; his efforts to this end no doubt having an indirect sanction from those to whom he was officially responsible, who were doubtless willing to see acconqdished, by whatever means, a scheme which promised to add greatly to the strength of their army, except that they would not in any manner, even for that ])urpose, publicly acknowledge General Butler in any other character than that of an outlaw. I do not wish it to be understood or inqilied that General Butler's position as an ex- change agent has compromised the interests of tlu^ country, though he was unaV)le to execute what he proposed when he sought the position of exchange agent ; but it is not proper to leave it to be inferred from his recent statement at Lowell that he could liave made exchanges without compromising the interests and honor of the country, had he not been interfered with by orders from higher authority. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General Vols., Commmissioncr for Exchange of I'risoncrs. Hon. E. M. Staxtox, tSccreiary of War. Wasiiixgtox City, D. C, Fehruary 1, 1865. Sir.: Since my letter of the 30th idtimo, in reference to the exchange of prisoners, my attention has been called to a statement in General Butler's address to the peojile of Lowell, which was not contained in the report of that address as seen by me. General Butler is reported as having stated that, " In August last Mr. Ould, finding negotiations were broken off, and that no exchanges were made, wrote to General Hitchcock, the Commissioner, at Washington, that the rebels were ready to exchange man for man all the prisoners licld Ity them, as I had proposed in December." I desire to say that no such letter as ( ieneral Butler describes is on my liles, and that I have no recoUection of having seiai such a letter ; and that if I had received such a letter I slioidd have sent it to (ieneral Butler himself for his own action, for the reason that he had been designated, with the autliority ol' the Secretary of War, as the agent of exchange at Fort Monroe, to whom Mr. Ould sliould liave addressed his comnmni- cations. This would have Ix'cn my pnqier course, as l)eiug due to General Butler, ac- cording to the position he iield under the onh'rs of the government. I regret that General Bntlcr did not state how he obtained his knowledge of the let- ter iu question, instead of leaving it to be inferred that the letter not only reached me, but that its not having been acted upon was owing to some decision of mine; when General Butler knows that he had not onlv assumed the entir(> control of the business BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 711 of excliauge, but protested against the action of other officers in that duty ; under which protest Generals Foster, at Hilton Head, and Canby, at New Orleans, were di- rected to have nothing to do with that subject ; General Butler carrying this point so far, finally, as to order Lieutenant Colonel Mullbrd not to receive any communication from Mr. Ould unless addressed to him, (General Butler;) and still further to guard against my receiving information from Mr. Ould, he directed Lieutenant Colonel Mul- ford to make no reports to me. with a view, as I suppose, to compel a recognition of his official character and position by the rebel authorities. I have the honor to be, very respectfullv, your obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General Vols., Commissioner for Exchange of Prisoners. Hon. Edwin M. Staxtox, Secrctar)/ of Jf'ar. P. S. — I request that this letter may be added to that of the 30tli ultimo, referred to above. E. A. H.,if. G. v. No. 146. Headquarters Florexce Military Prison, Ne^ir Florence, South Carolina, January 31, 1865. Capt.ux : I have the honor to state that the ration now being issued to the prison- ers at this prison is totally insufficient for their sustenance, as large numbers are dying daily, and I am satisfied it is from not being properly fed. The post commissary in- forms me that ho is not furnished with sufficient stores to warrant him in increasing the ration. The following arc the instructions from the commissary general, dated Richmond, October 3, 1864 : " Present scarcity of meat requires that prisoners be wholly subsisted on sorghum wheu practicable, and not on meat and sorghum, as provided in circular 1st October." I cannot construe this as entirely cutting the prisoners otf from meat rations, especially when sorghum cannot be had, which has been the case at this post for some time past. I am informed that the prisoners at Andersonville, Georgia, are receiving one-half pound of lieef every day, besides their regular bread rations, which sustains me in my construction of the cii'cular quoted above. Taking into con- sideration that these prisoners are not able to get anything but what is issued to them by the government, for it is almost impossible for the sutler to procure supplies, coupled with the fact that they are very destitute of clothing, I feel it my duty to call the attention of the brigadier general commanding to these facts, and I respectfully request that if it is out of his power to remedy the evil, that this communication be forwarded to the war department for the action of the secretary of war. If the gov- ernment is really not able to give these prisoners more to eat then no blame can be at- tached to any one, but if they are, then I must think that the fault lies at the door of the subsistence department. I have the honor to state that the present ration is as follows : One pound of meal, one-half pound of peas, three pounds salt per one hundred rations, per day. If a change in the ration can be made, I will have the satisfaction of knowing that the prisoners under my charge are ivell housed, plenty of fuel', (/oorf hospital accommoda- tions, and in as good condition as they could reasonably expect. I am, very resiiectfully, your obedient servant, JNO. F. IVERSON, Lieutenant Colonel Commandin{j Prison. Captain W. S. Wixder, Assistan t Adju ta n t Gen era I. I [Indorsemeuts.] Headquarters Florence Military Prison, Near Florence, South Carolina, January 31, 1865. John F. Iverson, lieutenant colonel commanding prison, reports the condition of the prisoners, respecting rations, &c. Respectfully referred to the adjutant general and most earnestly request that a rem- edy be immecliately applied. The prisoners never will be properly fed vmtil commis- 8a,ries are ordered for piisou duty. I never have been able to get anything from staff officers not on duty with the prisons. I hope that assistant commissaries will be ordered 712 TREATMENT OF PEISONERS OF WAR to report to me for duty, and that they be uot, as heretofore, young men with no expe- rience ; the duty requires experience. JNO. H. WINDER, Brigadier General. Columbia, S. C, Fciruary 4, 1865. Respectfully referred to the commissai'y general. By order of the Secretary of War : •^ H. L. CLAY, Assistant Adjutant General. Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, February 8, 1865. Respectfully returned to adjutant and inspector general. The following is a copy of an indorsement placed on a similar paper on December 16, 1864 : " The state of the commissariat will uot allow the issue of a full ration to our own troops in the lield, much less to prisoners of war. It is just that the men who caused the scarcity shall be the first to suiter from it. No need is seen for an additional officer at Florence, South Carolina. Present api>earances indicate the prospective ne- cessity of a still greater reduction of the ration." . L. B. NORTHROP, Commissary General Subsistence. February 11, 1865. File. — The jnisoners have been ordered from Florence, and besides, the speedy ex- change of all in oui- possession has been announced by authority of the secretary of war. H. L. C, A. A. G. No. 147. [Telegram.— Keceived 1 p. m. February 2.] City Point, Virginia, February 2, 186.5—11.30 a. m. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War : I am endeavoring to make arrangements to exchange about three thousand prisoners per week. This is as fast and probably faster than they can be delivered to us. Please have facilities given Lieutenant Colonel Mulford to get rebel prisoners to comply with this arrangement. I would like disabled troops, trooi)S from Missouri, Kentucky, Arkan- sas, Tennessee, and Louisiana, sent first, as but few of these will be got in the ranks again, and as we can count upon but little re-enforcement from the i)risoners we get. U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General. No. 149. Headquarters Post Salisbury, North Carolina, February 18, 1865. General : I have the honor to call your attention to the condition of this \)ost. The troops here, three regiments of reserves and one battalion, being without a <|uarteinias ter, are di'iiondent on the post quartermaster for su])i)li('s, pay, fuel, &:e. The prisoners, five thousand five hundred, (5,500,) are equally dcix-ndcnt on him ; the prison (juarter- master, Major Morfit, being restricted to drawing all sui)i)lies from that oilicer. These three regiments of reserves during the month of .Tauuary were entitled to three hun- dred and fifty-six cords forty-two feet of Avood. They received from him two hundred and seventy,' a deficit of eighty-six cords forty-t wo feet; nearly one fourth. Up to February 15, they were entitled to one hundred and seventy-nine cords of wood. Thev received thirty-four cords, a deficit of one hundred and forty-five cords ; more than four-fifths. The suti'ering among green trooi)s and old men in consequence of this dereliction of tiie proper officer may be inuigined. The i)risoners are ill-clad and poorly sheltered. Their food is fair ; uot so full as is necessary to indure hardship and t!xpo- sure. The only hospitals are buildings within the prison inclosure, where the only amelioration \ve can give to their sutt'eriugs are rude \mni bunks and straw to lie on ; without them, they lie on the bare floor or earth, with little or no covering. BY THE REBEL AUTHOEITIES. 713 On the l8t of February Dr. Wilson, prison surgeon, made a requisition for ten thou- sand pounds of straw ; also one hundred bunks. Up to 13th of February he had re- ceived eight hundred pounds straw and no bunks; the sick prisoners, therefore, laid on the bare ground, and from 1st to 31st January, seven hundred and thirty-two (732) of them died. From February 1 to February 13, two hundred and seventy-five (275) died. It is proper to state that Captain Goodman, the post qnartermaster's excuse for not furnishing fuel, is that transportation on the railroad, on which he depended, has been interrupted. For the same reason he alleges he could not get lumber to make bunks ; and the straw, he says, he could not get. This county abounds in the latter article. For a county as full of wood as this, energy and methodized industry would have formed a depot to provide for such contingencies as a temporary failure of supplies. His main employment is to furnish these troops and prisoners. Forage is collected by Captain Haines, assistant quartermaster here for that purpose, and the resources of the country are abundant in labor and material to furnish everything requisite. I have waited for two months in hopes that I could remedy these evils, but my au- thority over staff officers, being only as inspector under General Order No. 48, adjutant and inspector general's office, series 1864, 1 am powerless. I therefore urgently and re- .spectfully ask that he be relieved at once, the evils are pressing and need instant remedy. He is an intelligent officer, but needs the industry, energy, and method necessary for such a trust as this. He is, unfortunately, unable to co-operate in harmony with the other staff officers at this jiost, and his efficiency, for this reason, is impaired, if not d^j'- stroyed. His report of employes for February 15 shows twenty-seven (27) exempts, light- di\ty men, conscripts, &c., employed as clerks, mechanics, &c., and eighty-three (83) negroes, teamsters, laborers, . You arrived at camp about that time, and ordered all tlie guard to go out, and leave their baggage with a small guard. A number made their escape from camp ; some were afterward captured and brought back. On the next day Major Griswold came out to camp and took the command, and said to me that Colonel Forno had ordered him out of town and to go and stay at camp : which he did during the day, bnt always returned to town at night. A day or two afterward I received an order from Major Griswold to have the pris- oners ready for shijiment. This duty was performed, sending as many guards as could be spared witli each detachment, and left Charlotte with the last one hundred, accom- panied by Captain S. T. Bayley, Assistant Adjutant General, but no guard. When about twelve miles from Charlotte, the engine hiolvc down, and I was detained four days. Sending off by the passing trains as many officers (federal) as could get on the trains, on the fourth day I arrived, witli the last, a\'1io were in my charge, at Goldsboro. I there found Major Griswold in command, and I delivered the prisoners to him, and re- mained with him, subject to his order, until all were sent forward. There were no reports made from the prison at Columbia, morning or otherwise, dur- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 715 iug the time I served as commandant of the interior of prison ; and Major Griswold usually came to the prison about 10 o'clock in the forenoon and remained about two hours, and but seldom in the afternoon. THOS. R. STEWART, Captain Compaiuj G Second Maryland Infantry. Colonel H. Forxo, CommandUuj rrisoners. No. 152. Headquarters Confederate States Military Prisons, Macon, March 26, 1865. To the United States Commissary General of Prisoners: It is a high Christian duty of governments to treat prisoners of war a\ ith kindness and to make them as comfortalde as the hardships of war will allow. I propose the adoption of a mutual system of kind treatment of prisoners of war. Circumstances beyond the control of my government prevented proper provisions for the great num- ber of prisoners accumulated in its hands. This produced exasperation on the i)art of your government in the treatment of our men. It would be iiroductive of no good result to attempt to discuss the question of respon- sibility. I am x^ersuaded that both governments would be pleased with a change of practice and the adoption of a mutual system of kind treatment of pi'isoners. With this view I address you this communication. The principles ujion which the armies of the United States conduct this war within the territory of the Confederate States, burning its dwellings, devastating the country, destroying unharvested crops and supplies of every description, with railroads leading to and supplying military prisons, make it difficult, if not impracticable, for the con- federate government to treat prisoners of war as it desires to do. Nevertheless, to effect results so important to the health, comfort, and lives of men who may become prisoners of war, I feel it my duty to make the effort, and therefore propose for the adojition of tlie two belligereut governments the following stipulations, viz : First. Each government stipulates to select healthy localities for its military prisons; to build comfortable barracks, with ample prison grounds and hospital accommoda- tions, and to issue to their prisoners the same rations, in kind and cpiantity, (to be agreed upon hereafter by the commissary generals of prisoners of tlie two armies,) and to provide them with such articles of clothing, blankets, hats, and shoes, as may be necessary, corresponding as nearly as practicable with the uniforms witli which each clothes its soldiers in the iield. Second. That the armies, soldiers, and citizens of both governments shall not molest or in any way interfere with military prisons when established, and the governments notified thereof. It must bo obvious that if this is not agreed to, upon th(; approach of either army, thi-eateniug the safety of the prisoners, they will be removed, and all the arrangements made for their comfort and health, at great expense, will be lost, and as a consequence the prisoners must suffer. Third. That the confederate commissary general of prisoners be allowed (if neces- sary) to ship cotton to the markets of the United States, or other foreign markets, to purchase for federal prisoners in our hands subsistence, clothing, blankets, shoes, hats, hospital and medical stores, in quantities suthciciit lor federal prisoners ; and to i)rovide in advance, to be kept in prison depots, sucli su[)plies for ten thousand prisoners. To give this stipulation practical value these supplies must not be interfered with while in transitu, or in prison depots, nor must railroads leading from the ports of en- try to the prisons be broken up, or the running of cars interfered with, while engaged in the transportation of such supplies. The confederate commissary gcnei-al must have authority to appoint an agent in the United States to dispose of the cotton and purchase and ship the supplies. The shipment of cotton to the markets of the United States, and the export of the supplies above specified and their entry into southern ports, must be free from import and export duties, as they are made for the exclusive benefit of federal prisoners of war. Fourth. The confederate government stipulates that through its commissary general of prisoners it will apply all the supplies purchased to their wants and to no other use. Without adequate i^reparation for the reception of the large number of prisoners un- expectedly accumulated in the hands of the confederate government, (owing to the suspension of the exchange of prisoners,) it is probable that with every effort on its part to provide adequately for them there was suffering. It is equally certain that, without appreciating the embarrassments thus occasioned my government, yours, by harsh retaliatory measures, has inflicted great suffering upon our men in your hands. 716 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR The events of this war in the future may repeat these suft'erings, if some such system as that now proposed be not adopted. These brave men are but doinjij Avhat they consider their duty to their respective governments; and it is a duty alike to the cause of humanity, to the character of both governments, and to the Great Rider of nations to wIkuu both governments appeal for the rectitude of their actions, to put an end to a practice tliey both condemn. If any other phin can be suggested effecting the object sought — of mutual kind treat- ment of i)risoners of war — it will receive the support and approval of the eonfecU-rate goverumeut. As both governments are now eini)tying their prisons by exchanges, the present mo- meut is favorable for the adoption of the system proposed. In the hope, general, that this communication will receiveyour respectful considera- tion and early attention, I.aui your obedient servant, GID. J. PILLOW, B)l(ja(l\er General and Commifi-'iarn General of I'rhoners, V. IS. A. No. 1.53. Office of the Com.missauv Gexekal of Prisoxkhs, Waishintjion, D. C, April 14, 1865. Captain George A. Williams, First United States Infantrij, Cairo, Illinois : Please say to Major General Dana that the Secretary of War desires that all proper measures be taken to provide for the comfort of x>aroled prisoners delivered at Vicks- bnrg or other point on the Mississippi. W. HOFFMAN, Commissarij General of Prisoners. Official copy : G. BLAGDEN, Major Second Mass. Cavalrtj, Assistant to Commissari/ General Prisoners. liehel officers — Prisoners of icar. — General officers, field officers, below iield rank. Privates. — Those who desire nucouditioually to take the oath of allegiance, and against whom there is only the general charge — rebellion ; those who have been under sentence upon various charges ; those who ask for parole or who refuse to take the oath ; those who are under parole not to go South during the war. Office of the Commissary Gexicral of Prisoners, Washinfjton, D. V., April 14, 1865. General: The telegram of Captain George A. Williams in reference to the delivery of paroled prisoners at Vicksl)urg has lieen referred to this office, and to meet the ob- jections of the rebel agent, I have th(> honor to inclose herewith copies of correspond- ence on the subject of this exchange, from which you will perceive that the delivery at Vicksburg is provided for. If equivalents have not already been delivered for those we are to receive at Vicks- burg, which will be ascertained as soon as I can balance the deliveries made np to this time, they will be immediately forwarded to Vicksburg. I have telegraphed the substance of the above to Captain G. A. Williams, at Cairo, to-day . Our paroled prisoners are u.sually in a very pitiable condition, from starvation and exposure, when delivered to us, and the Secretary of War desires that all ])roper meas- ures be taken to relieve their sufferings as soon as they are placed in our bands. The Surgeon General has been notilied of the expected delivery at A'icksburg, and he will doubtless give all necessary instructions to provide hospital accommodations for such of the paroled men as may require it. Upon reaching IJenton Barracks, or Canq) Chase, those who are well enough to travel will be permitted to return to their homes on furlough. I am, general, very respectfuUv, your obedient servant, W. H( )FFxMAN, Brerct Brir/. Gen. U. S. A., Commissary General of Prisoners. Major General N. J. T. jMoore, Commanding Memphis, Tennessee. Official : W. T. HART, Captain and Assistant Adjutant General. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 717 Washington City, D. C, May 1, 1865. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of JVar : Since the resumptiou of exchanges we liave received about 34,000 returned Union prisoners. There were estimated to be about 11,000 to be returned. These were to be delivered at points on tlie Atlantic and the ^lississippi River, but the actual delivery has not been under our control, and it has only been through n(>wspapers ihat we have understood that about 5,000 were to be delivered at Darieu, (ieorgia. Tliey, when de- livered, were to l)e sent to Camp Parole at Annapolis, Maryland, under the direction of the commanding officer at Darien. They have not yet been reported as delivered even at Darien. Souie of those to be delivered on the Mississipi)i River, it appears, were sent to Vicks- burg, wliere the commanding officer was under orders to forward them to Camp Chase or to Camp Benton. In the executiK)u of this oi'der the connuanding officer would necessarily resort to the Quartermaster's Department for transportation. There has not been time for a special rejjort to the counnissary general of prisoners by which to know the number sent forwanl liom Vicksburg. All that is yet known of the terrible disaster to the transport froui Vicksburg has been reached through the newspapers, and it is impossible at the present time to indi- cate who, if any one, is at fault. The steamer, with the returned prisoners, must naturally have contained the reports and papers, showing the number on board, with the immes of the officers and other details. General Hoffuian will obtain th(> first information, and will do whateA'er is possible to extend relief to the sutterers. Under the ordinary course of things he could have done nothing to prevent the calamitous accident that has hai)pened. Inclosed are ci)i)ies of letters of instruction conininnicating your orders for the comfort of the prisoners, and it is presumed that (ileneral Hotiinan, now in the West, will cou- eider it his special duty to in(iuire into and report upon the proceedings under them. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Major General VoliDitecrs, Commissioner for Exchaiiye of Prisoners. A statement of the evidence found in the Archive Office of the ^Yar Depart- 7nent relating to the treatment of Union Priso7iers. CONTENTS. Page. I. Negroes taken in arms : 1. Extracts from message of rebel president, December, 18G2 718 2. Extract from Statutes at Large of South Carolina 719 3. Letter of S. S. Anderson, assistant adjutant general of General Smith, to Genci"al R. Taylor 719 4. Letter from General E. K. Smith to Major General R. Taylor, June, 1863 719 5. Letter from General E. K. Smith to General S. Cooper, adjutant and inspector general, June, 1863 719 G. Resolution of rebel congress in relation to retaliation 719 7. Letter of Governor Bonham, of South Carolina, to J. A. Seddon, secretary of war 720 Letter of rebel secretary of war to Governor Bonham, of South Carolina 720 8. Letter of Governor Bonham, of South Carolina, to rebel secretary of war, De- cember 8, 1864 720 9. Letter of J. H. Carrington, major and provost marshal, to rebel secretary of war 720 10. Extracts from General Orders No. 25, referred to in letter 9 721 11. Resolutions of rebel congress, May, 1883, referred to in 9 721 12. Extract from message of rebel president, January, 1863 722 13. Correspondence between General Grant and General Lee 723 a. Letter from General Lee to General Grant, October 19, 1864 722 b. Letter from General Grant to General Lee, October 20, 1864 723 Indorsement on the correspondence 723 14. Joint resolution on subject of retaliation, May, 1863 723 718 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR II. Condition of prisons, &c. : Page. 1. Richmond military prison, &c 723 a. Communication from A. R. Wright, chairman of medical committee, Sep- tember, 18G2 723 Resolution and indorsements on the communication 723 b. Comuiuuication of John Latouche, adjutant to Major Thomas P. Turner, March, 18(34 724 c. Reports of committees on Castle Thunder prison 724 (1. Letter from T. O. Stevens to Jefterson Davis, January 1, 1S64 724 e. Letter from Henry Brown, chaplain, to the rebel secretary of war 725 2. Prison at Cahaba, Alabama 725 Extract from inspection rejiort and indorsements 725 3. Camp Sumter, ( Andersonville,) Camp Lawton 725 a. Letter from J. H.- Still well to Jeft'. Davis, September 7, 1864 725 b. Letter from R. H. Chilton, assistant adjutant and inspector general, to General Winder, September 3, 18G4 726 c. Letter from Surgeon R. R. Stevenson to General Winder, October 4, 1864. .. 726 d. Extract from report on military prisons at Camps Sumter and Lawton, Sur- geon White 726 e. Extract from report on military prisons at Camps Sumter and Lawton, by Surgeon White, November, 1864 727 4. Florence 728 rt. Letter from C. W. Dudley to Governor Bonham, of South Carolina, and in- dorsements 728 b. Statemejit to General Gardner of General Cooper of condition of prison at Florence 723 c. Statement of Colonel Iverson to Colonel Forno, inspector of military prisons, January, 1865 729 (I. Report of Colonel Iverson to Captain Windier, assistant adjutant general, relative to rations, January 31, 1865 730 e. Letter of Mrs. Sabino Desmuices to Jeff. Davis, October 12, 1864 731 ■ Extract from iuclosure in Mrs. Desmukes letter, signed Howard 731 Indorsements on the above extract, &c 731 5. Salisbury prison 731 a. Communication from General B. T. Johnson to General Gardner, February, 1865 .'. 731 b. Abstract of rejiort of Captain Hall on condition of prison at Salisbury 731 III. Orders issued and letters written by rebel secretary of war in rela- tion to Union prisoners : 1. Secretary of war to General Winder, 1861 731 2. Relative to prisoners taken in East Tennessee 731 3. Hanging of bridge burners of East Tennessee 731 4. Relative to Union men of West Virginia. Impressment of supplies from ene- mies 731 5. Secretary of war to General Beauregard. Slaves taken in federal uniforms. . . 732 6. Relative to prisoners' money. Gold not to be taken, &c 732 IV. Extiact ffom the message of Jeff. Davis, November 18, 1861 : 1. Atrocities of the United States forces 732 2. Extract of message of Jeff'. Davis, August 15, 1862 732 3. Report of R. M. Whitfield, surgeon in charge of prison hospital at Cahaba, Alabama 732 A statement of the evidence found hi the Archive Office of the War Department relating to the treatment of Union jfrisoncrs. I. — Negi:oes takkn in akms. 1. The following are extracts from the proclamation of the pi'esident of the so-called Confederate States, sections 3 and 4, published to the army iu General Orders No. HI, adjutant and inspector general's office, series of 1862. i * *#**■ **# * " 3. That all negro slaves captured iu arms be at once delivei-ed over to the executive authorities of the respective States to which they belong, to be dealt with according to the laws of said St,ate8. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 719 ^' 4. That the like orders be executed iu all cases with respect to all comraissioued officers of the United States when found serving in company with armed slaves in insurrection against the authorities of the ditfereut States of this confederacy." The above-mentioned proclamation was signed by Jetfersou Davis on the 23d of De- cember, 1862. At the close of the general order above cited, General S. Cooper, adjutant and inspector general, Confederate States army, says : " Officers of the army are charged with the observance and enforcement of the foregoing orders of the president." General Orders Confederate States army, from January, 1862, to December, 1863, pp. 158, 159. 2. Extracts from the Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vi, p. 356. "An act for the better ordering and government of negroes and slaves. "XII. And it is further enacted hy the authority aforesaid, That if any negroes or other slaves shall make mutiny or insurrection, or rise iu rebellion against the authority aud government of this jirovince, or shall make preparations of arms, powder, bullets, or offensive weapons in order to carry on such mutiny or insurrection, or shall hold any counsel or conspiracy for raising such meeting, insurrection, or rebellion, the offenders shall be tried by two justices of the peace aud three freeholders, associated together as before expressed in case of murder, burglary, &c., who are hereby em2)Owered and re- quired to try the said slaves so offending, aud iullict death, or any other punishment upon the offender, and forthwith by their warrant cause execution to be done, by the common or any other executioner, iu such manner as they shall think fitting," &c. The remainderiof the section quoted provides against concealing any of the said negroes ; also for the punishment of only a few as " exemjjlary " iu case many are en- gaged in insurrection. The above extracts from the Statutes at Large of South Carolina, and the extract from the proclanuxtion of the president marked 3, above cited, were found together, in a printed form, among Beauregard's papers. 3. Letter from S. S. Anderson, the assistant adjutant geucral of Lieutenant General E. Kirby Smith, to Major General R. Taylor, commanding district of Louisiana, dated Shreveport, Louisiana, June 13, 1863. The Avriter is directed by Lieutenant General E. Kirby Smith to say, in answer to a comnumicatiou of Brigadier General Helbert, asking what disposition should be made of negro slaves taken iu arms, " no quarter should be shown them; if taken prisoners, however, they should be turned over to the executive authorities of the States in which they may be cai)tured, iu obedience to the proclamation of the president of the Confed- erate States, sections 3 and 4, published to the army in General Orders No. Ill, adjutant aud inspector general's office, series of 1862. Should negroes thus taken be executed l)y the, military authorities capturing them, it would certainly provoke retaliation; by turning them over to the civil authorities to be tried by the laws of the State, no ex- ceptions can be taken." (S. 1,373, No. 280.) 4. Letter from Lieutenant Geueral E. Kirby Smith to Major General R. Taylor, com- maudiug district of Louisiana, dated Shreveport, Louisiana, June 13, 1863. The writer says : " I have been unofficially informed that some of your troops have cap- tured negroes iu arms. I hope this may not be so, aud that your subordinates who may have been iu command of capturing parties may have recognized the propriety of giv- ing no quarter to armed negroes aud their officers. In this way we may be relieved from a disagreeable dilemma. If they are taken, however, you will turn them over to the State authorities, to be tried for crimes against the State, and you will afford such facilities iu obtaining witnesses as the interest of the public service will permit," «fcc. The remainder of the letter refers to the composition of the State court, and to the readiness Govei'uor Moore showed to prosecute captured negroes, turned over as above mentioned. 5. Letter from Lieutenant General E. Kirby Smith to General S. Cooper, adjutant aud inspector general, dated Shreveport, June 16, 1863. Having remarked that he incloses two letters addressed to Major Geueral Taylor, (Nos. 3 aud 4 above,) General Smith says : " Unfortunately such captures were made by some of Major Geueral Taylor's subordinates." " I have heard, unofficially, that the last congress did not adopt any retaliatory leg- islation ou the subject of arnied negroes and their officers, but left the president to dis- pose of this delicate and important question. In the absence of auy legislation and of any orders, except those referred to iu the inclosed letters, I saw no other proper and legal course for me to pursue, except the one which I adopted." 6. The following resolution of congress, which passed both houses in October, 1862, (second session ot'first congress,) shows that what General Smith had heard unoffi- cially in respect to retaliatory legislation as named above, was correct. After detailing the atrocities of the enemy, it is ^'■Resolved by the congress of the Con- federate iSfates, That the president will be "sustained in resorting to such measures of retaliation as, in his judgment, may be demanded by the above recited lawless and barbarous conduct aud designs of the euemv." 720 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR 7. Letter from M. L. Bonhara, governor of Soutli Carolina, to J. A. Seddon, secretary of war, dated Exeentive Department, Colnmbia, August 23, 1864. After stating the fact that he had ordered the trial of such slaves as had then re- cently been cajitured on James and Morris Islands in arms against the lawful authority of South Carolina, and free negroes of any of the southern States connected with such slaves, and saul court had decided that they had no jurisdiction. Governor Bonham says : "And on the saule day I communicated to you the fact that I had ordered the trial, and also announced my purpose to delay any action for the present with regard to the free negroes of the northern States. "On the 1st of September, you replied to my communication of the 10th of August, giving me the president's views upon the suliject-matter of the letter, and adding, ' I venture to recommend further, that the captured negroes be not brought to trial, or if condennied, that your power of executive clemency be exercised to siisjumuI their exe- cution, to allow the possibility of arrangement on this question so fraught with present ditliculty and future danger.' " In rehition to the embarrassments surrounding the question, the writer says: "I moreover supposed it possible that the congress would hav(^ amended its resolutions." He then remarks : " I may here add that in cases of slaves of this State offending in like manner, which have occurred before other similar courts, the offenders have been executed." B. (W. D.) 551. Letter from rebel secretary of war to Governor Bonham, dated August 31, 1864 : COXFEDEIJATE STATES OF AmEIUCA, WaI! DEPAinMENT, liichmoxd, Virtjiiiia, Aiujust 31, 1864. Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge your letter of the 23d instant, relative to tho disposition of negroes captured in arms from the enemy. The embarrassments attending this question, and the serious conse(iuences which might ensue from the rigid enforcement of the act of congress originally i)assed on the subject, have co-operated with the objections which have been nuule by the autlmri- ties of some of the States to receive negroes directed to be turned over to them, and with the inability when they have been turned over to obtain criminal trials to induce the department to assume the responsibility of modifying the proposed action in rela- tion to such negroes. It has been considered best, in view of tho whole subject, to make a distinction be- tween negroes so taken, who can be recognized or identified as slaves, and those who were free inhabitants of the federal States. The former are regarded and treated as recaptured slaves under the provisions of the act a))proved October 13, 1862, which makes .-irrangement for their return to tin- owners est;iblishing title. This, it Avill be observed, will not free them from the liability to criminal proceedings in the hands of owners, if it be deemed necessary for the vindication of the criminal justice of the States to which they Iteloug, while at the same time it recognizes and secures the prop- erty of the owners. Tho free negroes of the North are held in strict confinement, not as yet formally recognized in any official dealing with the enemy as prisoners of war, but, except in some trivial particulars indicative of inferior consideration, are treated very much in the same manner as our other cai)ti\cs. The decision as to their ultimate disposition will probably be refeiTcd to congress, and, as far as I can judge from the pi'evalent opinion which has reached me,it is proba- ble they will he recognized in some form as prisoners of war. In relation to the negroes received by you, I would advise the delivery to their owners of such as are identified as slaves, and the return of those discovered to have been originally free to the confederate authorities. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JAMES A. SEDDON, Secretary of War. His Excellency M. L. Boxiiam, Governor of Sontit Ci(i, Cohtmhia, South Carolhia. 8. Letter from M. L. Bonham, governor of South Carolina, to James A. Seddon, sec- retary of war, dated Executive Department, Columbia, December 8, 1864. The writer states that in accordance with a suggestion made l)y the secretary of war on the 31st of August, 1864, he has ordered the negro prisoners in the cust(jdy of the sheriff' of Charleston district to be turned over to General Samuel Jones, commanding. Governor Bonhain thinks that a few of said negi'oes are slaves, but the State has no means of identifying either them or their masters. B. (W. D.) 6dG. 9. Letter from J. II. Carriugton, major and provost marshal, to J. A. Seudon, secre- tary of war, d.-ited Richmond, xVugust 11, 1864. The writer wishi's to know whether the provisions of General Orders No. 25, adjutant and inspector general's office, 1863, apply to slaves owned by citizens of the Confed- erate States, or owned by citizens of Maryland or Delaware, and enlisted in the armies BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 721 of the United States. Also whether negroes, slave or free, who are captured in arms and who claim to be soldiers in the armies of the United States, are to be treated as prisoners of war. The above letter has the following indorsements : " Secretary of War: The orders referred to in this letter refer only to non-combatant slaves who may be captured. It directs that such slaves shall be sent to the camps of instruction and advertised, so that the masters of such slaves may secure them. "After these orders the resolutions of Congress of May 1, 1863, were passed. These provide for the case described in this letter. But those resolutions have never been, executed. " The provost marshal has a number of wounded negroes, captured at Petersburg, and a number that have not been wounded, and he desires information as to the treat- ment they are to receive. " Resiiectfally submitted, 11th August, 1864. " J. A. CAMPBELL, "Assistant Secretary. For conference tcith the President" 11 August, 1864. J. A. S.— C. (W. D.) 552. 10. Extracts from General Orders No. 25, referred to in the above letter, (9:) " Cha|j. LXI. An act to protect the rights of owners of slaves taken by or employed in the army. " The congress of the Confederate States of America do enact, That every person con- nected with the army or navy of the Confederate States, arresting or coming into pos- session of any slave, by capture from the enemy, or otherwise than by lawful author- ity, shall immediately report the same to the commanding officer of the ijost, or brig- ade, or station to which he may be attached. The said commanding offic*er shall, with as little delay as practicable, send the slaves so reported to the nearest depot described in the next section, with a register of the place and date of their arrest : Provided, however, That the said slaves, or any of tliem, may at once be delivered to their re- spective owners, if claim is made and established on satisfactory evidence. " Section 2. The secretary of war shall establish depots for recaptured slaves, at convenient places, not more than five in number in each State ; and all slaves cap- tiired iu such State shall be kept in such depots. Public notice shall be given of the places so selected. " Sec. 3. Lists of the slaves in each of such depots, showing the name and color of such slaves, the place and time of their arrest, and the names of their owners, as given by themselves, or otherwise ascertained, shall be regularly advertised iu each State, in one or more newspapers of general circulation. " Sec. 4. "While such slaves are in depot, they may be employed, under proper guard, on public works ; but no slave shall be removed from the depot to which he is first carried, for at least one month after the first advertisement of his being there, nor then, unless an exact register is made of the removal, and due advertisement made in the newspapers as aforesaid. " Sec. 5. Free access shall be permitted to all persons desiring to inspect the said slaves for the purpose of identifying them and establishing ownership ; and upon due proof, they shall be immediately restored to the x)ersons claiming them." General Orders, adjutant and inspector general's office, 1863, pp. 22, 23. 11. Resolutions of Congress of May 1, 1863, referred to in J. A. Campbell's indorse- ment above, (9.) "(No. 5.) Joint resolution on the subject of retaliation : " E&solved hij the congress of the Confederate States of America, (in response to the mes- sage of the President, transmitted to Congress at the commencement of the present session,) That, in the opinion of Congress, the commissioned officers of the enemy ought not to be delivered to the authorities of the respective States as suggested in the said message, but all captives taken by the confederate forces ought to be dealt with and disposed of by the confederate government. " Sec. 2. That iu the judgment of Congress the proclamations of the President of the United States, dated, respectively, September 22, 1862, and January 1, 1863, and the other measures of the government of the United States and of its authorities, com- manders and forces, designed or tending to emancipate slaves iu the Coufederate States, or to abduct such slaves, or to incite them to insurrection, or to employ uegroes iu war against the Confederate States, or to overthrow the institution of African slavery, and bring on a servile war in these States, would, if successful, produce ati'ocious conse- quences, and they are inconsistent with the spirit of those usages which in modern warfare prevail among civilized nations ; they may, therefore, be properly and law- fully repressed by retaliation. " Sec. 3. That in every case wherein during the present war any violation of the laws or usages of war among civilized nations shall be or has been done and perpe- H. Eep. 45 46 722 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR trated by those acting under the autlinrity of the government of the United States, on ithe persons or property of citizens of the Confederate States, or of those under the pro- tection or in the hind or naval service of the Confederate States, or of any State of the confederacy, tlie ]iresident of the Confederate States is hereby authorized to cause full and ample retaliation to be made for every such violation, in such manner and to such extent as he may think proper. " Sec. 4. That every white person being a commissioned officer, or acting as such, who, during the present war, shall command negroes or mulattoes in arms against the Confederate States, or who shall arm, train, organize, or jtrepare negroes or mulattoes for military service against the Confederate States, or who shall voluntarily aid negroes or mulattoes in any military enterprise, attack, or conflict in such service, shall be deemed as inciting servile insurrection, and shall, if captured, be put to death, or be otherwise punished, at the discretion of the court. " Sec. 5. Every person being a commissioned officer, or acting as such in the service of the enemy, who shall, during the present war, excite, attempt to excite or cause to be excited, a servile insurrection, or who shall incite or cause to be incited a slave to rebel, shall, if captured, be put to death, or be otherwise imnished at the discretion of the court. " Sec. fi. Every person charged with an offense punishable under the preceding reso- lutions shall, during the i)resent war, be tried before the military court attached to the army or corps by the troops of which he shall have been captured, or by .such <>ther military court as the president may direct, and in such manner and under such regu- lations as the president shall prescribe, and, after convicticm, the president may com- mute the punishment in such manner and on such terms as he may deem proper. " Sec. 7. All negroes and mulattoes who shall be engaged in war, or be taken in arms against the Confederate States, or shall give aid or comfort to the enemies of the Confederate States, shall, when captured in the Confederate States, be delivered to the authorities of the State or States in which they shall be captured, to be dealt with ac- cording to the present or future laws of such State or States. "Approved May 1, 1862." (Rebel statutes at large, 1st congress, 3d session, p. 1G8.) 12. Extract from the message of Jefferson Davis, referred to in the resolution above quoted. 11. Dated January 12, 1863. public journals of the North have been received, containing a proclamation )n the first day of the present month, signed by the President of the United " The dated on States, in which he orders and declares all slaves within ten States of the confederacy to be free, except such as are found in certain districts now occupied in part by the armfcd forces of the enemy. ''We may well leave it to the instincts of that common humanity which a beneficent Creator has implanted in the breasts of our fellow-men of all countries to pass judg- ment on a measure by which several millions of human beings of an inferior race, peaceful and contented laborers in their sphere, are doomed to extermination, while at the same time they are encouraged to a general assassination of their masters by the insidious recommendation ' to abstain from vioU-nce, unless in necessary self-defense.' Our own detestation of those who have atteiiii)t('d the most execrable measure recorded in the history of guilty man, is tempered by profound contempt for the impotent rage which it discloses. So far as regards th(; action of tills government on such criminals as may attempt its execution, I contine myself to informing you that I shall, unless in your wisdom you deem some other course more expedient, deliver to the several State authorities all commissioned officers of the United States that may hereafter be captured by our forces in any of the States embraced in the proclamation, that they may be dealt with in accordance with the laws of those States providing for the punishment of criminals engaged in exciting servile insurrection. The enlisted soldiers I shall con- tinue to treat as unwilling instruments in the commission of these crimes, and shall direct their discharge and return to their homes, on the proper and usual parole." 13. Correspondence between Generals Grant and Lee. (f. Letter of General Lee to General Grant, dated October 19, 1804. After referring to certain communications adchx'ssed by General Butler to Robt. Onld, in relation to retaliatory measures adopted by General IJutler for certain acts done ue- (Tfo prisoners, General Lee proceeds to explain the i)()llcy pursued by the " confederate " Soveriunent toward negroes when captured by its forces, as follows: " "All iieo^roes in the military or naval service of tiie United States taken by us who are not identified as the property of citizens or residents of any of the confederate States, are regardeil as prisoners of war, being held to bi- pro[>er subjects of exchange, as I rereiitly had the honor to inform you. "No labor is exacted from such ])rlsoners by the confederate authorities. "Ncroes who owe service or labor to citizens or residents of the Confederate States, and who, tlirough compulsion, persuasion, or of their own accord, leave their owners BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 723 and are placed in the military or naval service of the United States, occupy a different position." The right to the service or labor of negro slaves in the Confederate States, General Lee defends at length, and after statiog the facts concerning the particular transactions referred to in inclosed communications, he asks General Grant whether the course pur- sued toward the confederate prisoners, " as set forth in the accompanying letters," has his sanction, and whether it will be maintained. L. (W. D.) 317. 1). Letter from General Grant to General Lee, dated October 20, 1864.^ General Grant rejilies iu substance as follows : 1st. That as the colored prisoners em ployed in the trenches have been withdrawn, he has directed the withdrawal of the confederate prisoners at work iu Dutch Gap Canal. 2d. That he regards it his duty to protect all persons received into the army of the United States, " regardless of color or nationality." Declining to discnss the slavery question, he. states, in conclusion, that all prisoners shall receive the kindest possible treatment at his hands, unless he has good authority for believing that Union men are being maltreated, and then, however painful it may be, he will exact measure for measure. The following indorsements apjjear m connection with the above correspondence* " Respectfully submitted to the president for his information. "It will be perceived that while General Grant manifests a disposition to avoid the necessity of enforcing the odious measures inaugurated by General Butler, he sustains his position, and clearly avows his imrpose to retaliate iu case any of his soldiers, whether recaptured slaves or not, are treated otherwise than as prisoners of war. The issue is therefore made in regard to recaptured slaves, though the necessity for press- ing it for the present is avoided. "J. A. SEDDON, "Seci-etaru of War. "October 20, 1864." " Secretary of War. The correspondence between General Lee, Confederate States army, and General Grant, United States Army, is returned. " The result removes the necessity of placing jirisoners held by us in a position cor- responding to that in which the enemy had placed some of our troops held by them as prisoners of war. The issue ^iresented is sufdcieutly covered by General Lei's letter; and the threat made by General Grant is in contrast with the gentlemanly bearing of General Lee. Should he execute his threat, we will, of course, meet it by retaliation in kind and with full measure; but it is unnecessary to reply, the question asked by Gen- eral Lee being a suiSficient notice. "JEFFERSON DAVIS. "October 25. 1864." " File.— J. A. S." 14. "Joint resolution to amend a joint resolution entitled ' Joint resolution on the sub- ject of retaliation,' approved May 1, 1863." (See above, 11.) "Besoh-ed hij the Congress of the Confederate States of America, That the fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh sections of the above recited joint resolution be, and the same are hereby repealed, and that the second section be so amended as to omit therefrom the following words, to wit : 'or to employ negroes in war against the Confederate States,' and to insert in lieu thereof the words, ' or to employ our negro slaves in war against the Confederate States.' " Approved February 8, 1865." II. — Condition of prisons — treatment of prisoners — their rations — hospital AND SANITARY REGULATIONS. 1. Richmond military prison, &c. a. Communication from Augustus R. AVright, chairman of the medical committee of the house of representatives Confederate States of America, dated House of Represent- atives Confederate States of America, Richmond, Virginia, September 22, 1862. The writer says that in the discharge of their duty, the members of the committee on the medical department " visited the sick and wounded of our enemies now iu cus- tody," and found all the wards iu a wretched condition. " The upper ward was such as to drive the committee out of it almost instantly. The honor of our country will not permit us to bring the matter to the attention of Congress, thereby making the matter public." No blame is attached to the secretary of war, and confidence is exi^ressed that the condition of things described above will be " altered at once." The following resolution accompanied the above letter : " Resolved, That the chairman of the medical committee be instriicted to address a letter to the secretary of war, in relation to the condition of the federal jjrisoners of 724 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR war now confined in the hospital in Richnioud, and urge him to have the same placed in a more comfortable position as soon as possible." Indorsements : "Acknowledge the receipt of the letter, and inform Mr. Wright that the letter and resolutions have been sent to General W. Smith, with the request that he would cause his medical director to inspect the iirisouer's hospital at once, to report uj)on it, and to correct abuses. " Write accordingly." On the o])posite side, " To General Smith, and inclose copies of letter and resolution." (Signed) " S. W. R." J). Connuunicatiou addressed by John Latouche, lieutenant and adjutant to Major Thomas P. Turner, dated Office Confederate States Military Prisons, Richmond, March 28, 18G4. This letter contains the statements of Lieutenant Watson, and privates B. Rule and A. H. James, in relation to the shooting of a federal prisoner by private B. Rule, while the latter was doing guard duty on post No. 2, Crew's Building. Said letter was referred by Major Turner to Brigadier General John H. Winder, and by him forwarded to the secretary of war, whose indorsement follows : " It appears that this federal prisoner was shot by the guard after warning to take head in, both from the sentinel and his fellow-prisoners, and, indeed, after the sentinel had snapped a cap at him. As I understand the orders, the sentinel was strictly in the line of his duty, and the catastrophe due solely to the folly and disobedience of the unfortunate deceased." c. "Castle Thunder" prison. One majority and two minority reports, made by the members of a special committee of the house of representatives Confederate States of America, appointed to investigate the management of Castle Thunder. Majority report, dated May 1, 1863, and signed by W. R. Smith andD. C. DeJarnette, while condemning the corporeal punishment of prisoners ;their exposure to the weather, and to the shots of the sentry, (denominating the last "barbarous in the extreme,") they yet seek to palliate the conduct of Ca]>tain Alexander, the keeper of the prison, in the above particulars, on the ground, 1st, of usage in the government of military prisons; 2d, the exceeding bad character of the prisoners ; and, 3d, because Captain Alexander was acting, specially in the matter of corporeal punishment, according to the directions of General Winder. These gentlemen affirm. " That the prison, as to cleanliness and comfort, has been well-managed. Its discipline has been rigid, but good and successful, aBd the general treatment of the prisoners as humane as the circumstances would allow." In conclusion, they think that Captain Alexander's management has not been marked by such acts of cruelty and inhumanity as to authorize his condennuition, but, on the contrary, they are satisfied that he has exhibited such traits of character as " fit him eminently for such a position." First minority report, dated May 1, 1863, and signed by W. D. Simpson. Mr. Simp- sou, after stating that the acts committed and complained of most, were the killing of two prisoners, the shooting at a third, the infliction of corporeal punishment by whlp- ])ing on the bare back, (in accordance with instructions from General Winder, but un- supported by law,) and the confining prisoners in the prison yard, exposed to the Aveather, says: "The conclusion of the undersigned therefore is, that, in view of the great and delicate responsibility devolved upon the keeper of such a prison, embracing among its inmates the most lawless and desperate characters, while it may be much re- gretted that such modes of punishment were used, he is yet not jn-epared to recom- mend Captain Alexander's dismissal. The undersigned thinks the infliction of corpo- real punishment, as administered by Captain Alexander, was illegal and improper ; that the punishing by ex[iosing prisoners to the weather was improper and unwarranted, and that the order to shoot at those at the windows was also unjustifiable. But, inas- much as it is not known that any serious consequences resulted from any of these acts, and, iuasnuich as they api)earto have been resorted to by Cai)tain Alexander, not from any wantonness or cruelty, but from a desire to maintain pr()[)er discipline, and pethaps from an erroneous conception of his rights and powers as keeper of such a prison, the undersigned recommends that no further action be taken by the house. Secouil minority report, dated May 1, 1863, indorsed " Herbert." After reciting specific instances of cruel treatment practiced toward the prisoners of Castle Thunder, the writer says: "The undersigned is of the opinion that Brigadier General Winder and Captain Alexamler, who h;ive had superintendence of Castle Thunder, have shown a want of judgment and humanity in the niaiuigemeut of that prison, risoners shall fare better than our own men. If, from circumstances, it is possi- ble to give these less necessary articles to only a small number at a post, these prison- ers shall not be the first to enjoy them." "Nov. 5, 1864." (Signed) " L.'B. Northrup, commissary general C. S. A." "Noted — File— J. A. S. Novem^ber 8, 1864." 3. Camp Sumter (Andersonville) and Camp Lawton. a. Letter from J. H. Still well to Jeft". Davis, dated Thompson, Georgia, September 7, 1864. The writer wishes Mr. Davis to read the sixth chapter of second Kings, and to follow the example of the King of Israel. " Send the prisoners at Andersonville home on their parole ; send them home before the cold proves more destructive of their lives than the heat has been in the open and unshaded x)en your officers provided for them." 726 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR [Indorsements.] " The chaptei- is the twenty-eighth Chronicles.'' '■' File." "Eespectfiilly referred, by direction of tlie president, to the Lon. secretary of war." " September 14, 1804." (Signed) " Burton N. Harrison, private secretary." " Received September 14, 1864." J). Letter addressed to Brigadier General John H. Winder, commandant Confederate States military i>risons, AudersonviUe, Georgia, by R. H. Chilton, assistant adjutant and inspector general, dated September 3, 1804. By direction of General Cooper, the writer refers to General Winder certain extracts from Lieutenant Colonel Chandler's inspection report of military prisons at Andersou- ville, Georgia. The extracts particularly referring to prisoners are as follows : " There is no medical attendance furnished within the stockade. Small quantities of medicines are placed in the bauds of certain prisoners of each squad or division, and the sick are directed to be brought out by the sergeants of s([uads daily at 'sick call' to the medical officers who attend at the gate. The crowd at these times is so great that only the strongest can get access to the doctors, the weaker ones being un- able to force their way through the press, and the hospital accommodations ;u-e so lim- ited that, though the beds (so-called) have all, or nearly all, two occupants each, large numbers, who would otherwise be received, are necessarily sent back to the stockaile. Many — twenty jesterday — are carted out daily who had died from unknown causes, and whom the medical officers had never seen." "The sanitary condition of the prisoners is as wretched as can be, the principle causesof mortality being scurvy and chronic diarrhea." * * * " Nothing seems to have been done, and but little if any effort made to arrest it by procnriug proper food." * * * "The arrangements for cooking and baking have been wholly in- adequate, and though additions are now beiug completed, it will still be iuq)ossil»le to cook for the whole number of prisoners. Raw rations have to be issued to a very large proportion, who are eutirely unprovided with proper utensils, and furnished so limited a sup})ly of fuel, they are compelled to dig with their hands in the til thy nuirsh, before- mentioned, for roots, &c." * * * * " After iiupiiry, I aui conhdeut that, by slight ext-rtious, green corn and other anti-scorbutics could be readily obtained." * * * " The small-pox hospital is under the charge of Dr. E. Sheppard ; more than half the cases iu it have termiuated fatally." (Mem. — All the marks of ellipsis above are in the original.) After ordering Colonel C. B. Harkie, conuuauder of the guard at Andersonville, to be court-mart;ialed, pursuant to the directions of the adjutant general, Captain Chilton adds: "As the medical otiicers and attendants are uuder yottr (Winder's) control, you will take measures to correct the abuses above mentioned." ■• Tliese hospitals are placed upon the same footing as confederate hospitals, and the supjdies furnished are deemed amply sufficient. You will please report what action is taken in reference to corrections directed." [Indorsement.] " September 13, 1864. "Colonel Foruo, Major Proctor, Dr. White, Captain Wirz, and Captain R. B. Winder, will each prepare answer to so much of this report as relates to their several depart- ments, aud have the answers read}' by the time I return to this post. "JOHN H. WINDER, " Brigadier General." c. Letter addressed to Brigadier General John H. Winder, by R. R. Stevenson, sur- geon in charge of the hospital at Camp Sumter. Andersonville, dated October 4, 1804. The writer says that the necessary arrangements are beiug perfected for the erection of sheds and suitable hospital buildings for tlie i)risoners. The percentage of mortality is deci-easing, which is attributable to the fact that the prisoners are not in such a crowded conilition as th(;y formerly were. There is no local cause whatever to pro- duce sickness. The great amount of mortality during the nu)ntlis of July, August, aud Si-pti'uiber, was caused by the over-crowded condition of the stockade. Thirty- two thousand prisoners coufmed in a place with capacity for (uily ten (jr twelve thou- sand will produce the results again, aud this it is very important to prevent, if possible, in future. (I. Extract from the report of the sanitary condition of the Confederate States mil- itary prisons at Camps Sumter and Lawtou, Georgia, by Surgeon Isaiah H. White, no date, probably November 13, 1804. '• The law of Congress creating a hospital fund to inovide for the comfort of sick BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 727 and wounded is completely abrogated by the commissary department failing to file requisitions for funds. " The authority granted in your telegram of September 22d to divide the excess of funds at Andersonvillc among the new prisons has been thwarted by the commissary at that post failing to supply funds. A large excess of funds at Andersonvillc will be turned over to the treasury because the commissary at that post has failed to supply himself with funds to meet requisitions, wliile the thousands of sick, both at this post and Andersonvillc, are in a state of suftering that would touch the heart even of the most callous. Will not the commissary general supply the funds even after the monthly statement of hosijital fund has been forwarded f findorsenients.j " SuRGEOX General's Office, Novemher 1.5, 1864. " Respectfully referred for the information of the commissary general, and asking what action will be taken by the commissary department with regard to tiiis fund. "S. MOORE, " Surgeon General C. S. A." " Office Commissary of Subsistence, Noveniber 18, 1864. "The treasury of the Confederate States has not supplied this bureair ; $o.5,000,000. of reiiuisitious are now unfilled. The commissaries in Georgia have not been able therefore to provide money. This bureau cannot remedy the consequences of inability on the part of the treasury. There are other consequences of this, viz., general in- debtedness, unwillingness of the people to sell more supplies, a deficiency of these andi the necessity of trying impressments without money, which is almost impossible. When the indebtedness of this bureau is relieved and funds furnished in condition ta procure supplies with for the armies in the field, it is hoped that enough will be found to meet the regular demands of the hospitals. This bureau scarcely expects to realize such a healthful condition of the country and can take no action in conflict with the law, which is conclusive on the subject. " The complaint within is only a necessary result of the condition of the country, which cannot bo remedied in any way that I know of. " Respectfully returned to the surgeon general. " L. B. NORTHRUP, "Noted.— File. '-J. A. S." " Surgeon General's Office, Kovember 20, 1864. " Respectfully submitted to the secretary of war to know what can be done under the circumstances. " Much complaint is also made from the hospitals in Georgia, that employes and de- tailed men have not been paid since last February, and that there is much difficulty from this cause in retaining the employed negroes. " S. P. MOORE, "Surgeon General C. S. A." e. Extract from the report of the sanitary condition of Confederate States military prisons at Camps Sumter and Lawtou, Georgia, by Surgeon Isaiah H. W'hite, no date, probably November 15, 1864. This is a more copious extract than the one above, d, from the same reiiort. In ad- dition to what is there set forth Dr. White says : " Thus we are crippled .and embarrassed by the quartermaster and C(uumissary de- partments, the one failing to furnish on requisition those things which should be fur- nished by the quartermaster's department, and the other to furnish funds with which to purchase them in the market." " Humanity and the fame of the government demand that the extreme suffering among the xn'isoners should be alleviated.'' [Indorsements.] " Surgeon General's Office, November 17, 1864. " Respectfully referred to the secretary of war, for information as to the relative responsibility of the several departments for the actual condition of the sick, and wounded prisoners of war at this camp. "S. MOORE, ^' Surgeoif General C. S. A." 728 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR " November 20, 1864. " Commissary general and quartermaster general. For prompt attention and report. "J. A. S., Sec. of War." " Bureau of Subsistence, Richmond. "November 22, 1864. "Respectfully returned to the secretary of war, througli the quartermaster general. This bureau has furnished for the use of hospitals, all the money that it cau obtain from the treasury for that pur^iose. "L. B. NORTHRUP." " Quartermaster General's Office, " Richmond, Xovember 28, 1864. " Respectfully returned to the honorable secretary of war. The means at the dis- posal of this bureau have always been liberally supplied to the military prisons. Un- der present circumstances it is impossible to obtain a report directly from the officer m charge at the post mentioned. "A. R. LAWTON, " Quartermanter General." " November 30, 1864. " Noted.— File. "J. A. S., Secretary of War." 4. Florence. a. Letter from C. W. Dudley to Governor M. L. Bouham, South Carolina, dated Bur- nettsville, South Carolina, September 21, 1864. The writer says: "That a parcel of the Yankee prisoners recently escaped from Florence have just been sent from our jail on their way back, and the sight of their wretchedness, from the want of food and clothing, which it has not been in our power ^ to furnish, has induced me to suggest a remedy that, without having the merit of be- ing intended solely to relieve them, will be of Aital importance to ourselves." After estimating the amount it will cost the confederacy to support said prisoners, Mr. Dud- ley suggests the following : " Then why not parole them, as an exchange seems to be out of the question. AVe cannot give a white man for a negro, and Sherman refuses to consider a man whose time is served out, a i)risoner at all. So we are at a perfect stand- still on the question of exchanging." [Indorsements.] " Executive Department, Columbia, South Carolina, " September 27, 1864. " The within communication is respectfully forwarded to the honoral)le secretary of war. It is from the Hon. C. W. Dudley, a prominent citizen of the eastern portion of this State. "M. L. BONHAM." " It presents a grave embarrassment ; Init I see no remedy which is not worse than the evil. For the present we must hope the enemy will be constrained to relinciuish their inhuman policy of refusing exchanges. We are not responsiljle for the inevitaljle sufferings of the captives, and cannot afford by their release to replenish Yankee armies or supply Yankee laborers. "J. A. S." h. Statement of the condition of affairs at the military prison at Florence. South Carolina, made by General W. M. Gardner to General S. Cooper, adjutant and inspector general, by direction of the latter, dated November 2, 1864. General Gardner describes the reception of six thousand federal prisoners of war at Florence, by a guard of one hundred aiul twenty-live South Carolina reserves. He says that General Hardie caused eleven hundred of these prisoners to be enlisted in the confederate service. After mentioning a conllict of authority between General Hardie and himself, he adds : " I have so often complained of the state of the prisons in South CJarolina, couse- (|uent upon the action of local commanders, without getting even a re])ly. lliat I do not think it necessary ^ trouble cither the department or myself by enlarging upon the BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. . 729 subject here. I feel assured that it must be iu full possessiou of all the facts uecessary to a coiTection of the evil, if desired. '' For myself, I wish to say that I cannot consent to be a man of straw and a scape- goat for the faults of others any longer. Reports of inspectors from your office giving well-deserved censure for the condition of the prisoners in that State are constantly referred to me in the face of all my complaints and suggestions, and when it must be known that I am utterly powerless, under the circumstances, to correct the abuses. "1 respcictfully request that such orders will be made and published as will secure to me, beyond dispute, the power to manage the prisoners within my jurisdiction, or that I at once be relieved from a duty Avhich I cannot discharge to my own satisfaction." [Indorsements.] " Respectfully submitted to the secretary of war. Other communications relating to the same questions herein presented, are now submitted with this. " H. L. CLAY, A. A. G. " Adjutaxt and iNSPECTOit General's Office, Xovemher 8, 1864." v "Consider these papers and digest the orders that seem required, both as to troops for local service, and for a proper discrimination of authority at posts where there are prisons. Confer with General Gardner, and when orders are prepared, submit. "J A S " Adj. Gen'l H. L. Clay. " November 10, 1864." c. Statement made by Lieutenant Colonel John F. Iverson to Colonel H. Fonio, in- spector military prisons. South Carolina, in respect to rations, dated January 26, 186.5. "I have the honor to state that the post commissary is issuing the following rations to the prisoners at this prison: One pound of meal, one-third pound of peas, and three pounds salt per hundred rations per day. " No soap, tobacco, or meat is issued, except one-half pound of beef per day to men who do duty as laborers on government work. These rations are, in my judgment, totally insufficient for the sustenance of the prisoners, and I respectfully urge that, if possible, the ration be increased." [Indorsement.] " Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, Febmanj 2, 186.5. " Respectfully submitted to the secretary of war. This is an inclosure to an inspec- tion report of Colonel Forno, forwarded by Brigadier General Winder, commissary general of prisoners." The above is an inclosure of an inspection report made by Colonel H. Forno to Briga- dier General John H. Winder. This report is dated January 27, 1865 The following are extracts therefrom : " The subsistence department is entirely deficient, and the ration issued daily amounts almost to starvation ; there have been but two issues of meat in the last two months, and scarcely ever sirup. This will be better explained liy document marked A, from Lieutenant Colonel Iverson, commanding prison. "There is no f)fficer of the ninth military department at this prison, nor any trans- portation, and the laborers (prisoners) are compelled to carry the timber for the con- struction of buildings necessary for the public iise on their shoulders fully one mile. "I would most respectfully suggest that an assistant quartermaster be sent to the prison as soon as possible, and he be supplied with transiiortation sufficient for their use. * # s * #■* * , " The number of jirisoners is as follows: In the stockade 6, 84.5 Paroled to work 156 In hospital ,i37 7, 5.38 "The mortality among the prisoners is an average of sis per day, and the prevailing disease diarrhea." 730 , TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR [Indorsomcnts of tlie report.] "Respectfully referred to adjutant and inspector general, and attention asked to report on subsistence department. The ration to prisoners is very small and insuffi- cient. Great inconvenience is felt from not liaving an acting commissary of sub- sistence to the prisons. I tind that where we have to depend upon the staff officers of posts, we can get nothing but what is forced out of them. "J. H. WINDER, " Briyadier General. " Columbia, South Carolina, January 23, 1865." " Respectfully referred to adjutant and inspector general. " It is quite probable that the assignment of a commissary may be the means of bet- tering the condition- of the prisoners at Florence, South Carolina. " R. H. CHILTON, "Assistant Adjutant and Inspector General. " Adjutant jVND Inspfxtor General's Office, Fehruarij 2, 18G5." " Respectfully referred to commissary general for his consideration in connection with the telegram oi' General Winder, a copy of which was furnished to the subsistence bureau by comnuind secretary of war. •'JOHN M. RILEY, "Major and Akle-de-Canip." " Respectfully returned to adjutant and inspector general. " Unless more money is furnished this bureau it will be impossible to continue the present ration to imsouers of war, much less to increase it. " L. B. NORTHRUP. " October 4, 1865." " Respectfully submitted to the secretary of war. "H. L. CLAY, "Assistant Adjutant General. " February 9, 1865." " Respectfully referred for the information of the honorable secretary of treasury. " By order : " J. A. CAMPBELL, "Assistant Secretary of War. " February 14, 1865." " Respectfully returned to the honorable secretary of war. Every effort is being made to supply the necessary funds for the pay of our returned prisoners. " The means at the conunand of the treasury are extremely limited, and no provision has yet been made by congress for the replenishment of the treasury. " S. W. TRENHOLM, " Secretary of the Treasury. "February 18, 1865." " Noted. — File. By order : "J. A. CAMPBELL. " February 21, 1865." Assistant Secretary ef War. d. Report of Lieutenant Colonel Jno. D. Iverson respecting rations, addressed to Captain W. S. Winder, assistant adjutant general, dated .Tanuary -U, 1865 : " I have the honor to state that the ration now Iti'ing issued to the prisoners at this prison is totally insuf'ticicnt for their sustenance, as large numbers are dying daily, and I am satisfied it is from not lieing properly fed. The post conmiissary informs me that he is not furnished with sufficient stores to warrant hiui in increasing the ration. The foUowiug are the iustructious from the couunissary general, dated Iiiclnnoud, October 3, 1864: 'Present scarcity of meat requires that prisoners be wholly subsisted on sor- ghum when i)racticable, and not on meat and sorglium as ])i()vi(hMl in circular of 1st October.' I cannot construe this as entirely cutting the prisoncis otf fioni meat rations, especially when sorghum cannot be had, which has been the case at this post for some time past. I am informed that the prisoners at Andersonville, Georgia, are receiving one-half pound of beef every daj' besides their regular bread rations, which sustains me iu my construction of the circular quoted above. Takiug into considera- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 731 tion that these prisoners are not able to get anything but what is issued to them by the government, for it is almost impossible for the sutler to procure supplies, coupled with the fact that they are very destitute of clothing, I feel it my duty to call the attention of the brigadier general commanding to these facts, and I respectfully request that if it is out of his x^ower to remedy the evil, that this communication be forwarded to the war department for the action of the secretary of war. If the government is really not able to give these prisoners more to eat, then no blame can be attached to any one ; but if they are, then I must think that the fault lies at the door of the sub- sistence department." The ration is the same as above given, except that the quantity of peas is increased from one-third to one-half pound. llndorsement.] " Respectfully referred to the adjutaut general and most earnestly request that a remedy be immediately applied. The prisons never will be properly fed until com- missaries are ordered for prison duty. I never have been able to get anything from statt' officers not on duty with the prisoners, I hope that assistant commissaries will be ordered to report to me for duty, and that they be not, as heretofore, young men ■with no experience; the duty requires exj)erieuce. " CoLUJiBiA, South Carolixa, February 4, 1865." " JOHN H. WINDER, " Brigadkr General. " Respectfully referred to the commissary general. " By order of the secretary of war : "H. L. CLAY, "Assistant Adjutant General. "Adjutaxt .vnd Ixspector Gexeral's Office, Fehruanj 8, 1865." " Respectfully returned to adjutant and inspector general. " The following is a copy of an indorsement placed on a similar paiier on 16th Decem- ber, 1864 : '•' • The state of the commissariat will not allow the issue of a full ration to our own troops in the field, much less to prisoners of war. It is just that the men who caused the scarcity shall be the lirst to suffer from it.' '• No need is seen for an additional officer at Florence, South Carolina. Present appear- ances indicate the prospective necessity of a still greater reduction of the ratiou. "February 11, 186.5." e. Letter of Sabina Dismukes to Jefferson Davis, dated Stateburg, South Carolina, October U, 1864 : (For this letter and article with indorsements from Sumpter Watchman, see report of the committee.) 5. — Salisbury prison. A communication from General Bradley T. Johnson to General Gardner, dated Salis- bury, February 18, 1865. (For this communication with indorsements, see report of the committee.) III. Orders issued axd letters avrittex by the rebel secretary of war in RELATION TO UXIOX PRISONERS. 1. Book C, page 296. (Letters sent. War department, 1861.) Secretary of war to Gen- eral J. H. Winder, instructing him to select by lot, among prisonersof war of highest rank, one to be confined in a felon's cell and treated as such, to be held for Smith, recently (then) convicted at Philadelphia and condemned to death. This prisoner to be executed in the same manner as said Smith. Also, thirteen to be held for same number taken by United States at sea and held for trial in New York as pirates. 2. Book 6, pp. 355, o.56. 4.59. (Letters sent. War department, 1861.) Relative to prisoners taken in East Tennessee, &c., authorizing execution of those known to be bridge-burners; none taken in East Tennessee to be released. 3. (Letter-book 1, vol. 2, M to Z, war department, 1861. Letters sent, page 20.) Statenient of hanging of liridge-burners taken among "traitors" of East Tennessee. 4. (Page 106. Letter-book 3, vol. 1, A to Z, war department, letters sent, 1862.) Au- thority for General Loring to take as prisoners Union men of West Virginia; also authorizing impressment of suplies from enemies of the confederacy, and payment therefor to be made in confederate money. 732 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR 5. (Page 237, Letter-book 3, vol. 1, A to Z, war department, 1862. Letters sent.) Secretary of war to General Beauregard, in relation to slaves taken in federal uniform subject to deatb. 6. (Page 473, book 5, vol. 2, L to Z. Letters sent. War department, 1863.) Relative to prisoners' money — gold not to be taken away, being money recognized by both gov- ernments. Privilege given of converting it into confederate money at market price. Federal paper not to be given them, not being recognized by Confederate States gov- ernment, but to be converted, at their oiitiou, into confederate money. IV.— Extract from the message of .teffersox davis, xove:mber 18, 1861. 1. After reciting "atrocities" of United States forces, he .says: " If they convert their soldiers into incendiaries and robbers, and involve ns in a species of war which claims non-combatants, women and children, as its victims, they must expect to be treated as outlaws and enemies of mankind. There are certain rights of humanity which are entitled to I'espect even in war, and he who refuses to regard them forfeits his claims, if captured, to be considered as a prisoner of war, but must expect to be dealt with as an offender against all law, human and divine." The "atrocities" referred to are the "bombardment of villages without giving notice to women and children, to enable them to escape, exciting servile insurrec- tion," &c. 2. Extract from message of Jefferson Davis, August 1.5, 1862 : In this document he again recites the atrocities of the federal government, such as "forging the moneyed obligations of the Confederate States, exciting servile insurrec- tion, inciting the violence of the soldiery against the women of a captured city," &c. He says : "No method remains for the suppression of these enormities but such retributive justice as it may be found possible to execute. Retaliation in kind for many of them is impracticable. ****** J3iif stern and exemplary punish- ment can and must be meted out to the murderers and felons who, disgracing the profession of arms, seek to make of piiblic Avar the occasion for the commission of the most monstrous crimes. ****** Nothing remains but to vindicate our rights and maintain our existence by employing against our foes every energy and every resource at our disposal." The following letter was found in the archives after the foregoing statement had been sent to the Committee on the .Judiciary. The chief of the archive office sent a copy to the Hon. James F. Wilson, chairman of Committee on the Judiciary, on the .5tli July, instant : 3. "CahaBa, Alabaaia, March 31, 1864. "Sir: With this I have the honor to transmit to you my monthly report. "When yon know the sanitary condition of the prison you cannot be surprised at the large number of cases reported. "A brick wall inclosing an area of fifteen tliousand square feet, covered by a leaky roof with sixteen hundred feet of open space in its center, four open windows, and the earth for the lloor, constitutes the prison in which are at present confined six hundred and sixty men. "The sleeping arrangements consist of rough bunks, without straw or bedding of any kind save the hard plank and a few comforts, not forty to the hundred men; these bunks, but recently constructed, accommodate but four huudred and thirty-two men, so that two hundred and twenty-eight men are forced to sleep upon the ground. "With but one fireplace in the building, all the fires (about forty in numhcr) have been, until the i);ist two days, built at intervals upon the floor. Tlie wood (a little less than one-half the regulations allow) has been, when furnished at all, of either green sap pine or decayed oak from old fields. With sucli wood and no ventilation, you can well imagine to Avhat a dense smoke these men have been subjected for the past five months. "A wooden fence has been in progress of erection around the prison for the past two months or more, in order that the fires might be removed to the outside, and thus obviate the smoke. The tliird side of this fi'uce lias nearly reached its completion. "The supply of water for drinking, cooking, and bathing, as well as washing, is conveyed from an artesian well, along an open street gutter for two huudred yards, thence under the street into the prison. In its course it has been suljjected to the washings of the hands, feet, faces, and heads of soldiers, citizens, and negroes ; buckets, tubs, and spittoons of groceries, offices, and lu)spitals; hogs, dogs, cows, and horses, and filth of .all kinds from the streets and other sources. "The rations furnished arc the same as are is.sued to our own soldiers, and are served to them with equal punctuality. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 733 ''The privy accommodates but four men at ouce, and the arrangements for keeping it cleanly are well in keeping with the prison generally. With but one ^Yheelbarrow to remove filth and other rubbish, there is au unavoidable accumulation of these fruitful sources of disease. "It is useless to remark that I have made repeated complaints to the commandant of the prison, who has exerted himself to the extent of his ability to have these defects remedied. " The two quartermasters at this post, with only the prison and one small hospital to supply, have failed to be equal to the task of having this prison supplied with good and sufficient wood, water, and bunks, and putting it in a condition in which it would be moderhtely comfortable, clean, and healthy. "Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "R. M. WHITFIELD, '^Surgeon in charge Federal Prison, Cahaha, Alabama. " Surgeon P. B. Scott, . " Medical Director." [Indorsements, j " Caiiaba, Alabama, March 31, 1864. " Report on the sanitary condition of federal prison." "Medical Director's Office, ^^ Dcmopolis, Alabama, April 6, 1864. '•'Respectfully forwarded to the surgeon general for his information. "P. B. SCOTT, " Medical Director J^ "Surgeon Gexer.vl's Office, April 15, 1864.— (602.) " Respectfully referred to Lieutenant General Polk, whose attention is called to this report for such action as he may deem necessary. "S. B. MOORE, " Surgeon General." CONSOLIDATED STATEMENT lUMBER or FEDERAL SOLDIERS SERVICE, DIED, CAPTURED, PAROLED, EXCHANGED, DIED IN REBEL PRISONS, ESCAPED, ENLISTED IN CON- FEDERATE SERVICE, &c., NUMBER OF CONFEDERATE SOLDIERS CAPTURED, PAROLED, EXCHANGED, DIED, ESCAPED, ENLISTED IN THE UNITED STATES SERVICE, &c., DURING ' THE REBELLION OF 1861-'65, AS SHOWN BY THE RECORDS OF THE ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE. 1869. STATISTICS. Rooms of the Committee on the Treatment OF Prisoners of War and Union Citizens, Washington, D. C, January I, 1869. Sir : I have the honor to request that the following statistics, relating to the subjects under investigation by this committee, may be furnished from the records of your de- partment at the earliest convenience, for the use of the committee : 1. The whole number of federal soldiers in service during the rebellion, (averaging at three years enlistment.) 2. The number killed in battle, or who died of wounds received in battle. 3. The number who died of disease. 4. The number who died from other causes and from unknown causes. 5. The number of federal prisoners captured by confederate forces. 6. The number of federal prisoners who died while prisoners of war. 7. The number of confederate prisoners of war captured by federal forces. 8. Tlie number of confederate prisoners who died while prisoners of war. 9. Designate in all cases between commissioned officers and enlisted men. 10. Designate in all cases between white and colored troops. 11. Designate the numbers of prisoners of war, both federal and confederate, who died, respectively, of — 1st, wounds; 2d, disease; 3d, other causes ; 4th, unknown causes. 12. Designate the numbers of each — 1st, who escaped ; 2d, who were exchanged ; 3d, who were discharged ; 4th, unaccounted for. «-' 13. The number who joined the federal army from among confederate prisoners of war. 14. The number who joined the confederate army from among federal prisoners of war. 15. The names and places of location of the different prisons used by the confederate authorities to confine federal prisoners of war. 16. The names and location of the different prisons used by the federal authorities to confine confederate prisoners of war. 17. The name and rank, with period and date of service of the commanders of the several confederate prisons. 18. The name and rank, with date and time served of the several commandants of federal prisons. 19. The number of deaths of federal prisoners at the several confederate prisons re- spectively. 20. The number of deaths of confederate jirisoners at the several federal j)risons re- spectively. 21. The number of graves of federal prisoners at the several confederate prison cem- etries ; those marked and known, and those marked unknoivn. 22. Tbe number of graves of confederate prisoners at the several federal prison cem- etries ; marked and known, and marked unknmvn. 23. The names, dates, and consecutive terms of service of the following confederate military officers, respectively, viz : Secretaries of war, adjutant generals, inspector generals, quartermaster generals, commissary generals, surgeon generals, commission- ers of exchange for prisoners, covering the entire time of the rebellion. 24. The ditterence, if any, between the rations furnished federal soldiers in the field and those furnished confederate prisoners of war. I remain, very truly yours, JOHN P. C. SHANKS, Chairman, #c. Hon. J. M. Schofield, Secretary of War, War Department, Washington City, March 1, 1869. Sir : In reply to your communication of January 1, 1869, I have to transmit here- with report of the Adjutant General United States Army, accompanied by reports H. Eep, 45 47 738 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR, ETC. • from the Quartermaster General United States Army, Commissary General of Subsist- ence United States Army, and Surgeon General United States Army, on the subjects under investigation by the committee. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. M. SCHOFIELD, Secretary of War. Hon. J. P. C. Shanks, M. C, Chairman Committee on Treatment of Prisoner ft of War and Union Citizens, House of liepresentatives, Washington, D. C. Adjutant General's Office, Washington, March 1, 1869. Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith report compiled from the records of this office, in reply to the communication of January 1, 1869, from Hon. J. P. C. Shanks, chairman of the Committee on the Treatment of Prisoners of War and Union Citizens, reqxiesting certain information rehitive to the subjects under investigation by the com- mittee, together with the reports of the Quartermaster General, Commissary General of Subsistence, and Surgeon General, on the same subject. The information embraced in the report from this office, inclosed, is not as complete as might be obtained from the records, but it is believed to be sufficiently so to answer the piupose for which it is desired. A complete examination and comparison of all the records, and a compilation of the information called for, would have required a very much longer time, and also a large additional clerical force, which would greatly in- crease the expense. In explanation of the imperfection of this report, and of the discrepancy between this and the reports of the Surgeon General and Quartennaster General, it must be stated — 1. From the nature of the service during the war, many men who were taken pris- oners, and reported missing in action, have not been traced since they fell in the hands of the rebels. 2. The Surgeon General's statement is derived from reports of medical officers, and such information as tliey could obtain from hospital records. 3. The Quartermaster General's statement is derived from records of graves of Union soldiers. 4. The Adjutant General's records are derived from every source which can be deemed any way reliable, and the muster-in rolls of all the troops ever in the service furnish the starting point from which the attempt is continually being made to account satis- factorily for every man. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. Hon. J. M. SCHOFIELD, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. OP CONTENTS OF STATISTICS. FEDERAL SOLDIERS. Page. Statement showing the whole number of federal officers and soldiers in service during the rebel- lion of 18t)l-'65, (reduced to three years,) compiled from records of the Adjutant General's Office 740 Consolidated statement of the number of federal soldiers who died in the service of the United States during the rebellion of 1861-'65, with cause of death, as shown by the death and disa- bility files of the Adjutant General's Office, United States Army 741 Detailed statement showing the number of federal prisimers oi war exchanged, illegally paroled, escaped, recaptured, and enlisted in confeili rati- .service during the rebellion of 1861-65, as shown by records of federal prisoners of war tiled in the Adjutant General's Office 742-755 Detailed statement of the number of federal prisoners of war who died in the hands of the con- federate authorities durins the rebellion of l8Gl-'65, with the name and locality of prisons, names of commanding otScers of the same, the cause of death, and the number of graves marked and known, and the number marked unknown 756 List of confederate piisons used to confine federal prisoners of war, with name, rank, and period of service of the diflerent commanders 758 COISTEEDERATE SOLDIERS. Detailed statement of the number of confederate prisoners of war captured by the federal forces, the numlier paroled on the field, exchanged, released on taking oath of allegiance, escaped from the federal authorities, enlisted in the United States service, and the number unaccounted for during the rebellion of 1861-65 760-767 Detailed statement of the number of confederate prisoners of war who died in the hands of the federal authorities iluriiiii the rebellion of 18Gl-'65, with name and locality of jirisons, names of commanding officer.s of the same, the cause of death, and the number of graves marked and known, and the number marked unknown 768-770 List of federal prisons used to confine confederate prisoners of war, with name, rank, and period of service of the diflerent commanders : 771, 772 Statement showing such information as the records of the archive office afford relative to the names and consecutive terms of service of the following confederate military officers respect- ively 773 Recapitulation 774 Copy of report from office of Quartermaster General, by Brevet Brigadier General A. J. Perry, U. S. A. : A. — List of localities where Union prisoners of war were buried by the rebels during the war, also number known, unknown, &c 776 B. — List of localities where rebel prisoners of war were buried during the war, also number of known, unknown, &c 777, 778 Copy of report from office oi^ Surgeon General, by Assistant Surgeon J. J. Woodward, brevet lieutenant colonel, U. S. A 778, 779 Copy of report from office of Commissary General of Subsistence, by A. B. Eaton, Commissary General 779 Table showing the ration in kind allowed to prisoners of war, per circulars from Commis- sary Geneial of Prisoners, of dates named, and also the ration of troops of the United States at the same dates 780 Circulars from office of Commissary General of Prisoners, by "W. Hoffman, Commissary General : relative to prisoners of war .' 780, 781 relative to prisoners of war and political or state prisoners 783-784 relative to rations of prisoners of war 1^^ relative to employment and pay of prisoners of war '''85 General Order relativeto act of Congress modifying rations of prisoners of war '785i 786 740 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Statement shotcing the wliole number of federal officers and soldiers in service during the rebel- lion of 1861-65, (reduced to three years,) compiled from records of the Adjutant General's Office. White: Commissioned officers * 83, 935 Enlisted men 2,073,112 Colored : Commissioned officers 9 Enlisted ment 178,895 Aggregate 2, 335, 951 * Approximation. As officers were continually leaving the service and th'^ir places filled by others, it would require great labor by an examination of thousands of rolls to determine the jjrecise number reduced to a three years' standard. This includes white officers of colored troops. The whole number of officers whose names appear in the Volunteer Army Register is 1'24,597. t All considered three years; most were recruited for that period, and those for shorter periods can- not be classed without a laborious examination of numerous muster-rolls. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 741 ^ «o c. 05 c^ : 2 to Oi 00 Irt O 00 I o in 00 ino "^ TB^ox cT m" tt" to I-" SI n 'H s 1 ^ (N (N '•oz o o» •nattt ire g S :S' o pg^sjing: at ■ ire" ■ CI s < rt OI n ■»■ t- C5 Or H ■* •sjeorgo (N C) C» S n ci" o O QO • 00 L 1 f- o -1 C» • n -J = CJ 0^ •l«*0X Ci to • to Ol oo" ■♦" o" 3 n o s « ^ (N 00 ■ m 1 ■5 'J- a o •aani S s <^ :g"- S Oi pg^siina: t-" ^^ irt" •^ n eo Lre d t3 ,-, 00 '■ • o '. n •gjao^O o o . : S ^^ ■ i-h" X Ci OOOOJ- - >re o r- o to ■q< 1 •fjox t- rt 00 00 58 o" O ^ 1 OI llj. ,. -1 t- § M •noin CJ 00 Lre pa^sjina o" rt" U '"' r^ © O •ejaogjo 55 to ic oo : §8 CD o gp w irt r- ® «» C» (M r- CT • t> w o Pm p^ 1 g O t- =B " g c =« r- "^.2 '-.a ^ ^ .2 S CT ^ g-;2 o ri ^ 2^ 3 t rt '^ i^ Ti " tD^ 2~ Oi-^ a i o^ a p'g 3 ^ 2 £ "=£=3 H a^lJ ©.2 o^ .£'S-j2'^-o r-: a t4H CO Q; rt .Ih 5 5 o-s a rt feo re t< a ^ o ^ — -|cS '^So'CtO fl O « .r^ - S =■ O !K t> -*^ SO .3 i3!J ^■^'i "£o-§ -a 1, a^-g-t- o m '^ .o f_| g ra *j i: .2 ;2 ,S ''^ i> a '^ _;S£a tc^ tD o -^ ^ S t^ ,£ ca 5 s ^ -3 « '-M ja^ £ .=* a H ai; fe'&i;'^ " S a^ 5 jj o 5 S e ati H ? 13 742 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Detailed statement slioiving the numher of federal prisoners of war exchanged, illri/nlh/ paroled, shown by records of federal prisoners of LEGALLY PAROLED AND EXCHANGED. 1 ILLEGALLY PAROLED. 1 White. Colored. White. Colored. Place. S o o a a "5 'C "3 o H S o O 'i a o .2 "3 3 o H i' X c O a S 5 5 o H ^ g g -A .2 5 3 Abbe\'ille Miss . c 15, 373 183' 6 16, 436 880 329 3 3 7 86-2 7 489 8 13 19 1 330 3 3 7 882 8 499 8 13 19 23 1 10 Ashville, N. C 3 3 3 3 Avcrysboro, JT. C 1 1 31 25 1 1 32 25 1 1 423 1 433 Batosville, Ark Balcj-"s Ford, Va 10 If. 196 1 •1 2 214 1 Beaver Creek, Mo Belle Island, Va Bellevue, Tenn Bentonville, N. C 2 1 2 1 .. Bevel Iv, W. Vii' Black liiver Briu^e, Tenn 1 o 1 2 Black Kock, Va Black Shear, (Ja Black Slupj), I'enn 1 1 Blackstinic Station, Va Block Island, Va Blue liidge, Va 6 4 78 8 4,899 1 85' 6 4 83 8 5, 103 1 "i Bolivar, Tenn 5 Booncvillc, .Mo "b "a' :; Boul ware's and Coxe's "Wharves, Va 119 Box Station, Va Brauchville, S. C : 1 1 2 2 Bi'istol, Tenn Bri-stol, Va Bristow Station, Va 1 42 27 1 81 Brooksvillc. Md 12 Brown's ilosiiital, Miss 6 6 Hull Gap, Tenn 1 278 1 278 JiiiU Kun, Va 1 1 Butler Ga 63 1 3 67 1 2 2 2 2 1 1 Camden, S. C BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 743 escaped, recaptured and enlisted in confederate service during the rebellion of 1861-65, as war filed in the Adjutant (JeneraVs Office. ESCAPED. RECAPTURED. ENLISTED IN CONFEDERATE SERVICE. White. 1 Colore 1 d. White. Colored. White. Colored. 2 o i "3 it Total. 1 UtiieevH. 1 Enlisted men. 1 Citizens. 2 -• il III 3 n a o a a S '3 3 o a o a p 5 1 o n ■3 3 so a 5 o 3 § a 1 CO s .2 5 3 j G 15, 385 4 329 3 609 7 872 7 489 8 13 19 17 10 3 17 2 1 1 31 25 1 1 423 1 196 I 2 1 2 2 6 2 1 2 7 1 2 2 6 4 79 8 4,907 1 1 2 3 2 4 1 42 6 1 2 278 7 1 1 3 63 1 1 2 2 1 1 i83 "i' 3 7 2 85' 27' '3 1; 12 . 4 . 12 "■f ■■ 881 16, 449 4 4 330 3 26 . - 26 .- .. 580 3 583 612 7 2 10 . . 12 22 1 10 894 8 499 8 13 19 17 6 - 7 24 24 . 6 .. 1 . 1 10 3 17 2 . 17 .... 17 . 2 .. 2 1 1 1 32 25 1 . 1 1 1 10 433 1 . 1 .. .. 1 16 214 1 1 1 1 2 - 2 .. .. n 2 4 5 2 . 9 4 10 . 2 ] 7 . ] 2 2 . 2 . 2 r t 4 5 8-i • 119 5 11] ] 1 2 . 1 ] . 2 r 2 4 . 2 .. .. c . 4 .. .. 4 1 1 12 81 f 1 1 .. 1 .. .. 1 .. 1 .. .. 2 276 7 1 .. 7 .... . -. 1 .. .. . 1 1 3 •■ 3 .- .. . 3 1 67 1 1 1 1 n 2 -- 2 -. .. 2 1 ... 1 ■• i .. .. .. 1 744 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Detailed statement shoioinrf the number of federal prisonera of war ejcchanged, illegally LEGALLY PAROLED AND EXCHANGED. ILLEGALLY PAROLED. White. Colored. White. Colored. Place. 00 "3 05 B 5 o H ^ "3 a5 o 3 2 o o 2 S 9 t oj o s H 3 a a ■1. .2 3 ■3 H Campbellsville, Kj"^ 1 8 1 1 3 99 9 1 1 3 102 3 4 5 4 5 1 483 1 228 101 5,247 1 493 1 240 101 5,609 3 6 329 Charlestown, W. Va Charlotte, N. C 64 1,652 1 1,717 1 ■- Cheraw, S. Cherokee, S. C Chesuut Blutfs, Tenn 1 1 t;hester, S. C Choctaw Bhiflf, S. C 836 1 3 15 31, 464 6 75 302 1 1 32, 984 7 78 317 1 1 Clarendon, Ark Clark's Mills, Tenn Clarksville, Tenn 1 1 .. Clinton Station, S.C Clovtr Hill Station, W. Va Cold llarl)or, Va 1 12 1 12 Columliia, Tenn 5 5 Columbus, Ga 3 4 30 3 4 46 98 190 288 ' Conev Fork, Tenn Cooksville, Md 1 Cooper River, S. C Corinth. Miss Cotton riant. Ark 1 177 5 4 1 178 5 4 1 Courtland, Ahi Covington, Tenn Crawlordsville, Ga Crosswell, 3 19 2,010 331 9 15 3 21 2,058 333 9 15 :;:: Cumberland City, Tenn 2 45 2 Cumberland, Department of Cumberland Iron Works, Tenn 18 2 1 3 18 2 1 3 Dallas Ga Danboro, N. C 17 .... 17 4 1 1 4 1 1 ;::: .1 De Witt, Ark .... BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. paroled, escaped, recaptured, and enlisted in confederate service, cj-c. — Continued. 745 ESCAPED. EECAPTUBEU. ENLISTED IN CONFEDERATE SERVICE. White. Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored. O i 1 .... "i 165' 2 10 ia' 1 1 '3 "i i' i72' 2 47 i'i 1 3 1 n g -3 1 n "3 c 3 9 i q a 13 a a 3 1 a a T3 "3 i 6 ■i 1 C o5 P 3 i s 4) a •i 1 3 "3 H "37" i i 1 '3' 3 "e' 336' 37 64 8 1 1 3 99 1 4 5 1 1 483 1 228 138 5, 412 2 10 1,653 1 12 1 1 "7' 'e '33' .... "3' 684' 205 3 9 1 1 3 102 1 4 5 1 1 493 1 240 138 5,781 2 47 1,718 :::: 1 12 1 1 3 i 836' 1 3 15 i' i9i' i i "2' 45 2 1 31, 465 6 75 302 1 1 i' 1 \ 12 52 5 3 3 4 128 1 9 180 5 4 1 1 1 3 19 2,010 331 9 15 2 18 2 1 17 1 19 1 17 4 1 4 1 1 . 1 140 1 "'i' 1 1 '49' "2 .... 9 1 "i 1 1 239' "2' i 9 i 32, 985 7 78 317 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 12 243 i "i 5 3 3 4 334 1 9 181 :::. "'i' 1 '2 i4 i 1 •2 "i4' 5 4 1 1 1 3 21 2,058 333 9 15 2 18 2 1 17 1 :::: 19 1 "4' 19 1 "4 19 1 17 4 1 4 1 1 746 TKEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Detailed statement showing tlw number of. federal prisoners of war exchanged, illegally LEGALLY PAROLED AND EXCHANGED. ILLEGALLY PAROLED. White. Colored. White. Colored. PLace. a n 1 s "3 O Z o m o a o a a R 3 3 p a a "a "8 a "a S g s a a 5 13 1 Donelson, Fort, Tenn 4 2 12 4 2 12 Donixjhau, Mo Dover, Pa Drainsville, Va Duck River, Ga Ducktown, Tenn ■ 1 1 8 1 1 1 8 1 Dundee, Tenn Duulap, Tenn Duttou Hill, Eastern Shore, Va East Point. Ga 1 1 Eastpoit, Miss 1 1 Elijay. Ga 1 2 713 2 1,431 1 2 747 2 1,624 "5 5 Elizabeth, Pa Elizabethtown, Ky 34 Evingtou, Exchanged, (place of parol not stated) . . . Eacklo's Station, Ga 192 Pairtax, Va 31 96 9 4 4 3 31 101 9 4 4 3 Eairinonnt, Va 5 Falls Church, Va Farmiuiiton, Mo Fauquier County, Va Fayette ville, Ark Fayetteville, N. C Fayette, AV. Va Fear River, N. C 1 1 Perhandina, Fla .' Flat Rock, N. C Florence, Ala 2 1 41 1 4 14 12 1 472 2 1 43 1 4 14 12 1 481 Florence, S. C Franklin County, Mo 2 Franklin, Ky ^ Franklin, Tenn Franklin, Va Frederick, Md Frederick, Mo Fredericksburg, Va 9 Gainesville, Ala Gainesville, Ark 1 10 172 437 1 "e 1 11 176 456 1 i3 i3 ;; Gainesville, Va Gallatin, Tenn 1 4 13 Galveston, Texas Galvisa, Ky Gauley Bridge, Va Georgetown, Mo 39 — 39 Georgetown, S. C Germantown, Tenn 42 7 15 424 42 7 15 448 553 "2 553 2 Gettysburg, Pa Glasgow, Ky 24 Goldsboro, JiT. C 2 25 27 2 1 2 1 1 9 2 1, 827 1 10 2 1,877 1 1 49 1 Harper's Ferry, Va . . t 385 9,563 9,948 BY THE REBEL AUTHOEITIES. 747 paroled, escaped, recaptured, and enlisted in Confederate service, ^c. — Continued. ESCAPED. RECAPTURED. ENLISTED IN CONFEDERATE SERVICE. White. Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored. o § 1 "a fA "1 1 "i' .... a IS H "'i' 1 i a a 1 i '2 i ii 1 1 fi" 3 "a a aj H S i s ' !!! § a a 5 H ^ B i a lev Miss 1 Eockv Springs, Tenn 2 2 2 96 25 987 434 "3' 1 98 25 1,137 439 Eouiih and Heady, Ga 147 4 Kulltoril N. C . . ! 10 139 149 392 , 392 Saltillo, Miss 4 4 Saltville Va 1 Santee, S. C Savannah, Ga 21 5,739 44 15 5,775 44 Sedalia, Mo .' 1 429 1 317 1 2 12' 1 441 1 323 1 2 Silver Sprinus, Tenn Smith, Fort, Ark Smith ville, N. C 1 1 1 3 23 1 1 1 3 23 South IJind, Ark South Mills, N. C Sparta Tenn 12 17 3 2 12 17 3 2 St AiTdi ews Ga Stanford, K v 2 2 St. Anthony's Ga Stateslioro. N. C Staunton, Va i 1 BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 753 paroled, escaped, I'ecaptured, and enlisted in confederate sei'vice, ^-c. — Contiuned. ESCAPED. RECAPTURED. ENLISTED IN COXFEDERATE SERVICE. A.nr.nKr,\rv White. Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored. o S s -2 a 3 "3 £ 5 c 4) a :: a .. 1 '6 S o a a "a g .s 3 -2 o H £ o i a 1 1 3 1 H a a 1 a 00 B .2 3 "3 t4 © a "i' '5 'io' 266' 60 a a S' "S w 1 i? c 1 1 8 2 i 3 4 119 1 2,897 1,713 2 13 4,014 4, C79 2 1 3 2 10 2 4 90 20 967 434 5 139 1 2,910 1 4 1 i 5, 920 44 11 1 429 1 320 1 2 10 1 1 1 3 23 1 12 17 3 2 1 i 1 4 a 5 02 i' 32 3 1 ii i5 i i'i "3' 1 1 17 1 1 8 2 5 1 13 "i 13 is' io' li ii id' 200 1 4 119 1 2 3,102 1,841 "(■,' i" '3 2,334' "3" 2,334' iio' 12D ' i 2 147' 4 io' 6 i '20' 13 4, 7.04 4,830 2 2 3 10 2 4 98 20 1,137 439 5 149 2, 927 1 4 1 5 187 io' 192 ii 'io' 1 3 1 1 5,967 44 12 .. c 1 441 1 io' 3 320 ■i 1 1 3 23. 1> 12' 17 3 2: 1 2: 1 1 i H. Rep, 45 48 754 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Detailed statement showing tlic nnmlxr of federal prisoners of tear exeJtanfjed, iUcgalhj LEGALLY PAROLED AND EXCHANGED. ILLEGALLY PAROLED. White. Colored. j 'VViute. Colored. Place. 8 o H 5 H 3 1 i a rs "3 W 3 3 a .'2 "5 3 S a ■■B — 5 2, St Clair Mo 1 1 1 1 28 16 1 St Mark's Fla 4«i 48 St llnsii Island Kla 15 15 Siuii]it(*rvilli' S (' 1 1 1 TalladL'"^a Ala 1 1| 1 5 796 9 Tipton Mo 23|::::: 284 1 l! 9! i 23 301 1 9 1 ■ 16 1 1 2 Union Mills, Va 2 2 2 138 140 4 ■"■•| a V S Ford Va 54 271 1, lie ! 1,206 3, 139 b'l 3, 416 1 1 1 1481 6, 824 177 7,149 10 11 4 4 Volly Fort Ga "VValilron Ark ll 5: 1 1 . 4 6 3 Wasliiii"tori N, C 1, 25d 1,258 4 4 Wliite River, i 2 Whitesvill(% K. C .... .... i 12 1 12 41 5 13 1 1 65 26 2 1 4 37 5 13, 1 ll ... 65 25 1 1 Wytlieville, Va 1 35 201 236 59 821 217 1,097 46 — 46 Gkaxd tot vl 0,444 146,103 1-547: 154.094 BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. paroUd, escaped, recaptured, and enlisted in confederate service, cj-c. — Contiiined. 755 ESCAPED. RECAPTURED. ENUSTED IN CONFEDERATE SERVICE. White. Colored. White. Colored. Wliite. Colored. o o O S 3 1 1 a '3 ■3 i £ 5 "a 74 x' 3 "3 i 30 1 77 1 i3 9 i 3 13 2 17 -; a a 1 "S no a ■3 H i a 3 "a s 2 3 "3 a "3 a 9 3 "a '0 ""l 9 ..... " 1 2 20 "i 9 1 "1 2 20 "120 ::::: "i26 "1 ""9 16 "'"2 130 "54 271 "149 ""3 1 1 27 17 9 48 1 15 1 20 1 1 1 1 5 787 5 1 23 284 1 9 1 2 4 2 2 138 757 4 1,146 3,139 1 2 6,838 J 4 1 1 1 4 5 3 1,260 1 4 I 1 1 288 37 5 13 1 1 68 29 2 I 2 1 "13 ""s 1 1 1 98 17 9 48 1 15 1 2 20 . 1 1 i29 1 "'"'5 4 585 "'"2 4 '7 1 '""5 ■"■4 ' "721 ■ " ■ '2 4 1 1 5 790 i 23 301 1 9 1 2 4 2 140 900 4 1, 200 3,418 1 2 7,104 1 ' 1 "3 1 • •- "1 263 ..... ■""0 29 "1 """3 2 1 "1 " 1 "'267 "1 ""2 2,690 3 _ 4 1 1 1 4 8 3 1,260 1 4 1 1 1 292 •• 41 5 13 1 1 68 1 - •:;; 384 4 4 30 " '1 17 2 1 2 394 2, 273 384 1 3,161 9 3,170 6,981 153, 034 1, 802 161, 817 IM TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Detailed statement of the number of federaJ primners of icor nho died in the hands of tfte names of commandimj offieers of the same, the eaiise of death, and the liEATHS. GUAVES. Place. "White. Colored. Aggregate. £ 4) O n o s -2 a it 3 o i s '6 9 g c 3 1 11 a a h2 1 3 1 13, 403 112 1 147 1 2 1 193 1 5 1 8 7 2 2 1 4 8 "on 1 n J19 13 ."iSfi 74 13, 334 74 8 104 104 ' 119. 1 140 1 2 1 102 1 4 1 7 7 2 2 1,265 1 1 17 2 2,789 2 1 5 13 1 2 1 20 18 4 29 178 17 1 19 1 17 1 7 1 4 2 1 2 1 2 35 23 3,104 i 4,598 2 1 1 3 6 3 1 8 140 ' 1:. 2. 1 . 162 1 . 4' ..1 1 7 147 1 2 '.'. 1 2 113 ("liarU"it(iii S. C 29 1 5 1 2 2 1,296 1 1 17 2 2,793 2 1 5 13 1 19 1 Columbia, iST. C r 1 1 '"'8 7 I' 1,284 1,. 1 - 'I: 2,789 2 8 4 1-277 "52 1 1 17 2 2,703 2 1 5 13 1 ;::::: 1 Elliott's Hospital, Tenn 1 1 5 13 1 . Harrisiinlmr" Va ■;! 'T 2 2i 2 1 20 18 4 29 188 1 20 18 4 29 186 17 1 19 1 17 1 7 1 4- 2 1 2 1 2 36 23 3,140 1 1 4,677 2 1 1 4 6 3 7 1 8 1 2!) 18 4 29 178 17 1 Knoxville, Teuu Little Rock, Ark 7 17 1 19 1 ..1 ■-i---- 19 1 17 1 Mobilp, Ala 'l •ji 1 "27 1 17 1 7 1 4 2 1 2 Moiititoiiiii'v, Ala r ■ Ml lultc III. Ala 1 4 2 1 2 1 2 35 23 Mount .Tackson, Va Kashvilli', Tenn Oiauuc (liurt house, Va Oxfonl, Miss Ozaik Hnsivital, Auk 1 1 36 Pi'usacola, I'la Pftcrsbuifj,, Va 1 Kalciiih, N. C 23 3,140 1 Kitbuiond, Va 21 1 3, 104 ii; 4, 6491 1 . 1 . 3. 6. 3. 7 . 1 . 8 Iloanoke RiviT, X. C Robinson's Tavern, Va Salisbury, N. C 27 52 4,723 2 1 .Savannah, (la ::::::r;:::;| 1 Stalk villr. Miss 1 1 4 6 :'):::: Viiksburjr, Miss 3 i 8 Weldou, N. C Wilson N. C 1 79 Grand Total no 25, 979 ICO 2(5. 249 1 78 111 20, 057 Ifin 26 328 BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 757 eonfcderate authontlcs (hiring the rehcUion of 1861-6.5, with the namt and locality 0/ j»'(.so»s, number of (jravcn marked and known, and the number marked unknown. CAUSE OF DEATH. Wonnds. Disease. "^''I'L.IpT"^" Unknown causes. Wliite. Colore d. Wliite. Colored. Whit* !. Colored. Wliite. Colored. « p .S g 1 i a H w :- d S .. 1 ! 1 3 5,725 2; 62 a s 3 ll'.l'^l'l'.i g i r- z, s T- « Total. OtHcers. Enlisted men. 1,766 . i ; 50 1 "8 1,757 C 42 . 5,7.51 i 3 .. 4 02 5,8444' 2 5, 886 . . ' I .. 4 1 1 .. .. . 137 ... 10 . 10 130 1 1 .... 1 . 1 1 .. .. -. 1 ,...-. 1 ■ 1 .. . 5 1 1 1 2 5 . 2 . 5 1 2 . 25 145 3 2 172 . . . 4 12 . 16 .. . 1 3 .... 1 2 5 .. . .. 1 5 . 2 6 .. .. 2 2 1 2 2 .. . 9 . 11 . .. G 1,223 1 4 1 233 .... 33 . 33 . . 1 9 .. 19 1 1 1 15 . 15 1 . 2 1 i . 1 .. - 2 1 2,789 3 2,793 .. . 1 .. - 1 1 . 1 . 1 1 . ... 5 . 13 . 5 13 1 1 2 2 1 1 I . 1 1 1 . . .. 19 19 18 . 18 4 . 4 .. .. 14 . 14 13 13 1 I . .. . .. 6 178 17 3 187 17 1 1 1 j 19 . 19 !.. . .. 1 1 . . 1 1. .. ■ "'I 7 .- 10 10" 1 ■ T' ■ :; " ■.■- 1 ] 1 7 7 1 1 . 1 . 4 . 4 1 . 1 .. .. .... |. 21 2 1 1 1 28 3 275 29 . . . 3 . 1 287 ... . 2 20 ... 10 2, 810 1 ;::; ■ :: 5 5.. 20 11 4 2,834 .! 19 19.. 1 1 1 44 1 . . 45 . . 1 I 1 .. i 1 i 2,363;] 7 2, 400 . . 7 . . 7 i 31 . 321.. 1 .. 125 2,160: 2 5 2, 26b . . ^ 2 (2.. '42 ! ! ] 1 1 . . 1 1 31 4 • 1 6 6 .. 3 3 4 1 1 4 .. .. 1 . .. . 3 3 ■■ • s! g 1 -_■_-_ ■_\-_ ■_ .33^.. 1 .. l!30 10,875 1 i Ml -• >j 2,252 10 2,287J..j 2 2 53|l2,821|f 0'l2, 964 I'lO ..ill 2 31 3D 10, 905 . . 35 . . 65 758 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR, ETC. List of confederate 2>risons used to confine federal prii^oneri< of war, irith name, rani-, and jyeriod of service of the different commanders. Prisons. Commanders. Period. Audersnnville, Georgia, near Americus, Georgia. Belle Isle, near Paclunond. Virginia. Cahawba, Alabama Camp Lawton, Burke Connty, Georg:ia. • Castle Thunder, near Piicli- mond, Virginia. Charleston, South Carolina.. , E. Griswold, major. John H. Winder, brigadier general. Henry "Wirz. captain and as- sistant adjutant general. V. Bo.ssieux, lieutenant H. A. M. Henderson, captain Uulvno^^^l Unknown Assigned to duty February 29, 1864. Spe- cial Orders Ko."49. Period of scrsice un- known. Assigned to command June 3, 1864. Spe- cial Orders No. 129. Period of service luiknown. Appointed June 12, 1862, to report to Gen- eral Winder for duty. "Was in charge in 1864-'65. Date of a.s.signment and l)erii)d of servJce unknown. Date of assignment and period of service unknown. 1864. Date of assignment and period of ser\-ice unknown. W. J. Gayer, assistant adju- tant general. , Columbia, Scrath Carolina K. D. Seun, captain . . Danville, Virginia Florence, South Carolina Henry McCoy, captain E. C. Smith, lieut. colonel . . J. F. Iver.son, lieut. colonel. Macon, Georgia George C. Gibbs, captain. . . Eichmond, Virginia ', John H. Winder, brigadier general. T. P. Turner, major Salisbury, Xorth Carolina ' Henrj- McCoy, captain. Tuskaloosa, Alabama. G. W. Alexander, assistant adjutant general. J. H. Gee, major . J. A. Fugua, captain. Unknown Ordered by the War Department in Ifay, 1862, to report to General Beauregard at Charleston, South Carolina, who as- signed him to duty as provost marshal of that city, and a.s such iierformed tlio duty as commander of prison and pris- oners. Period of service unknown. Appointed September 9, 1863, as enrolling officer, and ordered to Columbia. South Carolina ; was assigned to ctmimand of post guard, and in charge of prison and l)ri.soners. Period of service not known. December, 1863. Period of service un- known. As.sigiu'd October 26, 1864, by General Gai-dner. Period of service unknown. 1864-'65. Date of assignment and peiiod of service unknown. June, 1864. Date of assignment and period of service not known. July, 1861. Date of a8.signment unknown. Assigned to command at Andersonville, Georgia, June 3, 1864, Special Orders Xo. 129. 1862-'63-'64. Date of a.ssignment and pe- riod of service unknown. 16G2-'63. Date of assignment and period of sMvici^ uuknowai. Appointed June 12, 1862, to report to Gen- eral Winder for duty. AVas at Salis- bury, Korth Caiolina,'in 1864. Date of assignment not known. Resigned De- cember 31, 1864, Special Orders Xo. 28.'). Assigned to command Augu.st 24, 1864, Special Orders Ko. 200, and i-emained until February, 18G5, when jirisoners were exchangetl. Was in charge October, 18C4. Date of assignment and jieriod of service un- known. Note. — ^In addition to these were transient prisons at various places. In many cases county jails were used as temporary prisons. DETAILED STATEMENT OK THE NUMBER OF CONFEDERATE PRISONERS OF WAR CAPTURED BY THE FEDERAL FORCES, PAROLED, EXCHANGED, RELEASED ON TAKING OATH OF ALLEGIANCE, ESCAPED FROM FEDERAL AUTHORITIES, ENLISTED IN THE UNITED STATES SERVICE, AND THE NUM- BER UNACCOUNTED FOR DURING THE REBELLION OF 1861-'65, AS SHOWN BY RECORDS OF CONFEDERATE PRISONERS OF WAR FILED IN THE ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE. 760 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Detailed statement of the number of confederate jtrlsoners of icar captured hj the federal forces, the federal authorities, enlisted in the United Slates service, ami PAROLED ox THE FIELD. EXCH.\NGED. RELEASED Place. 3 H 05 W ■ s Z 5 273 IC 13 2,338 73(1 52 4 2,611 752 69 Alexandria, La Alexandria, Va 1 163 1 4, 302 Alton 111 4, 100 3y 9h 1, 948 Amherst Court House, Va 1 211 3, 03-> 106 107 •271 281 47 11 2 4(3 4, 99G 2.'), 450 1,208 1, 007 3, 386 3,588 25C 303 17 i 29 37 37 1 4 ...... 47 5,208 28,511 1,441 1,241 3,658 3, 873 303 314 30 I ""1 Appoiiinttdx ('i)urt House, Ya.. Army oft lie Potomac, Va 13 Baltimore, Md., {West Buildings Hospital.) 17 1, 200 1,217 1 20 1 1 92 92 Beaufort S C 35 35 8 48 154 755 p 1 11 1 5 243 74 3 54 2 2 232 3 162 806 9 1 12 ^ 1 1 250 120 3 63 2 0'»7 40 Cahawba Ala Campbell, C. H., Va 5 3 095 3, 095 12, 975 5 084 C, 283 7,391 390 19 5,521 12, 956 6(1 Camp l)ou"lass 111 .... 90 400 490 4 6,034 5 0, 043 2, 823 28 36 88 28 30 93 1 2, 289 449 144 605 5 1 208 30 4 106 Chalk Blufls Ark 2, 073 419 140 494 8 5 Charlottsville Va i 4 3 732 3 733 4 Chester, Pa 7 3. 137j Cincinnati, Ohio, (McLean Bar- racks.) City Point, Va 58 34 58 130 448 5,701 44 571 94 404 5,130 1 1 1 52 28 28 4 186 190 1 149 2,650 55 2,854 Miss. 1 4 4 67 67 1, 072 33 589 39 12^ 43 219 4 i 71 1,143 33 David's Island, N. T. Harbor... ""'43 633 2, 229 2, 229 1 38 Des Arc Arlc 39 57 13C 47 211 12 4 Edwards Ferrj", Va BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. T '•1 the Humher paroled on the fiehl, excluuvjed, released on taVuuj oath of aUr^iance, escaped frjia the number unaccounted for darimj the rebellion o/18lil-'05. 0\ OATH. ESCAPED. ''''f^^^,'^!'-'-\v..ccovsT.u.oa. .4.GGUEGA1E. 1 o H s _« S 3 -a "a S 3 1 - S a £ 1 B a 50 _■ H « B O § 5 "a § 3 "a i a "a 73 1; .2 3 1" H 273 IC 13 1 273 1 211 3, H32 106 107 271 2SI 47 11 2 19 1 2, 33f 73( 5L ' '«, 6jC 4C 4,991 25, 450 ],29s 1,097 3,38f 3, 588 256 303 30 1 22i. 4 "'■788 i 29 37 37 1 4 'ii 2,611 752 70 1 7,717 47 5 20-* 1 1 68C 2,732 12 5e 3 105 - 437; >6 463 se 5J 28 511 1 441 1 241 3 6")^ 3 873 314 13 21 43 1 2 3 1 241 1 92 sl)oro, Tenn ! 1 Nashville, Tenn i 783 32i 419 Xatchitiiehes, La 302 C 5 6 Js'ew Braumsfels, Texas Kew Creek, Va !N'e%v Iberia, La 36 4 21 !N"ew Market, Va New Mtixico, in Territory of New ( )rleans. La ' 29 Newport News, Va i 403 2,850 33 1 3,340 1 i7^ 200 18^ 3,342 27 1 1 Owensville, Texas 1 Ozark, Mo Oxford. Miss 5 1 1 Palestine, Texas # 12 Patterson Creek, Va 1 21 Pensaeola, Fla Petersburg, Va 1 Pilot Kuol), Mo 20 20 13 39 1 Point Lookout, Md 458 85 14, rm 703 143 15, 192 788 i 22, 485 472| Point Lookout, Md.. (llammoud General Hospital.) 5,949 4 5,953 4 1 4 37 Portsmouth Grove, R. I ... 30 il Quiucv, Fla 31 58C 40 3 170 430 3, 3:2 74 2 2,314 is: 407 4,053 114 5 2,484 liichmond, Va 99 342 IJirh Mountain, Va llid^evilh^ Va Itoanoke Island, N. C Ilock I.sland, 111 3,724 5 3,729 3 3,718 Holla, Mo «) 1 148 77 09 1,204 83 70 1, 352 Romnev, Va Roush and Ready, Ga St. Joseph. Mo 33 1,250 15 979 50 1,050 49 St. Mark's Fla i! si i 58 1,384 18 27 24 1,491 18 San Antonio, Texas Sau (rabriel, Texa.s 173 3 1 1 1,210 15 5 26 22 1,300 10 ..... .....| Hau Marcas, Texas 1 SantaFe, N. M 1 Santa Rosa Island, Fla 2 131 o ' j Selma, Ala 1 Sliepardstown. Va 1 Ship Island, Miss C9 4, 745 13 .... 4, 827 ■■■■| Shreveport, La 959 i: 25 7, 801 52-1 1 13 4 8,773 40 549 1 1.017 Spanish Fort. Ala StannardsviUe, Va Stauntiiii, Va 127 1, 48e 11 2 391 41 Sullivan s Ford, Texas 2 BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. federal forces, the numhcr paroled on the field, exchanged, ij-c. — Contiiiwed. 7G5 ox OATH. Escaped. ENLISTED IN U. S. SERVICE. U.NACCOU.NTEO FOR. AGGREGATE. .2 3 o H 3 a s .2 3 o H 3 a • 1 's i\ 1 ; X 2 cs S o i S 1 S 3 s d a 3 s H 6(j 23 12 13 34C 7 1, 522 l,54t 29-J 26: 19C 2.581 4)0 M 1, 328 1,389 Wheeliiro- W Va. (hospital) ' "" 4 133I 57 3 f>37 9 58 3, 872 2,505 10 275 48 149 _____ 1 i 1 ' "! AVittsbiir" Ark 309 1 1 2, 256 9 274 48 137 ..... 5 1 1 :;::::i::::::::i:::::; :::::: Yellville Ark j . ... 1 i 1 Grand total ir 1 1 i 22,297 225,472 B30 248, 599 0,041,93,89!.; 1, 228 101,708 6,041,71,889! 1 1 BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 767 federal forces, the nnmher paroled on the field, exchanged, ^c. — Continued. ox OATH. ESCAPED. ENLISTED IN U. S. SEUVICE. UNACCOUNTED FOR. AGGliEGATE. "a o H o 2 R rs "3 03 a 3 (S o H i 1 s a s 1 X Q 3 3 o H a 1 <0 g 1 a a 3 3 "a H 3 79 29 138 15 5 2 031 23 2,110 741 1,792 45 "'"21 1 5 "lis "ih 2, 932 "267 2 5 1 951 54 1 1 1 40 378 51 9 26, 070 8 4.19 CO ') 1 2, 103 28, 943 16 le 1 330 3,609 9 IG 1 319 2, 652 9 1, 328 141 57 3,037 2, 256 9 274 48 137 1 4 10 c 4 10 1 14 37 .... 15 37 30 177 349 2,380 5,701 9 01 1 233 309 1 1 1 389 205 342 2 8 2 12 354 58 3 872 2,565 10 275 48 7 149 1 10, 464 88,391 131 1,807 160 2,098 5,418 33 5, 452 74 2, 988 22 3, 084 35, 185 401, 473 12, 7.J7 449, 395 768 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR CO s .2 i^ ^ "5^ •7' p^ S w -tt s •T' 1 r. ■s: «5 5 'S^ '« .^ -T^ 2 'ii, s ^ «^ rs: **** '^^ » « rS « ^ '^ ><, u tr ^ (r^ « ■« rs: ^r '^; ";?> "^-S § ■mos. •eu9zi:>j3 •natn pa^sijng[ •9J9D^0 •l«;ox •eaazijig •U3ai pa^ST^ng; ■saaogjo "IBjox •8nazt:H3 •uani pa^jsiinji •BJaogjo ■ib;ox o ">•«■»■ t- (?» « •Bnazr;iQ •notu pa^siiag; •sjoDcgo IC (U rHt- to r1 O MrH CO O "S" i-l(J» i- r-( r-l « •UAiOUJia^ •aAvou3 con simr- not O r-C 'T I >- 'J r t- 15 . r- . . ta o •^ 11 n rf:> • n "^ ^ itn fm . T-< r-l r^ M O <^ 2' ^ C-. :3 rt ■^ -^ i^n o •x; -r 1-H X rt o T- O .Otr^ i-H "a- oom LTOr5 00 00 tH (?< t- r1 »-l i-l O I- tS m 5» f-l Ot- —i-t •IB^OX •snazpig •uani pa^eixujj •sjaagiO e2 « m ro I- irt c. r i- — ' M : '■£ 'J. Ci n n t^^ r-' ^ n --^ -^ at ^i^ P ^ • «.ac -r S-. • r-> ; n r^ « o r? r? in O (M S> rl (N ^ -3-2 2 X o rt ?5 •>• rs iS « r5 o ff-. r; o i-N 1-t no i- i-i ^ oa -r rs r- r: oci X- Ci t- i~ 1-1 IH ii ■ 11 ei ■ t- • lO a ? ■-; "^ O X _- ._- it . H "a '^ "S S 'c « 2 ? "? '5 ■= z! =-:; •_ .5 ^ i', £i z 1^ = O i-( »J ri rs m '00 3 s <;<<5-!;<<52:~;,i;:s.::^Sp:.-« -J '_" -'i -J ■_ ^ - ^'^ w w' wCCy BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 769 iM^ <= IC - CO oc ' M CO (N ^> !JJ 1- a OC m .- CO 7> i :" :" « ; ; ; ;" M ; QC ■"^ '^ : '"' ; "^^ ; . . uo tNM ^^O^ in S'^SJ CO rH I! U t~ -^ in ^^^o^ CO COr-« T-1 1 ^^ CI « n " -.o Qt 1«H "5> s -in '^ " CO rj CN 1-1 r1 '^ CM . ^ £? CO " at ^ N ^ "* i '^ «(N OS tP o -^ CO o» CO in §5 COt-< 00 1 ■^ c:i ''I at , . CO '"' i • rH r-( • Ol ; :S -53 i^'i 00 1-1 ! " (M(N "^ COCICO ?. CO o s Cl-g 00 en . Ol " ! :''S '^ O • I-l l-H ■ " ^~' g CO ■ ■ ;o IJ '"' CTJ ! ^ ^g«^^=^^ ino OJtO(Nr-lCO(M"a'COC05lr-(rHCO ^ -^ SI in -a" (U rH -3 "^m i i i I i i I ! '~' ! " i i i ! I I I ! 1 '^ CM 1 • • -rr^ainr-i^cc^Ci in t- tOT-lr-ieO(NpHM« ■ K ■ m -5< LOr^ooo— i(?it-incMT-icMincocoinTHi^ot^coco{?«coinooi(?*-3'Oc7»cM^^oin'MT-7*oDin t* T^ n mco CJrH q k O ■IBjox '"' ~ •^ n ^5 0> C( rHHj. ^^ " fr •gnazt^tO i '^ •nora pa^sjiug; ^ c< CO 00 IJ rH TT ^ 00 OS •si9og)0 1 ^ ^ •j: i •l«lox t^ CI o cT Cl CI o cc -^^ ^o'^' X rH o c5 •snazi-jio : 00 • ■ ■ ■ H--H . . . . TJ* :-=--S :=' HP • ** •nam poisi^ng; 2.' r: S - 2 — X ■^ i of CO io •sjaogjo 1 •* rt IfS • • ■ rH - ; CJ -T C! ; rH CO 1 3 5 moj. ^■-in« CO g O CJ r- L- rH <^ to 01 ■» c-< •sn3zi:>i3 1 ! '^ I i '"' - •nam pajsijna ^'° c — m i/T a; c^ •TOO LH. ,- •^ T-' rH m S Ol-r to •siaogjo " ~ • ■ X ■ C! C! ; ; ; ; d CI CI CI in > o •tlAi.0U5[ail 'T I.-: C-. -^ CO c. r^ CI Ti w 1-^ «3 CO 2; CO H-i(N ec ^ 5 J H g •le^ox '"'s^'^is'^s?!;: ri rH~ to •sngzpiQ ■ .-1 ■ -00 . . .__ . . .^ht-CO ■•:- -i-Hf . -00 CJ ■ ■ t5^ ■nsni pa^sipia tN as to T}. o =■ o -- oc rH CO COt-HH-HO} CO • hH CJ LO rH ^S< 'ct •saaoigo 1/: rH ^ C — — lO CO C) ci C< '"' « re C) lO rH CI ? s > < ;2 a. J > I > 9 a. ^ .," Ik . 9 > t-H Pi c . 5 ;^ 7 ;5 X - I 1 i- c r !> ..5 c >• H' '5 '3 c BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 771 List of federal prisons used to confine confederate prisoners of war, with name, rani:, and period of scrcic-e of the different commanders. Prisons. Commanders. Period. Alton, HI . Camp Bntler, 111 . Camp Chase. Ohio Camp Douglas, 111 Cairp Morton, lud Elmira. N. Y Fort Di'laware, Del . . . Lieutenant Colonel Sidney Burbank, 13tli U. S. Infantry. Major P. P. Plint, 16th U. S. Infantry. Colonel Jesse Hildebrand, 77th Ohio volunteers. Colonel William B. Mason, 77th Ohio volunteers. Colonel George W. Kincaid, .37tli Iowa volunteers. Colonel William Weir, 10th Kansas volunteer.s. Brigadier General J. T. Copeland, F. S. volunteers. Colonel Ray Stone, 149th Pennsylva- nia volunteers. Colonel John H. Kuhn, 14-4th Illinois volunteers. Col. P. Morrison, 8th TJ. S. Infantry. . . Major John G. Fonda, 12th Illinois cavalry. Colonel W. F. LjTich, 58th Illinois vol- unteers. Colonel Christian Thielman, 16th Illi- nois cavalry. Lieutenant Colonel George II. Clavke, 113th Illinoi.s volunteers. Colonel Richard Ilowett, 7th Illinois volunteers. Lieutenant Colonel R. L. Sidwell, 108th Illinois volunteers Major Jame.i J. Heifermau, 5oth Dli- nois volunteers. Captain John P. Lamb, llBtli Illinois • volunteers. Colonel C. M. Provost, 16th Veteran Reserve Corps. Colonel Granville Moody, 77th Ohio volunteers. Colonel C. W. B. Allison, 85th Ohio volunteers. Major Peter Zinn, Governor's Guard, Ohio voluuteers. Colonel A. Y. Kautz, 2d Ohio cavalry. Captain Alexander E. Drake, U. S. A. Major E. L.Webber, Governor's Guard, Ohio volunteer.s. Colonel William Wallace, 15th Ohio voluuteers. Colonel William P. Richardson, asth Ohio volunteers. Colonel James Mulligan, 23d niiuois volunteers. Colonel R. M. Hough Colonel Joseph Tucker Colonel Daniel Cameron, 65th Illinois volunteers. Brigadier General Jacob Ammen, U. S. volunteers. Colonel C. V. DeLand, l.st Michigan Sharpshooters. Brigadier General W. W. Orme, U. S. volunteers. Colonel B. J. Sweet, 8th Teteran Re- serve Corps. Colonel Ambrose A. Stevens, 5th Vet- eran ResTve Corps. Colonel B. F. Tracy, 127th F. S. col- ored infantry. Colonel J. R. Lewis, 1st Veteran Re- serve Corps. Captain Au'xustus A. Gibson, 2d U. S. Artillery. Major Henry S. Burton. 3d F. S. Ar- tilhTV. Major I). D. Perkins, additional aide- de-camp. Brigadier General All)in S^;hoepf, IT. S. volunteers. February 9 (date of establish- ment) 'to .June 25, 1862. June 25, 1862, to Sept. 5, 18C2. September 5, 1862, to April 18, 1863. April 18, 1863, to July 30, 1863. July 30, 18G3, to .lauuary 14, 1864. January 14, 1864. to April 26, 1864. ■ April 26, 18G4, to December 28, 1864. December 28, 1864, to March, 1865. March, 1865. to July, 1865. (Dis- continued.) February 1, 1862, (date of estab- lishment,) to June 22,1862. June 22, 1862, to December 1, 1862. December 1, 1862, to June 19, 1663. June 19, 1863, to October 22, 1863. October 22, 1863, to February 27, 1864. February 27, 1864, to March 22, 1864. March 22, 1864, to May 4, 1864. May 4, 1864, to June 29, 1864. June 29, 1864, to November 19, 1864. November 19, 1864, to July, 1865. (Disooutiuued.) 1862, to June 11, 1862. June 11, 1862, to September 23, 1862. September 23, 1862, to December 24, 1862. December 24, 1862. to April 6, 1863. April 6, 1863, to May 14, 1863. May 14, 1863, to June 23, 1863. June 23, 1863, to February 14, 18G4. February 14, 1864. to August 23, 1865. (Discontinued.) 1862. Period not stated. 1862. Period not stated. 1662. Period not stated. 1862 to January 14, 1863. January 14, 1863, to April 14, 1863. " April 14, 1863, to December 23, 1863, December 23, 1863, to May 2, 1864. May 2, 1864, to September, 1865. (Discontinued.) 1863, to November, 1865. (Dis- continued.) October, 1864, (date of estab- lishment,) to June 17, 1865. June 17, 1865, to August, 1865. (Discontinued.) February 9, 1861, to July 23, 1862. Jnlv 23, 1862. to November 28, 1862. November 28, 1862, to April 16, 1863. April 16, 1803, to January. 1866. (Di.scontinued.) 772 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR List of federal prisons used to confine confederate prisoners of war, cj-c. — Contiuuetl. Prisons. Fort McHenry, Md . Johnson's Island, Ohio. Lonisville, Ky Fort Lafayette, N. T. Harbor Hart Island, X. Y. Harbor. . . Newport News, Ta New Orleans, La Old Capitol Prison, "Washius ton, D. C. Point Lookont, Md Pvock Island, HI.... St. Lonis, Mo Ship Island, Miss . Fort Warren, Boston Harbor, Mass. Commanders. Captain John C. Robinson, 5tli F. S. Infantry. Colonel AVilliam "W. :Morris, 2d U. S. Artillery. Lieutenant C(donel Edward Murray, .5th New Yoric artillery. Colonel P. A. Porter, 8tli New York Artillery. Lieutenant Colonel AT. TT. Bates, 8tb Ncw York artillery. Major J. M. Willett, 8th New York artillery. Lieuteuaiit Colonel TT. W. Bates, 8th New York artillei'v. Colonel W. W. Morris, 2d U. S. Ar- tillery. Colonel Daniel Macauley, 11th Indiana yolnnteers. Major .1. F. Mount, 7th New York artillery. Colonel \V. TT. Morris, 2d U. S. Ar- tillery. Major \V. S. Pierson, Hoffman's bat- talion Ohio yoluuteers. Brigadier General Henry D. Terry, U. S. volunteers. Colonel Charles AY. Hill, 128th Ohio volunteers. Major Samuel P. Lee, 6th Yeteran Reserve Corps. Captain Stephen E. Jones Lieut. Col. Alartin Burke, H. S. Army. Biitradiir (jiiieral H. AY Wessels, U. " S. vohuiti'iTs. Colonel .J. Ham Davidson ( 'olonel ^Y \V. Bamberger Lieutenant Joe. P. Wiggins Colonel C. AV. Killboiuii Captain M. R. Marston, 1st U. S. Infantry. Captain W. T. Sterling Lieutenant AY. E. Doster Captain Heni-y B. Todd Colonel T. lugraham Brigadier General G. Marston Colonel A. G. Draper Brigadier General James Barnes Colonel A. J. John.son Bei nard G. Farrar, provost marshal . . Lieutenant Colonel James O. Broad- head, provost marshal. Captain C. (\ Byrne, 1st Missouri State militia. :Major .Al.Cook Mnjiir Edward Na.sh Caiifaiu . I. lines M. Harvey Captain ir. W. McCluro Captain R. C. Allen Cajjtain \rthur \Vilkinson Lieutenant Isaac Gannett Cfdouel Henry Rust, 13th Maine vol- unteers. Colonel N. AA'. Daniels, 74th F. S eol- ored troops. Lieutenant Colonel A. G. Hall, 7-lth XJ. S. colored troojis. Colonel AV. M. Grosvenor, 71th U. S. colored troops. Colonel E.,\\'. H.dmstedt Colonel .ru.stln Dimiek, 1st tJ. S. Artil- lery. ilajor Stephen Cabot, 1st battalion Massachusetts artilhry. Major A. A. Gibson, 3d U. S. Artillery Major H. A. Allen, 2d U. S. Artillery. Period. Febniarv 20, 1801, to May 1, 1801. May 1, 1801, to Augu.st 10, 1863. August 10, 1803, to September 12, 180.5. September 12, 1803, to January 19, 1864. January 19, 1804, to March 19. 1804. ' March 19, 1804, to April 9, 1864. April 9, 1804, to May 15, 1864. May I.'), 1804, to January 30, 1865. January 30, 1805, to May, 1865. May, 1865, to Juno, 1865. June, 1805, to December 11, 1865. J.nnunry 1, 1802, (date of estab- lishment) to January, 1804. January, 1804, to April 13, 1864. April 13, 1804, to July 3, 1865. July 3, 1865, to November 23,' 1805. Unknown. In command during the war. April, 1805, to July, 1805. April, 1865, to May 12, 1865. May 12, 1865, to Jiily, 1805. November, 1863. to March, 1864. March, 1864. to August, 1864. August, 1864, to January, 1 865. January, 1805, to the close of the war. ' October, 1802, to March, 1803. March, 1863, to February. 1864 February, 1864, to the close of the war. July, 1863, to April, 1864. April, 1804, to July, 1864. July, 1864, to the close of the war. December, 1803, to the close of the w.ar. Jidy, 1802, to August, 1803. August, 1803, to October, 1803. October, 1863, to February, 1864. F(d)ruary, 1804, to May, 1864. ilay, 1804, to July, 1804. July, 1804, to August, 1864. August 1864, to September, 1804. September, 1804, to July, 1805. July, 1865, to August, ]8o5. August, 1865, to tlie close of the war. July 1, 1862. (date of establish- ment,) to January 9, 1803. January 9, 1803, to May 7, 1863. May 7, 1803, to November 2, 1863. November 2, 1863, to 1864. October, 1864. to July, 1865. October 29, 1801, to November 2, 1803. November 2, 1803, to September 8, 1804. September 8. 1864, to January 12, 1805. January 12, 1805, to JiUy27, 1805. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 773 Statement sliowing such information as the records of the archive office afford relative to the names and consecutive terms of service of the following confederate militanj officers respect- ively. Office. Xamcs. Eemarks. Secretary of War. Adjutant General. Inspector General . Quartermaster General. Commissary General. Suriieon General . Commissioner of Exchange . Commissary General of Pris- oners. L. p. Walker J. P. Benjamin G. W. Ptandolpli James A. Seddon John C. Breckinridge Samuel Cooper Samuel Cooper Abraham C. Myers . . A. R. Lawton Lucius B. Northrup. . Samuel P. Moore Robert Ould Brig. Gen. John H. "Winder. Brig. Gen. Gideon J. Pillow. Appointed and confirmed February 21, IbCl ; accepted appointment of brigadier general September 21, 1801. Acted from September 21, 1861, to Novem- ber 20, 1861, when he was appointed ; confirmed November 21, 1861. Appointed March 17, 1862; confirmed March 18, 1862. Appointed January 15, 1863 ; confirmed January 19, 1863.' Appointed .and confirmed February 6, 1865, and . served nut il t lie close ut' the rebellion. Appointed and confirmed lirii^ailiiT gen- eral March 16, 1861 ; assigned as adjutant and in.spector general by the secretary of war, and served until the close of the rebellion. Appointed and confirmed brigadier general March 16, 1861 ; assigned as adjutant and inspector general by the secretary of war, and served until the close of the rebellion. Appointed lieutenant colonel quartermas- ter's department and confirmed March 16, 1861 ; assigned as quartermaster gen- eral Mareh 27, 1861 ; ceased to be an ofla- cer of the army February 17, 1864. Appointed Jimiiary 27, 1864 ; confirmed February 17, 1864, and served until the close of the rebellion. Assigned as acting commissary general ; appointed commissary general June 21, 1861 ; confirmed February 17, 1862. and served until the close of the rebellion. Assigned as acting surgeon general July 30,"l861; appointed November 7, 1861; confirmed February 17, 1862, and served nntil the close of the rebeDion. Assigned as agent of exchange August — , 1862, and served imtil the" close of the rebellion. Constituted November 21, 1864; General Orders No. 84. Constituted February 14, 1865; General Orders No. 6. 774 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR , - 00 uo 00 c ; ~ 5 CO - CO'»'01(K'l>aO (MT lO ■'* ! 0: 05 « K * « X .' T- '5Z"o ; 'S-c'cO . p t. fc. t. i- « tr ■ ' ^ r r r r 5 ? ' .— t- • :3i ct X ■ tC !K « CQ c _ jj • i- I. h ^ K '^'w ■ ^^ o ' C C 1- SJ t-S : S 3 S . ^ ;-(-;. ^ ^ ;- . % ".So ' . c =. & 1:^ ;:. =. a . ! ;; » a; c t c oj ! P. c "3 o : rt) -^ i^g p.c.rtft I "c; « 'c? 'S 1; rt cS :t.t^t.£^Ct.a, k! — • * « ja ■ c ;gQC=5-QS~5555 ■'cScccSS'^ Ph +. o r ri >^ ■^ A, -1 w i; w -^ ^ ■J •J '^ ' 1 BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 775 Accompanying reports from the Quartermaster General, Surgeon General, and Commissary General of Subsistence, United States Army. The following is a copy of a report compiled iu the office of the Quartermaster Geu- eral United States Army, by Brevet Brigadier General A. J. Perry, and forwarded to this office by the Quartermaster General : Quartermaster General's Office, Washington, D. C, February 6, 1869. General ; I have the honor to submit, with report, a communication of the honor- able Secretary of War of the 5th of January, 1SG9, recjuesting informatio^i relative to deceased prisoners of war, prisons, &c., for the use of the congressional Committee on the Treatment of Prisoners of War, &c., and to inclose the following statements, viz : 1. List marked "A," showing the locality of the different confederate prisons, used for the conliuement of Union prisoners of war; (as required iu paragraph 15 of the in- closed letter of the committee ;) also showing the number of Union prisoners, known and unknown, officers, enlisted men, and citizens, who died and were buried at these prisons, (as required in paragraphs 9 and 21 of the letter of the conmiittee.) From this list it will appear that the number of deceased Union prisoners of war, as reported, is. thirty-six thousand four hundred and one. They were originally buried in the sixty-eight localities mentioned in the list, but many of them have been removed from these places and are now resting iu the various national cemeteries throughout the South. These data are obtained from the Rolls of Honor published by this office, and from the annual reports for the liscal year ending June 30, 1888, furnished by officers of the Quartermaster's Department. It is believed, however, that the actual number of Union prisoners who sutfered martyrdom in the rebel prisons t;ir exceeds tiv number given above, as the records fiu-uished this office are not complete. It is well known that at many places, as, for instance, at Salisbury, North Carolina, and at Florence, South Car- olina, &c., the bodies were buried in trenches, often two, three, sometimes even four deep, so that the accurate number of bodies interred at these places cannot be determined. 2. List marked •' B," showing localities of the different prisons used by the federal authorities for the coniinement of rebel jnisoners of war, (as required by paragraph IG of the letter of the committee,) with the number of deceased rebel prisoners, known and unknown, officers, enlisted men, and citizens, interred at these localities, (as re- quired by iiaragraph 22 of that letter.) The number of rebel prisoners of war reported to be buried at eighty nine localities throughout the country is thirty thousand one hundred and fifty-two. This list has been prepared in part from copies of the mortuary records of prisoners, obtained from the late office of the Commissary General of Prisoners, and iu part from reports received at this office from officers of the Quartermaster's Department ; it is, therefore, not unlikely that there are a good many repetitious. There being no authority to publish in General Orders the names of deceased rebel prisoners of war, the arrangement of the records and comparison of the reports, giving their names, has been postponed until the publication of the names of Union soldiers who died in defense Oif the country shall have been completed. With the present reduced clerical force iu the cemeterial branch of this office, it would take so long a time to make a comparison of the difl'erent reports, as to make it impracticable to ascertain within any reasonable period of time the desired information relative to the number of known and unknown rebel prisoners who died at the federal prisons at the North. I am, general, verv resx^ectfuUy, jour obedient servant, ALEX. J. PERRY, Brevet Brigadier General and Quartermast-er United States Army. Brevet Major General M. C. Meigs, Quartermaster General United States Army, Washington, D. C. 776 TREATMENT OF PEISONERS OF WAR -List of locaVdies where Union jmsoncrs of rear were Iniricd l)y the rcbeh during the war. also number known, unknown, t)'-c. Place of burial of Union prisoners of war. Alexandria, La Andersonville, Ga Atlanta, Ga Augusta, Ga . .' Baklwiu, Via, Bear Station, Tenu C'ahawlia, Ala Caiu]i Ford, Texas Camp Virde, Texas Ca.s.sville, ( Ja Cliarlcstdu, S. C Chailottr, X. Cliarloltr.s\inc, Va Chattanooga, Tenn Columbia, S. C Covinjitou, Ga Culpeper C. H., Va Danville, Va Dfuiopolis, Ala Ellieott's Hospital, Tenn Fayetteville, Ark Florence, S. C Goldsboro, N. C Gordonsville, Va GrecnviHc, Tenn Grenada, Miss Harri.sonbur^, Va Hilton Head.' S.C Houston, Texas Hunt.sville, Ala Jackson, Miss Jacksonville, Fla Kuoxville, Tenn Little Kock, Ark Lynchburg, Va Macon, Ga Madiison, Ga Marietta, Ga Memphis, Tenn Millen, Ga Mobile, Ala , Monroe, La Montgomery, Ala Miiulton, A'la Mount Jackson, Va Iv ashvillc, Tenu Kew Orleans, La , Orange C. U., Va Oxford, Miss Ozark Hospital, Ark I'ensac.ila, Fla Petersbnri;'. Va , Pettus Farilla, La ." Ealeigh, N. (■ : Ilichmond, Va Kobinson's Tavern, Va Halisbury . N. C Savannah, Ga Soiitliamiiton, Va Stark vllle. Miss Staunton. \'a Trans-Mis.sisslp])i department . Fnknown Idealities Vicksliui'g, Miss Wibningtou, N. W.-ldon, N. C -•... Wilson, N. C Winchester, Va Total. Known. Officers. Enlisted men. 1 12, 999 IIG 78 1 1 142 284 3 1 219 4 1 30 2 2 1,316 1 1 2 19 1 5 13 9 1 1 17 42 17 4 24 223 23 141 20 745 76 1 79 1 5 o 8 1 2 1 2 35 1 23 3,321 1 14 2 1 1 63 2 19 2 83 7 1 7 20, 277 Citizcns. Unlmown enlisted men. Total. 79 618 1 5 1 1 132 2' 1 2, 794 ,~ 1 1 4 40 2 118 ] I .30 70 62 12, 034 2 15,816 BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 777 B — List of localUks ichere rebel prisoners of war were iuried during the war, also number of known, unknown, ^c. Place of burial of rebel prisoners of war. Known. Unknown. Total. Officers. Enlisted men. Citizens. 4 7 1 38 1,549 1 414 10 99 11 3 11 C28 2,102 31 4,032 2 1 61 1 72 1 1 483 2 2, 9.59 1,434 35 2,401 1 1 4.'> Alton 111 662 2, 218 411 2 4 1 1 2 4 107 Beaufort, S. C 12 4 13 Camp IJiitlcr. Ill 16 4 644 12 48 2 166 31 Canj]) liciii'his. 111 7 4 039 1 5 1 C 66 2 Citv I'dliit, A'a 1 7 86 1 Clarysvillc, Mil 1 Cypress Hill, N. Y 5 488 David's Island, N. T 2 Elmira, N. Y 1 26 2 986 Fiuii's Point X.J 1 434 Port Coluuiltus, N. Y 71 37 Port 1 )cla wnre, Del 41 2,513 1 Port 1 >i )n(ls( m, Tenn Port Hamilton, N. Y 1 Port Lata vi't ti-, N. Y 1 1 o 6 2 1 G Port ilcllenrv. Md 4 c 1 Port Pulaski, (ia 11 11 Port Scott. Kansas 16 3 8 203 3 208 2 15 217 9 1,556 1 1,010 3 23 12 1 95 48 5 174 127 4 83 1 40 5 401 30 1 2 220 88 15 1 140 11 116 220 15 3,383 8 5 177 16 Port Smitli. Ark 1 3 15 2 1 (i Port Warren, Mass 12 Prederick, Md 218 3 11 219 Gold'sboro, N. C 2 Harrisburg, Pa 15 Harts Island, N. Y 1 3 11 229 Hilton Hcad,S. C 12 Indianapolis, Ind 1 550 Jacksonville, Pla 1 Jefferson Barracks, Mo 1 010 Jefferson Citv, Mo a Johnson's Island, Ohio 121 4 148 Kansas City, Mo 12 Kej' West, Pla 1 Knoxville, Tenn 11 26 132 Lackawaxen, Pa 48 Lexinn ton. Ky 7 24 9 12 Little Itock, Ark 6 2 1 8 204 Louisville, Ky 133 Marietta, Ga 5 Memphis, Tenn 2 93 Morcersbnrg, Pa 1 Mound Citv, HI 40 MurCriM'sboro, Tenn Xashvillc, Ti'uu 29 36 466 Natchez, Miss 30 Newbi-rn, N. C 1 2 New Creek, W. Va 2 New Orleans. La e 9 235 Newport News, Va 8S New York, N. Y .... 4 1 1 20 I'aducah, Ky 2 I'ea I'atch Lsland, Del 140 I'each Tree Creek, Ga 3 13 1 14 Pctcrsliurii, "V a 19 148 Pliilailflphia, Pa 3 22t IMttsbiu--;-. Pa 15 Point Lookout, Md .. 14 45 4 3,446 Ptalcigh, N. C... 8 Ppsaca, Ga 5 Kichmoud, Va 3 1 1 1S2 778 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR B. — List of localities wliere reheJ prisoners of war were buried, ^c. — Coutiuued. Place of burial of rebel prisoners of war. Kno'mi. Unknown. Total. OfiBcers. Enlisted men. Citizens. Itock Islaud, 111 1 9 1,949 4:j6 20G 44 14 5 361 3 1 50 3 300 6 l,-)2 4 1 ')fiO St. Louis. Mo (■,17 Kanduskv, Ohio Savanuali, Ga 2 46 Salisbury, K. C 14 VicksburiT, Miss 5 "WashiuKton, D. C 27 8 2 1 307 ■VVheelins. W. Va , 1 2 52 York, Pa :i MisceUaueous l.-i 11 1 3''7 Total 455 ^s 4011 48 1 ~-"'' The following is a copy of a report furnislicd by the Surgeon Gcueral United States Army, from the records of his office : Recokd axd Pension Diai.'^ion Sukgeon Genekal'h Office, Washiiujton, D. C, Friday, Junnarij 29, 1669. General: Iu accordance Avith your instructions, I have theliouor to make tlie fol- lowing s*:atement with regard to the within tiuestions of the Committee on the Treat- ment of Prisoners of War and Union Citizens. The records of this office contain information in connection with the second, third, fourth, eighth, ninth, tenth, and eleventh of these questions, which refer to the mortalitij among our own troops, and among the prisoners of Avar in our hands. This information is embraced in the various reports made by medical officers to the Surgeon General (hiring the late war, and especially in the monthly reports of sick and Avounded, and iu the hospital, and other records turned into the Surgeon General's Office by medical officers at the close of the Avar. From these sources a series of alphabetical registers have been constructed, in Avhicli are recorded for each death the name, rank, company, regiment, date, and cause of death, Avith tlie source from Avhich the information is derived. These registers are not yet completed, new names b^ing daily found as the examination of the records of the closed hospitals progresses. Bjsides the incompleteness due to this course, it is also to be belicA'cd, from the nature of the sources from which the inforuuition embraced in these registers is derived, that they are incomplete especially iu the names of those killed iu battle, and of those Avho died Avhile ])risoner8 of Avar, or Avhile absent on leave of absence, or on furlough. It has been found by an analysis of the oflicial army registers, i)ul)lished by the Adjutaut General of the Army, that these riso!iers, and statement of the prison funtl, shall be made out commencing with the month of ,Iune, 1854, in the same nuxuuer as is prescribed for the abstract of issues to hospital and statement of the hospital fund, (see pnragraijhs 120i), 1215, and 124!i, and form .^), Snbsi.stenee Department, Army Regidations. isr,4,) with such modifica- tions in language as may be necessary. The ration for issne to prisoners will be composed as follows, ^■iz : Hard bread, fourteen ounces, one ration, or eighteen ounces soft bread, one ration ; corn meal, eighteen ounces per one ration ; beef, fourteen ounces per one ration ; bacon or pork, BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES, 783 ten ounces per one ration ; beans, six quarts per one Imndred men ; hominy or rice, eight ponucls iisr one hundred men ; sugar, fourteen pounds per one hundred men ; Rio cotFee, five pounds ground, or seven pounds raw, per one hundred men ; tea, eighteen ounces per one lumdred men ; soap, four xiounds per one hundred men ; ada- mantine caudles, five candles per one hundred men ; tallow canproved by the commanding officer, will accompany the abstract. In such cases it will oidy bo necessary to enter on the abstract of issues the total amount of funds thus expended. YII. At the end of each calendar month, the commanding officer will transmit to the Commissary General of Prisoners a copy of the " Statement of the prison fund,'' as shown in the abstract of issues for that month, with a copy of the list of expendi- tures specified in preceding paragraph, accompanied by vouchers, and will indorse thereon, or convey in letter of transmittal, such renmrks as the matter may seem to require. VIII. The prison fund is a credit with the Subsistence Department, and at the re- quest of the Commissary General (jf Prisoners may be transferred by the Commissary (jreneral of Subsistence, in manner prescribed by existing regulations for the transfer of hospital fund. IX. With the prison fund may be purchased such articles not provided for by regu- lations as may' be nec(,'ssary for the health and proper condition of tlu^ prisoners, such as table furniture, cooking utensils, articles for policing, straw, the means of improv- ing or enlarging the barracks or hospital, &c. It will also be used to pay clerks an; to tli<^ amount of his tradi^, which tax will In; placed in tlie hancls of the conniiissary to make i)ait of the ])rison fund. XIV. All money in jjosscssioii of prisoners, or received l)y them, will he taken charj^e of by the commanding oflicer, who will give receipts for it to those; to whom it ))elongs. Sales will be made to prisoners l>y tlie sntler on orders on tliti conunanding otlicer, which orders will be ke)tt as voucliers in tlu^ settlement of the individual accounts. 'I'lie coinniaudiMg ol'licer will procure proper hi)oks in which to ki^'p an account of all mnneys deposited in his hands, these accounts to he always subject to ibspection by the C'ounnissary (jSeneral of Prisoners, or other inspecting oflicer. When prisoners are transferred from the post, the moiu^ys belonging to them, Avith a statement of the amonnt (hie each, will be siuit with them, to be turned over by the otlicer in charge to the otlicer to whom the prisoners are delivered, who will give re- cci];;s for the money. When inisoners are paroled, their money will be returned to them. XV. All articles sent by friends to prisoners, if proper to be dcdivered, will be care- fully distributed as the donors nnxy rcupiest, such as are intended for the sick i)assing through the hands of the surgeon, who will be resi)onsible for their i)roper nse. Contriltutions must be received by an officer, who will be held responsible that they are deli\-ered 1o the person for whom they ai'c intended. All uiiil'orin clothing, boots or equipments of any kind for military service, weapons of all kinds, and intoxicating liquors, including malt liquors, are among the; contra- band articles. The material for outer clothing shonld be gray, or sonui dark mixed color, and of in- ferior (pndity. Any excess of clothing over what is required for immediate use, is con- traband. XVI. When prisoners are seriously ill, their nearest relatives, being loyal, may bo permitted to m.ake theiu short visits ; bnt under no other circumstances will visitors b(; admitted without the authority of the C'onnuissary (Jeneial of I'risoners. At thost' places where tlu; giuird is inside the inclosnic, ])crsons leaving olticial busi- ness to transact with the commander or other otlicer, will be admitted for such pur])ose, but will not be allowed to have any commnnication with prisoners. XVII. Prisoners will be permitted to write and to receive; letters, not to exceed oim page of c(!iunion letter iiaper each, pro\ idcd flic matter is stiictly of a jnivate nature. Such letters must Ix; examined by a reliable non-commissioned oflicer ai)i>oiiited for that purpose by the connuanding officer before they are forwarded or delivi reil to the prison(!rs. XVIII. Prisoners who have been reported to the Commissary General of Prisoners will not be paroled or released except by authority of the Secretary f>f War. W. HOFFMAN, Colonel Third Lifantri), Coinmi.smrii General of rrisoners. Official : W. T. IIARTZ, Assistant Adjutant General, Official : ' SAM'L BRECK, Assistant Adjutant General. [Circular.] OinacK OF THE Commissary CiKNKnAi. of Prisoners, n'asliinrjfun, 1). C, June 1, 1864. I. By authority of the Secretary of War tli(>. ration to be issued to ])risoners of war, as announced in the circnlar from this office, dated April 20, 1804, is hereby modilied as follows, to go iuto immediate elfect, viz : Pork or bacon, 10 ounces, (in lieu of fresh lieef;) fresh beef, 14 ounces; Hour, or soft Vtread, l(i o\inccs; hard bread, 14 ouncu's, (in lieu of tlonr or sott bread ;) corn meal, 10 ounces, (in lien of Hour or bi'cad.) To 100 rations: Beans or peas, ]'2h ])ounds; lice or hominy, 8 pounds; soaj), 4 pounds; vinegar,:? (piarts ; salt, '.V^ jioumls ; iiotatocs, 15 pounds. Sugar and coirce, or tea, will be issued only to the sick and wouiuled, on the recom- mendation of the surgeon iu charge, at the rate of twelve jiounds ol' sugar, i'wc ])ounds of ground or seven pounds of green (;olfee, or one jtonnd of tea, to the om; hundred ra- tions. This i)art of the ration will be alh>wed only for every other day. II. The dili'erence between the ration as above ♦•stablished, and tin; ration allowed by law to soldiers of thi' Fnited Statt;s Army, constitutes the "savings'' from which is formed the prison fund. W. HOFFMAN, Colonel Third U. S. Infantry, Co^nmissary General of Prisoners. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 785 [Circuhir No. 3.] Oki'ICe of the Commissary (Jknkhal or Phisonkks, Wmhittijlon, D. C, Jinic V.i, 1864. By authority of the Socrotary of War it is onhncd as I'ollows : I. Whi'ii jtrisoucrs of war urc ('iiii)]oyc(l on piihlic works, otlicr than tlic proper police duties of tlu' i)risous or (•auii)s wiierc! they are eouhued, they will he allowed eoui]>eii- satiou from the jirisou fund as iollows: Mechanics ten cents p<^r day, and laliorers live cents per Fcr- nandina railroad, where we spent the night. The next morning we were sent l)ack by cars to Gainesville. When we got out of the cars at Gainesville, a man who owned a large sugar refinery there, (I don't kiiow his name,) rode around and threatened us. He said if he could only get command of us he would shoot every damned one of us, and used profane language. After staying there five or ten minutes they brought horses for us, and were going to let us rid(% and this man said it was a mean idea to let prisoners ride : such mean ones as we were. We started ofi', and in about ten or fifteen minutes an order came from the major in command for ns to walk. We had sixty miles to go, to Lake City, on foot. We started with a small squad, and the rest of the prisoners they had captured in the town. They first formed us iu liue, and took away from us everything they could find. We marched that night as far as JVewnans- ville, twenty-five miles. We had nothing to eat that day only what we happened to have in our haversacks. That night they packed one hundred and fifty of us into a small barn, so close that we didn't have room to lie down, and some had to stand up. Iu the morning they brought in rations to us — corn meal cakes and ham, and if it hud been divided equally it would not have made a mouthful for each man. They started us early, and we got that day within ten miles of Lake City, and stayed iu a meeting- house over night. The next morning they gave us similar rations; not any better. Then they marched us through a river. They would not let us stop to take our clothes oft", but we had to wade through where it was up to the hollows of our arms. We got into Lake City about one o'clock the third day. There they formed us in line on the sidewalk, the citizens, male and female, making all kinds of remarks about us, cursing us and calling us " damned Yankees," and everything else ; and if any of us spoke they tlireatened if we said anything more they would shoot us down on the spot. We re- mained there imtil about dark, when we were placed aboard the cars and taken to Qiiincy. We stayed in Quincy that night ami during the next day. We had the l)est rations there that Avc had at any place. We had a pint of meal apiece. From there we marched eighteen mih^s to Chattanooga River, to an old United States arsenal. There our rations were cooked for us, and they would bring them in and sell them to us, some of our men having money. Next day we took the steamer for Fort Gaines, 788 TEEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR ■where wo remaiued one ni^lit. Next morniug we were squeezed into long bos cars, seventy-five men to a car, and taken to Audersonville. ANDERSONVILLE. As they marclied ns out of tlie cars at Audersonville, Captain AVirz rode along and inquired of Captain Vilhipee, the officer in eomniaud of us, whether we were captured as raick'rs, or wliat. He said we were captured as raiders. Captain Villapee used us well, and actt'd like a gentleman. Captain Wirz then ordered his sergeants to go through us and take anything they wanted; even our hats and V)outs, if tliey wanted tuem. We had to strip stark naked, and throw our clothes all down in a heap in front of us, and they would go through them. They would search all parts t f our body to see if wo had any money concealed, or anything of the kind. When it came my turn I had a j)iece of tobacco, my wife's photograph, and my child's photograph, and two hnndred dollars in greenbacks, my own money ; it was not government pay. I was handed to a man that had a knife, and I took and opened the edge of tlu' piece of tobacco, and slipped in three bills, two hftiesand one one-hundred dollar bill. He took this tobacco at tlie same time he took the photograph. I Ix'gged him to give it back, l)ut the more I said about it the more he would damn me. He left me and I put on my clothes. He turned to go to the next man, and an officer came up to him and asked him for a piece of this Yaidiee tobacco. He took his knife out aud cut it, and in cutting it he saw these bills, and took them out, and turned right around and commenced Cod danniing me, calling me a God damned Yankee son of a b h, aud other names. Then we were marcdied up in front of Captain Wirz's headquarters. There we had some very insult- ing renuirks nuide to us by officers. Then we were taken into the prison, live at a time. They took me into the eighty-eighth detachment, second ninety, third mess. (The detachment was composed of three "nineties," or three times ninety men.) The ser- geant of the "ninety" showed me to my mess, it being dark, and I asked him where I should sleep. He told me anywhere where I could get a place to lie down. 80 I found a place aud laid down, and in about ten or fifteen minutes another piisoner cauje along and poked me up and said that was his place. I got u\) and gave him his place, and after poking arouud in the dark, found a place where I ccudd kiiul of half lie down, and slept there that night. In tlie morning I awoke at daylight, and within a space fifteen feet square near me, I counted hfteeii dead bodies. They removed them to the gate, where they placed them in rows on each side of the gate. This morning I went up aud counted, for curiosity, the niunljcr of men that were there. There wci'e one hundred and twenty-five ; some had clothes on and some had none. Two men would carry the bodies out, and lay them about two rods from the main entrance. A darkey would drive up there with oue of those six-mule teams and an .army wagon with high sticks in, and two darkies Avould take our men, one by the head and oue by the feet, and push them in ; throw them in as though they were loading wood. I noticed quite a number of times, as they started off, that they always tied their toes together with a string. I noticed one morning that the strings got loose, aud a leg dropped down on the hind Avheel, so that before they got out of sight you cottld see where tlu' wheel had chafed oft' all the llesli to the* bone. After carting off the dead, they would drive their teams around to the provision depot, throw in the rations of fresh meat, meal, and sometimes corn bread, into this cart, without sweei)ing it out at all or cleaning it, and bring the rations to the prison, and then we had a chance to see the filth that was on our comrades' bodies on the food that we had to eat. This was an every-day occurrence. The rations that our "ninety'' had was baked corn bread, a piece al>out three inches square aud two inches thick, to a man ; and ;'.s an average we would get thiee table- spoonfuls of beans, and a very kttle salt on the end of a small teaspoon, \^4^en we did not have, beans it would be a thin slice of fresh beef, which would make about two mouthfuls when cooked. I was in Audersonville abmit four weeks, when it was ru- mored that there was going to be iui exchange. The rebels came in and called on the eighty-eighth d(^tacllment to come out. We marched out by fours, and as we i)assed by Cajttain \\'ir/,'s (piaiters he stood there with an army or navy revolver in hand, cocked' and eajiped. countiug the men, pointing the pistol at each set of fours. 1 was on thi; left of the set of fours, and at the time had a boil in the crotch of my leg, so that I could not keep up with the rest and lagged a very little behind. He stepped uj) to me aud said, " You damned Yankee son of a b h, you don't want to be exchanged ; you step up there, or I'll blow your brains out." I cannot give the date of this. Wiiile I was there the water we had to drink was very good, as a general thing. I ha\e been out with sick men to the doctors, and they never gave thein any medicine ; only looked at them to see if they would semi them to the ho.spital or not. Tliree ni(m were brought back into the prison that the doctors would not accept in the hosi)ital, and they died within an hour after they were brought back. Some of the surgeons would speak up to the men that were carried out, and tell them that they were well enough to stay in there, and that they guessed they would stand it as long as any of theni. Th(;y would epeak cross aud discouraging to them ; more to insult them than anything else. The BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 789 water ^xe got from the wells we dug there was good. The water they calculated for us to use was very filthy. It was a stream that rau between two hills, and the upper end was intended to use for water to drink; but all the tilth from the bakery that they had outside, and the men that worked around there, was all thrown into the river above that, and rau down tlirough the prison, so that the water was not very clear and did jiot smell sweet. Meu would go down and wash in that river, and if they had a scratch on the foot or leg, or anywhere, it wouhl gangrene and swell up sore. " The meu dug these wells for themselves with canteens and railroad spikes. The deepest well there was forty feet. Some of the springs they struck were sulphur springs. But as a gen- eral thing these wells gave good water. The wells were dug by different companies or sets of men, and anybody that could get in with them by payiug or giving them so much of their rations, could use that water. Others had to use the water that the rebels intended tor us, and it was not fit to use or wash with. Q. State the sauitary condition of the camji ; what became of the filth of the camp. — A. The camp was covered with vermin all over. You could not sit down anywhere. You might go and pick the lice all oft" of you, and sit down for half a moment and get up and you would be covered with them. In between these two hills it was very swampy, all black mud, and where the filth was emptied it was all alive ; there was a regular buzz there all the time, and it was covered with large white maggots. It w%as poisonous, and we got the gangrene from tbere. The weak ones had no care taken of them unless they had some friend that could see to them. There were two young boys, that were near my detaclnuent, that I had seen go, day by day, but did not seem to get their rations or use them. Their rations would stay there, and somebody would come along and Jise them. Finally I went and sat down one pers with the same dish. The rebel author- ities did not furnish them to us. Our Sanitary Commission sent them there. We had a sick-call cvei-y morning. There they were divided into thousands, with a sergeant to BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 791 each hundred. They took what uieii there were sick and went to one part of the prison which we had parted oil' witli a railing around and a shed roof, eaves, above. After- ward this was lixed up on purjiosc for tlie sick and we had our men nursing them there. I had the scurvy — sores and cai-buuck^s, the doctor called them, but said the scurvy was mixed in with them. The time that I went to the hospital I had three on my back. They were just commencing to break out in the small of the back. I went at the call and they took me in and put me in the hospital. They had a kind of ticking tilled with pine twigs, which made quite a soft bed. I had no poultices, but the nurses washed me and kept me clean until it commenced to heal up. I was there four days. The rations Avhile I was in there were about ten ounces of white bread — half a twenty- ounce loaf — a day. They also made a bean soup, which would he about a gill and a lialf to a man. As it happened I did not have any dish at the table in the hospital, so that I lost the soup and everything except what I could taker blanket and my woolen blanket. The next day they started us off to Danville, Virginia, and put us into a warehouse there, and kept us all night, until the next morning, without food. Then they gave us something to eat ab(uit 10 o'clock ; some coarse corn bread. They gave us a loaf of this every , morning during the eighty days that I was there. We got about two ounces of meat twice a week during that time. We had no beds or bed clothes, and had to sleep on the floor. All the panes of glass v.'ere broken in the warehouse. I had been there about a week when the doctor asked us if there was a smart man who would takre than that number if he could. He said to Iiring the men down the next morning to him, and he would examine them all. I l)rought them there, every man that I could get a chance to, and made them out to lie worse than they really were. I got one hundred and fifty men out besides what ths order was. Some of them paid fifteen dollars apiece to get out, to the rebel hospital steward. He used to bring the medicine down to mo from the general hospital. Q. Who was the commanding officer there? — A. Major ]\Iorford commanded the prison. We had about one hundred colored soldiers there. They put them in line, and tried to find if they had deserted from their masters. Some said " Yes," and some " No," and they took and flogged fi)urteeu in one day, and sent some of them oft" to work. Two of our men said it was a shame to flog them, and they brought them outside, and flogged and kicked them the same day. One ot them belonged to a New York regi- ment, and the other to a Massachusetts regiment. The orders were that we must uot BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 793 look out of the -windows while the soldiers were on duty outside. There was one niau belouoiug to the Eleventh Couuecticnt who was shot foV looking out, by the guard. Q. What were your rations there ?— A. It was tat bacon and corn bread. The most of the men were sick from not having anything fit to eat, and no beds. They took all the clothing from them when we were captured first. We coraidaiued one day about the meal, and said we wonld send some men to sift the meal if they would allow us; and Major Morford said "Yes," and the bread was better for a few days, because they sifted the meal. They used to give us bean soup ; it was all rat-droppings, most of it, and we had to pick them out. 1 never could take auy of it. I liad a hundred dollars ; seventy-five in my wallet, and twenty-live in my pants' ^locket. After they took my wallet and watch from me, a fellow told me if I had auy more money I had better hide it ; so I cut a hole in my pants and put the twenty-five'dollars in there. I used to pay a dollar for a small cake to eat, to the steward. I could get eight dollars of theiV money for one dollar in greenbacks. Sometimes there was a good guard, and at other times devils, who would not let us get anything. I was exchanged in Richmond about the 18th of October. This was the wliole of my prison experience. I should have been there longer, but I had money to get me out. Q. What was the condition of the prisoners at Danville ? — A. It was very bad. It could not be worse ; all lying on the floor; no beds, and nothing but a poun»l of bread every morning, not half baked, to eat. Q. How many prisoners were there confined at Danville? — A. There were nine hun- dred when I was there. About two hundred died while I was there. I had the names of all that were there, that I gave to Colonel Mulford when I was exchanged. I have been in thirty-three engagements, and was never captured but once. Q. Did they allow you any wood for fu -l ? — A. No, sir ; they did not allow us any wood ; there were three men detailed for cooking outside, but inside they would not allow them to do auy cooking at all. The water was bad ; they only gave us the river water. There were two men detailed each day from each squad to get us this river water. I told the doctor one morning that unless the sick got spring water they would all die. After that spring water was allowed all the sick prisoners on the lower floor. They got six pails a day for their allowance. Sometimes there were one hundred and fifty there. We had about one hundred in the hospital. Q. State what kind of a building the prison was situated in. — A. It was in a large three-story brick building — a tobacco warehouse. The hospital was on the first floor ; on the mider story were the colored soldiers by t hemsel ves. There were several oflicers of the colored troops there, and on the first night they put them right in with tlie colored soldiers. They sent them the next day to Andersonville. There was a yard all around the building, but tliey did not allow the prisoners auy exercise. There was only room for six men in the water-closet, and no one Avas allowed outside the building. Sometimes I Avould get the privilege to go with the hospital steward aud a guard to get medicine. We were there over a month before we got any water to wash in. We spoke to the major about it, and he alloAAtHl a s(iuad to go every day after that to the river and get water to wash in. We were covered with lice, dirt, aud vermin. They took all our blankets from us, and did not sujjply us with any afterward. Tliey took every stitch of our clothing that was good for anything, even our overcoat.",. W^e had two dilierent sergeants there. The last one was a very good man. The officer that used to call tlie roll there used to tell me every morning when they were going to come in and search us. They came about every fortnight and searched all the men aud took things from them. One of the prisoners hid his gold watch in a loaf of bread, and another put a hundred dollar bill iu uuder his Avhiskers and hid it. I do not know that these things were ever re- turned. My seventy-five dollars and my watch were never returned to uw. Q. How were the dead bodies treated? — A. When they died they had large boxes made, and i)ut them in them, and then put five or six coffins in one cart. There were not luauy wounded men in the hospital. They kejit the wounded men at Richmond aud Petersburg. Q. What was the prevailing diseases among the prisoners there ? — A. Diarrhea aud scurvy, caused by bad living and poor water. The river water was full of sand and uiuddy. There would be about a handful of sand iu the bottom of a pail of water. I had to watch the spring water for the sick, or it would have been stoleu .by the others. Ervin H. Smith, being duly sw^oru, testified as follows : By Mr. Stevens : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Ervin H. Smith ; twenty-seven years of age ; residence, Peterboro, New Hampshire; my business is that of a trader. Q. State whether you were in the military service of the United States, and to Avhat commands you were attached.— A. I enlisted March 31, 1864, as sergeant of Compauy C, First New Hampshire cavalry. 794 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Q. Were yoTi captured by the enemy; if so, when and where ? — A. I was captured at Cedar Creek, in the Shenandoah Valley, November 12, 18G4. Q. Where were you taken"? — A. To Ijihby Prison, in Richmond, Virginia. Q. State the particulars concerning your treatment there. — A. After we had been in Libby Prison a few hours, a rebel captain and Dick Turner came into the prison. Tnruei ordered the men into line, Avhen the captain st('p}ied forward and said that each man that had federal money, gold or silver, must hand it to him, after which we would be searched, and if any valuables were then found on any of the prisoners they would be severely punished. A few of the men stepped up and gave in their money, but most ol them secreted what they had. We remained in Libby one night, and were removed from there to Pemberton Prison, just across the street. PEMBERTON PRISOX. The regular rations at Pemberton Prison were bread, meat, and rice soup. The bread was issued at 10 o'clock in the morning; apiece about two inches square, made of corn meal mixed with water. At the si-.me time a small piece of meat, either beef or pork, about two ounces, and the same quantity of bread at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, and about a gill of thin rice soup. These were the only rations we received Avhile I was at Pemberton Prison. Q. Describe the building in which Pemberton prison was situated? — A. It was a brick building, three stories high, some two hundred feet long and about ninety feet deep. It was not inclosed ; it was on the street. There were three hundred })risoners in the room I was in, which was probably twenty-live feet wide and ninety feet deep. This was in the winter season, and most of the window panes were broken. We slept on the lloor and had no blankets nor other loose clothing. There were four handfuls of wood brought in each day for our room. We had two small stoves, but the wood Avas used mostly by the men for making utensils to eat with, so that there was but lit- tle fire in them at any time. The water came in a lead pipe in the rear of the room, and the siidi was just in the rear of that, in an out-building. The only chance we had for washing was to catch the water as it ran, or hold the clothes under it as it ran through the faucet. We liad no tubs or kettles to heat water, and no soap. Q. Were there any officers confined there f — A. No, sir ; they were all enlisted men that were confined there. Q. Was there any vermin ? — A. Lice were very plenty, and we had to pick our un- derclothing every day. Q. How long were you there ? — A. About three weeks. Q. Where were you taken from there ? — A. To Salisbury, North Carolina, which was under the command of Major Gee. SALISBURY, NORTH CAROLINA. Q. state the facts connected Avith your treatment at Salisbury. — A. We arrived at Salisbury December 6 — three hundred of us, and were put inside of the yard. We had no loose clothing, and many of the men were barefooted, Avithout hats, and some had only thin pants and a blouse on. Others had pants and shirts on and no blouse. Q. What shelter had you there ? — A. There was no shelter provided, and for the first fcAV nights Ave slept on the ground. After being there afcAV days, and seeing how the other prisoners who were there lived, Ave Avent to digging holes. The holes Avero dug with any tools that we could get. In constructing the one I Avas connected Avith we used a case-knife and a half canteen. The ground was nearly leA'el, and avc com- iiieuccd by digging a hole alxnit two feet s a cup more than half full of water at a time, owing to the shallowness of the wells, and then there was a quantity of mud in the cup. The rebels did not furnish us with any- thing to draw water with. Q. How many prisoners were there confined there ? — A. There were ten thousand prisoners put into Salisbury from the 1st of October to the 1st of December. The squad that weut from Richmond the 4th of December aud arrived there the 6th, were the last that weut into Salisbury of any account. Q. What appearance did the men present?— A. They were very dirty, and filthy, and ragged. They had no means for washing except as they drew water in these cups, one pouring water from the cup while the other washed. No soap at all was given us. There was a police detailed from the prisoners, and the camp was kept comlbrtably cleau except around the sink. In our corner of the yard was a slough. Q. What buildings were thci'e? — A. The fence was around what was a small steam cotton null privilege, and it eucircled from four to five acres. The mill was three stories high. The first floor was occupied as a hospital for the prisoners ; the second and third floors were used by tlie rebel authorities for rebel prisoners. Near the mill was what I should judge was a store-house, a brick building. In this the citizen prisoners were, to the number of about one hundred. Besides these two buildings, there were four brick buildings which had been used as boarding-houses. In these the partitions were knocked out aud they were made into one room, and used as hosi)itals. They were Avarmed by fire-places. There was also a wooden building used as a hospi- tal. In some of these hospitals there were no bunks or straw ; the sick men had no extra clothing, but simply laid on the floor. In others there were some bunks, and about two weeks before we came fi-om Salisbury there was some straw furnished for part of tlie hospitals. These hospitals would hold, I should thiuk, from four hundred to six hundred men. Not a day passed that we could uot see a number of men going to hospitals for atlmittance and being refused for want of room. They would be carried there in their blankets, and perhaps die on their way back, or iu their tents of holes where they lived. The surgeon's call was about 10 o'clock each forenoon. He took his position in the doorway of the wooden building I have described. The sick men would hie past the door, or be carried in blankets. As they came up in front of where he was, he would speak to the hospital steward these words : " Diarrhea medicine," or " Cough medicine." These, as far as I know, were the only remedies used for the sick. Thej'^ were both liquids, poured into a tin cup, aud tlie men drank the medicine from the cup and passed on, or were carried past the door. I was not iu the hospitals; what I saw, I saw from the outside. Q. State fully as to the shelter that the prisoners had there.— A. When the prisoners were first placed iu Salisbury, there was oue A or Sibley tent furnished to one hundred men, the first few squads ; after that there was no shelter provided. Q. How many persons would such a tent hold? — A. I should judge about twenty. Q. What other means had they for shelter ?— A. A few of the prisoners crawled under these buildings and the others dug holes iu the ground. Q. Did the treatment of the prisoners there aftect them mentally? — A. Yes, sir. Many of them almost entirely lost their senses. Cold, hunger, and perhaps their think- ing of their condition, caused this. Q. How was the weather, cold or otherwise, while you were there ? — A. Snow fell several times to the depth of several inches, and would remain on the ground from oue to three days, and most of the time during the winter it was quite cold for a southern climate. Q. State any cases of shooting or cruelty that came under your observation Avhile there. — A. About teu days after we got there, while digging holes one day, perhaps a distance of three yards from the fence, we heard the report of a musket, and when the report of the gun died away, oue of the rebel guards said that he would learn the God-damned Yankees better than to come dowu there and steal their niggers. We looked around to see the effect of this shot, and found that a man near by where I was at work was shot through the head, the ball striking one side of the head aud passing 796 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR through. While he was lying on the grouud a rebel captain and the prison snrgeon came into the yard and looked at him, and asked ns questions as to how he was killed. After we answered tlieir questions they turned to go, and as they passed l>y where I ■was at work the surgeon said to the captain, " The guard that shot that man will be punished, won't he ?" The captain said "No," and jiassed on. The guard walked his beat until he was relieved in the regular waj'. Q. What was the regiment to which those guards belonged ? — A. To the sixty-ninth South Carolina. It was composed of boys from sixteen to twenty years of age. They had seen no held service, and seemed very anxious to vindicate their cause by shoot- ing prisoners. We could hear the reports of tlieir muskets at almost any hour of the day or night. Q. W^hat, if any, position did you hold in the prison ? — A. I was assistant sergeant of one of the squads. I made a diagram of Salisbury, and sent it to General Stevens. It was marie as correctly as I could make it from recollection. [Diagram shown wit- ness, and ideutitied by him.] Q. Describe some of the general features of that prison. — A. There was a dead line some ten feet from the fence, all the way around. The holes Avere dug up as near the sinks as the ground would permit. It was moist, and we coiild not dig holes very near — perhaps within three or four rods of the sink. Q. How many holes were thus dug? — A. lean only guess as to their number. ] should suppose from one to two thousand. Q. W^hat was done with the dead ? — A. The dead were carried into a house used as a dead-house, and there deposited. They were carried from there in a cart out of the yard, and buried in ditches at a distance of about half a mile from the yard. I did uot see any burials myself, and could not state accurately the average number of deaths while I was there. I have been to the dead-house many times in the morning, and looked in, and have seen from twenty to sixty bodies in there. Q. Were there many wounded men in SalisVmry ? — A. Not very many. Most all were well men when they were \nit in there. They had attem^iTed to escape a few days before I went there, and some thirty or forty were wounded. Those remained there. Q. When did you leave Salisbury ? — A. The gate was opened, and we marched out ol Salisbury February 22, 1865; were taken to Goldsboro, where we took cars, and went to Wilmington. I was paroled at Goldsboro, while on the way to Wilmington. Q. State what mortality there was in your squad while there. — A. The squad oi which I was assistant sergeant numbered one hundred men on the Gth day of Decem- ber. When we came out from there, the 22d of February, we drew rations for twenty- eight men. Out of this one hundred, eleven men had been either transferred to other prisons, enlisted in the rebel army, or went with the sick the day before Ave left. We had sixty-one marked on our books as dying there. Q. What Avas your condition on leaA'ing Salisbury? — A. I Avas able to march to Goldsboro with the rest of the Avell men, but I Avas A'ery weak, physically and mentally. After arriving homo I Avas confined to my room six Aveeks. It Avas an awful sight to see these wretched men move about the yard, and hear the hack-haek-hack that came from the lijis of those aliout to die. But more horrible than all other scenes Avas the dead-cart. There Avas no day in the week nor hour in the day, from 8 a. m. to 4 p. m., but what this dead-cart could be seen carrying the lifeless forms of Union prison- ers to their loi*.g resting-place, Avith their bodies piled one on the other, as market-men pile hogs. There is an expression that goes to the graA'e on the face of a man who dies of starvation that is heart-rending to look upon. I have seen men killed on more tlian a dozen battle-lields ; I have seen men die from battle-lield wounds of almost every 'description ; but never have I witnessed anything that so horrified the senses, shocked the imagination, or that led the mind to such diabolical thoughts toward the enemies of my country and humanity, as the sight of these my brother soldiers thrown into that dead-cart as nude as Avhen born, and so covered with dirt that it was almost im- possible to tell a Avhite from a black man. Q. State Avhat citizen-prisoners there Avere in the camp, and what you know about them. — A. They were men that Avould uot take the oath of allegiance to the southern confederacy. Somi' of them had been prisoners there tAvo years. Q. Do you think of any other fact that you wish to state ? — A. Nothing of imi>ort- ance. Boston, M.\ssAcni:sErTs, Ocfoha- 17, 18G7. George W. Mokse, being duly sworn, testified as follows: By the Ciiaiu.aian : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occujjation. — AnsAver. George W. Morse ; I am twenty-two years of age ; reside at Haverhill,. Massachusetts, and am a student at college. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 797 Q. State whether you were in the military service of the United States during the late war, and if so, your rank, and the commands to which you were attached? — A. I was in the military service from the 11th of May, 1861, until the last of July, 1835; was three years and a half in the ranks as a private and non-commissioned officer, and the remaining time I was a tirst lieutenant. Q. Were you captured by the enemy ? and if so, state the time, place, and by whom you were captured. — A. I was captured near Winchester, Virginia, May 25, 1832, by the troops under the rebel General Stonewall Jackson. Q. State the facts concerning your treatment after your capture ? — A. We were taken to Winchester, Virginia. The confederate authorities gave our men a very limited amount of food, but the people there treated us well and brought us baskets of in'ovis- ions. From Winchester we were marched toward Staunton, Virginia. Our march lasted about a week, and during that time we received i)crliaps two days' rations, while the rebel troops seemed to have plenty of rations. After marching to a place in the vicinity of Staunton, the name of which I cannot recall, we took the cars for Lynch- burg, Virginia. During this time we were guarded by tlie twenty-lirst Virginia regi- ment, and while on the march, if any of our men who were weak and unable to keep up, lagged behind, the guards would vei'y often prick them with their bayonets. I never saw any man killed by that regiment, but I have seeu them often stab the prisoners with their bayonets. I never saw them put any of the sick oiu's in an ambulance. Q. State what treatment you received after arriving at Lyuchburg ? — A. There wo were placed under charge of the forty-second North Carolina regiuu-nt, Cohmel Gibbs. riie colonel was a kind officer, and we were furnished with as good provisions as at any other prison Ave were in. Colonel Gibbs contiscated a great many stores in the city, and gave them to the prisoners; so that at Lynchburg we fared tolerably well. Q. How long did you remain there? — A. About six weeks. Q. Were there any cases of hard usage to the prisoners there by the guards? — A. Yes, sir; one of the prisoners was willfully shot by one of the guards for going too near his beat. BELLE ISLE. Q. Where were you taken from Lynchburg? — A. To Belle Isle. « Q. Who was iu command there?— A. Captain Montgomery. Q. State how your treatment was there? — A. It was very bad. They would bring over from Richmond a few quarters of beef, boil the l)eef, and give most of it to their own men, the guard, and the seven or eight thousand prisoners who were confined there only had the water it was boiled in. This was given us once a day, and each morning and night they gave us each about a quarter of a pound loaf of bread — a half a pouiul a day. The prisoners died there at the rate of ten or a dozen a day while I was there. Q. State what provision they made for shelter for the prisoners there ? — A. On the island there were tents, a great many of them, although insufficient to hold all the prisoners. Q. State what fuel you were allowed ? — A. None at all. The cook houses were out- ride the prison, and the cooking was done by a detail of men and brought iuside. Q. What was the sanitary condition of the camp? — A. It was in a filthy condition for the reason that it was never cleaned by the confederate authorities, and none of the prisoners were detailed for the purpose. There were sinks dug by our prisoners at one extremity of the prison grounds. Q. What fime of the year was this that you were there ? — A. I was in Belle Isle from about the middle of July to the 14th of September, 1862. Q. What was done with the dead ? — A. They were carried away by prisoners, detailed for that purpose, and buried. Q. What Treatment did you receive from the officers and guards there? — A. As a gen- ^ral thing they treated us cruelly, both officers and guards. I have seen many prison- ers stabbed with bayonets, but I never saw any of them killed on the spot. Q. State whether there was a ''dead-line" at that prison, and if so, the orders you received in regard to it? — A. There was a dead-line there, and the guards said the jrders were to shoot any man that came within a certain distance of it, although I Qever saw a man shot there. Q. What portion of the island was occupied by the prisoners? — A. The part nearest Richmond — on a low piece of ground which was directly in front of Richmond. It was the most unhealthy part of the island, because it was the lowest. Q. State what advantage it would have been to have put the prisoners on the higher part of the island ? — A. It would have been more healthy, particularly in that southern country. Q. How much higher was the other portion of the island?— A. I should judge that the land on which the confederate troops were located was fifty feet higher than the part where the prisoners were confined. Q. What was the extent of the island ? — A. Not having been allowed to go outside 798 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WA.R of the camp, I cauuot say; but that portion occupied by the prisoners, I should say was about four acres in extent. Q. State the general condition of these prisoners as you saw them there. — A. They were, as a general thing, in a sickly condition ; those that I knew to bo very healthy men Avhile in their regiments, I saw there in a very low condition; and thoiigli a great many fellow-prisoners who were taken at the same time I was, lived until they were released, more than half of them died after reaching our own lines. Q. What was the condition of their clothing?— A. There was no clothing whatever furnished by the confederate authorities, ami there was no clothing distributed to the prisoners while I was a prisoner there. I heard it stated in camp that there was clothing sent to us by our friends in the north, but we never got it; a great many of the prisoners when they returned to onr lines were nearly naked. Q. State what clothing, if any, Avas taken from the prisoners by the guards and others. — A. Many of the men in the ranks took personal property, such as watches, &c., from the i)risoners when they were captured, and many prisoners had some of their clothing taken from them, but I uever knew a confederate ofidcer to order such a thing to be done. Q. What was the general disposition of the citizens and inhabitants toward the prisoners.' — A. The peoplt; would show particular liatred to the Union troops. Q. In what way? — A. In that part of the conntiy through which onr troops had already been, when we were marched along as prisoners, the people would run to their doors and call us iiames ; I saw one woman spit in the face of one of the prisoners, at the same time asking him if he was going to steal any more of her horses. Q. When and where were you released f — A. I was paroled and taken under liag of truce to Gaines's Landing, September 14, 1862, and in a few days thereafter was ex- changed. Q. You luay state what supply of water you had while a prisoner at Belle Isle. — A. We were compelled to dig wells in the sand, and the water thus obtained was tolera- bly good. Q. What tools did yon use in digging ? — A. I think the guards lent the prisoners shovels for that jturpose. Q. What was done with the sick? — A. Those of the sick that were unable to walk were carried across the river to Richmond, and put in Libby Prison. Q. Do you know what kind of treatment they received there? — A. No, sir; oidy by common report. Lebbeus Hill, being duly sworn, testilied as follows : By Mr. Muxgex : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Lebbeus Hill; I am forty-two years of age, reside in Dover. New Hampshire, and am street coumiis- sioner at that phice. Q. Were yon in the military service of the United States during the war? and if so, state your rank and the commands to which yon were attached. — A. I was a sergeant in the First New Hampshire cavalry. Q. How long were you in the service ? — A. Three years, three months, and twenty days. Q. Were you ever captured by the enemy ? if so, state where and when. — A. I was captured near Sulphur Si)rings, Virginia, October 12, 1863. Q. State what happened to you after your capture. — A. I was strip])ed of all my clothing except my jiants, and blouse, anreuce, South Carolina. Q. State the couditiou of the camp ; the treatment you received, and any facts that came under your observation while there ? — A. The camp at Florence was located on swampy, marshy ground, the same as the camp at Andersonville. A stream ran through it in like manner, but the water here was better than that at Andei'sonville. There was water enough, and a good place to wash. Tlie sinks were at the lower eiul of the stream and carried off the tilth of the camp better. But the rations were no improvement upon our fare at Audersonville ; I do not think wo drew as much meal at Florence as at Belle Isle, and some days we drew none. We drew no meat or rice but only some j)eas — I call them beans. I think the peas were issvred as often as twice a week — about as much as you could hold in your hand for a ration— about a gill of raw peas, I suppose. These peas were of the very poorest quality and very bug«y ; I have drawn them and afterward picked them over and could not see a single pea that had not a hole in it. The health of the prisoners was better here ; there were not as many deaths in proportion as at Andersonville, though deaths were occurring every day. But the officers and guards were much more overbearing at Florence than at any other prison I was in. When I arrived at Florence I was almost naked, but I pre- vailed upon a man who had been paroled to give me an old rebel gray jacket. We were searched after getting into the prison, and this jacket was taken away from me and thrown away, I suppose ; at any rate I was not allowed to keep it. All I had then on me was a pair of pants in very bad condition, and a blouse with the sleeves off at the elbows. I had no shelter whatever at first, but some paroled piisouers were soon after taken out and I got into a tent made of ]>oles set in the ground and covered with sticks and turf. Many of the prisoners that I saw were as naked as myself, some of them even more so. I saw many with nothing but overcoats on ; others with nothing but pants on, neither shirt nor blouse. I saw this in all these prisons I have described. Those who tried to escape were punished in different ways. Some were tied up by their thumbs ; I saw this in all the jirisous. They would stand in this way until they became faint and weak and then would sink back, and support themselves entirely by their thumbs. Then they would be taken down and allowed to rest awhile, and be again tied up by their thumbs. I have seen others put on to a wooden horse, about four or six feet high ; it looked very much like a carpenter's horse — ^joists with legs to it. When a person was seated on this horse a cord was made fast to his ankles and stretched to a pin driven in the gi'ound below, and he was gagged at the same time. At Ander- sonville I saw a man with an iron ball chained to his leg, and the wearing of the iron had worn the skin oft' his leg and left the raw flesh. I saw another man with two balls chained to him. At Charlottsville I saw a man shot for rising up from the ground after we had laid down for the night, and had been ordered to keep in this position. He was killed. Q. State the circumstances of your release? — A. On the 14th of December, 1864, I was paroled and sent to Charleston, South Carolina. From there we were sent aboard our own transports and taken to Camp Parole, near Annapolis, Maryland. Q. State the effect the treatment you received, while a prisoner, had upon your health. — A. I had been two years in the service when cai^tured ; was well used to camp life, and I think a good, sound man ; I usually weighed about one hundred and sixty- nine to one hundred and seventy-two pounds. I do not know what I weiglied when 1 came out ; but after being in Camp Parole some time, on going home I weighed one hundred and forty pounds. I supjiose I gained about five pounds in weight io: camp. I was always rational ; my mind was not aff"ected. I had the fever and ague at Savannah, and was very sick many days. The physician there gave me what he called quinine powders, which helped me, I thought ; I am not rid of fever and ague yet; I have it as often as once a mouth when I am exposed to the weather at all^ Charles P. Chamberlain, being duly sworn, testified as follows: By Mr. Stevens : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Charles P; Chamberlain. I am twenty-seven years of age ; reside in Bath, New Hampshire, and am a farmer by occupation. Q. If you were in the military service of the United States during the late war, you may state your rank and regiment.— A. I enlisted as a private in the Eleventh New Hampshire, and served in the second brigade, second division, ninth army corps. Q. Were you ever captured by the enemy ? — A. Yes, sir ; on the 3Uth of September, 1864, at Poplar Grove church, Virginia, by Hardee's troops. I was a sergeant at the time of my capture. Q. State the facts that hapi>ened after your capture. — A. Aboirt a thousand were captured at the same time with myself. We were taken to Petersburg, aud from there to Richmond, where we remained one night, and were then sent to Salisbury, North H. Eep. 45 51 802 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Carolina, arriving there the 5th of October, 18G4. We found coutiui'il there a few citi- zen prisoners and a number of deserters. Q. Examine that diagram drawn by E. H. Smith, and state whether that gives a correct description of the camp at Salisbury. (Diagram shown witness.) — A. The yard on the south side was a little longer. In other respects it is corr(^ct. Q. State your expel'ience as a prisoner there. — A. The tive thousand prisoners that composed our party were the first prisoners that came in thcn-e. We camped under tlie trees the first night, under no shelter, and remained in tliat way iTutil the 20th of October before we got tents. Then wc had Sibk-y tents, and an A tent to one hundred men. Before these tents were given us, five of us had gone to work and dug a hole in the ground. We were the first party that started this idea, and after that many of the other prisoners dug holes, also, and /lurrowed in the ground. We I'ound it a great deal warmer than a tent, and we sufiered less from exposure Rations were issued to us once a day, and consisted of corn-liread, tin; corn ground cobs and all. and occa- sionally wheat or Graham bread. Besides this, we had a pint of rice snu)) — two or three spoonfuls of rice and the rest water. About once in ten days we got meat, gen- erally fresh beef, in pieces about two inches sijuare by three-fourths of an inch tliick, boiled up together, head, liver, lights, bones, and all. As often as once in ten days we got half a gill of, molasses to a man; and we got two rations of small potatoes while we were in tliere ; perhaps there would be a dozen, as large as walnuts, to a man. The prisoners were divided into squads of a hundred, a sergeant appointed over these; and then these squads were in (livisions, of a thousand men each, and a sergeant over them ; the whole under a rebel sergeant. Two prisoners were detailed from every squad to go out and bring in wood, which was divided among the prisoners, or else piled up and a fire built and the squad gathered around it. W^e had two wells when we first went there, and then they went to digging more, until they got eight or ten afterward. The water from these wells that were dug the last was riley, and the water must be .allowed to settle before we could drink it. There was no stream thi'ough the camp. Q. State the condition of the prisoners confined there. — A. All the prisoners had for clothing was just what they happened to have on when captured; and these became very dirty, and there was no chance to wash them. We had a chance occasionally to go out ami get water. I think our S(]uad went out twice, and I washed myself twice, during the time I was there — about four months and a half. We were not furnished any soap ; consequently the men wen,' very dirty and lousy and ragged after tlu'y had beeu there a little while. No clothing was given us, and the only way we supplied ourselves was by taking the clothing from those of the prisoners that died. This con- tinued until the 14th of February, just before we wei"e released, when some blankets and clothing was received from our lines ; and we were given one blanket for every two men, and those of the prisoners who were in the worst condition received pants, shirts, and blouses. The rebels themselves furnished us nothing. During t!ie first part of our imprisonment there the deaths averaged tnght or ten a day, but afterward they increased to at least fifty a day. I saw the hospital-books the last of Decem))er ; this was after I had been there three months. Three thousand seven liundred and twenty had died up to that time. Ten thousand prisoners were the most confined there at any one time; they kept coming in there from time to time as they were cap- tured. Mostly all the prisoners were sickly. Tiiere were some well and ruggrd ones, but it depeiuled a good deal upon the care a man took of his health aiul tht^ exercise he took. If a man exercised and seemed to try to keep well, he appearen one occasion and shot a Captain l)avis, of a New Yorlc regiment, and a short time after that they killed one man and shot two otliers. I think at tliree diirerent times they shot nam in their tents. The orders were that every prisoner should be in his tent at a certain liour at night; some of tlie prisoners who had diarrhea were obliged to go to the sinks after thr.t time, and if the guard ordered them to go to their tents, and they did not move, . they shot them down. At one time there was an attempt made among tlie prisoners to break out. It was not well understood among the prisoners and failed. A rush was made by the prisoners for the gate, and they seizc-d the guns from the guard as they came in and shot three or four of the guard, and thou made a rush. But there was ii BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 803 regiment of troops aboard the train at tlie depot, just about to start, and tliey disem- barked from the cars and rnshed to the gate and commenced liriug right into us. They also opened on ns with artillery, and I think there was between tifty and sixty kilted and wounded. This Avas in the daytime. After that they came in and searched for the muskets that had been taken away from the guard, and as they passed through the I)arade ground one of the soldiers ran his bayonet through one of the wounded prison- er's head as he lay on the ground. As the prisoners began to be reduced in flesh, they seemed to lose their reason and grow weak in niiud. I did not, however, notice any cases of insanity. My weight when I entered this prisou Avas about one hundred and fifty pounds, and I was well and healthy; when I left it I weighed one hundred pounds and was weak and feeble. I had a touch of the scurvy perhaps a week before I left there. Chronic diarrhea seemed to be the prevailing disease tliere. Prisoners, from want of rations and exposure, would seem to run right down and die right otf ; what we wanted was a change of rations — the men would keep hankering for something else. Besides there was not enough in amount. At one time we went seventy-two hours with nothing to eat but a little rice soup. Q. State your treatment from the time you were captured, until you reached Salis- bury prison. — A. We were captured just at night below Petersburg, and were taken to Petersburg, and kept on an island near there that night. The next morning our names were registei'ed and our blankets taken away. The rebel soldiers came in and called on the men for blank(;ts; one of th(^ prisoners remonstrated, and called upon the reltel officer, and the officer nuide the prisoner give up the blanket to the rebel soldier. The next day we were taken and crowded into a tobacco warehouse, in Pet(;rsburg, and drew rations there. At night we were sent to Richmond, and the following morning were put in line and stripped of all but our shirts and told that if any of us had money, and would come forward and give it up, the names of such i)ersons should be registered, and when they were released the naoney should be given back to them. They threatened to tie us up Iiy our thumt)S to compel us to come forward. They took our haversacks, canteens, and all our clothing except what we had on, and our over- coats. That afternoon we were put sixty prisoners i^ito a car and started for Salis- bury, North Carolina. Q. Who was in command at Salisljury ? — A. Major Gee. Q. State what you know in regard to the treatment of the dead at Salisbury. — A. The dead were stripped of everything but their shirts and carried to the dead-house, and laid along in a row. A four-mule team then drove in and carried them oft". The bodies were piled up iu this wagon just as you would pile cord word, one on top of the other. If the load i)roved to be more than the nniles could draw, or if they got fiist in the mud, some of the bodies were thrown oft* at the side of the road, uutil thej' got started, and then piled on again. Q. Were there any citizens imprisoned there ? — A. Yes, sir ; for expressing Union sentiments. I was acquainted with one man from Knoxville, Tennessee, who was for- merly from New Jersey, who w^as iu there because of his Unionism. I think there were" about tifty of them in all. They remained there all the time I was there, and we left them when we came a\yay. Q. State whether any negro prisoners were there f. — A. One hundred and seventy negroes arrived there Novend)er 28, 1884. One hundred of them died before January 31, 186.5. They were treatt^d the same as the rest of us. The rebels came in there to enlist i>risouers into their service, and succeeded in getting about a thousand at ditter- ent times. They were all foreigners ; none but foreigners were received. Just before these recruiting otlicers would come in, we received no rations for a day or two, saying they would starve us into it. As often as once iu tw^o weeks we received no rations. EoGAit Clare, being duly sworn, testified as follows : By the Chairman : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Edgar Clare ; twenty-seven j'earsof age; residence Rutland, Vermont ; and my occupation is that of a painter. Q. State your connection with the military service of the United States during the the war. — A. I served three years and eight mouths as corporal in the First Vermont cavalry, Custar's brigade, Kilpatrick's division, army of the Potomac. Q. Were you captured by the enemy? — A. Yes, W; at Brandy Station, Virgini.a, October 11, 1863, by Stewart's cavalry. Q. Relate the facts of your capture and siibseiiuent treatment.— A. I was captured in action, and was taken to Culpeper, and thence to Richmond. At Richmond \^•e were put on the first floor of Libby Prison. The next morning we were formed in line and ordered to give up our money; that those who did it willingly should have it returned to them when they left, and those that did not would be searched, and any money found on them would be confiscated. I had ten dollars, which I secreted in my mouth. I oflfered them some confederate money, and they would not accept it. I saw 804 TKEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR from fifty to five hundred dollars given up in this way, and never heard that it was ever returned. We remained in Libby two days. It is a brick building, three floors and a biisenieut, on the canal or riven- side, where they cooked for the officers. The room in which we were contiued was as clean as any warehouse of that kiud would be. We were next taken on Main street and lodged in an old tobacco warehouse. We were densely crowded. It was a three or four story building, and liad no convenience of any kiud for our necessities. Only two jiersons at a time could get into the privy, and there was a tliousaud or twelve hundred in the Ijuildiug. Over two-thirds of us had to pass out of the same door. The prisoners could not get in there as fast as they Avaut(!d to, and the hall and stairway was always covered witli dirt made by the men. AVe suffered for water. The rations at fir,st consisted of wheat bread — a small loaf aud a small piece of beef. The beef was about as large as an egg, and this we had once a day. About two weeks after oiu- arrival there they stopped giving us wheat bread and gave us corn bread the rest of the time. The rebels came in and took away our canteens and haversacks, and any om^ refusing to give them up freely was punished. We remained in this prison about six weeks, and then were taken to Femberton prison and put on the second floor. PEMBEHTON. Q. Relate your treatment at Pemlierton prison, and describe the building. — A. It is a brick building, with four floors on each side, divided in the center Avith partitions through all the floors. Every day the floors of our room were washed once or twice, which made it damp, and gave us severe colds. We complained of this, but they did not stop it. A rebel named Ross ustnl to come in once or twice a day and call the roll. This Ross was very severe to us. He cursed us, and in many instances slapped many of the prisoners. Our rations were corn bread, beef, aud sometimes beans, or stock peas, as they are called there. In amount they were about the same as in the other prisons. Only about this time our government issued us rations, and they cut theirs shorter. Their rations were not enough to keep us from suffering at any time. At this time it was in January. W^e had a small stove at each end of the buikling, and had some wood, but not enough to k(^ep us comfortal)le. We suffered more from their throwing cold water on the floor. They did that as a sort of gratification. I never saw any lime or anything of that kind to purify the prison. The supply of water in this build- ing was sufficient. The sick were taken to hospital ; but a prisoner must be very sick before they would take him out, because their hospital was full. The guard was very strict, aud we were not allowed to look out of any of the Avindows ; but I know of no abuses worth relating. Q. Where were you taken from Femberton ? — A. To Belle Isle, reaching there the ITth of January. Q. State your treatment, and the treatment of other prisoners confined there. — A. We were not given any quarters there, and the first four days aud nights slept out on the ground. The weather was uncommonly severe, we were told. The prisoners were kept on the lower point of the island, toward the city of Richmond. Tht* grouml was low, and near the water. We nught have had better quarters, and more room, on a different i^art of the island. I should not think one camp covered more than three acres of ground. Toward the latter part of the winter there were ten thousand foiu" hundred and forty prisoners kept there, as near as I can come to it. We were put in squads of one hundred, and there were one hundred and six squads, but out of each squad there were some takeu to the hospital. After we had been there four days we were given some A tents. Our squad was the last squad that got them. All tlu^ pris- oners that came in there after the 20th of January had no shelter whatever ; that is, none was provided for them. Toward the latter part of the winter there were about four thousand prisoners without slieltcr. The weather at this time was very cold. It snowed, and Ave had a (;old, sleety rain. Our supply of wood Avas very scanty. Each prisoner drew his share, and those that had tents pihd in them as clo.se as tliey could. Our supply of Avood lasted about an hour or two out of the twenty-four, so that a man that was by himself his share Avas not A'erj- large. Those that had no tents contrived to mess in together and make a good fire ; and the day's ration of AA'ood Avonld only last two or three hours out of the twenty-four. We had receiAcd some clothing, &c., from our government Avhile in Femberton jirison, such as coats, blankets, .shoes, and stockings. But tlie majority of the prisoners were scant of clothing, as many of them had sold their clothes to buy rations. ^Our rations here consisted of a piece of corn bread, about two inches and a half square on the average, per day. Beef Ave drew hut A-ery seldom. I recollect that for seven weeks we only drew beef twice, and had no other meat of any kind. Once or twice a week avo had a little rice, or bean soup. Tiie rations were not sufticient to sustain a man in good health. The corn bread was not half cooked, and had no salt in it half the time. There Avas a hospital tent for the sick, but it had no berths. Straw Avas furnished, and the sick had to lie on it on the ground. This camp Avas about a mile or a nule and a half from the city of Rich- mond, aud about two miles from the confederate capitol builling. The camp was BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 805 very filthy. During the day we had access to a privy at the water, but at night that was shut, so that nuisances were committed around the tents, all over, necessarily, and in the open streets. This occurred every" night. The day I arrived there the guard were being relieved. As they were going across the bridge they fired toward the camp. There were several narrow escapes ; and they, did so several times after- ward. The rebel officers were all there within hearing and sight of this. The guards were stern, but I could not say we were misused, only in a few instances. One of the prisoners stole a rebel blanket that lay on the wall, from one of the guards, and then hid himself away among the tents. The guard lost sight of him, but there was a crowd in the open street in the camp, and he fired into the crowd, killing one, mor- tally wounding another, and severely wounding a third. There was nothing done to the guard for this, that I kuow of. I believe he was taken away from his po.st. These men that were hit had nothing to do with the taking away of the blanket. Tliey were outsiders. Our rations were stopped until the blanket was found. After awhile the man who took this blanket was found, and the rebels caused him to be whijjped by one of our darkies. Lieutenant Bosseau was in command of the prison at this time. On the Gth of March we were ordered to leave. It was reported we were to be sent into our own lines. On our way out, when we had got as far as the gate, we were ordered to stop by a rebel sergeant — Hight. He told us that some one in our hundred had killed the lieutenant's dog, and that we should not be let out until the man was found. We were kept in line about two hours. At last the man was found. I do not know his name. As he did not belong to our hundred we were let out. Aft.^r- ward I saw this man, and he told me of the treatment he received. He had killed the dog and eaten half of him with his messmates in the tent, and had the other half raw in his haversack. Sergeant Hight insisted upon his eating the other half of it raw. He threatened to punish him if he did not, and as he was about to obey the ordei\ Lieutenant Bosseau put a stop to it. The man was not punished any more* than that. We left the island tlie 6th of March, 1864, and went to Pemberton prison, and left there the 8th for Audersonville, Georgia. We were stowed into box-cars, seventy to ninety in a car, and were densely crowded. The doors of the car were kept nearlj' shut ; one door was kept shut entirely ; and when we got into the Carolinas it was very warm, and we suft'ered considerably from the heat. Most of us could not change our postures, and we were oidy taken out twice during the trip for about an hour or two each time — once at Charlotte and once at Raleigh. We were five days on the way, and reached Audersonville March 13, 1864. Q. Give a full statement of your experiences at Audersonville. — A. I do not know who was in command there at this time, but it was Reed's Geoi-gia brigade th.at guarded us. They behaved well toward us, and used us civilly, both officers and men. In about eight or ten days after our arrival Captain Wirz toolc connuand. He came in, and ordered us into line by turns, took our uames, descriptive-list, regiment, A:c., and the time when captured. He said it was preliminary to our being exchanged. He kept us in line all of two days without giving us hardly anything to eat. Then he came in a few days after, after he had got the camp organized as he wanted it, and we asked him when we should get exchanged. He told us we were never to be exchanged, we would all die there, and called us damned Yankees. He did not come iu there very often himself. The camp contained eighteen acres of ground. It was a piece of wood- land that had been cleared for the purpose, and tliere was a stream running through the center of the camp, a sort of a swamp or brook. Some of the rebel guards wM'e camped above us on this iStream, and they washed iu it, and we had to drinlc the water below. Our rations consisted of about a pint of corn meal, sometimes more than that, with a variety of meat, some fresh beef, bacon, ham, or pork. About that time the farm- ers paid in their share of rations to the confederate government, which caused this. We did not suffer a great deal. We were hungry, but I could not saj^ we really suffei-ed for about two months on these rations. At least I did not. We' had no utensils to cook these rations. They were issued raw for two mouths. We used to cook our corn bread on chips of woocl. Salt Avas scarce about this time, that is to say in June. They had built a cook-house in which we cooked our rations. Our rations tlieu were smaller, and not nearly sufficient. We drew several times molasses, fresh beef, and bacon. They very often cooked our meal into mush and brought it iu in carts. It was not very well cooked. We refused it once, and Wirz told us we would have to eat it or go without, and we ate it. They gave us once in a while beans ; but I do not think they gave them to us over a dozen times while I was there. There were some boxes arrived from Richmond for our prisoners, sent from their friends and relatives in the North. It was reported there were six hundred, but ouly half that number were issued, and they were all pulled over.and half the contents had been taken out. There was a strip of board running twenty feet from the stockade inside of the camp, which was called the dead-line. Any prisoner going in between that and tlu^ stockade was shot. I saw no less than eight or ten shot myself, most of them at the place near where we got our water. About this time sickness made great havoc among us. From fifty to seventy-five died every day on the average. This was in June and July. Iu August, 806 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR the deaths for ten days, averaged oue linndred and fifty per day. All the sick could not be taken out into the hospital, and they lingered in camp with no oue to take care of them but their friends. Medicine was very scarce. It was always so crowded around the gate, that many of the prisoners died before they could see the doctor. Many died in their tents, or ou the streets in the camp. I helped oue poor fellow iuto his tent, or hut, oue night, and there I found another in the same condition — helpless. I laid him ou his side, and he wanted me to lay him ou his back. I told him to roll over, and he said he could not— could not lift a finger or foot, either of them — were per- fectly helpless from the eftects of the scurvy. These meu were filthy from the time they came there until they died, and were taken away covered with vei'miu. After men died they were laid by the gate, and stripped naked by our meu to clothe themselves; and these men were buried naked iu the ground, without a box or any- thing on them. Q. What supplies of w^ood had you for cooking your rations? — A. At first we had wood enough, as there was wood left iu the camp, trees that had l>eeu felled, but as the prisoners increased in number this was all consumed. Then we were allowed to go outside for w'ood, three at a time at first, and six afterward, out of each ninety. These men comd not always get out, as they had to take their turn, aud it was very crowded aiouud the gate; after they commenced cooking our rations, we did not need auy wood as it was warm, aud this continued until we left. if. You spoke of the water in the stream being impure; what other sujiplies of water, if auy, had you ? — A. About a mouth before we left, it rained heavily, and a spring- burst out in the camp of very pure water. It was difficult to get auy of it because it was inside of the dead-line, and the giuirds often iired at us, so we used to have a cup ou a pole aud reach out and get it iu this way; there were also some wells dug by the prisoners, some eighty-live feet deep ; the rebels furnished us with a rope and a shovel; this was all that was needed : but after this si)ring was discovered almost all the wells ran dry, and everybody had to get water from this spring. Q. Did they change the dead-line at this spring so as to enable you to get water ? — A. No, sir ; but they were not so strict in their rules about the dead-line at this place as they were at the brook; there they would not allow a man to put his hand under the dead-liue. Q. What was the provision for shelter? — A. They gave us none; while out for wood we would pick up brush aud pine boughs, aud use, them for shelter; in the winter of 1864 some of the prisoners dug shelters in the ground; I do not know of any doing so iu the summer. Q. What were the prevailing diseases in the camp ? — A. Dysentery aud scurvy ; in some instances the scurvy commenced at the month, aud caused soreness aud swelling and loosening of the teeth, so that they could pull them out ; it would take all their .strength away, aud make them cripples in many instances ; I had the scurvy and my limbs were beut and cripi)lcd, and my left foot was stilf so that I could hardly move it; I could not stand ; in uuujy instances this disease caused them to become lunatics and crazy; I saw a man there stark naiied, deranged, running about the camp, inside and outside of the dead-line ; I do not think the guard shot any insane man. Q. Describe the condition of this camp or slough. — A. The camp was in a valley, and througli the center of it ran this brook, and the swamp ou both sides; five or six rods from this lower i)art, on each side of tlie stream, nuisances were committed by the prisoners, antl it smelt badly ; they afterward remedied this partially liy digging dowu one of the lower part of the hills, and filling up this slough, and made a drain for it to run oft. Q. State the manner iu which the dead were removed from the camp. — A. They were taken to the gate, and from there to the dead-house outside ; at lirst they used to be carried out with sticks on a stretcher ; but they died so fast afterward that a wagon was sent to the gate and they were ])ile(l into'that. and carted oft. C^. Do you know anything of theie being blood-hounds kept there!? — A. Yes, sir; there was a pack kept thei'e; I saw them often start on a sceut ; a nuiu uamed Turner was kept there in ciiarge of the hounds, by the rebels, for that purpose ; a friend of mine was caught by them, but not injured; I saw some prisoners who said they were cajitured by them; some were scratched up jn-etty badly, their llesh aud clothes torn by the hounds. Q. It was reported that the bodies of many iirisoners became infected, and that they were covered with vermin before and at the time of their death; state whether you witnessed auy such thing .' — A. I saw them covered with vermin that had eaten into them ; I could not say they were infected. Q. State whether you were supplied with soap. — A. We had soap issued to us two or three times while I was there, about enough to wash your face aud hands once or twice. Q. How many prisoners were there when you left ? — A. About thirty thousand to thirty-five thousand. Q. Where did you next go ? — A. We left Andersonville the 8th of Septemlier and were taken to Savannah, arriving there ou the lUth. We were very much crowded ou BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 807 the way in cars, but were not misused. When we got there Lieutenant Davis took charge of us. Our rations there consisted of fresli beef, meal, rice, molasses, and, oin'i> in a while, vinegar. We drew these articles at different times. Tiiese rations beuc- lited those tliat had the scurvy. Along toward the latter ])art our rations were not as plenty as at first. There were between four and live thousand prisoners at Savan- nah. The wood was scanty, but the water plenty and good. The sick were taken tint of camp and put into the hosiiital. I cannot say what care they had there, nor whaf became of the dead. Q. What was the disposition manifested by the people toward the prisoners ? — A. In getting out of the cars the ladies brought eatables for the sick, and helped them through. I understood, also, that they took some eatables to the hospital afterward, but Lieutenant Davis stopped them. We had no shelter provided for us. Those that got in there first found some boards and built themselves shelters. The weather was cold at this time. No blankets were issued to us that I recollect. I never got any. The majority of the men were barefooted ; I for one, and with no shirt or cap. I could not say what number were in this condition, but there were quite a inimber. The camp was cioau, except around the privies. The dysentery prevailed there considerably, and around the privies there was a very bad smell. Q. How long did yon remain here? — A. About a month, and left there about the 10th of October for Millen. We were taken out at dark and kept in line the rest of the night. Lieutenant Davis said that any man that committed a nuisance there ht; would make him eat it. Wo were then hurried aboard the cars. Lieutenant Davis riding on his horse up and down through the crowd and over the sick that were trying to get al)oard, cnftiug them with his saber and knocking them about. We arrived in Millen the next day and were put in Camp Lawton, about twenty or thirty acres in extent in woods that had been cleared for the pnri)ose, and stockaded the same as at Anderson- ville. There was also a stream running very near the center of the camp of cleaner and clearer water. The camp was clean. Our rations here were a pint of corn meal, fresh beef, and bacon. The rations were insufticient in amount, and we were hungry all the time. Just before we left there there were about nine or ten thonsaud prisoners kept there. About half this number had no shelter, except what they had jtlcked up in the camp from the felled trees. A special exchange of the sick and wounded took place here. It was not conducted fairly ; those that had money bought themselves out. The captain in charge of tlie camp agreed to let me out if I would pay him fifty dollars. I borrowed this sum, but the man I got it of had stolen it, and I was obliged to return it. They took money, watches, rings, or anything to let men out. After the sick had gone, Kilpatrick's cavalry came within forty miles on the Macon and Savannah road and cut it, and they took us out on the Gulf road to Blackshire. There was no stockade there; we were camped in a piece of Avoods. I made my escape on the way there from the train, but was recaptured and taken to Blackshire. We remained here about six weeks. Our rations were about the same but less in quantity. We were then taken to Thomas- ville, Georgia, and remained there three weeks. The rations were ai'jout the same as at Blackshire; we had good water and were allowed outside of the camp with a guard. This was in December, and we had no (piarters. One morning we were ordered to get ready to march, and two days' rations were issued to ns, consisting of four hard crack- ers, about a third larger than our hard-tack. Myself and my messmate eat all our crackers for that morning's breaklast. The ground was poor, and most of us were bare- footed and bareheaded, and we had to march in this way fifty-three miles to Albany, Georgia. Those that had eat their rations, as I did, in the morning, were two days without any. The third and fourth days we had three crackers issued each day. At Albany we were put on the cars and taken back to Andersonville, reaching there Decem- ber 24, 1864. We had no tents or shelter of any kind at this time, and it rained a couple of days and nights, and we had to lay out in tlie rain. This is the time when the pris- oners commenced to dig holes in the ground to crawl into. Several were killed in this manner. During the night a heavy rain would come on and wash in the earth and fill up the holes and bury these men up in them. This second time our rations were cooked for us, and consisted of a piece of corn bread, two inches and a half square, and a small piece of beef about as large as an egg, and about half a pint of stock peas, or beans, as we called them. During this winter we had these rations once a day, and suffered every day from hunger. After awhile we asked them to give us our rations raw, and they did so. That winter we were issued very near enough wood for those in tents; those that laid out did not have enough. We had no soap given to us at this time. The health of the camp was fair considering the state the prisoners were in — half of them naked. The water was good; it came from the spring and ran into a tub. They com- menced to build barracks the latter part of February — long rows of buildings with a roof and the sides open. They built three of these before we left, Avhich accommodated about one-third of the prisoners. From Andersonville we marched to Thomasville, Georgia. They told us we were going to be exchanged. Then we were marched back again to Andersonville, and remained there three weeks more. Perhaps I should say I was taken out on a plantation with six others, and remained two weeks — I sux>j)ose as 808 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR a sort of protectiou iu case our cavalry should come there, as they were near by. After this we were takeu to headquarters and reuinined there about a week, and tben were taken to Florida with the other prisoners, and when about half way between Albany, Fk)rida, and Jacksonville the rebels left ns and told ns to nuike our way as best we could to our own lines, which we did, arrivinj;' iuside of our lines April 28, 1895. Q. Were there auy colored troops in the prisons you were in"? — A. There were some marines captured on the j;uul)oat 8ea Witch off the coast of North Carolina. They were imprisoned at AndcrsonvlUe. One of them was whipp^'d while I was there for bringing contraband food into the prison. They were detailed to work outside of the prison, tixiug the roads or choppinoj wood. They were treated well iuside of the prison — as well as the rest of ns. I cannot say what treatment they received outside. Q. Have you any knowledge of stocks being used to punish prisoners ? If so, describe them. — A. Yes, sir; I have. They were made so as to fasten the neck in, and the arms and legs were extended. Q. Was there a chain gaug there ? — A. Yes, sir. The chain gang consisted of a chain running the extent of the gang, with a smaller chain hitched into this big one, and connected with an iron circle which lifted around the neck ; and every man was hitched in this way. They were compelled to carry a twelve-pound ball in the outer band, and between them a sixty-four-pound ball. This punishment was for running away, and for other things. Those that I saw punished in this way were colored sol- diers. They had to remain in this way until the punishment vras over; were not taken out to eat or sleep. I have known fre(iuently of their being kept chained in this way for twenty-four hours ; and I understood some were in forty-eight hours. I could not say positively about the latter. Frederick E. Ransom, being duly sworn, testitied as f(jllows : By Mr. Stevens : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Frederick E. Ransom ; twenty-six years of age ; reside in Norwich, Vermont ; and am a student. Q. State the connection your family has had with the military service of the United States. — A. My father was in the Mexican war, and at the storming of Chapulteijec, September 13, 1847. I had two brothers in the army ; one. General T. E. G. Ransom, died October 29, 1864, in the service, while on the march with Sherman to the sea. D. R. Ransom is a captain in the Tiiird United States Artillery. Q. State your connection with the military service. — A. I entered the three mouths' service as a private, April 22, 1861 ; on the l5Uth of July was promoted to sergeant of Company E Eleventh Illinois volunteers. I was captured at Fort Donelson, Fel>ruary 15, 1862, by Forrest's Texas Rangers, together with forty-six others of my reginu-nt. I received a slight Hesh wound in the left shoulder. We v.'cre taken from Fmt Douelson to Nashville by steamer, and put on cattle cars there, and went through Huntsville and Tuscunibia, around through Mississippi, and U2> from the South to Memphis, Ten- nessee. We were met at the depot at Memphis, by the Memphis Guards, Captain Grey. Q. How long were you upon the road to ^Memphis, and what rations did you have? — A. Three days; and we were not given any rations during that time by the rebels. All we had was what happened to be in our haversacks, which did not amoinit to much. Cai)taiu Buckner was in command of ns on this tri2) ; supposed to be a nephew of General S. B. Ihickner. We asked him if he was going to give us any rations, and he said no, he would see us damned before he would (lo it. We staid at Memphis precisely three weeks, aud were very well treated; and from there were takeu to Mobile, wiicre we remained twenty-four hours, and went by the steamer Lillie up the Black Warrior River to Tuscaloosa, Alabama. We were there delivered over to Captain Wirz, who was in command of the post at Tuscaloosa. We remained here two months. Our treat- ment by the rebels was very brutal. Prisoners were punished for mere trilles ; were put iu a dark hole and iu irons. We were not allowed to look out of the windows, nnder penalty of l)eing shot. We oieu])ied the United States court rooms, and we saw a prisoner shot by one of the guards in a prison o])])osite to us. Our rations consisted of a piece of corn bread an inch wide and three inches long, aiul a small piece of bacon full of maggots. The bacon was decayed aud not lit for a dog. Only two prisoners were allowed to go out to wash at a time, and we were given uo water to wash the floors of the prison. There were two hundred of us coulined iu one room, about twenty by thirty feet in size, and we lay on the lloor packed iu one against another. The prisoners generally were very tilthy. There were lice on the floor, and Ueas on the prisoners. From Tuscaloosa we were takeu to ilontgomery, Alabama ; remained there ten days, and theii were sent to Macon, Georgia. Major George E. Rylander, of the Tenth Georgia battalion, was in conunaud there. Our treatment was similar to that we received at Tuscaloosa. Corn meal was issued to us, au trees, in a grove which had been occupied by the Macon light artillery. During the mouth of BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 809 July they built us a shanty, but it was insecure, and fell on the prisoners several times, and one or two of them were hurt. Prisoners were iiunished by being placed under a small wedge tent and made a spread eagle of. They were placed so that they could not move theu- hands nor feet, and left exposed to tlie sun. This was called the' sweat- ing process, and two or three men died from the effects of it. The young medical stu- dents there, about twenty or twenty-two years of age, would come in there and try experiments on the prisoners who were sick iu hospital. I never knew of any of the sick being cured. As many as fifteen died in one day, at times. The bodies were put in coffins and piled one on top of another in a cart. I had the scurvy while a prisoner there, and the doctor gave me something Avhich made it worse. I did not recover from the scurvy until I had been three months within our lines. I saw prisoners there tied up by their thumbs so that their fe<;t barely touched the ground. One of the prisoners had to have his thumb amputated from this cause. Q. State if you know anything about the use of blood-hounds at Macon ? — A. There was an Iowa sohlier informed me that, while he was attempting to make his escape, blood-hounds were set upon his track, and he was captured by them and brought back to Macon. A great many of the prisoners died in consequence of the treatment they received while prisoners. I was captured February 15, 1862, and released Oc- tober 17, 1862, being a prisoner eight months. Q. State what you know of the instructions of Major Rylander to his guards at M:i- con ? — A. He gave instructions to the rebel guards to " shoot any damneil Yankee," he sr.id, " that came within thirtj' oi forty feet of the guard line," and he made a promise that if they would obey that order that he would give them a thirty-day furlough and tifty dollars iu money. I heard the order myself. I was standing near the guard when I heard it. A Frenchman, who was a jirisoner, rendered crazy by his long imprison- ment, ventured near the guard-line one night, aud was shot by the guard through the stomach, and died the next morning. When prisoners who tried to make their escape were retaken, they were ])ut in irons, and in close conhnement, and kejjt so until their I'elease, by order of the dilfereut rebel commanders. At Tuscaloosa, a ])rivat<^ belong- ing to the Twenty-seventh Illinois infantry was struck and knocked down by Captain Wirz one day for some fancied insult, aud was then taken and put in a daric hole iu irons. He was fed on bread and water for three days, and then released. Q. Describe the prison at ]Macon. — A. There were three buildings : one used for a hospital, one occupied by the officers who were prisoners, and the other V)y non-com- missioned officers, and a shed occupied by the privates, which Avas open on the side. There was a board fence around this three-acre held, ami it was called Camp Ogle- thorpe. The water we used for drinking was used to wash the dead bodies in; it ran into a stream that passed through the ground. This stream was also used as a sink. We had some well-water, but it was not tit to drink. We never used only the spring water, and this being nearer the hospital than the well was, they used that water to wash the dead bodies with. Q. What treatment did you and your comrades receive from citizens while prison- ers ? — A. As we were passing through Nashville, after the capture of Fort Donelsou by our troops, we Avere insulted by men, and soldiei's, and citizens of the town ; and they were encouraged by the officers and the leading men of the town, so I was told after- ward by some refugees from that city. Q. Where were you taken from Macon ? — A. To Richmond. We were crowded into cars, about a thousand prisoners iu all, aud when it rained, as it did several times, the rain came through the leaky roof and wet us completely. The rebels stopped the train theu and let us build fires and dry ourselves. On arriving at Richmond we were jdaced in Libby prison. I was taken sick aud sent to the hospital. I had no attend- ance there whatever. No doctor visited me, although one was there attending to the rebel soldiers. On the seventh day after our arrival, we were paroled and sent to Gaines's Landing. The prisoners were very ragged aud dii'ty — on some their clothes hung only by a few shi'eds. Some were iu a dying condition ; one prisoner died on the way, at Weldon, from wet rain coming on him. When first taken prisoner I was iu good health, and continued in good health for three or four months. But toward the latter part of my imprisonment at Macon I had achings almost every day, and I was very weak, so th.at I could not rise from the ground, aud everything turned black when I looked at it. With these exceptions I escaped sickness. Joiix Shea, being duly sworn, testified as follows : By j\Ir. Stevexs : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. John Shea; thirty-live years of age ; reside in Nashua, New Hampshire ; and am a laborer. Q. State your connection with the military service of the United States. — A. I en- listed in Nashua, New Hampshire, November 4, 1861, iu the Eighth New Hampshire, and served three years. I was also iu the three mouths service iu the First New Hamp- shire. 810 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Q. State if you wore captured ; and if so, when and where ? — A. I was captured in the rear of Port Hudson, Louisiana, August 23, 18H3. I was lame from a wound I hail re- ceived, and was in a wagon by order of the doctor, and following our brigade. The rebels allowed the brigade to pass by and then came out in the road and captured the wagon I was in. About twenty-five soldiers were captured at the same tiuui with myself. We were taken to Cliutop, Louisiana, and from there to Mobile, Alabama, where I stayed twelve days, and then to Atlanta, where I was kept tilteeu days, aud from there to Libby i)rison, Richmond. At Atlanta one of our prisoners was shot by the guard fur contradicting him. The guard said to the prisoner " I think you are a rebel deserter." The prisoner said "No, I am not,"' and the guard shot him dead. Q. Describe your treatment and that of your fellow prisoners at Libby jirison. — A. About three or four hundred of us went into Libby together. We got there on a Sunday evening about 4 o'clock, and had nothing to eat until 11 o'clociv the next morning. Then they gave us a little bread, aud a small piece of ])(irk. After we reached Libby, they stripped ns naked and toolc all the money they could Ihul. Before searching us, they said that any man that had money aud would give it ui» willingly they would return it to him when he left ; but those that did n(jt come forward and give it up would l)e searched, and what money was found would be conliscated. I had ten dollars, which they found and took away, aud it Avas n(ner returned to me. Onr rations at this prison consisted of about lialf a pouiul of bread a day and between two and three ounces of meat — two or three mouthfuls. Wi)lies twice, aiul we always saw them given to the rebel soldiers. Most all the prisoners were in a starving coiidilion. They could be no worse off thau they were. Some were half naked aud otliers Ixname insane aud crazy for want of food. At one time, in January, 1864, the dead were not taken out and buried for fifteen days in succession, aud there Avere about twenty-live or thirty dead men lying outside of the camp, and the hogs were eating them. I saw a hog eating the face of one prisoner who was lying there. After that they Imried them. Most of the prisoners that died, died in the night, and were taken out the following morning. There were about eight or nine thousand prisoners coutiiied at Belle Isle when I was there. On the third of March a special exchange was made of nine hun- dred Maryland men. I gave in my name as a Maryland man — swore I was one — and they let me out with the nine hundred. We were taken to Richmond, and then to Annajiolis, Marylaiul. When taken prisoner I weighed one hundred and forty-two pounds ; when paroled I weighed one hundred aud live pounds. Thomas A. Pillsbuuy, being duly sworn, testified as follows : By the Ciiaiuman : Question. State your name, age, residence, aud occupation. — Answer. Thomas A. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 811 Pillsbury ; twenty-four years of age ; reside in Concord, New Hampshire, and am a machinist. Were you in the military service of the United States during the war; if so, state your rank and the conmiands to which you were attached? — A. I enlisted as a private in Company F, Sixteenth Connecticut iufiintry, and we were attached to the second brigade, third division, ninth army corps. Q. If you were captured by the enemy, state the time, place, and manner of capture, and your subsequent treatment. — A. I was captured at Plymoutli, North Caroliua, April 20, 1864, by rebel troops under General Hoke. We were marched to Tarboro, North Carolina, where we took cars for Gohlsboro, North Carolina, and there drew rations. We were then sent to Wilmington, North Carolina ; then to Charleston, South Carolina ; then to Savannah, Macon, and Andersonville. We only passed through these places; we did not stop any length of time until we reached Andersonvilh^ Q. Describe the camp at Andersonville and the nature of your treatment there. — A. The camp covered about twenty-seven acres ; was surrounded by a stockade eighteen feet high, with sentry boxes on top. Our rations were a pint of corn meal a day, and a small piece of bacon. Sometimes we got a pint of boiled rice in the place of the meal, and sometimes a small piece of boiled fresh beef instead of bacon, and at other times b<'ans instead of rice or meal. W^e were divided into detachments (jf two hun- dred and seventy, and these detachments divided into three nineties, ninety comixjsing a mess, which was in charge of one of our sergeants. The rations were l)rougl)t in by the rel>els in a wagon, and dealt out by one of our men, detailed for that purpose, to sergeants in chai-ge of detachments, and they divided it into three parts, which were given to the sergeants of the nineties to give to the men. Our beans were about lialf destroyed by what tliey called the weevil, and the rice Avas musty. A brook about two feet wide ran through the camp, with about two inches deep of w'ater in it. Outside of the stockade the rebels had a cook-house, and they emptied their grease ahd tilth into this brook before it reached the camp; and I have seen clear grease a quarter of an inch tliick on the water in this brook, and pieces of meat and bread and meal Heating in it. The men began to dig wells after awhile, and when I left there there were a great many, so that they had a plenty of good fair water. The sanitary condition of the eamii was poor. We had no protection or covering except the holes we dug in the ground. Tliere was no arrangement made for a sink; but in the center of the camp was a swamp, and this was used as a sink by all. Tlie laigest number of prisoners there at one time was said to be thirty-seven thousand. In the month of July one hundred and eighty pris- oners died in one day — the largest number I know of dying in one day — and th(\v Avould range from that number down to one hundred — hardly ever less than a hundred a day. They were laid uudcr a shade of boughs, and next day put into an army wagon, one on the other, like piling in cord wood, and taken away and buried in long trenches, sideways, and covered with pine boughs and dirt put ovta- the boughs. The guards were insulting and the officers cruel. I have seen Captain Wirz knock men down because they happened to be in his way, and I have seen prisoners shot for reaching their hand under the dead-line to get fresher water, or for even putting their hands on the railing. This dead line Avas about twelve feet from the inside of the stockade. Posts were driven in the ground about a rod apart, and on these posts was a railing two inches wide and an inch thick, extending around the whole prison. The railing was about four feet above the ground. I saw two men shot at the wat(ning place; one stepi>ed inside of the dead-line purposely, he said so, aiulAvas shot. He was a one- legged man, and there was a report among the prisoners that he Avas an informer about the digging of tunnels by our men ; and the prisoners got after him one day and swore they Avouhl kill him if they could ; and he saAv them and heard their threats, and he stepped into the dead-line and held up his hand for the guard to shoot, and the guard shot him through the chin and breast. At first Ave had to cook our rations ; in about six weeks the rebels cooked them for us. All the wood we had was a piece tAvo feet long and four inches square. Tiie prisoners Ave re in a most wretched condition — thin, spare, and many Avith nothing but the skin hanging over their bones. I also saw many prisoners there Avho Avere foolish, and a great many AA^ho Avere really crazy and didn't know anything at all. I knoAV of one that imagined himself a hog.' Ho AVould not wear any clothes and Avas all the time in this swamp rooting and plowing around the same as any hog Avould. Q. How long were you in this prison ? — A. Until the first of September— about four mouths. Q. What kind of treatment did you receive on the way to this prison ? — A. We Avero treated Avell by the guards, and by some of the citizens ; but generally we were called '• damned Yankees," or " blue-bellies," or something of that kind. Q. What Avas the condition of the clothing of the prisoners? — A. They had hardly any clothing. Many had been entirely strij/ped of their own clothes, and had gray uniforms substituted. They were all A\*orn out. Q. What Avas their condition as to cleanliness? — A. They had no facilities for clean- ing themselves, except in the same water Ave drank of: soap Avas issued but twice Avhile 812 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR I was in Andersonville. The prisoners spent their time in telling stories, singiug, and talking about homo. They would not allow the x>i'isoners to sing patriotic national songs ; the guards stopped it. There was a regularly organized gaug of ruffians among the prisoners — mostly New York men — one, named Curtis, belonged in Brooklyn; and when a prisoner came in who had decent clothes or boots, or anything else, if they could not persuade him to give them up by pretending friendship for him, they would knock him down and take them away by force. I saw one of the prisoners knocked down by them and ijflTO in gold taken away from him. The gang numbered about three hundred. Forty of them were arrested and tried by a jury of our own men, prisoners. Six of this number Avere found guilty and liung by our own men on the r2th of July. Captain Wirz furnished us timber to build the scaribld. He said he did not doubt these men had done enough to be hung, but he would not take the respon- sibility on himst^lf ; but tliat the prisoners might do what they wanted with them. Q. What medical treatment did the sick receive '? — A. When we first went there, the sick ones were taken to the gate at roll-call, and nuide their comphiints to the doctor, and meint of flour and no salt ; no tents yet ; water very scarce ; this is a rough place. — NoA'ember 9. It rained all last night; Ave had to lie in the mud; Ave drew, this afternoon, two tents and two flies for one hundred men, a pint of meal and no salt; I am well; I wish I could get word home ; it is a shame for any civilized nation to treat men as Ave are liere ; thirty or forty die in a day, and are drawn off in carts just like so much Avood ; it is aAvful ; I hope something Avill be done soon to relieve. — November 10. It rained most all night ; has been terrible muddy to-day ; we drew bread this moruing. — November 11. We drew meat for the first time for a Aveek, and drew meal ; the men are dying off very fast indeed, and no Avonder, exposed as Ave are to cold and hunger. — November 12. We drew bread this morning; I saw twenty-three dead bodies in the dead-house; men are 814 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR. dying off fast from exposure ; are allowed only a little wood. — November 13. I don't kuow what we shall do if we have to stay here this winter ; I do hope and i^ray for better times to come soon. — November 14. It was an awful cold night ; it was impossi- ble to keep comfortable.— November 16. They do not hfilf cook the bread they give ns now, and it sours on my stomach. — November 17. Tliankful for so good health when so many are sick ; a prisoner's life iji the South is hard. — November 18. I hope we shall get out of this place soon. — November 19. Three men are allowed to go for wood out of one hundred in a squad, but it is not enough to do ns much good. — November "20. Rain all night and all day; we are suifering everything here; I wish I could get word home in .some way. — 21st. Still rainy; this yard is worse than any hog-pen I ever saw ; we get just enough to eat to live. — November 22. I wish I could describe the misery and suifering there is in this pen — it cannot be called anything else. — November 23. Ground froze solid ; I never suffered so much with cold as I did last night and to-day ; ninety- six have died in twenty-four hours past. — November 24. I suppose this is thanksgiving day in New Hampshire, but it does not seem much like it here ; to-day they gave us only quarter rations ; God only knows what is to become of us here, but we must hope for the best; putting entire confidence in our Heavenly Father; He only can bring us out alive. — November 25. Only quarter rations again to-day ; the men are dying fast. — November 26. No more rations yet. — November 27. We got half a loaf of bread to-day and some meat. — November 28. Only quarter rations to-day ; I would give most any- thing for enongli to satisfy my hunger. — November 29. About four luiudred enlisted in the rebel army to-day ; I shall have to be reduced more than I am iiow to enlist in their army ; I never felt so weak as I have to-day ; hope for more rations soon ; wish I could get some money from home in some way." Q. State at what date his memorandum ceased. — A. November ,30, 1864. Q. When did your son die ? — A. Lucien Holmes died in Salisbury prisou, North Caro- lina, January 4, 1865. George R. Crosby, being duly sworn, testified as follows : By the Chairman : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. George R. Ci'osby ; thirty-two years of age; reside in Lebanon, New Hampshire; and am a car- riage painter. Q. State your connection with the military service of the United States during the late rebellion. — A. I enlisted at Brattleboro, Vermont, September 14, 1661, in Company F First Vermont cavalry. Q. If you were captured by the enemy i>lea,se .state when and where? — A. I was cap- tured Alay 5, 1864, in the Wilderness, by the Twelfth Virginia cavalry. I was a ser- geant at this time. Q. Relate your treatment after yowr capture. — A. I was taken twelve miles from where I was captured, and stayed there over night. From there I was taken to Gor- dousville and lodged in the court-house yard. A small quantity of rations were here issued to the prisoners, but I got none. Tliey l)rought in a barrel of hard ci-ackers, and the prisoners scrambled for them and hel[H'd themselves. Many of the prisoners, like myself, got none at all. When I was captured the two rebels that took my arms took everytliiug I had except the diary in my breast pocket — took my pocket-b(jok, hat, and other loose things of value. My horse Avas wounded, and while they were trying to stop the blood with their handkerchiefs I managed to get the blanket from the rear of the saddle, and in that I had a cap. We remained at Gordonsville one day, and then started for Lynchburg, where we remained three days encamped outside of the town. We drew rations there of five hard crackers, and a quarter of a pound of l)acon to a man each day. Then one thousand one hundred of us were loaded on the cars and started for Danville. We took no extra rations except those we drew that morning. We reached Danville May 13, having been two days on the way, and were i)Ut in to- bacco warehouse No. 2. Six hundred prisoners were put in the building, and there were fifty on the floor I was in. We there drew alternately rations of bean soup and rice SOU}), and corn bre.ad. Our rations there were sufficient. But a great many of the prisoners had become reduced by travel and exposure, and being cram|ied up sixty in a car, and were lame when they got out of the cars, as they had to stand up all the way. This treatment brought on the diarrhea, and only eight men at a time were al- lowed to go to the sink. Many could not wait for their turn, anugs, aud all eaten up inside. When the sack containing them was opened the air would be filled with bugs that would rise up from the peas. Sometimes they were of good quality, but tlieu we had uot sufflcieut wood to cook with, aud they required long cooking to make them soft. I have seen men there whose stomachs were weak from starvation eat them, and they Avould have to vomit them up ; and I hg,ve seen the other prisoners many times tight with each other to see who should get them to eat, like Hies, after spit on the Hoor. This was a common occurrence. There were some wells dug by the prisoners witli half of canteens for shovels. They had to dig seventy feet to reach water. Some of the nieu had picked up railroad spikes, and when the dirt was hard they used them. They made buckets out of the wood that was brought iu for ratious, and uuide ropes of strips of blankets aud knapsacks. I have seen a rope seventy feet long made out of very short pieces. In that way we drew our water. When we cauie down to where we found water, we came to the quick- sand, and could go no further without a curbing to keep the quicksand out. After we had got a well dug that way it would uot supply a hundred men with water, and the majority of the camp had to get their water from the stream that ran through. Q. Describe that stream. — A. It was a small, muddy stream, swampy on the sides, with a bridge across it at one end near the entrance of the brook within about three feet of the dead-line. The rebel guards were quartered iu camp above us, and all their waste water ran iuto this stream. The liuilding where our rations were cooked was also above the camp, aud the waste from these ran into this brook also. After they had boiled their bacon the refuse water iu Avhich it was boiled was all turned into this brook, and there was no time iu the day that the grease and dirty water w^as uot on the top of the water iu the brook. There was uo place for sinks, except where the tiltii would run iuto the brook, that I could see, because the ground was .sloping to the brook in their camp. There were about thirty thousand men iu the camp, all dirty aud tilrhy. They all wanted to bathe, aud there was no time that the brook was not full below the bridge, so that left us only about three feet where we could get water to driuk aud cook with. The dead line was right aeross the stream, and the bridge perhaps three feet below it, and there we had to get our water. It was pretty dangerous getting water there. The swamps on the side of the brook were used for our siuks until August, and maggots and tilth was in there iu some places to a great depth. This all ran into the brook, and of course we could uot get water pure aud fresh. Q, Why was it daugerous to get water at the bridge? — A. It was so near the dead- line that the guards would fire at us. This dead-line consisted of a railing— a x^iece of board tacked on to posts driven iuto the grouud about three inches, and along by the 816 TREATMENT OF PEISOXERS OF WAR brook it was so mursliy that the posts were always falling over, and a part of the time there was no visible line there. The fni'ther np the stream yon conld get the clearer the Avater was, and men nsed sometimes to reaeh nnder the dead-line and were shot by the gnard. I saw three men wonnded by one shot from the guard — men that Avere get- ting water. I have seen no less than ten shot at there. I cannot say that I saw but three killed. I liave also seen men shot at at other parts of the dead-line for no reason except they were too near the dead-line. The prisoners were so crowded in the camp that they had to build their quarters near the dead line to get room, and in passing from one place to another they would go around these quarters, and in that way get shot. I recollect one i)articular instance where the guard tired at a man that was pass- ing between the quarters in this way, and hit the man, and the ball wem into the quarters and wounded two other men in the legs. This was on the opposite side of the camp from where the other case I mentioned occurred. Q. Were the supplies of rations sutlficient to keep the men in good health ? — A. The supidies of rations and of wood and of water were not one-qnarter sufficient to sustain the prisoners in good health. Q. Were they of a character suitable to sustain them if they had been sufficient iu quantity ? — A. They were not. Q. What care was taken of the sick in the stockade ? — A. They had no care at all, not the h'ast. There was a surgeon's call and the side prisoners Avere taken to the gate and AA'aited their chance to get out. I liaA'e seen tAvo thousand men standing at the gate Avaiting to get out, and not OA'cr live hundred got out. They were all sick ; and those that got out seldom receiAcd any medical treatment. They delivered no medi- cines to tl]e prisoners but opium pills, that I knoAA- of. I ncA'er saw any surgeons come inside of the camp and pass around and attend to the sick, and for scA'eral weeks at a time there was no surgeon iu attendance anyAvhere. Q. What Avas the general treatment of the oflicers and guards toward the men ? — A. It Avas A'cry insolent as a general thing. I saw Captain Wirz come in there one day at the south gate, and one of the prisoners stood near there; he was half-witted from starvation, and did not see Captain Wirz, and because he did not get out of his Avay Wirz knocked him down, jumped on him Avith liis feet, and kicked Iiim so that he did not live but a short time. I have seen Wirz ride inside of the dead-line repeatedly, and with his wliip reach out and strike men over the liead, and then laugh. Q. Wli.tt Avas the manner of treating the dead.? — A. Those that died during the night remained where they died until the next morning ; then our men Avould carry tliem to the gate, and from there they were taken to tlie dead-house. At the dead- house they were piled one on to]) of the other in a Avagou and carried off and buried. I never was out to see where or hoAV they Avere buried. Q. What were the prevailing diseases in the camj) ? — A. Chronic diarrhea and scurA^y. Those that died of the scur\'y were all sores, gangrene, and terrible-looking. I haA'e seen prisoners lying on the ground in the sun for two days, and perhaps one leg would be swollen four times the usual size, and they Avere covered Avith sores, and lice, and maggots eating into their sores, lying almost insensible, but not dead, and on the other leg not afflicted Avith scurvy there Avould be nothing but skin and bones. I have seen men with the flesh all eaten off so you could see the bone, and it Avas full of maggots. Many Avho were prisoners there had just returned from their A^eteran furloughs and had spent a good part of their time in the cities, and had contracted A'eneral diseases and Averc taken prisoners before it l)roke out on them. After they got into AndersonA'ille it broke out and they had no medical treatment, and it assumed the Avorst form that can he imagined. I haA'e seen men Avith their bowels all black and their privates swollen to eight times their natural size. Hundreds of them were in that condition. When I first came into camp tliere, many men had been in Libby Prison during the Avinter, and AA'hen they left there they were told they were going to be exchanged, and as they were almost starved they disposed of nearly all their clothing — some had nothing but pants, blouses, and overcoats left — for something to eat. lint instead of being exchanged they Avere sent to AndersouAnlle and put in the stockade, and were thus left entirely destitute. I saw three men there that had not a rag of clothing on them at all, and I presume fifty others that had no more than one garment. I saw sev(>ral with nothing but overcoats fastened around them to cover themselves as well as they could. These men haA'ing been exposed so long Avithout clothing, Avere nearly idiotic, and did not know enough to draw their rations ; but if another prisoner passed near enough to them so that they could chitcli his rations like a beast, they would do it. The first day of .Juue it commenced to rtiin, and rained some portion of CA'ery day for twenty-one days folloAving. This Aveather killed off all this class of men, because they Avere so exposed and very cold. There were cold nights all througli the season, caused, I sup- pose, by the swamps around the camp. The dcAvs were as heavy as a good shower and Avet men as much, so that they could Avring Avater out of their clotliing. After a rain, I do not suppose there was any place in the camp that was not coAcred Avith maggots, and those that laid down would haA'e to keep brushing them off. Many of the pris- oners were sick iu their cj[uarter8 and holes had to l>e dug for their excrement iu their BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 817 quarters, as they were not able to go to the swamp. This caused these maggots and made a great stench in the camp. No assistance was given to the sick by the authori- ties in this respect. I had to nse one of these places for six weeks at a time. I could not straighten up on my feet. I used to make gruel from my meal during this time, and that was all I had to eat. These things were common occiuTences in the camp. Q. What kind of shelter was provided for the prisoners?— A. None whatever. When prisoners were captiu'ed by brigades or in large numbers, they were not usually strip- ped as nnich as those prisoners who were captured in small parties. But the squad I was captured with were all searched twice, at Gordousville and at Lyncliburg. Many of the prisoners thus captured in large quantities had managed to keep theii- rubber Idankets and shelter tents, and they used them in Andersonville. But 1 judge about one-half of the prisoners in the camp had no shelter at all, and lay entirely exposed to the sun, and had no particuhir quartei-s. Some dug holes in the ground," but several hundreds could not iind room and had to lie on tlu^ roads, as they were not allowed to dig holes in these roads in the camp. This treatment caused many of the prisoners to become deranged and idiotic. I have seen ])risoners in this condition go purposely into the dead-line in order that they might be shot. I saw several do that. Their conver- sation was generally al>out home and getting out of ytrison. Q. Do you know of hounds being kept tliere for the purpose of recapturing escaped prisoners ? — A. I do. They used to take the hounds out every morning with a mounted squad of men with them, and take them around the camp to see if there were any tracks of escaped prisoners. If tlie hounds scented any tracks they were set on the trail. Frederick Lewis, that quartered with me, escaped and was brought back by the aid of hounds. His leg was badly bitten; and I saw another man who was captured by hounds who had his Hesli badly torn in being ca]>tnred by them. Lewis got well afterward, but this other man died, I think of the wounds caused by the hounds. The gangrene got into it and eat the flesh f)ti' his leg, and nu)rtification set in, which killed hiui. I have heard of otlier cases of this kind, but never saw them. Q. Was it generally understood that the hounds were kept and used for that pur- pose ? — A. It was. Q. Do you know anything of stocks being used to punish prisoners? — A. I do. My quarters looked out upon them. I saw Sergeant Ingles, of the Second Maryland detachment, punished in them. The circumstances were these : We were engaged in timueling under the stockade, and had got about five feet outside of the stockade. Ijigles was in there one morning, and the earth caved in and fastened him m there, and he had to call on the guard to get him out. They took him out and put him in the stocks, and kept him there about twelve hours. These stocks were made of upright posts set in the ground with cross-bars in them, with notches cut to receive the ankles and wrists, and the bars were closed on them. There was a platform on which the prisoner might rest, but it was too low to rest witJi comfort — it was six inches lower than where the ankles were fastened. He was placed facing the sun, so that it shone in his face. I have seen prisoners lastened up by their thunibs, so that they could barely touch their toes to the ground, and they would stand in this way for hours. This was the punishment for attempting to escape. Q. Were there any other ftums of punishment used there? — A. Yes, sir; bucking and gagging was a common punishment there, and several prisoners died while receiv- ing this punishment. It was generally understood in the camp among the prisoners that the orders were that every guard that shot a prisoner who was near the dead-line received a furlough. The prisoners said they received this information from the guards. Q. At what time did you leave Andersonville, and where did you go? — A. On the 12th of September we were told we were going to be exchanged, and d'rew a ration of a pound of corn bread and a quarter of a pound of bacon. We started for Florence, reaching there the 14th of September, 1864. Tlie giuirds were very social and lenient to us while on the move. We were four days without receiving any rations when we tirst got here — that is, counting the two days spent on the way. Then the tirst rations w(^ got was about a quarter of a pound of corn bread. The authorities here were unprepared to receive us. They did not know we were coming, and when we arrived they had to send around the country and get corn and have it baked for us. The next night we drew half a pint of corn meal, and the next night a pint of corn meal, and after that for .sevei'al Aveeks our rations were very regular and of better quality than we had ever drawn in the confederacy. Q. State the general treatment you received while a prisoner there ? — A. After the stockade was completed, we had plenty of wood for a while, until we used all there was in there. Those that could get wood built huts and covered them witli mud. We were furnished no sheltisr at all. After we had been in the stockade two or three weeks, our rations weie diminished, and they Avere stopped entirely for any trilling oftense. We were divided there into detachments of a thousand, aud subdivided into messes of a hundred. Every morning there was a roll-call, aud a rebel officer came in aud counted the prisoners, and if one man was missing from the hundred, the whole H. Rep. 45 52 818 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR thousand drew no rations that day. Even if the man was sick and unable to move, that was no excuse. It was a common occnrrencc for a man to dip in the nijjht at the sink or in some other place, and if none of his comrades haj)pened to know of it, he could not be accounted for ; but unless he was shown to the rebel si-rj^cant, the entire mess was cut otf from their rations that day. At one time it was reported that atunnart of the hosjjital was called the j;anj;rene hospital. Some of them haassed from one sid(! of the brook to the other, the quarters searcdied, and those tiiat wer(! weak and remained belund, some of whom were idiotic from exposure, and not proui])t iiv passing over the bridge, wcmld be driven out of their (piart(!rs into the road, jind as they wonld pass down the hill to the bridge would pass between tiles of rebel guards who had come into the camp prepared with sticks and billets of wood, and stjike each sick man as he jtassed them, and in that way hurry him down the hill. "\\'lien they passed the bi idgti on tlieir return, there was a rebel ollic(U' on each sidi^ of lli(> tiles counting the men as they jtassed, and this treatment was in their iiresence. Lieutenant Ihirrett was alw.-iys present when in command, and seemed to hi- the one most anuis(>d. I do not recollect who had charge of th(' inspections daring his absence; some of them belonged to the Seconel oftieer asked us if we had anything contraband. I had nothing. I was taken in on a stretcher and carried on the tirst llooi, wluire there were about three hundred wonnded men. On the next flight there were a hundred more wonnded, and I was carried to the third tier and hiid on a blanket. All the medical attendance we had tliere was dime by a surgeon from Pemi- sylvania, named Collins. He had nothing to work with — no medieines — an of us had our wounds dressed. Surgeon Collins would sometimes take an instrument and jiick out the maggots out of a bad wound; but it was out of his jiower to attend to all. I rt'ached City Point Au- gust 1, 1862, and was sent to Fortress Monroe, and from there to Chester, Pennsylvania, and discharged at Philadelphia November 25, 1862, being permanently disabled from my wound. CiiAULES Adams, being duly sworn, testified as ftdlows : By the Ciiaikm.vn : Question. Please give your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Charles Adams, twenty-nine years of age, reside at South Danville, Vermont, and am a farmer. Q. State your connection with the military service of the United States durnig tlie war. — A. I enlisted March 10, 1862, in Company G Fourth Vermont infantry, as a pri- vate. Q. Were you ever captured by the enemy ? If so, state when and where, and by what force? — A. I was captured .June 23, 1834, near the Danville and Wcldon Railroad, Virginia, by Wright's division of Lee's army. Q. State briefly your experience after your capture. — A. That night I was marched six miles to Petersburg, remained there over night, and next day reached Libby Prison, Richmond, where I stayed four days. On entering Libby we were all scuirched, and our money, knapsacks, haversacks, canteens, rubber blankets, tents, and writing paper, Avere taken from us. Whih; there our rations eonsisti'd of a small piece of corn-breatl and a very small piece of pork each day. I could not tell how many prisoners were coniined there at this time, but we were so crowded that we could not lie down com- fortably. From Libby Prison we were taken to Belle Isle, and remained there three or four days. We received the same rations and treatment here as at Libby. We had no shelter until the last day we were there, when they gave ns an old tent. Q. Where were you taken from there ?— A. To Danville, Virginia. We had nothing to eat for three days on the way from Belle Isle to Danvilh^ At Lynchburg I askecl the guard if he was going to starve us to death, and he struck me over the hea- times we had a little salt, but not generally. Our wood was not sufficient to cook it. One prisoner was paroled and went outside and cut wood for all the rest, and a scjiuid from each detachment, under a strong guard, were allowed to bring it in. We had no shelter, and many of the prisoners dug holes in tlie ground. When we first got into the stockade, we'took the pieces of brush and timl)er that were left inside, and made shanties, and covered them with mud. Those that came in afterward could not get anything, and many froze to death. I should think about fifteen thousand prisoners were inlhere at one time while I was there. Diarrhea and scurvy were th*; principal diseases at Florence. I had an attack of scur\y after I came out, and am not tough yet. Those of the sick that would never be able to perform any duty were paroled, and also those whose term of service had expired. Q. Were there any blood-hounds kept there for the purpose of capturing escaped prisoners ? — A. Yes, sir ; I used to see them going around the camji. I counted eight hounds and a h(u-seman one day, and saw them start oft' on a trail. I nevi.-r saw any prisoner who had Ijeen recaptured by them. Q. State how and when you were released.— A. We were taken to within ten miles of Wilmington and paroled, and sent into our lines February 27, lf?C5. I was then sent to Anuapolis ; remained in hospital three or four weeks, as l)oth my feet had been frozen at Florence, and I could hardly walk, and then sent home and mustered out e/ service. Henry C. Lull, being duly sworn, testified as follows : By Mr. Mungen : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation.- Answer. Henry C. Lull ; thirty-eight years of age, reside at Montpelier, "Vermont, and am a marbleworker. Q. Wliat connection had you during tht; late war with the military service of the United States ?— A. I enlisted August 23, ieC:i, in the One hundred and forty-sixth BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 821 New York infantry ; was made corporal, then first sergeant, and held this rank at the time of my capture. May 5, 1864, in the battle of the Wilderness. Q. State what happened to you after your capture. — A. We were marched to Orange Court House, Virginia, that afternoon, and our names and regiments taken, and then marched to Gordonsville. At Gordousville we were packed seventy men into a cattle car, and after receiving two hard-tack apiece, started for Danville, and reached there the nest evening, and remained at Danville a week. Major Moffltt was in command here, and we were treated well by him. We were next taken to Lynchburg, and there encamped in a valley over a week, with no shelter whatever. Our rations were four' hard-tack apiece each day. Onr treatment while we remained here was good. Then we were again started on the road to Andersonville. We were closely packed into the cars, allowed no water only occa.sionally, and suffered much from this cause. We arrived at Andersonville, May 23, 1864, and were drawn up in line before Captain Wirz's headquarters, and divided into detachments of two hundred and seventy, and subdivided into squads of ninety. Onr rations here consisted of corn bread, made of corn, ground colts, husks and all, not half baked, burnt on the outside, and raw in the middle. Sometimes salt was put in it, and sometimes it was not. Once 'a day we got a very small piece of poor, rotten bacon, and sometimes boiled rice, boiled in the same water with the bacon, and full of maggots. We had fresh meat but thi-ee times dur- ing a mouth, or six weeks. These were our rations when we first got there ; and after- ward all these articles were stopped, and we received nothing but corn meal. We had to cook it ourselves, and had no supply of wood to cook with, and I suppose about one- third of the prisoners <'at their meal raw. There were about fifteen thousand prisoners when we arrived, but tliat number increased to nearly forty thousand before I left in December. In July I had a chance to look at the surgeon's book, and I found the aver- age number that died during that moutli was one hundred and six a day. I was in charge of a squad to attend to the sick, and used to go with them at the surgeon's call, and the steward under the surgeon, who used to prescribe, was one of our nieu and had access to the books, and he showed them to us one day. I have .seen prisoners figliting with each other over a dead body to see which should carry it outside of the stockade, because after the men had carried a body out they used to have a chance to pick up chips of wood on their way back. I saw four men carrying out a body in this way, and they were sto^iped by four other prisoners who'claimed the dead man as having belonged to their squad, and there was a regular fight between them for the privilege. During the fight the body rolled olf into the swamp and laid there until the successful party took it outside. They pretended to have regular sick calls at 9 o'clock in the morning, but there was such a crowd crushing against each other at the gate that it was not an uncommon thing for twenty-five or thirty to die right there before being able to get out. Oftentimes they kept us all Avaiting there a long time, and then told us there would be no sick call that morning. Scurvy and gangrene were the principal diseases; there were many cases where the prisoners had been vaccinated in the arm, and it became a running sore. That Avas considered as sure death as gan- grene. I saw about fifty in that way. I saw a case where a man had a small speck on his leg, about the size of a pin-head, and he picked it and started a little blood, and in less than a week's time there was a. large sore there the size of a half dollar. Scur- vey in some instances made their mouths swell up, and their gums rot away, and they could push their teeth out with their tongue. I found that one raw potato would cure the worst case of scurvy, but they cost seventy-five cents a piece, and we had no money to buy them. Nothing of that kind was ever issued to us except beans, and they were so full of sand we could not eat them. The water intended for our use was a filthy stream that ran through the center of the camp, after passing through two rebel encampments. They used to wash and bathe in this water before it reached us, and we had to drink it. This I heard from those that had been outside. Afterward, in July, wells were dug inside of the camp, that those who dug them only had access to. The xjrisoners became very much demoralized ; they had no feeling of sympathy for one another. It was every one for himself, and one would deny another water, even. Up to the middle of Julj-, the sick had medicines occasionally, but then the medicine ceased entirely. The excuse they gave was that they got all their medicines from abroad, and that the blockade had cut off their supplies, and they could not get any. Q. Have you any means pf knowing what kind of rations the officers and guards had outside ? — A. 1 know they had a plenty of flour ; I have seen it. They used to stop our rations whenever they thought any of us were tunneling, until the matter was examined into. At one time we were without rations for three days on that account. Q. State any cruel treatment by the guards or oflicers toward the prisoners that you may have wituessed. — A. I can give the instances, l>ut uot the names or dates. The dead-line was, a part of the way, a merely imaginary line, and at other parts marked with sticks. A man belonging to the One hundred and fortieth New York regiment was lying at night close to where the dead-line was supposed to be, and happening to turn 822 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR over in his sleep, one leg got over the line, and the gnard shot him in the hip. Ho ^vas taken to the hospital, and I heard that he died. At another time I saw a man shot for reacliing under the dead-line at the brook, to get clearer water, and he died in a few minutes. One day a squad of us were sitting together chatting, and one was smoking a pipe, and the sentinel hallooed out, ''Take care, Yanks, I am going to shoot!" and hred, the l)all passing through the cheeks of one of the party and cutting his tongue partially off, so that it laid out on his chin. I took him to the gate and told the sur- geon the circumstances, and asked him if such ))arbarity was allowed. He made no reply, oidy said, " This man must be taken to the hospital." That is the last I saw of him" I can't say whether he died or not. No medicine was given to colored soldiers, although they wei'e sick with the scurvy and other diseases, and applied to the sur- geon for them. I saw them take one of the colored soldiers and strip hiuj and give him thirty lashes, until the blood ran and Jus Ijack was all cut up. This was because he was not able to go out and work, as he had been in the habit of doing. At roll-call all the prisoners would have to be there — the sick and Avell. If I said such a one is sick and not able to be here, they would say, "We don't believe a damned word of it ; bring liim to the gate and get him punished." I have known sick men bucked and gagged, or put in the stocks, for not attending roll-call. This was done by the order of the rebel surgeon, who received his orders from Wirz. Q. Did you have any conversation with Wirz while you were there ? — A. Yes, sir ; when we iirst arrived there and were being counted olf, as Wirz came along by me I said, "It looks pretty crowded in there; I don't l»elieve we can stand it." Wirz said, "Well, it's a dannied good place to die." He was a wicked old sinner. At another time he said, "You think we hain't got bread enough to keep you on ; damn your souls, w^e have corn bread enough to keep you for twenty years." Q. State the general condition and situation of the prisoners. — A. When we first went thei-e, in May, there were fourteen thousand or fifteen thousand of them, and they were pretty well demoralized. They would rob us of tin cups, or anything we might have. Many were nothing but skeletons. They would do almost anything to get something to eat — would kill a man for twenty-five cents. Six of these prisoners or raiders, were tried, sentenced, and hung, in camp by our own men in .July. Under where one of these men had laid, we found the bodies of four men with their throats cut — men that we had missed. Q. How were the minds of the men affected by the treatment they received ? — A. Many were so reduced that tliey paid no attention to what was going on around them. Death seemed to be a relief to them. They would crawl about on their hands and knees, and lay in the swamp in the mire. The swamp was very filthy with about a foot of maggots all over it, and they would crawl all over the camp. When a shower came on and then it cleai-ed ofi", and the hot siiii shone down on those that were sick with scurvy, it would almost seem as though they died at the rate of a dozen a min- ute. Those that had no strength would lie near the swamp, and the maggots would crawl all over their face and in tlieir hair ; and as for lice, all the prisoners had them, sick and well. I saw a prisoner there with a sore on his knee, and maggots were work- ing in and out of it, and he did not seem to miiul it. Men were so eager for something to eat that I have seen them eat victuals that had been vomited up by other prisoners. One man was eating a pie, and he vomited it up, and several tri(Hl to get it to eat, and some did. When we were first put in there we were encamped on the ground formerly occupied as a hospital, and a man could not put his iiugir on the ground and not put it on a louse ; it was alive with them. Once, for curiosity, I took otf my jacket to see how many lice I had, and I counted one hundred and sixty great big lice on the inside of my sleeve. It was of no iise to pick them olf, for you would be covered with them again soon after. Very often in scratching it would make sores, and gangrene would ensue. At one jieriod it rained, at some portion of the day, for twenty-one days, and we had no shelter during this time, and we could not build any fires to cook our rations, but had to cat them raw. Q. Describe thii manner of burying the dead.— A. Each prisoner that died had his name, rank, and regiment written on a piece of ])aper and pinned to his breast. Then he was taken to the hospital, registered, and taken to the dead-house. We could all see the dead-house. They would back up their mule team to the dead-house, and the dead taken by the arms and legs and swung in, and piled one on the other as high as .they could. The bodies W(ye generally stripped l.)y the rebels. Some had on drawers or soMiething of that kiml. The sanitary connnissi*)n .sent clothing there for us, but I do not know of an iu.stance where any one in tlie camp got any clothiug; sonic of tlio prisoners who were detailed outside got some clothing, and it was a comnmn thing to see the rebel guard wearing sanitary blankets, hats, and clothing of all (h'scrij)- tions. Boxes of food were sent to us, but we never got any of it. One of the pris- oners had word scut to him that there was a box hu- him sent through the lines, and he went to the gate and received it, and there was an old overcoat and a tni spoou in it, that is all. About the 12th of September we left Andersouvilh* for Florence. The orders were that no prisoners could leave the camp who were not able to walk to BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 823 the cars — a distance of half a mile. Many started for the depot who thought they had strength enough to walk, but could not go far, and Wirz would come along and kick them t\)r sitting down, and say " Damn you. stand up in the ranks." Many who could not walk, were obliged to return to the stockade. At Florence our rations at first were very short. We were not expected there, and they had to issue corn in the ear. All we had to eat for a week was some hoecake that the people sent in to us. Our regidar rations here were a pint of meal a day, and occasioiuxlly a little rice — no salt. We had a better sujiply of wood here, and the water was about the same as at Aiuler- souville — in a swamp. One prisouer in my mess was so hungry that he went over into another thousand and drew a ration witli them in addition to the one he drew in our thousand. The orders were that we should get no more rations until he was found. When he was found, I took him to Captain Wirz's headquarters; and Wirz said to me, "I want you to take this boy in and if you don't punish him severely, I will give you tlie God damnedest thrashing you ever got in your life." I went back to the stockade with him and took the responsibility of giving liim a light punishment, but I had to buck and gag him for about twenty minutes, for the looks of the thing. At auother time when we were to be counted one of our men lay in his tent unable to move. I went to Lieutenant Barrett and explained it to him, and told him I would show him the man that was sick, if he would come with me. He said " I have heard enough of that ; you can't have any rations at all to-day in that mess." From Florence we were taken to Charleston, South Carolina, and put in the jail yard. Our rations there were two hard tack and about a gill of beans. From Charleston we were sent down the harbor and exchanged. We were paroled the 11th of December, 1864, and exchanged the 25th of March, rejoined my regiment the 18th of April, and was mustered out of the service July 23, 1865. Julius H. Marvin, being duly sworn, testified as follows : By the Chairman : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answei'. Julius H. Mar- vin; twenty-five years of age; reside at Sheldon, Vermont, and am a clerk. Q. State your connection with the military service of the United States during the war. — A. I enlisted in Company C Fifth Vermont infantry, in Sej)tember, 1861, and served until March 26, 1865. Q. If you were captured by the enemy, state the circumstances of your capture and your subsequent treatment. — A. I was captured May 8, 1864, while in an ambulance going from the battle of the Wilderness, where I had been sun-struck on the field. From Fredericksburg I was taken to Richmond and put in Hampton prison, opposite Libby, and confined there a month ; and from there was sent to Andersonville, Georgia, reaching there the 16th of June, and was confined there until the middle of September. I was sent from there to Savannah, then to Milieu, then to Blackshire, then to Charleston, and then to Florence, where I spent the winter. I left Florence the middle of February, and was sent to Wilmington, and then to Goldsboro, North Carolina, where I was paroled February 26, 1835. Q. State yoiu' experience and observation as a prisoner at Andersonville. — A. I was in charge of the fifty-fourth detachment of prisoners, and issued the rations to them after drawing them from the rebel quartermaster. The rations generally consisted of one pint of meal every twenty-four hours, and about every other day we drew meat, and about twice a week a table-spoonful of salt. The meat was very poor — some- times fresh meat and sometimes raw bacon. We drew one week raw rations, and the next week cooked rations. Our cooked rations were boiled rice and hog beans. Our treatment here was very cruel. The prisoners were confined with ball and chain to the ankle for trying to escape, and put in the stocks. Some died from exposure while in the stocks; other prisoners were tied up by their thumbs. I was tied up by the thumbs for four hours for trying to make my escape. My feet, while I was tied up, hardly touched the ground, and I sufi'ered much pain. Wlieu I was taken down my limbs were much swollen, and I could hardly stand. My detachment did not get anything to eat for two days because myself and four others had tried to escape. We were captured by the aid of hounds. One of the party, a sergeaut of the Twenty-fourth New York battery, was so toru by the hounds that his side was paralyzed, and he never got over it. I forget his name. They usually set the hounds ou the prisoners that escape, except in some cases they did not. The sick in my detachment I had to report every morning at roll-call, and see that a detail was made to carry out the dead. In my mess of two hundi'ed and ninety men I have often had as many as ten men die in one night. In the hot and rainy weather the deaths were more numerous tium in mild weather. The guard would not allow us to carry in any articles tliat we had made a trade for. We had to keep away from the dead-line. It was a death penalty to put your hand on it. We had no instructions in regard to this fact, except from the old prisoners who had been there some time. When I went in there I went u]) to this dead-line, and stood by it and jmt my hand on it, and the sentry drew ux) his gun to 824 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR shoot me, and would have done so if another prisoner had not pulled me away. I was iguorant of the orders in regard to it at the time. The water we had to drink was supplied to us through a stream that ran through the middle of the camp. This stream passed through the rehel camp and hj' their cook-house before it reached us, and the water was covered with greasy slime and was very warm and filthy. We had no shelter, and were not allowed to supplj- ourselves with pine wood. We were near a forest, and yet part of the time Ave did not liave wood enough to cook our raw meal. Many times the meal was mixed witli water and half cooked and eaten. Tliis caused diarrhea, from which many died. The only medicine I saw used was a few acids, which were given in cases of scurvy, made from vinegar, and a few quinine pills. There were about forty thousand prisoners confined there while I was there. The stockade inclosed only about seven or eiglit acres when I first got there, and when we laid down at night, it would Inive Ijeen almost impossible to have walked through the camp, it was so crowded. Afterward it was enlarged to twenty-seven acres. But aViout tliree or four acres of this ground was unserviceable, except for a slough. Some of the jjrisoners were obliged to take their quarters very near the dead-line on account of our crowded condition and want of rooju ; and I know of a number of prisoners being- shot in the night for going to the sinks whicli they had dug close to this dead-line. One Massachusetts man was shot in the head in this way. Another prisoner, while getting water, stepped inside of the dead-line by mistake, and was shot. I also know of the rebel guards stating they would have a furlough for every Yankee they killed, and they watched their chances, and if a man even put his hand on the dead-line they would shoot him. Q. What was the general appearance of the prisoners ? — A. They were very ragged and filthy, and tliin and weak. Many lost their teeth from the scurvy, and were cov- ered with sores on their feet and limbs. Many were destitute of shoes, and coats, and vests; some had no pants, nothing but their arn)y drawers; some were maggoty, and covered with lice and vermin. The ground was literally alive with lice. Q. Are there any other facts you wish to mention concerning the treatment of the pris- oiuu-s there? — A. We dug a tunnel, and just before we were ready to make our escape, a Tennesseean told Captain Wirz of it, in order to get some tobacco. We found this man, and took him and shaved his head, and set him on a stump, and threatened to hang him. The otflcer of the day heard of it, and came into camp and took myself and ten other prisoners outside and put us under guard, and informed my detachment that if they hung this man that he would hang myself and seven others. He kept us out- side four days, until he foiuid the man was not hung, and then sent ns in again, and ordered our rations to be kept away from eight of us for three days. I remained in Andersonville about five m(mths, and was then sent to Savannah and kept there seven days. We were inclosed in a stockade just outside of the city. We had verj' good water here, and our rations, though small in quantity, were very good. Lieutenant Davis was in command of the camp here, and treated us very cruelly. He would ride into camp and knock us about and hit us. He was the same man that shot General McCook in an ambulance out West, after he was captured. A Union man that was im- pressed into the rebel service told nu' that they had to take this man Davis away from the front, because his men mutinied and threatened to kill him. When we left there he slapped some of the sick prisoners over the head with his saber, because they did not move quick enough. He also refused to allow the citizens to give the prisoners any food. They oftered us meat and bread, and he ordered the guard to shoot the first per- son who gave us anything to eat. From Savannah we were taken to IMillen, and remained there from the la.st of Septem- ber until about the 20th of November, 18(54. There were about seven thousand j)rison- ers there. The camp being new, was in good condition ; the water was good and the rations good but scanty. Captain Lawton, who commanded there, was considered to be a Union man at heart. The canqt was named after him. The deaths were about fifteeu every day. The weather was cold and we had no shelter. There was a special parole here of about two thousand sick and wounded. From Milieu I Avas taken to Blackshire, and renuiiued there five days. We were confined in the woods, on a sort of hill. The ground was dr,r, our rations good, and the citizens were allowed to give us many things which they had. I was jjaroled here with a thousand others and sent to Savannah without guard, intending to join our fleet; but it had sailed, and we were sent to Charleston. Wt^ renuiined at Charleston three weeks. During tlu^ time the Uuiut in a iT)om about one hundred and fifty by forty feet in size. Our rations here were the same. We were forbidden to approach the windows, and anybody doing so was sure to be fired on. The prison was cleaned out every three days, but there being so many prisoners in it, of course it became very dirty. Water was supplied to us by means of a lead pipe and a faucet. We remained here a moutli, and next went to Belle Isle, reaching there about January l.'j, iind were put in there without shelter of any kind. We were allowed one-eighth of a cord of wood to each hundred men — about enough to last us an hour a day — not enough to keep us warm, and we sufiered from cold aiid hunger. Out of the nine thous.iiul confined there, thirty-live to forty died a day. The second night we were in there twenty-five to thirty of the prisoners froze to death ; and in the morning, after a cold night, you could always find a nundjer in the camp frozen to death. Many, also, had their feet, ears, and difi'erent parts of the face frozen. There was a small hospital near the camp where the sick were taken, and the dead were buried on another part of the island. While there one of the pris- oners took a coat belonging to one of the guards, and the guard fired int<) the camp and wounded three men, one of Whom died. Some of the sick in hospital were weak, and could just crawl down to the edge of the river, and there conmiit nuisances ; and when a rise of water came it would wash this stuti" down into the river, and we had to drink this water and cook with it. Q. Wliere were you taken from there ? — A. On the 3d of March we were taken out and sent to Andersonville. On the way there, while marching through Richmond, one of the prisoners became exhausted and fell down on the side-walk, and one of the guards ordered him to get up, but he could not, he was too weak, and the guard knocked him over tiie Liead with the butt of his gun, and that night he died. We found about eighteen thousand prisonei's at Andersonville. The camp was new, and we had the wood that was left inside after the building of the stockade. A small stream ran through {he center of the camp, and the water from it was very good, until the time the rebel guards began to encamp ou the stream above the camp. After that it was very filthy from the washing of this rebel camp. Our rations were issued raw at first, and consisted of a pint of corn-cob meal, and twelve pounds of meat and Ijone, to a hun- dred men ; sometimes we had rice instead of meat, or " nigger peas," which were very buggy. When they were cooked the bugs would rise on the top of the water, and rather than to waste any of it, we eat tliem all, as the nutriment of the meat was also on tlie top of the water. I think our party im|)roved in health lor the first few days. We had more chance to exercise, had a plenty of wood to keep us warm, and our rations were a little better than at Belle Isle ; but we had no shelter at all. The banks of the stream in the camp were used for sinks bj" the prisoners, and a heavy rain would wash all the tilth into the stream, and we had to drink the water in it. They would neither dig sinks fi)r us, nor allow ns tools to dig them with ourselves. After the camp began to fill up witli prisoners, many of them had to eucamp in or near this swamp, I'or want of room elsewlicre. When we first arrived there the deaths a\'eraged about ten or fifteen a day ; but in the middle of July the number of deaths reached as high as one huudred and thirty-seven in one day. The men grew weaker and weaker day by day, and were vei-y much emaciated. The only large part of their legs was at the knee joint. Their thighs were nothing but the bare bone and skiu ; no liesh or muscle. Tliey were weak- ened in mind in nearly the same proportion as they were in body. Men of strong minds and good education would in the course of six months forget the number of their regi- ment and where they were captured. I saw cases of this kind. Q. State the manner in which the prisoners were treated by the guards and otficers in command. — A. About twenty feet from the inside of the stockade was a dead-line. The guards, posted in sentry boxes, would allow no one to come near or toucli the dead- line. They shot those who dul. Many poor fellows, knowing they had got to die, would crawl up to this dead-line on purpose to be shot. Many were shot in that way. VVirz, who commanded the prison, could invent more ways to torment men than any man I ever saw. For instance, at roll-call, if a man was sick and unal)le to stand up, he would kick him, or threaten to shoot him if he did not stainl up. Some of the other prisoners would then hold the man up while the rtdl was being called to prevent his beiu"- shot. For tlu! least ott'euse he would tak(! a man out and put him in the chaiu- "•au''', and keep him there for a fortnight perhaps, nntil he was almost dead. Q. Describe that chain-gang. — A. I'roui four to twelve men were jiut in one gang, generallj' for slight offenses. Each man had a '62 or (.)4-pouuder chained to his feet, and- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 829 when there were ten or twelve in the gang there woiihl be a collar and chain from the neck of one to the neck of another, to keep them together. Q. Do you know anything of hounds btnng kept there? — A. Yes, sir; the hounds were taken aronud the stockade every morning, and if any had escaped during the ni<>-ht the hounds were started on their trail, and were sure to bring them back. They were then put into the chain-gang or into stocks for a day or two — generally in the stocks first, and then in the chain-gang. Q. Describe the stocks. — A. Tiiey were composed of a large wooden frame, with a collar to tit around a man's neck, so that he could not sit down; his arms were then extended in a horizontal position, and his feet spread as tar apart as they could be without causing him to choke to death. In this position he was kept two hours, and tiien released for two hours, and again contiued through the day every other two hours. Sometimes this lasted two days. Q. Did you see any of the prisoners wlio had been lacerated by the hounds?— A. Yes, sir. I was detailed (Uitside, with four others, to build barracks, and rcnuiined outside three mouths. There was one particular instance where a prisoner who liad escaped tried to resist the dogs before the keepers came up, and lie was torn nearly to pieces. He was then brouglit back to camii. I do not know whether he died from his wounds or not. But generally the dogs would not molest a man unless he commenced to tight them. Q. What was the name of the man that had charge of these stocks ?— A. Bass. I heard that he lived very near the camp. Q. Do you know anything of the hanging of six of the Union prisoners at Anderson- ville by the other prisoners ?— A. Yes, sir, I know they were hung, but I was outside of the camp at that time, a mile away, getting wood to build barracks. They were called Mosby's gang, and I was contiued with them while at liichmond. Q. How did the treatment received by the prisoners affect their morals ?— A. There was very little morality there. It was "every man for himself." Q. Did the prisoners ever receive any supplies from their friends in the North ? — A. While I was outside many boxes came there for the prisoners, but they were opened, and their contents taken by the rebel officers and guards. I speak from personal knowledge. I was outside, within five rods of where these boxes were piled up. About twenty empty boxes would be drawn out of the quartermaster's department every morning that had been opened during the night. The contents were taken by the guards and officers for their own use. At first when these boxes arrived, a very few of the prisoners got their boxes, but after it became known to the officers and guards that these boxes were there, the prisoners i-eceived nothing at all. Q. How were the dead buried? — A. They Avere pihnl into wagons like logs — twenty to a wagon, and sometimes, occasionally, our rations were hauled in in the same wagon in which the dead were carted out. Many of the dead prisoners were dirty and lousy — vermin crawling all over them. Q. Where were you taken from Audersonville, and when? — A. About the middle of September I was taken to Savannah, Georgia. On the route we had nothing to eat but raw corn meal, and were packed seventy or eighty in common freight cars. At Savannah we were jiut into a stockade. Here three or four of us clubbed together, and stopped near the dead-line, and commenced tunneling near the dead-line. On the outside of the stockade was a deep ditch made to prevent the prisoners from tunneling any further. Besides the guard on the top of the stockade there was another chain guard further outside, so that even if we got into this ditch and escaped the guard on the stockade, we had to encounter this outer guard. We were four nights engaged in digging this tunnel. The fourth night we burst out into the ditch. We intended to get out before the moon arose, but were delayed, and at the time we got through the moon was shining brightly. We could see the guards as plainly as if it was in the day- time, and concluded to give up the attempt until the next night. The next afternoon a heavy shower of rain fell, and the ground being sandy, caved in, and we were foiled in that attempt. That day the officer in command came in and offered to give extra rations to anj' man who would tell him who had dug that tunnel. He said the United States government had hung four confederate prisoners for attempting to escape, and that they would retaliate on us. No one betrayed us, and at night we commenced dig- ging another tunnel. We had nearly completed this tunnel when we were taken out and sent to Milieu. By Mr. Stevens : Q. How do you conceal the earth in tunneling?— A. Wells had been dug from eight to twelve feet for water, but the water soon gave out, and we were then supplied from the outside ; and there was a laige number of these wells into which we put the earth during the night while we were tunneling. By Mr. Mungen : Q. Of what did your rations consist at Savannah?— A. They were about the same as at Audersonville, except that here we had rice. Our rice soup was very good. Our 830 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR supply of water was very limited after the wells gave out. It was a small camp ; about throe thousand prisoners were coatined there ; but many died here from tlie eti'ects of the treatment they received at Andersonville. We were taken to Millon about the middle of ( )ctober, and remained there live weeks. Our rations were chietly corn bread and beans — a very little meat, and no rice. There were but few prisoners here at this time, and we had jilenty of wood, and should luive been comfortable, except for the short rations. The officer in command treated us well. The water came from a creek that ran through the center of the camp, and was clear and ])ure. Had the men been in good condition when put in here, they wouhl not have suffered much, except from hunger. But they were all so run down and emaciated wlien they came in that they suffered as much here as they did elsewhere. From Milieu we were taken back to Savannah, and theuce to Blackshire, on the Gulf road. We were then taken to several places, and encamped for a few days at a time at each, to avoid Sherman's army, which came near us, aud finally were returned to Audersouville ; and I remaiiu-d there two months. There was only about four thousand prisoners there at tliis time, and we had more room than before, but otlierwise the camp was as dirty and lilthy as before ; it had not been cleaned out at all. I was a mere skeleton at this time. At the end of two months I was sent to Vicksburg, aud was exchanged April 22, 1865, having been a prisoner twenty mouths and tour days. I was theu sent home to Concord and mustered out of service. Daniel P. Bancroft, being dulj^ sworn, testified as follows : By Mr. Stevkns : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Daniel P. Ban- croft, age 28, reside in North Entield, New Hampshire, and am a carpenter and joiner. Q. State what connection you had witli the military service of the United States. — A. I enlisted August 16, 1862, in Company C First Vermont cavalry, aud served until May 18, 1865. Q. Were you ever captured by the enemy ? — A. I was captured March 2, 1804, at Old Church Tavern, in Kilpatrick's raid on Richmond. From there I was sent to Richmond, aiul kept in Castle Thunder three days in an underground cell, as they supposed me to be a spy. Then I was taken to Hamilton prison, on Cary street, in Richmond. The day I was taken in there about live hundred other ])risouers wert^ brouglit from Belle Isle aud put in an adjt)ining building. There was only a partition between us. When captni-ed everything had been taken from us, and as these other prisoners had )>iaukets they could not use, as they were about to l)e exehangeil and sent home, they said we might have their blankets if we could contrive to get them ; so we ripped up tlie par- tition, and placed the boards back again afterward. The next morning the rebel lieutenant — Cross was his name — canu; in, and seeing the blankets, asked us wliere we got them. We made no answer, and he swore at us, and said he would find out where we got them. Finally he saw the place where we had broken the partition, and then he went out. In about half an hour two rebel soldiers came in, each with a bundle of large and small sticks, and we were jilaeed in line, and one by one " bucked and gagged.'' Sticks were put in our mouths and tied in tight by a string, which was tied around the back of the head. Tli<>u our wrists and knees were tied together, and our knees bent tip and a stick placed between our kn(>e joints and our elbow joints. We remained in this way from 12 o'clock at night until ;i o'clock the next morning, when the guard was relieved. A young Irish fellow took the extra relief, and he saw ns and said to us, "Boys, I am a couscri[>t; I was served as you are once, aud I know you can't stand it." He rested his gun in the corner, and took iiis knife and cut tlie string of one, and told him to cut tlie strings of the rest, which he did. Then we tied the strings loosely, so that if any one came in we could get into position agaiu. We stayed in that position until the next morning at 8 o'clock, and then Connnissioner Ould came in and in(juired of us whywe were i)nnished in this way. We told him, and hv took his knife and cut the bands of some, and told them to release the others. He said, "This is an abomina- ble shame; I will see that this does not hai)])eu again." About eighteen of ns wei'elmcked and gagged in this way. Our rations while here consisted of a. i)iece of corn bread about three inches scpiare and an inch thick, once a day. AVe also had a kind of bean soup. We had two rations of molasses issued to us during the six weeks I was there. There were about thret- hundred of lis conhned in a room forty feet by one hundred feet in size. There were niiu; hundred prisoners coniined in the luiilding. Q. State where you were next taken, and your experience there. — A. I was takeu with the sick to Cary Street Hospital, and remained there six weeks, sick with chronic diarrhea. Our rations here wen- one giil cup-full of rice souj), andaslice of bread two inches square and half an inch thick, twice a day. AVe had no medicine except blue pills. Q. State the circumstances of your release from the hospital. — A. I was paroled the last of May, 18o4, and sent to Jervis Hospital, lialtiniore. Q. State any facts you may desire in relation to the treatment of prisoners. — A. I saw a lieutenant shot through the head for putting his head out of the window at Libby BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 831 Prison. When I was in hospital, sick prisoners were brought in there that had on good shirts, and I saw them take the good shirts off and put old ones on in their place. I have known of rations being stolen by the ward-master and sold to the guard. When men died in the hospital they were taken by the head and feet and carried across the' yard to the dead-house. I have seen from four to eight dead bodies lying in the dead- house in one morning. Some had their faces gnawed by the rats and cats, and one I saw with his entrails gnawed out. Then they were piled into wagons, like logs of wood, and carted off. If a body dropped off the wagon, it was left there until the next load. Q. What was the general condition of the prisoners in the prisons where you were coutined ? — A. Most of them had no clothing ; it was taken from them. Q. What provision was there for sinks at the Cary Street pi'ison ? — A. There was a little place at the back side of the prison, with a plank across it, on which we had to sit. Water was plenty, and we could wash the prison whenever we wanted to. Q. Did you retain the blankets which you got from the other prisoners, as yon have described f — A. No, sir ; they were taken from us the day we were bucked and gagged and were never returned to us. Wlieu we tirst reached Libby Pi'ison, the lieutenant there said to us: "Boys, if any of yon have any money, give your name and regiment, and the amount you give us shall be returned when you leave here. But if we have to search you for it, and find it, we shall keep it." We gave them our money, and never heard from it afterward. I had fifty dollars, which I secreted in the lining of my pants, and afterward divided it among the others. When I was tirst captn ed at Old Church Tavern, everything was taken from me but my shirt and pants. I complained of this to the major in command, and he said it was jnst what I deserved, and that I must not come to him with any more complaints. This was, I think. Major Cushman, of the First Maryland cavalry. At Old Church Tavern, one of the prisoners asked per- mission to go and get some water, and when he got to the pump he drop])ed his can- teen and ran down the pike towards the river, where General Butler's forces lay. Three old citizens took after him and got within four rods of him and tired three shots, each shot takiug effect in his back. He was bronglit back to the tavern and died. There were a good many citizens standing around this tavern, and they got drunk and some of our boys got into fights with them. The rebel guards stood by and looked on, and said to the citizens, " Go in." Q. How nmny were paroled with you? — A. About seventj--five ; most of them were very weak and feeble. By the Chairman : Q. State what the manifestations of the citizens of Richmond were toward you when captured. — A. We were marched all over the city of Richmond. Once in a while we would stop, and the crowd of citizens and soldiers would collect around us, and some said : " How are you, Kilpatrick's thieves ? When are yon going to take Richmond ? " Some would hurl stones at us, and tell us we were going to be hung, and use the worst kind of language toward us. The women were worse than the men, and vulgar in their language. As we went by the capitol, the crowd surrounded a wagon containing three wounded Union lieutenants, and a woman threw a chamber vessel full of un- mentionable liquor into the wagon. • Amherst Morse, being duly sworn, testified as follows : By the Chairman : Question. State your nam^, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Amherst Morse ; age twenty-uiue ; residence, Fayetteville, Vermont ; occupation, merchiuit. Q. What connection had you with the military service of the United States during the rebellion ?— A. I enlisted July 29, 1862, as a private in the First Vermont heavy ar- tillery ; was made sergeant, and afterward promoted to first lieutenant in Company K. Q. When were you taken prisoner, and at what place ?— A. I was captured June 23, 1864, on the Weldon railroad, by the Eighth Florida regiment. Q. State your subsequent treatment.— A. We were taken that night to General Ma- hone's head(|uarters. In the morning, our shelter tents, blankets, and overcoats were taken from us. We were taken to Petersburg, and received no rations that day nor the next day. Then we were taken to Libby Prison, in Richmond. The third day after our capture we received the first rations we got, consisting of a loaf of corii bread, four inches square and two inches thick for two men for twenty-four hours, and one gill of bean soup with a small piece of pork. We received a ration of that kind each day while we remained there. The rations were not sufficient to sustain men in health. On the 28th of June we were taken to Lynchburg by rail, where we i"e<."eived rations, and were marched to Danville, reaching there the fouVth day. There we were ])laced aboard cars and taken to Macon, receiving in the mean time four rations for six days. We reached Macon July 10, and were searched, and then put in a pen Avith one thousand five hundred others. Our rations while here were four quarts of Indian meal, a pint of rice, a pint of sorghum sirup, and four spoonfuls of salt, which cousti- 832 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR tuted a teu days' ration. We had one bake pan and one mess kettle to twenty men for cooking, and a small amount of wood, hardly enough to do our cooking, although there was a i)lenty of wood that could have been had. On the 29th of July we were removed to Savannah, where we received better treatment. We received beef five days in the week, a suiall portion each day, and pork the other two days. The meal, rice, and sorghum rations were nearly the same as at Macon. They gave us "A" tents for shelter. The water was poor, and the wood in small quantities. On the 13th of September we were removed to Charleston, and put into the jail yard. There we received no rations for two days, and were obliged to go without cooked rations for another day for want of wood. We had no utensils for cooking, and were obliged to heat stones to bake our bread with. The water was very ])oor, and the treatment harsh. October 5 we were removed to Columbia, South Carolina, and turned into an open field without shelter. This was called Camp Sorghum. We had only eight spades and eight axes, for between fifteen and sixteen hundred of us, all officers, and were obliged to cut our own wood. A portion of the prisoners were allowed outside two hours a day to bring in wood on their backs, a distance of a quarter of a mile, and they also brought in brush to make shelter. Oiir rations here consisted of three pints of corn meal, three pints of rice, and three pints of sorghum sirup, and from one to two spoonfuls of salt to a man for five days' ration. Twice during the time I remained there we had no rations for three suc- cessive days. On the 12th of December I was removed to Camp Asylum, in Columbia, on the north side of the river. I was the commissary at this camp of one Imndved and eight men, and know the rations to be the same that we received at Camp Sorghum. We were very short of wood, which was delivered to us every five or seven . Examine the diagram of the i)risou at Salisburj-, drawn by Mr. E. H. Smith, and state whefi-her it is a correct representation of the prison there. — A. I think it is substantially coi":*ect. Q. State your experience and observation whih; a prisoner at Salisbury. — A. The night we arrived there it was very rainy ; we were put inside of the camp ; had no wood that night ; it rained all night. After that we got a ration of bread, and some- times meat — but very seldom — and niohisses Ibr a few weeks. Wood was lirought in to us in teams. There was only one well tliere then, outside of the camp, and tliey used to send out a squad of our men under guard for water. After a time about a quarter of tlie prisoners W(!re provided with tents. Tlie rest of them burrowed in the ground, or crept under the hospitals, or laid out in the opicn air. Our treatment grad- ually became more severe. More; prisoners came in there, and very often we would uiit get more than quartcji' rations — sometimes were twenty-four hours without any- thing to eat. After awhile our ratious were reduced to a small i)iece of corn bread, and sometimes half a jtint of meal, and no meat at all. Once in a great while we got uncleaned tripe, and rice boiled without salt. As the weather grew cohhu" our sulfer- ings became more intense. Many were barefooted, and most of them had no coats or blankets, and were nearly frozen. I saw one prisoner who was found frozen to death one morning near my tent. His features were blue. My clothing at this time con- sisted of a blouse, and a shirt without sleeves. I was barefooted also, as my shoes had been taken from me when captured. After I had )>een here three months I was attacked with the scurvy on my hips, knees, and gums ; then I had the clironic diarrhea, and could not walk without being assisted. One cold rainy night, four of my comrades carried me into this old factory, which was used as a hospital. This they did without orders from the surgeon or hospital steward. In aljout half an hour the surgeon came in and asked by whose orders I had been brought tliere. Tht; stew- ard told him how I came to be there. At first he said I could not stop there — must go back to my quarters, but finally let me stay there that night. The next day I was sent back to my tent without treatment. I'fiually got so weak that I could not help myself any, and a comrade of mine took care of iiie the best he could. At last I was taken just outside of thi; camp to the hospital. While there the rebels came in every two or three days with recruiting papers, and asked us to join their army ; about se\^- H. Eep. 45 53 834 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR enty-five joined. I promised to join them, hut did not. AI)ont one-qnarter of the men in the liospital had bnnks ; the rest hxid on the lloav on straw that had been thrown in there, and hail hiid there for months witliont being ciianged ; and they v.-ere covered with lice, and dirt and lilth. 1 remained in this hospital about three weeks. While there my comrade that was with me in the prison' was sent out. One dark, rainy lught we started, wiih two other prisoners, to try to nuike our escape. We run the gtiard. We ti'aveled nights and slept in the woods during the day-time, and got our food from the negroes. We traveled south, hoping to reach Shernuru's army. We had nothing to guide us. When we got in South C'arolina I was takt-u sick and laid a week in the woods. While there a negro brought us rations of corn bread and bacon, and also procured us some rebel uniforms which we took and gave him ours. When I got to be able to walk he gave us all the inforuuitiou about our route that he could, and following his ailvice we turned back and went arouiul Char- lotte, North Carolina, and came within ten or fifteen miles of Salisbury, and laid there until we heard thiit Lee's army had surrendered, and then started for Greens- boro. There we re[)orted to General Schotield, and were sent to Washington. Q. State any other facts concerning yimr imprisonment. — A. About the ^ijth of No- vember, 1834, an insurrection arose among the prisoners at Salisbury. About one-half of the prisoners knew nothing of the proposed outbreak. The first I knew of it was when I saw the second division start for the large gates, armed with chilis or anything they could get hold of, and cheering anrisoners. whiU' getting water, slipped, so that one leg went over into the dead-line, and the guard shot him. The rations here were half a pint of meal ami some salt. When the cold weather came on, all the protection I Inid was about a quarter of a blanket that a prisoner at Richmond gave me. Some dug holes in the grouml, and others got sticlvs and built shantieg and covered them with niiul. When it rained tlie dirt would wash into tliese holes in the ground, and the screams of those in them could be heard all over tlie camp. At one time there was a rumor of a tunnel being dug by the prisoners, and we had no rations for two days, until it was revealed where the tunnel was. It was very cold at this time, and a great many died. I saw in walking over the camp at least a dozen or lifteen lying dead on the ground — frozen or starved to death. Many also had the swamp fever; I had it myself, and was insensible for several days. The last of February, 18ti5, 1 was sent to Wilmington and exchanged, and was liually discharged from the service July 5, It^Go. Makshall St. Geumaix, being duly sworn, testified as follows: By the CiiAimiAN : Question. Please state your name, age, re.sidence, and occupation. — Answer. Marshall St. Germain ; age, 29 ; residence, Fairlield, Vermont ; occupation, a farmer. Q. State your connection with the service during the war. — A. I enlisted September 19. 18(51, in company B, First Vermont cavalry, and served until February (3, 18o4. Q. Wer<^ you ever captured ? — A. Yes. sir, twice; tlie first time February 15, 1803, at Drainesville, Virginia, by Mosby, while on picket duty. I was sent to Richmond ami . confined in Libby Prison. They did not treat me l)adly thei-e at this time. I saw one prisoner shot in the arm by the rebel guard 'for looking out of the window there. Our rations were not sutiicient at this prison. i}. Wliere and when were you captured the second time? — A. At ^lechanicsville, Virginia, on General Sheridan's raid, by infantry from Riclnnond. I was taken to Rich- mond and confined in Pemberton Prison. Here I saw a man shot for standing near the window. I never heard any orders about our not going to the windows ; but the guard would shoot any man that came in sight at the windows. I Avas detailed as a nurse in the hosjiital here, and have seen men die there from starvation. The rations were rice soup, once in t\\<) or tiuce days, and sometimes liean soup and a small bit of cinui lu'ead. Tlie rations in the hospital were good enough in <|uality, but not near enough in quan- tity. The liith of July I was sent to Andersouville. Here the prisoners had no shelter, and not much to eat. The rations all the time I was there were corn bread and beans, and were not sufficient to sustain life for any length of time. I was detailed on duty in tliis canqi to carry sand to cover the s\\anii) that was in tlie camp. Q. What treatment was shown by the guards and ofiicers toward the prisoners? — A. It was cruel. Men were shot by the guard for reaching under the dead-line to get IVesh water from the brook; and I saw an officer on horseback lire into the camp; I don't know why he did so. Q. Did j'ou have enough Avood to cook with, and to use for fuel ? — A. No, sir. Q. Was there Avood in the country that might have been luocureil ? — A. Yes, sir ; plenty of it. Those that had money could buy wood from some of the prisoners vviio Avere detailed to' go outside to Avork Avhen they returned. The Aveather while I was tliere Avas liot; the camp was middling clean. There were about twenty thousand prisoners confined there at the time I was there. Q. State what you know of hounds being kept to capture escajted luisoners. — A. I liaA'e seen eighteen hounds, with a man on horseback Avith them ; and I saw a prisoner Avho had been captured by flieiu; his arms, leg, and side Avert- all chaAA'ed up, so that he did not live. Q. Wlnct etfect did the treatment received hav(i u])on the i)risoners ? — A. Strong, liealthy nitni would die after having been confined there a few weeks, and some became crazy and insane, and ran about the cam[) without care. One insane man used to go inside of the deawrecked, and cai>tured at the same time I was, wrote to Jefi'. Davis and asked for his release. Jeffs clerk's reply was that he coiUd not release any sailor until our government released the privateersmen they had, and exchanged them man for man. I read the letter my- self. I went one day to the rebel surgeon and asked him fi)r some medicine. I was bleeding at the lung's, and he said to me, " You don't need any ; 1 will risk you as you are." After that I was taken to the hospital, and had no tieatment whatever, except that there I had a lousy bed to lie on. Before I was half well I was sent back to prison again, where it was damp and cold. They had no medicines there, except some opium 838 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR pills and sorae other kiud of pills. Every man that went to the surgeon he would say, " Yon will have to have a pill." ({. When were you exchanged ?— A. May 29, 1862, and sent to New York. I then rejoined uiy command, and served my time out. While I was in Salisbury they im- ])iisoned several Union citizens. One was requested to stand at (tne side of the door, and he didn't do it, and they shot him. Colonel Gibbs commended the guard for doing it. Moses L. Nuttixg, being duly sworn, testified as follows : By Mr. Mungen : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Moses L. Nut- ting; age, 49; residence. Mason, New Hampshire; occupation, laborer. Q. State your connection with the military service (hiring the war. — A. I enlisted June 15, 18G1, as a private in the Fifteenth Massachusetts infantry. Q. Were you captured by the eneniv; if so, state when and where. — A. I was cap- tured at the battle of Ball's Bluff, Virginia, October 21, 18G1. ► Q. State yonr suljsequent treatment. — A. I was taken to the tobacco warehouse in Eichmond, and stayed there two months. I was treated cruelly; had poor food; hard sour bread, and once in awhile we had a little tea. Sometimes we had beef, but it was maggoty and lly-blown ; but usually we had southern bacon, which was not fit to give to dogs; but we had to eat it or starve. The water was poor; it came into cis- terns in the yard. 1 laid on the floor here five weeks, with no covering but my clothes, and with my shoes for a pillow. Then I took a severe cold and was sick quite a Avhile, and then they furnished me a blanket. A day or two before I left they gave me t\ piece of cotton cloth, which I filled with straw and usi'd it as a i)illow. We were then taken to Salisbury, North Carolina, and remained there tive months. The rations here were the same as'before received. I have been seventeen and a half hours from one ration to another. The water was good here — about the only thing that Avas good. The treatment of the guards and officers was severe, but not as nnich so as at Iiichmond. At Richmond we could not go to the window without being shot. The order w.is given to us that we must not go to the window ; but sometimes aiterward we could look out of the windows and were not shot at. At Salisluiry the prisoners that were sick were destitute of everything ; they could not get anytliing to nourish them. They pined away and become very poor in llesh. I was nothing ))ut a skeleton when I got home, although I had not been sick much. Diarrhea and scurvy were the prevailiug dis- eases. Many had the scuivy in tiieir mouths, and their teeth all came out. I left Salisljury June 28, 18G2, and' was taken by flag of truce to Little Washington, North Carolina, and then came into our lines, and was sent to New Y'ork. Charles Hunt, being duly sworn, testified as follows: By the CiiAimiAX : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Charles Hunt ; age, 19; residence, Warner, New Hampshire; occupation, a farmer. Q. State your connection with the military service of the United States during the war. — A. I enlisted in Sei>tember, 18o3, as a private in Company D Fifth New Hamp- shire infantry, and served about two years. Q. If you were captured at anytime, state the particulars of your capture, and your subscfiuent treatnu'ut. — A. I was" captured June 22, 181)4, on the left ot Petersburg, by some North Carolina troops. I was first taken to Petersburg, and from there to Libby Prison, Ivichmond. Our rations here were about half a pint of bean soup, and a jiiece of pork two inches square, daily. The ofilicers and guards used us ju'ctty rough. Tlu'y tvould not allow a man to look out of tiie window ; if he did, they would shoot him. One of the prisoners looked out of the window, and was shot through the head and killed. They took our haversacks and canteens awa v from us, and diil not gives us any blankets to sleep under; but it was warm weather then. We remained at Libl)y about a week, and were tlien taken to Belle Isle. Our rations here were about the same as at Libby. Most of the prisoners there at that time had tents ; one tent to every twelve men.as far as they went. There Avere eighteen tents. Tiie rest slept on the ground. There were no jiarticular acts of cruelty practiced toward us here. The canq) was not A'cry clean; it was all sand, and nasty. We were confined on the lower end of the island— t lie lowest part, the rebel guard occupying the higlier ground. We got our -water IVom the James River ; it was pretty good water. At the end of a week we were taken to Andersonville. On the way there, at Augusta, the guard sliot a prisoner through the arm for attempting to get water to drink. The guard ordered him to stand back, and the prisoner went to push the point of the bayotiet one side, and the guard instantly shot him. Tiie ]>risoner was not trying to escape. Our rations at Audersouville were about half a pint of Indian meal a day ; sometimes we had a bean BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 839 soup oi- pudding, sometimes molasses, rice, or musb, not half cooked. Part of our rations were cooked and part were not. Our rations of wood were a piece two feet long and two or tliree inches through, for one man for three days' rations, and we had no tools to cut it with. We got very good water out of a barrel which was filled by a spout, but the water in the brook was not very good. The prisoners were in a ragged, nasty, lousy condition, and some all " eat up" with lice. We had no soap furnished,' nor any clothing or shelter Ijy the rebels, and we slejjt on the ground witliout any blankets. Some dug holes in the ground for shelter, but others could not get a chance to do this for want of room. In consequence the prisoners became homesick, lost contidence in themselves, and broke all down, so that a good many were crazj\ The dead were carried to the gate and tiirown in carts as you wonld throw iu logs. If a man put his linger under the dead-lino be would be slrot. I was told that the guard got thirty days' furlough if they shot one of our men. A crazy man got under the dead-line one night and was shot twice — two balls put through him. I saw live shot ; tluee of them were killed ; the other two were not. Wirz was in command of the ]n'ison at this time. They had about thirty hounds kept there under charge of a negi'o hunter. I saw one ])risoner who was recaptured by them; he was not injured by "them. The prevailing- diseases were scurvy, diarrhea, and colic. Some of the sick were taken to the hos- pital; others they let stay there until they died. The prisoners had to go to the gate to see the surgeon ; he never came inside. Those that could walked to the gate, aud others were carried there on stretchers by their comrades. Q. Where did you next go ? — A. To Florence, South Carolina, where I remained nearly two months. The raticms here were neither sutlicient in quantity nor well cooked. We did not have enough wood to keep us warm, although there was a plenty around the camp, and the prisoners would gladly have got it if allowed, ))ut they were not. A red-headed lieutenant was iu command here, and he would come in and knock rneu down with his pistol ; and I have seen him shoot in among a whole crowd at the gate. I was in the hospital here ; it was a rough, long shed, with a roof, and boards on the side. The patients sutfered from not having enough to drink or clothes enough to wear, and no blankets to keep them warm. The weather then was cold. I can't tell what month it was. Q. ^^'here did you go from Florence? — A. I was paroled at Florence aud went to Charleston, aud from there to Annapolis, Maryland. By Mr. Mungen : Q. You stated that you saw five men shot at AndersonA^lle ; where were they when shot, and what were they shot for ? — A. Two were shot at the spring, and two got under the dead-lino and were shot, aud the other one was shot in his tent by a ball that liad glanced from those that were shot at the sjiring. Horace R. Rowe, being duly sworn, testified as follows : By Mr. Stevens : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Horace E. Rowe; age 32; resilience, Peacham, Vermont; occupation, a farmer. Q. State your connection with the military service of the United States during the war. — A. I enlisted September 12, 18G1, in Company II Fourth Vermont infantry. Q. If you were cajjtured at any time state the circumstances relating thereto, and your subsequent treatment. — A. I was captured June 23, 1864, near the Weldon rail- road, Virginia, by Wright's brigade. I was taken to Petersburg that night. On the road oui' clothing and good boots and hats were taken by the rebel captains. Aside from that we were treated well by them. At Petersburg our blankets, knapsacks, can- teens, and haversacks were taken by the rebel authorities, and then we were taken to Richmond aud there searched. What money or valuables they could get they took. They said if we gave up our money we should receive an equal amount of their money in exchange, but if we dial, but not very often, and sometimes the bread was made of meal, gronnd cobs, husk, and all. The bread was baked in chunks al)out four inches in length and two inches stiuare ; and sometimes a piece of bacon as large as my tlnimb, not weighing over two ounces, was given us, or else what they calhMl fresh beef. I ut perhaps the next guard that came on would fire right at a man reaching under, without warning. I know of four prisoners being killed at that jdace in that way, and one or two wounded. Another man and myself counted for two or three weeks the number of dead that were carried out. We counted alternately. We averaged the nnmlter for nineteen days, and the average was sixty-three a day. This was in August. One day there were one hundred and forty. At this time there were about thirty-three thousand confined there — the largest number ever tiiere. George W. Farrar being duly sworn, testified as follows : By the Chairman : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. George W. Farrar; age, 41 ; residence, South Weymouth, Massachu.setts ; occupation, boot manu- facturer. Q. State what connection you had with the military service of the United States during the late war. — A. I enlisted December 16, 186:5, as a imvatein Company B, Fourth Massachusetts cavalry, and served until June 5, 1865. Q. Were you ever captured? If so, state the time and place of your capture and your subsequent treatment. — A. I was capturijil August 17, 1864, at (Jaincsville, Florida, by some home guards, while on a raid. I was treated very kindly by tiiose in Fhu'ida. We were then sent to Audersonville, and there drawn nj) in line and searched, and our money, watches, and everything, taken away. I secreted my money so that they did not get but a little of it. We were then turned into the stockade without shelter of any kind. We had about a i)int of meal for rations, and sometimes meat. Most of the time during the winter we had fresh beef, generally of very good (puility, and perhaps half a ])ound in quantity apiece; l)Ut it was not sufficient. I use(l to try to make two me lis of it, l)ut I could not do it. I was hungry ; I could not keej) it. Tlie rations were not suhicient to keej) a man in good health, and the men pined away for want of food. Some of the men had mouev and thev could trade with the guard in the evening and BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 841 get meal and meat, but those that had no money oould get none of these things. We traded otf all our buttons and everything we had to spare, to get extra relief. I had no clothing issued to nie. I had no underclothes at all. 5ly pants were so ragged and torn that I eould barely keep them on. They brought us in a very little wood ; it was not sufficieut to cook our rations and keep us warm. A cord stick of wood was issued once or twice a week for one man ; and once in eight days t'.vo that were able, had the privilege of going out under guard and getting what wood they eould bring in on their backs. Those that were sick could not do this. I was put iu tliere tlie second time the 24111 of December, and after that that was the wood we had. Al)out the last of Seiitendjer some of the prisoners were taken out and sent to different places. This was to avoid the risk of having Sherman release us all, as he was marching near there. Then six thousand of us weut back again iuDecemljer. The rations were then about the same as before. Q. How did the prisoners provide themselves with shelter ? — A. Some had blankets and some dug in the ground ; about one-(]uarter had no shelter at all. - Q. \Vliat was done with the sick .' — A. Many were taktsn to the hospitals outside, and many were put in a shed that was built inside of the stockaile iu Septend^er. The surgeons used to come into the camp sometimes and tell the sick that thej^ had no medicines for them. Q. What supply of water had you? — A. A stream ran through tlie camp, but the water was poor and tilled with the rinsings of the rebel cam[> and bakery that was on tlie stream above us. Some of the iirisouers dug wells — some were seventy feet dee[)— but these did not furnish much water, and it was generally rily. Q. What was the treatment of the olticers and guards toward the prisoners ? — A. I saw one man shot for reaching under the dead-line to get a piece of board. I savy^ another man wiio had been shot at Bhickshire while we were there, by the guard, for going between some stakes that were placed around the camp as a sort of lioundary. Q. Wliat do you know of hounds being kept at Andersonville ? — A. I could hear them almost every morning yel})ing around the stockade. Q. Wh(n-e were you exchanged and when? — A. In April, 18G5, we W(>re taken out of the stockade and s(mt to witliin a few miles of our lines at Jacksonville, Florida, and then set loose with instructions to get into our lines. After reaching our lines we were sent to Annapolis. The prisoners were much weakened in mind and boily when released, from the treatment received. David J. Laxtz being duly sworn, testified as follows: By Mr. Muxgex : Q. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — A. David J. Lantz ; age, 35; residence. South Weymouth, Massachusetts; occupation, a carpenter. Q. State your connection with the nulitary service of the United States. — A. I enlisted .January 4, 18()4, as a private iu the Fourth Massachusetts cavalry ; was after- ward promoted to corporal. Q. Wlien and where were you captured ? — A. August 17, 1864, at Gainesville, Florida. Q. State your subsequent treatment as a prisoner. — A. Nothing of importance oc- curred until we reached Andersonville. There we were stripped ami searched, and what- ever money, watches, or valuables they found upon us were taken away. Our clothing was cut and ripi)ed for the purpose of finding money where thej^ supposed it was con- cealed. A commissioned oilicer of the rebel service superintended this transaction. No minute was made of the names of the jiarties from whom they took money — they had no books or papers there. The lirst thing I saw on entering the stockade was li number of dead, emaciated bodies, naked, lying there waiting to be put into the dead cart. The stench arising from them was horrible. The only thing I could compare the idaee to, was a picture I once saw of hell, and it reminded me of it at the time. The jthice was crowded with naked, ragged, men. Tliero Avas hardly any llesh upon the bodies of some. The next day at 2 o'clock we received our first rations, which con- sisted of a pint of raw meal and two ounces of beef. We were divided into sijuads of two hundred and seventy and these sulnlivided into Sijuads of ninety, and tlieii, to accommodate ourselves, were again divided into squads of twenty or twenty-five. We appointed among our number, one to take charge of each squad. The rations were brought in iu carts iu bulk, and delivered to each squad of tv>'o hundred and seventy in bulk, and then divided to the smaller sipiads. Sometimes it was issued to the men in spoons. Every second day we received about two ounces of beef or bacon, or instead of that sometimes a couple of spoonfuls of molasses. Finally the meat and molasses were taken away from tiie list. The rations themselves were not sufficieut to sustain life for any length of time. After receiving our rations in this manner, we used to trade or exchange the ditlereut articles with each other, and in that way get all our rations in one kind of article, either rice, beans or meal. We had no cooking utensils given us, no tin cups or anything of the kind, and the men olten would receive their rations in their caps or hands", or in old boot legs, or anything they had. Those 842 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR of the prisoners who had first been put in there, had managed to hviild log huts from tlie wood that had been left in there when it was cleared. But when we went in there there was no wood standing whatever, and we had to lie upon the ground. The ground was covered with vermin, lice and maggots, and the swauip, which was a kind of sink, Avas full and alive with nniggots; sick men oftentimes in going to the sink at night, stuck fast in this mud, and were found there dead in the morning. It was a common thing to pick up men around the edge of the swamp tlcad with maggots and lice crawl- ing upon tliem. The reliel authorities apparently made no etlort to ease our condition in any way, but did all they could, apparently, to demoralize and degrade us, by tak- ing away iVom us all our necessaries, such as wood ibr cooking, cooking utensils, money, and everything we had, and turning us into this pen without shelter of any kind, and treating us more like dogs than human beings. In the mornings we nuule a detail among oiuselves to pick up any dead men belonging to the detachment; then we carried them to the gate, generally putting the man's name and regiment and other details (ni a piece of paper or chip of wood and fastening it upon his breast. We lay these deaut they were not allowed. There was also a phmty of lumber at the depot, in sight of the prison, l)ut none was furnished to us to build shelter. I have seen wounded men, whose wounds were full of maggots, vvho had no bandages given them, or any- thing of the sort. The guard fired at a man, one day, for getting over the dead-line, and shot a man who was lying in his tent, instead of the one he fired at. There were no orders, to my knowledge, ever given for men to stay inside of the dead-line. There was no notice whatever placed inside, to my certain knowledge; if there had been I sliould have seen ir, V)ecause it was something unusual to have a notice in there. What I knew about not going over the dead-line, I learned from my fellow-prisoners; no rebel ever told me anything about it, or any one of my company. A great many of the piisoners were nothing but skin and bones. I have seen men in bathing in the brook, and I could compare (hem to nothing but skeletons. I suppose a few of the prisoners at Anders(mville received enough to eat in this way; they were detailed to work out- side, at the depot, on freight and bnnher, buil'diug huts for the rebels outside, working in the cook-house, and in various other ways, and received extra rations for this. I have no donl)t some of our men were also employed as spies upon us by the rel)els, to discover tunneling, &c., as we never attemi)ted to break out that the rebels did not discover it, and some of the prisoners were greatly favored l)y the rebels. Q. If there is no other fact you wish to state in relation to Andersonville, you may state where you next went, and your treatment there. — A. In the fall of the year we Avere sent to Charleston, and ])laceed over it one night and was tired at, and the ball struck another uum in the hip, wounding him very severely. I saw tills wounded man several (hiys after, in the prison, and notliing had been done for him. Our treatment here was about the same as at Andersonville, and our rations similar. At the end of six weeks wo were sent to Florence. On the way from the raee-cours(^ to tlie depot, at Charleston, word was iiassed from the rear to the front that a Yankee had falhai out of line and could not kee]> u)). The order came irom the IVont — from the coinmandiug officer, I suppose — '•Damn him, shoot liim." I beard the rei)ort of a gun, but whether the man was shot or not I could not say ; I did not see him afterward. At Florence we fouad a new BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 843 stockade We were the first prisoners that were placed in it. There was some wood inside, iVom which we bnilt huts. These were holes dug in the . sbovel ; and they kept us tbi'ee days without anything to eat. At times, again, there was uo reason given. During the mouths of November, December, and January, we received nothing but a pint of meal a day. This meal was made of cob and all ground up together. I saw Lieu- tenant Barrett, belonging to a Georgia regiment, come into the prison one morning with two guards, and hunt for a tunnel. They finally found it, and traced it to a hut in which they found a sick man. He ordered the sick man out to dig into the tunnel. The man said he was sick and could not move. With threats and oaths he compelled him to come out of the hut, and gave him a shovel, saying, "Damn you, dig." The man said, " My God, lieutenant ! I cannot dig ; am sick ; I am dying." Lit-Aitenant Barrett seized an ii'on ramrod from one of tlie guards, and beat the man over the shoulders, continually saying, "Dig! damn you, dig!" The man fell down several times, and tried to escape digging, but Barrett followed him up, still beating him, until the ramrod was bent in all kinds of shapes. He drew a revolver and threatened to shoot us, calling us all manner of vulgar names. I do not know whether this man died from the eifects of it or not. At another time Barrett ordered a man belonging to my regiment, named Silk, to be tied to a jiost and whipped with a cat-o-nine-tails for a remark that he had made. He at one time fired at random among the crowd of pris- oners because they laughed at him for something, but he didn't hit anybody that I know of. Barrett showed me a document one day that he had I'eceived from the war office at Richmond, authorizing him to raise a battalion among the x)nsoners. He asked me to enlist. I refused, and he said, " God danni you, I will starve you all into it." The rations then, for a short time after that, were cut short, and al)oat four hundred men went out and joined the rebel army, and went to Savannah. There was a general understanding among the prisoners that they could not trade with United States money. There was uo order ever issued to that effect, but two x>risoners made a trade in which some United States money passed between them. A balance was due one of the parties the next day, and wlieu it became due the man proposed to pay the other in something else instead of money. This man then reported the transaction to the commanding ofdcer of the prison, and the officer arrested the man who took the money, placed him in what they called the "black hole," and otherwise i)unislied him; and took the man who gave the information outside of the prison ; gave him liberty to go and come within certain limits; detailed him as cook at the officers' headquarters; gave him a suit of sanitary commission clothes ; he received all he wanted to eat ; had a place to sleep in, and when the exchange was made of ten thousand sick and wounded, sent him into our lines, when he was a thoroughly well man. This was, I suppose, his I'eward'for giving the information about the transaction. We had been in the haliit ot speaking to the guards, trading with them, and gettmg pieces of tobacco from them. An order was issued to shoot any of us that spoke to them. One morning I asked the guard to give me a piece of tobacco ; he turned and walked away, not ai>parently no- ticing me. I went into the hut, and shortly afterwards I heard the report of a musket, and on running out found there was a man shot at the dead line. The prisoners stand- ing around tohl me that he was shot for asking the guard for a piece of tobacco. At Florence we were digging wells, and the rebels came in and filled theiu up with earth, and we were compelled to drink the water from the brook. At Florence I have seen men pick up Iteans, after they had passed through a person, and eat th(?m. I believe there were some men actually starved to death. We were removed from Florence in Febru- ary and taken to Richmond, and there paroled. Nothing of importance happened on the way except that prisoners tried to escape, and were shot, and we were packed in box- cars sixty to a car, and kept there shut up all night. Men dying in the cars at night would be left in there until the next morning, and then thrown out by the way-side. We did not stop to bury them then. Whether they were buried or not afterward I cannot say. Looking back on the track I saw several dead prisoners side of the road. It was supposed they were shot during the night, while trying to escape. I was paroled at Richmond, Virginia, February 23, 1865, and taken to Annapolis, Maryland, and after- wards rejoined my regiment at Richmond, and remained with them until they were discharged. Charles W. Wpjgiit, being duly sworn, testified as follows : By Mr. Muxgex : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Charles W. Wright; age, 31; residence, Soitth Weymouth, Massachusetts: occupation, a clerk. Q. State your connection with the military service of the United States during the 844 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR war. — A. I onlisted in November, 18G3, as a private iu Comiiany B, Fourtli Massacliu- setts cavalry. Q. Were you ever captnred : if so, state when and where, and your .subsequent treat ment while a prisoner f — A. I was captured at Gainesville, Florida, August 17, 18154, by a home guard under a rebel Ca[»tain Ditdcerson. The next day after our ea}»ture we were marched seventy-iive unles, put aboard a steamboat, and iinally reached Ander- sonvillc^ prison at the end of ten days from the time of our ca])ture. Tlie prison v.as in a bad shape when we got there. We liad somf>thing to eat, and tliat was about all. We had a part of the time corn meal issued to us, and sometimes a little i)ork, and occasionally a little fresh meat. We remained here until about the middle of Septem- ber, at which time we were sent to Savannah ; reuuiined there twelve hours ; had nothing to eat, and were taken into the woods under guard, and stayt'd there a week or so. We had fresh beef and meal occasionally, and we had corn bread at times. From tliere we went to camp Lawton, about twenty miles from Savaninih, wliere we received tlie best treatment and the best shelter we were allowed at any other })lace. A good stream of water ran tlirough the camj) then;, and we had good accommoda- tions. From there we went to several ]ilaces, the next permanent stop))ing jdace being Andersonville, again. We found here that the ground had been plowed, and there was no shelter. The camp had been cleared up since our departure, aiul what shelter there had been was destroyed. I had nothing but a part of a blanket belonging to another prisoner. Oai' rations were al)Out the same as befoi'e. There were not as many pris- oners here this secoud time as at tirst, and, consecpu'utly, the sauitavy condition of the camj) was better. It was cold there and we had not sufficient wood. There was a jdeiity of wood around there, but we never had what we really required to cook our food and warm ourselves. About the middle of October we were marched out and taken to within twenty miles of Jacksonville, where we were set at liberty and told to travel to oui' lines. Whenever th<'y had moved )is they had always tohl us we were going to l)e exchanged, and we did not believe we were going to be exchanged uuiil we got into our lines. Fiom .Jacksonville we were sent to Annapolis, and from there homo, where 1 was discharged from the service. Boston, Massachusetts, October 22, 18G7. Bexjamix B. Brown, jr., being duly sworn, testified as follows : By the Chairman : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Benjaniiu B. Brown, jr; age, 26; residence. South Boston, Massachusetts; occupation, a porter. Q. Statt; your connection with the military service of the United States during the war. — A. I enlisted Ajtril 19, 1861, as a ]>rivate in Captain Tyler's independent com- ]>any ; we were made the Twenty-iiinth Massachusiitts infantry, afterwards. I re-en- listed in .January, 1834, in the same regiunnit, and was mustered out of service in Au- gust, 186r>. I served from a pri^■ate through all the grades to sergeant major, which rank I litdd when nuistered out. Q. If you were ever captured by the enemy you may state the particulars of your capture, and your subsequent treatuu-nt. — A. I was captured July :'>0, 1834, by Hill's cor])s, in the (enemy's trenches in front of Petersburg, Virginia. When lirst captured I was robbed of my watch and chain, money, coat, and boots. I lie.d four hundred and eighty-hve dollars in money. Al)out live hundred prisoners were captured at this time, among them General Bartlett, whom I assisted to a covered trench. The i>risoners were collected together and kept for two hours anout sixty-five beans in the whole lot. I said once that I was going to dive in the soup to see if I could find a beau, and Tucker heard me say it, and he hit me on the temple with the Ijutt of a musket, rendering me insensible for nearly a day, and I still feel the effects of the l)low. I am inforiiu'd tliat this Tucker is now an employe in the United States quartermaster's departuieut at Kichmond, Vh- giuia. The post of Danville was commanded by Major Mason Moffett, of BaltiiiKU'e. He commanded the post four mouths aud twelve days of the time I was confined there. He then went to take command at Salisbury. A more brutal man, I think, never en- tered a prison during the war. He was appealed to time and again for an increase of rations, and the treatment of the guards towards us was complained of to him, but he would come into cam]) with two or three guards at his back and say that if any of ns gave him any iinu'e trouble he would take us out and shoot us, aud he would tell the guards to shoot any one who grumbled. During his command at the ]>ost four hundred and thirty-nine men died to my own knowledge. In our prison, the day I was confined there, there were seven hundred and six men in there. During his comniaml three hundred and thirty-five more prisoners were placed in there. When he left there were but four hundred and four, and the rest were in the hosi)ital, which was about the .same as going to the graveyard. The hospital was a loug wooden building, one story and a half high, one hundred and twenty feet loug, by fifty feet wide. The sick here received about the same treatment as the other prisoners, except that they had a blanket, and warm soup once a day. Colonel R. C. Smith was the next commander of the post and had com- mand of a conscript battalion ri^cruited in Danville. Tliese men were worse than the others. Under Major Moffett once and a while we could approach the windows aud look out, but Smith gave strict oi'ders that if a private was seen near the windows looking out the guards must fire at him. I have been fired at several times, ami once a man was shot, who was alongside of me, aud killed. This man's name was John E, Humbolt of the second Michigan infantry. V\'e had a doctor visit us four days in the week and we would go down aud see him. All the medicine they gave was some o]iiuin pills and a yellow mixture. No other medicines were given while I was there. When Ave arrived at Danville there were sixty-one wounded prisoners among our nuud)er, aud their wounds were not dressed uutil we had been there four days, some of them losing fingers, arms, or legs from mortification caused by their wounds not lieing dressed, as it was in the heat of the summer. The doctor was appealed to for rations at several times, and on several occasions I have seen him knock meu down who came to him to speak about their rations. I myself marched a squad of thirty-six men down there and made a complaint to him. He wanted to know if they were sick. I told him they were. He said " of what f" I told him of the " empty belly-ache." The luiu- 846 TREATMENT OF TRIS ONERS OF WAR isliiiient we got for doing tliis was tliat tliiity-soven of us got no rations for two days. I saw tlie doL-tor amputate a man's liand, (tjif man lielouged to tbc 14tli New York heavy artillery,) who was merely shot in three of his lingers, as he said he had not time "to go to work and amputate eaeh finger, hut that it was quieker to take off his hand. Tin; dead were taken out of the prison rooms every morning and carried to the lower floor. Two negroes then came v.ith a tii)-eart and piled the bodies in the cart lengthways, the same as you would sticks of wood, and carted them to an ails were full of mud from the settlings of the soup, and four of us asked permission to tak(^ them to the bank of the river and rinse them out. They allowed us, and the guard renuiined at the top of the bank, about one hundred ami fifty feet from us. There was a ford at this i)art of the river, aud as we reached the bank one of the party sung out to me, " Brown, go for it," and I took the idea in a moment and dropped the bucket; the rest followed suit and startetl to run across t\w river. The guard fired, ))ut we succeeded iu crossing and got away about fifty-eight miles, when we were betrayed l)y a negro w^ho went in a house to get us some milk. The people asked him who it was for, and he hesitated, and they suspected him, aud threatened to shoot him unless he t(d(l them, and he did so, and we were retaken and carried back to prison aud kept without nttious for three days. These were citizens that took us, and in passing through the country I found that every man, whether he was in the army or not, was a rebel soldier, hav- ing equipments and ammunition. The sinks at Danville consisted of a long rail placed in the yard iu crotches over a hole dug in the ground without shelter. The cast's of chronic diarrhea averaged fifty a day, and they all had to use this sink. This sink lau through a drain into the river just above the cook-house, aud the water irsed to mix our bread and make our bean soui> was taken from the river at that point. At night only threi; persons at a time were allowed to go to the sinks, and cousiMpieutly a great many of the prisoners had to relieve themselves in the prison, which made tlie prison very filthy and very uuhealthy, as we had no shovels to clean up with. We were allowed brooms, however, with which to wash the prison out every Momlay, and had to bring one hundred aud eighty pails of water from the river every ilonchiy for this purpose. One night, being parched with thirst, I made the attempt to go to the well, and succeeded in getting some water by means of a. canteen and a string. Two other prisoners were with me. Ou returning, when going up stairs, the guard saw us and thrust his Ijayonet at us, and it entered my left side about three iiuhes. On the 7th of Jauuary, l^t).">, we left Danvilh; by rail for Richmoiul. We received no rations on the day we' started, and one man was knocked senseless, (who afterwards died,) for strag- gling ou tlu! march from the prison to the cars. We arrived at Richmond the f(dlow- ing afternoon aud were issued blankets which had been received from oui- government and the Sanitary Connuission. Several of the prisouers got their blankets at Danville on the day we left there, aud most of them sold tlieir blankets in less than an hour after receiviu"' them for ounce loaves of wJiite Inead which the negroes and poorer classes had to sell. I sold my ovca'coat for four loaves of bread, aud my blanket, just before enter- ing the prison. foV three more. This was the first white bread 1 had s(mmi while a pris- oner. It was remarked by prisom^rs confined in Libby Prison, who came from Salis- bury, that the clothing was kept back from them the same as it was from us, until the day" of their starting for or arriving at Ricinnond, as they knew that most of the jiris- ouers would sell it for sonujthing to eat, aud tiiey would have the benefit of ii. Tlie BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 847 roliel officers and soldiers enconraged us to trade. A great many of the blankets were bought by the soldiers themselves as vendors of fruit, and everything eatable whieh they possessed at that time was vended freely among us while, there. We were con- fined here in Libl)y Prison, anith a full suit of government clothing, overcoat, &c., one hundred "and four pounds. I owe mv deliverance, I think, to my unusually strong constitution. Out of the six hundred and forty-three men who were taken prisoners the day I was captured, but sixty-one arri\ed at Annapolis, Maryland, twenty-six of then/died in less than a month, and I took one to Boston — George I>arker, of the Twenty-first Massachusetts volunteers — Avho only weighed eighty-five pounds. While at Danville working for the rebels, I heard Jeif. Davis make a recruiting speech from the platform of a car to the crowd assembled around the depot, and he succeeded in getting thirty-one recruits. I was only seven or eight feet from him. Davis stated in his speech tliat there was a reaction at the North, and that if they could manage to prolong the war for six months more there would be an army in the North fighting for the South. This was in Novem- ber, IBM. Q. Were the rations received by the prisoners from the rebel authorities sufficient to sustain men in good health ? — A. It is my opinion that a man in good health, if he give way in spirit, could exist on them for a period of about five months. This Barker Avas a healthy man, and would have died if those of the prisoners outside had not helped him in addition to the rations he received from the rebels. Q. Wliat etfect did the treatment received at these prisons have upon the prisoners ? A. It made them down-hearted and dispirited, and broke down their health often more than the want of rations ; because if sick they could get no medicine ; and if they were sent to hospital, and in three or four days began to recruit in health again, they were immediately sent back to camp again. Q. What effect did this treatment have upon the minds of the prisoners ? — A. It dis- couraged them very much. While in prison I estimated I have killed on my own person and 1 was one of the cleanest — and on my clothes, something netir five hundred thou- sand lice. I used to kill all the way from seventy to two hundred a day at times. We were not furnished with any soap, and had no change of clothiu"-. Q. Is there any other statement you wish to make in regard to your own treatment or the treatment of other prisoners.' — A. There was a citizen in' the quartermasters' department at Danville that saved the lives of a good many by his kindness. He pre- tended to sell rations to us, and for a dollar he would give us'eig'ht or ten dollars' worth. For fuel in the winter we had one stove to each floor, and wo received one bushel of slate coal every three days to warm two hundred and fifty men. The fire generally lasted about eleven hours. We used sometimes to get bones and make bone soup, and crumb in some corn meal, which made it very nourishing, and helped sustain a good many. LuciEX L. Saxborx, being duly sworn, testified as follows : By Mr. Mungex : Question. State your name, age, residence and occupation.— Answer. Lucien L. San- born ; age, 26; residence, Hardwick, Vermont ; occupation, a farmer. Q. State your connection with the military service of the United States.— A. I enlisted in October, 1861, in Company D, Sixth Vermont infantry, as a private. In April, 1864, I was promoted to corporal. Q. Were you ever captured by the enemy? If so, state when, where, and your snbsc- 848 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR qnent treatment ns a prisoner of war. — A. I was woiuided in the Lattle of tlie Wilder- ness, May 6, 18(34, aod taken prisoner by the enemy on the 7th. After a\vakin,!j; on the field after being wounded I diseovered that my wateli. and tifty dollars in money, had been taken IVoni me. Then some of the enemy came and took me to their doctor and bad my wounds dressed. I was then put in a tent in the tield hospital, and had to duess my own wounds all the time until the ISth of ^lay. Our rations there were " hoe- cake." We had no beds iu this hospital. I used my boots as a pillow. On the 18th of May I was marched twenty miles to Orange Court House and taken from there by cars to Gordonsville, and imt iu the barracks. Our rations here were wheat bread and fried meat for breakfast, and wheat bread and 1>i'aiis for dinner. They used us very well here. On the 215(1 of May we were taken to Crumpton hosi)ital, Lynchburg. This hospital was well furnished with beds and clothing for us. The rations were comfort- able, though not enough for a well man. I renuiined iu this hospital until the 11th of Julj', and at that time was seut to a tobacco factory where there were about six hun- dred iirisoners conliucd. My wounds had almost healed at this time. On the 2-2(1 of July we were started for Andersonville ; were ])ut into freight cars and so closely crowdi'd that we could not straighten our legs except when standing. We stopped a short time at scveial i)laces on the way. At one place we stopped about midnight and they shut the doors of the cars, and it was very wnrni and we almost suftbcated. We arrived at Andersonville the night of the 27th of July. We were marched into a field and surrounded by some guards. On the morning of the 28th we tiled into line to be divided into liundred-s. If any of the men would get out of line Captain Wirz would damn them au'l threaten to shoot them. We Avere then marched into the stockade. Our rations at tirst consisted of about a half a ]»int of black pea Ix'ans, cooked, wormy, and sometimes not salted, and a piece of corn bread about three inches sipiare and one inch thick, and perhaps two ounces of beef. Occasionally we drew rice and a little molasses. The rice was sometimes half cooked and sometimes not salted. On the 1st of October I was taken with a comrade of mine and put into the ))arracks which had been built in the north end of the stockade for the accommodation of the sick. It was a kind of a hospital. There were only about a thousand prisoners there then. Then they used to give us wheat bread, rice, and a good, fair ration of beef. They lirought US in a very little wood, but not enough to keep us warm at all. Our water we had to get from the sjiriugs near the creek. I never saw any prisoners shot there. I have .heard guns tired though, and seen men who said they had seen other men shot there. I saw the dead-line there, which was about fifteen feet from the stockade. Q. How were the sick treated f — A. I have seen the sick brought to the gate at the singcon's call, but they could not get anything done for them. I saw men lying there with no shelter at all of any kind ; men who were sick and who could not help them- selves, and maggots crawling all over them. Q. AVhat was the condition of the camp ? — A. It was filthy ; but I conld not see its condition as well .'is many, because of the wound I received which affected my sight. The first of November I was taken from the stockaih* and put in the hospital outside. We were in small A tents and had to lie on the ground. They furnished us no blankets at all, and w(; sulfered with the cold a great deal. Our rations then consisted of about half a )>int of rice soup in the morning, at noon a small biscuit, aud occasu)nally a boiled sweet potato. At night we received half a ifint of rice soup. On the loth of Nov(^nd)^n• about six hundred of us were sent by rail to Milieu, Georgia, and there put into a stockade. Our rations at this place were a tablesjioonful of raw rice, a table- spooni'nl of corn meal, a little salt, and a pieces of beef On the 19th we wei-e sent to Savannah by rail, reaching there the 20th. Our rations tor the trip were one hard cracker and a piece of beef about an inch siiuare. From Savannah Ave were seut to Annapolis aud there exchanged, aud I was discharged March 24, 1865. Alwin S. Guaton sworn. By Mr. Mungex : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Alwin S. Graton ; age, twenty-six ; residence, Paxton, Massachusetts; occujiatiou, a boot-maker. Q. What connection had you with the military service of the United States during the war? — A. I enlisted August 1, 18(52, in Company C, Twenty-first Massachusetts in- fantry, aud was afterward made corporal. Q. If you were captured at any time, state the particulars of your capture and your Bubse(iuent treatment. — A. I was (•ai)tured near Gaines's Mills, Virginia, June 2, 1864, by some (Georgia troops, comijosing General Lee's Ixxly-guard. and by them taken to ■\vithin two miles of Kichmoud with several other prisoners. Uric our blankets and shelter-tents were taken away from us by a major iu command of this body-guard. Then we were put iu Libby Prison, Richmond. There we were stripjxMl of what else ■we had, such as our haversacks, canteens, knapsacks, and outside clothing. They also took our money, ])romising to return it to us when we left. This money was never returned. I remaiued in Libby Prison four or five days. Our rations Avere a piece of BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 849 covil-brcad, aboat two inches square, about two tablespoonfuls of bean soup, and about an ounce of pork once a day for each man. The water we used came from the James River into the prison. Both sohliers and citizens used to come in there with small biscuit, which they would sell for a dollar in greenbacks or ten dollars in con- federate money. They would also give eighteen dollars of confederate money for one dollar in greenbacks. At the end of these four or five days we were packed into box- cars, seventy men in a car, and taken to Andersonville. We were six days and five nights in these cars, except one night when we were taken out at Salisbury, North Carolina, without any chance to get water, and only one door of the car open ; and it was in very warm weather, and the prisoners suffered considerably. Some of them died from the treatment they received while on the way. Our rations for this trip were issued to us at Manchester, opposite Richmond, and consisted of a piece of corn- bread about four inches square, and about three ounces of meat, which lasted us until we got to Salisbury. There we were given four large-sized crackers apiece, and got nothing more tiutil the second day after reaching Andersonville. At Andersonville we were turned into the open fiehl there, without any shelter. Our rations were some- times issued to us raw, and at other times cooked — the raw ration consisting of corn- meal, beans, and occasionally rice — about a third of a quart — and sometimes meat — about two ounces. Many days we had no meat. Beeves' heads were sometimes given to us — one beef-head for a hniulred men, and we had nothing to divide it with. If we managed to get an ax into the stockade, as soon as the rebels discovered it they would send a guard iu and take it away. The salt ratiou amounted to about half a teaspoon- fnl per man. Many days we had no salt at all, and for two days at one time we had no rations at all, and I could hear of no i-eason assigned for stopping the rations. I know there were a plenty of rations brought iu there and sold, and those of the jjrison- ers that had money could live very well. Flour, fruit, an, aud his ankles were extended in the same luauuer as his hands and kept so. I ouly saw one case of punishment of this kiud, and then the man was kept iu there more than an hour. While I was in there ofticers came and tried to induce us to enlist in the confederate service. I think that is oue leason why we were treated better. They came in and took the names of men in each detachment who.se terms of service had expired who Avere married men and foreigners, and after they got all these collected they sent a guard into camp and ordered these men outside. I went out, as my term of service had expired. We were formed in line and. addressed by a confederate officer, who told us that our government had refused to exchange all men whose terms of service had expired, and married men, (he did not say anything about foreigners,) and that if we would enlist iu their army we should have every protection and privilege that a confederate soldier had and never go into that stock- ade again ; that they woulil at once issue us the clothes, I'atious, aud pay of confeder- ate soldiers, aud would protect us against our government by retaliating if we were captured aud punished by our governmeut. At that time prisoners were dying every night from cold aud exposure, aud a few of them accepted this oft'er — about eighty altogether, I should say. The remainder of us hooted them aud rusiied back into the stockade. A short time after tliat there was an exchange of sic-k and wounded and the surgeons came around aud took seven men out of eacli hundred. In some cases they selected the worst cases, and iu others they did not. I was a sergeant of a hun- dred men aud issued rations to them, and I had thirteen sick men iu my hundred whom I took to the surgeon and presented their cases to him, aiul then my own case. He selected six others and myself. I think there were woise cases than mine that were l(!ft Ijehiud in that thirteeu. The confederate surgeons would receive bribes from well men of fifty to three hundred dollais. and would let them out among the sick. We were taken to witliin five miles of Savauuaii and then sent into our lines and exclianged. We were then taken to Anuapt>lis, aud my term of service having expired, 1 was mus- tered out. MoNCENA Dunn sworn. By the Chaihman : Question. State your name, age, residence, aud occuiiatiou. — Answer. Moncena Dunn; age, 45; residence. Bo.ston, Ma.ssachusetts ; occupatiou, clerk in the custom- house. Q. State your connection with the military service of the United St.ates. — A. I en- listed in August, IdGl, iu the Nineteentii Massachusetts infantry as first lieutenant. Q. Were you ever captured liy the enemy : if so, state the particulars of your capture jind your subsequent treatment while a prisoner of war '! — A. I was captmvd June •2-2d, BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. • 851 1864, near Petersburg, Virginia, by Muhoiie's divisiou. I held the rank of major at this time. The day after my capture I was taken with other prisoners to Petersburg. We reeeived nothing to eat until about noon that day, and then we reccivrd a small amount of rations, and remained there, just outside of the tov.-n, under guard, until the morning of the 24th, when we were sent by ears to Kichuiond, and put in Libby Prison. We were kept some time without anything to eat, and the tirst rations we received were brought up in the worst-looking arrangement I ever saw hogs feed from — a half barrel filled with dirty black pea soup, and the meat was very offensive, and the ham was maggoty. A very little corn bread was given us at this time. At the end of six days we were taken by cars to Lynchburg, Virginia. At Lynchburg we received rations and then marched to Danville, Virginia^ and then put in ears and started for Macon. Thirty-six or thirty-eight men were put into each car. We had no seats and were obliged to lie or stand as best we could. Occasionally we got some water on the way. We were four days on the way, and during that time we received very short rations. We arrived at Macon about tlie 10th of July, 1834, and were put into the stockage with other prisoners, about one thousand six hundred altogether. Part of the prison- ers occupied a building that was located inside of the stockade ; but many of us were turned out without shelter of any kind, and no blankets. We remained in ^Vlacon about two mouths. During that time we received a small quantity of Indian meal, occasionally rice, and occasionally a very.little meat. We had a plenty of good water from a stream which ran through the stockade. I was taken sick w-hile there, and was taken to the hospital just outside of the stockade. The treatment I received while in hospital was somewhat better. We were furnished with beds and sheets, and better food than that received in the stockade. No medicine was given us Avhile there. At the time of General Stoueman's raid many of our men were captured and brought in there who were badly wounded. Details of our own officers was made for the pur- pose of dressing their wounds and taking care of them in this hospital. After remain- ing at Macon some two months, about five hundred of us were sent by cars to Charles- ton. I was in the last detachment that went from there ; only a few that were unable to be moved, were left at Macon. The cars were crowded in the same way as before. At Charleston we were put in a building called the "Workhouse," which was overrun with vermin. We were very much crowded there, and altogether very uncomfortably situated ; but the rations were far better than they were at Macon. I do not remem- ber of but one instance where we had to complain of the quality of the rations, and that was on account of some wormy rice they gave us and refused to exchange it. The quantity was about the same as'at Macon— just sufficient to keep a man hungry all the time. While at Charleston we were exposed to the fire of our batteries. Two shells struck the building we were in, one passed into it and exploded on the inside, but no one was killed. We remained at Charleston two mouths, and the yellow fever breaking out there they took us to Columbia, South Carolina. The night we arrived there we were obliged to lie in the street near the de^jot without any shelter whatever through a severe rain-storm. The next day we were removed two or three miles from Columbia and put in camp without shelter. A few of the men had blankets, but the majority had nothing to cover them. Tiiere were about one thousand two hundred or one thousand five hundred prisoners there, who were divided into squads of one hundred. These were all officers in this camp, as well as in the other camps in w hich I was confined, except some of Stoueman's men who were sent in at Macon. Each squad was allowed five tin pails for cooking purposes; this was the only utensil we had. We Avere allowed to go out under guard and bring in our own fuel. At that time we were allowed the use of one ax to every hundred men, for the i)urpose of cliO[)[)ing the fuel, and by permission were allowed to bring in timlter to make shelter. Around this camp was an imaginary line called the dead-line. About one rod beyond that, the line of sentinels was posted Avith orders to shoot any man who stepped over this imag- inary line without permission. One day while we were waiting lor the guard to bo posted in the woods to go for wood, one of our officers stood twt) feet inside of the dead- line and the guard said to him "get back there;" he replied tliat he was not over the dead-line. The guard deliberately drew up his gun and shot him ilead. I saw the cir- cumstances distinctly. The ofScer's name was Lieutenant Tiirhane, of the Sixty-sixth New York volunteers. Application was made to the commander of the camp. Major Griswold, in regard to the sentinel, by Colonel Huey, the senior officer among the pris- oners, but he received no satisfaction whatever. The guard who shot this officer was kept on duty; I saw him the next day inside of the camp on duty. Q. State what you may know in relation to bloodhounds being kept for the purjiose of recapturing escaped prisoners ? — A. I know that it was so reported, and I also know that at one time a mounted man came near the camji with four Inninds; two of them seemed to be young and training. They strayed inside of the camp and were killed by the prisoners. I could not swear that these hounds were kept for the ])urpose of luinting the men, but that was the understanding there, and I fiuther understood there that officers had been recaptured b^^ hounds and luought in there. Captain L. .J. Hume, of my regiment, afterwards informed me that he escaped from there and was lecap- 852 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR tured by hounds and broujiflit back. Our rations here were issued in quantities of five days' rations at a time. These live days' rations consisted of live pints of very co.arse corn meal, about as many spoonfuls of salt, and a quantity of sorghum which was so oftensive tliat many would not take their allowance. The rations we received there Vv'ere totally insutilicient to sup^iort life for any length of time, A few officers were so fortunate as to have money with which they could purchase necessary supplies of the rebels. There was a regular system of supplying the camp in that way by the nutans of a sutler, who would bring his provisions — beef, veal, nuitton, sweet potatoes. Hour, bread and butter, in fact, almost all the necessaries of life — into camp, which were sold at exorbitant rates. A loaf of bread, such as could be bought in Boston for fives cents, was sold for a dollar and a quarter, confederate money, and butter at twelve dollars a Ijouud, and everything else in that proportion, and it was necessary to have them in order to live. I remained in that prison until Deceml)er 10, at which time I was paroled for exchange and i-etnrned to Annapolis, Maryland, by the way of Charleston. Q. Did the rebel authorities furnish the prisoners any clothing? — A. None whatever. Q. What effect did this treatment have upon the health of the prisoners? — A. If we had been confined to the rations and supplies furnished by the rebel authorities, it would have been totally insufficient for the support of life for any length of time. But some of the officers were so fortunate as to have money Avith which supplies could be purchased, and many of them shared Avith their comrades who had no money. Q. What is your opinion concerning the knowledge the rebel authorities had of the treatmeut of prisoners where you were confined ? — A. It is my opinion that they had the most perfect knowledge of it, because officers high in authority were frequently visiting us and could see us. General Winder, for instance, visited the camp at Columbia, South Carolina. David Hollixg worth sworn. By Mr. Mungen : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation.— Answer. David Holliug- worth ; age, twentj'-seven ; residence, Burrillville, Rhode Island ; occupation, a grocer. Q. What connection had you with the military service of the United States during the war ? — A. I enlisted August 5, 1B61, as a i^rivate in the First United States Chas- seurs, Colonel John Cochrane. Q. W\'re you ever captured ? If so, state the details and your subsequent tieatment. — A. I was captured at the battle of Fair Oaks, Virginia, May 31, 1862, and taken to Libby Prison, Richmond, and put on the bare floor, with nothing on me but a shirt and a pair of drawers. I had the ty])hoid fever at the time. I lay in Libby Prison for seven weeks, and then was taken to Belle Isle. I Avas sick all the time I was confined in Libby Prison. Dr. Higginl)Otham Avas surgeon about tAvo weeks there, and I had as good m<'dical treatmeut as I CA'er had, Avhile he was there, but he was taken and put in prisoH for using us too Avell. He was one of their officers. The guard told me that he Avas put in ])rison. He treated me until after my fever turned. I Avas under medical treatment about six Aveeks. Our food there Avas fresh meat, maggoty and stinky, one day, and pea soup the next day, alternately. After Dr. Higginbotham was taken away Ave had our oavu doctors, who treated us as well as they could, but they could get no medicines. They said they Avere not allowed it — that is Avhat they told us. We were not allowed to put our heads out of the windows without being shot at. We had James River water, Avhich came in through pipes, and was thick Avith mud. Tliis Avas in the hospital part of Libby Prison. When I Avas first sent there 1 Avas jmt on the bare floor, and as soon as Dr. Higginbotham came he put us into the hosi)ital. We had straAV beds put there afterward, but I Avas on the floor at lirst ; I could not say how long, for I Avas in a stupor. In about six weeks Ave were put into another room in Libby, where Ave had nothing but the floor to lie on. There Avere about five hundred iu that room. Our rations there were the same as before. There Avas no difl'erene<' between the sick ones and the Avell ones, so far as rations AA'ere concerned. On reaching Belle Isle al)out three thousand of us Avere put on to a place large enough for five hundred, and only lifteen allowed to go to the rear at once, and the i)rincipal i)art of them had the diarrhea. There Avould be a line a quarter of a mile long Avaiting their turns, and when they could not Avait any longer they Avould have to do it where they Avere. It Avas a sink of filth, and not fit for a num to live in. We had the James River Avater to drink. We were not allowed to put even a foot across the inclosure without being shot. Ord<'rs were issued to that efl'eet. Our rations there Avere about the sami? as in Libby. Thi' uu)rta!ity among the prisoners was A-ery great. Those that AA'ere weak could not eat their rations, and starved to death. Chronic diarrhea and fever were the jirevail- ing diseases at Belle Isle. There was no scurvy while I was there. I remained at Belle Isle three weeks, and then Avas exchanged and came to City Point, and was finally di.scharged at Portsmouth Grove, Rhode Island. Q. State any acts of cruelty Avhich may have come under your observation Avhile you were a prisoner. — A. While in Libby Prison, Richmond, I went into one room BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 853 wliere I should tliink there were three hundred persons lyiug on the floor, every one of them Avounded. Their wounds had not been dressed for three days, and there was such a stench in the room that I eouhl not stay in there five minutes. After being put into Libby Prison I was stripped of all my clothes, and a clean pair of drawers and one shirt given to me. I did not eat a single mouthful for nine days after I was Y)ut in Libby ; 1 was too sick to eat the food they gave me. If I had not managed to hide my watch when captured, and sold it and got things to eat from the proceeds, I should have starved to death. I Avas a prisoner altogether about ten weeks. Charles E. Benson sworn. By the Chairman : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Charles E. Benson ; age, twenty-five ; residence, Worcester, Massachusetts ; occupation, a clerk at GG Milk street, Boston. Q. Please state what connection you had with the military or naval service of the United States during the war. — A. I enlisted April 24, 1861, in the navy, and was drafted on board the Minnesota, flag-ship, and served on the blockade oft' Charleston, South Carolina, and was discharged in September, 1861. In July, 1862, I enlisted as a private in Company A, Twenty-fifth Massachusetts infantry, and after my term of service had expired, I re-enlisted as a veteran volunteer. Q. State the particulars of your capture and your subsequent treatment. — A. I was captured May 16, 1864, at Drury's Bluft', Virginia, in front of the works at Fort Darling, by some South Carolina troops. We were taken from there to Richmond and put in Libby Prison, in the upper loft. The day being warm my comrade went to a window, which was grated, for tlxe purpose of getting the fresh air, and ho was immediately shot by the guard outside, without our having been told that we must not go to the windows. He died in consequence of his wounds. About eight hundred of us were confined in two lofts about one hundred feet long and thirty feet wide. The rooms, when we went into them, were in good condition — had just been washed and swept. We were searched by the guard, and everything taken away from ns such as money, blankets, haversacks, and canteens. We were promised that our money should be returned to us, but we never saw it nor had it returned. I did not have any money with me. Wo arrived there on Monday morning and received a ration the next day at noon of corn bread and bean soup. There were two half-barrel tubs of bean soup brought up for the eight hundred men, and a small piece of corn bread about four inches long and about two inches thick. The bean soup was served out to us. Some of the prisoners received it in their hands, others m the top of their hats ; we had no dishes of any kind. We received these rations once a day, and the same quantity all the time I was there. After being there a week, we were routed out one morning about four o'clock, and received one loaf of corn bread about four inches square and two inches thick, and were marched to Manchester and packed sixty in a box car. The cars had been used for transporting molasses, and were very filthy and dirty. There were no seats in the cars, and one door was entirely closed and the other door was guarded by two rebel soldiers. We went to Danville, and arrived there the next morning at four o'clock, and were marched to the prisons, and got rations that evening of corn bread and beau soup. The next afternoon, without having received any rations, we were marched to anotlier train of freight cars, and packed the same number in a car, and transported on our way to Andersouville, where we arrived Monday noon, having been just a week on the route, and confined in box cars all the time excepting two nights, and having received rations but three times during the trip. At Chester, South Carolina, negroes and foreigners brought us eggs, bread, and pies, but they were driven away by the rebel inhabitants and not allowed to give them to us. At Waynes- boro, South Carolina, a woman waved a black flag as we went along. Q. What was the general treatment of the citizens toward the prisoners ? — A. The general treatment of the citizens toward us was good. They generally did not say much to us. Politically, they were bitterly opposed to us, condemning us for our action in coming down there to deprive them of their rights and to fight in company with their negroes. In reference to our physical comforts they never extended any aid to us, nor allowed their negroes or foreign whites to assist us in any way by giving us food or drink. Two men died on the way there, from being closely confined in the cars, aud for want of air and proper ventilation. We arrived at Andersonvilk', and were marched to the rebel headquarters, Wirz commanding, and divided into detach- ments of two hundred and seventy, and subdivided into squads of ninety, and tlien put into the stockade. At this time about twenty thousand prisoners were confined in the stockade, and all the ground was occupied. We were marched down, twelve hundred of us, to the border of the swamp, where all the excrescence and filth of tlie swamp had been left, and assigned some made laud where they had carted in a thin layer of dirt over this filth, with no shelter, and no building materials. Here we jiassed our first night. The vermin were so thick that in the morning all this new ground was 854 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR covered Avitli maggots that had come up tlirough the layer of dirt. The next day,' having been forty-eight hours without any rations, we received a ration of a quart of meal and three ounces of bacon. At this time the raw rations issued were sufficient in ((uantity if we had wood and cooking utensils provided for preparing thcni to eat. Nearly all the prisoners on entering the stockade were destitute of dishes, and all were without blankets ; and the sun was so hot that men would pull their boots otf to go barefooted, and their feet would blister and swell so that it would be impossible for them to put their boots on again. The rations were issued alternately raw and cooked. They began to decrease in quantity, until, finally, we received but a half pint of meal, a little cooked rice, and two spoonfuls of molasses as a substitute for meat. The rations were drawn into our camp by nuile teams, and issued once a day to each de- tachment in buckets. These were carried to the locality occupied by the detachment, and the contents poured on the ground. Tlie water provided for the camp was this small stream running through the swamp where all the excrements had been voided. There was only a small portion of the stream that was anyways clear, and that was where it entered the stockade. Men going there to get water were many times shot in reaching up under the dead line, for no other purpose than to get pure water. Many of the men dug wells, but these were considered private property, and were not avail- able for all the prisoners. The water in these wells was better than that in the brook. Prisoners were continually arriving, until it was estimated that there was thirty-five thousand within the stockade. Late in August, 1864, we had a severe thunder shower, and the water, washing down the hiU-side, between the dead-line and the stockade, opened a spring. The prisoners for a while were in the habit of tying their cups on to a pole with a line, and swinging it over in there, and dipping up the water in small quantities at a time. The rebels were finally induced to construct a trough to bring the water from the spring, inside of the cami> ; that is, inside of the dead-line. A hogs- head was sunk, and a stream of clear spring water, as large as a man's arm, was con- tinually running into this hogshead, and at night long lines of n\eu would form, per- haps two thousand in a line, in order to get water from this hogshead. This opening of the spring might be considered almost a miracle, as men had sunk wells seventy- five feet deep to get water. The supply of water was always good after that, and plentiful. There was such a lack of wood that the men dug up all the roots of the trees, and went down into this swamp, up to their knees in tilth, and i)ulled up the roots, and carried them to the creek and washed and dried them, for the purpose of fuel ; and as late as August there was not a stump in the stockade, and the stockade had been built in the midst of a forest, and the lumber had been gotten out for a stockade from the inside, and there was not a stump nor the root of a stump left. When they did issue us rations of wood it was generally green pine or beech, and each man was allowed a stick about as large as his arm. No axes were provided, and each man was obliged to use a jack-knife, or spikes that we had found ou the railroad during our journey there, to split the wood up to burn. It was considered by the prisoners ll ])rovided with clothing. All our water came from the James River. In the sumnn^r time it was very muddy aiul dirty — ^^just the color of milk and cofi'ee ; but in the winter the water was cold and better in all respects. The guards were very severe towards the last part of the time. They were " home guards," and had never smelt powder, and did not know how to treat us. About three thou- sand prisoners wei'e confined there at first, and betwiniu five thousand and six thou- sand when I left there. Some i)oor fellows had nothing to cover themselves, and some wanted to get something to put uudtn- them, and cut a hole in their tents, and for that they were bucked, gagged, and kept without rations lor twenty-four hours. One pris- oner made his escape aud was recaptured and i)ut in close confinement for twenty-four hours without rations. During our stay there General Winder visited us twice. He would come in camp and look at us, and say we were getting along as well as we ought to, and said our rations were " good enough for any Yankee prisoners." I heard him say this myself. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 857 Boston, Massachusetts, October 23, 1867. William C. Bates s\vt)rn. By Mr. Mungen : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. William C. Bates ; age, 29 ; residence, 62 Broad street, Boston ; occupation, a commission merchant. Q. State your connection witli the military service of the United States. — A. I enlisted April 19, 1861, as a private in the Fifth Massachusetts infantry. Q. Were you captured while in service ?— A. Yes, sir ; July 22, 1861, near Ceutreville, Virginia, after the battle of Bull Run, while on tho retreat to Washington. I had stopped with a companion at a house to get some water, and on coming out found the rebel cavalry in the road, who captuied us. We were hehl during the day by the squad under some trees. Army biscuits captured from our forces were distributed to us, and at night we were taken to the camp at Manassas, and remained there four days. Then we were taken to Richmond. There was great curiosity manifested by the citi- zens to see us, and they used imprecations towards us, which we returned wit^h interest. At Richmond we were put into an old tobacco factory on Main street. We suffered much here, as we had no accommodations where we could attend to the calls of nature, and the change of water and diet had given the diarrhea to most of the prisoners. In about a week water was introduced into the building, and afterwards there was a plenty of it for bathing. The rations here consisted of a small piece of bread and fresh meat, iusuflQcient in quantity but of fair quality. An opportunitj' Avas given the first few weeks for soldiers to send out into the city for such jirovisions as they could buy, those that had money, by allowing oue prisiouer to go out from each room under guard. There was little purchased except fruit, tomatoes, and small pies. This privilege was taken away for a month, for some reason unknown to me. During that time there was occasionally a shot fired into the building, though never with any fatal results in the building in which I was situated. In the building across the street a man was killed Avhile hanging a blanket out of the window. We frequently heard the guards boast of their intention to kill a Yankee before they left us. We never knew of a guard being taken otf duty f(u- having fired into the building. Shots were occasionally fired about dark. The health of the prisoners was fair. At the end of two months five himdred of us were taken to New Orleans, under command of Wirz, and quartered in the pai-ish prison, under counnaud of General Palfrey. We were put in cells and closely crowded. We had the liberty of the yard of the prison duriu"- the day. The rations there were bread and tea in the morning, with a poor soup and meat at noon. The bread was very good, but a very small ration. An opportunity was given to buy molasses which the prisoners availed themselves of as long as their money held out. The prisoners made rings of bones, and tooth-picks, and sold them to the visitors and the rebel guard, and thus supplied themselves with some money. No clothing up to this time had been furnished by the rebel authorities, and many of the men were in a state of semi-nudity. At this time our government sent ns some clothing, which some of the prisoners sold for money, but this proceeding was discountenanced by the majority of the prisoners. The prisoners, on the average, were intelligent, resi>ecta- ble men, and a " Union Lyceum" was formed and papers were read on different sub- jects. We were allowed no newspapers. Such information as we got from the guard was generally retailed from one to another. Prayer meetings were also held by some. The prisoners complained chiefly of the scarcity of bread, and being held under the charge of criminals, a murderer being the cook and locking us into the cells at night. Other criminals did the police duty in the yard. For two hours, night and morning, we were locked into the cells for tlie purpose of giving the privilege of the yard to the criminals there. We remamed in New Orleans three months and then were taken to Salisbury, North Carolina, under the impression that we were going home. At Salis- bury we were quartered in an old factory, in bunks arranged in each story of the build- ing. Our rations here were the poorest we had at any time— generally bread and salt pork of poor and inferior quality, unfit to be eaten. Men were affected with the scurvy and chronic diarrhea. The percentage of deaths was not large at this time. There were about one thousand four hundred there then. The hospital arrangements were in separate quarters. Some of the prisoners were detailed in charge; of the hos- pital. Tlie deaths, I think, were no more than fifty out of one thousand five hundred altogether in the four months. In the room in which I was confined the prisoners amused themselves by building on one side a stage on which they had some theatrical performances. I noticed that men who had been used to quiet or sedentary employ- . ments, stood confinement better than lumber-men, or men nsed to out-of-door lite. On oue occasion the guard heard a noise in one of the rooms and discharged a double- barreled musket into the room among the sleeping men, wliich caused considerable commotion, and three or four persons were injured, but not fatally. We remained at Salisbury four months, when we wei'e pai'oled and sent to Newbern, North Carolina, and from there to New York, and I was finally discharged from the service in June, 1882. Q. Is there any other fact you wish to state ?— A. Not particularly. Our feeling was 858 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR that GUI' iuconveuiences arose more from the poverty ami inability of the rebels than from a disposition to treat us badly. Charles C. Hoyt sworn. By the Chairman : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Charles C. Hoyt ; age, 2o ; residence. North Craftsbury, Vermont ; occupation, a farmer. Q. State tlie connection you had with the military service of the United States dur- ing the war. — A. I enlisted in the First Vermont cavalry. Company I, September 18, 1861, as a private, at Hyde Park, Vermont. I was afterwards made corpoial and held that ranlc when I was captured. Q. If you were captured by the enemy, state the details of your capture, and your subsequent treatment as a prisoner of war. — A. I was captured June 29, 1864, near Stony Creelv Station, Virginia, by Stuart's cavalry, I think. We were taken to Ander- sonville at iirst ; when captured the rebels took everything 1 liad about me — my watch, pocket-book, money, diary, letters, photographs, hat, boots and jiocket handkerchief, which I had tied over my head in the place of a hat, and left me my coat, pants and vest. None of these articles were returned to me. I was put inside of the stockade at Andersonville without shelter of any kind. I had no blauket. The rations were about a pint of corn-meal a day. Sometimes we diew corn bread instead of corn-meal — half baked and sometimes mush. Q. Were the rations sufficient to sustain men in good health ? — A. No, sir ; they were not. The corn-meal was brought into camp in mule teams, and the mush in large, square, wooden boxes. I never received any cooking utensils. Four of us had a sheet of iron that had been stripped oft' a roof at Salisbury and bent up into a sort of pan ; in this we received our mush. I never saw any cooking utensils issued to any of the others. I eat with my hands. Sometimes we took a stick instead. Some received their rations in their hats and some in their hands. We never drew any rations of wood while we were at Andersonville. The only way we could get wood, was, that "when a party of four carried out a dead body to the dead-house they could bring in a large stick of pitch pine. That was all the wood we had while I was there. There was a plenty of timber in the neighborhood, and the prisoners would have procured the wood if permitted ; and there was a jdenty of pine boughs that would have made us a good shelter, but we were never allowed to get them at all. Q. What shelter was fnruished by the rebel authorities for the prisoners ? — A. None at all, that I ever heard. After a while two or three buildings were built by the confed- erates at the further end for some of the sick. I never got into them, and all the pris- oners laid on the ground without shelter unless they dug holes in the bank, as many did. Q. What were the supplies of water ? — A. There was a small stream that ran through the stockade. The rebel cook-house stood over it just above the stockade where it came in, and all theii" greasy slops were poured into it, so that when it reached the stockade it was covered with a sort of greasy, tih by mass all the time. I never saw it come in clear. Some of my company had dug a well with a canteen and a (piart-p.^il before I got there, which furnished very good water. There were other wells in the stockade, dug iu the same manner. These wells would supply forty or more men each ; that is, the well I had would. There were Ijut a few of these wells, and the rebels filled up many of them afterwards, as they claimed that we were trying to tunnel out under the stockade, and that shortened our supply of good water. Q. What was the sanitary condition of the camp ! — A. It was very filthy indeed. Some of the prisoners pretended to do policing, Ijut that was all that was done. There w^ere perhaps foi'ty or fifty men belonging to the police squad. They were furnished with shovels, but nothing else, and these shovels were returned every day for fear we should use them in tunneling, and were not allowed to be used except by the i)olice squad. The ground about the creek was the filthiest place in the camp. The only sink there was, occupied nearly half the stream in the camp, and some of tin? prisoners got so weak and sick that they could only crawl down to the edge of this stream, and there they would drink the water and wash themselves in it, so that it was imjiossible for us to get pure water — even as pure as it came from the cook-house. Q. State what treatment the prisoners received from the guards and officers. — A. The dead-line which surrounded the camp, pass tl over this stream of water where it entered the camp, and by reaching under the dead-line you could get purer water. I saw a man shot for reaching under in this way and for this purpose. At another time one of my detachuieut was at the sink at roll-call, and came and joininl us as quick as he could, but the rebel sergeant damned him and kicked him twice, and then he was taken outside. I saw this, as I was standing very near. I never saw this man after- wards. Q. State how the sick prisoners were treated. — A. They were examined at the gate by the rebel surgeon and sent to hospital, or returned to camp, as he thought proper. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 859 I helped carry a man to the surgeon twice, and both times lie was sent back to cami> as not beinj^- sick enough to go to hospital, and the next day after we brought liim back he died. There were hundreds of other cases like that. If a prisoner was unable to go outside, and he had no friend to carry him there, he remained where he was and died for want of some one to take care of him. When dead, the body was carried, by the prisoners, outside, to the dead-bouse, and there put in a wagon and drawn oif. Q. What were the prevailing diseases? — A. Scurvy and diarrhea. The scurvy caused their limbs to swell up, and their body, and they would break out in sores, and they could not walk. It also caused their gums to decay. I had the scurvy, and my teeth were so loose that I could i)usli them out. Sometimes their limbs swelled up and burst open, and they had running sores on their feet and limbs. I saw one man, named Scott, of Company C, First Vermont, whose feet and hands bad cracked open and maggots had got into his running sores. We washed him several times as well as we could, at the brook. He bad no one to care for him, and he lay with the maggots eating his hands and feet until he died. There were a great many similar cases. The prisoners had no medicines or vegetables, to prevent the scurvy, furnished them ; but there were a few onions and potatoes sold in the camp at twenty-tive or fifty cents apiece. They were sold by other prisoners who obtained them in some way from negroes, or when they were detailed outside. But these could only be obtained by those who had money. Q. What eifect did this treatment have upon the prisoners physically and mentally ? — A. They were reduced to mere skeletons ; many were idiotic — seemed to have no reasoning power — men that were smart and intelligent when they went in there. It made them selfish and almost brutes. If a prisoner had anything he was obliged to lie on it in order to keep it. The others would steal it if they could. Q. State how long you were there. — A. Two months and two days. Q. State what portion of that time you felt the etfects of hunger. — A. I never felt otherwise than hungry all the time I was there. Q. What effect did the treatment you received have upon your health ? — A. When I left there I was very weak and my teeth were loose ; aside from that, I was well. Q. What do you know of the rebel authorities keeping hounds to recapture escaped prisoners? — A. Only rumor. I used to hear the dogs barking outside almost every morning. I know nothing about it myself. Q. Was it the general understanding in camp that the hounds passing around the stockade in the morning w^ere for the x)urj)ose of detecting escaped prisoners ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. State where you were next taken and your treatment at that place. — A. We were taken from Andersonvillo to Charlston, South Carolina, and placed in camp outside of the city without shelter. This was in September, 1864. For water, we were allowed to go under guard, two or three at a time, outside of the camp. I was there a mouth and then taken to Florence, where I remained nearly five months. Our general treat- ment here was about the same as at Andersonville, excepting that there was some wood in the stockade they had not cleared ont. The water came in a stream thi'ough a swamp, the same as at Andersonville, but it was cleaner; and the rations were about the same, as was also the treatment of the guards and officers. The rebel guards, them- selves, told us that they got a furlough of thirty days for every man they shot. I heard the reports of guns often, and saw them carrying men away that they said were shot by the rebel guards. I never saw any shot there myself. From Florence I was sent to Wilmington and delivered over to our government February 26. From there I went to Annapolis, and my term of service having exj)ired, I was sent home and discharged. George W. Caleff sworn. By Mr. Mungen : Question. State your name, age, residence and occupation. — Answer. George W. Caleff; age, 28 ; residence, 13 Exchange street, Boston ; occupation, superintendent of the Soldiers' Home in Weston, Massachusetts. Q. State your connection with the military service of the United States during the war. — A. I enlisted in Boston, in Company H, Eleventh Massachusetts infantry, in April, 1861. I raised a company, and was made second lieutenant. Q. Were you ever captured? If so, state when, where, and the particulars of your subseijuent treatment. — A. I was captured at the first battle of Bull Run, July 22, 1861. I was taken to Richmond and put in a room in a tobacco warehouse, where there were eight hundred prisoners confined. They were so crowded they could not get to the sinks, and would have to urinate on the floor. The stench -was terrible. Our rations consisted of beef and bread. There was a clamor among the people outside of the prison to see us ; but there were some humane officers there, I admit. We had James River water to drink. It was very muddy and rily. I remained there six weeks or two months, and then made my escape. I managed to get a red lappel to my coat, and, this being the insignia of a rebel surgeon, I had no trouble in passing out of the front 860 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR tloor. For throe days I had nothing to oat, and then was recaptured and brought back to Richinoud. Then I was taken to Charleston, South Carolina, and put in the jail. The .journey lasted tive days, and 1 had nothing to eat during that time. By borrowing some money I managed to buy something to eat from the people who came to the cars at the diti'erent stations at which we stopped. Our rations at Charleston were hard crackers and maggoty beef. We also got rice, and a little sugar and coffee, just enough to make it an aggravation. Captain Bogue, the commissary at Charlestcm, was very severe and tyrannical. I lay there at the point of death with a fever, and asked Captain Bogue for bread, and offered to give him my ring, or anything I had, if he would get me something nourishing ; and he told me to " go to hell," and said Ave had uo business to come down there and invade their homes. We remained there tive days, and then were carried to Castle Pinckney and kept there two months. The weather was very warm, and we were troubled with muscjuitoes and rats ; and there was a scar- city of provisi(jns. I picked up, one day, a crust of bread that the slaves of Captain Bogue had thrown away. Our rations were hard crackers and pork. The crackers had to be soaked a day or two before we could eat them, they were so hard, and the pork was maggoty. The health of the prisoners was generally bad, but there were but two deaths there, among the eleven hundred prisoners, during the two months I was there. We were taken from Castle Pinckney again to Charleston jail. Q. What was your general treatment by the officers and guards while you were a prisoner f — A. The general treatment was good, with the exception of the treatment received from Captain Bogue ; he was always tyrannical. Q. How were you provided with wood and water? — A. They gave us wood in Charles- ton jail. We did not need Avood ; it was at a warm season of the year. We had not enough to cook with, however. Bishop Lynch came in to see us, and gave seven or eight of us cots. From Charleston we went to Salisbury, North Carolina, and were put in the jail there. Captain Shivers and Lieutenant Walters, in command there, were freemasons, and they let out some of the prisoners on i>arole Avho were free- masons ; and for this they were ordered to Richmond, by Jeff. Davis, on a charge of giving aid and comfort to the enemy; but they were afterward released. From Columbia we were taken to Richmond, under promise of exchange, and \nit in Libby Prison. The water-closet in the room above us, in this x>rison, broke, and the manure from those above showered down on us. We wrote to the authorities and stated our situation, but no reply was ever received by us. Captain Warner, a confederate offi- cer, brought me sugar while I was sick, and gave me confederate money once or twice. Some of the men went mad there — had temporary insanity. I saw a chaplain jump up an^l take a colonel by the throat. They had seemed to be good friends just before this occurred, and there were manj' other instances of temporary insanity Avhile I was there. I remained in Richmond aV)ont two months, and then was taken to Salisbury, and remained there about three months. The rations there were very bad — sonr l)read in small quantities, maggoty pork and beans. If it had not been for a Mi's. Johnson, who lived there, I should have died. She sent in some peas to me ; she was also kind to a great many other prisoners. Q. What was the treatment of the citizens generally? — A. The citizens seemed to be afraid that we would rise, there were so many of us. We got no assistance from any citizens. There were some citizen prisoners confined there for their Union sentiments, and for not being willing to take the oath of allegiance to the confederacy. A great many of the citizen prisoners tried to escape, but were tired at, and they were recap- tured the next day. One day one of our officers threw a note to the citizen prisoners, and Colonel Godwin, who was in command, said he Avould blow his God-damned brains out if he could find out who it was. From Salisbury I was sent back to Richmond, and kept there a few days and then exchanged, and then went home and resigued. Q. Is there any other fact you wish to state ? — A. At Richmond the orders were to shoot anybody that looked' out of the windows, and there was oue privates shot. Cap- tain (now General) Shurtleff was put in irons by Captain AVirz, at Richmond, because he was unable to stand up at roll-call. Letters addressed to us were never received, and I think the deaths of my mother and sister were caused by anxiety at not hearing from me. At Salisbury three or four out of eleven hundred officers died a day. I was covered with gangrene sores and lice. The lice Avere so thick there that my nock would ache cracking them. My head and l)ody wore covered Avith them. Garnu'uts were sent us from Boston, and avo did not get them for seven months, and I had no change of garments during that time. My Avhole iieriod of imi)risoument Avas over thirteen months. Chakles S. Cooper sworn. By the Chairman: Question. State your name, age, residence and occupation. — AnsAver. Charles S. Cooper; age, 27; residence, Enfield, New Hampshire; occupation, a merchant. Q. State your connection Avith the service during the Avar. — A. I enlisted in April, BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 861 1861, as sergeant of Compauy B, Second New Hampshire infantry; was afterwards second lieutenant of the Sixteenth New Hampshire, and afterwards adjutant of the Seventy-fifth United States colored troops. Q. Were you ever captured l)y the enemy? If so, state where, when, and what hap- pened after your capture. — A. I was cajttured at the first battle of Bull Run, July 31, 18G1, at Centreville stone church. I held the i-ank of sergeant at that time. I had been wounded in that battle and taken to Centreville stone church, where I was cap- tured. We were kept there three or four days, and afterwards removed to Manassas Juuction. While at Manassas Junction we received various kinds of cruel Treatment. The guard in charge of us threatened to hang us. At Manassas we were placed in a very filthj' car — a cattle car, I should judge — and taken to Richmond. When I arrived there I Avas completely besmeared with the filth of the car. At Richmond I was put in the poor-house, which was occupied and used as a hospital. While there a citizen attempted to shoot into the hospital, but was prevented by the guard. The citizens were bitter and hostile to the greatest extent. I gave the last numey I had to a. guard in Richmond to procure me a comb and brush, but he never gave me the comb and brush, or returned me the money. The rations in the hospital were very ordinary, but suffi- cient to appease hunger. The wounds of the prisoners were dressed by inexperienced surgeons, in my opinion; at any rate there was a great deal of surt'eriug among the prisoners there from the inefficiency of the surgeons. For instance: I saw one young fellow that had his arm amputated twice under the influence of chloroform, and his clothes became covered with chloroform, and were set on fire and he was burnt very severely, and he afterwards died. Tliis was from carelessness, in my t>pinion. A pri- vate of the Fourteenth New York sutt'ered amputation twice, and the gcni'ral impres- sion was that the first amputation, properly conducted, would have saved his life. These were all wounded men at this hospital. Rebel soldiers who had contagious dis- eases were confined in the same prison in which our sick were. That is the informa- tion I received. Captain Rickets was in the same hospital with me, attended by his wife. The lady was not allowed any facilities outside, but was kept under the prison regulations. I remained there from the first of August until the middle of September, 1861 ; then I was taken to Charleston, South Carolina. I was woimded in the thigh, and no crutches were provided for me, and on our arrival at Petersburg I had to walk about a mile, and fainted away in the arms of my comrades who assisted me alcmg. On arriving at Charleston we were put in the jail, about eighteen of us in one cell. The heat was almost insufferable, and in this condition we were compelled to renuiin one week, with a large bottle in the cell wliicli was used for the excrescence of the ])rison- ers that had been there before. We remained in the jail two or tliree weeks, aud went from there to Castle Pinckuey. In Castle Piuckney we received better latioiis than in any other place, but the commanding officer. Captain Bogue, was insolent and insult- ing towards the prisoners. I was suffering then from chronic diarrhea, and it was impossible for me to procure any treatment from their surgeon ; in fact the only treat- ment I received was froni Surgeon McGregor, of a Connnecticut I'egiment, who was a prisoner with me. He made a request to the surgeon in charge that he be allowed to go into his laboratory and procure medicine. We had to cook our own rations here, and we had a sufficiency of wood for that purpose. We had very poor water, brought from Charleston iu tar buckets, which tasted so strongly of tar that it was almost impossible to drink it. The men made fires in the yard and cooked their rations. At this time I was with the officers, and they were in these casemates and were provided with fire-places. Most of the dishes we had, I am very positive, were purchased by the officers. The hard bread was so hard that we had to use a piece of a shell to pound it up. In October we were taken back to Charleston jail, and remained there six weeks. Our guard iu going to the jail was a very strong guard of cavalry and infantry. Some of the rebel officers said it was to keep the mob from us. The rations were; not as good here. At one time we had some bacon which was said to have been condemned by General Ripley at Fort Sumter. It was alive with maggots, and putrid. We stayed there until the first of January, 18(52, being kept as hostages for the confederate priva- teer officers. The principal officers were confined in the town at this time. We could see fi'oui the window women iu the streets who had ropes in their hands made into nooses, and they would shake them at us. It was through the influence of General Wilcox that I was put iu with the officers. From there I was sent to Columbia, South Carolina. We were kept there in sheds in the jail yard. Our rations were the poorest here that I received at any place. My rations consisted of three hard bread a day, aud at noon a jiiece of beef, sometimes fresh and sometimes salt. Tliis was iny regular ration all the time I was there. I was alwa.ys hungry, and at times actually suffered iiom hunger. We had very good water there, and enough of it. The guard fired at the windows, where the soldiers were, several times. At this time the clothing I had was insufficient to cover me. One of ithe legs of my pants only came to my knee, and I was comi)letely covered with vermin. The general aiipearance of tht^ piisoners was ragged and filthy. We received here a supply of clothing from our government. About the last of February, 18(32, we received notification that we were to be paroled or 862 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR exchanjjerL We were paroled not to attempt to escape, and were sent •oithont any guard to Rieliiuond, where we supposed we were to be immediately exchanged. Upon arriving there we were sent to one of the tobacco warehouses and kept until the last of May. The reason we were not exchanged was because they supi)osed that Colonel Corcoran and some other officers had obtained information, while going through I'eters- burg, which would be of service to our troops and injurious to them. Our treatment here was very severe. Several times 1>ullets were shot through the lloor from below where the rebel guard was kept. I did not see any one hurt by these shots, but there were several narrow esca^ies. Sergeant Whitcomb, of Colonel Wilcox's Michigan regi- ment, told me that while confined in Libby Prisou, that he was reading by a post, when Captain Todd, who Avas in connuand of the guard, came up to him and cut him severely across the leg with a sabre, without sayiug anything to him. While here at this tobacco warehouse our rations were meagre and very ])oor. We had meal soup, with a very little brotli, a very little meat, and the poorest kiiul of soft white bread. Here, as everywhere else, there was a disposition shown to us of the very worst character. Citizens and soldiers going by would insult us by using the most opprobrious epithets. From there we were paroled and sent to Newport News, and finally sent home. In Sejitember I was commissioned as second lieutenant in the Sixteenth New Hampshire infantry, served in the Department of the Gulf, and afteward made adjutant of the Seventy-fifth United States colored troops, and served until December 25, 1865, when I "was mustered out of the service. Chester Orr sworn : By the Chairman: Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Chester Orr; age, 32 : residence, Barnet, Vermont ; occupation, a farmer. Q. What connection had yon with the service of the United States ? — A. I enlisted in 1861, at Ryegate, Vermont, as a private in the First Vermont cavalry. Q. If you were captured at any time, please state the particulars of your capture, and your subsequent treatment while a prisoner. — A. I was captured in 18i54, near Stony Creek Station, Virgiuia, on the Richmond and Weldon railroad, by Gener;-.! Hampton's cavalry. We were taken from there to Andei-sonville. The journey lasted seven days, and we arrived at Andersouville July 7, 1864. During that time \ve received but one small ration— about two ounces of bread, and three or four ounces of raw pork each. We were crowded into cattle cars so closely that none could sit or lie down, and we liad to stand. Two of the prisoners died on the way from this treatment. At Andersouville we had no shelter. At the end of three Aveeks I was attacked Avith the intermittent fever, and for two weeks I lay on the ground with this feA^er, and had no coA'ering or shelter of any kind, and nothing but the ground to lie on. Then I was taken to the hospital, and received mncli better treatment. There I had a small liy-tent for shelter. I Avas in this hospital about six weeks, and getting a little better, Avas turned back again into the stockade. When first captured my blanket, boots, and hat were taken from me, and old poor ones given me instead. I was searched three times before I got to Andersouville. but I had no money with me. The daily rations at Andersonville Avere a half a pint of corn meal. Some days I would get a little extra, probably a quarter of a pound of salt meat, or a half a- pint of beans, or a tablespoonful of sorghum molasses. These were the same rations that the other prisoners received -the most that I saw. I snftered with hunger at all times. The difierent articles were issued alternately. I came very near starving to death. A stream of Avater ran through this camp ; but the cook-house Avas built directly ()\er this stream, and nuule the water so greasy that the l>risoners could not Avash Avith it at all. We had a very small amount of soft soai) given us once a Aveek — not regularly lioAveA'er. We did not have Avood enough to cook our rations half of the time. A great many ate their rations raAv. Wirz, the couuuander of the j)rison, used to come into the prision about once a Aveek, and Avheu asked for more Avood, would say aa-c had enough for any dannied Yankee to cook his rations Avith ; he said tlie same about the rations — that we had enough for Yankees. Wood Avas plenty outside of the camp. It seemed to be a A'cry thickly timbered country. They used to alloAV small squads of the prisoners to go out aud get Avood ; but geuei'ally the prisoners AA'ere so Aveak that they could not carry l)ut a very little. Some that went out Avere not able to carry any at all. Q. How Avere the i)risoners treated by the officers and guards ? — A. As a general thing the privates that guaided us there used us very well. I kuoAV of but one instance of shooting, and that 1 did not see done ; I only saw the nuin after he had been shot. He Avas one that Avas jjaroled to go outside every day and work for the rebels. One morning he Avent to go out and a neAV guard had been put on risoners. I have seen men's hands swell up Avith the scurvy and break open, and there were no doctors to attend to them, and in a short time these wounds would "fij^-blow^" and become maggoty. The day I went into Audersouville I saw two dead men lying in the mire whei'c they had died, and their mouths were fly-blown and putrified. The legs and feet of some would be aftected in the same way. Gangrene prevailed very much. I have seen a man get just a small scratch on his hand, and in the course of ten days it would swell up and keep working the same as a cancer, and in a short time eat his foot oft'. I saw two prisoners in the stockade that had their fingers eaten oft' close up to their hands, and another man that had his foot half eaten oil" by the gangrene. I did not see auy medicine while I was there. I have seen prisoners use sand to cover them and cool them, and check the pain from which they were sufl'ering; or cold water. Q. Where were you exchanged ? — A. We were taken from Audersouville to Lake City, Florida, and from there to Jacksonville, where I was exchanged and sent to Annapolis, Maryland, and finally to Battleboro, Vermont, and was mustered out of service May 26, 1865. Albert H. Richardson sworn. By the Chairman : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — A. Albert H. Richard- son ; age, 24 ; residence, Woburn, Massachusetts ; occupation, a machinist. Q. Please state your connection with the service during the war. — A. I enlisted as a private iu Company K Thu-ty-Niutli Massachusetts infantry, at Woburn, Massachusetts. Q. Were you captured?— A. Yes, sir; August 19, 1864, 'at the Weldon railroad, Vir- ginia, by North Carolina troo^is, of Mahone's division. Q. State briefly the treatment you received at the hands of your captors. — A. I was captured on Friday, and the first thing I had to eat was on Sunday noon. I was taken to Richmond, via Petersburg; there stripped naked, my money and equipments talceu away, and nothing but my pants, blouse, and shirt left me. I was then taken to Belle Isle. There we received rations of a piece of bread, four inches long and two inches wide and thick, and a very small piece of meat. Instead of meat we sometimes got soup — half a pint. The meat was not tit to eat sometimes, but generally it was eatable. These we got regularly. I do not think they were enough to keep a man in good health. AVe had the James River water — riley sometimes, and sometimes better. After we had been there about four days we had shelter given us. Up to that time we had laid out in the rain without slielter of any kind. Q. What was the character of the treatment of the guards and ofticers ? — A. They would shoot a man on slight provocation. I do not think they ever le to march, hanging by the neck to a tree. Colonels Powers, Griffiths, and other officers of the coimnand strongly urged Gen- eral Logan to treat me in a like manner, but as no negroes of the regiment to which I belonged were engaged, he concluded to treat me as a prisoner of war, and send me on to Richmond. I was then sent to General Joe Johnston, at Meridian, Mississippi. Here I gave in my regiment as the Third Massachusetts cavalry, fearing if it was known that I was an otticer of a colored regiment, I might be treated with greater severity, if not put quietly to death. I was then sent to General Bragg, at Atlanta, Georgia, and BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 865 in a few weeks to Richmond, Avliere I arrived at Libby Prison the 26th of Septem- ber, 1863, still as an officer of the Third Massachusetts cavalry, l)iit, by the advice of Brigadier General Neal Dow, soon after informed the rebels of my real regiment, also sent word to General Hitchcock, commissioner of exchange, that I was receiving treat- ment in common with other prisoners. My rations consisted at this time of about one- half pound of wheat bread, one-fourth pound fresh beef, and one pint rice soup per day. The 11th of March, 1864, was taken with three other officers of colored troops to a cell about twenty-live teet by fifteen feet, where we found five officers of the Kilpat- rick and Dahlgreu raiding party, then lately captured, and six negro soldiers. My treatment here was very severe. The rations were a piece of corn-bread, ground cob and all, about five inches long, three inches wide, and two inches thick, and a cubic inch of pork, weighing about two ounces, nearly rotten ; nothing but fear of starva- tion enabled me to eat it. We also received about a half a gill of black peas, each pea having a bug in it. A table was brought in and the officers of the colored troops were placed at it with a negro on each side, and a rebel sergeant was stationed by until we finished eating. For a sink we were given a tub, which was emptied night and morn- ing by an officer of a negro regiment .and a negro. While in this cell I saw hundreds of prisoners brought in to an adjoining room and searched, and stripjied of every article of clothing, and the clothes searched for greenbacks. Not one to my knowledge ever got a dollar back again. Had not the officers confined in the room over us cut holes in the floor and passed food through, I think it would have been impossible to sustain life. The 19th of July, 1864, 1 was removed to Salisbury, North Carolina, not then a military prison, but where were confined rebel soldiers for crimes, deserters from the federal army, some two hundred civilians, mostly loyal southern men, and a few officers held as hostages. I wiis still quartered Avith the negroes, but the rations were much better ; half a jjound of wheat bread, a quarter of a pound of pork, and a pint of rice soup, were given us each day. We also had the liberty of the yard. As the deserters from our army were treated worse than we were, being tied up and lashed on the back for slight ofi'enses, we tried to induce them to help rrs break out, but they told Captain Fugua, the commander, and each of us four officers had to have four feet of heavy chain and a thirty pound ball riveted about our ankles, which I wore for some weeks, but at last, agreeing to be concerned in no more plots with the deserters, it was removed. About the 1st of October the rebel convicts and deserters were taken away, and about six thousand jirisoners of Avar brought here, among them some two hundred officers; ay as tllen placed Avith the officers aud received treatment in common Avith them. The officers Avere treated better than the enlisted men, as they were provided Avith houses to live in, while the men had no shelter from the Aveather, but dug holes in the ground. The ofiicers and men were allowed no communication together, a dead-line consisting of a slight ditch one foot Avide by six inches deep being between them, no one being alloAved to approach it. A lieutenant was deliberately shot by one of the guard here, a cold-blooded murder, as the officer was violating none of their rules or regulations. General Josei>h Hayes, of Boston, Lieutenant Colonel Charles H. Hooper, Twenty-fourth Massachusetts, of Boston, were among those present Avho saw the mur- der. The IDth of October, 1864, Avhile being remoA'ed to Danville, I made my escaj)e by leaping from the cars Avhile in motion, aud by traveling by night and getting food from the negroes along the route, and by the helji of a few Union men, reached Knox- ville the 12tli of January, 186.5, reported to General Carter, Provost Marshal General, and was by him supplied Avith clothing and IbrAvarded to Washington, D. C, Avhere I reported to the Adjutant General and Avas given thirty days to rejoin my regiment at Mobile, Alabarua. When I got home I was unable to travel, and 1 reported to the Sur- geon General and he extended my leaA^e forty days. After reaching my regiment I Avas put under arrest by Colonel Zulavsky, commanding my regiment, for absence Avithout leave, although a notification of the extension of my leave had been scut to him by the Surgeon General, and my own papers shoAved it. I was kept under arrest about tAvo Aveeks and then released. Afterward I went to Montgomery, Alabama, aud Avhile returning from there to Mobile, I Avas seut out iu command of a safe-guard of four men to protect some property, aud arrived at the house I Avas sent to protect about 10 o'clock. I fouud the house occupied by a party of marauding colored soldiers belong- ing to the division, and tliey had the gentleman's daughter in one of the chambers, attempting to ravish her. 1 arrived in season to prevent this, but one of the colored soldiers struck me over the head, renderiug me insensible for twelve hours, and imme-^ diafely jumped out of the first story Aviudow and escaped. On my return to Mobile I Avas sent to the hospital, where I remained until I was discharged, being disabled fiom, the efi'ects of this Avouud. George V. Barker sworn. By Mr. Mungen : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — AnsAver. George V. Barker ;; age, 23 ; residence, South Boston, Massachusetts ; occupation, a silver-jilater and gilder. H. Eep. 45 55 8Gf) TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Q. State your connection witli the military service of tlie United States during tlie ^v:ir.— A. I enlisted August 19, 1861, iu Coujpauy B, Tweuty-drst Massachusetts iufautry, as a private. Q. Were you ever captured by the enemy ? If so, state the particulars, and your sub- sequent treatmeut by the euemy.— A. I was captured July 30, 1864, at the explosion of the mine at Petersburg, Virginia. We were taken by rail to Danville, Virginia. We were packed into very bad cars, and had no rations during the journey, which lasted two days. At Danville we were contined in a tobacco warehouse. Our rations con- .sisted of two ounces of corn bread made of meal ground cobs and all, and, at hrst, about an ounce of meat ; but at the end of three weeks the meat was stopped. Also, about once in three weeks, at tirst, we got about a pint of beau soup. There were five hun- dred prisoners in the building I was in. We used to draw water from a well there at iirst, but the rope broke, and they afterwards only allowed us a pint of water a day. The prison was very filthy indeed. The vermin and lice covered the walls thick. The health of the prisoners was very good, considering the treatment we received. I was sick a few davs before I left tliere, and was sent to the hospital. There I laid on the floor withouta blanket, and all the medicine I had was^a few pills. I remember but two instances of shooting by the guard. One was at a prisoner who was standing near the window, but the bullet missed him, and the other was a prisoner who was shot at by the guard Avhile on the stairs. His little linger was taken oft' by tlie bullet. I never heard any orders not to go to the window, but it was the general understanding among the prisoners that if we went to the window we should be shot. Q. About how many died there ? — A. 1 have seen forty bodies carried out in the morn- ing from the Ave hundred who were contined where I was. Q. How long were you there ? — A. Seven months and a half. Q. What i>ortion of the five hundred were left at the end of that time ?— A. About two hundred came out alive ; about three hundred died. Q. Wheve did yon next go? — A. To Libby Prison, Richmond, and stayed there two ail of soup, sometimes of rice and sometimes of meal, very thin and ])oor, and a piece of Hour bread for each, about four inches scpiare ; and we had, Avliih' I was there, one snuiU ration of poor beef. The soup was served to us in a pail, anreseut. Q. Were you ever in the service of the United States ; if so, state the particulars. — A. I enlisted tirst in the Twenty-second Massachusetts volunteers. Company D, as a corporal, iu October, 1861. Q. Were you ever captured? — A. Yes, sir; at Gaines's Mills, June 27, 1862, by the Fourteenth Alabama, having been wounded and unable to join my regiment in their retreat. Q. State the subsequent particulars. — A. I was taken to Libl)y Prison. Before being taken there I was taken to a rebel hospital and there remained until Sunday morning, having my wound dressed by one of our surgeons who Avas also a prisoner, and then was marched to Richmond. On my w^ay to the hospital from the tickl I was trying to make a sling for my arm, and a reV)el major came along on horseltack, and seeing what I was trying to do, lie gave me a bran new towel and told the guard to arrange it for me, and tlien he told him to halt whenever he got to a spring of Avater and let me drink ; Avhich I thought Avas A'ery kind treatnumt. My haversack being full I let one of my friends carry it for me, but Ave AA^yre afterwards separated, as he Avent to Belle Isle, and consequently I had no rations, and the rebel privates ottered me what they had in their liaNfisacks. I Avent to half a dozen haversacks but found non(^ of them contained move tlian half a cracker and some bacon, to which I heljied myself. When I got to Libby Prison I found that all the nurses there Avere Union ])risoners. My two shirts being l^loody Avere taken off and a iiair of draAvers was given me l>y one of our surgeons. There Ave were fed tAvice a daj' ; had not (piite enough to eat but made the best of it. I did not have any bad treatment from the rebels. I did not see any rebels in the i)rison all the time I Avas there. Q. What do you know, if anything, of the treatment of the guards towards the ])risoners .' — xV. The day before I came there, I understand there was one man shot for - M])ittiug out of the AviudoAV contrary to orders, and for insulting tlie guard. The guard told liim he would shoot him if he did not go away ; but he persisted and was shot. While I Avas there the guards treated the prisoners very Avell, in fact, some of the boys BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 871 would sing out to them to send up pies and cake, and they would bring up, or send up, dried-appie pies, and our boys that had money would purchase them. Q. Who gave you this information which you have just related, about the shooting of this man '/—A. A man who belonged to a New York regiment, and by others who saw the occurrence. Q. When were you paroled? — A. August 19, 1862 — the first lot that came down. I was three weeks in prison. I did not have a chance to see those of my regiment wlio had been captured and confined there, as they were on the lower floor, but from what they said their experience was the same as mine. They were not ill treated at all. I was kept among the wounded all the time. There were no others there where I was. Q. Is there any other fact you wish to state? — A. I afterwards joined the Fifty-ninth Massachusetts infantry, as second lieutenant, April 21}, 1864, and was again captured at Fort Steadman, March 28, 1S65. My treatment was the same as before. I was in the hospital sick with the chronic diarrhea — in the same hospital at Richmond, but on the lower floor, in the officers' hospital. I had the best treatment. The United States Sanitary Commission supplied us all we wanted to eat, and we lacked for nothing. I made the acquaintance of Frederick Shafer, the commissary of the piison, and he intro- duced me to General McLaughlin, and he supplied us with tobacco, pipes, and breod. He was a kind of personal friend. I was finally paroled and then mustered out of service. Elgin Woodlin sworn. By Mr. Mungen : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Elgin Wood- lin ; age, 24; residence, Audover, Massachusetts ; occupation, a teamster. Q. What has been your connection with the military service of the United States? — A. I enlisted in Boston, in June, 1861, in Company H Eleventh Massachusetts infantry, as a private. Q. Were you captured ; if so, state where, when, and your subsequent treatment as a prisoner of war. — A. I was captured at Bristol Station, Virginia, October 14, 1863, by Stuart's cavalry. We were taken from there to Libby Prison, Richmo'jJ, where we were searched, and everything taken from us of any value. Our rations tliere con- sisted of a piece of corn bread about three inches by two inches, cut up in pieces about two inches thick, on an average. We got what they called bean soup ; and rice and bacon we got once in a while. The treatment of the guards towards us was unkind and cruel. The only way they punished us was to keep our rations from us ; once they did this because we did not clean np the room we were in. We had a sufficiency of water there, from a faucet. I remained there only about a week and cannot recollect much about it now. We were then taken to Belle Isle, where we remained during the three coldest months in winter. The rations were about the same as at Libby for the first month ; after that we had nothing but the bread and bean soup — the bacon was cut ofi". The first two weeks I had no shelter whatever. The only way we could keep warm was by jumping up and walking about an hour or so, and then lying down. After a while I got into a tent with some others. There were tents for the prisoners at first, but other prisoners kept coming in so that there was no room for them all. I can't tell you how many prisoners there were there. Since I came out of prison I seem to have forgotten everything I did know, caused, I suppose, by the treatment I had there. Q. What medical treatment was there at Belle Isle ? — A. Not much of any. There was a hospital outside to which the sick were taken every morning, or else sent to Richmond. IMost of those that were taken to the hospitals died, and the ijrisoners would not go to the hospital if they could help it. Q. Do you know of any instances of cruelty on the part of the guards towards the prisoners ? — A. I know of instances where our prisoners bribed the guards with money to let them out, and after they were over the line they were fired at and sent back. Q. What was the health of the prisoners? — A. They were very sickly, indeed, of scurvy, fever and ague, and diarrhea. I saw prisoners there who were out of their minds, though they could not be called crazy. I saw some prisoners who had their legs frozen np to the knees — all black — and arms frozen also. All the fuel Ave had was one common sized cord-wood stick a day for ten men. Q. Can you state the rate of mortality there?— A. I could not. Most of the sick were taken away, and those that died, died away from where we were. Q. Where were you next taken ? — A. To Audersonville, where we were put into the stockade, without shelter. There were trees left standing inside of the stockade, wliich we cut down and used for fuel. It was green wood, and dilficult to burn. Some took timber and made themselves a shelter. Our rations, at first, were a pint of meal— cob- meal — a pint of beans, a i>int of rice, and about four ounces of fresh meat ; no vegeta- bles at all. The beans and rice were reduced in (xuautity, about a month after we got 872 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR thei'e, to a very small amount. The prisouers were very sickly with the scurvy, fever u:i(l ague, aud diarrhea. At lirst, for a mouth, there was uot auy medical treatment, but then they established a- hospital outside. Q. What was the general treatment of the guards and officers towards the prisouers ? — A. They were very strict. The guards used to shoot men every day. If a man reached uuder the dead-liue to get fresh water, they woidd shoot him. I know of three being shot at once, aud of two others being shot at one time. The sentries had strict orders to shoot down any man that crossed the dead-line, without a word of warring. One of those that I saw shot was killed. Another man was shot while lying iu his tent close to the dead-line, but inside of it. Q. Do you kuow of blood-hounds being kept there? — A. Yes, sir; to catch escaped prisoners. I have seen live or six prisouers brought back at a time that they had recaptured. I was told they were captured by the aid of hounds. I do not know it personally. They were not torn — those that I saw. They were " treed", most of them, by the hounds, and then captured. I used to see the mau that had charge of the hounds start out every morning with about eleven hounds. Q. Do you know anything iu regard to the guards receiving a furlough for shooting jirisoners who were near the dead-line f — A. Yes, sir ; I have heard the guard say, after he had shot a prisouer, " There goes another Yankee, and I will have a furlough." Q. About how many prisoners were there at that time? — A. Somewhere from thirty thousand to forty thousand. That was towards the last, Avheu the prison was full. The prison was enlarged two acres while we were there. It was uot capable of holding that number at lirst. Q. What degree of mortality was there at that time? — A. I could not state exactly; from tweuty-tive to fifty, i)erhaps more, died a day inside of the stockade. I could not say how many died in the hos])ital. I was there when the lirst one died — " number 1." They were numbered up to two thousand — somewhere along there. I can't remember how many died during the time I was there. Q. What disposition was made of tiiose that died in the stockade? — A. They were taken out aud carted off in wagons, about twelve at a load, and buried in a long trench, without coffins. Some free-masous were buried iu coffins. Q. Where were you taken from Andersonville f — A. To Savannah, Georgia, and put into a temporary stockade, back of the jail. Our treatment was better here. Our rations were a i)int of meal and a pint of rice each day, and fresh meat twice a day. We also had a good supply of water. The guards also treated us better. Q. Where wer(^ you next taken f — A. To Milieu, Georgia, and [\nt in the stockade there. Our rations were about the same as at Savannah. The water came from a s^treani that ran through the camp, the same as at Audersonville, but it was purer. The health of the prisoners was better. Wood was plenty at lirst, aud afterwards squads of prisouers were allowed outside to get it. The guards treated us better than at Audersonville: they had been prisoners themselves, and sympathized with us. From Milieu we were taken to Savaunah and paroled, aud then sent to Annapolis, Maryland, and I was tinally dischargeil at lioston. Q. Were there any colored soldiers in the prisons or stockades in which you were contiued; if so, how were they treated in eouiparison with white prisoners? — A.In the summer of 1864 there were about twelve colored prisoners in the stockade at Anderson- ville. Some of these men wt-re wounded, aiul the rebels refused to do anything for them; they received no medicine or medical treatment. They were compelled to load and unload the dead who died daily in the stockade. In the issue of ratious they were counted iu a squad with white i)ris()ueis, aud received about the same. They were treated wmse than dumb brutes, aud the language used towards them by the rebels was of the most opprobrious character. A wounded officer, major of the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts (colored) regiiuent, was treated in a most brutal manner, because of his being an officer in a coloreti regimeut, and he was subjected to the same treatment as the colored .soldiers themselves. His shoulder-straps and buttons were cut from his coat, and his life was often threateued. His name I do uot remember. Edward T. Peterson sworn. By Mr. Stevens : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation, — Answer. Edward T. Peterson; age, 2S; residence, Walden, Massachusetts; occupation, a painter. Q. You may state what connection ycm had with the military service of the United States. — A. iCnlisted September lit, IHlil, iu the Twenty-sixth Massachusetts infantry, and served until .] inuary, IHtJ:?. 1 then re-enlisted in the same regiment, and served until I was discharged iu September, 1865. Q. Were you ever captureil by the enemy? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Please' state where and when, and your subsequent treatment as a prisoner. — A. I was captured at Cedar Creek, Virgiuia. I!>th OctolM-r, 181)4. while on ])ieket. I was then taken to Staunton, Virginia. It was three days before we got anything to eat. They BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 873 eaicl tliey would punish ns for what we liad destroyed in the Shenandoah Vnlloy. Tlio first ration we had consisted of a pint of flour. We had to cook that tlie best Way wo couhl. On the fourth day we met some rebel troops, and they searched us, and took our overcoats, blankets, shoes, and everything that was worth taking. This took place between Fisher's Hill and Staunton. One of the prisoners was wounded and could not travel; he wanted to be left, but they wotild not do so; he fell down twice on the side of the road, and the oftieers and guard would kick him and make him get up, and would say if he did it again they would shoot him. They had shot him before he got to Staun- ton. At Staunton we were treated pretty well ; got crackers there, and then wero packed about seventy-three in a car — box-cars, and sent to Richmond and jjut in Pem- bertou Prison. Going through Richmond the citizens called us " damned Yankees," and threw bricks and dirty water at ns ; both males and females did it. There wero about one thousand six hundred prisoners conlined at Pemberton. Dick Turner was in charge of the prison. Our rations were a small piece of corn bread — not sufficient, but enough to keep ns from starving while we were there. Dick Turner used to como in there every morning and call the roll, and he spoke to every one of the prisoners on botli floors to give up all the money they had, and he promised it should be returned when they were exchanged; but he found he did not get much in that way, and he camo up with some oflicers, and he ordered ns all in line to be stripped naked and searched. It was a very cold morning at that time. I was at the head of the line, and I did not hurry ; and I told him there was no use of my stripping, as I did not have any money, and he struck me with a revolver, and then jumped on me, so that I was not able to strip myself, and our boys stripped me, and he took five dollars from me. Anotlier jirisouer was lying down ; he was sick and could not stand U]) to be stripped, and Tur- ner came in and kicked him and knocked him over, and our boys had to assist him to strip. He died the next day. Turner in this way got considerable money out of the boys, as some of them had been paid off just before being captured. This money was never returned. We had plenty of water, but had no wood or Are at all while we wero there. We had quarters for shelter, but there was no glass in the Avindows, and we suttered from the cold. Q. What mortalitj^ was there among the prisoners ? — A. Only three died while I was there. Q. How long were you there ? — A. About three or four weeks. Q. To what place were you next taken ? — A. To Salisbury, by rail. We drew two days' rations before leaving Pemberton Prison, and we were three days and nights on the road to Salisbury, packed seventy to seventy-five men in a car.' We had to do all our " busiuess" in the cars. Two died in the cars I was in, and were left until we arrived at Salisbury, North Carolina. They died the second day on the way. The rations that were issued to us on starting we had eaten all at once, we were so hungry, and they soured on our stomachs, and many were sick in the cars and were vomiting and purging both ways. Tliere were four guards to each car; two to each door. We stopped at several places on the way, but were not allowed to look out. Q. Describe your experience at Salisbury. — A. I remained tliere about four and a half months. There was a stockade about eight or ten feet high which surrounded the camp, near the top of which, on the outside, the sentries walked and guarded us. In- side of this was a ditch called the dead-line. There Avere four buildings inside of the stockade ; one, a factory, was used as a hospital, and the others for hospitals and cooking places. Some of the prisoners were quartered in Sibley tents — fifty and u^i- Avards in a tent — leaky, so that the rain came through in Avet weather. Some of the prist)ners dug holes in the ground. In a great many instances, after a rain storm, these holes Avould caA'e in. Many dug holes under the hospitals ; that is Avhere I quartered the greater part of the time. The boys of my regiment got together and built a mud tent and covered it OA^er with pieces of shelter tents, aiicl made quite nice c^uarters of it. But there was a lot of "cut-throats," as they Avere called, and a lot of rebel pris- oners put in there for crimes, and they used to club together in gangs and m*ke raids on us and take everything Ave had away. They broke in our tent one night — in the middle of the night — and took all of our blankets and everything Ave had, and took the cover ofl' the tent, and beat us so that Ave hatl to go and get other (juarters. The rebel guard stopped them and told us Ave had better not stay tliere any longer, but had bet- ter go and get into a division or squad for protection. Then, after that, I stayed under the hospital Avhile I remained there. We were alloAved but very little Avood for fuel, and Ave sufiered very much Avith cold. There Avas a plenty of wood just outside that Ave might have had, but Ave were not allowed any of it. I suppose they wanted to kill ns off, as the rebel oflicers often said that those that died in the prison they avouM not haAe to kill in the field, and that they Avould kill us all before we got 'through the Avar. Our water Avas A'ery bad. They gave us tools, however, and we dug Avells and got muddy water. There Avas good brook water right outside of the fence, but we could not touch it. <^. What was the number of prisoners confined there? — A. At one time there was sixteen thousand. They died ofl' very fast, but new arrivals kei)t up the number. I 874 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR think tliey averaged from fourteen tliousancl to sixteen tlionsaud the winter T was there. Q. What was the general appearance and condition of these prisoners? — A. Those that had been there some time before w'e came there were very miserable ; some had no clothes, shoes, or hats on. That was in the fall when it was pretty warm, so that we did not snffer. But afterwards there was frost and snow, and many had no shelter, and then in tlie morning frequently you could see more or less dead in the camj), sitting up against the tents frozen to death. They were mere skeletons. We suttered a great deal from cold and hunger. Diarrhea and scurvy also were i)revalent there. At one time we had no rations for three days and were nearly starved. This was when the prisoners had attempted to make their escape in a body, but were defeated. Q. Do yon recollect any instances of shooting there that you have not stated ? — A. Yes, sir. After the raid the orders were that no prisoner should be in the camp walk ing around after dark. But Ave had to go to the sinks, and prisoners were fx'equently shot by the guards while going to the sinks. Q. State the rate of mortality there. — A. They died during that winter at the rate of about forty-five or tifty a day. The dead were piled iuto wagons with the heads hanging out behind, and one day I saw a six multi team that had so many bodies on that they stuck in the mud. Q. What punishment have you seen inflicted on Union prisoners there ? — A. I have seen a ball and chain attached to their legs — about a twenty pound ball — for attempt- ing to escape. Q. State the circumstances of your release. — A. We were paroled and taken to New- bern. North Carolina, in April, 1865. There I have seen prisoners die after having tilled their mouths with food. Q. State what, if any, conversation took iiljce between the guarxls and the prisoners in relation to their treatment. — A. The prisoners frequently asked the guards Avhy they were treated so ; and the guards would say it came from headquarters in Richmond ; it was the orders ; that those of us who died in the prison they would not have to kill in the field. Q. State what, if any, inducements were made to the prisoners to enlist in the con- federate army. — A. The' rebel officers used to come in there every week and collect a crowd of ])risoners around them and state that foreigners could enlist and get fifty dollars bounty, confederate money, and many eidisted to save their lives. Men whom I knew to lie good Union men went out and enlisted in order to save their lives. The Yankees would enlist as fi>reigners, as they received none but foreigners. John Hp^nry Eames sworn. By the Chaikman : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. John Henry Eames; age, *3:i ; residence, Medford, Massachusetts; occupation, a carpenter. Q. What connection had you with the military service of the United States during the war? — A. I enlisted in April, 1861, in the Fifth Massachusetts infantry, Company IE, and served three months. I then re-enlisted in the Thirty-ninth Massachusetts in- fantry. Company C, September 14, 1862, and served until the 2d of June, 1865, as a private in the first, and sergeant in the second. Q. If you were ever captured state the particulars of your ca])ture and your subse- quent treatment. — A. I was captured August 19, ISiil, at the 1)attle of Weldon lailroad, Virginia. My watch, blankets, and other articles, were taken from me and I was sent to Richmond and jmt in Libby Prison. In passing through Petersburg the citizens hissed us. I saw a man on th<> left of me struck down because he was apparently de- stroying some of his own blanket. At Libby Prison we were again searched — first re- quested to give up any money we had, and threatened to have it confiscated if found when the search was made;. They said if Ave gave it up to them it Avould be returned to ITS at the end of our imprisonment; all of which was false. Some of my comrades not being quick in divesting themseh'es of their clothing, Avere beaten by confederate sitldiers. After having ))een in prison several hours we received our rations, which consisted of meat — or entrails and oftal, I should call it— and a small quantity of ))ean soup. These were our rations lor twenty-four hours. I was only in Libby Prison three or four days and was then taken to Belle Isle, where avc icmained five weeks. I had no shelter i'ov two or three weeks. Our rations were issued twice during the twenty-four hours, and were scarcely sufficient to sustain life. I sufi'ered A'ery nuicli from hunger and from exposure, so nnu-h so that I thought I nuist go insane. I could not stand on my feet at times, being so weak from hunger. The water was also scarce and of poor (jnality. A part of the time avc got our Avater from the James riA'er, and the rebels avIio guarded us used the riA'cr aboA'c us foi\ a sink ; the prison sink Avas below. To go to the sink we had to pass under the platform on whicli the rebel guard was posted, and which was called the dead-line. One day the guard shot a connade of nunc ;is we were itauding under there. He simply said, '" You God damned Yankee, get out of that," and BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 8(0 fired. We were allowed at that time to go down to the siuks in sqnads of ten at a time, and they obliged us to hurry, and if we did not hurry as fast as tbey saw fit, briital treatment and harsh language was the consequence. I do not tliink this guard was punished for shooting my comrade, for I saw him the next day sirouud the prison trying to sell bread. This guard was a boy of about fourteen years of age. The rebel guards sold us articles of food, but it was against the orders of their officers. There were about six thousand prisoners there on a sj»ace of groirnd about five acres in extent. Q. Where were you taken from there ? — A. To Salisbury, North Carolina. Q. What was your treatment on the route ? — A. We received what they called three days' rations. I eat mine up immediately. We were put seventy into each car — box- cars—and many of the prisoners became sick from having eaten up the tliree days rations at once, so we were in a horrid condition. I was not allowed out of that car but once for two days. The car was very crowded. There was not sitting down room for all at one time, and no ventilation. We had no water until the second or third day, and the ])risoners had to evacuate in the car. There was a small hole in thc^ car which was nsetl for that purpose; but it was not enough for the use of all. We were about foiu- days on the route. After reaching Salisbury we were put into the stockade, about six acres in extent. We arrived there October 4th, and found, besides Union i)risouevs, rebel citizens and soldiers, deserters from their army. We were turned in here and let loose and we soon formed into squads of a hundred men, and before dark rations of a }»ound loaf of bread for four men were issued to us. It was a very wet, stormy night, and we had to lie on the ground without shelter or blankets. In a few days after we got some ])ieces of canvas about twelve feet square for squads of twenty-five men wliich would not cover one-half the number, and we built nuid huts and made roofs of the canvas, and in that a part of us lived. As to wood, I have known what one man could In-ing from the railroad — some teu or fifteen rods away — on his shoulder, to be divided among fifty men as their rations of wood for twenty-four hours. It was not •sufficient to do our cooking and keep the men comfortable. There was a plenty of wood within sight of us that the lU'isoners would have been glad to have cut and brougbt in, but they were not allowed. In some of the wells the water was pure, and men stayt-d there during the day dipping up the water in dippers and selling it for a bit of bread or a piece of tobacco, so that it was almost impossible flooded murder. When that occurred I heard a noise, and I looked out of the hospital window and saw ])risouers throwing up their arms, standing perfectly still and screaming. T'hey had been at least two days without food, and were very much exhausted and ex- asperated ; but in the part of the camp that I could see, there seemed to be no attempt to break out. Every man was looking for a place of safety. In a short time the guard mounted the stockade and opened fire on them. I should judge they continued that fire for half an hour after all attempts at an outbreak were over, and the prisoners had hidden away. It was said that seventy were wounded. I saw several killed myself. Some of the wounded were brought to the hospital. One man was shot in the toe, an thoir insanity to the treatment they received -while in prison. Out of the two hniKlred and thirty of my regiment taken to Salisbury, seventy-tlu'ee died in the .stoekade froia October 4 to February 20, and twenty more died on the way home before they reached our lines. Q. Was there any effort made by the rebel authorities to alleviate the sutferings of the prisoners ? — A. I saw nothing, except at the hospital just before we were paroled they brought in some mattresses. That was all T saw during the whole time I was there. Q. Is there any other statement you wish to make in regard to yourself or other pris- oners confiued there"? — A. lu regard to myself, the treatment I received there was such that I was in a terribly scorbutic condition, and suffered extremely from rheumatism, Avhich gradually caused me to become blind, and I was blind for five months after I got home. By the aid of a skillful physician I partiallj^ recovered my sight, but it is now, and may always remain, very imperfect, on account of the treatment I received while a prisoner. Q. Where were you taken from Salisbury, and when were you paroled, and at what place ? — A. On the 20th of February, 1865, I was taken to Richmond, Virginia, and paroled at Libby Prison, and taken down the James River to Gaines's lauding, and from there to Annapolis, and from there to my regiment. Boston, Massachdsetts, October 25, 1867. Anderson D. Durgin sworn. By Mr. Stevens : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Anderson D. Durgin; age, thirty-three; residence, Charlestown, Massachusetts; occupation, a cabi- net-maker. Q. What connection had you with the service of the United States during the late war ? — A. I enlisted September 3, 1861, in the Twenty-second Massachusetts infantry, and served until May 31, 18G5, when I was discharged. Q. If you were ever captured by the enemy, state when, where, and the treatment you received while a prisoner. — A. I was captured May 23, 1864, at North Anna, Vir- ginia, while on a skirmish line, by Wilcox's division of A. P. Hill's corps. We were marched to Richmond — iifty of us — and put in Libby Prison, arriving there the third day after our capture, and remaining there until Maj' 31. We found Libby Prison clean and neat, and we had the use of a good bathing tub, that four or five could bathe in at once. Our rations consisted of a piece of corn bread about two inches square, and a slice of bacon about half an inch thick and about thi'ee inches long. This was issued to us at noon each day, and was our only ration. There were about three hundred prisoners confined there ; but the day we started to go south there were eleven hun- ch-cil in the party. The prisoners were mostly iu good condition, because they were just caiitured. Q. Where were you next taken ?— A. To Andersonville ; stopping on the way at Danville, Augusta, and Charlotte. We were packed in the cars, about one hitndred and twenty to a car, and our rations were very scant. At Andersonville we were divided into detachments of two hundred and seventy, and subdivided into "nine- ties." The stockade was about twenty acres in extent, five acres of which was occu- pied by the sink. That portion was covered with maggots to the depth of an inch or an inch aud a half. I saw prisoners there who were ragged and almost naked, who were covered with sores from head to foot. The rations consisted of corn bread, iu about the same quantities as we received at Libby. On the 4th of July and Tliauks- giving day we did not get any. I do not know why they were not issued to us on those days, except it was from spite. The water was bad. The cook-house was situated above us, outside of the stockade, on the stream that ran through the stockade ; aiul consequently the water was greasj'. This strea-ai furnished all the water we were allowed to drink and wash with, and men were shot for reaching under the dead-line to get clearer water. I saw two men shot there one day. I stood close to them. One died, and the other was wounded in the arm. No shelter was provided for the prison- ers. Some were fortunate enough to keep their blankets, and used them for that pur- pose ; others dug holes and burrowed. They had no tools to do this, but used pieces of wood that some had procured when outside, carrying out the dead. The wood they gave us for fuel was al)out three parts of a four-foot stick for tw^o hundred aud seventy men, to last three days. There was plenty of wood all around the camp at this time. Q. What was the rate of mortality there ? — A. I went in there the 7th of August, and iu September of the same year out of my ninety there were thirty-three left. Q. What can you state in regard to the medical treatment ?— A. I never was in the hospital, but I have been to the sick-call, aud seen the treatment there. I never saw anything given as medicine except sour meal aud oak bark. I had no way of knowing 878 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR the ^enoval inortality, as the dctachinents were filled up when new arrivals came, or incriicil with other detaelinients. It was reported that one hundred and forty died in one day, in Septendjer. Diavrliea and senrvy were the i)revailinji diseases; l)ut many died fiiini exjiosure and starvation — eatinii; their food raw. At one time there wen; one hundred and thirty-seven detachments of two hundred and seventy n)en eaeh. Q. What can yon state in reganl to the punishment of prisoners there f— A. Some Avere bueked and fjiiSS^'il' -^ stick was placed between their legs, and their hands tied uuder, and :i .uai;', of a piece of wood, put in the mouth and tied there by a string which passed around tlie heiul. They also had stocks there iu which prisoners were placed, and exi)osed to the hot sun. Q. Describe tlie treatment of the dead. — A. Generally the dead were stripiied of their clothing by the prisoners before being carried outside, as they needed the clothes for their own ust^ Then they were carried outside of the stockade and laid iu a row. Tiien negroes came and pitched them into carts, the same as you would cord- wood, and carted oft' and buried. Q. What negroes were those you speak of? — A. They belonged to the confederate govermnent. Q. Were there any negro prisoners confined there? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Was there any distinction made in their treatment from that of white prisoners? — A. Yes, sir; the negroes were forced to go outside and work every morning. Q. State what our jirisouers did to a])))ease their hunger and sustain life. — A. I have seen men eat the undigested food, such as beans, that had just passed from the other prisoners; and 1 have seen men pick up the rinds of pork, that others could not chew, and eat tlieni from this sink. I saw cases where prisoners vomited their food and it was eaten Ijy otiier prisoners. Q. How fre(inently have yon seen this ? — A. I could not say. I have seen it a good many times — I might say continually. The prisoners were continually lighting for Aarious causes ; sometimes for food, and sonu'tiuu-s for shelter. It did not take but a word, for the men were in that condition tliat they would fight easily. Ci>. State what the treatment of the t>flicers and guards was toward the prisoners. — A. Fre(|nently, when we went out for wood, they would kick and cutf us if we did not hurry along. The rebel sergeant, whom we called "crook-neck," abused us very unich. He would kick the sick if they did not stand just iu line when being counted. I can't rememlter his real name. Wirz had command of the prison, and Colonel Gibbs and Duncan were also in connnand at the post at s, and nnirder. It reduced them to mere skeletons. It made some crazy, and large numbers of them idiots. Twenty-two days and nights I was without shelter in the rain. In July we formed a "vigihince connuittee," and arrested the ringleaders of a gang of ruffiaus in the camp, and hung six of th<'m for murder and roldjery. The ettect of this was good. We had u nu)re (juiet cami) after that, and there was no more rolibing and stealing. (j>. Were you troubled with vermin iu the eamji '! — A. I luive seen maggots crawling out of wt)unds on some of the prisoners. I have seen men with tlu-ir feet nearly eaten 11]) to their ankU's with gangrene. This was cause. I suppose; I have seen eight per- sons shot in this way, for merely reacliing under the dead-line for water, or an old chew oi" tobacco. C'olonid (iibbs treated us very well, but our rations were the same under his command. Ihit he would try to elieer us up. This was in the s])ring of IH().">. The orders were to shoot us if we came witliin a certain distance of the dead-line, but under Colonel (^ibb.s's management we were, sometimes allowed to iiiek up tilings that were on the inside of the dead-line, and there was not so miudi shooting. I heard Wirz say at one time that we "might pray until hell froze over, but we would not get out only feet first." This was when we had prayer meetings iu the camj), which Wirz put a stop to. Q. State to what i)lace you were taken from Andersonville. — A, To Savannah. We were put into box-cars, about one hundred and twenty-five to a car, and were very BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 879 mncli crowded at first. But we saou had room, as the prisoners died in the cars so fast and were thrown out. At Savannah we were put in a stockade, witli a dtuid-line, just back of the court-house, in the city. The guard here was composed of broken-down sailors and sohliers. They were kind and good to us — tliat is, they shot nobody. The rations there were about the same as at Andersonville. From Savannah w'e went to Milieu, about ninety miles distant. There we were put in a similar stockade to the one at Andersonville, only this one was larger. There were but about six thousand pris- oners in this camp then. We remained here until Deceml)er. We were taken in and out of Andersonville, twice or three times, and finally taken to Florida, twenty-two miles from Jacksonville, and there three thousand three hundred of ns were let loose, and made our way to our lines, reaching Jacksonville April 29, 1835. Q. State if you know of any bloodhcuiuds being kept or used at any of the prisons. — A. Yes, sir; there w^ere two packs of five or six each around Andeisiinvillc. Every morning they went arouud inside and outside, hunting for tunnels. Tliey followed us always on the Hanks as we marched. They liad a man employed to take (diarge of them, but they were under the control of the officers. I have seen men brought into Andersonville who had been recaptured by them, aud their hands and body were man- gled by these hounds. Q. Were there any citizens confined in that prison — Andersonville ? — A. Yes, sir. There was a German there who had been in confederate prisons two or three years, for his Unionism. He died at Andersonville. There was quite a number of other citizens confined with us ; there was no distinction made between us. Q. Weie tliere any sutler's tents established in the stockade ? — A. Yes, sir. The adjutant of the post was the ])roprietor of the sutler's tent, and he hivt'd t\n- prisoners t" tend in the tent for him. They sold most all kinds of articles, such as Hour, pota- toes, and onions. One of our prisoners bought flour at seventy-five dollars a sack, and he used to make cakes from it, and sell them, three for one dollar. It was sai(l this man hatl fiva". thousand dollars in greenbacks when he died, which he had made in this business. Onions were sold for a quarter of a dollar apiece. Men that had money could supply themselves with these extras. Q. Did you receive any supplies from Union sources ? — A. At Thomasville we I'c- C(Mved two blankets to a hundred men from our own Sanitary Connnission. Those of the prisoners that looked the w^orst were selected by the rebels, and the blankets given to them. The rebels, however, soon got them from our boys by trading food ibr them. I am satisfied that two-thirds of them were never issued, but were aiypropriatcd to their own use, because I saw so many of the rebel guards wearing them, with the United States Sanitary Commission mark on them. Q. During your imprisonment were any efi^Virts made to induce tJie prisoners to enter the rebel seiviee? — A. Yes, sir. At Milieu, an order was issued that all the prisoners whose term of service had exjfircd should appear at the gate. We were then ordered in line, and told to hold uj) our hands and take the oath of allegiance to the confed- eracy. Three of the men did. They then rode up and down the line swearing at ns, and threatening to starve us to death unless we entei'ed their service. Finally, noli succeeding in their eflbrts, they marched us back agaiu into the stockade. I don't know who this officer was that tried to get us to enlist. Major O'Neill (who was in the Fenian movement) was getting up a "galvanized Yankee brigach-. " outside! of Sa- vannah, and he came to Andersonville to ti"y to enlist us. He would generally choose a disagreeable day, when th(>. weather was unpleasant, aud also bring in some of his recruits aud point out to us how well dressed they were. Q. How were you finally discharged ? — A. I was sent from Jacksonville to Annapolis, Maryland, and was finally mustered out of service May 31, 1865. William H. Osborne sworn. By the Chairman : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. William H. Osborne; age, twenty-seven ; residence. East Bridgewater, Massachusetts; occupation, a lawyer. Q. What has been your connection with the military service of the United States? — A. I enlisted as a private. May 18, 1861, at East Bridgewater, and served three years; at first in Company L, Fourth Massachusetts battalion, aud afterward it was changed into Company C, Twenty -ninth Massachusetts volunteers. Q. If you were captured by the enemy, state when and where, and your treatment as a prisoner. — A. I was captured at Malvern Hill, Virginia, after having been left on the field wounded, July 1, 1862. About tive luindred others were captured at the same time. The wounded were gathered U]) and carried near the .lames River and put into an old house there, called the Pitts House. I remained out of doors, as there was no room for me in the house. I had no covering or protection from Tuesday, the day of my capture, until the following Sunday. During that time I received no medical treatment whatever, aud my wounds were not dressed by the surgeons. There were 880 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR two or three of our surijRons wlio reniiiined l)eliin(l, but thoir labors SRcraed principally tn he contiiifd to the amputation of limbs. Some of our soldiers, who \V(^re not wounded, were ns visited us, from curiosity, and were very abusive in their treatment on several occasions. The oidy symiiathy we received was from some German people, particularly from a German woman, who brought us food at one time. On our way from Malvern Hill to Savage Station the next morning, I saw near the battle-field, suspended from the lind) of a tree, the body of a man. I was told by the rebel driver that it was the body of a Union sol- dier who was captured at that battle. He was dressed in the federal uniform ; that is all I know about it. He had an old hat crowded down over his face. I noticed on the battle-ground of Malvern Hill that on the graves of the rebel soldiers were placed jior- tions of federal uniforms, caps and pieces of blouses. This was for the puqiose of crea- ting the impression among their men that our loss was much greater than theirs, while the opposite was true. Q. How were you finally released ? — A. After being released on parole of exchange I was carried to New York City, and remained in liosintal until December 17, 1862, and then was nuistered out of service. Q. Is there any other statement you desire to make in your testimony? — A. The majority of the wounded had no surgical aid. The rebel surgeons very rarely came among us, and when they did they did not apparently come for the purpose of render- ing us any assistance. They seemed to be very anxious to amputate limbs. The chap- lain of the Forty-eight Pennsylvania volunt(^ers disguised himself as a surgeon at Sav- age Station, and assisted in taking care of the wounded, and dressed their \\ounds to som(} extent; but his rank was discovered and he was taken to Richmond and thrust into prison. I think of nothing else. John Hunt sworn. By the Chairman : Question. State your name, age, residence and occupation. — Answer. John Hunt ; age, 21; residence, Warner, New Hampshire; occupation, a farmer. Q. State your connection with the service of the United States during the war. — A. I enlisted the 27th of October, 1861, in the First New Hampshire cavalry, ComiJauy I, as a private ; served two years and then re-enlisted in the same company and regiment, and served until August 19, 186.'). Q. If you were captured at any time, please state when, where, .and your treatment as a prisoner? — A. I was captured at Middleburg, Virginia, Jniw VJ. 18()3, by the Ninth Virginia cavalry. Our regiment was on a scout with the intention of taking a rebel wagon train, and two hundred and seven out of two hundred and forty of the regiment were captured. They took my horse and erpiipraents, and everything I had except my clothing, and then marched to Stanton via Winchestc^r. There we were packed into cars jin(l sent to Richmond. Our rations for four days during this journey Avere tv'o (puuts (A' Hour and a half pound of meat. At Richmond we were put on the second tioor BY THE REBEL AUTHOEITIES. 881 of Libby prison, tbree hundred of us, -where we remained four days. Our ratious there Were eight ounces of bread ami two ounces of meat, which we drew twice while I was there. While here one of my company. Sergeant Davis, was shot at by the guard for looking out of the wiudow, though we had received no orders not to look out. We were then sent to Belle Isle, where there were about five thousand of ns on an acre and a quarter of ground. There were a few tents in the camp, but they were full when we got there, so that we had no shelter, and laid four days where the water was about sis inches deep from a raiu storm Avhich came on tlien. When we went in there they took our blankets and overcoats away, so that we had none. Our rations were about six ounces of bread, and occasionally an ounce of very jwor ham, which smelt badly. Tlie tirst of .July, when we were being counted, Frank Warren, of an Ohio regiment, fainted away and fell down, and the rebel sergeant in command drew a large knife and stabbed him in the heart, and he died immediately. The sergeant then said to the rebel officer in command : " There is one son of a b — h that will never light ns any more." In about three weeks Sibley tents were brought in there, and hfteen persons were put in one tent. Many prefeVed lying out of doors, as the tents were old and leaky. There Avas another part of the island\viiich was drier than where we were, where the guards were camped, and where they had their artillery. I found about ten wells dug in the ground, tlnee feet deep, when I got tliero. From tliese the prisoners got water to drink and wash with. A great many of the sick washed their faces and hands in these wells, and we had to drink the same water. The rebels were camped above us on the river, so that their sinlvs emptied into it before it reached us, and made the water impure and not tit to drink. Some of the prisoners had dishes in which they got their water, while others wlio had none were compelled to lie down and drink by the side of the wells. In rainy Aveather these wells were generally full to the to]i, but in the dry season they were not, and we had steps or stairs dug in the ground to get down to the water. Q. What was the rate of mortality there ? — A. They died there for a while from eight to ten a day. Q. Were there any hospitals there? — A. No, sir ; the sick were taken to Richmond.. Q. Were the rations at Belle Isle sufficient to sustain a man in good health 'i — A. Ko, sir ; they were not. Q. How long were you there ? — A. From the 29th of June until the 7th of August. Q. What portion of that time Avere you hungry ? — A. Just after eating 1 Avas more hungry than before. C^. Please explain that ?— A. We did not get enough to take off mw appetite. Wo just got enough to arouse the appetite, not satisfy it. Q. Wliere Avere you taken from there"? — A. To Richmond, A\here we remained one night, and then were sent to City Point and exchanged. When the cars Ave Avere on had almost reached City Point one of the rebel guanls knocked a prisoner olf the cw with liis musket because he cheered to see our flag. We did not stop the train for him, and I don't knoAV Avhether he reached City Point or not. At City Point I was exchanged and sent to Annapolis, Maryland, and then returned to my regiment. Lysander J. Hu.AiE SAvorn. By the Chairman : Question. State your name, age, residence and occupation. — Answer. Lysander J Hume; age, 28 ; residence, Lynn, Massachusetts ; occupation, a shoe finisher. Q. What connection had you Avith the military service of the United States? — A. I enlisted April 17, 1861, in Company C Sixth Massachusetts infantry, as a first sergeant, and served three months and seventeen days. I then re-enlisted in Com])auy K Kiue- teeutli ilassachusetts volunteers, and served until June, 1865, having been promoted through the loAver grades to captain. Q. If you were CA'cr a prisoner, state when and Avhere you were captured, and your sub- sequent treatment Avhile a prisoner? — A. I Avas captured in June, 1862, at Savage Sta- tion, Virginia. I Avas left sun struck on the liekl^ and was cax>turedby some of the rebel cavalry. I Avas sent the next day to Richmond and put in Lil)by x^rison. I Avas second lieutenant at this time. There Avere not uniny prisoners there then, and avc were allowed to send out and purchase food ; and, hn' prisoners, the rations Avere better than I expected. We Avere allowed at times to communicate Avitli our friends in the north by letter. We Avere obliged to use some strategy to get them through. I renKiined there six weeks, and was then exchanged. Once or twice officers were fired upon by the rebel guards for looking out of the windows. We Avere removed from Libby prison to the tobacco warehouse, on Eighteenth street, in Richmond. The treatment there was the same as at Libby. While here several officers made it a practice to go out and in at night through a secret entrance to the city. Several escaped. We Avere tlien sent back to Libby, and in August Avere exchanged. During our imprisonment one of our men, a prisoner, Avas detailed to Avait on us at table. After having been exchanged I ri:'turned to my regiment at Harrison's Landing, and Avas recaptured June 22, 1864, at Petersburg, Virginia. We were taken to Libby prison, reaching there the third day H. Ec;\ 15 :3 882 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR after our capture. No rations were issued to us until we reached Lil)by. There wo were orderedto give up all the money we had; that our names would be registered, and whatever money was taken from us should be returned when we left the prison ; but in case we refused to give it up we sliould be searched, and everything found on us would be conliscated. Some small articles that I possessed Dick Turner allowed mo to retain. We were then sent up stairs to the prison. The first ration issued consisted of about a quarter of a pound of corn bread, apparently made from unlioltcd meal and mixed with water, and about a gill of what tlu^y termed bean soup, aud a ration of putrid bacon. These were our daily rations. I could not use the bacon — was cibliged to throw it one side. I cannot say the prison was unusually filthy, although filled with vermin. I was here again cautioned by the guard to keep away from the window. At the end of eight days we were put on the cars and taken to Lynchburg. On our way past Castle Thunder, in Richmond, I saw a lady at one of the windows, who held up a fan, on one side of which I saw the American fiag, and I saluted it. Major Turner saw me, and said to the guard, " Knock that Yankee son of a b — h over the head with a musket ;" but the guard did not obey the order. This was for saluting the flag. I was told this was Doctress Mary AValker, who was a prisoner there. The money that was taken from me was not returned to me when I left Libby; but I subsequently got it from our authorities. The confederates returned sonie to some of our officers wlieu we were in South Carolina, and I believe to some while in Georgia, on application, though I never received mine until I got it from our own authorities. From Lynchburg we were marched to Danville, and received twenty hard tack for our rations during that time, which occupied four days. A few of our officers received food on the route from some of their masonic friends. We reached Danville the 4th of July, and received there a liberal ration of corn bread, anerty would be turned over to the Yankee soldiers and negroes ; and that he would be the hrst man to point out aU prominent rebels. " Charge 2d. — Giving aid and comfort to the enemy. ^^Specification 1. — In this: That the said Dr. A. L. Scott did furnish clothing and money, collected by subscriptions, to the Yankee prisoners of war while in confinement at this city ; and did also convey letters of importance to them. " CAPT. J. W. CONWAY. " Approved : " G. W. LEE, " Commaudiixj Fast." Q. State the progress and result of that trial. — A. My attorney put in a plea of ■want of juristliction. The judge advocate. Captain Hardee, denuirred, and requested our absence from the court-room while he consulted with the members of the court. After a few hours' delay I was requested to present myself with my witnesses tlie next morning for trial. I left the court-room under guard, and at 7 o'clock that night there came an order from the commander of the post for my release from confinement. Q. State how that order was procured, and by what influence you were released. — A. The commander of the post, two members of the court, were members of Central Lodge No. 28, Independent Order of Odd Fellows, and to them wholly do I owe my release. After my arrest the rebels went to my office, opeued my trunks, and examined my papers, and destroyed many of them, and left the contents of the trunks lying pro- miscuously around. Q. State your further experience and observation while you remained at the South. — A. After my release I pursued the practice of my profession unmolested until January, 1864, when I was informed that the enrolling officer was about to enroll nu^ into the rebel army. I then took measures to start for the North. I procured a pass for Canton, Mississippi, and went as far as Meridian unmolested. There I was arrested on suspi- cion and detained over night, and allowed to resume my journey the next morning. At Canton I obtained another pass, and finally reached Memphis at the end of three weeks, where I found the Union forces. At the close of four weeks I started for Massachu- setts, and finally reached there, although taken sick on the way. Q. Have you since been South? — A. I have not. Q. State what you know of the execution of Union soldiers by the rebels at Atlanta.— A. The first execution of Union prisoners was that of Andrews, a federal soldier from Ohio. He was hung as a spj' , I think. Q. Do you know whether he was tried by a court-martial ? — A. He was not tried by court-martial. He was ordered to be hung without trial, so far as I know. Q, State what other executions you know of. — A. There were seven other executions of Union soldiers there by hanging. The names of them are stated in a book entitled ''Daring^ind Suttering," by William Pittenger, of Minerva, Stiuk County, Ohio. Q. Can you state the names of any persons who were iustruiaeutal in the execution of Andrews, or the other prisoners ?— A. Oliver H. Jones drove Andrews in his coach to the place of execution, and while Andrews was suspended by the neck, removed the earth from under his feet that he might clear the ground. Jones was a livery- stable keeper, a violent rebel, and clamorous for the execution of Union citizens and prisoners. Q. Please state the substance of the order by which you were released liom prison. — A. The substance of the order was as follows : " Military Post, Atlanta, Georgia, '• yonmber — , 1862. " Doctor A. L. Scott ; You are herebv released from confineuu'nt. '• g. w. lee, " Commanding Post." BY THE REBEL , AUTHORITIES. 887 Boston, Massachusetts, October 26, 1H67. Hoi'.ACE B. QuiMBY sworu. By Mr. Stevens : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Horace B. Quiniby ; a,ber blanket and a slielter tent, and a cavalryman rode up and tapped me on the shoulder with his sword, and said "I want to see that rubber blanket." I did not pay any attention to him, and he charged on me, and said, " You damned Yankee son of a b — h, if you don't give tliat up, I'll shoot you." Then I gave it to him, at the same time telling him he might as well give me something for it, and he gave me a two-dollar confederate bill, with which I bought a piece of tobacco. We were left in an open field, under guard in Petersburg, with no shelter of any kind for two days and nights. During this time we only received four hard-tack for our rations. From there we were taken to Libby Prison, wliere we re- mained forty-eight hours, and then were sent to Belle Isle. At Libby Prison, before we left, we were stripped, and whatever we had was taken from us. I had no money, but they took my knife and fork and sjioon ; that was all I had. My blanket liad been taken before that. My comrades had all their things taken from them. At Belle Isle Ave received for rations about three ounces of corn bread, and a few ounces of pork, morning and evening, and a small (luantity of beau souj). I remained here seven Aveeks. The first week we had no shelter of any kind. Then a i)ortion of us were furnished with Sibley tents. There were twelve persons in the tent I was in. We had no coverings of any kind, except this. Tliree different times while I was there, I fell down from weakness. Most of the prisoners were ragged and dirty. There were a great many vermin in the camp, and we were covei-ed with lice. One of our men happened to stumble and fall inside of the dead-line, and he was shot down by a rebel guard, a boy about fourteen years old. The nuiu Avho was killed was Sergeant French of Company G, Thirty-ninth Massachusetts'volunteers. Every morning we were turned out to be counted. One nu)rning as wo were part of us outside fur this purpose, a rebel courier came with dispatches, and those, of the prisoners that were outside Avere kept outside, and the rest left inside. Then a day's rations were issued to us, a piece of bread and a few ounces of meat, and we Avere nuirched over to Manchester, just op- posite Richmond, and put aboard the cai-s there, and started for Salisbury, Nortli Caro- lina. We were very much crowded in these cars— cattle cars they Avere — and we had two days' rations issued to us before starting. I Avas so hungry that I eat up all my rations that night. We reached Greensboro at the end of two days and nights, and there Avere camped out in the rain, Avithout shelter or rations or fuel. I got in with a prisoner Avho had a knife, Avith Avhieh Ave cut off" some branches of trees and made a small fire, and slept Avith our heads near the fire. I fell asleep, and Avhen I awoke I found my jaw Avas swollen, and locked so that I could not open my nu>uth. I could not open it for four months, and can now only partially open it. I used to haA'e a small spoon, which I used to eat my rations with. We finally reached Salisbury, Avhere I receiA'cd a loaf of good white flour bread, but I Avas so weak I could not eat it, although Aery hungry. We got good rations .there for a couple of days, until about twelve thousand more prisoners came in, and then they cut down the rations ; some days Ave got half a loaf of bread and a couple of ounces of pork and some molasses, and some days we received no rations at all. Tliree different times they did not issue rations, Avhile I was there. Some of our boys used to "flank" them, and get extra rations and divide with the rest. We had no shelter here at all. I slejit for about scA^en or eight Aveeks on the groimd, in the open air, and frequently my jaw pained, me A'ery much. Mr. Richardson, a mnvspaper correspondent, Avas in charge of a hos- pital there, and I begged him to let me in, Avhich he did. I belicAe I should have died, if he had not taken me in and put me by the fire; that night my jaw ulcerated and broke inside. We were allowed to bring in a small quantity of Avood each day, on our shoulders, but Ave did not have a sufficient (juantity, although there were; wcxjds all around our camps. There were four wells dug there by our own men, insitle of the stock- ade, and the Avater from the ground and sinks ran into these Avells. I saw i)oor fellows there, with pieces of string and a cup, drawing up Avater there from these wells, and getting perhaps a crust of bread or a piece of tobacco for the water thej" had, as many liad no Avay of procuring water themselA'es, having no cups. Q. What was the general treatment of the guards and officers toward the prisoners '? — A. The guards Avere sociable at Salisbury. I conversed Avith some of theia and found they Avere sick and tired of being in the confederate army, and most of them seemed to be old men and Union men. The officers very seldom came near us. Major Gee and Major Moffatt and Lillie Avere all the officers that I knew there. I saw but little of them. Gee Avas the principal one there. Moftatt Avas the (luartermaster, and Lillie was his clerk. Lillie used to come in and get men to go out in the town to work. I being a shoemaker, he wanted me to go out, and I consented to Avork in the prison. BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 891 He put me iu with another shoemaker, and the shelter there saved my life. I had no better rations there, bnt we cooked tliem and got ours regularly there. I saw one man belonging to a New York regiment lying on his belly, with his mouth full of gravel and dirt. He died iu that position. He was nothing but skin and bones. He was taken to the dead-house. I worked over the dead-house and had a chance to see them all. There was a rebel sutler that had a tent there and sold difterent articles to our men that had money, and the men used to come around there trading; and one day one of our sergeants sung out " those that are for liberty, follow me ;" and the crowd tliere fol- lowed him. The rebel guard were being relieved and our men took their muskets away from them. As soon as that happened, the guard around the stockade began to tire with muskets and artillery, and about fifty of our men were killed or wounded in the course of ten minutes. I saw this myself. Some days, after keeping ns for two days without rations, the recruiting sergeant would come in and ask us to enlist in tlieir army. They tried to starve ns into it. One came in one day and said he wanted no Yankees, but Scotchmen, Irishmen, and Englishmen ; and, no one going to him, he threatened to shoot us, and held his pistols in his hand. This was done many times. The rations were always reduced just before they came in. There was a Catholic luiest that performed mass there who saved the lives of many of the prisoners by getting separate ground for the Catholic pr;:;oners, away from the camp. At the time Ave wei'e paroled, the rebels concealed the fact from the men until the last moment, and deprived them of their rations and tried to get them to enlist in their army. Thirteen out of twenty-two of my company who were in there died from starvation and exposure. One of my comrades became so emaciated before he died that I did not know him. Many of those that died were crazy and idiotic. Q. State the condition of the men who were brought into the hospital ? — A. They were generally nothing but skin and bones, and covered with vermin so that you could not get a pin's head in between them. Q. State how the dead were treated. — A. I saw one man taken to the dead-house before he was dead. We made a complaint about it and he was taken back to the hospital and afterwards died. At the dead-house the dead were put into a team and driven off, and they would jolt about in the wagon like hogs from the slaughter-house. Q. What medicine did you have in the hospital ? — A. The rebel Doctor Currie made me a salve for my jaw. I soled two pairs of shoes for his little girl, and he did this in return. I, myself, made a lye of ashes, which I applied to my jaw. Q. What were the prevailing diseases in the prison f — A. Chronic diarrhea chiefly. Q. What was the general mortality there '? — A. Every morning there was sure to be about twenty-five or thirty men in the dead-house. Twenty-five would be the least number. Q. What effect did the treatment received there by you have upon you ? — A. W^heu I went in there I was in very good health — never had been sick a day iu the army, and I weighed one hundred and thirty-nine pounds ; and I don't suppose" I weighed one hundred and fourteen when I came out, although I did not weigh myself then. I was very poor and emaciated and have never recovered, and never expect to, from the effects of it. SometiuKis I cannot raise up my arms — cannot use them at all, from rheumatism iu my shoulders. Q. State the circumstances of your release. — A. I was notified that we were to be jjaroled, and received two days' rations. Some were taken to Kichmond, and those that could march, marched to Wilmington ; I marched to Greeusboro, North Carolina, though unable to march. It rained three days and nights going there, and a good many died on the way. I think there were about three or four thousand went with me to Greens- boro. The 2d of March, 1865, we were paroled at Goldsboro, and from there went into our liues at Wilmington. Michael Cooley sworn. By Mr. Stevens : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Michael Coo- ley ; age, thirty-nine ; residence, Natick, Massachusetts ; occupation, a shoeniakei-. Q. State your connection with the service of the United States during the war. — A. I enlisted April 16, 1864, in the Fifty-ninth Massachusetts infantry, and served about fifteen mouths. Q. Were you ever captured by the enemy; if so, where and when ? — A. I was cap- tured at North Anna, Virginia, May 24, 1864. Q. In what prisons were you confined subsequently ? — A. In Libby Prison, Eich- moud ; at Andersonville, Savannah, Milieu, and Florence. Q. State your treatment after capture. — A. We were first sent to LibTiy Prison, Rich- mond, where I remained about two weeks. George Benson, Horace Killam, and John Thompson were captured with me. Killam died iu a day or two in hospital. We were there at Libby twenty-four hours before we got anything to eat from the reljcls ; we hapiieued to have a few crackers in our haversacks, however. We were ordered to 892 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR give up onr money, and I gave np fifty dollars to tliem, tliinking it was to be rotnrned to me again when I left ; but it never was returned to nie. Our rations there were about a half a pound of bread, made of meal, ground cob, and all, and a spoonful of boiled rice every day at 3 o'clock. We had* no soap to wash with ; audit any of us put our heads out of the window the guards would shoot at us. I did not see anybody shot while I was there. The prisoners were very lousy. They could not help being so, as there was no chance for them to wash. At the end of two weeks we were put into box-cars and sent to Andersonville. Wirz was in command of the prison there, and Winder in command of the post. On the way there one of the guards in the cars took my boots from me and gave me a pair of shoes. I remonstrated, and he struck me witii his gun and stunned me. They had taken my shelter tent, rubber bhudcet, and other things at Libby. On arriving'at Andersonville we were put in the stockade, and I did not know where to go. Whenever I stopped I was told I must go on, that I could not stay there, and I could find no place to remain. It was the same every- where. The iiext day we got about a pint of cob-meal, and three-quarters of a ponud of beef apiece each day for some time; after that we received cob-meal sometimes, and sometimes mush. We were allowed about half a handful of wood, and had no way iu which to split it up. I never got any soup all the time I Avas there. The only supply of wat':r that we had was from a brook that ran through the prison, and we were obliged to drink that water, in which many of the prisoners bathed. Around the stockade there was a dead-line, and if we eveii rested against that they would tire on us without any warning. I saw three prisoners killed by the guard. I saw one man rest his hand on the dead-liiu' while he was reaching down to get water in a dipper, and the guard shot him through the neck without warning. 1 had no shelter there. I dug a hole iu the ground, and sometimes the rain would come and drive me out of it. Q. How long were you in Andersonville f — A. Over four months. Q. What was the general condition of the prisoners there? — A. In the montli of Au- gust they died at the rate of one hundred and fifty a day. They were filthy and nasty. You would not know your own brother through the dirt and filth with which they were covered. They were also very much emaciated. In fact, I have no language in which to describe their condition. Many of them wisre crazy. I saw numy of the prisoners eating their excrement. They did not know what they were doing. Q. \Vhere were you taken from Andersonville ? — A. To Milieu, Georgia, where I re- mained about three weeks. I had no shelter here, and the treatment was about the same as at Andersonville. During the whole time I Avas a prisoner I never had any shelter whatever, except while at^Libby Prison, and never had anything to cover me. Q. How did the general condition of the prisoners at Milieu compare with those at Andersonville ? — A. It was just like the steps of a ladder. The men who were sick to- day, when it came to rain, would be dead the next morning. Day after day it would be'the same thing over again. There Avere about thirty thousand prisoners here. Q. To what places Avere you next taken ?— A. To Savannah. The treatment there was better. There AA^ere about thirteen thousand prisoners there Avithout shelter, but the rations Avere better. We had rice there, and a little more wood Avith Avhich to cook it, and the citizens assisted us some there. Q. During your imprisonment how Avere the guards fed ? — A. I do not know. AVe had no con'ununication with them. They appeared to be hearty and well. I know they used to try to sell their rations to onr men for clothing. At the mid of two weeks Ave were taken to Charleston, where Ave remained over night in the city prison, and then were taken to Florence, Avhere we remained about a month. Tlu^re Avas a better policing of the camp here, and it Avas cleaner than Andersimville, but the ratious and other treatment Avere the same as at Andersonvile. Lieutenant Davis was in connnand here. We Avere then started on onr Avay to Salisbury, North Carolina, but while on the way there myself and a prisoner named Campbell .jumped from the cars and made our escape into the Avoods. At the end of six days we reached Sherman's army at Coilins's Mills, South Candina, and Avent with the army to Goldsboro, Avhere I received trans- portation to Washington and received a thirty days' furlough, and reported to my reg- iment and served until I Avas discharged. Edavin Brown sAvorn. By the Ciiaiuman : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Edwin Brown ; a^e, 20; residence, Natiek, Massachusetts; occupation, a shoemaker. ''q. What connection had you with the military service of the United States during the war ? — A. I enlisted as a i)riA'ate in Company I Thirty-ninth Massachusetts infantry, and Avas afterAvard promoted to sergeant. Q. If yon Avere cA'cr captured state Avhen and Avhere, and your subsecpuMit treatment as a prisoner of Avar. — A. I was captured on the Wehlon railroad, August 19, If^iM, while in line of l)attle. We Avere sent to Petersburg, and there drcAv no ratious during the two days we were there. At the end of that time we were sent to Richmond and cjn- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 893 fined in Libby Prison one nigbt. Tbe next morning -we were put into a tobacco ware- bonse opposite and tberc searcbed, and everytbing tliey wanted talvcn away from ns, snob as bavcrsacks, blankets, cutlery, &c., and money. I bad no money, but tbey took several bnndred dollars away from tbe rest of tbe party. It was given to tbem imder a promise tbat it sbould be returned wlien tbey were paroled, as tbey bad tbreatened to take it away and confiscate it if we attempted to conceal it. We were tben taken (about tbe last of August) to Belle Isle, wbcre we remained until about tbe 5tb ot October. Here we bad no sbelter at first, but afterwards tents were issued and a part of us bad tbem for sbelter, about tbree-(piarters of tbe number. Tbe weatber during tbe day was extremely bot and at nigbt very cool. Sometimes it was rainy weatber. Our rations consisted of coarse corn bread and a small portion of side-bam, issued to us regularly morning and nigbt. The amount of food we received was not a quarter enough in quantity, and I was hungry all tbe time I was there. A channel was dug from tbe James river which brought tbe water into the camp and carried it out again. This was the water we had to use. The sink was at the lower end of this channel, and we used to have to get water very nearly up to where the sink was, as we bad to wash ourselves and our clothes at tbat part. Q. Could you have gotten water from the river above, where it was clearer, if you had been permitted ? — A. Yes, sir ; but we were not allowed there. Tbe rebel otBcers sent in men to clear out this channel at the sink once in a while. Q. What personal treatment did tbe prisoners receive from tbe rebel officers and guards. — A. I never knew any of the officers at Belle Isle to treat any of tbe prisoners badly personally. Tbe guard used to shoot tbem down. Shot quite a number, I could not say how many, while I was there. . Q. Do you know tbe names of any who were shot ? — A. One was Sergeant Frencli, Companj' G Thirty-ninth Massachusetts volunteers. Q. State tbe circumstances of bis case. — A. There was a lane leading down to tbe sink, with a board fence on each side, and there was such a crowd there that tbe guard stopped them, and they had to cross the trench, to get to the gate, on a platform, and as be was walking across tbat be was crowded ofi", and the guard, a lioy about twelve or fourteen years old, shot him dead. This trench in which he fell was ihside of the breastworks. This boy (tbe guard) was relieved for a short time, but was on guard afterwards. I never saw any others shot except him, but I know others were shot, because I saw them when they were being carried oft'. I could not state how many I have thus seen. Q. What accommodations were provided for the sick ? — A. Wo used to report tbe sick every morning, and all those whom they deemed unable to remain there were sent to Richmond. Men that were really unable to be there were kept there, however. There were Jiot a great many deaths in camp because the worst cases of sickness were sent away. Some died there. Q. Is there any other statement you desire to make in relation to tbat prison ? — A. I do not think of any. Q. Wbei'e were you taken from there '? — A. To Salisbury, North Carolina. When we started tbey gave us a small allowance of bread and a piece of meat to last us during the triji. We were three days and two nights on tbe road. I eat my rations all np at once, as did most of tbe others, and we bad nothing more to eat until the day after we arrived at Salisbury. We had occasionally a chance to get water during the .iourney, but not always when we wanted it. If it was handy they would let us get out and get some. There were about forty-six prisoners in the freight car I was in. The day after we reached Salisbury we received a half a loaf of bread apiece. We bad no shelter, and it was very cohl weatber then, so that we snftered very much that nigbt. We had no wood nor fires, and we bad to travel around the cam]) all night to keep warm. In that way we lived the first half of the time, without sbelter at all, and a great many dug boles in the ground and lived in tbem. Afterwards we bad tents issued to us, which would accommodate about one-third of tbe prisoners. Tbe rest of tbem lived in these caves or boles in tbe ground,. All tbe wood we were allowed was what two men could bring from some distance, and that would not be much, as they were so weak. Probably it would be about three or four sticks of cord-wood to a hundred men a day. Q. Were the rations furnished raw or cooked 1 — A. Part of the time raw and part of the time cooked. Q. Were tbe rations of wood increased when your rations of food were issued raw ' — A. No, sir ; not any. Q. What was your supply of water ? — A. It was rather small, but good. We bad wells, but there were so many prisoners in there tbat tbe water would be all drawn before eight o'clock in tbe morning, and tbe water woiild get riley by so much dipping. Q. What provision was made for tbe sick ? — A. There were several small buildings tbat were fixed up for hospitals where there was straw for tbe sick to lie on. No blan- kets were there, or windows to tbe building. I was in tbe hospital three days and was l)aroled from there. 894 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Q. Were tho rations njivon to the sick different from those issued to the prisoners in the camp F — A. No, sir; they Avere just the same. Q. Were these rations suitable for sick persons? — A. No, sir; not at all. It was coarse corn bread, some of it made from cob meal. Q. Who attended to and ■waited upon the sick ? — A. Ward masters and nui'ses were detailed from among the prisoners. They could not do much for the sick; but if any died they carried them out. The rebel surgeons used to come in nearly every day to see the men, and gave what medicine they could get. They had not but a small quan- tity of medicine any way. Morphine pills is what they used mostly for medicine. Q. Did the surgeons visit the sick in camp ? — A. No, sir ; they were carried to the surgeons every morning from the camp. Q. If they were not taken there, and could not get there themselves, what was the result ? — A. I never knew anytliing to be done for them. We used to carry some on stretchers or blankets to the gate; but if they did not happen to get taken out, nothing was done for them. I know a great number died in that way, some in their lioles and tents, and some on the grouud. Q. Who was in couiniand of the camp at this time? — A. Major Gee. Q. W^liat was the charact(^r of tho treatment of the officers and guards towards the prisoners at that camp f — A. I never knew of any acts of personal abuse. Occasion- ally a prisoner would be shot for being near the fence, or something of that kind. I never knew their reasons for shooting them. I have seen men who would go very near the dead-line who would be shot. That is all I know. Q. Were there any colored troops there? — A. Yes, sir; about two hundred or three hundred. Q. Were they treated differently from the -wlrite prisoners ; if so, in what respects?-^ A. I do not know of their receiving any different ti"eatment. Q. Were there any persons who escaped from that camp? — A. Yes, sir; a few. Q. Were any of them recaptured? — A. I saw one who was recaiitured. Q. By whom? — A. I don't know. Q- Have you any knowledge of blood-hounds being kept there for the pur[50se of recapturing escaped prisoners ? — A. I have not. I never heard of it. Q. Were the rations you received at Salisbury sufficient to sustain men in gooout six tliousand of them died between the 1st of October, 18(54, andthe last of February, 1865. Q. Was there any attempt made to induce you to join the rebel army ? — A. There ■was a general invitation giA-eii to join their army by some rebel officers there. Q. Is there any other statement you Avish to make in relation to your imprisonment ? — A. They disposed of the dead by piling them up in a tij) cart and carryiug them off' and dumping them into a hole. The next day thej' Avould dig a hole side of that and coA'er up Avhat tliey had buried tlui day before. Q. Wliere were you taken from Salisbury ? — A. To Richmond, yvith the sick, to be exchanged. I left Salisbury tlie 2"2d of February, and left Riclnnond the 9th or lOtli of iSIarch, for Annapolis, Maryland ; and after remaining in hospitals, Avas finally discharged June 17, 1865. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 895 Boston, Massachusetts, Odobcr 28, 1867. Lawrence N. Duchesxey sworu. By Mr. Stevens : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occnpation. — Answer. Lawrence N. Dnchesney; age, twenty-four ; residence, Andover, Massachusetts; occupation, a car- penter. Q. State your connection with tlie service of the United States during the war. — A. I enlisted as a private, April 15, 1861, in the Sixth Massachusetts infantry ; afterwanl re-enlisted as a private in Company H First Massachusetts cavahy, November 22, 1861, for three years, and was promoted to corporal, theii to sergeant, and then made second lieutenant of Company B, in January, 186.3. Q. If you were ever captured by the enemy, state when and where you were cap- tured, and your subsequent treatment as a prisoner of war. — A. 1 was captured near Aldie, Virginia, June 17, 1863, while our regiment was supporting a battery there. My private papers were taken from mo as soon as I was captured, and I was taken from the field on horseback, having been injured in the light by having my horse fall on me. We marched until about ten o'clock, when we reached Snicker's Gap, on the Blue Ridge, and there remained over night in a house. The next day we started toward Winchester, on foot, I having been dismounted, with several others, at Snicker's Gap. All were dismounted except some wounded officers. The second day we reached Win- chester, and, the day after, Staunton, where we got hard-tack and a small piece of bacon for rations. There we were put aboard the train, and sent to Richmond. Our rations on the way to Winchester were pretty fair, Imt we did not get anything to eat on the way from Staunton to Richmond, which journey lasted a day. At Rich- mond we were put into Libby Prison, after being inspected and searched by Dick Turuer, and most evei"ything taken away from us. A little boy stood there with a basket, and everything taken from us was put into that basket. All our money was taken from us. We entered Libby Prison the 2.')th of June, and had nothing to eat until the afternoon of the 26th. Then we received a pound of soft bread, which could be clasped in the hand and squeezed to almost nothing. We also had between two and four ounces of beef a day and a pint of rice or beans, for thirty men. Q. How long were yoii confined in Libby ? — A. Thirteen months and nine days. Then^- were about three huiidred officers confined in two rooms fifty l>y ninety feet in extent. We had aboat thirty or forty knives and forks, and fifteen or twenty old spoons, for the use of all this number confined there, and a conple of dozen of leaky and rusty tin plates. Then we had one kettle in which to boil our soup in turns^one mess after the other — alternately in order. The officers had to wash their own floors every day or two at first ; afterward some colored men were sent by the rebels to do it. This treatment continued until July, when two officers of our number were selected as hos- tages ; Captains Sawyer and Flynn having been chosen by lots, which were drawn by us all. These hostages were kept away from us about a week, in a dungeon below, in Libby, expecting every day to be executed. Captain Sawyer sent for his wife, and she came as far as City Point ; but the rebels would not allow her to come to visit her husband. In about a week these hostages were allowed to come up where we were in the day-time, and were taken to the dungeon again at night. This lasted three or four weeks, until, finally, they were sent Tip, and remained with us the rest of the time. Q. State what conversation or intercourse yoa had with the French consul at Rich- mond, while at Libby. — A. After being introduced to the French consul by Lieutenant Latouche, the adjutant of the prison, the consul asked me what I was doing tbere. I told him I was a prisoner; and he said he understood I was a Frenchman. I told him I was a French Canadian. He said, " Don't you know the southern jteople are mostly French, and in sympathy with the French, and that all Frenchmen should fight foi- the South?" He asked me, then, if I wanted to go home, and said if I would take the oath of neutrality never to fight against the South he would send me home, and if [ needed money he would give it to me, and send me to France or Canada. I refused his offer, but promised, if he would send me home on parole, not to take uji arms until I was regularly exchanged. He said they could not do that. The next moruiwg a rebel sergeant came in and selected Captain E. M. Driscoll, of the Third Ohio infantry : Lieutenant Pavey, of the Eightieth Illinois ; and Lieutenant Markbright, of General A verill's statt', and myself, and took us down into tli(; dungeons under Li l>by I'rison, where Lieutenant Latouche read us an order from the rebel secretary of war, informing us that we were selected as hostages in retaliation for foiir confederate soldiers that were taken by General Bitrnside, and held in confinement under sentence of death-for some crime. I afterward learned that it was for " bushwhacking." They said if these men were hung we should be hung in retaliation. I then had two boxes, which Avere sent to me from home, up stairs, containing provisions, and I asked them if I could not have some of those provisions to take with me down in the dungeon, but they would not permit it. We found the dungeon in a very dirty condition, and objected to going 896 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR iuto it until it was cleaned out, which they then did. We had no breakfast that morning. In tlie afternoon they brought us a pound of corn-bread apiece. That is all w^e had that day. Q. Descvil)e that dungeon. — A. It was seven by fourteen feet in size. The floor was elevated about tilteen inches from the ground, and at each end the floor was about two or three inches from the wall. Right back of the dungeon was a small window, with a grating over it, looking out upon the sidewalk of the street. The window was so high I could only just reach it ; and a board cover was put over it, and shut tight, so that we were in comi)lete darkness in the dungeon. There was a brick wall on one side of the dungeon, and the other sides were formed bj' board partitions. On one side of the dun- geon was another dungeon, where there were three more Union officers conlined as hostages for three rebel officers. The names of these three officers were Major Nathau Gougli, Captain Fry, and Lieutenant Manning, of the Second Massachusetts cavalry. The i)oard partition that was between us we knocked down, and communicated with the other prisoners. There was still another dungeon beyond that one, where one of our scouts iianied Hogau was confined. Q. State how long you were confined in that dungeon, and how you were treated. — A. I was seA'enty-tw(j days in the dungeon. On the second day they commenced issu- ing our rations regularly. We received about a half a half-gallon pail of bean soup at first. Then, the third day after we were put there, all the officers up-stairs were taken away excei)t some officers of negro regiments. Then we got about a pound of corn Ijreacl a day, three j)ints of bean soup for four of us, and on the top of it was a small piece of ])oik marked oft' in four slices, about two ounces for each man. We had an old tin plate, lull of holes, and had to tear off" parts of our clothing for the purpose of sto])ping Tip the holes. We used to take the pail containing the bean soup and put it in the center of the dungeon, and four of us stand around it, and use the spoon in rota- tion and eat the soup. Then we put cold water in it, and made broth of the remainder. As soon as we put the water on it, we could see as many as twenty white maggots float- ing on the top of the soup. We used to push the cap or cover off" the grating when we were eating, so as to see what we had. Then we took a spoon and skinmied these mag- gots off", and eat the rest. The pork was covered with little red festers, as though the l)ig had the measles, and it smelt so badly that w*> often had to throw it out of this hole or window ; we could not eat it. Other days we would have some boiled rice. Every time the rebels saw this cap open they would shove it back, and then we would slowly push it open again. Afterward w^e were allowed one hour each day to go into the dead-house, on the same ground, with each other. There was a stove and Avater there, and we had a chance to wash our clothes. Sometimes there woidd l)e two or three dead bodies lying tliere, and the smell was so ott'eusive it uuxde us sick to our stomachs, but we had to stay there iintil our hour had expired. We found a candle-box there, and took it to our dungeon, and there made a figure-four trap. The rats were so jdeuty there that they used to run over my face at night, or gnaw my feet. We took this trap, and baited it with a piece of pork, and used to take turns in watching it. We caught many rats in this way, and would skin them and salt them down. Two old negroes used to come in there and sweep out our dungeon, and we used to taki^ these rats and put them in tlu^ bosoms of their shirts, and they would take them out and cook them for us, and in the evening when theybrought the water, they would bring them cooked for us, and we would eat them. This we did for between five and six weeks. Two or three times I saw them take negro soldiers ; and they Avould get one, probably, who had been almost starved to death, and had stolen a piece of beef, ami would not give an account of it — and take him in this l)asement, before our dungeon, strip his shirt off", and roll his pants up to his knees, and get a large barrel, and put him on his belly on the barrel, and two other negroes would liold him l)y the hands and feet; aud I saw one negro get ninety lashes there, right in IVout of us. At the end of every ten lashes they would let the negro stand up and lest a little while, and then, in about five minutes, go on again. The negro begged for his life, but the men would not stop. Dick Turner, the insi)ector of the prisons, used to come into our dungeons sometimes, and inrpiire how we were get- ting along. I told hnn we did not get half enough to eat, and that which we did get Tvas rotten and maggoty. lie said the United States authorities were treating their prisoners the same way, and they had to retaliate, and said we had b(!tter Avrite to our government to exchange us. One ilay I kept a piece of the meat that smelt very bad, to show him wdien he came. I showed it to him, and asked him if it was fit f(n" ns to eat. He put it to his nose, and then he spat right in my face. After we had been there a week, our rations changed to half a pound of corn bread, and the same (juantily of soup, and meat as before stated. Then afterward the corn bread was reduced to a quart<'r of a pound, and this was the fiuautity that was then given us regularly. Q. Where were the sinks or privies in that dungeon? — A. We had a sink-bucket, which stood in one corner of tlie dungeon, which we used for that purpose. Sometimes the negroes carried out this bucket every day, and then again it would remain there a week. Q. State what, if any, change was made in the guard while you were there.— A. At the time of Kiliiatrick's raid, all the able-bodied soldiers wei'e taken to the front aud their BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 897 places filled by citizens of Richmond, consisting of blacklegs and everybody they conld scrape up around Richmond, and a good many foreigners — some Germans ; and when these guards were placed there, they were told by the non-commissioned officer of the guard to look out for those Yankees that were confined in the dungeon ; that they were desperate fellows ; that they w^ere under sentence of death ; and that they would escape if they could. And the guard asked him wliat they should do if we tried to escape, and he told them to shoot us down on the spot if they saw one of us showing his face at the window or door, or if we made the least noise. These men were on guard there three days during the raid. Q. What was tiie effect of this confinement in the dungeon on the health of the pris- oners ? — A. I contracted fever-and-aguo there, and the others lost tlesh, as well as my- self. When I was taken prisoner I weighed one hundred and seventy pounds, and when I came out of the dungeon I weighed ninety-five. I weighed myself before leav- ing Richmond. Q. State to what place you were taken from the dungeon, and your observation and experience there. — A. I was taken, with the others, from the dungeon on the 19th of July, 1864. The officers of the negro regiments who were confined in Libby Prison, and negroes, were taken with us, and put aboard cattle-cars at Manchester, and taken to Salisbury, North Carolina, where we were placed in an attic in a small building in Sal- isbury prison. The seven officers that were held as hostages were put together. But the first night our quarters were not assigned to us, and we had to sleep with rebel deserters, and our own deserters, and all the rebel convicts that were in Salisbury, and there was not ten minutes during the night that some one was not caught by the throat and his pocket picked or clothing stolen by these men. But they did not molest any of the officers that night. The day after, we were put in the attic, which had been formerly occupied by some northern newspaper correspondents who were prisoners there. Our rations were fair here. Some Union citizens had charge of the commissary department, and they treated us very well. We had a pound of fresh beef and a pound of bread, and sometimes potatoes. Sometimes we got pork instead of beef, and could sometimes exchange one of the rations of one of our seven for greens — pig-weed — with the rebel deserters, who had pernussion to go outside. Q. How long were you confined here '? — A. Three months and a day. Q. Describe the treatment the prisoners received there. — A. There were no enlisted men confined there at this time, but there were two or three hundred deserters from their army and our own army. We had orders not to come down from the attic in which we were placed. There was a yard outside of the building to which all the ])risoners, except ourselves, were allowed access. There was no guard, however, to see that we remained in our attic, and we frequently went down there with the rest. They threatened to put a guard over us unless we stopped coming down, and we told them we should come down unless Ave were ])revented. There were some Union citizens there who had a United States iiag, and this was found out by the rebel deserters, and the lact reported to the couuuander of the prison, and he ordered them to give it up, which they did. The flag was then nailed to a stick. Union down, and iiaraded all over the prison grounds by these rebel deserters. A Lieutenant Brown, who belonged to a negro regiment, was set upon by these rebel deserters, and knocked down. He was finally rescued by some of the Union citizen prisoners. Before I left there, there were between ten thousand and twelve thousand officers and soldiers confined there. There were three or four negro huts inside of the inclosure, and the officers were as- signed these as quarters, and the soldiers were placed on the opposite side of the camp. Between the officers and soldiers was a dead-line and a line of sentries. One of these sentries shot a lieutenant there and killed him, for no cause whatever, only lie said the officer was trying to escape. We could see over the dead-line where the men were, al- most witli in speaking distance. I could see between fifteen and twenty men froze to death on the ground, or starved ; some had nothing but shirts on ; others nothing but drawers. I managed to get across this dead-line several times, and went about among the soldiers trying to organize a plan for a general outbreak and escape ; but about the time our plans were laid, we were taken from the prison, and started for Libby Prison (so I was told) by rail. On the way, in the cars, I concluded to jump from the cars if possible, and make my escape. Lieutenant Quiml>y, of the Ninth New Hamp- shire, broke the bolt of the car door, and he jumped first. Captain DriscoU jumped next, and I followed, and then all joined together to make our way through the coun- try. Q. State whether you have heard the testimony of Horace B. Quimby read; and it so, whether the narrative given by him of your journey after your escape is correct. — A. I have heard it read, and pronoimce it correct. Q. Is there any additional fact you wish to mention, not contained in his statement? — A. We separated on Indian Creek, at Mr. Tinker's house. Three or four days after we separated there, I heard the report of the gnn that shot Jesse Tinker. The women came up from the house where he was shot, and told us he was shot. Q. When did you enter our lines? — A. The 12th of January, 1865. H. Eep. 45 57 898 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR George W. Truell sworu. By Mr. Pile : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation, — Answer. George W. Truell ; age, 36 ; residence, Taunton, Massachusetts ; occui^ation, a merchant. Q. What connection had you with the military service of the United States during the war "? — A. I enlisted as a private in Company A, Thirty-seventh Massachusetts in- fantry, in August, 1862. Q. If you were ever captured by the enemy, state when and where you were cap- tured, and the treatment you received while a prisoner. — A. I was captured May 18, 1864, atSpottsylvania Court House. Virginia. We were then taken to the provost mar- shal's office at Gordonsville, Virginia, and our blankets and superfluovis clothing taken away from us. They also took our cooking utensils and our money. Wc were then sent l)y rail to Lynchburg, where we drew two days' rations, and then sent by cars to Andersouville. This journey lasted six days, and we received no further rations. At Audersonville we were divided into squads and divisions, and put inside of the stock- ade. As we entered the prison, it did not seem as though we could iiud any room, it was so crowded. We had to sleep the first night right on the edge of a swamp that was in the center of the stockade. Some of the prisoners could not find any place to lie down, and had to stand all night. There was no law excei)t the law of brute force inside of the stockade at this time. Lawless men of our own army, who were prisoners, were sutfered to do as they pleased, and they mur- dered some and robbed others. Many were robbed that night of all they had left. We had no shelter from the 2d of June, when I went in there, xmtil tlie middle of September. We had orders not to assemble together in largo crowds, under penalty of being fired at by the guards. I remember one particular instance of this. We had assembled for a religious meeting one Sunday alternoon, and the guards ordered us to disperse, and we did not disi)erse as (luickly as they thought we ought to, and they fired into us. They did not hurt anybody iu the crowd, but a ball passed very near a man who was lying asleep in his teut. It was the common report there that every guard who shot a Union ])risoner had a furlough of thirty days. The orders were that any prisoner touching or approaching the dead-line was to be shot instantly. One man reached under the dead-line to get some fresh water, and was shot instantly and killed. He lay where he fell for two hoiu's before he was taken out, his blood mingling with the water. I saw a young man, whom I piesumed to be crazy, run across the dead-line and get shot instantly. In another case a crazy man went inside of the dead-line, and the guard, who was an old man, said he would not shoot him if he would come out, and he tried to get him out, and he finally shot over his head, and that did not scare him, and then he shot him and killed him. He laid two days before he was removed. I do not recollect any other instances of shooting. The rations for the first mouth (.Tune) were sufficient, such as they were. There was corn bread and corn meal enough issued — more than the camj) used ; but the rations were afterward cut down to half a pint of corn meal, and, perhai>s, four spoonfuls of raw beans, (which were nearly always de- fective, and had live worms iu them,) or a half a pint of cooked beans — sometimes the one and sometimes the other, and usually about an ounce of meat. Many days we re- ceived no rations whatever. Sometimes the amount was given us the next day, when we had double rations, but not often. The rations for the first month were not suffi- cient to keep life iu a man if he only got his rations. I do not think a single man ever came out of Andersouville alive that only received his regular rations that they issued there. I think all would have starved to death if they had not got other rations besides those issued to them. Some of the prisoners ti'aded their clothing and trinkets they had made with the rebel guard for provisions. They also traded the buttons that were on their clothes, and everything they could steal they would go and trade off with the rebels for i)rovisions. A part of the time the meal they gave us was very good, but sometimes it seemed to be ground cob and all, so that it left pieces as large as a kernel of corn in it, not cut at all, ami there was no means of getting that out except by picking it out with your fingers. The fresh meat was nearly always maggoty and smelt bad during the summer. In the winter it was pretty good. The bacon was oftentimes lotten, and would almost fall from the bone. I had the scurvy there, and could obtain no vegetables, and no medical treatment whatever. We had no soap issued to us until after we had been there four mouths. We had a little salt given us, which we eat up by itself, as it was not sufiicient to cook with. They issuetl about half a ])int of salt to a hundred men. Q. Who was ill couunand there then? — x\.. Captain Wirz was the commander of the prison. He was sick a part of the time, and Lieutenant Davis took his place. (^. What treatment did the prisoners receive from the guards and officers thei-ef — A. I think so far as the guards were concerned, that when out of t lie sight of their officers, they did not manifest any malignaut sjtirit towiird us. Tiie ol'licers were harsh, l>lood- thirsty, cruel, and unfeeling, and manifested this disposition whenever thi^y gave any orders concerning us. I can give an instance of that. Christmas day after we were BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 899 returned into Anderson ville, after having been to Millen and other places, and had been crowded, eighty men into one car, and remained there all night and part of that day, when we got out of the car we were cramped and stifl'and sore, and some of the men, while we were being counted, preparatory to going into the stockade, fell out of the ranks and sat down. Wirz came along and drew his pistol and said: '-If any man breaks ranks again while you are being counted, I will shoot him," and he swore roughly. They were counted over several times and the men were weary and worn out at this'time. Captain Duncan was quartermaster of the post at this time, and it was a matter of common report that he used to take the rations that he drew from the quartermaster's department for the prisoners, and sell them to citizens, negroes, and confederate soldiers and get the money for them; and he bragged that as soon as he got greenbacks enough he would leave the coufederacj' and go north. Ca[)taiu Dun- can was there most if not all the time I was there. I never knew of any other (jnar- termaster being there. I went into Audersouville the 2d day of May, and was taken out the 20th of September, and taken to Savannah, Georgia. They told us we were going to be exchanged. They put us in a stockade at Savannah and kept us there n week. In passing thi'ough Savannah, several negroes and citizens attempted to throw us food and clothing, and one negro woman attempted to bring up some provisions to a soldier and the guard struck her and knocked her down. After we got inside of the stockade, they used to watch every opportunity to throw in things to us ; but the guard had strict orders to allow nothing to be given to us. From there we were taken to Millen, Georgia, where we remained nearly a mouth. Tliere we were better olf than at any place I was in in the confederacy. The rations were very small, but good. Meal and beef were issued to us, and also some sweet potatoes, which was the first vegetable issued to me since my cajiture. From there we were taken to Blackshire on the Gull railroad and turned into the woods with a guard around us, and kept there a week or so, and then moved to Thomasville, and kept tiiero until a few days before Christmas— in the woods, with a guard around us. The ratious all this while were very good, but very small — not enough to keep any man alive, unless he got more than Ijelonged to him. Then we marched overland to Albany, where we were put into box cars — eighty in my car — and returned to Audersonville, where we remained until the 20tii of March. The treatment we received after our return was about the same as before, only that they allowed us to go outside of the stockade and get wood, a few out of each hundred every day, which we had not been allowed to do during the summer. I think the rations were better during the winter than tlwy had been in the summer, and there was not as ■ many prisoners there — only about live or six thousand, while in the summer there had been thirty thousand a part of the time. For several days we were deprived of our rations for some trifling cause. On one occasion, Captain Wirz lost his dog ; some of the prisoners had stolen him, killed him, cooked him, and ate him ; and he was going to stop the rations for three days uutil some of them came forward and told who diil it. He stopped them one day, and a boy went forward who did not do it, and owned it, and we supplied him with rations for some time, to pay him for it. Tlie captain did not do anything to this boy for this. Prisoners who escaped, when recaptured, v,ere jiut in the stocks outside of the stockade. I have seen men in these stocks myself. We could look over the stockade from a hill whicli was inside of the jirison, and the stocks were in plain sight. It was a common occurrence for men to be put into them for trifling ofteuses. If men were not at roll-call in the morning, or if they were absent one or two mornings in succession, they were put in them. WIkmi avc w(!re first taken to Audersouville, Wirz selected one of the prisoners and said that he was a deserter from their army. He haudcufied him, tied his legs together, kicked him, struck him and knocked him down and said: "Lie there, you damned son of a b h, until I take care of the rest of these, and then I'll take care of you." The man denied ever being in the rebel army. I do not know what became of him afterward. From there we were marched to Vicksburg, Mississippi, and exchanged. A rebel colonel had conauand of the parole cami> and kept us there about thirty days, and then we were sent up the river and exchanged before we got home. Q. Did you escape at any time? if so, give the particulars. — A. Yes, sir; I did. It was at the time we were moving from Milieu to Blackshire, late in October. I Avas gone three days, but the scurvy in my legs disabled me so that I could not walk and had to stop. I came across only one family of white peoiile, and they gave me a meal of victuals. It was in a house away back in the woods, and then a white man came there on a horse and told me where to go. I did not have much to do v.ith the citizens during that time. The common expression of the rebel guards when speaking to any of the prisoners was, " You damned Yankee son of a b h." The poor whites were generally the kindest to us, and the negroes were invariably our friends. Some of the worst things at Audersouville were the utter heartlessness of the post ofiicials and the citizens, especially ladies, in regard to the correspondence of the ]nisouers ; would let the soldiers' letters accumulate for two or three weeks and ope. i.ud read them, make all manner of fun of them, and then burn them. I wrote a letter each month to my wife, and often wrote for others too sick to write themselves, and only 900 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR one of all I wrote was ever received at its destinatiou. Scurvy was the iiuiversal dis- ease ill ])risou, and the rebel authorities might have relieved it by issuing vegetables, which they never did. They furnished the rebel sutler in our prison plenty of all kinds of farm vegetables, thereby intensifying our sufferings by hunger, by wantonly displaying the tempting sights to the famished prisoners. The rebel ofiieers often told us that they did not mean that we should ever do any more duty in the Union army. In Octol)er, 18G4, when the prisoners were very much emaciated by hunger and disease and nearly naked, it being intensely cold weather, the rebel government sent recruit- ing officers in to recruit for the rebel army, threatening to starve us if we did not enlist in their service; and at various times afterward they repeated the offers of bounties and furloughs, &c., if we would enlist in the confederate army. It is my tirm convic- tion that the authorities at Richmond were the authors and instigators of the greatest part of all the cruelty suffered by the Union soldiers. Abel Joxes sworn. By Mr. Pile : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Abel Jones ; age, forty-five ; residence, Woburn, Massachusetts ; occupation, a blacksmith. Q. State your connection with the military service of the United States during the late war. — A. I enlisted as blacksmith and farrier to Company A First Massachusetts cavalry, September 5, 1861. Q. If you were ever taken prisoner, please state when and where you were captured, and the treatment you subsequently received while a i^risoner. — A. I was taken pris- oner the 5th of July, 1863, at Emmetsburg, Pennsylvania, by some rebel cavalry. I was put with other prisoners at Emmetsburg, and started on the march over the mountains. Our clothing was taken from us except our pantaloons, shirts, and blouses ; our blank- ets were taken away, and in fact anything we had that they wanted. When we reached Staunton our money was taken and we were there searched twice. We remained there aV)out a week and were then taken to Richmond and put into a tobacco ware- house, where we remained over night, and the next day were taken to Bidle Isle. Our rations during this trip were barely sutMcieut to keep life in a man — half a pint of flour a day, and twice during the march we had a quarter of a pound of bacon each. It was not tit for a dog to eat — was honey-combed with live vermin. There was occasionally a chance to get something to eat from the Union people along the road : but the guard would not give us the opportunity of receiving or buying anything. When we arrived at Belle Isle, it was the last of July. We were there turned into an intrenched camp. It had several tents in it, but not enough to contain more than three-quarters of those that were there. The remainder of us laid on the ground without shelter of any kind. Our rations consisted of an ounce or a half an t)UiRH' of meat a day, and from four to eight ounces of bread. Once in a great while we received eight ounces of bread. That is all the food we had, with the exception of about a pint of water that they called bean soup, without any beans in it. The bread and meat were free from taint, and was fresh and nourishing. During the time I was on the island, these were our rations until within the last month, they reduced the sixteen pounds of mtiat for one hundred- men to twelve i)Ouuds, and cut the bread rations short a little. Q. What was the character of your treatment by the guards and officers there ? — A. I had no conversation with them. 1 saw a newly-arrived prisoner shot one day for standing on the bank. He had been there only a few hours and did not know the rules about not going on there. He was hard of hearing, also, and the guani told him to move back, and just as he was in the act of turning ;:round he drew up and fired, and the ball passed through him. The same ball cut another man on the ))reast, and then took a third man in the head without hurting hiia much ; thus killing one, badly wounding another, and scratching a third. The name of the man who v.'as shot was John Donnelly, of the Ninety-first Pennsylvania volunteers. John iSlahoney was shot on going to the sink. He was sick with the chronic iliarrhea, and was going from the hospital to the sink, and the guard shot him through without hailing or halting him. The general conduct and bearing of the officers was unnecessarily severe and cruel. They resorted to deception to get our money. They exchanged silver money for green- backs with us, and then went around a second time and got the silver, which they coidd lind better than they could greenbacks. There was an ordcir for paroling came, and there was a sergeant that belonged to a regiment there that they took outside and used as a whip stock. They would send this sergeant in to find out wiio had ten or twenty dollars to pay to be paroled, and those that had the money got their parole, and those that did not have money did not, until they got all that had money. This was done witli the knowledge and concurrence of their officers. They used one of our sergeants for this purpose — his name was Gavitt, of the First New York heavy artil- lery. The suffering there was great. At times the prisoners seemed to be dying for want of food. Occasioually there wjis a sick call, but when the sick went out there was hardly any medicine furnished. They had a little castor oil ; that was the princi- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 901 pal medicine they had there. There was a small hospital outside where examiuations were made of the sick, aud they were then sent to Richmond ; the others were returned to the camp. By using strategy I worked myself down from No. 47 to No. 1, aud was thereby paroled aud sent to Petersburg, and from there to our owu lines, and reached Annapolis, Maryland, the 2.3th of Sei)tember, 1863. John G. B. Adams sworn. By Mr. Pile : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. John G. B. Adams ; age, 2G ; residence, Lynn, Massachusetts ; occupation, a shoemaker. Q. State your connection witli the service of the United States during the war. — A. I enlisted in Company A Nineteenth Massachusetts infantry, as a private, July 26, 1861, and was promoted at ditiereut times to the rank of captain, and was discharged the 30th of June, 1865. Q. If you were captured by the enemy, state when and where you were captured. — A. I was captured June 22, 1864, in front of Petersburg, Virgiuia. I held the rank of first lieutenant at this time. Q. State wliere you were taken after your capture, and the treatment you received while a prisoner. — A. When captured we were taken to Petersburg and placed on an island in the Appomattox River, where we were searched very thoroughly, and our blankets and shelter tents taken away from us. On the 24th we were taken by rail to Richmond, and tliere put in Libby Prison. There we were again searched and our monej' and other valuables taken away. We were allowed no eating utensils. Every- thing was taken, even knives, and forks, and canteens. Before we were searched sm officer of the Fifteentii Massachusetts, one of the squad captured with me, undertoolv to tear off a piece of Iiis shelter tent for a towel, and the rebels saw him and compelled him to mark time for two hours under guard. We had no rations issued to us from the time we were captured until the afternoon of the 24th. Then we had a half a loaf of corn bread — hard and old. We remained there until the next day, and had the same amount of corn bread aud a gill of bean soup, and the men some bacon, I sup- pose they calleil it — slimy stuti' that no one could eat. We remained thei'e without dishes, or anything of the kind, to eat with, for three days, and then they issued to us about half plates enough. Some were half canteens, aud such things that they must have ijicked up around the prison. Then they gave us half a blanket apiece. Some got a whole blanket, but most of them were half ones. We remained hei-e receiving this treatment about a week, aud were theu taken out and started for Georgia. The morning we left the prison we had a half a loaf of bread given us, .and received no more rations until we arrived at Lynchburg, at the end of forty-eight hours.. At Lynchburg we started to march for Danville, the railroad being torn up. They issued to us at Danville twenty small hard tack and a small piece of maggoty bacou, not prop- erly cured. I was so hungry that I ate eight of my hard tack that day. We marched seventy-five miles to Danville with no other rations, the march lasting nearly five days. We had nothing to carry our provisions in, and nothing to get water in. We arrived at Danville the 4th of July, and there were placed in. close box cars, fifty men and oflicers in a car, aud six guards in each car. Only one door of the car was allowed open, so that the air coukl not possibly draw through. When we asked to have the other door open, because it was so warm, the guard said, " Damn it, it is good enough for you!" We were forced to remain every night in that condition, unable to lie down on account of the ci'owded condition of the car. Nothing of importance happened until we arrived at Macon. There we were searched again, hut having been previ- ously searched by Turner, we had nothing left. There our rations eousisttid of a pint of meal a day, aud a small i^iece of bacon, and a half a pint of molasses ; the bacou and the molasses were to last five days. We were allowed one kettle to twenty-five men, and one mess pan. We were furuished with a very small allowauce of wood, hardly enough to cook our ratious. We remained there until the 24th of July, and then joined six hundred that were to be placed under fire at Charleston. They told us we were going to be exchanged when we started ; but on the 26th of July we found our- selves in the Charleston jail yard. The fii'st day's rations there consisted of three hardtack. We had no shelter of any kind, and were stowed very snug indeed. The jail was filled with murderers and negroes from our army, and negroes belonging to them, and two women, very disreputable characters, put in the same yard with us. At the end of two weeks General Stuart aud General Thomi^son were exchanged, aud reported some story in regard to their treatment, and our rations were reduced. One day, I remember, we had nothing issued but a tablespoonful of lard, aud the next day we had some wormy rice full of weevils. We refused to take the rice, aud held out until night, aud they would not give us anything else ; so we were forced to eat it. We remained there some three or four weeks and then were paroled to go to the Marine Hospital in Charleston. We. gave our parole not to attempt to escai^e if we were allowed to remain in the hospital, where we would have shelter and good water. We 902 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR were nnrler fire there — shells bursting near us frequently, and in one instance a piece of shell struck in the yard. None of us were injured, however. Here we were fur- nished with better rations, and I think our treatment there was as comfortable as could be expected under the circumstances. On the 6th of October we were taken out and started for Columbia, South Carolina. There we were placed in an open field without tent or shelter of any kind. Most of the prisoner's had the diarrhea, and only ten per- sons were allowed at the sink at one time, and, of course, the rest had to ease them- selves in camp, which made the camp very filthy. At the end of two weeks, however, a sink Avas dug and the arrangements were l)etter. We were allowed eight axes to one thousand live hundred officers, for th(> purpose of building houses and cutting onr wood. We had no wood furnished us. We had to go out in the woods and cut it, and bring it in on our shoulders the best we could. We used to build booths or shanties by digging a hole in the ground and covering it over with sticks and brush, and throw dirt on" that. In rainy weather the mud and wet would drip through. Our rations here consisted of meai and sorghum molasses — no meat at all while I was there. Wbilo there Lieutenant Young, of the Fourth Pennsylvania cavalry, was shot by one of the guard while sitting near a camp fire. There was no provocation given at all. On the i;5th of November^ escaped, and was re-captured the VMh of December. I escaped by getting out with the squad who Avere going fi)r wood, and I traveled through the country nearly ro Augusta, trusting entirely to the negroes. Near Augusta the darkies took me to a Union man there named Packard. I continued my journey, and after get- ting somewhere near the Savannah River I was taken by a darkey to a wounded rebel soldier — Enos Clapp — who treated me kindly, gave nie something to eat, and let me continue my journey. I went along and finally was captured by three Texan rangers, who treated me well, however. While on our road back a citizen rushed into the lines where Ave Avere resting and commenced striking one of the prisoners OA^er the head Avith a gun, remarking to the guard, " You haA-e caught some danni thicA^es, let ns kill them." The guard drove the citizen away, however. AVe proceeded to Augusta, and there we were placed under charge of Lieutenant Moore, an officer from Tennessee; a man of the Avorst stamp — the Avorst man I met Avhile in the confederacy. He Avas sur- rounded by a gang of num that Avere deserters from our army, and he allowed them to commit any depredations they wanted. Officers Avcre stripped of their clothing and almost evei-ything they had. We Avere placed in an old nuilc pen and no fire or rations given to us. The next morning avc started for Columl>ia, South Carolina. We Avere placed in jail over uight at Columbia, and the next morning Avere returned to the prison at Columbia— Camp Asylum. The treatment there Avas nearly the same as AA'hen Ave left. They gave us boards to erect ourselves quarters ; but Avhen there Avere eleven of these done they stopped, and the rest were without quarters. The rations were the same. No meat A\'as issued there. From the 6th of October until the 1st of March, meat was issued but twice. The officers suffered greatly from scurA^y, and many had heart burn, and suffered from their digestive organs. About one thousand officers were then taken to Charlotte, and then to Raleigh, Avhere Ave signed our parole, and then were sent to Goldsboro. At Goldsboro I saw aliout one thousand five hundred of our enlisted men, and they were in the Avorst possible coiulitiou. They had been in the cars three days, and, in my oi)inion, not tAventy-five of them Avere able to stand on their feet. When they unloaded the car three 'men Avere dead, and they threw them on the side of the railroad track like so many dogs. I saw men of my company that did not recognize me— they Avere idiotic. Sonic had lost their sight completely, and were covered Avith vermin. They could not i)ossibly keep themselves clean, and men died from vermin. This Avas in the month of February, and they had no shoes, and some had their feet badly frozen, so that blood fiowed from them Avhen they attempted to walk. Some Avomen shoAved kindly feeling toward them, but were not allowed to assist them by the guard.s. We remained there a fcAV days, and were then taken to East River, near Wilmington, where Ave were paroled, and came into our lines. Q. Were there any officers of colored troops imprisoned Avhere you were, and were they treated difterently from you ?— A. There were some, and they Avere treated the .same. At the jail in Columbia they Avere kept more strict. Two officers of a Tennes- see regiment Avere kept in close coilfinement in the jail. One had been there tAvo years in irons. This Avas done becau.se they Avere Tennessee troops, and southern men. The name I am unable to give. His rank Avas captain. Q. Do you know of hounds being used to recapture escaped prisoners ? — A. Yes, sir; at Columbia they used hounds. In many cases officers Avere run down by hounds, and brought Itack to'the prison. Lieutenant EdAvard Parker, of the First Vermont cav- alry, died in consequence of injuries thus received from the hounds. I do not recollect of anv other fatal case, though i)risoners Avere torn badly, and scratched or bitten. Captain Martin Avas in direct conuuand of the prisoners there. These hounds Avere used by authority of the guard there. They kept the same men to hunt us with hounds' that they'had to hunt negroes before the war. In some instances the hounds did not return \vith the prlson<>rs Avhen re-cai>tured, but instances AA'ere occurring everv feN\ days. But in cA'ery esca])e you would hear the hounds baying in the Avoods, tracking them. BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 903 John L. Paukkr sworn. By Mr. Stevens : Question. State your name, aj^e, residence, and occupation. — Answer. John L. Parker ; age, thirty ; residence, Woburn, Massachusetts ; occupation, an insurance agent. Q. State your connection with the service of the government during the w'ar. — A. I enlisted as a private in the Twenty-second Massachusetts infantry, in December, 1861, and at the battle of Gaines's Mills was wounded and taken prisoner. My rank at that time was corporal. I was discharged the 18th of September, 18(52, and afterward re-en- listed in the Eleventh Massachusetts — or received a commission as second lieutenant — in October, 1864, and served until June, 1865. In the meantime I had been promoted to first lieutenant, and served as aide to General McAllister. Q. State the ])articulars concerning your capture and your subsequent treatment by the enemy. — A. I was captured at Gaiues's Mills, June 27, 1862, after having been severely wounded in the leg, and our regiment having been forced to abandon its position, I was left in the hands of the enemy. While lyiug upon the field, a rebel approached me and presented a navy revolver at my head. I begged him not to shoot, whereupon he struck me a heavy blow on the head, and left me insensible. On recovering consciousness, I was discovered by the rebels who were picking rip the wounded, and was forced to hop between two of them a mile to a rebel hospital — an iuclosure near Gaines's house — where my wound was dressed by one of our surgeons captured by them. On our way to the hospital we met Colonel Johnson from South Carolina, and he inquired who we were. On lieing told, he said that the woods were filled with their people, who were very much exasperated, and that if we desired to get safely to the hospital we had better keep together. We remained at Gaines's house until Sunday noon, the battle being fought on Friday. At that time we were taken to Richmond, in army wagons, and put in Libby Prison. At first there was some hesitation and delay as to where they should send us, and the wagon-master of our train said if it was left for him to decide he would drive his train on the wharf and dump us all over. Monday noon my wound was dressed again, and some bread given to me, the first food of any kind that the rebels had furnished since our capture — three days. The room in which I was was on the second floor from the street, and contained about two hundred and twenty-five wounded prisoners. We had no beds or blankets, and laid on the floor as best we could. We were all enlisted men and wounded prisoners, and once a day received a call from a federal surgeon who was held as a prisoner. Our fare was one-sixth of a loaf of bread at 10 a. m. and 6 \). m. Every other day water boiled with fresh meat, with- out salt, was divided among the roomful. Occasionally, a tin box, holding about half a ]iint of salt, was sent in for the use of the whole roomful. The chn-k of the prison was named Ross. We were covered with vermin. We drank James River water. Had no rebel surgeons to attend to us, I had two pieces only of cloth with which mj' wound Avas dressed during my imprisonment. My bandage was taken off one morn- ing, washed and dried, and put on the next morning. The deaths in this room averaged one a day, and the stench from the wounds, and the filth of the room, made it terrible for well men, to say nothing of the sick. I was released .July 24, 1862, by the first (ex- change I think, and taken to City Point. During the montli I was a i)risoner I suffered severely, in body and mind, from the effects of the blow which I had received on my head. Q. State whether you, and the prisoners captured with you, were searched. — A. They were ; very thorollghlJ^ We were searched by Dick Turner, accompanied by the ci vilian Turner. The soldiers were generally stripped of their private property, and there was not a blanket left in the whole room. I had nothing left me except the clothing I had on. Richard Moore sworn. By Mr. Stevens : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Richard Moore ; age thirty-nine ; residence, Ipswich, Massachusetts ; occupation, a laborer. Q. What has been your connection with the service of the United States during the war ? — A. I enlisted as a i^rivate in the Ninth Massachusetts volunteers, August 1, 1862, and served about twenty-seven months. Q. Were you ever captured by the enemy ; if so, state when and where, and your subsequent treatment as a prisoner of war. — A. I was captured May 12, 1884, at the battle of Laurel Hill, Virginia. After we were captured, they took us to the rear of their lines, and kept us there until th^ next morning about 11 o'clock. Then thej' took us into an old barn, where we were examined by the doctors. Then they took me to the woods, and left me from the 12th to the 20th without shelter, lying on the ground, and it was raining most every day during that time. There were two other prisoners laid alongside of me. Their "legs were cut oft". I was wounded through the hip and right heel. We had something to eat twice a day, enough to keep us from starving. On the 20th they took us from the woods in army wagons— it was pretty rough— and 904 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR they carried us to the railroad and sent ns to Richmond. There I was yjut into a hospital. Onr rations did not seem to be any better. Onr rations consisted of brown bread, made of nnsifrcd loly-meal. We had a piece about two inches square and long. Sometimes we got meat, about a mouthful at a time, and some soup — they called it. Sometimes it Avonld be full of little white maggots, and there would be a few grains of rice in it. The corn bread was soft, like putty, and stuck together. At other times it appeared to be baked well enough. Q. How long were you in this hospital? — A. We were paroled and released the 22d of August. Q. Did any of the prisoners try to escape from there while you were there ? — A. Yes, sir. Three or four tried in the latter part of July. They were nurses and had liberty to go about, and they had cut a hole through the hospital down stairs, and they were discovered, and they were taken out in the yard and bucked, right in the hot sun, all day. One of the men was badly swollen in the arms, aiul they could hardly buck him. The doctor released him in the evening. It nearly killed him. Q. How -jany were there in this hospital? — A. Two hundred and seventy, when we first went there. There were three rooms in the tobacco factory, and they were coming and going there from other hospitals. Q. Were you in the hospital all the time until you were exchanged ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. What effect did this treatment have upon you personally? — A. I was i)retty well used up. I was the last taken away, because I was so weak. Q. Where was this hospital located? — A. It was on the outskirts of Richmond ; about half a mile from Libby. WiLLLv^i H. Maxcey sworn. By Mr. Pile : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. William H. Maxcey ; age, thirty-one ; residence, North Abington, Massachusetts ; occupation, a tin-plate and sheet-iron worker. Q. State your connection with the service of the United States during the war. — A. I enlisted September 14, 18G3, in the Fourth Massachusetts cavalry, and was captured at Gainsville, Florida, August 17, 1864. Q. State how you were treated while a prisoner. — A. I was taken to Andersonville, and there searched, and stripped of everything except what I had on, and turned right into the Bull Pen, as they termed it there. There were thirty-three thousand prison- ers there at that time, in a very filthy condition. I have seen prisoners shot there sev- eral times by the guard, for just reaching under the dead-line for something that fell through, such as a piece of br(!ad or meat. I saw two men shot there. One man stei)ped out and wanted to hang his blanket over the line there. He had only been there two days ; and he Avas shot dead by the guard. The other iustance was where a small jjiece of bread had dropped and rolled within the dead-line, and a man went to reach it, and the guard sliot him and killed him. The guard were encouraged to shoot pris- oners. The guard told nie themselves that they would receive thirty days' furlough for every Yankee they shot. When a guard came in the prison if a i)erson haiJjx'm^d to be in his way he would kick him or ])ush him without saying a word to him. I saw that frequeutly. Every morning Captain Wirz, who was in command of the prison, would ride around the stockade with a pack of hounds following him, and wherever they found tlu^ tracks of men who had tscai)ed they would put the hounds on. Some- times you Avould hear the hounds all day. As soon as they started they would com- mence their howling. Sometimes ]>risoners would be brought back the same day, and sometimes they would be gone two or three days before they were brought ))ack. I saw one prisoner brought back whose feet and legs were pretty badly torn u[> l)y the dogs, and after he had been back a week he went crazy, caused by his being so badly torn. I do not know of any other officer except Wirz who hunted prisoners in this way. The rations we received here were very poor. Some days I would receive four tablespooufuls of rice and a piece of meat perhajjs half as large as uiy haud. The meat smelt badly, and did not taste good sometimes, but we had nothing else to eat, and wo eat it. This was the character of the rations during the whole time I was there. They would give us boiled rice sometimes, and it was always as sour as any swill. I saw at one time a woman conu» there with a basket of bread, and she took out a loaf to give a prisoner and the guards told her to leave; if she didn't they would blow her damned brains out ; and she went off crying. At this time those that had money could buy sweet potatoes, and onions, and tloiir of klie rebel sutler. Those that had no money had to go without. Many of the prisoners were suffering with and dying from the scurvy at this time, but they could get no vegetables unless they had money. When I first went in there I laid down at night in a row of about two or three hundred prisoners, and in the morning when I awoke I found a dead man each side of me. The surgeons did not make any efibrt to furnish us with vegetables, to my knowledge, to prevent the scurvy. I think, from what I saw of the citizens there, that they would BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 905 have supplied us with vegetables had they been allowed to do so. I remaiued at Audersonville until the last of September, 1834, when they said they were going to parole us, and they put sixty of us iuto one of these box freight cars and started us off. We stopi)ed at Macon and Augusta, on the way, for a few hours. At Augusta quite a number of white women came to the cars with bread, and one went to hand me a loaf of bread, and the guard drove her away, and would not permit it. One man came up to a prisoner who stood there, and had no shirt, and this man gave his shirt to the prisoner. When the guard saw that he arrested this man and took him away. We had, finally, almost reached Columbia, when, within nine miles of that place, I jumped from the train, with three others, the guards on the top of the car being asleep. We tra%'eled through the woods, depending upon the negroes for food. I did not see a white person during the twenty da^'^i I was in the woods. We traveled nights and slept day-times in the swamps, and when within eight miles of Charleston were finally recajitured and taken to that city, and sent to the Race Course camp or prison, where I remaiued six weeks. There were seven thousand prisonei's there when I arrived. The treatment I received there was better than that received by me at Andersouville. We were sent from there to Florence, South Carolina, and were put into the stockade there, with about ten thousand or fifteen thousand prisoners. There the treatment was cruel and harsh. W^e were not allowed wood. Men were frozen to death every night. I liave seen half a dozen at a time frozen to death, and witli nothing on them but a pair of pants — no shirt, shoes, or anything. I have seen the women frequently come to the stockade and stand on the platform outside, and look over at the prison- ers and poke fun at them. There would be visitors there every day almost. I saw a prisoner accidentally get one leg nnder the dead-line, during the time a crowd was there, and he was instantly shot and killed by the guard. Every morning they blew the horn for the hounds, and if any one had escaped during the night they would start the hounds after them, and one or two, or a half a dozen guards, follow the hounds. I do not know of any cases where they were recaptured by the hounds. The rations there were a pint of meal a day — nothing else — issued at three o'clock in the afternoon. Thanksgiving-day we had four tablespoonfuls of sirup, to remind us of the day ; and Christmas they gave us four tablespoonfuls of black cow-peas. I was detailed as a carpenter, ancl as such went outside and worked on the barracks. While outside I saw large quantities of provisions of all kinds, rice, flour, and bacon, and fresh beef came there every day for their own men, and loads and loads of sweet potatoes, but not one ever went inside of the stockade, unless some of the prisoners managed to carry them in as they went in from their labors outside. At this time our men were suffer- ing with the scurvy and dying with starvation, aud I know the rebels could have sup- plied our men with provisions if they had been so disposed, because they had a plenty. 1 went about seven or eight miles into the surrounding countiy and I saw plenty of provisions everywhere. I was sick in my tent here, and received no medical atteuil- ance; was a part of the time deranged, as I afterward learned. I f Vctiuently have seen men knocked down by the officers in command, for stepping out of line, and their conduct was uniformly harsh and cruel. I asked the guards at Florence if it was so that they had a thirty days' furlough for every Yankee they shot, and they said it was so, and tohl me of a number that had gone, and while I was there two of these re- turned from a furlough which they had received for shooting our prisoners. I have heard the guards outside say frequently that they could kill prisoners there faster than they could at the front, and that it was their design and intention to kill as many of them as they could by starvation and cruelty. Lieutenant Barrett was in command of the camp at Florence. He \/as a one-armed man, and was very harsh aud malicious. About February, 1865, I was sent from Florence to Wilmington, where I remained three days, aud was fairly treated, as we were under the command of North Carolina trooi>s, who treated us well, and gave us a pound of bacon apiece, and the women brought down bread and beans, aud we sat down and eat, eat, eat, until we thought we should die. I was taken from Wilmington to Goldsboro, aud turned into the woods for about a week, under gnai'd. From there we were carried back to oiu' lines at Wilmington, aud paroled on Sunday morning, February 28, 1865. Boston, Massachusetts, October 29, 1867. William Davis sworn. By the Chairman : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. William Davis ; age, 22; residence, Boston ; when I enlisted in the army I was at school, but since that have been unable to do any work from sickness contracted while a prisoner. Q. State what connection you had with the military service of the United States. — A. I enlisted in November, 1881, in the Twenty-eighth Massachusetts infantry, as a private, aud served about fourteen months. I then re-enlisted Juue 24, 1883, as a pri- vate in the First Massachusetts heavy artillery, and served until the close of the war. 906 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OK WAR Q. It" you wiMc over I'aptiiroil, ploaso state w lien and wUeie yoii \vi>i(> eaptuiecl. and your sut)se(iueut treatment as a i»risouer t>t" war. — A. 1 was eaptureil .Inne 'iJ. lSl>4, at retershurji-, Vir-riuia. by Mahone's divison of llill's corps. They took ns to Kieh- inond in a lew wo wi-ro searehed and most ovor\thiuu; takt-n from >is. Wo were then sent to l>elle Isle, where we n-maiued two or tlufe weeks and then wore sout to hynehhurji- or Pauville in the ears, and then marehed seventy miles, where we aijain took the ears for Andei-souvillo. Wo stopped at several plaoos on the way for provisions or water; Imt sometimes wo had no water for two days in snoeossion. Wo wore crowded oiu.hty-four men into one box ear besides the six <;nards at each doorway. Wc wore all crippled up — could not stretch our feet out. The way we rested ourselves would be to stand \i]). Wo did not li'ct much to cat the tirst few days in the cars, be- cause they did not have any rcLiulations for feediuii- "-^ <'t> the way. Q. How louu; were you without rations at any one tiuu' ? — A. 1 was without rations for twenty-four hours. Q. What was taken from you when they searched you? — A. I was iu)t captured more tlian an hour wh(>u the !;uard who was sent with u\e to the rear took all I had. Thou I was delivered up to the provost ouard in the rear, who took my hat and j;avo mo an old straw hat that he had. 1 had thrown my ritle away when lirst captured, and lUY shoes were not worth takinii from me. and so 1 kept them. Q. State the treatment you received while a ])risoni'r at Andci-sonvillo. — A. Wo used to uot our water thcr<> from a brook that ran thronjih the center of the stockatU', and wiriiin oinht o.- ten feet of the stockade was a dead-lino. The dearest water used to be near tire dead-line, and 1 have sei-n ])risouers shot by the u,nard while standin;;s(>veral foot from the dead-line tryinu; to j;et clean water. I saw i'our or live shot at ditferent tiuu's, and souu'times the body would lie where it fell until the next day. Q. Was there much siekiu'ss there.' — A. Ves, sir; chronic diarrhea and scurvy i»ro- vailod to a -ircat extent. 1 i\u,y ; and sometimes a very little majrjioty bacon, hardly worth cookiuii', about halfa do/.eu times duriuu' the live months I was there. When they issued raw corn-meal, they {;ave us a pint of it and the h'ast taste of salt. Q. Did thoy fnrni.sh you any vogetablcs?— A. No, sir; I dul not oat any vojiotables of any kind while I was there. Q. Wore tin re any veuotaVdes in th(> can\p?— A. Some of the ]uisoners wore on ijood terms with t he "gua ids, and when they had money they could buy ot the sutlers there, ei;i;s, whiti> piltatocs, and onions. l?ut the potatoes and miions cost a dollar aiuece. "'Our own men speculated in those articles— those that luul money— and sold them to other prisoners iusido of the stockade. They got them from some iiarties out- side and resold tluMU. Q. Have yon soon any of those persons that wore atfectod with scurvy that had worms in th'oir llosh before they died?— A. Yes, sir; little white worms crawling over and in their sores. 1 saw many such cases. Q. How were the sick treated .'—A. They did not got any treatuu>nt that I saw. They had a kind of a hospital luitsiuo. ami there wore about throe hundred or four hundred there. I have seen sick men taken to the gate to the doctor in blankets, and he would not accept them as the hospital was full, and thoy would die before they got baek to their tpiarters. And I have seen men die at the gate many times wliilo waiting for ihe (hutor. Q. What shelter had the prisoners there ?— A. None was provided tor us; sonu> wore fortiinate enough to have retained a blanket, and in that case they used that. The rest hiid out on the'groumh . , , . . Q. What was done with the doad?—A. Those eolorod sohhors that belonged to the Fiftv-fourth aufl Fifty-tifth Massaehnsotts rcgin\ents, who wore prisoners there, were detailed to carry out the dead; and the dead weiv thrown into wagons outside and carted otV. . . . , , , • Q. What was the sanitary condititm ot the camp? — A. It was very bad ui summer — a nastv suudl arose from the giHiund. Down near the stream in the swamp wore a lot of whiti" worms and maggots crawling then — great quantities of them — and in July and Au"nst it was very hot, no air was stirring, and the smell from the swamp and sinks was vorv ofVensivo. tj. About how uumy died a day while you were there ?— A. I cannot say positively. V.Y TIIM IfKI'.IJ. ACTirOPJTIEH. 907 I lic;ir(, I s;i\v. (J|. Wli;if sii|)i)ly of woofi wcic yoii !illo\vi-d Cor inipb;ted — about two \v<;eks. (^. What was the character of your tn-atment then; ? — A. It was a little I)ett*r than that receiv('d at Andersonville, jind the, canij> was rleancr. Q. Where weie, yon then taken / — .\. To I'loiencr-. (^. IIow longdid you I'emain there ? — A. About four months — until i'cbruary 2.'), 1W5. Q. Describe your treatment and the treatment rd' othrcing our boys to enlist in their army, several HioiiHaiid of us did <;nlist in their army; but they all came l>ack again — they would not fight for tliem. I think they were sent to Ifardr-e's corfis, and th(;n they sent them all back to the strickade and shot one of our sergeant majors. Q. iJid you say our men d'nl not fight for the rcljcls fir irould not fight for f hem ? — A. They would nr»t. That is the, r(;ason why they sent them back. I saw them come baek an; residence, Can!brid;,'eport, Massachusetts; occupation, a bookbinder. 908 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Q. State your connection with tho service of the United States during the war.— A. I enlisted in April, 1861, as private in the Third Massachusetts infantry, and served three months. I then re-enlisted in the Nineteenth Massachnsets infantry, as private, in August, 1831, and served two years, and then re-enlisted in the same as a veteran A'oluuteer, and served over two years. I was promoted to sergeant in 18o4, and was mustered second lieutenant in 18(35. Q. If you were captured by the enemy at any time, please state Avheii and where you were captured, and your subsequent treatment as a prisoner. — A. I was cajjtured June • 22, 1864, at Petersburg, Virginia. I was a sergeant at the time of my capture. After we were captured, the lirst night thej' took all our blankets away, our haversacks, can- teens, and everything wo needed to live with. They did not take our money then. We were then marched to Petersburg, and from there taken to Riclimoud and put in Libby Prison. There we l^ad orders to give up our money, or it would be confiscated ; and they stated that those who did give up their monej-, it should be returned to them when they left the [irison ; but this was never done. Some chose to keep tlieir money, and secreted it, and that was taken. I think there were about three hundred on tlie floor of the prison where I was placed. It was very clean then ; had been whitewashed. We remained here about three days, and were then taken to Belle Isle. Here we were sheltered in tents. Our rations were a small piece of corn bread, and a piece of bacon about an inch square. I was at Belle Isle about four days, and then was ])ut aboard the cars at Manchester, opposite Richmond. On the way we were changeil from pas- senger cars to box cars, and were put about ninety in a car. The cars were very til thy, and we were shut up in them, and kept over night without a particle of water. One man Avent insane from the effects of it. The next morning the doors were opened, and we stopped at a place to get some water, and a prisoner went to reach out to get some water, and the guard knocked him down with the butt of his musket. It tore the side of his cheek pretty bad, but did not kill him. At Lynchburg we received rations of fifteen crackers and a piece of bacon abovit as large as your hand; this was for five days' rations. We arrived at Dauville the 4th of July. We had nothing to eat that day, as we had eaten up all our rations. That night they gave us each about an ounce and a half or two ounces of bacon, and that is all we had to eat that night. Some of the bacon was maggoty, but good as a general thing. The next morning we got some corn bread, and the next night we took the cars again for Andersonville. Nothing of imi)ortance occurred on the way there. We arrived on the 11th of July, the day that six of the " raiders" were hung by our own prisoners. Most of the prisoners at Ander- sonville were almost entirely destitute of clothing. There Avere about twenty-seven thousand there at this time. The creek in the middle of the canq* was very filthy. The rebels had a cook-house on the outside of the prison on this strwim where we got our water, and there used to be a great deal of offal and such stuff come through. We used to get our water as near the upper end, by the dead-line, as we dared, ami thus avoided getting the filth that the prisoners made in the stream below. The officers and guards treated us cruelly and harsh as a general thing. I saw a guard shoot a prisoner there for iiuttiug his hand under the dead-line to get clearer water. The bullet went through his arm and did not kill him. In another case, for the same reason, I saw a guard fire at a man, and the ball struck in the middle of the camp in a tent. I do not know whether anybody was struck or not. In another case I went out with three others to carry a dead num outside of the camp, and one of these men was kicked by the guards for stepping out of the line to get a stick of wood. Wirz was in (u)minand at this time. I saw him take a prisoner by the collar, for sitting down very near the steps of his ofdce, and drive him away. I saw a man with hounds there ; I do not know whether he was an officer or a citizen, and frequently heard that these hounds were used for tracking prisoners that had escaped. I do not know of any instances of their being recaptured and brought back. The scurvy prevailed in the camp, and I have seen men whose teeth all came out on account of it. No vegetables were furnished them or the rest of the prisoners. During the three mouths I was there the rations we re- ceived consisted of a piece of corn bread, about three inches square, daily, and every three out twenty-five days, and was taken to Florida and kept three dajs in the woods. We were three days on the road from Millen to Florida, and we received at Millen, before starting, one cracker and a half and a small i>iece of BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 909 bacon ; that is all we had during those three days, except a pint of corn each. There were about a thousand of us together. When we got to Savannah, on our way to Florida, we were put on open, i)latform cars— as many as couhl hold on each car. It was in November, and the weather was very cold, and wo .suffered intensely, having scarcely any clothing to cover us, and being nearly starved. We were then taken to Florence, and from there sent to Charleston and exchanged. JoHX J. Ryax sworn. By Mr. Stevens : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. John J. Ryan ; age, 21; residence, Boston, Massachusetts; occupation, a custom-house inspector." Q. State what connection yon had with the military service of the United States during the war. — A. I enlisted in March, 1862, as a i^rivate in the Twenty-ninth Massa- chusetts infantry, and served three years and seven months. Q. If you were ever captured by the enemy, state when and where you Avere captured, and your subsequent treatment while a prisoner. — A. I was captured near Knoxville, Tennessee, June 22, 1864, by General Lougstreet's forces. Immediately after we were captured the rebels ransacked everything we liad. They wouhl freciuently take a man's shirt off and make him go with only his blujise, and take his shoes oft' iiis feet. Tliis was done by the officers and men of the cavalry force. The rebel infantry were not so bad. We were tinally sent to Richmond and put in Pemberton Prison, where we were searched, and everything tliey wanted talven from us. The result was that the men were very thoronglily stripped. After a few days we were sent to Belle Isle ; this was in January or February. We were marched in there and provided with no tents or shelter. The weather at this time was very cold. There Avere a few poor tents in tliere, but they Avere occupied by prisoners avIio had been there a long time. There were about tweh'e or fourteen thousand prisoners there then. Q. Dscribe the prison at Belle Isle. — A. It was located on the small part of an ishmd, and the camp was surrounded on all sides by a ditch. On one side of this inclosure was a small passageway I'unuingdown to the James Rivex, Avhere Ave could go to wash and get water. In the night that passageway was closed. This passageway also led to the sink Avhich Avas at tlie riA'er, and Avhen tliis passageway Avas closed, as it Avas during the night, those of the prisoners that had the diarrliea, and others, liad to relieve themseha^s anywhere in the camp. Our ration of Avood consisted of one small stick of cord-AVood a day, to be divided among twenty men. There was no regular amount lixcd, and sometimes tliat number of men got a stick and a half. Of course this Avas insufti- cient for our wants. The prisoners Avould make one fire of all their rations of Avood, and thus try to keep themselves warm, and sleep Avitli their heads toAvard the fire. The sand of the ground around the tire was so full of lice that it literally moved Avhen the ground got warm from the fire. Our rations of food Avere a piece of corn bread about an inch and a half thick and four inches in length, and bean soup made of " nigger" peas. There Avould be but a \-ery few beans in the sonp, and it looked very much like dirty water. The diarrhea troubled the prisoners more tlian anything else, and they would pass these beans whole. As they could not go down to the riA'er after nightfall, in tln^ morning the camp Avould be all covered Avith filth. Then* Avas one par- ticular place where an old tent had stood, and these beans Avcre lying around there ; and there Avas one of our men who Avas serving out raAv beans just about there, and there was a fellow picked them np, and also picked up some of the others indiscrimi- nately. I remarked it to one of the men there, and he said it Avas quite a common thing. It occasioned no surprise. A rebel sergeant tliere had a pup dog, and after I had been there about five Aveeks three men of the Twenty-seventh Michigan regiment decoyed this dog into camp and killed him with a hatchet they had borrowed. They skinned him, but forgot to bury his skin, and that Avas discoA'ered. They gave me a piece of the dog, and also gave another piece to a man named DaAis. He ate a portion of his that night, cooked. I did not eat mine then, but ate it the next day after boiling it in a tin cup. The next morning the sergeant discovered the remains of his dog, and he made a search and found some of the meat in two of the men's haversacks, and he took both of them mitside of the camp and punished them, and fin.ally made both of them eat a part of the dog raAA^. No clothing, blankets, or covering of any kind was issued to us while I Avas a prisoner. Some had blankets, Avhich in some way they had con- trived to keep, and the majority had something to coA^er them, such as a piece of shelter tent, &c. ; but I do not think oA-er one-third had blankets. Q. Where did you lie and sleep nights ? — A. On the ground. Q. Did that continue during all the time that j'ou AA^ere in prison there? — A. Yes, sir; all but about four or fiA'e days, then Ave slept in a tent that had been left by some of the i^risoners Avho had been taken away. Q. Who Avas in command of the island Avhile you were there. — A. A lieutenant ; I do not remember his name. 910 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Q. What was the general treatment of the oflicers and guards towards the prisoners at Belle Isle ? — A. The guards never tried to molest the men, hut the sergeants were brutes, and knocked the men around as they pleased, especially one of them whose name I do not remember. He tied men up there for punishment. Q. How long wei"e you at Belle Isle, and to what place were you taken from there ? — A. About seven weeks, and was then taken back to Pemberton Prison, in Kichmond. I remained there twenty-four or thirty-six hours. That same night we were marched to the cars, after having some corn bread issued to us. We were hustled aboanl the cars, and there was not room for one-fourth to sit down, Avhile tiie others stood uj). Some of the men were so weak that they coiild not stand, and would fall down. In this way we were transported to Charlotte, where we were put into larger cars and had more room. We sat down on the dole to doit. After a week we were removed on a hill just outside of the city and put into a large tobacco warehouse, where we remained two or three W(^eks. Onr rations were issued to us there every twenty-four or forty-eight hours, just as it happened. I recollect in one instance, when we had been without meat for several days, a load of meat was driven up to the warehouse, and I looked out of the window, and the smell of the meat was disgusting. That was the meat they issued to lis ; and some eat it and some threw it away. Our rations there were a loaf of corn bread, or pone, less than a pound in weight, and less than a quarter of a pound of bacon, or a piece of this stinking meat. The bacon was ham, or " middlings " they called it, about an inch and a half thick, and perhaps half of that would be ribs or bone. We had no chance to cook the meat, and eat it just as we received it — raw. The bread was cooked outside. We were there about three weeks ; and twenty of onr party died of their wounds, as they received but little care. Prisoners who were not wounded were detailed to take care of us. All the time we were in Lynchlturg we received no medical or surgical attendance. They gave us bandages, and our men would take us outside and wash our wounds. I never 8.i.w a doctor while I was there. We went from Lynchburg to Andersonville in company with about five huudred prisoners, many wounded and sick. The journey occupied about ten days. Some of the time we received rations daily, and at other times we would go two days without receiving any rations. We were very well treated by the guard, which was a North Carolina regiment. Several of the guard jumped from the train and deserted while we were passing througii North Carolina. Sixty of us were put into a common-sized freight car, and at night had to lie on top of each other, we were so crowded. I presume twenty men in the whole train died on the way. Those that died were left at the dift'erent stations along the road. We arrived at Anderson- ville in the evening. Tlie iirst night we laid on the ground outside of the stockade. We had nothing to eat from the morning V)efore we arrived at Andersonville until the next morning wlien we entered the stockade. In the morning we were put in line and went down to the prison gate. Wirz was there and he said to us, " Is there any of you Yankee sons of V> — s that can read or write ? If there is, step out here." One or two stepped out, and he detailed those men to take onr names, and then they were ap- pointed sergeants t<^ draw and issue our rations. I was one of those that stepped out and was detailcnl, although I had crutches at the time. Then we Avere divided into "nineties" and sent into the stockade. There were about thirty thousand men in the prison then, according to the general report and rumor. For the first month or two we drew very good rations and did not suffer witli hiniger. All the prisoners fared alike, usually. After the first month or two the rations were reduced shorter and shorter until I left. Onr treatment otherwise was very severe. I was wounded, and the gangrene got into my wound in the leg just below tlie knee. It disabled me so that I had to detail one of my men to take charge of tlie " ninety." I went to Wirz one day when he came into the prison, and asked him if he would not allow me to see tlie doctor or give me some medicine; and he said, "You look well enough; I guess you ain't very sick; but you ean go to the gate and see the doctor there." I went to the gate and showed my wound to the doctor, and he said he guessed if I washed it in some cold water it would get along. That was the only time I applied for medical attendance. We were so hard ni) for fnel that if there was an old stuni]) in the camp, the men would go to work and dig it up and split it in pieces, and dry them in the sun and use them for fuel. Ou one side of the stockade, at this time, there was a heavy forest. We were allowed rations of fnel. A squad of ninety men were allowed ten sticks not as large as your body. These logs were cut off, but were not split up at all. Some of the prisoners were detailed some of the time to go out and get wood and bring it in on their backs, from the teams which had drawn the wood to the outside of the stockade. Most of the water that we hail came from this stream that ran through the center of the stockade. The prison was ou level ground, and there was hardly any current in the stream, and the lower end of it was where the sink for the prison was located. Just outside of the stockade, perhaps fifteen or twenty rods above, was their cook-house, and the washings from this cook-house ran into the brook before it reached our stockade. We com- menced to dig some wells, and there were a few dng within the stockade by the pris- oners, but the reViels stopped that because sometimi^s tuiniels were dug by the prisoners in this way, for the purpose of escaping. These wells were then all filled up, and we had to rely upon this brook water. A man named Hall, belonging to the Second Mas- sachusetts heavy artillery, had taken me in with him in a hole where he used to live. He had the scurvy and diarrhea, and one day he said he was going to see Wirz and ask BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 913 him to let him see the doctor. I followed him, and heard him ask Wirz, iu a very humble manner, if he would not give him some medicine or let him see the doctor. Wirz looked at him a moment and then said, " I'll doctor you, you damned Yankee," and struck him on the shoulder and back of the head with a piece of stick he had iu his hand, and knocked him down. I think Wirz was drunk then, or under the intlueuce of liquor. This was about two o'clock in the afteruoou. I helped carry Hall liack to our quarters, and befon; nine o'clock that night he died. I saw a sergeant-major of the Fourteenth New Hampshire regiment shot by a guard for putting his hand on the dead- line while he reached his other hand with a bucket under to get some clear water. This Avas the only man I saw shot, but I have seen those who had been shot, and know of many instances. Every morning cavalrymen and hounds would pass around the stockade, and if any man had escaped during the night they would start olf on his scent. I have seen them doiug this wheu I have been outside of the stockade. I saw a prisoner who had beeu recaptured in this way — William Fitts, of the Thirty-fourth Massachusetts voluuteers, who lived iu Fitchburg. Q. How long did you remain at Andersonville, and where were you next taken ? — A. I remained in Andersonville four months, and was then taken to Charleston, in freight cars, and there put on the old race-course, just back of the city. Lieutenant Colouel Iveson, of the Fifth Georgia, was in command, here. Our treatment there, so far as rations were concerned, was better than at Andersonville or elsewhere. We had a variety of rations ; though small iu quantity, they were better in quality. I was there about six weeks, and nothing of importance happeued ther(\ There were about six thousand prisoners coufiued there. Iveson was in command of us at Charleston, and Floi"ence also. He was a very rough man ; almost as bad as Wirz. We had no shelter there, unless we had something with us which we could use for that purpose. In Xoveiuber, 1864, we wei'e taken to Florence. Our experience there was harder than at Andersonville; that is, our rations were smaller ; but in other i"espects we fared no worse than at Andersonville. The officers and guartls were about the same, and the dead-line vras the same. There were many instances of shooting for trespassing on the dead-liue. One prisoner had hung his blauket on a pole of the dead-line to dry, as it had rained the night before. I do not sujipose the guard had seen him wheu he hung it there; but at any rate, wheu he went to take the blanket off, the guard lired at him, and wounded him in the arm. His name was Henderson, of the One hundred and third Pennsylvania. I did not see this man wheu he was shot ; but I saw him after he was wounded. Blood-hounds were used there the same as at Audersonville. The only time I ever saw the hounds was just before we went into the prison. They were confined iu a pen, and we all marched by there aud could see them in there. Here the rebels offered great inducements for us to joiu their army ; said they would give us clothes, whisky, tobacco, and everything we wauted; that we would live high, aud be well iised if wo would only enlist. They said they preferred foreigners, but would take all. A rebel sergeant came in aad told us this. There were ten thousand or twelve thousand men in there at the time, and perhaps four hundred or five hundred of the number weut outside and joined their army. These efl'orts were also made at Charleston and Andersonville. Q. State the circumstances of your release. — A. We were taken by rail to General Sherman's picket line, about ten miles from Wilmington, aud turned over to his picket, and then went to Wilmington aud Annapolis. Q. Is there any other circumstance you wish to state ? — A. At Andersonville in Au- gust, Howell Cobb made us a speech, iu which he told us we were being used too well ; better than we deserved ; and said : " If I was going to have you in my hands, I would serve you like that," pointing over to the cemetery or burying-ground on one side of the stockade. We hallooed at him. and told him to get out of the way. Q. State what effect your imprisonment had upon you. — A. When I enlisted, I was a well, healthy man, weighing one hundred and seventy-five pciinds, and continued iu that condition until the day I was captured. When I came home after my imprison- ment I weighed one himdred and teu pounds, with a full snit of clothes on aud my overcoat. I contracted the scurvy while in prison, and now am not able to open my mouth. I can just get about the thickness of a cent in it between my teeth, ^fhe muscles of my jaw are all affected by the scurvy. Many of the other prisoners were m the same condition ; three-quarters of the prisoners were so, toward the last. Q. State the manner in which you issued the rations to your squad in Andersonville. — A. I divided the amount I drew into three equal piles, and gave one of these to each of the three who had charge of a " thirty." They then divided it into thirty equal portions, as near as possible, and gave it to each single man. They were afraid there winihl be some partiality if the sergeant of the mess selected a pile for cacli man, so each one of the thirty was numbered, and one man would turn his back, and the ser- geant of the mess wcmld put his finger on a pile aud say " who has this ? " and the man who had his back turned would say fitteeu, twenty, or any other number, and then the ser- geant would give it to him ; and so on with the rest. This was done because the men were so sensitive about their rations,, aud thought so much of a crumb of bread. H. Eep. 45 53 914 TEEATMENT OF PEISONERS OF WAR Q. Describe the cbaiii-gaug at Andersonville. — A. A collar -would be put around the ueck of a person, to which was attached a chain long enough to reach to the ground, and a 32-pound ball attached to that; the same on each foot. The men were not attached together that had these balls to them. When Wirz liad his othcials, such as Winder and others, come there, he would show these men in the chain-gang, and make them march. Of course they could not very well move. Q. Describe the stocks at Andersonville. — A. They were built so that a good-sized man would about reach up to the hole where the neck was put, and a timber overhead shut down on the neck. If a man was short his feet would hardly touch the groiuid. Men were kept in there eight, ten, and twelve hours at a time, exposed to the hot sun. William Finxey sworn. By Mr, Pile : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. William Fin- ney; age, thirty-four ; residence, Brookline, Massachusetts ; occupation, letter carrier in the Boston post office. Q. State your connection with the service of the United States during the war. — A. I enlisted in December, 1863, as a prjvate in Company I, First Massachusetts cavalry, for three years. Q. If you were captured at any time by the enemy, state when and where yoiT were captured, and your subsequent treatment as a prisoner. — A. I was captured at the battle of the Wilderness, May 6, 1864, and was taken, together with about eleven hun- dred others, to Gordousville, where we were searched. They took my pocket-book and knife from me, and all valuables were taken from the other prisoners. They did not generally take our blankets or canteens, although they may have done so in a few cases. These things were never returned to me, and, so far as I know, to none of the others. From Gordonsville ^e were taken to Lynchburg, reaching there the fourth day. We had nothing to eat on the way there, except that on leaving Gordonsville Ave were each given four hard-tack — nothing more. At Lyncli1)urg we remained about four days, drawing rations but once and that consisted of four hard-tack each, and then were taken to Danville. We were about live days on the way, and received rations only once, consisting of corn-bread and a piece of bacon — about a pound of corn-bread and two ounces of bacon. At Danville we were put in a warehouse and renuuned about six days. We received pretty good treatment there ; were under shelter and got rations of corn bread and rice soup twice a day. From Danville we were taken to Andersonville, reaching there May 23,1884. We' found about twenty-five thousand prisoners there in a miserable condition — filthy, raggen ; the rebels are sending reinforcements to that place; nine men killed in this lu-eak; fil'ty-six Avouuded in the attempt. — 26th. Drew quarter rations of bread and meat ; I fi-el very hungry ; there is no inside guard, as they are afraid of another break. — 27th. Cloudy; lained a little; drew l)rcad and 2neat. — 28th. Drew bread ; the bread Aveighs about six ounces, 1 judge; one hundred BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 917 and forty-seven negroes came in last night; some of them got shot by the gnarcl. — 29th. Drew bread and quarter rations of meat ; three hundred and seventy reeiuits went out to the rebels; ten of Company K went weut with them. — 30th. Drew hwiuX and meat; a crowd of prisoners collected around a fallen chimney and the guard liriid on them by order of Gee ; one man was killed and another wounded. '^December l«f.— Drew one-quarter rations of bread. — ^d. Drew bread for rations ; about sixty men have died in the last tweuty-four hours: one cat and dog turned up missiii"- this morning ; the cat's skin was found, but not the carcass ; some one had eaten it ; the dog's head was hid in the sink, but no carcass found ; but the head was taken out ami eaten by the prisoners. — 3d. Drew bread for rations ; one of Thirty-five's recruits died, named Mclvinney, Company B ; sick two days and one night.— 4th. Drew bread for rations ; the bread is made of flour and sorghum seed, ground together ; tastes very well, but is pretty black. — 5th. Drew bread for rations. — 6th. Drew bread a^id sor- ghum ; four hundred and twenty-tive recruits weut out of here, and took the oath of allegiance to the confederacy ; three hundred prisoners came in to-day. — 7th. Drew bread for rations ; stormy in the morning. — 8th. Bread for rations ; cold night ; one of the guard tired at a negro, and shot another in the head, and killed him instantly. — 9th. Drew bread for rations ; stormy day and night ; the worst night we have had ; about two inches of snow ; the guard shot two men last niglit.— 10th. Drew brc-ad for rations; cloudy and cold all day aud night; seventy-seven died in the last tweuty-four hours ; on the average, over fifty a day ; this is an awful place for a man to stop in ; worse than a hog-pen. — 11th. Drew bread aud meat; cold day and very cold night; seventy-five died in the last twenty-four hours. — r2th. Drew' bread for rations ; t;old day and very cold night. — I3th. Drew bread and meat ; one hundred aud two dead men in two days ; there are about six thousand men in this yard ; two hundred and seven- teen men were recruited for the ' C. S. A.' — 14tli. One-fourth rations of bread ; cold and cloudy; thirty-four dead men iu the last twenty-four hours. — 15tli. Bread for rations. Kith. Bread and meat ; cloudy all day. — 17th. Bread for rations. — 18th. Bread for ra- tions. — 19th. Bread for rations. — 20th. Bread for rations ;^ome of the blackest I have ever seen ; looked like bean and wood ashes ; didn't taste very good; it made us lu-arly sick ; commenced to rain about dark ; very hard all night. — 21st. Bread ; some of tlui same black bread we had the day before ; same weather ; hailed before dark. — 22d. Bread for rations ; cold day ; the coldest night we have had. — 23d. Drew bread for ra- tions ; to-day is the first day since the 6th that it has not stormed in the twenty-four l.iours.— 24th. Drew bread for rations. — 25th. Drew bread and potatoes ; rainy night. 26th. Drew bread for rations ; one hundred and ninety Catholics went out to auoriier camp ; a squad of prisoners tunneled out. — 27th. Drew quarter rations of bread ; cloudy all day ; rained all night. — 28th. Bread for rations ; a cold night. — 29th. Bread for ra- tious ; cold night. — 30th. Bread for rations ; stormy night ; wind northeast. — 31st. Bread for rations ; the coldest night this winter. "January 1, 1885. — Bread aud sorghum for rations; cold day and night, but veiy pleasant. — 2d. Bread for rations. — 3d. Bread and meat for rations. — 4th. Bread and meat for rations.— 5th. Bread and meat for rations ; stormy night.— 8th. Bread for ra- tions ; stormy day. — 7th. Bread for rations ; a cold day. — 8th. Bread for rations. — 9th. One-fourth ration of bread, and full rations of meat.— 10th. Bread aud meat for rations ; raiued very hard all night.— Uth. Bread and molasses for rations.— 12th. Bread for ra- tions.— 13th. Bread and molasses for rations. — 14tli. Bread and molasses for rations ; one hundred men went out on parole to work on the railroad ; seventy-five recruits for the confederate army ; ninety-five recruits came ba,ck that went out a long time ago. — 15th. Drew soup twice; no bread to-day. — 16th. Quarter rations of bread. — 17th. Bread and molasses for rations; the 'Johnnies' cau't count the prisoners; do their best to stop 'flanking,' but are not sharp enough. — 18th. Bread aud molasses lor ra- tions.— 19th. Bread for rations.— 20th. Bread and molasses for rations.— 21st. Breavl for rations; a stormy day and night. — 22d. Bread and molasses for rations; stormy.— 23d. Bread for ratious ; stormy.— 24th. Bread for rations ; the bread is miserable stuff ; gives us all the heartburn or sour stomach; it gave me colic pains. — 25th. Bread for ratious; had colic pains all day. — 26th. Drew bread and meat for rations.- 27th. Bread for rations.- 2-:!th. Bread for rations.— 29th. Bread for ratious ; the weather has been very cold.— 30th. Bread for rations.— 31st. Bread for rations. " February 1st. One-fourth ratious of bread. — 2d. Bread and molasses ; one small hogs- head at the sutler's, price one hundred dollars confederate money.— 3d. Bread for ra- tions ; cold and windy day.— 4th. Bread aud meat for rations.- 5th. Bread aud molas- ses for rations.— 6th. Bread and molasses for rations.— 7th. Bread for rations; about an inch of hail has fallen.— 8th. Bread and molasses for rations.- 9th. Bread and mo- lasses for ratious ; hospital got blankets to-day from the Union sources. — 10th. Breiid for ratious, aud two-thirds of a spoonful of vinegar.- 11th. Bread for rations.— 12th. Bread and molasses for ratious. — 13th. Bread for rations; Yankee officers and Yankee clothing has arrived, to be given out to us by them.— Uth. Bread for rations : Yankee blankets were giveu to us to-day, one for two men. — 15th. Bread for ratious. — 16th. Bread for ratious. — 17th. Bread for rations ; pants, shirts, and blouses were giveu out, 918 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR sent by our goverimient to the prisonors ; a pleasant day, the first fine day foi' a long time.— 18th. Bread for rations. — 19th. Bread for rations. — '20th. Bread for rations ; tlie sick went to Richmond, and one division of prisoners. — ^Ist. Drew four days' rations of bread and pork. — 22d. Took parok^ of honor, and h'ft Salisbury al)ont 2 o'eloclv ; marched seven miles ; bivouacked for the night. — 23d. Marched fourteen miles; biv- ouacked for the night : a storiny night. — 24th. Marched fifteen miles; l)ivonacked for the night ; stormy morning. — 25th. Marched fifteen miles to Greensboro. — 2!)tli. Drew cue day's rations of flour, and one of meal and sorghum. — 27th. Started for "Wilming- ton abont 4 o'clock. — 28th. Arrived at Goldsboro in the morning ; caujped in the woods ; drew rations of meal and beef; stormy and disagreeable ; signed parole. " March 1st. Left Goldsboro. — 2d. Arrived inside of the Union lines abont 9 o'clock ; took dinner in the woods on Yankee rations ; marched to Wilmington and drew more rations ; slei»t in the coiu't-house ; the first night I have not dreamed about rations for months." Q. State what yon mean by a ration of bread in yonr diary ? — A. When it was is- sued raw it was a pint of meal or a iiint of flour ; when hard-tack were issned to ns, they were three in number ; when bread was issned to us cooked, it would be about a pint in bulk, all broken np. Q. What was the general physical condition of the prisoners in Salisbury ? — A. They were " used up" by scurvy and chronic diarrhea. I had the scurvy a year. Some of the prisoners became crazy from the eftects of the treatment they received there. Q. To what cause do you attribute the mortality am(mg the prisoners ? — A. To in- sufficiency of clothing and starvation. In cold weather they died much faster than at other times. Q. What effect did your prison life have upon you ? — A. When I entered Salisbury I weighed one hundred and fifty pounds ; a month after I returned home, and had re- cruited in health a little, I weighed one hundred and twelve pounds. Henry W. Tisdale sworn? By Mr. Pile : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Henry W. Tis- dale ; age, 30 ; residence, South Dedham, Massachusetts ; occupation, a grocer. Q. State your connection with the service of the United States during the war. — A. I enlisted as a private in Company I, Thirty-fifth Massachusetts infantry, July 22, 1862 ; was appointed sergeant, and served until the close of the war. Q. If you were captured by the enemy, state wliere and Avhen, and your treatment while a prisoner. — A. I was captured ]May 24, 1864, on the North Anna River, Virginia, together with about one hundred others. We were marched to the rear, and the next day taken by cars to Richmond and put in Libby Prison. We were without raticms for two days. On the afternoon of the third day in Libby, we had rations. When we were first captured our government property was taken away, but our private pro]ierty was left us. At Libby we were searched and our money was taken ; but other valua- bles, such as watches, memorandum books, photographs, and clothing, were all left us. The money was never returned to us, although they promised us it should be when we left the prison. We remained in Libby four or five days, and a fresh arrival of Union prisoners arriving, were put with us, (making about eleven hundred men and seventy ofiicers,) on board the cars and started for Andersonville. The oflicers were left, I think, at Macon, Georgia. We arrived at Andersonville the 4th of June, 1864. I have a de- scription of the camp, and the treatment of the prisoners as it api)eared to me at tlie time I was taken there, or shortly after, to the correctness of which I take oath. It is as follows : '^Jtine 12. — The camp is one mass of human beings crowded together, many with no shelter at all from the sun or rain ; those having shelter good enough to shed rain, are very few; as, when captured, all of our tents and blankets were taken from us Ijy the confederate government, also haversacks, knajisacks, canteens, and money ; every man was robbed of everything. Most haA'c nu\do themselves shelters with old l)lankets, overcoiits, brush, and mud ; and some have dug semi-caves, or holes, in the ground. A portion of the ground is a swamp-hole, through which runs a swamp about ankle-deep, and three feet wide. This swamp is used as a siuk, and deposit for iiltli and dirt from the camp, and is but one seething mass of maggots and dirt, and refuse of all kinds. No pains are taken to clean it up, so that it can scarce hel]) being a breeding ])lace for disease. The stream is the only washing-place allowed the men, and from before day- light until late at night it is crowded with men, either washing themselves or their clothes, the mud and sand in the bottom adding little to the cleanliness of the washing. The camp contains some fifteen acres, inclusive of the swanij), surrounded with a stock- ade about fifteen feet in height, with a dead-line. Sentinels are jiosted at intervals upon the stockade, stationed in liooths overlooking the camp. Outside is i)lanted a battery of six pieces, and a regiment or more of troops. jNIedicines are scarce, and many diseases have to go unrelieved for want of proper medicine. Scurvy, diarrhea, and BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 919 ilyseutcry are the main complaints. Bacou, corn bread or corn meal, and occasionally a little rice, are all the rations allowed us ; no vegetables, so that the scurvy runs riot without let or hinderauce among those of the prisoners who have been longest heic. ilauy have been here nearly a year. Yesterday, went for the lirst time witli the sick of my detachment to the surgeon's call;, was the saddest and most heart-sickening sight I ever witnessed ; men brought in by scores in blankets, wan and wretched with the scurvy, begging to be allowed to go to the hospital ; others begging some kind of shelter to protect them from the sun and rain. Some, nearly two t-liousand, reported sick to-day, to attend to which was scarcely any nurses worthy of the name, and but one or two surgeons. Could get nothing but some medicine for diarrhea for my men. Two had slight attacks of scurvy, but nothing could be done for them. Have com- menced drawing raw rations of corn meal and bacon the last four days ; only raw ra- tions are given to us. Six men out of every ninety are allowed to go out under guard for wood ; we have to go about a half a mile and Ing in what we can upon our backs. Thus, one man has to bring in enough for eighteen, for cooking, heating, and fuel." Q. State the general treatment of the officers and guards toward the prisoners. — A. They seemed to be indifferent to our welfare; it Avas crnel. There was not more than quarter enough fuel allowed to cook our rations, and the prisoners had to dig up roots all over the camp ; even in this swamp they were at work digging for roots. I never saw any man shot there, but I have heard of cases where they were, and have seen blood on the ground where I was told they were shot. Q. State what effect this treatment produced upon the prisoners, physically and men- tally. — A. The majority of them were emaciated, but there were many who were as plump as ever in body ; at the same time these Avei-e the ones most afflicted with the scurvy ; but diarrhea caused others to become very much emaciated. There were many who became crazy; two of my detachment were affected in this way. Some became " moon-blind;" that is, they could not see at night; and in one instance a man thus affected wandered over the dead-line and was shot. The prisoners became heart- less and sellish under such treatment, as a matter of course. The prison discipline was utterly without system. At the sick-call those that could get there first were attended to ; at the end of two hours the gate would be shut, and those that came after that time would be left without aid, and no notice taken of them. With the exception of one surgeon, there was no eftbrt made on the part of the officers to take care of or ino- vide for the comfort of the prisoners, and this surgeon stated that he was under the command of the otBcers of the iirison, and could do nothing toward relieving our wants ; that even the privilege of using a wagon to bring in vegetables from a plantation had been denied him. He said he could have supplietl the sick with them if allowed. The assistant quartermaster of the camp admitted to myself and others that our food was not tit for his hogs to eat, and added, " but, men, I can't help it." I remained at Andersoiiville until about the 4tli of October, when I was taken by rail, with about one thousand other prisoners, to Milieu ; remained there in the cars one night, and were then taken to Savannah, where we were put in a stockade just out- side of the city. We were kept here about three weeks; our treatment was good; everything that could be was done for us under the circumstances. We had a plenty of rations of good quality, and the citizens made us presents of tin kettles— one for every twenty-live men. They would also throw us tobacco and clothing occasionally. From Savannah we were taken to Millen ; remained there six weeks — until November 24 — and were well treated. From there we were taken to Florence, South Carolina, and remained until February 16, 1865. The treatment here was poor, the shelter bad, and in other respects our condition and treatment was about the same as at Anderson- ville, except that the camp and creek was kept in better order — cleaner. Our rations were a pint of meal and a half pint of beans, and occasionally a little salt; no meat at all inside. After I had been there a month I was detailed to work outside, building log-cabins for the officers and cutting wood tor the prisoners. I was allowed meat then. No vegetables were given the prisoners, but the rebels had sweet potatoes every day, and I think they could have supplied the cam^) with them. I saw from six to ten l)loorovide — such as getting four sticks of wood, placing them upright in the ground, and hanging our coats to them. Every morning we would find one or two of our conu'ades dead. The rebel surgeon that came in for the returns every morning told us that during the mouths of July, August, and September the prisoners died at the rate of one hundred to one hundred and lifty a day. There were between thirty-three and thirty-five thousand men there at this time. Chronic diarrhea and scurvy were the prevailing diseases there, caused by the diet and treat- ment ; the rebel surgeon admitted that fact. He stated they treated us as well as they could under the circumstances ; but we knew better from what we saw (mtside of the stockade before we came in. We saw rations given to the guard outside, and they were in superabundance, such as meal, flour, and sweet potatoes. Some of the prisoners that had money traded with the rebels for supplies, and then resold them to us ; the rumor of the camp was that they were the agents of the rebel sutlers. You could purchase from these men Irish and sweet potatoes, meal, rice, molasses, or sorghum, eggs, pies, onions, chicken soup, corn, beer, salt, and biscuit. None of these articles, except salt occasionally, and meal and rice, were furnished as onr rations. The last month we were there we got sweet potatoes, however. Those that had the scurvy became very weak — were skeletons ; they could not eat anything that was given there for rations, as all their teeth were loose ; their legs were also much swollen, and their arms, and so tender that they could not touch them. They could pull their teeth from their gums easily, and sores broke out all over them ; then they wonld generally die. Men would crowd around the teams that brought in the corn bread and try to pick up the crumbs that fell from the wagon ; and Wirz, who was generally there, would strike them with a club and drive tiiem away. The ra- tions were brought in in the same wagon in which the dead bodies were taken out ; 1 knew the teainster and wagon, and know they were both the same. The wounded re- ceived no treatment or care, so far as I observed ; their wounds would mortify, and then they would die. I saw some hounds chained on the outside, and night after night have heard them let loose ; I could hear them barking at nigiit, when it was quiet, l)et- ter than I could during the noise of the day. I saw men chained outside who, I was informed, were recaptured by these hounds, but I do not know whether they were or not ; I know they had the dogs there for that purpose. As soon as a dead person would draw his last breath, he would be stripped of his clothing by his connades in order to supply themselves, as no clothing was furnished the prisoners by the rebel authorities wiiile I was there. I saw as many as twenty insane persons in the camp ; one was right close to us, and kept asking us all the time to get him a razor to cut his throat ; I do not know what caused their insanity, unless it was the treatment they received. This crazy man I spoke of made so much noise at night that a Frenchman kicked him and he died. I was imprisoned at Andersonville about three mouths, and then was se.nt to Savannah, djeorgia, where we remained a week ; our treatment there was a lit- 922 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR tie bettor tlian it was at Amlersonville. We, were there in a stockade, or " bull-pen," as it was called ; then we were sent to Milieu, and staid there a month in a stockade, and then was returned to Savannah, where I was paroled. From Savannah 1 was sent home, and mustered out June 16, 1865. James Coxway sworn. By Mr. Stevens : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. James Conway; age, nineteen ; residence, Lowell, Massachusetts ; occu})ation, a molder. Q. State your connection with the service of the United States during the war. — A. I enlisted November 28, 1863, as a private in the First Massachusetts heavy artillery, and served until July 25, 1885, when I Avas discharged. Q. If you were captured, state whei-e and when, and your treatment as a prisoner. — A. I was captured June 22, 1864. in front of Petersburg ; was coutiued in Libby Prison and the Tobacco Warelumse, in Riclnnond ; in Lynchburg, Danville, Salisl)ury, Ander- sonville. Milieu, Savannah, Blackshire, Thomasville, Albany, and Lake City. I was a prisoner ten months and seven days. In Libby Prison we were searched, and all ])ri- soners having valuables or money were compelled to give them up. After remaining tere a week we were taken to Andersonville, via Lynchljurg and Danville, and anived there the 11th of July. Here we were put into a stockade, without shelter of any kind. Our rations were corn bread — a piece about two inches square — and a small piece of bacon. Many of the prisoners burrowed in the ground. I and another jiri- soner lived in this way. The water we got from a stream which ran through the center of the camp, but it was lilthy, and covered with grease from the rebel cook- house, which was situated on it just above. Oar rations were issued to us raw some- times, and I have eaten raw meal and beans as they were given to us ; this gave me the diarrhea. Tlie rebel guards always seemed to have a plenty to eat, ami a plenty^ of food in their haversacks. One of the rebel guard, named Bull, of the Second Georgia reserves, had notches marked on his gun of the number of prisoners he had shot, and I think tlxe number was lifteen ; he had shot them at or near the dead-line. I remained at Andersonville seven months, and was then taken to Millen, where I re- mained about two weeks. While here. Colonel O'Neill, of the rebel army, ottered inducements, in the shape of clothing, &c., to the prisoners, if they would enlist in the reliel army. We were nearly starved in this prison. We used to pick up old bones and burn them black and eat them. I have done that myself, I was so hungry. They used to give us the heads and hides of cows at Andersonville to eat. There were ten or eleven detachments of prisoners here at Millen, each detachment having athoxi- sand men in it. The mortality was not so great here as at Andersonville. In Novem- ber we were removed to Savannah ; I'emained there three days, and were tlien taken to Blackshire, where we remained three weeks, and then were taken to Thomasville and Albany, Georgia. Many of the prisoners died on the way to these places for want of proper tbod and shelter. Iliad nothing on but a jacket, and a pair of pants tluit came up above the knees. We were crowded in a box-car, after a short stay at Albany, and carried back to Andersonville again. Finally we were taken to Jacksonville, Fhnidn, and parcded A] nil 29, 1865. Q. Do you know of bloodhounds being kept at any of the prisons where you were, for the i)ur])ose of capturing escaped prisoners ? — A. Yes, sir. I was chased by them myself at Albany. I made niy escape there, and had got aljout three miles away, when a planter chased me and tried to catch me; and I had to double on him and go back to cam)). He threatened to shoot me if he caught me. Q. What elfect did your imprisonment have upon you ? — A. It gave me the heart disease, and caused me to lose; nnich tlesh. I weighed one hundred and forty i)oimds when I was cajitured, and after I was released I weighed about eighty i)()nnds. Q. To what do you attribute this result f — A. To exi>osure and want of proper food while I was a jirisoner. James L. Brady sworn. By Mr. Stevens : Question. State yoiir name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. James L. Brady ; age, twenty-live; residence, Lynn, Massachusetts; occupation, a shoemaker. Q. State j'onr connection with the service during the war. — A. I enlisted as a private in Company I, First Massachusetts heavy artillery, in 1861, and served more than three years. Q. If you were captured, state the circumstances, and your treatment. — A. I was caji- tured at Petersburg, Virginia, June 22, 1864. I was taken and put on an island in the Ai)poniattox River, and staid there three days and nights. The second day and night they gave me rations, a little pork and four hard tack. Then I was taken to Richmond ami put in a tobacco warehouse, on Cary street, and staid there ttro days and nights. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 923 Our 'rations there were a piece of corn bread and a half pint of beau soup each day. Was then taken to Belle Isle; remained there two days, and received the same rations. Then was taken by rail to Lynchburg, and there received nine hard tack and a jjonnd of bacon each, as a four days' ration. We passed througli Danville, and (inally reached Anderson ville, at the end of seven days' journey. Tlu're were two thousand prisoners in the train, seventy-five in each car, tliirty-five m(!n on the top of each car, and four guards to each car. We could not sit (h)wn inside of these cars, for want of room. We were allowed out of the cars half a night, and laid ou the groimd by the side of the track ; and got water out of the ditches, the same as cattl(> would. Wo arrived at An- dersonville July 10, and remained in the stockade there until September 14. The stock- ade covered twenty-three and a half acres, and was situated in a swamp, a large nuiddv brook nmning through the center of it. Alwut fifteen hundred guards, and perhaps "a dozen pieces of artillery, guarded the camp. We found the camp so crowded there was hardly room enough to move about in. I never saw men in such a wretched condition. They were ragged and filthy, many had become crazy, and most of them were mere skeletons. Many were "moon blind;" could not see at all at night, and not very well in the day-time. The first ration I received there consisted of a pint of mush, and a half pint of beans or peas. Shortly after that they gave us one quart of meal for twenty- four hours, with five or six spoonfuls of soi'ghum molasses, and beans with it. After I was there a month they gave us cooked rations, and other prisoners had raw rations ; that is, one-half got cooked rations, and the other half raw, alternately. Cooked ra- tions consisted of a piece of corn bread, about four inches sipiare, and a pint of boiled rice, or a \nnt of bean soup. These rations were not enough ; we were always com- ]>laiuing to Wirz about them, and he would say they were good enough for Yankees. ^Vheu he came into the pen it was not for the i)urpose of ascertaining our condition in order to relieve us, but it was for the purpose of discovering timnels. Some of the pris- oners worked months at a time digging tunnels under the dead-line. They would work during the night, and in the day-time cover the hole over with something-, and lie on it to conceal it. Eleven prisomus t'scaped in this manner one night, and some one went and told Wirz about it. They had a pack of fifty hounds there, and they were started olf the next morning on their track, and captured the men and brought them back. When we drew raw ratious we were not given wood enough to cook them. Our allow- ance was six sticks of cord-wood to a detachment of two hundred and seventj' men, so that each man w^ould only have a piece about as big as your arm. There were plenty of large j)ine trees in all directions near the camp. Q. What were the iirevailing disease^ at Andersonville ?— A. Scurvy and chronic di- arrhea. Q. Do yon know of auy instances of shooting prisoners by the guard ? — A. They used to shoot somebody every day. If a man put his hand or' foot inside of the dead- line, the guard would fire at him. They w^ould not perhaps always shoot the one they fired at, but they sometimes hit other persons in camp. It didn't seem to make auy difierence to them, however. Q. What disposition was made of the dead ?— A. They were carried to the dead- house, and there placed in a row side by side. Souietunes they would remain there four or jive days before they were taken away in the mule team. Then they were piled in like cord-wood, four or live deep, and carted off and Iniried in trenches. Q. To what place did you go from Andersonville ? — A. To Florence, South Carolina, where I remaiued from September 18 imtil February 1.5, 1885. There were about eleven thousand prisoners there. When we first got there the trees and limbs that Avere left after clearing the stockade were used for fuel, and for a time we had a plenty to cook with and to nse for fuel. Many also constructed very comfortable log huts, in which they lived, but I was not fortunate enough to get "there in time to get wood enough to build a cabin. All I had over me was a small woolen blauket. The weather Avas very cold in October and November, and ice formed a half an inch thick ou the brook which ran through the camp, and occasionally we had a little snow. Q. How did the rations compare with those at Andersonville ? — A. They were much smaller at Florence — one pint of corn meal ground up cobs and all, and four or live spoonfuls of peas or beans, which Avere wormy and maggoty. Q. What was the rate of mortality ? — A. Not as great as at Andersonville. They nsed to die fifty or sixty a day. Q. Where did you go from' Florence ?— A. We left Florence the 15th of February, and reached Goldsboro on the 27th of February, where about fifteen hundred of us Avere paroled at the same time. WixsLOW S. Oakman SAvorn. By Mr. Stevens : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation ?— AnsAver. Winslow S. Oakman; age, thirty- four ; residence, Charlestown, Massachusetts; occupation a trader. 924 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Q. State your connection with the service of the Unitefl States dnring the war ? — A. I enlisted as a private in the Fifth Massachusetts infantry in April, I80I, and served three months. I then re-enlisted in the Thirty-second Massachusetts infantry, as a ser- geant, and served sixteen months. I then re-enlisted in the Second Massachusetts heavy artillery as a sergeant, and served about two years, and was discharged in Sep- tember, 1865. Q. If you were ever captured by the enemy, state where, and when, and the subse- quent treatment you received while a prisoner ? — A. I was captured at Plymouth, North Carolina, April 18, 1884, and was a jirisoner nearly a year. When captured I was marched to Tarboro, North Cai'olina, and from there sent by rail to Andersonville. I arrived at Andersonville the 1st of May, 18t)4. At tliat time there wi.re a very few old prisoners there — about three thousand. We were put into detachments, and an- swered at roll call and drew our rations. The tirst issue of rations we had was a pint and a half of meal and four ounces of pork each, with no hre-wood issued to us Avith which to cook them. These were the rations for some two months. After that we drew what was called cook rations. One day we would draw about a pint of beans cooked, with a small piece of meat, and the next day we would draw about a quart of mush, and if we were lucky, we got about a stick of wood the size of my arm, which •would have to last us three days to cook our rations with. It was in tlie summer tlieu, and we did not need any wood for fire, so that we could keep it for cooking. The prison at this time was not very crowded, and we had plenty of room. We got our water from the stream that ran through the center of the camp, and for some time it was good ; but parties outside used to empty all tlie filth of their camp in the stream before it reached us, aiul annoy us and dirty the water. A part of the stream we used for bathing purx)oses, and the swam]) at the side of it was used as a sinlc. They used the whole swamp for this purpose. There was no sink dug at that time, and as the number in the camp increased it became a very filthy phice, so much so that nnich of the gangrene that we had in camp was caused by men wading through there. In July there were some sinks dug, but tliey did not amount to anything — were worse than the swamp itself. About the 1st of July the camp became very crowded with men from Grant's army, and Inmdrcd days' men, and these men died much faster than the old soldiers who were there. Tlie average of life among tliesc Jinndrcd days' men was two months. There were some also that had never done anything ))ut camp duty that died very fast ; five-seveutlis of them died witliin three moutlis, and even among the old prisoners the average of life would not be over four months. Any man that had saved sf)ine money and had ingenuity in trading with the guards and then re-trading with the prisoners, could get up some extra provisions, and thus keep life in liim. The only men that lived any length of time there were these men that traded in that way, and those that did extra duty for thc^ rebels and drew extra rations. The rations drawn there were not only insufficient in (quantity, but of a kind that were very injurious to the system, and produced scurvy and sores, and diseases of various kinds. Sometimes the rebels would come in there and read from newspapers that there was an exchange on hand, and that we were all going out in so many days ; and in a day or two afterward come in and make fun, and laugh at us because they had excited us with the hope of getting out. At one time a plot was formed among the prisoners there to break tuit from the prison. The arrangements wi e all made, but in some way Wirz discovered it, and we were all formed in line, and ordered to stand in line, under penalty of being shot. Men that could hardly crawl about from weakness had to be held up in line by their comrades, as no one, sick or well, was allowed to be absent. Notice was then read to us that Wirz had discovered the plot, and we were notified that on the first intimation of aiiy rising, the artillery, which was so ])laced as to command the stockade, would be charged with grape and canister and fired into tlui stockade, as long as one man was left alive. Wirz was always very brutal in all his lemarks or doings with the prisoners. I oidy remember the name of Ca))tain Duncan, of the other officers there. In July all the men that died were car- ried outside of the stockade and laid in the dead-house, waiting for teams to carry them otf. This lasted (mly in the month of July. The prisoners were anxious fur the oppor- tunity of carrying out the dead, and it caused much rivalry among them, bee;uise those that carried them out could pick up fuel at their return. At one time I helped carry out a dead man. Wirz rode up to us and asked us what we were doing. We told him. He said, " Good ; I like to see you damned Yankees die." The man that Avas with me, William Drury, of East Boston, made some remark, and Wirz drew a pistol and told him he had a great mind to shoot him, but fiiuilly knocked him down with the butt of his pistol instead, and then laughed and rode away. I saw similar actions from him a number of times. At other times he would come into the stockade, and prisoners would crowd around him and ask him <|uestioiis al)out rations or other matters, and he would tell them it was too damned good for them. He used to speak broken English, and say : " By Gott ; I gets my orders and I goes by them ; I make you laugh before yon get ont of this." At another time I heard him say that they did not intend that' we - should be good for anything when we got ont ; that we should never be able to handle. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 925 anotlier musket to figlit them Avitli. He seemed to have a particular grudge against Mas- sachusetts men. I beard liim say several times, '• The damned Yankees from Massachu- setts." In September I had -what was called the gangreue sore, and was sent to the hospi- tal outside, in another inclosure, similar to the prison, only smaller. The treatment in the hospital did not differ much from that received m the stockade. The rations were about the same, and the medical treatment was A'ery poor. There were twenty-tive hundred others in there, suffering like myself, with gangrene sores, and not more than a dozen of them survived it. Doctors Bates and Johnson were the principal rebel surgeons, and they Avould go around in the morning and give medicines, or if they were asked for a bandage the doctors would tell them to take some of their old clothes, and some- times would give them an old piece of canvas. Once in a great while they wonld get a piece of cloth. Tiie sores were neglected so much that, in some cases, tliey eat com- pletely through their bodies, and this would be entirely full of maggots. I have seen a numl)er of instances where men had millions of maggots in their systems, and finally, when they died, they would crawl out of their ears and nostrils, and from every place Avhere there was an opening in the l)ody. I managed, through the steward of the ward, who was a northern man, to procure a bottle of nitric acid, and I finally conquered the soie by burning it out. The m.ajority of the men that were in the hospital had no shelter — the l)est of it was nothing but a " fly"' ])itched — no buildings of any kind. We were laid under these tlies, and the weather was very cold, enough to freeze water in a barrel so that you could not break the ice. The rations were poorer, if anything, than they were in the stockade. Our rations there, day in and day out, would be about a pint of mush in the morning, made of meal and water, without salt, boiled; and at night we drew a ])int and a half of rice and water, boiled without salt, so thin you conld almost drink it. That was the largest ration we ever drew in tlie hospital in a day. The Catholic priest of Georgia had subscriptions raised, and furnished tis with a very small l)iseuit f>f white bread at noon. That continued for a month or six weeks only. The guards and ofiicers of the prison seemed to have a ])lenty to eat. They were fat and rugged. If yon had money — greenbacks — you could get anything you Avanted, and plenty of it, in the way of jn'ovisions, clothing, or other necessaries. If any one felt disposed to bring in any food to the hospital for the sick, the ])rison authorities would not allow it ; even the doctors thetnseWes didn't dare to bring in anything. Doctor Bates, of the rebel army, would somi^times come in with a corn cake or cooked i)otato in his ])ocket, and have ns steal it out of bis pocket, and pretend that we were ))icking his pocket; and we had to be very cautious ; he was afraid it would be found out ; he was ihe only one of the prison officers that seemed to treat us with humanity. About De- cember my sore began to heal uj), then I performed tiie duty of going for the rations and distributing them to tlie sick. I remained in the hospital all the time until I was sent to Ala))auia. At night I would get a 1)ucket of ric(^ from the cook-house and di- vide it among the sick; one night, in the tly where I laid, there were nine of us slept there : in the morning, when I woke iip, I was the only one left alive; they were all very nnieh reduced ; three of them iiad gangrene sores, and the rest scurvy and chronic diarrhea. In the hospital, with the exception of a few attendants, there was not a uum that wonld weigh one hundred pouijds ; a man could not i)ossibly have lived at Andersonville, in the stockade, or in the hospital, five months on the rations he drew from the confederate government. The prisoners in the hos])ital established some rules about cleaning up, ami it was kept tolerably clean ; and the stockade was com- l»aratively clean considering the number of prisoners there were there, with the excep- tion of this swamii, which was a mass of filth ; I should think at least two feet thick of solid nuiggots were in that swamp. We were so short of wood for fuel, that in August men won hi dig down through these maggots and filth for roots of trees, and dry them in the sun for fuel. We suffered so much for water that, finally, wells were dug with ])ieces of canteens to a depth of sixty or seventy feet ; it was estimated that there were as many as one hundred and fifty wells in the stockade at one time. All the prisoners, with the exception of two or three thousand, were sent away from the stock- ade in September, and Andersonville stockade ceased to exist after Septeml)er, with the exception of a few thousand who remained behind, among whom were those in the hospital. I was in the stockade all the time it Avas a depot for ^irisoners, and I think the worst time Avas during the months of July and August ; there Avere about thirty thousand there then, and before they enlarged the stockade all the men in there could scarcely lie down at one time. During the month of July it rained twenty-one days in succession, and there were certainly at that time ten thousand men in there that had no shelter of any kind, not CA'en holes dug in the ground, aud the majority of them with nothing more than a shirt aud drawers on, the rest of the clothing had ])een taken from them by the rebels, even their tin dippers and spoons which they needed to eat their rations with, Avere taken away. The average deaths in the stockade would l)e from forty to fifty a day, but it has run up to one hundred and fifty a day — the highest number in a day. In the hospital the percentage was a great tleal more ; I think they amounted to forty or fifty a day, more than trebled. At the same time there AA-ere hundreds of cases in the stockade worse than the cases in the hospital, in resj)ect to 926 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR sores and scnrvy; and men, too, that were dying from stnrvation, and reduced to a point where there was no life in them, were not sent to the hospital. Most of the pris- oners had a great dread of going to the hospital. The saying in the stoekade was that when a man was removed to tlie hospital he was "gone," and those who had friends in the stockade to take care of them would not go to the hospital if they could he'lp it. A company or number would come in there together, and perhaps for the tirst two mouths there would not be .".uy die out of tlie company; and then they would ))egin to go, and every day would increase the number, and finally they would be reduced so that on the average there would be only about ten men left to a hundred. I know of instances of that kind. The effect of this treatment was to cause the men to lose their sympathy for each other ; many became insane, but there were more idiots than insane men — more men who were weak in intellect than those who had entirely lost their reasoning faculties. I never saw any regular inspection of the prisoners by the author- ities while I was there ; all they did was to call the roll every morning "to see if we were there. I saw a number of cases of shooting by the guards ; in one case the guard shot a half-crazy man who attempted to reach under the dead-line and pick up a piece of moldy corn bread that some one had thrown away. The man was killed. While I was stooping down near the dead-line at th(^ l)rook to get some water, my shoulder just came under the dead-line and the guard fired at me, but didn't happen to hit me. I wa.s told by one of the rebel guards that they received a furlough for shooting a man ; I think he said for thirty days. What citizens we saw there seemed to gloat and rejoice in our suft'erings ; they manifested it by laughing and jeering. The women used to liave a picnic every Saturday on the hill, aud Wirz would bring some of them inside, and they would sneer at and taunt the prisoners. It seemed as though they took par- ticular pains to spread their tables in our sight, so that we could see them. They kept bloodhounds there; I have seen them a number of times. At onetime I saw three packs there, and once they were howling on my track. While I was out under guard getting some wood I "dropped" the guard — a boy about fourteen years of age— and ran, aud remained in the woods until the following morning. Then I found I was pur- sued by hounds, and I climbed a tree and stayed there, while sevim hounds ranged themselves around the foot of it, until a horseman came up aud called them olf. A rebel sergeant and some men followed him, and they took me back to camp, where I had to wear a sixty-pound ball attached to my leg for two or three weeks. This was Avhen I was in the hospital after I got well. I'hey kept a man there for tlie purpose of training the hounds, and I heard the rebels say he was the best Imnter in the South, aud received great pay. I know of a great many instances where other prisoners were recaptured liy them ; some were torn badly by the hounds, one so that he died. The hunting by hounds was a daily occurrence. j\I.ajor Bogle, of Boston, one of our officers, was kejit with the privates because he commanded a negro regiment; and at one time they had some negro prisoners there, and he was compelled to tent and occupy quarters with them. There was no necessity for keeping us short of wood, as the stockade was almost surrounded with woods ; and we could have built ourselves huts if allowed the Avood, and this would have saved at least ten thousand lives. In the winter of 1864-' the river Mississippi, and finally reached home May 21, 1865. John Read, being duly sworn, testified as follows : I am a merchant of Boston ; aged twenty-seven years ; was a paymaster in the United States Navy during the late war, having joined the service in November, 186*2, aud was at- tached to the United States iron-clad Keokuk and gunboat Granite City. Was captured while attached to the Granite City, .at Calcasieu Pass, Louisiana, by a Texan force, ou May 6, 1864, together with the rest of the crew. After our capture we were taken to Camp Groce, near the town of Hempstead, sixty miles from Houston, Texas, being an iu- closure surrounded by a stockade about fifteen feet in height, made of piles driven into the^- ground; ou the top of which, at intervals of about lifty feet, were sentry boxes for the guards, who were instructed to shoot any coming within aa imaginary distance of ten BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 927 foet of the fence. Inside the pen were old barracks, not snfficienf, however, for the accouuiiodation of all the prisoners, and but very little protection from the weather. At this camp we remained through the hot months till September 23, sutfering terribly from the intense heat ; the hi<;h stockade preventing any air from entering, while the only well in the grounds having caved in before our arrival, our only source of water was from a muddy creek outside the camp; and since being provided with but few buckets, and but a few allowed to go to the creek, tinder guartt, at a time, the demand being constant, this privilege was often denied to many, the officers saying tliat it occasioned the guards, who accompanied, '' too much work ! " At early" morn there would be a rush to get what water had oozed into the old well through the night, and this being very little, many sick men suffered for water to cool their parched lips. We afterward dug anew the well, the rebels telling tis " if we wanted water we could repair the well." The camp was under the command of a Colonel Gillespie, a clergyman, who openly avowed his intention to maltreat prisoners, as proved by the confession of his own subordinate officers, who stated that they would alleviate the sufferings on several occasions, but that the colonel wished to retaliate upon us for alleged maltreatment of confederates in northern prisons. Thus, when tho inhabitants jiround came to sell milk, eggs, &c., to the prisoners, Gillespie ordered that nothing should be allowed to go into the grounds. No doctor being at the camp, one of the prisoners — a naval sur- geon — ^was allowed bj' the subordinate officers for some time, on his parole, to go into the neighboring woods to collect astringent and medicinal herbs and barks for cases of diarrhea, i&c; but Gillespie, as soon as he found it out, forbade his being allowed out- side the bounds of the iJiison. On one occasion a few prisoners effecting their escape, unknown to the rest, and for which they were not accountable, Gillespie, being en- raged, ordered all the remaining prisoners, those at the point of death included, to be driven out of the barracks and herded in the open air. This order was carried into effect; sick and well being forced into as small a compass as possible, not even allowed to go to the siuks, and the night being rainy and cold, much suffering and new sickness was occasioned. The camp becoming tilthy, the Union officers organized squiids of the prisoners for cleaning the groitnds ; but the authorities immediately endea vin-ed to make the men mutiny, ordering them not to obey their officers and openly alluring them to desert. Those who escaped, when recaptured, were punished ; the officers being con- fined with ball and chain in jails and dungeons, and the men " bucked " — that is. their hands when ironed were drawn down over the knees, and a stick running under the knees kept the hands in itosition and the man doubled up. A pack of hounds were kept near the camp, and the most active in their use was a " Parson " Scott, who was considered the best "nigger hunter " in the country. When it was discovered that some of the prisoners had escaped, the hounds were brought to camp and led around the outside until they "took the scent," and then the pursuit commenced. The camp through the hot season was in the most filthy condition ; in heavy rains the sinks over- flowing, causing the most intolerable stench. The condition of tin; prisoners at this time was terrible ; the hot sun beating down upon men sick with fever, the high stockade keeping air from entering ; little water and that thick and muddy, with an offensive odor. The prisoners wasted to the appearance of death itself, alive with ver- min, with not clothes sufficient to cover them; here, one with a jacket alone; there, one with pants and no coat ; others, hugging pieces of blankets around them to cover their nakedness ; all begging something to relieve their sickness from a rebel doctor, who usually was too intoxicated to stand alone. Their own soldiers filling the hospi- tals, the sickest prisoners were finally carried to the attic of an old church. This room, packed closely with men low with diarrhea and the most loathsome diseases, lying in their own filth, left to care for themselves, soon became a place of corruption. One poor fellow while climbing to the attic by the only means, a rotten ladder, fell in his weakness and was killed, liaviug broken his neck. Those dying were robbed of their clothes, and carried out, many at a time, in mule carts, and buried on the prairies by negroes. In the latter part of September the prisoners were moved west of the Brazos River, to the low, muddy bottom of a creek, near the town of Bellville. Here was no shelter, and the mortality was great. The cavalry guard encamping above the pris- oners on the creek, we had to drink the water as it came from them to us ; often were to be seen horses and cattle bathing in the water, witich, when it reached us, was shmy and offensive. In October we were crowded into mule carts, for few could walk, and moved to Cami) Felder, near Chapel Hill, several dying ou the way. At this camp there was the greatest amount of sickness, and largest immber of deaths. It was located on low, swampy ground, at the foot of a hill, the top of which had formerly been used for camp-meetings, and on which were many large sheds, ample for all ; btit no, their horses enjoyed the shelter, while dying prisoners even were not given this little protection from the winter storms. All were herded on the muddy ground, in so small a compass that it was almost impossible to walk through the cainp, so near to- gether were the sick and well lying. The sufiering and moitality at this place snr- passed the others ; it may be said that the ground was covered with sick and dying, and these, too, with uo shelter, lying on the wet ground with chills, and diseases of 928 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR {•very (lesCTiption ; exposed to the winter heavy i\iiDS aiul chilling '•'northers" — the stormy winter wind which blows with the fierceness of a tornado — with not clothinj? enongh to cover them, several bemg chilled to death. The dead were bnried likt' dogs, and often a corpse? lay for several days nnbnried in the camp, in the midst of its late messmates— a cheerless companion, with its wan face and snnken eyes, throngh the dark and stormy night in the forest to the prisoner, heartsick and siiffering. No en- deavor was made to cleanse the camp, which soon became filthy in the extreme, alive with vermin, and the sick, not being able to walk to the sinks and often not allowed to on acciiniit of the contraction of the gnard lines, lying in their own tilth. The rem- iniscences of this place cannot be forgotten. The consnmptive congh, the shrieks of the insane, the groans of the sick and dying — all exposed to the pitiless rain and cold " norther;" many too weak to rise from the gronnd to escape the flood which, at every stonn, ponred down the hillside, while not a hnndred yards oft" were sheds snflicient for twice onr number. On one occasion a muster of all was ordered, and th(5 guards, being sent to camp to make all turn out, were to be seen pricking with bayonets men as they lay sick, too weak to walk, and with oaths ordering all to fall into line. The last of October we were moved back to Camp Groce, and the weather being rainy, and the mud too deep for wagons, all were forced to march until they fell exhausted. On this march the wayside was lined witli those viuable to walk further; at every few steps was to be seen some poor fellow sitting in the mud shaking with chills, unal)le to proceed, with sunken cheeks and eyes, and looks of complete desi)ondency and despair, while, in contrast, the cavalry guard, with taunting jest and profane ribaldry, were urging all to jiroceed. In November and December, though at Camp Groce, in the midst of a forest, not wood enough was alloweil to keep the prisoners from freezing, several deatlis occurring from l>eing chilled to death; the constitutions of all having lost their vitality by poor and scanty food, by a long summer of sickness, and l»y con- stant exposure to cold and the changing climate. Neglect and abuse characterizt-d the treatment of these Union prisoners; subjected to indignities and insult; supplied with food and water which wtire poisonous in their effects; herded and crowdid together merely to save the number of the guards, and camps allowed to remain in filthy con- dition, while efforts (jf the jirisoners themselves to cleanse were thwarted. The ration consisted of one-half pound of tough and tasteless meat, one-half ounce coarse salt, sixteen ounces coin meal, coarsely ground, pieces of husk being found; food which ag- •v^ruvate'd the diarrh ea and complaints with which all were alt'ected. Once in ten days bacon Avas issued, but always so rotten as to be useless. Very few cooking utensils being supplied the ])risoners were obliged to borrow, one mess from another, so that it was olteii far into the night before many were al)le to procure means for cooking any food. The connnaudant of the camp, Gillespie, caused all suffering in his nowtsr ; he kept prisoners sick and dying in the o])en air, through winter storm, when shelter was at hand; he ))rcvented any alleviation of the prisoner's sufferings; he punisheil all, by his orders, sick and well, for the escape of a few. The march from Chapel Hill to Camp Groce, in winter storm, when all were sick, was characterized by barbarous cruelty, as none were tit to march and many were low with sickness. The largest number of pris- oners at a time at the camp was about seven hnndred, l>oth from the Union army and iKivy. The number of naval prisonei's ca[)tured on May fi, 18(54, and taken to Camp Groce was one hundred and eleven, strong, healthy men. In December but thirty-two of these remained alive, and these barely able to crawl. No (ipidemic prevailed at any time more than that engendered by filth and neglect; but the prisoners died victims to low and short diet, neglect, exposure, and abuse. The naval x>risoners were re- leased from Camp Groce on December 19, 18G4, having lieen contiued seven and a half months; we were transferred to the Union lines at Galveston, and taken thence to New Orleans. I was then ordered North ; and resigned from the service in March, 1865, on account of ill-health, caused bj^ my imprisoumeut. BEN.J.VMIX Buowx, jr., sworn. By Mr. Stevens : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Benjamin Brown, jr. ; age, thirty-nine; residence, Scituate, Massachusetts; occui»ation, a grocer. Q. State your connection with the service of the United States during the war. — A. I enlisted in the Forty-third Massachusetts volunteers as a private, was made corporal, and served eltiven months. I then re-enlisted in the Fifty-eighth Massachusetts in- fantry, Avas made sergeant, and served thirteen months. Q. If you were captured, state where and when, and your subsequent treatment. — A. I was captured at Hatclie's Run, about three miles from Fcitersburg, September 30, 1864. The rebels took our hats and caps to l)egin with, and then took us to Petei's- bnrg that night. Then the guanls Itegan to rob us of different articles of clothing ; took all our extra clothing exeept our blouses. We were then taken to Richmond, and put in Libby Prison, where we remained two days, and were then searched again. Dick ' Turner came in, and told us to give up every damned cent we had. Our regiment hadn't BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 929 been paid off for two months, anrl tvc hiid not mnch money. I had seventy-five cents in scrip, which was the largest snm any of them had in our company ; but among the sev- enteen hundred that were captured with me, many had considerable money. Dick Turner got about three tliousand out of those prisoners. He said when were discharged the money should be returned to us, but w^e never saw it again. We wei-e next sent to Salisbury, North Carolina. We were turned in there like a drove of cattle into a tield, and nothing said to us until the next morning, wheu we were put in squads. We had no shelter for about six weeks. Then they gave us Sibley tents — one tent for a hundred men. There were about ten thousand prisoners there in a space of four or five acres. I did not sleep hardly an hour during the night for six weeks, I was so cold. Six or eight sticks of green wood were allowed every hundred men for fuel. This was in November, and it was almost as cold there as it is in the North at that sea- son of the year. The only time I could sleep was in the day-time, when the sun came out and warmed me. The lice were very plenty, and a part of each day had to be spent in picking them off. The tents were old, rotten tents that were brought from Belle Isle, and wheu it rained wo were drowned out. We were so crowded we could not move, aud had to lay in one position all the time. When one turned, all had to turn. The snow blew over us, and wheu it was cold enough to freeze it froze us to the ground. I used to lie all night and rub my feet. The exposure brought on what was called the " bone fever." I had it there. It was very painful, and caused much sufleriug. We could see plenty of wood on the outside of the prison, and the guards had large fires, which we could see through the cracks of the fence while we were freez- ing. If we had been allowed to go outside aud bring in wood, in a week we could have had good houses built, and all the fire we needecl. We had no blankets or over- coats ; hardly any had drawers or stockings, and but few shoes. Some of the men did what was called "flanking;" that is, by jumping from one sqiuid to another, would be enabled to get two rations, and these men kept in better condition than the rest. We had for rations one-half of a small, half-baked loaf of bread, made of meal and water — such as I give my chickens at home — only it was not ground so fine. Some days it would be half a loaf, and the next day or two it would be a quarter loaf. About every week they would skip a day. I have been without bread for seventy-two hours at Salisbury. I began to think that time would finish the whole of ns ; it did kill a good many. I should judge, out of the ten thousand prisoners there, five thousaud died during the five mouths I was there. The highest number in one day was eighty-six. The camp was like a farmers barn-yard, it was so filthy aud dirty. The men had got in such a condition that they could not control the necessities of nature, and consequently the camp was very dirty, and a great stench arose from it. Lice and vermin increased iu size aud number until finally we had to scrayie ofi^ the lice from our bodies and clothing bj' hands-full. At night the warmth of so many men's bodies would set these lice in motion, and it used to be almost intol- erable. The prisoners made a break there to escape at one time, but they failed. The rebels opened on us with artillery posted at each end of the camp, and killed and wounded over one hundred. The camp looked like a bartle-field for a while. Then they reduced the rations. They Avould shoot a man down there quite often for mere nothing. I had charge of the men that belonged to my regiment, twenty-eight, eighteen of them died in that prison, and what were left might as well have been dead. My usual weight is one hundred and fifty pounds, but when I came out I only weighed one hundred and ten pounds. I went iu there as tough as a knot, but when I came out and got home, I went immediately to sleep, and for more than six weeks Ivuew nothing. My skin was the color of bacon, aud had about as much blood iu it. Wluit we got to eat at Salisbury was not half enough for us to live on. A great many died with the dj'sentery, which was caused by eating corn meal aud water. Sergeant Berry, from my town, laid on one side of me and died, I think, actually from starvation. He was a young inan, and very healthy when he went in there. I myself was a small eater, which, I think, saved my life. On the other side of me in the tent was a man from Nantucket. He was a hearty eater, and died in the same way as Berry did. These men were never sick an hour from the time they went into the prison until about two days before their death, wheu they became crazy aud died of starvation. As to rations, they gave us meat once in about five or six days, but it was so little it didn't amount to much. We also hail a little rice and watei", called soup, about a gill. All the medicine they gave us was white-oak bark. When we got pretty well starved to death the quartermaster would come around and try to get us to enlist in the rebel service. He would promise us an extra half loaf of bread if we would enlist aud go out and work for tliem. Clothing was sent to us by our government, but we never got it until the wami weather, about a fortnight before we came out. Wln^n wc got out of prison there were about foiir thousand of us out of the ten thousand. IMost of them were skeletons. About one thousand went outside to work, so that it left about five thousand to die. My sufferings left me in a very bad condition. It was two years be- fore I could do much. I cannot now work at my trade on account of the lameness of my legs, aud my head troubles lue. H. Eep. 45 59 930 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Q. Were there any sntlei-'s tents at Salisbury ? — A. Yes, sir ; kept by rebel eitizens. They sold salt, potatoes, chestnuts, a^iples, meal and flour, which they sold to any one, havinjf money to buy them. Q. State the circumstances of your release from prison. — A. About the 24th of Feb- ruary, 18G5, we were taken out of the stockade and taken to Greensboro, and from tliere to Goldsboro. near whicj place we were paroled, I was then sent to AYilmington, and then to Annapolis, IMaryland, and received my discharge. Charles Belcher, jr., sworn. By the Chairman: Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Charles Belcher, jr.; age, twenty-eight; residence, Lowell. Massachusetts; occupation, an engiueer. Q. State your connection with the service during the war. — A. I enlisted May 15, 1864, as a private in the Nineteenth Massachusetts infantrj', and served until Septem- ber, 1865. Q. If you were captured by the enemy, state when and where, and your subsequent treatment as a prisoner. — A. I was captured at Petersburg, Virginia, June 22, 1864. When captured, the rebels took our knajjsacks, extra clothing, and canteens and shoes, and then sent us to Richmond and contined us in Lil)by Prison. Tliere every om^ that had money was oi'dered to give it up, and they were told that when they were ex- changed it should be I'eturned to them. Some of the prisoners gave up their moiiey, and those that did not were taken into a room in small squads and stripped stark naked and searched, and if they had money it was taken from them. Confederate money they did not tiike. We were then crowded into a room on the third story. The first ration wi' drew was l)ean soup; it was very bad: I did not eat mine at all. Then we drew corn bread at tlie same tinu-. This was all we had for one day's rations. We were kept in there about three days, and then were taken to Belle Isle. Our rations here were the same as those in Lilt))y. Here they told us we could write home six lines, but must not mention anything relating to war matters. We did so, and they said we could put on our stamps ; but I never heard that any of the letters ever reached home. I wrote some letters, and they were not ever received. I remained here about two weeks. We Avere alhjwed to go to the James River, under guard, for water ; and we also had our sinks at the river. Tiie sink was so close to the ]ilace where we got our water that it was very offensive. When we got water we hail to walk out on a staging built into the river, and this same staging answered for a sink. I know of two prison- ers being shot there by the guard, one while getting water. We were taken from Belle Isle to Andersonville, reaching there some lime in July, 18G4. During the journey there we were at one time two days ami a half witliout rations, and one of the pris- oners was knocked over the head by the rel)el guard for trying to get water. We were marched into the stockade at Andersonville and turned loose to take n.p grouml wher- ever we could lind it. We drew rations soon after getting in there, consisting of poor corn meal and a small piece of meat. We drew corn meal for a number of days, and then we drew cooked beans, very dirty ; and then we drew rice and molasses, which was very good, what there was of it. The rations were driven in by our men and dealt out to the messes. When the ration was beans we drew a pint cup iidl for one day, with a small i)iece of pork. Our rations of bread for a day were about three inches square and an incli and a half thick. The meal was unsifted. Then we Avould draw a piece of pork with that. That we had for about two mouths. Then Wirz came into the prison and said he was feeding us too high, and our rations were cut down. Then we sent out word to him to ask him if he would not give us raw rations, thinkii:g we might get more. He did so; he sent us raw meal, beans, and rice. Then many "f the ])risoners liad no dislies to cook with, and were troubled to get wood. Only twenty-live men out of one hundred were allowed to go out onc(.' each day to get wood, and they V)rought it in on their backs. Souie of the prisoners ran away while they were out getting wood, and Wirz put a stop to that by imt allowing ns to go out any more. Then tlu' wood was drawn in to us in uiule teams. Two feet of wood were allowed to twenty-tive men, which divided would leave a stick four feet loug and three inches thick for one man for a day. Those that had no tents or blankets built them- selves mud houses. Oue shovel was allowed every twenty-five men. These houses would stand until a heavy rain came, and then they would wash down. The water was very bad when we first went in there. The sinks and washing from the rebel cook- house came floating down the stream into the prison, and from this stream we bad to driidv. Then some of the i)ris()uers elulibed together and dug wells, which furnished the parties who dug them water, but the other ))risoners had not access to them. In August a spring broke out iuside of the stockade, and the rebels put a trough .so that the water from it came inside of the dead-line. Then the rebels commenced building barracks to shelter the prisoners. They built a dozen or tifteeu of them, but we did not stop there long after they were Imilt. ^ Q. What were the prevailing diseases of the camp ? — A. Chronic diarrhea and scurvy.* BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 931 The sick -were not allowed to go to tho hospital iiDtil tlicy got very low. Wc had to re])Oit them in the moniiug to the rebel snrgeous wheu they came along. Q. How many prisoners were contiued there ? — A. It was stated there were thirty thousand. Q. Were they furnished with any vegetables by the rebel authorities ? — A. No, sir; nor any. Q. Were there any vegetables sold in the camp ? — A. Yes, sir, by sutlers. Q. How long were you there? — A. About seven months, and then was taken to Sa- vannah, where I remained about four weeks. We were put into a stockade there, and were tre.ited better than at Andersonville. We had sweet potatoes, and from a pound to a pound and a half of meat for the twenty-four hours. The water also was pretty good. They iiut limestone in it to purify it, and we were allowed out to bring in wood, some three or four times a day. There was a crowd standing by the gate one day, and the guard ordered them to leave or he would fire upon them ; one of the men did not leave and the guard shot him. I went from Savannah to Blackshire, and remained there in the woods about two weeks. A prisoner was shot there by the guard for cross- ing the dead-line. Finally, we returned to Andersonville, arriving there Christmas morning, and remained there till Alarcli. Our experience was just the same as before. In March we were sent to Jacksonville, Florida, where we were exchanged, and from there sent to Annapolis, Maryland. I was sent home, and mustered out in Worcester, Massachusetts, September, 18G5. Daniel Whight sworn. I reside at Stoueham, Massachusetts ; was Ji private in Twenty-second Massachusetts infantry. I was wounded on the 27th of June, 1662, near Gaines's Mill, Virginia, and taken prisoner. I was wounded in my light arm, near the shoulder joint ; nearly five hundred men taken prisoners at that time. Colonel Gove was killed, and Major Tilton was wounded and taken prisoner. Al)Out two hundred of the five hundred were inarched to Richmond that night. The remainder were left in Gaines's Mill, three log- houses and tents near. I received no treatment to my arm ; the prisoners all suftered for want of attention ; maggots got into their wounds. In about three weeks all those who were able to be removed were sent to Richmond and phiced in an old tobacco fac- tory. I was, with about seventy-five others, placed in the third story ; no care bestowed onus; my arm was not set until after I was paroled, some two months later; men died every day for want of care ; our f;ire was three times a week flour gruel, baker's bread and meat once a week ; water was bad ; ncA-er saw any passes obtained. BosTox, Massachusetts, November 1, 1867. John O'Connor sworn. By Mr. Stevens : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. John O'Con- nor ; age, twenty-nine; residence, Amesbury Mills, Massachusetts; occupation, a spinner. Q. State your connection Avith the service of the United States during the war? — A. I was in the Fourth regular cavalry when the war broke out, and served until March, 1862. In December, 1863, I enlisted in the Fourth Massachusetts cavalry ; was made first sergeant, and served until the expiration of the war. Q. If you were captured by the ene'my, state Avhen, and where, and your subsequent treatment while a prisoner. — A. I was captured at Gainesville, Florida, and from there was taken to Lake City, Florida, and thence to Andersonville. As we entered Ander- sonville I saw four or five sick men lying near the entrance waiting to be carried to the hospital. Some of them were so swelled and bloated that you could hardly see their eyes, and two of them I thought were mere skeletons. When I got inside I found the prisoners in a very bad condition ; some had not even a shirt on. There were a great many sick men in the camp who could not go and receive their rations, but sent other prisoners to get them for them ; and in some cases these persons eat the rations them- selves instead of bringing them to these sick persons. Before going into the stockade I w^as searched. An officer told the guard to search us as "raiders," and they made us strip our clothes all off, even to our stockings, and took our money, knives, tobacco, and anything worth taking. Then we were allowed to put on our clothing again. Some of them even took cups from the men, aud left them nothing to cook with. I had no shelter, but slept on the ground. During the nights there was a heavy dew which nearly wet us through, and we could scarcely sleep because of the cold. A great many of the prisoners who had no shelter used to burrow in the ground: upward of two thousand, I think, lived in that way. Where the swamp ran through, in the evenings 932 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR it used to be kind of warm, and the meu used to go iu there aud lie dowu. I was told by the prisoners tlicre that eight or ten men used to be found there. I saw two taken out of there myself. There were between thirty and forty thousand prisoners there, aud as near as I could learn by inquiry, there were from one hundred to one hundred aud twenty-five a day dierl there. I went once to the gate, and saw a man being car- ried out dead, and the ticket on his In-east was numbered 89, and was told that was the number of the dead. My rations were cooked. Very few of the men had them cooked. Mine consisted of half a pint of boikul rice, and a snmll jiiece of boiled beef; and we had some corn bread, I could not state how much. Altogether I do not suppose there was more than a man could eat iu one meal — all they issued for the tweuty-lbur hours. Our men used to cook the rations. We had Iteaus, too, about half sand and dirt, as tliey came from the sack ; most of the prisoners had no cooking utensils, and used to eat their rations raw out of their hands. I remained at Ander- sonville three weeks, and then was sent to Charleston, where I remained one week, encamped in the old race course there. The sick were taken from us and put by them- selves, aud the women of Charleston used to bring baskets of provisions, meal, and everything, to nourish the sick men ; some of them tried to get to us inside, but the sentinels were told not to allow them ; we were used pretty well there. We wei'e then taken to Florence. Here we found a new stockade, with a plenty of wood left inside, with which we built huts for shelter ; our rations were a half a pint of meal and a half a pint of molasses, and sometimes about a half a pint of beans or rice. For the first month we had a little soap, just enough to wash with, l)ut afterward we received none whatever. I was there about a month or six weeks, and by that time we had burned up all the wood that was left inside, and then they told us if we would chop wood aud carry it we might have it, so I went outside to help them carry wood ; we had to carry it about a quarter of a mile, and for this duty we got extra rations of a pint of meal, sometimes some molasses or beef. A Colonel O'Neill came into the stockade once to recruit Irishmen for a brigade he Avas raising ; a great many wanted to go oat ; but he would not take them because they were not Irish ; he could not get any Irish to enlist, and he swore he would starve us into it ; and then immediately after that they stoi)ped our rations lor four days. After a while the soles of my Ijoots came off, and I was afraid of getting the gangrene into my feet, so I returned iuto the camp : after I came in my joints swelled up, and I was taken sick, and remained sick until I was paroled, December 16, 1864. We were then sent to Charleston. Q. What eftect did your treatment in prison have upon you ? — A. When I came home I had this ground itch ; well, I ain't rightly through it yi-t ; and when it rains I get plains iu this left shoulder and hip ; it did not reduce me ; I kind of all swelled up — bloated up ; the jacket I got when I came out would hardly close on me, although when I got down to my usual size it would double right across me. William A. Abbott sworn. By Mr. Stevens : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. William A. Abbott ; age, thirty-five ; residence, Andover, Massachusetts ; no occupation at present. I was a sador before I went into the service. Q. State your former connection with the United States service. — A. I was a midship- man in the naval service from August, 1848, until December, 1852. I agaiu entered the service in May, 1861, as a volunteer, and served until December, 1865, as master's mate and ensign. Q. If you were captured by the enemy, state when and where, and your subsequent treatment. — A. I was captured otf Hatteras August D, *1861, while iu charge of a prize, on my way from Galveston, Texas, to New York or Boston, as I saw fit, l)y a jtrivateer called the York. The captain of the privateer was a northern man. and treated me very civilly, and made me as comfortable as jtossible. We were chased l>y one of our own gunboats in the morning, and they were obliged to run her ashore to escape cap- ture. I was then taken ashore and guarded pretty closely. We marched all that day aud became entirely exhausted, but thej* would start us along by threateuiug to shoot us, and we finally reached Roman Inlet, on the North Carolina coast. There 1 was put in close confinement until I saw the commanding ofticer, aud he allowed me liberty on parole to go around tlie house there during the two days I remained there. I was treated very kiudly there Ijy the North Carolina troops, who did all they could for my comfort. I was taken from there iu a schooner to Edenton, North Carolina. We ar- rived theri^ Sunday morning, but there being no military authorities there to receive us, the captain refused to land me aud my four men. In the mean-time the whole coun- try heard of the arrival of Yankee prisoners, aud it being Sunday morning, the town was literally crowded to see us. Upon landing at the wharf I was surrounded by a-^ mob, by wliom I was torn from the officers aud taken to a lamp ])ost, aud nothing but the waut of rope saved me from being hung. But one of the officers of this privateer BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 933 rescued nic by drawing a revolver and threatening to blow the brains out of the first lium who touched mc. They made a second attempt to get hold of me, but Avere again prevented by the same officer. I was then taken to the hotel and left to myself. My men were taken to the jail and locked up. In the afternoon I took dinner with the captain of the privateer, the mob having become quiet by that time, although they made another attempt to get me ni the evening. The Tuesday following I was taken, with my men, by steamer up the Blackwater River, to a station ou the Roanoke railroad, and taken from there to Portsmouth, Virginia. There was a great cvowd there await- ing our arrival, and after we crossed to Norfolk, the crowd became so dense, and so threatening toward me, that the officer took me by a different way to the jail, thus avoiding the crowd. There they had a military guard to keep the mob oft'. The mayoi; was sent for and arrived, and I was committed and placed in a very small cell, about seven by four feet, where I remained that night. I Avas given the ordinary rations of the jail, which consisted of meat and beau soup for dinner ; and for breakfast we had some salt mackerel and corn bread. The jailer gave me permission to see some of my old shipmates who lived there, and I sent for Lieutenant Winder, who was formerly in the United States service, but then in the confederate service, and asked him to use his inHuence to get me into better quarters, which he did. That same day I was moved into a cell up stairs and provided with bed and bedding. I was there about a week, W'hen General Huger sent his aide to see if there was anything he could do for my com- fort; that he regretted his inability to have me placed in better quarters, but that it was a positive order from Richmond that I should be held there in close coutiuement as hostage for the Philadelphia privateersmen. He sent me twenty-five dollars, and aliout once a week sent his aide to see if there was anything he could do for me, and did all in his power for me during the ten weeks I was in this cell. The dejiuty jailer also treated me very kindly. In the course of a mouth I received one hundred and fifty dol- lars in gold from our government ; this was done through the influence of the general commanding there — General Huger. The ladies there also organized and were making clothing for the men, but I protested against their receiving it on the ground that our government was willing and able to supply them. My health began to be poor, as I was not outside of the cell but once in the ten weeks I was there. At the end of that time, fearing Norfolk might be taken by our forces, I was sent by the authorities to Richmond. I was marched through the streets there with some hundred prisoners be- longing to an Indiana regiment. Then I was put in one of the tobacco warehouses together with other officers, and remained there four or five w'ceks. We were crowded together and laid on the floor, though some succeeded in buying cots to sleep on. There was no suffering there for want of rations, but there was lor want of medical at- tendance. The want of medicines seemed to be the greatest hardship there. The rebel surgeon visited us, and did perhaps all in his power for us, but he stated he had no medicines, and we must make the best of it. Our rations there were of bread aud beef — sufficient for anybody, and very good. Some of the officers were almost naked, and there was snow ou the ground at this time, and they suffered from cold, and it seemed impossible for them to make themselves comfortable at all. Finally, their condition was represented so strongly to the authorities that they pre- sented us all with cotton " comforters" — every officer. But the men who were confined iip-stairs — I knew from what I saw, and the chance I had to speak with them — were suffering for want of food ; they were poor, famished, gaunt-looking creatures, and a part of them had to stand while the others slept, because they were so crowded together they had not room to all lie down at once. They were also covered with vermin to such a degree that the vermin literally rained through the cracks of the building upon us. I saw two men deliberately shot dead for simply looking out of the window of a prison in the rear of us, which w^e could look out upon. These men belonged to a New York regiment, and their names w'cre given in the papers the next morning, wiiich stated that they had " died suddenly." I have seen the sergeant of the guard in our own building go to the foot of the stairs and take a musket with the bayonet on from the sentinel and club these poor soldiers up-stairs, just simply because they did not stir quick enough to suit him. Two or three times, while I was there, prisoners were placed in rank and marclied oft', to be taken south, that were then wearing bandages aud siilinters ou fractured limbs, men that were hardly able to keep on their feet, aud, if they lagged the least bit, would be hit over the head with a musket or bayonet and cursed. Q. Did you see any prominent officials while you were there in Libby ? — A. I saw Mr. J. C. Breckeuridge there more than once, and General Winder paid irs a visit occasionally. I do not know Avho the other visitors were. The officers were changed two or three times while I was there. The second officer there Avas a Lieutenant Brad- ford, son of the governor of Maryland at that time. He was there all the time I was thca-e. He was a very gentlemanly pleasant fellow. Q. State the circumstances of your release. — A. I was paroled, with permission to go to Norfolk alone, and report there to General Huger, Avhere I would find my exchange. I went out of the prison in the morning and remained all day in Richmond, and until 934 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR four o'clock the next morning. The same eveuiiig I went to General Winder's ofBce, about eight o'clock, and received a large number of prisoners' letters to take to Xor- folk. Tiiere it was found out by some of these othcers or soldiers around the city that I was a yiaroled prisoner, and I was Avatched, followed, and assaiilted that night upon Capitol ilill, near Jeif. Davis's house. But I was rescued by one of General Winder's stati'ofHcers, and taken under his protection, and taken to the commissary quarters, where I staid that night. There I ascertained the existence of a secret Union club in Richmond, and saw northern gentlemen who were connected with it, and ascer- tained also that there was a secret society among the Union ladies of Richmond for the purpose of assisting prisoners. A number of the oflicers had received, during their imprisonment, several articles of comfort, and I ascertained that night that they came from tliat society. On arriving at Norfolk no exchange had arrived, but General Hnger took the responsibility of allowing me to go across the lines on parole, and fur- nished a tug to take me, and in every way treated me as a friend. Morgan Morgans sworn. By jSIr. Stevens : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Morgan Mor- gans ; age, forty-oiie ; residence, Ballardvale, Massachusetts ; occiipation. machinist. Q. State your connection with the service of the United States during tlie war. — A. I enlisted in .Tune, 1861, and served over four years. Q. State if yon were ever captured, and if so, Avhere and when, and your subsequent treatment. — A. I was captured June 22, 1863, at Petersburg, Virginia. The next day we were talcen to Richmond, where we were stripped of every stitch we had of cloth- ing, and all money found was taken from us. Then we were put in Lihby Prison, where we had some black bean soup for a day's rations. We were taken tlien to Dan- ville, and from there to Andersouville by rail. There Ave were turned into the stockade without slielter. Our rations were about a quarter of a pound of raw Vieef occasion- ally, and corn meal or corn bread daily. The prisoners were so reduced under this treatment tliat some of them joined the rebel army to save their lives; they were starved into it. In the mouths of July and August, the prisoners died there from one hundred to one hundred and fifty a day. Lieutenant Barrett, a red-headed fellow, who was one of the othcers in command there, used often to come into camp and kick and cutf the prisoners about for no cause Avhatever . Q. Do you know of bloodhounds being used at Andersonville to capture escaped pri.s- ouers ? — A. Yt's, sir ; there and at Florence also. Prisoners would sometimes bribe the guards by giving them their silver Avatches or other articles and get aAvay, and the next day when it Avas discovered, the hounds Avould be started otf after them and bring_ them back. They had about fifteen or twenty hounds. On Christmas and Fourth of July, they gave iis nothing AvhateA-er to eat, and they used to fire in among us fre- quently Avith(mt cause or Avaruing. Q. Were there any crazy or insane jiersons there at Andersouville or Florence .' — A. Yes, sir ; I saAv a good many. Q. Did you see any cases of shooting by the guard ?— A. Yes, sir; a good many. I saAV one man shot by" the guard because he hung his blanket on the dead-line. Q. Where Avere you taken next ? — A. From Andersonville lAvas taken to Cliarlestoii, and from there to Florence, and then back to Richmond again, Avhere I remained in hospital nine days, and theuAvas exchanged and sent to Annapolis, and finally mustered out of service. Q. What effect did your imprisonment have upon you ? — A. I was very much res corn meal, and soup ; the rations were not enough to satisfy xis. Once we did not get anything to eat for a week. While there I made my escape with seven others. The rest were Irish, and when they found out I could not speak English, they did not want me along with them. I left them and went to Columbia and then to Charleston. I staid foiir weeks in Columbia. From Charleston I went to Savannah and near there tried to get through the rebel lines, luit cmld not. When I escaped from Salisbury, I had changed my clothes for rebel clothes, and went around with the rebel forces as a rebel straggler, and when they asked me what regiment I belonged to, I told them such a regiment which I had found out. Finally, I succeeded in getting away and joined Sherman's army at Fayetteville, and was sent to Wilmington, and froni there to New York, in ]March. 1H65. On the 17th day of October, 1837, the committee received from William J. Dale, sur- geon general of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, the following communication : " COMMOXAVEALTH OF jMaSSACIR'SETTS, " Office of Sanjcoii General, Boston, October 17, 1867. " Sik: I have the honor to submit for your inspection the accompanying communi- cations, the same being a part of the official records of this department relating to the (|uestion of rebel barbarity toward our Massachusetts soldiers Avho were victims. I send you also a specimen of the rations served out to one of our men while a prisouei of war. I shall feel obliged if the si)ecimen can be returned to this department. " I remain, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant, " WM. J. DALE, " Surgeon General. " Hon. A. F. Stevens, M. C, Chairman, tj-c." Accompanying this communication was the following copy of a letter from James B Gardner : '• Beaufort, South Carolixa, December 19, 1864. '• Dear Father : Accompanying this note you will fuul a small bag, which, with its' contents, was given me by Alexander McConkey, of Company E, Twenty-tirst Ohio volunteers, lately a prisoner of war, but exchanged at Charleston, South Carolina, on the 14tli or 1.5th instant. Since he was ca])tured, which was about lifteeu months since, he has been conlined in several of the rebel ])risoiis, the last of wJiich was at Florence, South Carolina, lie says (and his companious were unanimous in su)>porting his tes- timony) that the ration I senecinieus of a like kind : but, nevertheless, I do not think that too many Avituesses of the inhuman treatment of our jirisoners by the rebels can be j)resented, until nu-asures are adopted which will prevent the continuation of such barbarities. If you choose, you may show this note to his excellency as an explanation of my pro- ceeding, should such an exi>lauation be recjuired. I send the ration in fullillment of my promise to McConkey, and hope he will not think me presumptuous in so doing. " I remain your affectionate sou, "JAMES B. GARDNER. ('•'Care Captain James II. Goldthwait, Beaufort, South Carolina.) " Fraxcjs Gardxer, Esq., "87 Jraicr Street, Boston, Massachusetts.^' " Executive Mansion, " Washmijton, January 24, 1864. "My Dear Sir: Your note of yesterday, with its inclosures, has been received, ami BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 937 toffethor witli tlie accompanying speciiucu of a rcbol ])ri.soii ration has been submitted to'the i'lcsideiit of the United States. I return the box and letter as you request. " Your obedient servant, " JOHN HAY, '^ Assistant Adjutant General. " Colonel Gardixeu Tufts, ^c." [Indorsements.] " This copy of an original letter is referred to Surgeon General Dale, into whose hands the accompanying specimen of rations is committed, both to be sent to Lieutenant Colonel Tufts at Washington, and by him shown to members of the Massachusetts del- egation and to the President of the United States. " JOHN A. ANDREW. " Co:MMOXWEAI,Tn OF MASSACnUSETTS, " Office of Surgeon General, Boston, January 11, 1865. " Respectfully referred to Lieutenant Colonel Gardiner Tufts, Massachusetts State agent, Washington, with reference to the indorsement of his excellency the governor of Massachusi-rts. '•By order of the Surgeon General. " WiL C. CAPELLE, " Captain and Military Assistant." The s])ecimen of tlie rations referred to in the communication of Surgeon General Dale, and accompanying the same, was examined by the committee, and consisted of eleven and one-half ounces, avoirdupois, of Indian meal, unsifted, ground with the cob. Washington, D. C, Xovember 25, 1867. Emeric Szabad sworn and examined. By the Chairman : I was born in Hungary; am forty years of age; my name is Emeric Szabad ; post office address. Washington, D. C. I entered the service, as captain and aide-de-camp, June, la6-2 ; served until October, 1865, having left the service with rank of brevet colonel. I was taken prisoner on the 26th of October, 1883, at Bealton's Station, Virginia, near the Rappahannock, during a reconnoissance ; having that time served on the staff of the third army corps, couiuumded then, in the; absence of General Sickles, by General French. I was kept in Lil)by Prison about four months and a half, having entered the prison on the 28th of Octol)er and left it on the 14th day of March, 1864. " Despite all expectations, the new year brings with it only an increase of miseries. The boxes of provisions sent to us by our friends are kept under an embargo, in con- sideration of something which we do not understand. The starvation crisis, thus ush- ered in, continues dowii to the present day (January 14) without a single brightening ray. ^'January 27. ***** A new flag-of-truce boat arrived; the emaciated faces again brigiiteii up, and the mutual queries put to each other are : Have boxes arrived? What will liai)i)eu with the boxes ? The answer to the last is desperate. The meat ration has also been stopped. Money is scarce, and the great mass of the inmates of Libby have no better remedy left but' resignation to their fate ! The dry relics of hams, bloated with the pestilential atmosphere of the prison ; the mouldering crusts of wheat bread, the remains of half rotten potatoes, all had long since been consumed. To still your hunger and strengthen your failing limbs you have to apply, day after day, to the rice and water and the half loaf of corn bread, the latter of which few can cram down into their stomachs with impunity. Some of our ingenious comrade's have manu- factured a sort of graters, with the aid of which the corn bread is turned into meal and thus made a more practical medium of nourishment. In every room of the prison you find persons stretched on the floor vainly endeavoring to forget the miseries of hunger. Why should the Richmond authorities stubbornly refuse us the privilege of eating our own bread i I know of times when tiie killing of prisoners was permitted and prac- ticed, but I do not remember to have ever read of a system of starving prisoners. •' February 6. I am just reading, in the Richmond Examiner, a eulogy on Libby Prison ; the writer intimating that the Yankees, complaining of their treatment, should have thought of the matter before they commenced a crusade of bloodshed. This day. 938 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR thanks to tlio kindness of Lieutenant L. T., I have, to my unbounded joy, received my box of provisions. '' Fcbrnari/ 115. The withholding of the boxes still ocmtinues; only a few officers have received theirs, and they have only received the perishable articles. By some process the rel)el authorities invented the doctrine of 2)erishables, uiuler which nuist be understood ham, meat, sausages, &c., such uecessary articles as tea, coffee, and sugar, &c., being Tty them classed non-perishaldes. What shall I say of the fate of those who received no boxes, and cannot even flatter themselves with a hope of tasting perishables? ''Febntarij 16. The box-crisis still continues. No general delivery has as yet been made. If you happen to lose your sight for one moment froni the moderate amount of provi- sions you call your own, j'ou are sure that some starving neighbor will appropriate them to himself. Indeed, the 'lifting' practice is already becoming alarming. * ' I just perceive a small metamorphosis in our household ; meat, there is none in our ra- tions, and in its place we receive lialf a turnip, and one-half cabbage per head. How melancholy to think that, while some of our comrades in the field are gathering stars on their shoulders, many of us within the walls of Libby should sink below zero from the want of an eatable crust of bread. How dire the fate of those who lie in the hos- pitals and are served with the same rations we get! " Februarii 18. The day opened rather cold and windy. My thoughts carry n)e invol- untary to Belle Island. Poor Belle Islanders ! Two governments quarrel and squabble about exchange, cartel, and boxes. Have you no friend to remember you ? Where is death ? " Febriiari/ 19. We just hear that the recaptured prisoners, who, as a punishment for theii' escape, have been kept iu the cells, aiif to be sent up to-day. " Fehritary 23. The dismal box questiiJTI still continues in statu quo. Within the last four days a species of half-rotten beans took the jdace of rice, and no .shadow of meat visible.' The rebs intimate to us that General Butler is the cause of this food crisis. " Febntarij 25. The gladening news received that the boxes will henceforth be issued to all. "^ * The distriljution has actually commenced, but it is far from pro- ducing unmingled joy. Many of the boxes have been ruthlessly rifled ; in some of them nothing was found but a few small lumps of sugar and a few newspapers. " Alarch 2. Since the beginning of this month were favored with sundry extras, which are rather embarrassing. Though the windows had been provided with iron bars, re- cent orders forbid us to look out, that is, to approach the window, while the guards, according to orders received, appeared glad to fire at you when you least expected. The other day one of the prisoners had his ear grazed by a bullet during his visit to the sink. As an additional measure of precaution the sinks are to be built inside the rooms of the prison. ^ly friend T. and myself think that this is showing too great partiality for o])erating on ' interior lines.' "On the 14th day of March I was happy to bid adieu to Libby, having beeu one of the nnmljer of officers paroled. On the same occasion were also released about two hundred enlisted men. We wei'e conveyed on a rebel boat to City Point, where one of our boats loaded with rel>el prisoners lay anchored. At this point the respective pris- oners changed places. The rebel prisoners, as I expected it, looked all hale and healthy, bursting into loud huzzas and yells at the sight of their flag; Imt quite diflerent was the attitude of our iirisoners. There seemed not to have been left in this ragged, emaeiated mass of human beings vitality enough to raise a shout, or utter a single sign of exulta- tion." Thomas W^vlsh sworn and examined. By the Ciiaiioiax : I was a private in the Seventy-fourth New York infantry volunteers; enlisted .Tune 3, 1861, and discharged in New York City, January 30, 18t)5. On the morning of the 27tli November, 1863, I was captured at Brandy Station, Virginia, by a party of rebel cavalry, connnanded by the notorious Mosby, in i)erson, on which occasion I was lobbed of seventy-four doUars. I was conveyed to Gordonsville, and from thence sent by rail- way to Richmond, Virginia, where I arrived on Sunday, Noveml.)er 29; I renuiined at Richmond until tlie22d February following, when I was sent, with other jtrisoners, to the rebel prison at Audersonville, Georgia ; on the 17th October, I was sent to the rebel prison. Camp Lawtou, Milieu, Georgia, where I was paroled November 20, and sent to Savannah, Georgia, arriving at Camp Parole, Annapolis, Maryland, November 27, 1864. The prison in whicli I was confined in Richmond was a tobacco store in Cary street, called Pemberton Building ; it fronted the Liljby Prison ; it contained three floors ; the ^a'ound iloor was used as a depot for the arrival of prisoners. i)revious to their being sent to Belle Island or to Danville, Virginia. As many as four hundred })risoners at a time have been confined on the ground floor, and five hun(h-ed prisoners at one time ■uive been confined on the two other floors, tluit is, three hundred in one, audtwo hun- dred in the other ; I was confined in the third floor at Pemberton. For about a fort- nio-ht after my arrival in Richmond, the rations supplied were tolerably good ; they BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 939 consisted of sweet potatoes and corn bread ; pork and hard taek rcrarkers) was sup- plied by the sanitary connnission. From abont the 20th December to the 22d Fcbrn- ary, the ration was confined to a very small portion of corn bread, with a half-pint of cooked rice, or a ]>int of brown bean soup, made out of the refuse water in which corned beef or pork had been boiled, and so salty and unpalatable that the prisoners frequently threw it away. The ration which was supposed to do for twenty-four hours was not sufdcient for one meal. There was a store adjoining Libby Prison, in which were kept boxes of provisions belonging to the officers confined in Libby, which boxes were sent by their friends from the North. Several of the prisoners, shoemakers by trade, were allowed the privilege of being confined by themselves in a good, airy build- ing ; they suljsisted ou the hams and delicacies belonging to the officers, iu considera- tion of making shoes for the rebel soldiers. About the l()th of February, 1864, with the exception of the third floor of Pember- ton, where I was confined, the building was entirely cleared of prisoners, and it was afterwards appropriated as a resting place for batches of prisoners taken from Belle Island, previous to their being sent by railway to Audersonville, Georgia. The first batch of i)risoners from Richmond was dispatched to Audersonville on February 17, 18154. I left Richmond in company with a batch of Belle Island prisoners on the 22d of February, 186-Jf. Each prisoner was only supplied with a loaf of corn bread which was not half baked. Fifty prisonei's wei'e packed into each carriage, and, for want ot seats, we were obliged to stand up or lie huddled together until we arrived at Raleigh, North Carolina. The train halted about five miles west of it. We slept in a iiehl that uight, and received eight crackers for rations shortly before leaving Raleigh, the next morning. On the 25th of February we arrived at Charlotte, North Carolina, and received two crackers for (twenty-four hours) rations'. On the 2()tli of February we received for a ration a small corn-dodger and a piece of cooked beef, not half an ounce in weight. At this place another train of prisoners arrived from Richmond, about six of them died, and were buried in this field. A number of kind hearted ladies and gentlemen from Charlotte, with baskets of provisions for the prisoners, were sent away l)y the guards without being allowed to distribute them. I slept in the fields the last two niglits and this morning received the same ration as yesterday. We left Charlotte at day-break on open trucks, and arrived at Columbia at 3 o'clock, after a cold wearisome journey ; cars were changed here for covered ones. At Columbia several negroes approached the cars to vend pies, cakes, &c., but they were warned oft" by the guards We traveled all night and at 10 o'clock this morning, Sunday, 28th February, we arrived at Augusta, Georgia, and receivcas8 into this stream before entering the stockade. I have frequently seen this water jjassing into the stockade quite greasy, like greasy soup. In July or August, 1864, a return from the surgeon's department was sent from An- dersonville to Richmond, to the authorities, stating that the prison, with its extension of ten acres, was scarcely large enough for one-third of the number of prisoners cou- tined, and that the food was insufficient in quantity. I heard it currently rumored that the answer received from Richmond was, "that if more prisoners arrived at An- dersonville to cram them in." Washixgton, D. C, Feh'uary 7, 1868. P. Vincent Halley sworn and examined. By the Chairman : I was a member of Company C, Seventy-second New York volunteers, (Excelsior Brigade,) and was captured near Brandy Station, Virginia, November 27, 1863. Upon my arrival at Gordonsville I was searched by the provost marshal, and all private papers, «fec., found upon my person were confiscated. From that point I was forwarded to Richmond, and conducted to Libby Prison. Here the prisoners were again sub- jected to a rigorous examination, and those who had money were directed to give it up, under the promise that the amount would be returned when an exchange of pris- oners was made. The majority of the men complied with this order, but a few were successful in elnding the vigilance of the otticials. The prisoners were subsequently sent to the various prisons in Richmond and its vicinity. I Avas sent to Pemberton building, nearly opposite Libby, and remained there until February 22, 1864. During my stay there, the rations for each day con- sisted of a half pint of bean soup, of a dark, muddy color, about eight ounces of corn- bread, and three ounces of meat. It was anything but a rare occurrence to find mag- gots in the soup, which disgusted the newly-arrived prisoners, but the feeling of hun- ger soon overcame any dislike they might have formed. The bread was of a very poor quality — heavy, coarse, and unjtalatable. The meat was frequently omitted. This brief description of the amount and quality of the rations will suffice for the entire period of my imprisonment in Pemberton. The ill-treatment of the prisoners was trifling when compared to the frightful atroci- ties which it was my fate to witness at Andersonville, Georgia, at a later period. There was one occurrence, however, that occurred at Pemberton building which should not be overlooked, viz : the vaccination of the prisoners, and its results. Some time during January, 1864, a rebel surgeon visited the prison and vaccinated the inmates nolens volens, on the ground that the small-pox was spreading in the city. In many persons the vaccine matter did not mix with the blood, and consequently produced no effect. Some others, however, were not so fortunate ; the matter did mix with the blood, and produced results which, in many cases, rendered amputation necessary, and, I believe, in some instances death ensued. ' I was subsequently informed that the vac-, cine matter forwarded by our government for the use of Union x>risoners of war had been sent to the rebel array, and impure virus substituted for the prisoners. During the month of February, 18o4, the rebel government was in a state of continual alarm, fearing a raid upon the city and the rescue of the prisoners. Steps were imme- diately taken tio transport them further south, which was accordingly done as fast as the limited transportation would allow. Ou the 22d of that month the inmates of the 944 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR prison in wliicli I -was lodgod Avere forwarded under guard to Andersonville, Georgia, where we arrived March 1, 1864. The " cattle cars," used for the i)urpose of trans- portation, were so crowded tliat it was impossible to lie down, in fact there was scarcely room to stand up. Rations were issued two or three times during the eight daj's occu- pied by the journey, and in snch small quantities that many of the prisoners had noth- ing to eat for forty-eight consecutive hours. Having arrived at Audersonville we were marched to Camp Sumtei", about a mile distant from the station. Here a stockade was erected, inclosing about seventeen acres. On either side of the inclosure was a sloping hill, and in the center a swamp, occupying, perhaps, one-fourth of the entire ground. Through this swamp ran a stream of water, which was Txsed for cooking and washing. On my arrival thei'e were about two thousand prisoners scattered throughout the camp, the majority of whom were without shelter of any description, no tents, no build- ings, no ]n'otection from the cold, chilly night or the burning sun, nothing but the broad eaiujpy of heaven and the bare ground. I gave up all hope when 1 entered this desolate " cattle pen," and I could tell by the despairing countenances of my fellow- prisoners that their thoughts and feelings were similar to mine. Prisoners arrived every day, until the ground became so crowded that it seemed impossible to make room for more; bnt room was made, ay, until the number swelled to upwards of thirty thousand. Then the swamp before mentioned was used by those who arrived last, every foot of dry ground having been previously occni)ied. Before the bake-house was built the rations consisted of one pint of corn meal and two or three ounces of meat, per day, for each man, and occasionally some beans or rice. I do not now remember any other description of food issued to us. Although the camp was surrounded on all sides by woods, the amount of fuel allowed was very limited indeed. Hundreds died from cold and exposure, Avliich could have been easily prevented by allowing tlu^ men to col- lect firewood, but this was not permitted. The little fuel that was allowed was totally insuflicieut, even for cooking purposes. After the bake-house was erected the food was generally cooked, but neither the quantity nor quality were any better. From the siyueness of the food and the want of vegetables, the scurvy broke out among the pris- oners to a fearful extent, resulting, in hundreds of cases, in death. The principal dis- eases from which the prisoners suft'ered Avere diarrhea, pneumonia, scorbutus, fever, and A'ariola. These diseases, of course, originated from starA'ation and exposure. In .July and August the greatest number of deaths occurred, the aA-erage being one hun- dred per day. I could enumerate many instances illustratiA'e of the inhuman treat- ment to which the prisoners Avere subjected, such as the firing of guards upon the starved, and, in many cases, crazy prisoners. That occurrence became so common that it created no sensation. I haA'e seen men brought to the hospital pierced Avith balls tired by the guard. I haA'e also seen at least one man, dying from starA^ation, eat the A'omit throAvn up by a fellow-prisoner. The " ehain-gaug " was an institution peculiar to Audersonville. It usually consisted of five or six men manacled together at the Avrists, and frequeutly at the feet also, haA*- iug heavy cannon-balls attached. It Avas not by any meaus a rare occurrence for one or tAvo of the prisoners bound in the " chain-gang" to die. What the feelings of the others must haA'e been can be better imagined than described. It often happened that men Avere thus bound together for no other crime than that of attenn)tiiig to escape. The "stocks" was also a lavorite instrnnieiit of torture, (a relic of tlie barbarous ages,) in which the prisoner- Avas obliged to remain in one position for hours, and perhaps days, under the buruing sun of a Georgia climate. To these may be added tlu' imnishments by "gagging and bucking" and the " ball and chain." Another noted peculiarity of this model prison Avas the tracking and hunting of escaped prisoners by hounds, a pack of which Avas kept expressly for that purpose. At no time during my imprisouinent at Audersonville Avere qnarters furnished for the prisoners in the stockade. So great Avas the misery that no description, no matter hoAA' A'ivid, can conA'ey an adequate impres- sion of the cruelties there perpetrated, cruelties Avhich cry to Heaven for A'cngeance, cruelties a iiarallel for which cannot be found in the history of the world. In May, 1864, the hospital for prisoners Avas renioA'ed to a point about two hundred yards out- side the stockade, and tents were furnished for the use of the sick. There Avere scA'cral surgeons attached to the hospital, Avho did all in their poAver to ameliorate; the condi- tion of the men, l)nt, being Avithout proper mediciues and nourishing food, their efforts in behalf of the prisoners Avere futile. I cannot sjieak too highly of the medical gen- tlemen in the South. I Aveut to the burial ground two or three times and obserA^ed the manner in Avhich the prisoners Avere interred. A trench about forty yards long, six feet Avine of our party were injured, due I suppose to the reduced speed. Some time wasrtMinired to remove the impediments, wliicli were finally overcome, and con- tinuing the travel we arrived at Danville on the morning of the 11th, having been without food and with but small quantities of water for forty-eight hours. I suppose it was impossilile to obtain provision for so many persons in that section of the coun- try, as it appeared to be thinly inhabited, though one would suppose that an effort might have been made to iirocure food for us from some neighboring town, or sooner overcome the delay and hastened our departure from the scene of accident. Still we may look upon it as an unforeseen occurrence and impossible to rectify sooner. Water should have been furnished or allowed in a larger quantity, birt probably the guard was insufficient to conduct us the distance necessary to obtain it. I was afflicted much at the time with a severe and painful attack of tonsilitis, (quinsy,) and wished nothing to eat, but, as I had high fever, suffered greatly from the want of water-. I could con- tinually hear from the prisoners around me bitter complaints of hunger and thirst. Uiion arriving at Danville there were issued to each a piece of cold corn bread, the dimensions of which were four by six inches of surface, one inch thick, and boiled ba- con, principally bone, with a faint show of meat — quite a spare diet for fasting soldiers. From Danville the travel was continued to Greensboro, North Carolina, where a few hard-tack were given for supper. During the night we were sent forward to Charlotte, arriving early the following day. A dreary prospect presented itself to sight. About a mile from the town, in an angle formed by the crossing of another railroad, stood five BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 947 ©r six hundred Union prisoners in mud and rain, •without shelter or fire, encircled by a line of guar(1,s. A cold rain had heen falling for some hours, rendering tlie weather very disagreeable and completely saturating the ground and garments of the enlisted men of our party, who were on open cars. I was dismayed at the condition of things before me, especially so when I was informed that it was probable we would have to remain there a number of days awaiting transportation. As I could not l»etter myself it was with grim reluctance that I consented to the powers that were, bearing eqiially with my fellow-sufferers ; nay, even better thau many, for we had a number who had been badly wounded and undergone amputations. We were directed to leave the cars and occupy the opposite angle. Application was made by some of the officers to be allowed to seek shelter in the town, but it was refused, with the information that Union prisoners were not permitted there by the authorities. Hard-tack and raw ba- con were furnished us every second day in small quantities. Plates, knives and forks, and cooking utensils, we had none, and none were given us. The raw meat would be roasted before the fire on a spit improvised from a twig. At other times when raw meat had been given us, we had no fire and ate it without being cooked. The only article issued here, outside of the spare food, was one axe, with which we were allowed to collect fuel for our fires. The ground Avas our Ijed and the sky our covering. Our clothing was never removed from the body. Our open air encampment near Char- lotte lasted four days. We were sent to Columl)ia, .South Carolina, and Augusta, Georgia, with shoi't delays at each i)lace, arriving at Macon in the morning of the 19th of June. In passing through some of the towns in the interior of South Carolina a number of persons came to the cars with provisions to supply the rebel wounded. As there were but few on the train, mo.st of it was given to our prisoners. A rebel officer who had been a prisoner in our hands bought and presented us a quantity of food, remarking that he had an experience in prison life and sympathized with our ccmdition. Upon entering the stockade or prison enclosure at Macon, a miserable sight presented itself to my view. Under some rough low sheds sat numbers of men partially or wholly nude, carefully inspecting and examining their clothing for vermin ; others were busy- ing themselves over small fires, cooking their scanty meal, while some were uneasily tramping about the inclosure. At once the cry of " fresh fish" could be heard from all quarters, then a general rush, and immediately we were surrounded by a large number of dirty, greasy, ragged, unshorn individuals, each eagerly propounding numerous and anxious questions. A fine drizzling rain was falling at the time, the weather was gltiomy and disagreeable, and 1 was cold, hungry, and depressed. The picture before me was enough to make one's heart siuk within him. I had already begun to tire ot prison life, but I had little idea of the mental misery in store for me when I entered the stockade at Macon. I had borne all endurance could bear, I thought, but it was impossible to anticipate the amount of uneasiness hunger would occasion, and nostalgia haunt me during the next three months of dreariness and imprisonment. During the day rations were furnished to our party to last until regular issue day. We experi- enced some difficulty, and had to tax our ingenuity to obtain receptacles for the large (*) number of articles wo received in minutiie. Part of the leg of a pair of drawers, the sleeve of an undershirt or coat, or any part of an article of clothing that could be dis- pensed with, was resorted to in order to save that great desideratum, the "start' of life." The following was our allowance for four days : fifteen ounces bacon, poor, cured in ashes ; five pints corn-meal, unbolted ; six tablespoons beans, one- third wormy ; four tablespoons rice ; two tablespoons salt ; one gill sorghl^m sirup ; one-half gill vinegar ; one tablespoon soft soap, all of inferior quality. The amount here received was very much too sm;ill for the health and comfort of the prisoners. The system needed much more than we got, although we could subsist upon it for quite a long time during hot weather without fear of immediate starva- tion. Though there did not seem to be nmch emaciation, and from external appear- ances we seemed to have enough, yet the efi:ects of time began to show that it was an insufficient diet, incapable of supplying the wants of the system. Troublesome attacks of acute and chronic diarrhea, scurvy, and debility were the natural consequences of such a diet, conjoined as it was with close confinement, poor shelter, no bedding, anil without change of clothing. The unbolted corn-meal containing coarse, hard, and sharp scales of bran, iiarts of cob and husk ground with the corn, together with the sorghum siriip, (a miser;ude ]ireparation,) was a great source of irritation to the alimentary canal during the extreme heat, keeping a large portion of the prisoners constantly suffering from painful diarrhea. I vividly remember the pain I endured several nights in succession in restraining movements of the bowels, being prohibited from visiting the sink during the night. The restriction imposed was occasioned by the escape of some prisoners at that part of the prison. It was removed, however, in a few nights. The monotony and weariness of our dull life was somewhat relieved by a new occu- pation we Avere required to follow; viz, that of cooking. We Avere furnished one 948 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR quart skillet, one gallon tin pan for five men, one four-gallon tin pail for four men, one wood pail for twenty men, and one wash-tul> — half barrel — for one hundred men. I do not think many of us made much proficieney in the art. From evidence produced at the trial of Henry Wirz I am led to believe that a nephew of General Winder was commissary of subsistence to the prisoners at Macon and Ander- sonville, and that the starvation of prisoners was not by direction or authority of the rebel president and secretary of war, nor from thescarcity of snpplies, but it was due ■solely to Winder and nephew, who were speculating in and selling the retained rations, and for such purpose were reducing them to the lowest possible amount capable of sustaining life. It is probable the rebel authorities were not fully aware of Winder's acts. From an article published in a Charleston paper, I saw he (Winder) had been relieved from duty for ■' incax»acity and iuhi;manity to prisoner's." It may seem curious that we could subsist on such a diet ; it was, indeed, a mystery to myself. I was surprised when I discovered how small an amount of food sufficed to sustain the body for a long time without observable ill effects. From observation while a prisoner, I satisfied myself that, as a general rule, most I)ersous eat much more than is really necessary. Our tables are covered with all kinds of rich viands and delicacies ; we approach and eat until satiety drives us from them, without taking into consideration how much food is sufficient for bodily health. Not only do we eat more than is required, but waste, probably, as much as is consumed. At another prison. (Savannah,) Avhere the issue was in larger quantity, and sutlers' supplies Avei'e obtained cheaper, the waste soon became perceptible. General Stoneman's raid from Atlanta, for the prisons, uuide the rebels hurry most of us to a safer place. We were sent from Macon at the rate of six hundred a day for two or three days, but Stonemau stopped the moveuient l)y cutting the railroad be- tween Macon and Savannah. I was with the number sent off duriug the second day, and was taken to Savannah, where I was imprisoned in the yard of the marine hospi- tal. Here our rations were in larger quantity but the number was diminished. The detestable corn-meal was still given to us, bat more of it ; oue pound of fresh ]>eef daily, the greater portion of the time ; rice, vinegar, and salt conqilete*! the issue. The fresh beef was a decided imi)rovemcnt upon the late starvation diet, aud .so great was our desire for food we ate all the softer bones the first few days. During the sis weeks I remained at ]\Iacon I was constantly hungry, never having enough to eat, and felt like devouring anything eatable, even articles which I usually abhorred, such as raw onions, which I began to look upon as delicacies. Shelter was given in the form of "A" tents, oue to six men. They were not sufScient for the purpose, but served to protect from the damp air those who occupied them. After remaining at Savannah one mouth, I, with other medical officers and the chap- lains, were removed from the prison and sent to Charleston, South Carolina, to be released by flag of truce in Charleston Harbor. Through some misunderstaiuling or negligence on the part of the rebel officers in charge of the prison, we were not sent to Charleston at frhe time designated, but arrived there four hours after the truce-boat had left. My chagrin can be better imagined than described. I resigned myself to the fate of cir- cumstances, grieving over my bad misfortune aud the ill luck which destined .me to a longer imprisonment. We were quartered in a dwelling on Broad street, in the edge of the bnrnt district, occupied by the Union generals who had been lately exchanged. Being separated from the other prisoners the rules were less strict, and we were granted a m\mber of privileges. Had access to the stre<'t iu front of the premises, and were allowed to trade with the guards and other parties, which gave us the ojtpor- tunity to make sales and purchases. Every article of clothing that could be disjieused with was sold to supply ourselves with such things as sweet potatoes, eggs, «S:c. The quarters were selected to place us under fire. We soon became familiar with the sound of bursting shells, and found the location more agreeable than otherwise, as the sound of our guns was pleasant to my ears. The daily rations we received consisted of one ]unt of flour, one iiound of fresh beef, with a small (luantity of salt and .soap. The flour and cistern-water contained numerous aninialcuhe, but our emjity stomachs would not allow us to reject them for that reason. On the 2:5(1 of September we were taken down the harbor on flag-of-truce steamer, and delivered to the United States exchange agent. The following note, received tho evening before, notified me of the happy event : " SEPTEJinER 22, 1884. " The surgeons and chaplains at the post of Broad street will hold themselves iu readiness to leave to-morrow morning at six o'clock. "S. H. SHELDON, "CcqHain Commandiug M. P," Stepping upon the United States truce-boat was one of the happiest moments of my life. It was not until then I fully appreciated the glorious stars aud stripes, the BY THE REBEL AUTHOEITIES. 949 emblem of a mighty people, who were saving me from the jaws of a terrible death, starvation. The means of transportation furnished prisoners in the south accorded with other treatment we had received. We were crowded into dirty, greasy freight cars, gener- ally with not sufificient space to sit down, and often with one door closed, deprived of air, and nearly suiibcated with heat. Before closing, I wisli to say a few words in i-elation. to some of the material in the shape of Union officers found in the Southern prisons. The larger number were surely gentlemen, but in a place where there were no restrictions beyond prison rules no one recognized rank, and many, considering themselves the peers of their fellow prisonei's, were found to be iirize-ilghters, bullies, thieves, and gamblers. Standing aghast, I wondered how such men had been given positions of responsibility and trust. Tlie solution appears easy, when we recollect that any person who could raise a company was promoted to a captaincy. I was honorably mustered out of service with the regiment, on the 11th day of Sep- tember, 1865. Washington, D. C, Fehrucmj 11, 1868. Harvey G. Dodge sworn. By the Chairman : Question. State your age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Myname is Harvey G. Dodge ; I am twenty-eight years old; I reside at 1329, Pines treet, Philadelphia, Penn- sylvania ; I am a printer, and now employed on the Press, Philadelphia. I served in the army during the entire war, from April, 1861, until after Lee's surrender in 1865. Q. State whether you were captured and held by the rebel authorities during the re- cent rebellion ; if so, explain fully. — A. I was captured in the cavalry fight at St. Mary's Church, near CJiarles City Court House, Virginia, about 6 o'clock in the evening of the 24th of June, 1864, and was, at that time, second lieutenant of C Company, Second Penn- sylvania volunteer cavalry, second brigade, (Colonel Irving Gregg,) second division, (General Gregg,) of the cavalry corps. General Sheridan commanding. The next day, '25tli, in company with Colonel Huey, of the Eighth Pennsylvania cavalry, and several other officers, and about ninety enlisted men, we were marched to Savage's Station ; and on the morning of the 26th was sent by railroad to Richmond, and escorted to Libby. Here we were taken separately into the office of Mr. Turner and searched. All money found about us was taken, and we were given credit for it in a large book. The enlisted men were taken in bv another entrance. After the searching we were taken np stairs, where we found one hundred or more officers, principally from the second corps, who had been captured a few days before. They gave the party four or five old ragged blankets that had been left here by other prisoners. At 11 o'clock that day we drew our first rations. Twenty-four hours' rations were issued at a time, and consisted of a piece of corn bread about two inches square, a i>iece of bacon an inch square, and, if you had anj'thing to put it in, a (piarter of a pint of black bean soup. Some of the officers had smuggled their money in with them, and endeavored to bribe the negroes about the prison to purchase them bread. Extract from diary. "Tuesday, 2&th. — To-day I slept pretty nearly all day. I cannot satisfy my hunger; and though they have promised to give us a chance to purchase some of tJae necessaries of life, they seem very loth to do so." On the morning of the 29th we were marched to the Lynchburg depot, and shipped to Lynchburg. Here we found a number of prisoners collected from all quarters, to send south ; in all one hundred and sixteen officers, and twenty-three himdred enlisted men. We had rations issued to us of "hard-tack" and bacon, to last hve days, and Avere then marched about four miles and bivouacked. It was pretty generally under- stood that we were to march to Dauville, a distance of seventy-live miles. We -were strongly guarded, but during the march our guards became exhausted, and the citizens along the route were called upon to take their places — old and young, on foot, mounted, and in wagons — armed with muskets, rifles, fowling-pieces, pistols, and every conceiv- able kind of fire-arm was called into requisition. The march was particiilarlj' severe upon the cavalrymen, and my feet were swollen and blistered, and the pain was so ex- cruciating that I could not sleep or eat. My companion and messmate, Lieutenanc- Eastman, was laid up for two or throe months from the effects of this march. Very fre- quently they denied us the privilege of getting water, when it was convenient, saying that tliey " would sooner let the Yanks have bullets than water." Several of the in- fantry officers, and a number of the men, esca^ied during this march, by running the gauntlet of a dozen bullets. We arrived in the vicinity of Dauville on the 4th of July. 950 IREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Extract from diary, "Mondaij, Juhj 4.— Reiuforcemeuts came out from Dauville to meet us. The day was cool, and we made good marching ; made the seventeen miles by 2 o'clock. We became very warm by that time, and Fred and I were used up. Some of the officers kept up singing patriot ic songs on the march. We found Danville, like all the rest of the towns, strongly fortified. We were marched through the town to the prison, where we drew rations. Aliont 4 o'clock we were marched to the depot ; lay till after dark, and theu embarked on freight cars. We were horribly crowded, and .s'ntfered a great deal going to Greensboro, forty-eight miles. Arrived at 3 a. m., and were marched to a common, wl^.ere we were allowed to sleep until d a. m. " Tuesday, July 5. — A fine clear morning. It finds us seated opposite the depot at Greensboro, North Carolina. About 9 o'clock we were put in freight cars, though not so crowded as last night, but very disagreeable and uncomfortable. We passed many pretty towns; clean, neat, and quiet. Urchins came around the cars with biscuit for sale, three for one dollar, (confederate,) and miserable pies a dollar apiece. The coun- try was very pretty. The war is felt terribly in the south. " Wednesday, July 6. — Fred's foot is very soVe ; mine are getting better. I lay all day, endeavoring to keep in the shade of the pine trees, lazily watching several gangs of negroes loading old rails to send to the Virginia railroads. ' It must keep the confedei'- ate government busy tearing up unused roads to repair their military roads. A great quantity of cotton in bales lay in piles along the railroads. Thie residents of the vi- cinity brought us little biscuits, blackberries, &c., to sell. So'/ie of the guards went up to Charlotte and bought us some necessaries — one dollar foi: a box of matches ; five dollars for a small tin cup ; onions, two for one dollar. " Thursday, July 7. — At daylight embarked on the cars. The morning was cool and pleasant. Filled our car with branches and leaves. It became terribly hot in the car during the day. About twilight arrived at Columbia, the capital of South Carolina, a A^ery pretty place. Ladies in barouches. We run past the town, disembarked, and bivouacked between the tracks. One hundred and ten miles this day, from Charlotte to Columbia. " Friday, July 8. — Aroused before daylight and embarked. A scorching hot day in the cars. We passed through several cypress swamps. About dark lay down and slept until we reached Augusta, Georgia, one hundred and forty miles. Bivouacked on a common near the railroad. " Saturday, July 9. — Up at daylight and shifted our bivouac. Suffering from hunger. We are little beyond the town, and from what we can see of it, should J ndge it to be a pleasant place. We are now out in the sun, not a particle of shade, and it i)romises to be a scorching hot day. An Irishman, named Reynolds, of the Forty-fifth Georgia, re- cognized Captain Wall, of the Sixty-ninth New York. I and two otliers had put up a shelter with him. Reynolds, after a great deal of difficulty with the officer of the gnard, purchased a basket of bread and pail of cofiee. It saved us. We embarked at half past 2 p. m. Thunder storm and rain during the night. ''Sunday, July 10. — Arrived at Macon at daylight, one hundred and sixty miles from Augusta. The officers marched to the eastern end of the town, outside the iuclosnre for prisoners. Had guard-mounting. Colored brass band plaji'cd some very old music. Searched and turned into the corral. Met Weeks, Sitler, Simpson, and others. Hard work to find a place to make headquarters." The prisoners in the stockade had established themselves in a sort of compact, but us " fresh fish" had a hard time of it. Our only chance was to lay on the ground, with- out covering, as nothing of the kind was furuished us. I did not blame those already in there ; they could otier us no accommodation. The confederate officers promised that they would give us materials to bnild shelter with, but the promise was never ful- filled. Our rations were corn meal, ash-pickled pork, salt, and beans ; about two sitomis- I'uU each of the latter. We drew once in five days, and our rations were always (ex- hausted before the time expired ; and it was only by the greatest self-denial, and actual suti'ering from hunger, that we could make thei'n hist. The cooking utensils, and fuel to cook with, were very scarce. The former we were always obliged to borrow, and sometimes the whole day was spent in endeavoring to get our rations into a sliape that we could eat them. The pork was wormy, but the worms were very careCylly put in with the rest, and thankfully received — into our mouths. Wood was issued to us, but when it was cut u[) and divided, but a few si)linters were allowed each individual; every chip and piece of bark was caiefully hoarded for use. We hail to take the lining out of our coats to make bags to put our meal in, and (by the advice of "veteran ^iris- oners") went barefooted to save our boots and shoes. The corn-meal acted on us like Epsom salts, and continued to do so throughout our captivity; and standing barefooted in the hot sand, and with a Georgia July sun shining down on your head, while you struggled with nature to keep up, and boil our mush, did not relieve our comphiiut very last. Toward the close of the mouth I was not able to sit up. Several of those around me BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 951 were taken outside the stockade to the hospital, and occasionally we received the iu- telligence of the death of some one of our comrades. About this time the prisoners were divided into three divisions, preparatory to being removed to some other point. Extract from diary. " Friday, July 2d. — The second division got off yesterday. We are cooking and j)re- paring to move. At 3 o'clock filed through between the dead-line and the stockade. Lay there till midnight. Marched through the wide, deserted streets of Macon to the train. We were put in box cars ; thirty-nine piisoners and four guards in each car, and a strong guard on top. Remained till daylight, when we were ordered out of the cars, and marched back to the stockade. ^'Saturday, July 30. — Nothing but corn-meal to eat. We can hear guns, about eight luiles oft' — rumor says that our cavalry are there. Great excitement. * # * We were very near being rescued. Had they started at the regular time, the train Avould have fallen into the hands of our cavalry. They let the ' in ' train j)as8 them, expecting the train with the prisoners would be sent on, but the rebs got the alarm. '■ Sunday, July 31. — Listened to a sermon this evening; one of the chaplains preached. We sat in a circle around him on the ground. " 9 o'clock p. m. — General Stoneman and staff have been captured. " Tuesday, August 2. — General Stoneman arrived in the stockade. '' Fridai/, Aufjust 5. — Some more of Stoneniau's command arrived ; among them were most of the officers of the Eighth Michigan, acquaintances of Eastman. One of them, Lieutenant Arch. Preston, joined oiu- mess. Rumors of exchange were circulated among the prisoners, no doubt with a view to prevent any concerted means at escape, and, as " drowning men catch at straws," we anxiously speculated on the probability of their truth. I could not pretend to write a history of these times, or even give the principal events, for I have forgotten many things, and I was so miserable that I could not keep my journal posted. Extract from diary. " Monday, xiugust 8. — Hallet's name aud mine were called among the three hundred that are to go to Charleston to-morrovr. The rebel officers say that we are all ex- changed. I half doubt it. " Wednesday, August 10. — The field officers and captains started to-day for Charleston. General Stoneman went with them. ^'Friday, Augitst 12. — Very busy to-day cooking for our journey. We were to have gone this morning, but was postponed unaccountably. "Night. — A beautiful moonlight night. The ragged clouds flitting around the moon are tinged with silver ; the stars, needle-points of light, glittered in the deep blue. Ah, such a night as makes one think of other nights like it, away hundreds of miles northward. Fires blaze up luridly every few yards inside the stockade. Every one is preparing for the move. If these rumors about exchange are only true ! " Sunday, August 14. — Augusta — changed cars. The Augusta battalion took charge of us ; very gentlemanly fellows. Very crowded in the cars ; knocked some of the boards off the sides to get fresh air. In coming from Virginia we came over this road. At Brauchville took the Charleston road. " Monday, A,ugust 15. —Arrived in Charleston at 1 o'clock a. m. Could hear the boom- ing of our guns on the bay. Marched through a portion of the city. It was cloudy, but very light; some of the stores were open. Halted opposite a brown-stone prison with iron bars at the windows. Marched in through iron doors in single file. The inside of the prison was all open, and we had the range of all the cells and the court-yard. Our mess slept in the court-yard. After daylight cooked some bacon, on an old tin plate, for breakfast, then i)icked out two cells, Nos. 19 and 20, on one of the upper gal- leries, for our sleeping aiiartments. Water is scarce, and so are vessels for holding it. There is a cistern and a well— that in the well is brackish, and the cistern is often empty. '• Thursday, August 18. — Were ordered to fall in, and marched into the jail-yard adjoining. Miserable quarters and miserable water. There is a double row of A tents extending around three sides of the yard, and four of us in a tent. It is almost impossible to keep clean ; everything must be laid in the dirt ; not a stone or piece of wood to lay anything on. There are about forty of the Fifty-first Massachusetts (colored) regiment, and some felons and convicts, confined in the jail ; also a lot of confederate soldiers, confined for desertion and various causes. The 'darks' were captured about a year ago in the assault on Wagner, and were kept in close confine- ment, excepting two or three who were made to do the work of the prison. A gallows 052 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAH loomed up in the center of the yard. I lay down in the shadow the prison and slept. ^' FiUlai!, August \d. — Rations were issued of a toleralde good quality, but not near enough, ivnd nothing to cook them in but an old tin pan wa brought with us. In the middle of the day there are no shady places but the tents, and the heat in them is intense. •' Tuesday, August 23. — Shells are whizzing over and about our prison cpiarters. " Wedncsdau, August 24. — Several shells burst within a few hundred yards of us, one directly overhead. Hallet is very sick — and the rest of us arc not welf. " Tuesday, August 30. — Hallet was sent to the hos})ital tlu; other day. We have been planning an escape ; but our ignorance of the locality is a great drawback, even if we should succeed in getting out of the prison. We have beeu furnislied with 'chopped ' rice to live on the last few days. That given us to-day was full of worms. Everything was miserable at Charleston. The quarters in the jail yard were only exceeded in misery by Florence, Salisbury, or Audersonville. Lice Avere mixed with the sand ; and though I was one of twenty that had an interest in a " skillet," we "were reduced to the necessity of baking our corn-meal in an old iron spittoon, and sometimes I would be obliged to wait until midnight boft)re my turn would come to use it. Hunger continually gnawed in my stomach. Some of those around me, who had money by some means, appeared to be exempt from continual hunger ; but four- fifths of the prisoners were in the same condition as myself. Still, when we came to compare our condition with that of the enlisted men, our sufterings were light. At Charleston a confedei'ate blockade-running speculator came into the prison and offered us two dollars, rebel money, for one dollar of our pay, we to give him power of attorney to draw the same. Also six dollars, confederate, for one dollar in gold, by bill of exchange, or promissory note, on friends in the North, indorsed in the following manner, or something to that eifect : " The hearer, , has, in an hour of great need and distress, in a Christian and Samaritan spirit, advanced me the value of $ in gold, and saved mc from much misery and suffering. Flense pay, and confer a personal favor on me." This, to a father or brother, was calculated to have the desired effect. Some of these bills I know to have been paid in the North. This business was carried on with the knowledge and consent of the confederate officers in charge. Of course there was a general rush — so nuich so that I struggled along with the rest, with iKipers already made out, (at Camp Sorghum, near Columbia,) but without success. Extract from diary. "Saturday, September 3. — Last night I had just laid down when I heard an alarm of fire. Judging from the alarm that it was pretty near, I got up. It was oidy a few hundred yards off. The besiegers saw it, I guess, for at short intervals a shell droi>ped in the vicinity — the prisoners cheering aud applauding whenever one fell in the I'ight place. "Monday, SejHemher 5.— Moved back into the other prison, our former quarters. Those already there were jealous of our return ; they would rather we had remained where we were. We moved in time, for about dark a storm came up, blowing like it did once before, leveling the tents in tlu- jail yard, followed by a heavy rain which lasted all night. Preston and Eastman made their (puirtcrs under the arch of the 'west wing ;' I secured a. pleasant cell inside of the 'east wing.' It is well aired, being open through the back, a couple of jdanks having been knocked out. The wliole building is alive with bed-bugs ; they swarm all over yon as soon as you lie down. "Saturday, September 10. — I am nearly starved. We have had notliing but rice since we have l)eeu in here, and a small piece of fresh meat daily. We drew ten days' rations to-day. The fall of Atlanta has produced a better feeling among the prisoners. "Saturday, Sejjtcmber 17. — A iire broke ont in the nL-ighl)orhoo(i of the prison. Foster threw the shells in pretty lively; several more lires sprung nj), and there was quite an excitenuMit in tlie 'cily of gentlenien.' Women aud children and household goods were huddled together under the prison walls. The roar of the fire, the bursting shells, the songs of the negroes as they worked the engines, made a hnl)l)ub. Of course all the prisoners crowded to the windows, and did not conceal their exultation. "Sunday, September 18.— We had divine services as usual. The 'Secoiul division' of officers, the lot that were at Savannah, arrived a few days ago and are in the jail yard. I recognized several from the windows. Our rations are meager ; I live on hope. It requires a great exertion to ' suffer and be strong.' A great many show their weak- ness by railing at the government, aud asking why they don't take some means to liberate us. " Saturday, September 24. — Yellow fever in the city. " Sunday, September 25. — A number of officers of Sherman's army left for Atlanta this morning, for special exchange. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 953 "Mondai/, Sejyfem'bcr 26. — Shell struck the prison this iiioniino- ; oue piece stnicli the ground in the yard— ^usually where it is crowded. No one hurt. " J'liesdai/, Sejitember 27. — General Stoncmau left for 'somewhere' this morning ; ex- changed, probably. Our rations are very short. I tried to stretch mine out, but I will have to go a couple of days without unless something tupis up. I am in good healtli now, but without vegetables am afraid of the scurvy. The weather is delight- ful. The sea-breeze is good for us, but counteracted by the lilth the rebels are so chary about removing. " Wednesday, Scptemher 28. — Yellow fever in the city ; fifty died yesterday ; shelling more severe. The Charleston papers report a great many casualties fi-oni splinters, bricks, fragments, &c. I have managed so far to get a chance to read the papera every day — Mercury and Courier. The news is meager and one-sided, but better than none. " Tuesday, October 4. — Was awakened in the night by a great noise ; got up and found all hands cooking their corn-meal. Went down stairs and cooked enough to last me one day, then laid down again ; could not get asleep for a great while. We were to leave at 4 o'clock in the morning. " Wednesday, October 5. — Woke up and found I had been left ; called to a soldier. He said the prisoners were outside ; gathered my things together and was just in time. Got on the cars out at the suburbs. Autumn has not made itself felt here yet, except in the air — more genial. The country looks splendid to our prison-weary eyes. " Friday, October 7. — Marched about three miles from the town soutiiwest, and bivouacked on .some high pine levels ; water very scarce. There are thirteen hundred and eighty of us, and only twelve are allowed to go for water at a time. Tlie sinks are outside, and ten arc allowed to go at a time. Sometimes there are as many as three hundred waiting to go to the sink. Bobby, Weeks, and I, put up a shelter with our blankets, and piled brush around the edges. Wood is very scarce — so are rations ; you cannot buy anything ; weather splendid, cold and clear. " Saturday, October 8. — Sanitarj- goods from the North were issued to-day. I got a cotton shirt, drawers, and towel. There are five (piilts to thirty men. We drew lots for them. I was fortunate enough to draw oue. Very cold ; frost." Nothing was given us to build shelter with, though they finally relaxed and sent a guard with a pi'escribed ninnber of prisoners to gather brush in the neighboring woods, Avith which we built booths. They also extended the guards, in the course of the month, to embrace the sinks and a portion of the stream. They sent in about a dozen axes, but as there were about thirteen hundred men to use them, they did not do us much good. Extract from diary. "Friday, October 21. — Lieutenant Alvin Young, of the Fourth Pennsylvania cavalry, (of my brigade,) was shot dead while sitting by his fire to-night, by one of the guards. ' Murder in the first degree.' The guard was relieved; and it was rumored that for such acts they received furlouyhs. "Saturday, October 29. — Wednesday last we had the first rain we have had since we hav(3 been here, the w^eather all along having been cool and clear. The pine bowers and arbors are but a poor protection, and every one was soaked ; the wind set in from the east. During the night the wind shifted around and it cleared up. Most all of the prisoners have constructed themselves shelters of pines. We have received nothing in the ration lino but corn-meal and sorghum since we have been here. My stomach revolts when eating time approaches, though I am actually oiu the verge of starvation. "Friday, Norembcr 4. — A week of gloomy rain has just passed. This morning is cold, cloudy, and windy — a northwester. They paroled a number of the officers to-day to go for wood. Some of them that were strong enouglx to walk pretty well would report at the adjutant's quarters, take up their paroles, and then instead of coming into camp make ofi^ to the woods. Weeks, Stroman, Moran, and Schell went. They had been looking out for an opportunity for some time. I would have gone with them but my feet are in such a bad condition. " Saturday, Norember 5. — A great many of us were counted over two or three times this morning to make the number right. The confederates don't know that there are two or three hundred out. Clear and pleasant." My messmates were all recaptured about a week after their escape, and brought back to sorghum. Towards the end of the month a mail and some boxes from the north arrived. Oue letter I received, and Eugene (Lieutenant Weeks) received a letter and two boxes; one of clothing and one of provisions; the letter was endoi-sed "one hundred dollars in gold." The gold, however, he did not receive. It was the custom of the rebel officers in charge of the prison to retain money sent to or belonging to prisoners, and, instead, give their scrip at their own estimate of its relative value; and even that was refused sometimes, and at others limited for the reason, as they 954 TREATMENT OP PRISONERS OF WAR stated, some of the guards bad been bribed by prisoners ; and at times a credit was entered l)y the rebel authorities on their sutlers' books in favor of prisoners for money retained ; and all this without authority from prisoners. Extract from diary, " Sunday, Novcmher 27. — Lieutenant Eking was killed last night while trying to escape, and Captain Pierce was wounded. " Thiir,vday, December 1. — One of the guards shot one of the officers, George Turbayne, near the dead-line, killing him instantly." The lines had been extended as usual for the officers to get brush for fuel, and Tur- bayne started to avail himself of the privilege, when he was called upon by one of the guards to go back ; he started back, and that instant was shot. The prisoners were very indignant. The sentry loaded up and threatened to shoot again. Extract from diary. " Thursday, December 8. — Four of our guards deserted from post, and several of the ]irisoners went with them. They got out the hounds, and in taking the trail two of them ruu into camp, smelling around ; they were immediately surrounded and killed ; they were l)uried, but discovered and taken out by the guards at roll-call. '• Saturday, December 10. — Lieutenants Eastman and Sweetland (of my regiment) went with the sick to Charleston for exchange; Sweetland was very low. Colonel Huey and a number of others went on a siiecial. Sweetland died before reaching home from the effects of his treatment. " Monday, December 12. — Broke camp ; marched through the streets of Columbia ; put into the yard of the asylum for the insane." The yard contains about two and a half acres, and was surrounded with a high brick wall. The asylum buildings were boarded ott' at one end of the yard. There was a frame shanty in one corner, and we were promised materials to build others like it for our accommodation. Thirty-six in a buildiug. In the course of a few days they furnished enough for ten shanties. The mess I belonged to succeeded in getting with the ninth scjiiad, and we all went to work with a will. We got our shell together before Christmas, and built a fire on the ground in the middle of it. While the buildiug was going on we had a great many cold rains, and often we could be seen walking around like spooks ; no fire, no shelter, no food, and nothing dry upon us. Fuel was exceedingly scarce, and we suffered terribly. Plenty of timber standing within range of our vision, and we were willing to cut and perform the necessary labor to get it into the stockade if allowed. About this time Eugene got a book from the sutler in lieu of his money, and the sut- ler was to give hiiu the value of $2,500 (confederate scriii) in goods. Had he received the gold he could have sold it for about !ii;7,000, rebel scrip. After this we suffered no more from hunger, though pork was $7 a pound and good beef %il0, and everything iu pr((i)ortion. We could complain only of the wet, disagreeable South Carolina winter. I was not the only only one that beufitted by Eugene's fortune, for he had a large heart, and took great pleasure in helping those \vho most needed it. Had he shared among all in the camp it would not have lasted a day. It would make any one's heart ache to walk through the prisoners' quarters. Some' had old worm-eateublankets for shelters, pieces of tents, and some nothing at all, who used to creep under the hospital building. The arrival of the sutler in the morning was the grand event of the daJ^ It was then we heard tlie news. Whether the rebel government had any rations or not, I know you could get plenty by psiying for it. They furnished us no meat of any kind for nearly four months, but gave us sorghum instead ; yet we could purchase meat if we had money. Extract from diary. "We finished our house,and chimney January 8, 183.5. " Saturday, January 14.— Went down to Patterson's quarters with Nash and Moran to hear the new song, ' Shernum marched down to thi^ s(;a.' Was introduced to Adjutant T. M. liyers. Fifth Iowa infantry, the ant lior. Lieutenant Rockwell composed the music. Last night they sung ir on the porcli at headquarters, while a immber of confederate officers and hulies listened from the sentry's gallery." February l)rought us high hopes of exchange. It was nothing but exchange from morning to night. Everyboily was talking 'of exchange; and this time, from all accounts, there was some ground for it. February 14th we were ordered to move, and were eml)arked on box-cars and sent to Charlotte, North Carolina. It stormed dreadfully on flu; route, and we had a hard time getting there. On thi; afternoon of the 15th v> e were disembarked, and bivouacked iu a pine grove near an old barn. BY THE REBEL AUTHOEITIES. 955' In going for water I noticed the gnard at the spring was in a terribly demoralized condition, and I entered into conversation with him. From the way he talked I came to the conchision that we could get past him with little trouble. I went back iu the camp for Lieutenant Weeks, and we both conversed with him aud incpiired what post and what time he would bo on duty there that night, which information he gave us. The sentry on the post uext to him, about this time, came up to the miserable little tire we were standing around. We did not ask them plainly if they would let us pass, but from the general tone of their couversation we thought it would warraut the risk. They told us that there was a camp of " galvanized Yankees " near by, and pointed out two or three of them that had come for water. These men were recruited for the rebel army from among our prisoners at Audersouville, aud were all meu of foreign birth, (so those that we talked to stated,) the native-born Americans being rejected as untrust- worthy. We returned to the spot we had selected for our quarters, at the foot of a tree, and made preparations for a break. We did not get ready that night, and the next day finished our prexjarations by cooking up what little rations we had. Extract from diary. '^February IG. — All ready for a break ; lay around the bivouac fire until eleven o'clock ; saw several ]jarties go through. Lieutenant Weeks, Moran, Beerbower, Leoirard, autl myself, stooped down and crawled between the guards. They saw us. So soon as we got through we got up and run down the hill toward a stream. Two shots were fired after we got about two hundred yards. A stream ran along the foot of the hill, which we crossed on a log, Leonard falling off and getting soaked,. The other side was swampy, and, after a moment's observation, struck a line iu a direction we thought would bring us to the branch railroad at Lincoln." We '' flanked " all houses on our route. All went very well after reaching the rail- road, until we struck the Catawba River, which we attempted to cross by the railroad )jridge, but discovered a picket at the other end. We beat a retreat, and moved down along the river side hoping to find a boat. We got into a swamp, and after some trouble found a dry s]>ot and lay down and dozed until daylight. We spent the whole of this day looking for a boat. Rained very hard during the day; cleared up at sunset. Recrossed the railroad and struck up stream ; got into another swamp, aud after get- ting out built a fire in the thicket and went to sleep. Extract from diary. '^ Saturday, February 18. — Got up after sunrise. Several houses in our vicinity ; kept on the flank of the houses. Endeavored to find a negro to lay in jirovisious and be guided across the river; the negroes never betray us. Bcerljower aud Weeks, who reconnoitered, brought in a colored man, Alfred McGee, an intelligent, sharp darkey. He brought us tobacco, and corn bread and bacon, and promised to take us across the river to-night. While we were enjoying our jiicnic dinner Alfred returned with four more Yankee officers. One of them belonged to the First Maine cavalry, and was cap- tured with me. Towards evening Alfred came back with a lot of pork, and conducted us through the woods to the river side, and instructed us where to find the boat. It wanted an hour of sunset, so we. lay on the leaves to wait for dusk." We all shook hands with Alfred, and he bid us a " God speed." At dark we moved down to the bank aud found the boat. Our party crossed and two of us took the boat l)ack and brought the other four over. They concluded they would risk a voyage down the river, aud we struck the road. Fell iu with another officer of the Fifth Virginia cavalry, (Union.) Flanked several houses ; started the dogs howling ; got on the plank road. Extract from diary. '•About eleven o'clock Eugene was on the lead, the rest of us strung along about twenty yards apart. Those ahead had closed up. I heard them laughing and talking, aud thought to myself that they were getting careless, but walked on unconsciously. They stopped in front of a house, aud I heard a j-ell — a regular war-whoop. I closed up aud discovered a man with a gun. The laughing and talking was intended for a warn- ing to those behind, but we did not understand. The door opened and several more made their appearance. Recaptured! Went into the house ; found two other prison- ers ; got a good supper and sat around with our captors. Went to sleep. J' Sunday, February 19. — After breakfast, set out, guarded by ten mounted men, for the railroad station. Put on the train, and arrived at the prisoners' camp about dark. Here we learned that one detachment of the officers had left for exchange. Captain Stewart, the rebel commandant, had us brought up to his quarters, and informed us that as a punishment we shoidd be kept until the last. Our squad was prepariug to go in the morning, so we had Colonel Morgan put our names down. 956 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR ''Monday, Feiniary 20. — Got on passenger train; passed Salisbury, (where we saw a lot of our starving men hanging around the railroad statiou,) Lexington, Greensboro — l^assed the th'st detachment of officers — Raleigh, Goldsboro. " Tuesday, Fihruary "21. — We arrived at Goldsboro at four o'clock tliis morning, and as there was no fears of our attempting to escape we wandered about pretty much where we pleased. A train of iilatform cars came in from Wilmington, where they had been with a detachment of our prisoners, men that had been contincd at Florence, for exchange; but on arriving in that vicinity, and tinding that our forces liad attacked the city, they returned. On the cars were ' heaps' of wretchedness ; men with nothing on but a ragged, dirty pair of drawers ; some dead, with their arms hanging off the cars. One, as the train slowly passed us, with head hanging off the side ot the car, eyes rolling, hands clutching, and jaws extended, struggling for the last gasji. It was hard to tell which race they belonged to, they were so smoke-begrimed and dirty. The train stopped and a number of the officers gathered around, and gave them what little they had of rations. Our mess also gave everything we hail in the shape of blankets to cover their nakedness, ilost of the men were idiotic, and appeared not to be able to hear or speak. They took the proffered bread and hid it under their arms, looking fearfully around them, and gnawing it with a frightened look, as if some one was going to take it from them. Some were past eating. They made the attempt to march them out of the town. One man, whom I assisted Colonel Morgan to lead, was like a skeleton, with parchment drawn tightly over the bones. Colonel Morgan, a graj- -haired veteran, and colonel of the Seventy-fifth Ohio, shed tears as he lecognized what were once men of his regiment. It almost broke the old man's heart ; the words choked him when he attempted to speak to me. The guard who had them in charge were endeav- oring to get them on the move out to a spot a mile or so from the town. The officers of our squad helped carry and lead them, and the line stretched along the broad street. Every few steps one of them would drop. I left Colonel Morgan and stopped to assist one poor man that was lying on the ground with a tattered blanket drawn around him. One of the guards had stopped near him when he fell, but a lady came out of a hand- some house on the street, and the guard became ashamed and went on. Tlie lady held a small pitcher of hot tea in her hand, and was at a loss how to get it to the man's mouth. I raised his head up, opened his mouth with my finger and iionred the tea down his throat. The lady exclaimed : 'Isn't this horrible?' I answered, rather bit- terly, that it was ; when she asked, 'Are you one of the guards?' I rejilied, 'No, I am ji Yankee officer.' 'Oh,' she quickly added, 'it's just like our men who have been prisoners ; they come home just such miserable wretches.' I informed her that she was " in error in her opinion. One of the officer.s' guard came along then, and informed me that the officers' parole had been withdrawn, and that they were put under guard again, and I returned with him to the bridge. After dark got on the train and went back to Raleigh. Lay in the cars till morning ; packed in and on box-cars ; slow, tedious night. Arrived in (ioldsboro at ten o'clock a. m. " Holiday, 27ili.— Run us out on the Kingston road and emptied us out in a pine woods near a swamp, a mile from town. The sun is trying to struggle out; sat around a big fire till aliout ten o'clock, talking of home. Slept under the i)ines. " Tuesday, 2f //(. — Diizzling rain. The men that we met in Goldsboro the other day are now a couple of miles from us, without shelter or food. Several of the officers volun- teered to take them over whatever the rest would contribute. Took up a collection of necessaries — blankets, provisions, &c. Signed another parole. Took the train about five o'clock. A train of enlisted men followed us. Gay night on the cars. Arrived at Rocky I'oint and laid over until daylight. " Wednesday, Mareli 1. — Train run down to the point of exchange; Avent through the lines. A dismounted cavalry company presented arms. Regiments turned out with side-arms, colors drooping and bauds playing. Walked nine miles into Wilmington." H. W. Sawyer sworn and examined. By the Ciiaiuman: Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. H.W.Sawyer; age, -VJ ; residence. Cape Island, Cape May County, New Jersey; occujiation, a farmer. I entered the service the 19th of April, 18G1, as a private in General Cake's regiment, the Twenty-fifth Pennsylvania., and was promoted through every grade to captain, which rank I held at the tinus of my capture, and since that have Lx-en promoted to the rank of major. I was captured on the 'Jth of April, 1863, at the cavalry fight at Brandy Station, being woumled in the head and hip. I fell from my horse, when our forces retreated leaving )ue on the field, when I fell into the hands of the enemy. The first salutation that I received li'om the enemy was, " You Yankee son of a b— -h. get u\} and go to the rear." I was unal)le to walk, from the ettects of my woimds, and being now disarmed, a confederate officer took his sabre and struck me, at the least calcula- tion, from ten to twelve blows, being determined that I should walk, which, however, I could not do. I was then assisted into an army wagon, and some twelve of us wero BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 957 transported to Culpepper Hospital. It was just as General Lee made liis move into Pennsylvania, previous to the battle of Gettysburg. Everything- appeared to be in confusion, and we were left entirely helpless, and were without subsistence from the coufederate authorities for four days. Some of the officers having money we procured that subsistence to retain life, through the aid of the colored people residing in Cul- pepper. We were then removed to Eichmond and put in Libby Prison. When we entered there we were searched. They stripped us ; searched every pocket, and every place where it was possible for us to have any money, of which they relieved us when any was found upon us. One officer who had'a piece of shell in his pocket, by which he had been struck, wished to retain it, when the inspector, by the name of Dick Tur- ner, slapped his face and kicked him beside, and put him in a dungeon for forty-eio-ht hours, because he disobeyed his order in not giving tip the piece of shell. On the 6th of July an order came from the so-called confederate war department to select two officers of the rank of captain, for execution, and all the captains then in their hands were taken down stairs, ami the order was made known to them. The two were to be selected for innnediate execution, in retaliation for two officers who had been executed by General Burnside — who had been detected in our lines and court-martialed and found guilty as spies, and, couseijuently, were executed — Captains McGraw and McKim. It fell to my lot and that of Captain Flynn, of the Fifty-first Indiana — Colonel Streight's regiment. The rest of the captains— seventy-three in num))er, there bein"- seveuty-tive in all — were marched back to their quarters, and Flynn and myself were retained .and put in close confinement in a dungeon situated in the cellar part of Libby Prison, under the pavement, Avhich was extremely damp ; and it being the reception pl.ace of the dead bodies of all our men that died, which were left in there forty-eight hours before they carted them otF, sometinaes there would be ten, twelve, or iift"eeu ou hand at on<> time. While in this cell a guard was placed over ns. The rats were so thick that frequently the rebel guards would run their bayonets through them while they were gnawing the bodies of our dead men. In this condition we remained for three weeks, in close coutinement, when, through the inlluence of Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of War, General Lee and General Winder were put in the same position — close conlinement — at Fortress Monroe. While in this cell, upon several occasions, I have seen colored men who were captured from our gunboats, and vessels in the mer- chant service chartered by the United States, severely whipped by being tied to a post and receiving a hundred lashes from this man Dick Turner. Upon one occasion four of these men were wliipped while I was in close conlinement within my hearing, the rebel officers supposing that they knew of a plot among the officers to attempt an escape. However, the lash even failed to bring out the result they desired. One of these men died, and it was always my opinion that he died from the effects of a whip- ping he received, I think on or about the 18th of July, from this Dick Turner. While in this close conlinement, the day for execution was set. Captain Flynn and myself being kept in perfect ignorance of the time thereof. We were taken out one day and inarched under guard to the office of the provost marshal, General Winder. As soon as Captain Flynn and myself stepped into the office he commenced abusing us, by call- ing us all the hard names he could think of; calling us robbers, murderers, and such like. He iulormed ns, however, at the close, that the sentence under which we were had been reprieved for fifteen days, and told ns to get ready, and be prepared by that time for eternity. This was the last of the retaliation measure, so far as actually tak- ing lis out of prison was concerned. During my sojourn of nine mouths there, I saw nothing but indignities heaped upon the federal officers. The rations that we received the first four months that I was there, consisted df wheat bread, a loaf, weighiu"- twelve or fourteen ounces, per day, and three times a week we received meat. How- ever, we could very seldom make use of it, as it was spoiled. No blankets or clothin"- was ever furnished, and when officers and men who were captured and broufht to Libby Prison had a blanket, they were always relieved of the same. During the severe winter of 1863, the officers suffered very much from cold, having but one small stove in the room, forty by one hundred feet in length, and no sashes in tlie windows. After the first four months the wheat bread was stopped entirely, and also the meat ration. Nothing was issued to us but a small loaf of corn bread, without any m^at whatever, for the next five months and a half that I was in their custody, louring this time tht; rebel authorities told us that if we would send North for provisions, they would permit ns to receive them in prison. They did so in several instances, but three-fourths of the provisions sent— the quantities of which were immense — were used by the confederates themselves, and our prisoners never received the clothing ; tlio rebels retained it, and nearly three-fourths of the provisions. While tliis was going on a meeting was held among the federal officers in prison to petition Colonel Ould, and place before him the true state of affairs and the actual condition of the offi- cers then confined in Libby Prison. I, myself, was chosen as one of the committee to confer with Mr. Ould, by letter or person,' if we could get that opportunity. Mr. Ould granted us the interview when the actual condition of the prison was brought to his notice. When we told him that our rations were insufficient to keep us alive, he said 953 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR tbat rueu had lived npon less than that, and that was all the confederate government would allow its prisoners. And when I again requested that he would permit the pro- visions to come to us which were then in their custody — boxes which were sent from the North containing provisions— he said that the federal government was not permit- ting their prisoners to receive boxes, and that the confederate government, out of retaliation, would not allow us to have ours. I remonstrated with Mi. Ould about the matter, stating that the confederate prisoners received an army ration, the same as our men, which was more than we received in six days. He was "perfectly decided in his view, and in no particular granted our request. We were remanded back to prison, and no change for the better occurred ; the treatment continued just as it had been previously. The rebel guards, during the whole time of our imprisonment, had orders to tire upon any person whom they could see from their beat, which was on the pave- ment, looking through the iron gratings. Considerable firing took place, but, fortu- nately, no one was ever shot during the time I was there. Q. How far is Libby Prison from the rebel capitol building, where they held their congress? — A. I should .judge it to be a mile. Q. Could you see Belle Isle from Libby Prison ? — A. Yes, sir ; we could. Q. Could you see the prison camp on Belle Isle? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Could you determine its condition from where you were? — A. No, sir ; but we could determine its condition from those who were brought from Belle Isle to the hos- pital, which was adjoining Libby Prison. Q. What was the appearance of the prisoners brought from Belle Isle to that hospi- tal? — A. A more miserable set of men in appearance, both as to Hesh and clothing, I never saw. They were all sick men. Q. What did you understand from them was the treatment at Belle Isle ? — A. I un- derstood it v.as inhuman. I never heard of one of the men but what spoke of it as being inhuman — no shelter or wood to keep themselves warm. During the winter of 1863, they could only keep life in them by continued exercise during that cold weather. Q. State whether the winter of 1863 was a severe one ? — A. We considered it so in the prison. We considered it a very severe winter, for the James River was frozen up. Q. Do you know of the escape of any of your fellow-xirisoners ? — A. Yes, sir ; Major (now General) Harry White, of the Sixty-seventh Pennsylvania regiment, escaped with a lot of sergeants that were exchanged ; but was detected at City Point, brought back, and immediately was put in the dungeon for ten days as punishment for attempt- ing to escape. After the ten days he was sent to the prison, at Salisbury, North Caro- lina. Indignities were heaped upon that officer several times — such as cursing him, and not giving him any subsistence for several days during his close conlinement. Q. State the manner in which the sick prisoners were treated in the hospital, if you know. — A. The treatment of the sick in the rebel hospital was bad. There was no medicine, and nothing but the usual subsistence which was furnished to the rest of the prisoners was given to any of those who were sick. I do not know of any case of spe- cial ill-treatment fm-ther than that; but they did not receive any medicine or extra subsistence. Q. What private property was taken from you ? — A. A gold watch and sixty-five dol- lars in greenbacks. Q. Was there a rebel officer present while these articles were being taken from you; if so, what was his name and rank? — A. Yes, sir; Dick Turner took it. No commis- sioned officer was present. It was these sergeants and privates that always did that business, and Dick Turner had charge of that. Q. Do you know of any special or personal ill-treatment of the officers or men ? — A. I do. A New York officer was bucked and gagged for an answer made to this Dick Turner, which he called "impertinent" — took him down stall's. Q. What was the disposition of the citizens of Richmond toward you ? — A. We never had any chance to know except in one case. The day we were taken up to Winder's office, the people appeared to be very much enraged, and we were only i^rotected from violence by the rebel guard who had us in charge. Q. What disposition was made of the dead bodies? — A. I could not say, as we were never permitted to leave the prison ; but they were taken away from the prison in a large wagon-box. Frequently they would have boxes for each one, and sometimes they would take the bodies away without any boxes, by putting them in a tight wagon- box — a large box, and put in six or seven together, and take them away in that way. Q. Do you know of any attempts made by citizens to supf)ly the wants of the prison- ers? — A. Yes, sir; I do. One lady, whose name, however, I cannot give — but she lived about a square from there — sent in frequently, through the rebel guards, bread and other eatables into the prison. The result was that it was found out and at once stopped by order of the commander of the prison. Q. State, if you know, whether there were provisions to bo had in Richmond during the time of j'our imprisonment ? — A. Yes, sir ; provisions could be procured, if the pris- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 959 oners had a large supply of money, to bribe Dick Turner, the sergeants, and all hands, to allow it to be brought in. Q. Were there supplies that might have been procured by the rebel government for the prisoners, if they had desired to do so ? — A. Yes, sir ; there was. Q. State how you know that fact? — A. Wo could see. Libby Pnson being in such a situation at one end of the town, we could see baker wagons and meat wagons, and we also had access to the daily rebel papers, which gave "us the daily prices of Avhat was in the market ; and in passing through the streets I saw bread and meat and vegetables. While I was on the way to see Winder, I passed by the market, and there appeared to be a plenty. Q. What was the relative value of confederate money and greenbacks at the time of your capture! — A. Dollar for dollar. Q. What was the relative value at the time of your release ? — A. We could get thirty confederate dollars for one dollar in greenbacks. Q. Taking our money at the basis, what were the relative prices of food between Richmond, Virginia, and the northern markets at that time f — A. The difference would be three times in favor of the northern or Philadelphia market. Q. State whether the prisoners were crowded in the prisons. — A. Yes, sir; exces- sively so. A room forty by one hundred feet was obliged to accommodate from one hundred and fifty to one hundred and seventy-live, sleeping, cooking, doing the neces- sary wasliing, and containing one privy, which was conducted down by a pipe. Q. State what the coudition of the air was. — A. Very impure. Several officers died from the effects of the impure air; one who died was Major Robert Morris. Q. State whether there was a sufficient supply of wholesome water. — A. Yes, sir ; it was James River water ; but upon several occasions it was stopped off for twenty-four hours in the room in which I was, for punishment for some trifling offense that some of the officers had committed ; for instance, being a little dilatory'at roll-call, morning or noon. Q. What were your conveniences for cooking? — A. One large cooking-stove to each room, containing one hundred and fifty men. It Avas a large cooking-stove, with about three i)ots at hand and the same number of pans. This stove was kept going from three o'clock in the morning until twelve or one o'clock at night, provided wood was furnished to heat it. Q. State whether you had a sufificierrcy of wood for heating your stoves. — A. The wood was entirely inadequate for the demand. Q. Is there any other statement you wish to make in connection with your testi- mony? — A. I think that embraces about all that I know. "War Department, Waslihif/ton City, Jnhj 17, 1863. "Mrs. Sawyer, wife of Captain Sawyer, now a prisoner under sentence of death in Libby Prison, Richmond, Virginia, has permission to go to Fortress Monroe, and thence under flag of truce to City Point and Richmond, to visit her husband before his execu- tion. Captaiu Whilldin has permission to accompany her as a friend and escort. They will be furnished with transportation and subsistence free of charge. The superin- tendents of railroads and commanders of vessels in the United States service will trans- port them free of charge. All officers and persons in the service will afford them assist- ance, coortesy, and protection. " EDWIN M. STANTON, " Secretary of Jrar." In accordance with the above permission, my wife, accompanied by Captain Whill- din, started by fiag-of-truce boat to City Point, Virginia. On their arrival there, the rebel authorities refused to allow them to proceed further and they were compelled to return. Hugo Kandler sworn. By the Chairman : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. Hugo Kandler ; age, thirty-eight; residence, Washington, D. C. ; occupation, clerk in the War Depart- ment. I was first lieutenant in the Forty-fifth New York volunteers. I was captured the first of July, at the battle of Gettysburg, while in command of my company thrown out as skirmishers. After we were captured we had a very hard liiarch up to Rieh- nloud, which took us nineteen days. We were deprived of'^our clothing and blankets and everything while we had several rain-storms, and suffered very much from the weather. When we arrived at Libby Prison we were searched, and the valuables and money, &c., were taken from us, and we were crowded in one room, forty feet by ninety — about two hundred and twenty officers. Our rations consisted of a loaf of corn l)read and about three ounces of wormy pork— spoiled pork. I remained in Libby Prison about ten mouths, and received orders on the 6th of May, 1864, to prep.are ourselves to g« 9G0 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR South. We arrived at Macou, Georiria, ou the 10th of May, 1864. On the way there we were crowded iuto baggage cars — from forty-live to lifty officers in one car, aud uot allowed to leave the car until we arrived at Danville. Here we received rations, aud remained three or four days. At Macou we were inarched into the stockade with- out auy slielter. After some time lumber was brought in, and the othcers had to con- struct their own buildings, which were, however, very prinutive. Our rations in Macou cousisted of one pint of corn-meal a day, aud several times a week we received pork. We received nothing in the shape of clotliing or blankets. On the 27th of July, after Macou was considered insecure by the raids of Stoneman aud Kilpatrick, we were removed to Cliarleston, South Carolina — tliat is, a portion of us — six hundred — were removed to Charleston aud idaced under the federal hre when Charleston was be- sieged. Q. State why this was done. — A. To compel our troops to abstain from bombarding Charleston. The treatment I experienced in Chark^stou was better than in auy other place. The officers were distributed in the Marine Hospital and some other hospitals. We had conveniences to buy provisions from outside, while we could obtain money from Jlr. Quilp. He advanced us money, for which we gave him powers of attorney for our pay on our i»ayniaster, aud he took from eacli person a certificate — a promissory note ou his friend in the North, in words about as follows: "Mr. Qnilp advanced this money while I was in need of it, aud I vouch my honor that this note will be hon was in command of the prison at that time? — A. Captain Gibbs. Captain Francis Irsch, of the Forty-fifth New York regiment, handed to the commander of tly3 prison. Captain Tabb, a watch and chain, with the request to sell it for him iu order to get some provisions. Captain Tabb, on being requested to forward tlie •money for the sale, abused Captain Irsch, and while Cai)tain Irsch threatened to expose Captain Tab)), he was taken out from the stockade, bucked and gagged for several hours, under guard, and afterwaretter relish. Although we were stiuiug by that means to save our lives, we were punished in the most horrible manner. As soon as the lieutenant discovered that the dog bad been killed, we were informed that the man who killed him must be inuiiediately turned over to him; otherwise, the entire camp would be depri\ed of their rations tor a week. Rather than have the mass of the prisoners suffer, the man who killed the dog surren- dered himself. He was taken out of the camp and ]ilact'd on a horse, as the prisoners termed it, which was nothing but a plank about an inch in thickness and shari)ened at the edge, resting upon crotches, and thus forming the horse. This prisoner being placed upon it. about ten feet from the ground, his legs were fastened under him, and his hands behind him. and he had a gag in his mouth. In this nianner he was coin|>elled to remaiu forty-eight hours, without food or drink. After remaining there that time he was raken down, .and in one week he died. I do not recollect his name. On the Idth of Februiiry, 1864, fourteen men froze to death. The next morning I left Richmond, Avith four hun- dred other ]irisoners, for Andersonville, Georgia, Q. What were the conveniences for sinks for the men at Belle Island? — A. They were entirely inadeijuate for the number of men. The men would sometimes wait three or four hours for their turn, while they were suffering severely from diarrhea. I\Iany meu were comjielled to make evacuations where they stood, being nnalile to get to the sink in their turn, because there were so many prisoners and so limited means of accommo- dation. Q. What was the supply of wood? — A. One cord- wood stick for a hundred men, twenty-four hours. Q. What was the chai'acter of the provision for obtainiug water ? — A, The men had to get \rater the best way they could. By digging down a couple of feet we could get water of a miserable kind, Q. Would the river water have been better? — A, Yes ; I think so, Q. Why were you not allowed to get water at the river ? — A. I know of no reason unless because it was too much trouble to them to guard us to the river. Q. Were there guards between the men and the bank of the island?— A. Yes, Q. How much gioiind was occupied by the prisoners ' — A. Three acres. Q, How much ground was there on the island ? — A, I should judge about twenty-five or thirty acres. Q. Were you on the higher or lower portion of the island ? — A. On the lower portiou. Q, Would you have been better accommodated upon the higher grounds ? — A. Yes ; altogether better, Q, How near were you to the raih'oad bridge, crossing the river ? — A, So that we bad to look up to see it. Q, Was it within musket range ? — A, Yes, Q, Do you know anything of the guards, when relieved from duty, firing off their muskets from that bridge, or from the banks opposite the camp, into the camii ? — A. Yes. Q, Please state whether it was a common occurrence. — A. Yes ; it was quite frequent. Q. State if the officers in command of the camj) must have uoticed it. — A, Yes ; they must have been aware of it, Q, Could it have taken ijlace Avithout their kuowiug it ? — A. No ; the cases were always reported. BY THE REBEL AUTfTORITIES. VbD Q. Do you Icuow of auy soldiers being injured Irs' tliis discharging of the gnus? — A. Yes. Q. Describe auy iustauce ? — A. I saw a niau shot, and mortally wounded ; I could not tell where the shot came from, but I saw tbe man after he was wounded fall and stag- ger back in camp, and he died shortly afterward. I think he lived long enough to tell Lieutenant Bossieux of it. Q. How near were you to the rebel capitol building '? — A. Within idain sight. Q. Did you see the rebel flag flying over the rebel capitol building while you were there ? — A. Yes; whenever the rebel con«;iess was in session. Q. How near were you to Jefferson Davis's residence? — A. In plain view; and we could distinctly hear the baud playing at his house and tell what tune they were playi;.'^. Q. State whether you ever saw Jefferson Davis in tlie camp while you were there. — A. I saw him on the island once. He was ])ointed out to me by one of the guards. Q. .State whether the condition of the camp was what you have described it here at the time of his visit. — A. Yes, it was in its worst condition then. Q. State whether it was better after his visit than before. — A. It was not better. The only change was iu moving us from there to Andersonville immediately afterwards. Q. State whether the rebel oflicers were frequently seen at the camjt, other than those in command. — A. Yes, different officers visited tlio camp several times. Q. Was the condition of the prisoners made any better after their visits, or was it any different ?— A. There was no change. Q. Do you kuow the names of any ofticers who were there besides Jefferson Davis ? — A. Xo, I do not. Q. Please state the quality of the rations you received there. — A. The quality of bread was very good at first, being wheat bread, for a time. The meat was inferior, very much so. Q. How was it as to quantity? — A. The quantity was scarcely an apology for a ration. Q. State whether the bread ration was changed while you were there, and if so, "what was the change. — A. The bread rations became worse, being changed from wheat to corn meal rations. Q. State whether the meal was good. — A. The uieal was ground, cob and all. Q. State whether you were in the Libby I'rison at auy time while in Kich)iiond. and if so what was your mode of treatnjent there '! — A. I was there and was put in one of the round, solitary cells about a week. Q. State why you were conhnetl there, if you know. — A. They never told Vne directly. The guards took me out with another man. I asked one of the guards if he knew what for. He said we were to be held as hostages for some purpose. That is all I ever knew about it. Q. State what your treatment was from Belle Island to Andersonville. — A. In marcji- ing from Belle Island to the cars, through the streets, a great many froze their feet, and many dropped dead in the streets. We were placed in box freight cars, from sixty to a hundred in a car, without any means of getting water or opportunity to accommo- date our natural wants. A great many froze to death along the road. I have seen men taken out and buried right by the side of the track, the cars stopping long enough to allow them to dig a idace. I have seen men luu'ied before they were altogether dead. They were dying, but they were buried before thi- breath left tliem, right alongside of the track. Ont of four hundred who started, not quite two hundred survived to reach Andersonville. These were Belle Island j)risouers, most of whom had been prisoners from five to sis or eight months. Q. At what time was this ? — A. In February, 1864. The switch at Thomasville, North Carolina, was left open, and the train allowed to run from the track. F<»rtu- uately no persons w^ere injured. The trestle-work near there was lifty feet high. We arrived at Andersonville on the 22d of February, Washington's birthday. We were driven into the stockade — bull pen, we called it — no provisions being made for shelter of any kind. Wti were told to select a place to suit ourselves and get along the best way we could. The stockade was only half built at the northern end. Our rations consisted of cob meal, rather more cob than meal. One-lialf x)int of this was issued to each prisoner as a daily allowance. Sometimes meat would be issued also, but in very small quantities. There was no accommodation for the sick and dying. There were numerous instances in which, after a prisoner had died, his body was allowed to remain, in what was called the dead-house, until his eyes and his flesh were eaten by the- rats. If a prisoner at auy time remonstrated against his treatment he would subject limselt to a painful punishment. I have known prisoners to be punished in the most inhiuman manner, such as tying them up by their heels for forty-eight hours, and bucking and gaggmg. I have known a few cases where prisoners w'ere lashed as slaves. In case a prisoner should effect his escape bloodhounds would immediately be put on his trail. But few could escape the hounds, and when any one was recaptured he ^yould be placed iu the camp with a thirty-two pound ball attached to his leg. I have seen men wear 964 " TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR these l)alLs until deatli intervened. As a fiur specimen of southern hospitality, it be- came customary for tlie hulies to visit the camp, and one of them walked up to a pris- oner who was in a dying condition and spit into his face, exclaiming, "Well, Yank, you will never subject us. You thonglit yon would come here and take our beautiful lands from us. Now you have got just wluit you deserve. I would like to see all you 'uns in the same condition." Upon several occasions Captain Wirz, when the morning report of those who had died within twenty-four hoiu's was made, would clap his hands and exclaim. "I am rendering a greater service to the confederate government than any general in the army." At times our rations were so poor and iilthy that even swine would refuse to eat them, but it would not do to remonstrate unless avc wei'c prepared to submit to some punishment of a painful character. One day, when the rations were remarkably bad, a prisoner complained to Cai)tain Wirz, stating that the rations were not palatal)le. The captain up with his revolver and knocked him down, saying. " You damned Yankee son-of-a-bitch, they are better than you deserve. Go talk to Abe Lin- coln." Q. Please state what diseases were most prevalent at Andersonville. — A. Diarrhea, dysentery, scurvy, and typhoid fever ; also small iiox and the effect of vaccination. Q. Please explain the effects of vaccination upon the prisoners ? — A. They would break' out, in a few days after they were vaccinated, and ulcerated sores would spread over them. I have seen many amputations performed in consequence of those vaccina- tions. I have seen it break out under the arm, and in one instance it eat into the vitals of a man a place large enough to put a nuin's hand in. I have seen hundreds in this condition and have known hundreds to have their arms amputated, but not a sin- gle K'covery. Q. State whether you learned anything from rebels or from rebel authorities as to the cause of that character of vaccination. — A. Captain Wii'z came into camp one nu:>rning and informed the sex'geants of the different detachments that all the prisoners, whether they had ever been vaccinated or not, must be vaccinated, and unless they consented they would be punished. I had been vaccinated when I w;is ([uite small and refused to be re-vaccinated. I was reported, and Captain Wirz sent a guard to take me to his headquarters. As soon as they reported that I was there he came (uit, with his revolver in his hand, and holding it close to my face, asked me what I had been doing. I told him I refused to be vaccinated. He asked me why. I said I could not consent to an operation which I Icnew would be the certain cause of my death. Said he, "It's just what you deserve ; you ought to die. Take him away aUd put a ball and chain on him uutil he will be vaccinated." I was taken to the rear of his (luarters, to the black- smith's, and a band was riveted to my ankle and a tliirty-two-]>ouiid ball attached to a chain was fastened to the iron band. I wore this uutil I became so weak that 1 thought I should die anyhow, and I consented to be vaccinated. I had noticed that the sur- geon performed the operation without any care. When he commenced at the head of the line of those who were to be vaccinated, he cut a large gash and put in a large quantity of matter ; and after he got near the end of the liiu! he got weary, and the matter seemed to be somewhat exliausted, so that he used less. I thouglit it best, therefore, to stand at the lower end of the line and try to wash the matter out. When he came to me, he took hold of me and said, "I guess you are a pretty good subject for the grave aud wont live long." He took his lancet and cut a gash and said, -I guess that will do for you ; I guess you will die anyhow." I went immediately to the brook and washed the matter from the place and wrung it. It never had any etfcct on my arm at all. The name of the surgeon was White. He was the surg was a sort of vapor rising from it continnally. Q. Please explain what was called the dead-line. — A. It was a slender railing about the height of a table. Posts were set in the ground at intervals, with a strip of board BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 965 aTjout three inches in width nailed on the top. It ran all the way around the stoclcado, seventeen feet from the stockade, except in one portion of the swamp, wlierc it was only imaginary. The same restriction was applied to the portion where it was imag- inary as to that where it was real. Q. State what yon may know of the shooting of jirisoners at or near the dead-line. — A. In August, 1864, a beautiful spring of water broke out just inside of the northern portion of that dead-line and ran down into the stockade beyond the dead-line, and the prisoners would crowd around to get the water. Finally Captain Wirz had a trough made that would convey the water just beyond the dead-line. But the supply being 80 limited, the men would crowd around to get it, and the crowd would become very great ; and if a mau put his hand over the jiost at all, they would shoot at him, some- times hitting the man and sometimes those who were near. Many were wounded in that way, and I have seen many shot there. Q. Were the guards who did that relieved ? — A. I have known some to be relieved, and I have seen some instances where no notice was taken of it. 1 recollect that one day a boy, twelve or fourteen years old, I think, was on post, and there was a lady got up into the sentry box with him and was looking into the camp. He said : " Don't yon want to see how good a marksman I am, and how nice I can hit a Yankee f ' and theu fired at a man in the center of the camp and killed him. Q. What was done with the guard '?— A. Nothing. Q. Was the j)risoner shot near the dead-line f — A. No, he was near the center of the prison. Q. Do you know the answer of the lady ? — A. She simply laughed. Q. Did you hear the question asked by the guard? — A. Yes, I was close to the dead- line ; I heard the whole conversation. Q. State whether any prisoners became insane. — A. Yes, I remember seeing men who were affected so thej'^ became insane, crawling and wallowing around in the swamp. Q. State what care was taken of them by the rebels ? — A. No care was taken of them. The "sick-call" would take place sometimes three times in a week, about 10 o'clock in the morning. I have known thousands go at the " sick-call." But the number taken out to the hospital would correspond only to the number of vacancies made by death in the last twenty-four hours. Q. Then new cases were taken to the liospital only in iiroportion to the deaths ? — A. Yes. Q. And were not taken in proportion to the demand ? — A. No. Q. Were the hospitals ample for the cases requiring treatment there? — A. The hos- pitals would bold twenty-live hundred uieu. Q. What was the number of cases that needed treatment? — A. It would average from ten to twelve thousand men, speaking Avithin bounds. I have known one hundred and sixty to die within the stockade within twenty-four hours. Q. What disposition was made of the dead bodies ? — A. They would be taken by their comrades to the south gate and laid close to the stockade, just inside the dead- line. I have known them to lie there three or four days in the hot sun, so tliat when they moved them they would fall to pieces. The clothing, or rags, were stripped from them, and they lay there naked. Generally, if a prisoner had a comrade die who had any clothing, he would take it and appropriate it to his own use, rather than have the rebels get it. Q. What do you know of supplies being sold by rebel sutlers, within the stockade ? — A. There was a sutler there who always had a good supply of everything that coitld be asked for. The jirices were rather high. Q. Did he seem to have plenty of supplies ? — A. Yes, j)lenty ; someof the most choice delicacies. Q. Where did he procure his supplies ? — A. I could not say. He came in in a wagon, and had a building in the center of the northern portion of the camp. Q. What prevented the prisoners from taking these supplies? — A. We had a police force which we had organized inside of the prison. Sometimes the prisoners would get together and take his things, and the rebel guard would interfere before much damage could be done. Q. Then you mean to say the rebel guards protected him ? — A. Yes. they Avere ready to protect him. He sometimes dealt out his articles to others ; iirisoners. Union soldiers. I have known instances where prisoners would take the things away from them. Q. Then I understand you that the rebel sutler would make agents of some of the Union prisoners to effect his sales the better ?— A. Yes. Q. Was the sutler permitted there with the knowledge of the commander of the camp "i — A. Yes. Q. Could the prisoners get any of those supplies without money ?— A. No ; they must have money, and we were allowed to take four dollars in confederate money for one in greenbacks. 966 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Q. What do you know of the stocks as an im])lenu'nt of punishment ? — A. I have seen ju'isoucrs in the stocks there, and also in the chain-iianij. Q. Hescrihe the stocks. — A. They consisted of a frame-work ahout sixteen feet in heijiht, with an openiui;- between the boards hirj^c enough for a man's neck, and at the sides for the wrists, and at the bottom t'ov the ankh's, ktvpini;- the feet as far ajtart as possibh;. Some were tastened so that they merely touched the jiround with their toes. I have known them to stand there forty-eight hours, and I have known men to die in the stocks. Q. Have you seen any prisoners who liad been torn by dogs in attempting to escape? — A. Yes; I saw a man so mutilated that he died. Q. What etieet has your treatment had upon your health? — A. It has unfitted me for any manual lal)or. and greatly vinstrung my nerves, and caused me to be very nnich debilitated. It has had such an etl'ect upon my nervous system that I am suliject to phantoms in the night and nightmare, as it is called, so that it is dillicult foi- me to get a good night's sleep without taking something to cause me to sleep. It completely nustrung nif "nervous system : and instead of weighing a hundred and thirty or t liirty- six pounds, as was my average weight before I was taken iirisoucr, I now weigli only jiiuety-six iionnds. ,S-inee 1 have returned I have not weiglied a hundred: in fact, my health has not improved any since my return. Q. State whether any of your own personal friends died at Andersonville. — A. Yes ; my father died there. Q. W\>re you there at the time of his death ? — A. Yes. Q. What was the cause of his death? — A. Starvation. Q. What portion of the time that yon were in Andersonville did you feel the effects of hunger ?— A. All the time. Q. What effect did it produce upon your system at that time ? — A. It caused me to be very weak, so that it was with ditiiculty that I could get about. It atfected my brain and my sight, so as to produce what the prisoners called " moon-blind," so that I could not see after the sun went down. I have somewhat recovered from that. Ihit even now. unless it is quite bright, I run into objects. My brain is still atl'e<'tcd. so that it is with difficulty that I can tix my thoughts long enough to write as I would like to. I connnenced'to write a book, but I could not carry it out on th.-it account ; my head was so much atfecti'd. Q. State whether it left any pernntnent injury toyour stomach.— A. No ; I thiidc not. I thiijk my stomach and lungs are iu a healthy condition ; at least the surgeons have told me so. Q. State what you know of a pack of hounds being kept at Andersonville for the purpose of hunting escaping prisoners. — A. Every nn)rning Captain Wirz would take out a pack of hounds, in company with a man by the name of Turner, who had charge of them, andnnike a circuit around the camp to see if the hounds would take the trail of any of the prisoners who had escaped. If the dogs struck a trail it w;is fol- lowed up. Q. StatP whether you have seen at the camp other confederate oihcers than those having charge ? — A. Yes ; I have. Q. Freiiueiitly ' — A. At times I have known the camp to be inspected by confed- erate ofticers and confederate surgeons. Q. State whether there was any improvement in the treatment of the prisoners after this inspection. — A. No, sir; I saw no change for the better, but always for the Avorse. Q. Did you ever see Jefferson Davis at that camp f — A. No. Q. Have you any knowledge of his being there?— A. No. I saw General Howell Colib there. (.^. When ?— A. In August, 18G4. He made a speech to the confederate troops out- side. g. Could you hear his remarks ?— A. At times; but could not tell what he said. I could hear the a^jplause. Q. What effect did the treatment at Andersonville have upon the social feelings of the prisoners toward each otiier ? — A. The men seemed utterly lost to all humanity and social feelings. They seemed more like wild l)casts tlian men. Q. To what did you attribute that feeling and disposition among the i)risoners ?— A. Being constantly kept in a starving condition, their thoughts were turned iqion noth- ing but something to eat. The mind did not seem to dwell upon anything else but self. Q. What was the general treatment of the surgeons toward the Union prisoners ?— A. They were loath, most of them, to touch the men or examine them, on account of the lice and filth. I knew one or two surgeons who were kind, and did all they could, particularly Mr. Surgeon Bates, of Savannah, Georgia. He would often fetch in little things in his jtocket. He wcmhl tell the prisoners beforehand, and when he came, would drop what he brought, so as not to l>c discovered. They were not allowed bj- the authorities to bring in anything. Q. Then 1 uuderstaiid you that Surgeon Bates was uot allowed to furnish anything BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 967 to alleviate the sufferings of the y)rison(is ? — A. No. He said so ; ami that it was against orders for him to do anything to alleviate their sufferings. I have often aski <1 him. Q. Then, when Surgeon Bates did extend any kindness to the prisoners, he was ohligeil to do it seeretly. — A. Yes, he had to do it se( rttly. Q. Did the citizens show any kindness toward the prisoners? — A. Only hy throwing in pieces of l)read to see the prisoners scramble for it. They seemed to'be Very nmcli amnseraved condition. Q. Weie there any colored soldiers in tli*^ prison at Aiidersonville ? — A. There were a few — I slioiild say fifty all togetlier : hut most of them had lost a leg or an arm, or were hadly wounded in some way. They seemed to have a jtarticular spite toward the colored soldiers, and they had to go without rations several days at a time on account of not daring to go forward to get them. I rememlxr an instance of a major who was captured somewhere in Florida, I think, who was luonglit in with a few colored sol- diers. One of the guards fired at him, the ball just i)as.sing his head, after he got into prison. He said they had attempted to kill him at tlie depot, having fired several shots at iiim before he was brought in. He wiis wounded in tin- leg. (j. Were there any healthy, able-bodied colored soldiers put in that prison ? — A. No, sir. Q. Is there any other statement you wish to make, touching your treatment, or the treatment of others ? — A. Not particularly, that I think of. Q. Is the photograph you present to the committee a ]»icture of yourself? — A. Yes. Q. State when and where it was taken.— A. It was taken at Paterson, New Jersey, a few weeks after I returned from Audersonville. Q. Where were you taken from Audersonville? — A. They were moving us i>risoners to .Jacksonvill(\ Florida, when I, in comjiany with five others, escaped. We were re- captured witJi bloodhounds and taken back to Augusta, Georgia, and placed in a to- bacco warehouse, with about five hundred others — some rebel deserters and some run- away slaves, and a few Union i)risoners. We were kei)t there till .Johnston suriendered to Slierman, wln^n, in the turmoil and confusion, the i)risoners I)r()ke out, and started with twenty-one otiiers, for Charleston, South Carolina, arriving there with seven of the number, including myself. Some of the others died on the way, and some were so exhausted that we left them. From Charleston we were sent to Washington and then home. My time of service had expired six mouths jirevious. Dr. O. T. BuNDY, jr., sworn and examined. By Mr. Stevexs : Question. State your name, age, residence, and occupation.— Answer. O. T. Bundy, jr.: age, thirty ; residence, Deposit, Delaware County, New York; occupation, physi- cian. In the spring of 1865 I was stationed at Hilton Head, South Carolina, with my regiment, the One hundn-d and forty-fourth New York volunteers. In May of that year I was detaibnl to take charge of returned Union prisoners of war, then to be sent to Jacksonville, Florida. Thirty-three hundred prisoners were sent to this place and came under my charge. The worst cases were brought in by carriages furnished by citizens, from a point on the railroad, ten miles from Jacksonville, where they were left. Nearly all were in an extrtMue state of emaciation, terribly filthy, and covered with vermin. From their appearance it was evident they had' not had the benefit of bathing for months. They were poorly clad, having, in "many cases, but one gar- ment on tliem, and that in a condition not to afford any protection from the weather. I took three hundred and fifty of the worst cases into a hospital, esitecially furnished for their accommodation. Others were brought in afterward. I lierewitli furnish a copy of the cases treated in hospital and the deaths, entitled "Copy of Register of Camp Hospital for Paroled Prisoners at Jacksonville, Florida." In all cases that I ques- tioned in regard to the cause of their present condition, the universal testimony was, "starvation, exposure, and neglect, while in Audersonville." Many were idiotic and insane, and all were devoid of judgment in taking food, snch as was furnished them, as infants. Some cases occurred that death ensued from over-eating. From the testi- mony of those who were there, and from the appearance of the men as I found them, I judged that they had not received more than half of a usual ration, or what was suffi- cient to sustain life. The tissues of the bojy go to repair the waste when proper food is not furnished. These men were afflicted with scurvy, chronic diarrhea, and dysen- tery. These diseases were the result of exposure, neglect, and starvation. Some had pulmonary complaints, dropsy, &e. Many presented tlie appearance of living skele- tons, with scarcely enough muscular fiber left to control the movements of the body. These men had no disease, apparently, but were literally starved, \^'e had to treat them as children in giving them food, and Ave found in almost all cases treated that a good nourishing diet was all that they retjuired. Medicine was not indicated. Wc furnished them with vegetables, snch as potatoes, onions, together with anti-scorbutics. Between forty and fifty of them died while iu this hospital. Nine-tcuths of the cases 968 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR of .scurvy tliat we took into tlie hospital died. There seemed to lie nothing that Ave couhl do that would remedy this disease. They had heen in prison so long, and de- prived of jiroper diet, that the change of living" seemed to aggravate rather than alle- viate their sufferings. I'ersons require a variety of food to re|iair the waste coustautly going on in the system, and when a variety can not he had we almost always have disease in some form. Scurvy is a disease characterized by purple spots u])on the sur- face of the hody, caused by extravasation of blood, and is the result of alack of succu- leut vegetables in diet, in conjunction with confinenu'nt in itoorly ventilated apart- ments. This was a very rare disease in our army. I think I never saw in the same number of men oniMine-hundredtli part the amount of disease and suffering, mentally and physically, than was among these men. Some forgot that they had ever been prisoners, and had no anxiety to go home, forgetting their friends entirely. I think I never saw men before that were so utterly devoid of moral principle, as the majority of these under my charge. They had no care for themselves or any one else. From what I could learn from the men, and from their appearance — having treated them as tlioroughly and carefully as we could for three weeks — the state of things found among these prisoners was owing to a long and constant system of exposure, neglect, tilth, and starvation, at Andersouville aud other ijrisous. Men properly fed and clothed will endure hardships that those poorly fed, &c., could not ; and nu'U accustomed to a regular diet and system of living will give way to disease very fast when they are deprived of this regular custom of living. My experience in treating rebel prisouers was that they jnijiroved undi-r our rations. Acute diseases occurred among these ])risoners, and deaths were freijuent, when th(> person had been sick T)ut one or two days. We made lu) post mortem examination while 1 was at .lacksuuville. I have no doubt that to-day two-thirds of all these treated by us there are partially incajiacitated for the common duties of life, while many are seriously shattered, both in mind and body ; and eases of idiocy and insanity I know of from the effects of this prison life, that have been jironounced incurablts. The copy of Register of Camp Hospital contains the names of only those who were registered as hospital patients. 'J'he balance of three thousand three hundred were treated in camp. Copy of register of camp hospital for paroled prisoners, Jacksonville, Florida. Name. Rank. Co. Regiment. Admitted Died. William 11. RnssoU Sergeant Private ....do A H B C B H L B E A G C G K K I G G E G K I A C A E B B H C B K D H H E K H L B B May 1 do ..do... 50th Ohio Lewis II. r.iiwlan Michael Laddii; ....do 72d Ohio ' . do AiiKi.sM. i;...sc: do 63d Ohio 67th Pennsyh-ania lUth Indiana cavalry. . ■•2d Ohio ...do.... ....do.... ....do.... do Peter H. .Viidicws Sergeant Private Corporal PriviUo ...do ....do lsa;n- Chciuiiiiji- Clnistiaii I'xiwcr.s May 15. May 10. "William .\iidii-... Spencer Thomas V. Meeker James H. Hancock Ira Packard Madison Cook William G. Druntlacier H. A. Planeer S:iirin(l Stillions Hciinaii Miller liiehard Hawk J. H. McClary Elias Williams Daniel Freidly Ji)se]>li Lovett Pliilandir iliirris Edward lloj^ers E Iwiu Thoniijson Tlioiiias Kdcliler James J'arish liolieit McGhee Daniel Hutchison Plulip U Hirst J. M. Addsperger William Close Eobert C. Spell J. F. Hunter AV. R. Adam Koscol Trevett G. H.Butler H. L. Beatly J. A. Bucher J. R. Meeker Jacob Kellv JohnO'Neil Jacob Uhl Benjamin Blevens Philip King H. T. Bri-ar Jidm P. Reeder James H. Hyde Samuel Weaver IS'ewtou Ci (jwel James Powers AVilliam H. Hart Patrick Courteny Jacob Young William Kessler Thomas Clarke Charles \'inegar John Wallace James Linville William ( 'larke .John Saltsman Sauuud Potter Jacob 15. Uasler Cliarles Ilibird William Ih-uek AVilliam Ryan Jessie Goldthaite Barton Childs J. Bartlett M. D. Malone M. Landley J. P.K.King A.Hunt ;;. W. H. Harrison John A. Byrd Elijah Pur'dy J ohn H. Reed James E. Barr Rank. Private . ...do.... ...do.... ...do ...do Ci\'iliau Private ...do ...do ...do ...do ...do 1st sergeant. Private ...do ...do ...do ...do ...do Sergeant . Private . . ...do ...do .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. ...do ...do ...do ..do ...do Sergeant . Private . . Coi poial Private .. ...do Bugler . . Private .. ...do ...do.... Corporal Private . ...do ....do.... ...do... Corporal Private . ...do.... ...do ...do Civilian 1st sergeant. Private ...do ...do .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do .do. .do. Co. Regiment. Admitted. 9th Virginia 8th Iowa cavalry 2d Iowa battery.- 48th Pennsylvania 93d Indiana Q. & C. department .. . 9r>tli Ohio Hth Illinois cavalry .. 15tli Illinois 14th Illinois cavalry . . IHIli Illinois 3d Michigan 79th Illinois 81st Illinois 18th Michigan 7th New York art in:5d Illinois 18th Indiana battery . . 8th Io-,va cavalry 148th I'enusylvania . . . 1st X<'w Jersev cavalry 13.")th Ohio ...'. ". IGth Illinois cavalry. . . 14th Virginia lltli Kentucky cavalry •J3d Michigan" '. 9-2d Illinois 14th Illinois 7th Illinois llltli Illinois 3d Tennessee l-.23d Ohio United States 04th Ohio 14th Illinois 9th Indiana cavalry. . . 8th Michigan 57th Indiana 1st Me. heavy artillery 7th Indiana cavalry. . . loth Indiana ' 20th Indiana 9th Indiana cavalry. . . 75th Ohio :.■ 7th l*a. cavalry 2d Ohio '. 57th Indiana 72d ( )hio 6th Virginia 92d Illiiiois 125th New York 20th Pa. cavalry 10th Iowa 61st Illinois 3d Pa. cavalry 93d New York 6th Virginia cavalry . . 11th Indiana 15th Missouri 122dOhio 14th Illinois 6th Illinois 10th Indiana cavalry. . U. S. marine corps Cth Indiana cavalry... l,st Michigan S. S.". ... 114th Illinois 7th Tciinesscc cavalry. lOOth New Viirk 8tli Michigan cavalry.. 1st .Mass. lieavy art 42d Illinois 53d Ohio 72d Ohio 6th Virginia cavalry . . 1.5th Illinois 95tli Ohio 72d Ohio 68th Indiana 177th Ohio May 1 do ...do.... ...do..., ...do.... ...do.... ...do... ...do.... ...do..., ...do..., . . .do. . . . ...do..., ...do... .do. .do. .do. do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. do. .do. .do. .do. .do. do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. do. .do. do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. do. .do. .do. .do. do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do .do. .do. Died. May 12. MaV 27. :Mav. May 16. May 20. May 23. May 15. May 16. May 9. May 13. May 12. May 9. May 19. May 10. May 13. May 10. May 20. May 12. May 15. May 21. May 14. May 11. May 15. May 22 May 20 May 22 May May May ^lay May May May 16. 970 TEEATMENT OF PKISONEKS OF WAR Copy of register of camp hospital for paroled prisoners, ij-c. — Continued. Name. Bank. Co. Regiment. A-dmitted. Died. Algod N. Kidd Private ....do do E B C M L L I D A H D G G I K B I C E L M K r A B A I F K B B I E K H C I H I D H K G E B B I A G I C K A M K E B I E G C M I H F K F B •2d ^Maryland Me Laughlin'sO. squad. 4-2dXe\v York '20th Pa. cavalry 1st TViuiessee cavalry 10th Indiana cavaky . . 45tli Ohio May 1 do May do ....do.... ....do.... do May 16. Tliomas H. Shield T. P. Waiier A. L. Klioze do ('. D. Wiuii do W. D. Lester ..do James White . ..do .T. Healkin do 37th Ohio ...do do 1st Delaware ....do.... ....do.... ■\Villiam Wolfe do Elisha Parks Corporal Private . ..do do William Scarle 115th Ohio .do... Daniel Puff do do Hiiam Perry do 1st Conn, cav.ilry ....do... ....do.... do ....do l-2t)1h Indiana ....do.... Budd liemiett ....do 5th New .Irisey -1th Michi"au ....do... do E. P. Thiustdii . . do Jasper X. Hale Sergeaut Private ....do liatk Ohio ....do.... ....do.... 16th Illinois cavalry . 40tli ^Missouri ..." ....do.... ....do.... Knl'us Davidson .-..do Musician Sergeant Private do . . IHth Illinois ....do.... 8th .Miehii;an cavalry . 15th Illinois May 10 do May 10. 10th Indiana cavaby. . 4th Missouri cavalry.. ....do.... ....do.... ....do.... ....do .. , ....do ....do 05th r.S. ((ilor'd troops. 15th lllhidis . . ....do.... ....do.... ....do ....do 1st ( )hio battery . .. ....do.... ....do l.-^tli .Mielii"an ....do.... ....do .5Hth Massachusetts ... l-24th New York ....do.... ..do .do do 94th New York ..do do . . . .do. . . . May 18. John Bristoe ...do 10th New York l-22d Ohio ....do.... ....do.... do do IStth Maine ....do.... William Hobbs ....do 7th (3hio cavalry !)!)th of colored.' ...do.... ....do.... ....do do 2d U. S. colored troops do ....do.... do do Samuel Gilson do 35th U.S. colored troops. 2d U. S. colored troops 61st Illinois ....do.... ....do.... ...do.... do Josepli Elk ington J;uiics ^[c( 'arl Sergeant Private ...do 2d New Jersey cavali'y 117th New York (!lst Illinois ....do.... ....do.... do Corporal Private ..do 7th New York artillery 72d Ohio . . ...do.... ....do.... Jiuiib r.urkctt PtDliert I'xMttv do 137th Illinois ....do.... Corporal Private ....do ....do.... 1st \iri;iuia cavalry . . 80th Illinois 1st Mass. heavy art . . . 135tli Ohio ....do.... ....do.... ....do.... ....do.... Thomas ()>hmd Heurv Marshall ....do Thomas Park do . . do .. 1st Vermont cavalry . . ....do.... ....do... James Cromwell do Christian Loekwood G.X. Trizzell ...do Sergeant Private Corporal Private do 61st Illinois 7th Tenne.ssee cavalry. (ilh r. S. cavalry '. . 3d Teiniessee cavalry do ...do.... ....do.... ....do.... ....do.... ....do.... J. 0. Atchliy J. A. Atcldey ....do... K T. Powers do ..do ...do 7th Kentucky cavalry. 70th Ohio . .'. ...do.... ....do ... S. K. Eakins .. do Washington, D. C, Fehruary 17, 1868. Abraham J. Palmer .svrom and examined. By the Chairman : Question. Please state your name, age, residence, and occupation. — An8\ver. My name is Al)iali;un .T. Palmer; I am twenty-one years of age; I reside in Newark, New Jersey, and am a student at present. Q. When did you enter the service, and iu what rank? — A. I entered the service on BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 971 the 3d of July, 1861, as a private in CompaDy D, Forty-eighth regiment New York vol- unteers. Q. How long (lid you serve ? — A. Three years and two months. Q. If you were captured by the rebel forces at any time, please state Avhere and when, and your txeatment while a prisoner; also, what you know of the treatment of other Union prisoners that came under your notice. — A. I was captured at Fort Wagner, South Carolina, on the 18th of July, 1863, at the time of the assault by General Gilmore's forcT3S. I was taken to Charleston the next morniug. and was coutined in the jail there. I remained there two or three days, and was fed twice while there. On a Wednesday morning, I think, we were sent to Columbia, South Carolina, and coufiiied there nearly two months. My treatment was very good there — there was notliing to complain of. From there I went to Richmond some time in September, aud was at lirst taken to Lil)by Prison. The ti'eatment there was not so good as at Coluuibia; indeed it was very bad, a small piece of meat, perhaps an inch square, being all of that kind Ave re- ceived in a day. I went three days afterward to Belle Island, and found several thousand men there, and was coutined among them, all being divided olf into squads, regularly. The treatment was very bad in(leed, there. The weatiier was very severe a good part of the time, and we had nothing to cover us but the clothes we had on when captured ; and they Avere the thin clothes we had worn in the summer. Nothing extra was given us. We had some old, probably condemned, rebel tents with holes in them, they were so much moth-eaten. I got sick there, and there was an order to take no man to the hospital who was able to walk. I got some friends to ])ut me in a blanket and carry me out as though I was not able to walk. A physician examined me and said I might go to the hospital. I suppose my youth was in my favor, being- then only sixteen years old. We were carried across the river in a little old scow, and were put into an ambulance Avithout any top, and driA'en in the rain about two miles, !• think. They put me into the hospital building known as Mayo's building. I Avas sick Avit.h typhoid feAcr, and they put me into a bed from Avhich a man'had been taken Avho had the itch, and I got that, aud sutfered from it tcrrildy. I recoAered from the typhoid fcAcr, aud Avas attacked with intlammatoryrheunuvtism, which wasA-ery bad. I finally recoAcred so as to be quite Avell. Doctor Christian Avas kind, and was a tine man, except as to his ability. He detained me for a nurse in his Avard, probably again on ac- count of my youth ; then, after a time, I distributed medicines as a steward ;^tiien I got a position as clerk in the oiiice of the prison hospital ; while 1 Avas clerk, a man by the name of John Wilkins was surgeon in charge ; then I Avas promised to go on every Hag- of-truce boat, and I was treated finite Avell, with sufScient to eat ami a comfortable place to sleep. I remained a clerk from that time, Avhich must have been about the last of January, 1864, until the 16th day of April, Avhen I was i>aroled. The treatment of the prisoners in the hospital there was A'ery bad indeed; they had iusullicieut food — corn-bread — the corn being ground up, I belicA-e, Avith the cobs ; they gave only this to sick men for their diet ; this produced an irritation of the bowels ; and the quantity of food Avas entirely insuthcient. Dr. Wilkins was relieA'cd about the middle of my clerk- ship ; I understood that he wrote to the rcliel surgical department, ])rotesting against the whole treatment he was obliged to give the jirisoners, and especially as to tlie insuffi- cient amount of food ; I haA^e heard him talk about and protest against the food; he was succeeded by a man by the name of G. William Temple ; he wrote his name in that way, he said, for fear people would think it Avas George Washington ; the treatment was not improA'ed at all during my stay there. There Avas another clerk there, at the same time, with me — William C. Robiuson, of the Thirty-fourth Illinois regiment ; he and I brought away from Richmond, each of us, a copy of the record of the number of cases of each kind of disease for January, February, and March, and the number of deaths from each cause ; that I have with me. From this, Avhich is a copy of my origi- nal paper that I brought away from Richmond, I find that the total cases in the three hospitals for the three mouths, Avas 2,781 ; the total number of deaths Avas 1,396. In January there were 229 cases of chronic diarrhea, and 193 deaths ; in February, .337 cases, and 26.') deaths; in March, 283 cases, aud 250 deaths; leaving thirty-three men out of the two hundred and eighty, who died the next month. This comijlaint Avas caused by nothing, as I thought, but the coarse food irritating the bowels. Q. You think it Avas caused by the food? — A. Yes ; that is my opinion. I got away on the 16th of April, 1864 ; while there the work of copying the number and keeping a record of the number of our men Avho died there Avas done l)y myself and the other clerk, Robinson ; it would not haA'e been done unless we had done it ; the rebel authori- ties alloAved us to do it ; they Avould not have kept it. I will say here, that my orig- inal copy has become torn, and some of the figures, in one or two cases, are so obliter- ated that I am not quite sure what they are ; I have omitted one or tAvo numbers on that account. Q. How far is Belle Island from the rebel capitol building ?— A. I should guess a mile and a half, but I traveled the distance only once, and in the night, audi am not able to judge very accurately as to the distance. Q. Could you see the rebefcapitol building from Belle Island ?— A. I do not recollect. 972 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Q. How far is Libby Prison from the rebel capitol building ? — A. T should sny .1 mile. Q. What do you know of rebel officers, other than those in command of the camp and prison, being at the camp or prison while you were there? — A. General Morgan, after his escape from Columbus, Ohio, came tliere. I was sick at the time, but I was told it was he. He wallced througli tlu^ hospitals and inspected tlie manner of treatment generally; and I understood that lie said it served them well enough; that the treat- ment was good enough. Q. Did you see .Jetierson Davis there?— A. I did not see him. There was a man there who was the undertaker for the dead from the hospital. He used to give us a gallon of oysters a month for giving him the report of those who were dead. I understood he received $1,600 a month for his work. The treatment of the dead in the li(isj)ital was terrible. They would lay them on the tloor in heaps, and let them lie till the great rats would eat out the eyes and eat the cheeks. I often talked with the rebel doctors about it, and protested against it; but they did not seem to iniy much attention to it. The mutilation of the dead by tbese horrible rats was a matter of every-day oeeiirrence. Sometimes the dead were carried out soon after they died. 1 recollect an instance of the harsh treatment of a j)risoner by a surgeon, soon after General Kil[iatrick's raid. A prisoner Avho was taken then was brought in, and I saw a rebel surgeon amputate one of his legs. The surgeon gave the sponge of chloroform to the ward-nuister to hold; but no one held the man's pulse. When the doctor had partially amputated the leg, he looked up and saw the man's eyes open, and he stopped the operation and pulled out the saw and said, the man was "as dead as a mackerel." One or two of tlie other surgeons said they would try him, anyway, and they threw water ou him and worked at him till he revived. Q. What was the treatment of the prisoners by the rebel officers? — A. At Charleston the oflicers were very bombastic, and wanted to tVirce out of me how many troops we had on Morris Island. They had us up separately, and quizzed me (jiiite a while. They threatene'd to punish me for the burning of Bluftton some years before. At Co- lumbia the treatment was very good. Captain Sinus, the connnaudant of the iirisou there, was a humane man and a gentleman. They took us to Richmond — over a hun- dred of us, with a guard of six. The name of the officer in counnand at Libby Prison was Turner, and a man by the name of Ed. W^. Koss was clerk. They searched us when we entered the prison, and took Avhatcver valuables they could hnd. I did nut know the commandant's name .at Belle Island. They treated us there cruelly as ))(>ssil(le. be- ing very overbearing. There were four surgeons at the hospitals, whose mimes I can recall : Dr. .loliu Wilkins, Dr. G. William Temple, Dr. Christian, and Dr. Gilibs. Dr. Gibbs was the man who paroled the S(piad of men with whom I came home. There were several other surgeons, whose uanu's I do not recollect. Several of them came on the flag-of-trnce boat to City Point. They treated us as well as they could with the means they had : but there are exceptions, in my opinion. Sonu", I think and believe, used li(iuor and other articles that were given for the use of the sick Union men, by the United States Sanitary Counnission, that were sent there for that purpose. They dis- tribnttid to our sick some coffee, sugar, and some other delicacies, and also some cloth- ing. A detail of our officers from Libl)y Prison assisted in that. I do not suppost; thi-y distributed all they received, from what I heard of the matter. The name of the rebel clerk of that hospital was Hopkins. He was a very fine man, and did all he could to keep the records of the dead properly. Q. Were the supplies for the hospital.s, furnished by the rebel authorities, such as were needed for the sick ?— A. No; they gave; them corn bread. Q. When complaints were made by Surgeon .John Wilkins to the rebel authorities, of the insuf'licieney of the sick, did the sui>plies improve in character and (juantity ' — A. No, sir; he was removed, as I learned, for his impertinence, aiul the supplies did not increase. Q. Do you know to whom that complaint was made by Surgeon Wilkins ? — A. I think to the surgeon general of the reliel army. Q. Did you learn from Surgeon Wilkins to whom it was made? — A. I think I did. It was talked of in my In^arjng. Q. Do you know from Surgeon Wilkins whether the matter was ever brought to the notice of Jefferson Davis? — A. I do not. Q. Do you recollect the name of the surgeon general of the confederacy at that time ? — A. I do not. Q. Do you know where Surgeon Wilkius resides ? — A. No ; I do not think I do. The clerk, Hopkins, was accused by a private rebel .soldier, before the rebel authorities, of stealing some of the sanitary stores, sent to our prisoners, and taking them home for his own benelit. This privatt; soldier who accused him hal, at the bombard- ment, by his fleet, of the forts at Hatteras Inlet, North Carolina, and their capture, with their rebel garrisons, six hundred and seventy-eight of whom, officers and men, were transported from that jioint on the flag-ship Minnesota to New York. We treated them so kindly and considerately that on our arrival, before leaving the shiji, they solicited permission to hold a meeting to give formal expression of their feelings of gratitude for our kindness." This recital seemed to bring the crowd to their senses. Another incident will further illustrate the deep-seated hatred and absence of kindly considera- tion for prisoners of war on the part of the traitors. Among the prisonei's were three oT four negroes. On inquiry I learned they were servants of Union officers, and had been captured during the tight. I took one as my servant, and requested other officers to take each one, thinking thus to be able to protect them better and perhaps secure their release. While passing to the depot (the boy I had chosen walked near me) we were greeted, from the sidewalk, l)y a very hneiy dressed man — appearance bespeaking the gentleman, but his words belied it — I was told his name was Lee — with this re- mark, addressed to the officer commanding the escort: "Give my compliments to the othcer commanding at Richmond, and tell him to hang those two, the nigger and Yank, together, as soon as he gets them." I have been thus particular on the theory " straws show," &c., and I could not but think we were going to dangerous quarters. This was Sunday, August 10. The next morning we arrived in Richmond, traveling all night by railroad. At the depot in Richmond some poor women seemed anxious to do something for us, giving us water to driuk, but the guard interfered, and soon we were at the Libby Prison, already, under Jett' Davis, and subordinates Winder, Wirz, Turner, Ross, and others, become infamous. General Henry Prince, United States Army, who commanded a brigade in Augur's division, was captured in the same battle, went to Richmond with us, and, being acquainted with Winder, (both, I think, being graduates of West Point,) persuaded the guard to take him to a hotel to get breakfast, (we had received two small rations of hard biscuit and raw bacon,) but was soon hurried down to prison, by order of Win- der, without breakfast, to his intense disgust and surprise. After the usual examina- tion, the officers were marched to quarters set apart for officers, but soon we were placed in another room, alreaily overcrowded with civilians, private soldiers, &c., and informed that we were General John Pope's officers ; and, in retaliation for orders issued by him, all his officers captured would be degraded from official rank, treated as felons, and held as hostages, to bi; punished, if he (General PopcO cariied into effect Iiis orders. This distinction against Pope's officers was continued up to the time of release. When prisoners came they were asked to which branch of the Union army they belonged. If they said McClellan's, they were treated as oflicers ; if Pope's, they were degraded as far as was in traitors' power to degrade loyal men. This was carried out in pai'oliug. Pope's men and officers leaving last ; while others who came after went out before us. No prison rules were shown us. The second or third morning Captain J. S. Camiibell, Twelfth Infantry, United States Army, had washed his face 076 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF Wkjt and liaiuls, and attempted to hang tlie cloth he used as a towel on the window-frame ; I heard a gnn fired, and saw the captain's arm drop, with blood llowingfrom the wrist. The sentinel had aimed at his breast. The ball struck the rib over the heart, leaving its mark, glanced, and struck the wrist. We often saw the sentinels with their muskets cocked and poised, watching the windows, to get a shot at the " damned Yankees." A few days after we heard another shot, and a heavy fall above, and knew there was another victim to rebel cruelty, wounded or killed. The fact soon reached us. The sentinel had fired at a man in the window of the second story ; had missed him ; the ball had passed through the floor of the next story into tlu; breast of a man twelve or fifteen feet from a window, violating no prison rule, and, sooner than I have taken time to record the fact, his life had passed away. Sentinel's conduct not cen- sured, but approved. One other prisoner was wounded, one killed, and two wounded, in that prison, from 11th August to latter part of September, when we left on parole. Wirz was in command at the Libby then. On his trial it was attem])ted to prove him a kind-hearted man. I think him by nature cruel and cowardly. A single incident, of which I was eye and ear witness, would suffice to condemn him. A bod>' of Union soldiers were passing the Libby to the llag-of-truce boat ; they could see oificers, and said : " Good-bye, Captain Hancock," " Good-bye, Captain Stewart," " Good-bye, Captain H.," &c., as they recognized us. We answered, "Good-bye," "Good-bye," thinking no harm. At this moment Captain Wirz came out of his office, in full soldier costume. He was going down to the boat. Speaking to the sentry, he said: "Drive those damned Yankee sons of bitches away from there; shoot them if they speak another word ; God damn them." On this hint wo moved ; not another word was spoken, for well we knew his guard were only too glad to make marks of "damned Yanks." One of our companions, an ofticer of Pope's army, was sick for weeks witli typhoid fever. We requested that he might be taken to the hospital next door. It was re- fused. Near the prison was a spring of cool water, (our prison water was from the James River, generally muddy and warm,) from which, occasionally, by intercession Avith one of the guard, more tender of heart than the rest, or for a consideration, we could get a canteen of cool water for our sick comrade, a most delightful draught for him. Soon, however, a man came into prison, and, on the promise to bring water from the spring, took all our canteens. They never were returned, nor were we altle after to get a canteen for our sick conn-adt;. I am thus particular, for, from the number of siinilar facts at the South all through the war, any other than the correxit conclusion cannot ha drawn, viz, studied, deliberate cruelty toward Unionists, soldiers and civil- ians. Onr prison fare was meager in the extreme, both in quantity and quality. Witli such rations in 18(32, at Richmond, I do not wonder, under Davis, Winder. Wirz, and Company, they soon descended to starvation rates. Andersouville, Salisbury, ami ^lil- len were natural sequences to Libby, Castle Thunder, and Belle Isle. Tliey thought an emaciated " Yank," dying from starvation, was a better man to send North to dis- courage enlistments than the noble record, " Died on the field of battle." Of many Union men, whose only crime was refusal to join in treason against the United States, I recall a father, quite old, and his two sons, aljont mile compeers — this courage :uid hero- ism I felt was more worthy of protection by our government than any 1 could exhibit as soldier. Yet those men remained in that prison long after we wei'e paroled. Others suftering for the same cause were there. I will state their names by and by, stopping to relate a case of refined cruelty as it occurs to me: Two ofiicers. First Lieutenant William B. Hatch, Fourth New Jersej^ volunteers, (his fellow-officers, ColonelJanies H, Simpson, a graduate of West Point, Major William Birney, and others of the Fourth New Jersey, were in apartments appropriated to officers,) and I^ieutenant MeMasters, of Ni?w York volunteers, w(U"e already occui)ants of thesauu^ room, for degra(hitiou and punishment, into which Pope's officers were placed. Lieutenant Hatch and Lieu- tenant McMasters had twice escaped from jirison, and were punished Ijy being placed every night in a tobacco sweat-box, a room much less in size than the ordinary prison cell, and wheri the door was closed — having no opening for ventilatiOth strongly revived my recollec- tions of you and brought back associations of the battle of Cedar Mountain, the court- house yard at Orange, and the Libby Prison in Richinond. "The intercourse at these places where I formed yoar acquaintance inspired me with respect for you as an earnest and enthusiastic soldier and itatriot, one who sutiered in the cause so cheerfully as almost to seem to enjoy it. In addition to this I can say that I witnessed your courage in battle, your fortitude on the march, and your gentle- manly deportment to your companicms in the prison. " I wish you every success, and beg you to remember that the grasp of your hand will always be agreeable to me. "Very respectfully yours, " Captain George B. Halsted." " HENRY PRINCE, "Brigadier General Volunteers. During my imprisonnaent in the Libby, in Richmond, Virginia, I saw Jefterson Davis and General Winder pass tlmt jirisou, arjn in arm, I think as often as twice while I was there. Washinton, D. C, February 18, 1868. WiLLiAJi M. Mitchell, sworn and examined. By the Chairman : Question. Please state your name, age, residence, and occupation.— Answer. William M. Mitibell ; lam twenty-live years of age; I reside at Port Elizabeth, Cumberland County, N. J. ; I am a glass-blower by occupation. Q. If yon were in the military service of the United States, state when and where you enlisted, and with what rank you served? — A. I enlisted on the 14tli of September, 1861, in company K, Tenth regiment New Jersey volunteers, at Beverly. I served as a private tliroughout tlu; war. I eidisted for three years, and served seven months and eleven days over my time, on account of being iu jirison at the expiration of my term. Q, Where were you captured, and in what prisons where you coutined .' — A. I was captured in the Wilderness on the morning of tlie 7th of May, 18G4, by Ewell's coqis, and 1 think the Twenty-second Virginia regiment. I was confined at different times in Lynchburg and Danville, Virginia, Andersonville, Georgia, and Florence, South Carolina. Q. State the kind of treatment you received at the time of your arrest and until your imprisonment at Lynchburg ? — A. While in the hands of the old troops, I received as good treatment as I coidd liave, uuder the circumstances, with the exception of the eighth day, when we had scarcely anything to eat, and were marched a distance of twenty miles to Orange Court House, Virginia. Q. State the character of your treatment at Lynchburg, aud give the names of the officei's in command '1 — A. They told us the ti'eatmeut they gave us was as good as they could give us under the existing circumstances. Sometimes we received a good ration ; but most of the time hardly any ration. Wis were threatened that if we uiidiMtook to break the lines, they would fire niton us from a battery on the hill, with grajK' and canis- ter. The connuander of the prison was Captain Shinu ; the jtost conunantter was Gene- ral Nichols. The other oliicers I do not renienil)er. Captain Shinn appeared to be a very fine man ; he would talk with ns and promise to do whatever he could for us. AVe were hungry all. the time and complained that we should be starved to death. I was in Lyn(hl)urg alxmt a week ; then we were sent to Danville, Virginia. Q. What was yonr trcatinent at Danville? — A. Similar to that at Lynchburg. We were conlincd, dirt'ercntly tliougli, Itcing ])ut into a tobacco warehouse ; and the guards had orders that if any of the prisoners s^ioke to any one from the windows, to lire upon them. I have known the guarils to lu-e upon the prisoners as they put their heads near the windows there. Our rations there consisted of corn-bn-ad, a little rice, soup, a small jtiece of bacon, for one day. I thiidc it was suOicient to sustain a man in health for a short tinu', though not for a long period; becanse I think it wonld bring on the scurvy. We remained there only six days; and from there we were taken to Ander- sonville. I arrived at Andersonville on the "JSth of May, 1864; Avas at once examined a-nd sent inside i)f the stockade. 1 was [ilaced in chaige of thirty-tluve, to draw and issue rations for them, one sergeant being in commaml of a hundred, he drawing from the rebel quarternuister aud corps commissary, and I drew from these Union sergeants. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 979 Our rations generally consisted of corn meal, not sufficiently gronnd for food for sol- diers, bacon, rice, and beans. We had fresh meat sometimes. The bacon that we got was of a very poor quality, and I should tliink would create disease. The rice was very poor, and the beans were not lit to eat. The coru meal liad been, undoubtedly, ground up, cobs and all. Sometimes we got molasses, and that was very good ; but when we got molasses we got no meat ; we had a small quantity of molasses in place of meat. Q. State whether the food received at Andersonville was sufficient to sustain a man in health, both in quantity and quality. — A. I do not think it was sufficient, either in quantity or quality, to sustain a nuxn in health. I actually believe that there were thousands who died from starvation and disease brought on from the food used at AndersonviHe ])rison. Q. What portion of the time that you were there did you suffer with hunger?— A. We surt'ered with hunger most from about the 1st of July, 1864, until we were trans- ferred to Florence, South Carolina, in the middle of Sei)tember. The quality was poor and the quantity was small. Toward tlie last part of that time we scarcely got any meat, and as a substitute they gave us nudasses. Q. What was the supply of wood furnished to the prisoners ?— A. It was nothing, as a general tiling, compared to the number of persons confined in the prison. That was the scarcest article there was in tlie prison. Q. Was there plenty of tindjer in the neighborhood, which might have been used for wood ? — A. There was, judging from what we could see over the stockade, hundreds of acres of fine timber land, which could have furnished wood, and it would have been willingly cut by the prisoners and carried iuto the stockade, if we had had the privi- lege of cutting it. Q. What kind of wood did they furnish you ?— A. Pine. Q. What eliect did the smoke from the pine wood have upon the victuals that you cooked with it? — A. I could not say that it had any effect. The only tendency avo thought it had was to drive disease away, such as fever, as we were told it would do that. Q. What was the supply of water?— A. The supply of water was plenty, such as it was. There was a small s'tream of water running directly through the stockade, but it was filtliy and dirty. Above the stockade was encamped a rebel regiment, or the rebel forces guarding the prisoners. It has been told to us from the paroled men at Andersonville that the filth from the rebel camp was washed into the stream of water which we had fo drink. On each side of this stream through the stockade was a filthy, low place, and very muddy, where the filth and dirt of the prison was thrown. This was washed by every rain down into the little stream, and the water, three- fourths of the time, was as black as ink. At one place at the dead-line, at the upper side of the stockade, a little board wall was put up, through which the water ran; Init it was with great difficulty that the water was kept as clean below as it was when it came into the stockade, ^yhile getting water at this little boarded place some of the prisoners were shot by the rebel guards for accidentally reaching over the dead-line to get clean water. They had no intention to make any attempt to escape, or of violat- ing the rules at all. I have myself seen a man shot there. Q. What do you know of a spring breaking out between the dead-line and the stockade? — A. For a time the water became so bad in this little stream that it was impossible for the prisoners to use it. We applied to Captain Wirz, the commander, for shovels to dig wells tliroughout the prison. He gave us the shovels and permission to dig the wells. A great many were dug, and from them they received good, whole- some water. But so eager were uuiny to make their escape from the prison, they would tunnel from the bottom of the wells out imder the stockade, and come up fifty or sixty feet outside. This being found out liy Captain Wirz, he stopped the prisoners from digging any more wells; and some of those that had been dug, especially if any could be found from which tunnels had been run, were covered up. This left a scanty supply of water for the prisoners. It so happened, about this time, that just upon the rise of the hill, between the dead-line and the stockade, where none of the prisoners dare go for fear of being shot, a cot)l spring of water broke out. It flowed down toward the creek some twenty feet, and then commenced to flow in toward the dead- line, until it came within about four feet of the dead-line, just beyond the reach of the prisoners. They would then take their cups or pans or pots, or anything that would hold water, and' tie them to sticks and reach them out over the dead-line, to get the water. The prisoners then applied to Captain Wirz to allow them to form some plan by which they could lead this water over the dead-line into tlii^ prison grounds. He gave them permission, and supplied them with a few boards, with which they made a trough which led the water along just under the dead-line, where they could go and dip up water at any time. This continued to flow while I remained there, and supplied the whole prison with water. Q. Were there many sick in the camp while you were there ?— A. Yes; there were thousands sick in camp. The disease of which luost were sick was chronic diarrhea ; but a more fearful and fatal disease was gangrene. I have seen persons get gangrene 980 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR in a small sore, of which they thought uothing ut first, and in forty-eight hours they would be corpses. I have known as many as one hundred and eighty-eight Union prisoners to be carried out of the prison to the dead-house within tweuty-lbur hours. I could not tell how many died in the prison and hospital both. I only speak of the prison. AY ith regard tt) the supply of wood, I have known it so scarce that, in order to get an ojjportunity to go out after a few sticks, prisoners would steal dead bodies from one another, so that they might carry them out in the morning, in order to get permission to go for wood when they got outside; for, as a general thing, the guards would allow those who came out in that way to go with them to get some wood. I remember that at one time I a^ipointed three men out of my tent, and one other man, to carry out a dead body. When they got to the dead-house they asked the guard if he would take them to the woods to get some wood, as they had none to cook their rations. He told them he could not go to the woods Avith them, but he would take them to a rail ])ile near at hand. They went, and each of them got six rails. When they came inside with them, the prisoners would offer them from live to ten dollars each, in greenbacks, for a rail. Some of the prisoners then had plenty of money. Q. What kind of shelter had you f — A. Very poor. When I tirst went into the prison I had part of a shelter-tent, which was given me by my own government ; and my comrade, who was captured with me, had another par?, and putting tliem together we had a Unit. But this soon became worn out in the prison, so that even the heavy dews would go through it. From the 1st of June, 18G4, up to the 28th of .June, we scarcely saw the sun. During this time a drizzling rain fell ; and, if there was no rain, at night there Avould be heavy dews. The soil of the prison was a clayey loam, and under those heavy rains and dews it became very muddy, so that I have lain night after night upon a blanket, and would sink down into the mud two or three inches dniing the night, the ground was so soft. We lay in the mud and water nearly all the mouth of June, most of the time wet to the skin. Q. Could shelters have been made of the timber near, and would the prisoners have made them if permitted f — A. Yes, sir ; those who were permitted to get any timber and brush, or anything which would make a shelter, did so willingly, and they would have willingly got it for others. The timber could have been worked so as to make good shelters'; I have seen shelters made of timber cut off four or live feet long, and set up on end and meeting at the toi), so as to form a letter A, and then brush were laid upon it, and sand thrown upon that, which made a shelter from the hot sun, but the rains would come right through it, though it kept otf a great deal of that. Q. State whether supi^lies were sold by rebels, in or about the prison, to Union pris- oners. — A. I have known liour to be sold to our prisoners at the rate of a dollar a pound, in greenbacks, to those who were able to buy ; then they who had bought a quantity would set up bakeries or stores for the prisoners, and retail to those who were not able to buy by the wholesale ; some would bake cakes and bread and retail it in that shape. I have known vegetables to be sold by rebel sutlers to the iirisouers for greenbacks ; they would not take their own money cither. Q. Did the rebel government furnish any vegetables to the prisoners ? — A. No ; not at any time, that I know of. Q. State what you know of stocks as a punishment of prisoners. — A. The stocks at Aiidersonvjlle Prison were made of a plank some ten feet long, lirmly fastened upon the ground upon its edge, then holes, half-moon shape, were cut into the top edge of the plank so as to fit the Avrist or ankle, and anotlicr i»hiiik of the same description, with holes cut in the lower edge to tit the other ; this was worked by a slide so as to lift up and down ; and when a ])risoner was guilty of any offense, he was taken outside and put in these stocks ; his wrists in one find his ankles in another place, and for hours he was made to lie there, securely fastened, upoa his back. I have seen them chain the prisoners for little ottenses, putting a liall and chain upon them ; soiiK'times sending them outside, and sometimes leaving them inside of the stockade. I have known Captain Wira threaten to lire grape and caiiisler into the prison if the prison- ers congregated together in a very large body, for fear they were concDcting some plan to make tlieir escape. He caused to be put up in the prison two poles, upon each of which was a little white Hag ; they were put up so that one wasaljout one-third of the length of the prison from one end. and the other aliout one-third of its length from theother end, thus dividing the prison into three \nirts ; he then sent in an order that if the priscmers were fountl in the middle part of this, congregated in larg(^ numbers, he would lire grape and cauistei among them from the battery outside, wliicli was al- ways loaded for that purpose. 1 have known them to lire solid shot and shell over the prison, as I supposed only to scare us, when the pi'isouers were congregated together ; they would immediately disperse in all directions ; I think he would have carried out his threat. Q. What was the conduct of the surgeons of the prison toward the sick? — A. Some- times very fair; at other times they would not take much notice of a dying man. I have taken men out to the siu-geons, iit the sick-call in the morning, and api)lied to Ijave the men sent to the hosi)ital ; aud at no other time could I get oue sent to the BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 981 hospital, only one ovory two weeks. There were so many sent every day ; they said the hospital was full. The medicine they gave us, I do not think was worth anything. For the- senrvy, they generally giiv(i snmac-berry tea, the ])atient drinking the. water. Q. Could tin; aceoirimodal ions in hospital I'ooin have beiiu increased '? — A. Yes, sir. There was plenty of cleared ground, and, as I have understood, they could have Ijuilt other hospitals. • Q. How near the prison did the railroad pass, and the cars come? — A. Within three hundrb that the reports he had fre([uently heard were true, and that (jeneral Cobb ai)])lieil more than once to the authorities at Richmond to have us all paroled immediately and sent through to our lines. This, I heard, they refused to do, or to treat with our commissioners. Q. Did the rel)el government, at any time, furnish you or your fellow prisoners with dotliing of any kind?— A. No; I did not receive any clothing from the rebel gov- ernnmnt. Q. What was the condition of the prisoners at Andersonville in regard to clothing ? — A. .Some of tiiem wen; nearly naked ; and I have seen some of them quite naked. Q. What was the eh'ect of the treatment the prisoners received upon their minds? — A. 1 )»eliev(! it was the cause of a great many becoming deranged. For instance, I know one case of a soldier who had lost a hsg in action and was confined in Anderson- vilhi Piison. When I (irst became a(;((uainteil with him, ho seemed to b(! of a sound mind and could talk as well as I could. He soon became down-hearted, and he would even walk acioss Wu- dead-line whcue it was, as we thought, instant death to cross, and would beg of the rebel guard to shoot him and put him out of his misery. This 1 be- lieve to have been caused by his being insane, which was produced by the treatment he received in i>rison. Q. Do you know whether the rebel guard did shoot him ? — A. No ; I could not say whether th(;y did or not. In many cases I have seen those that I believe were de- ranged from the treatment received in prison. I have known them to be crazy and go about like crazy p<;ople. Q. W^as there better care taken of those who became deranged than of the sane lirisoners ? — A. No; there was no better care taken of them ; but as a general thing there was the least care taken of them. They were left to go alone, forgotten and for- saken. Q. What eft'ect did the treatment of the prisoners have upon their social feelings to- ward each other? — A. I believe it made them hard-hearted, reckless, careless, and even bloodthirsty. I believe th(;re was a change in nearly every one in regard to their feel- ings toward their most intimate friends. They became selfish so as to care only for themselves, and thousands did not care even that much. Q. State what you may know of hounds being kept there for the purpose of pursuing escaping prisoners. — A. I have seen a pack of houuds there, supposed to have been eight or ten of them. The leading one was a great favorite with the rebels, known by the name of .Jack. I have known them to be set upon prisoners' tracks and to catch them. The xtrisoners were brought back into prison, torn and bitten by the hounds "when trying to escape to the Union lines. Q. Did citizens living in the vicinity visit the stockade ? — A. Yes, sir; they would do so. Q. State how they treated the prisoners. — They w(juld talk to the prisoners; as a general thing wouhl laugli at them and taunt them for being taken jirisoners, and in suit them iti different ways. In hardly any case, to the best of my knowledge, did any one show much sympathy toward the piisoners. Q. Were there any coloied soldiers in the prison while you were there? — A. Yes; there were some fifty colored soldiers and sailors. Q. Were they al>le-bodied or wounded? — A. Some were able-bodied, some were wounded. Om; I know to have had his leg amputated. I saw the reltel guards come in one day and, at the point of the l)ayonet, force aU the colored soldiers they could find outside the stockade. They told us they were going to force them to Avork upon the breastworks, which the colored soldiers refused to do until compelled to do it at the point of the bayonet. Q. Do you know that they did compel them to work so ? — A. I could not say that they did. Q. Did you see those colored soldiers afterward ?— A. I did not ; they did not return while I was there. 982 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Q. What was the treatment of the colored soldiers as compared with that of tho white soldiers ?— A. They received the same rations and were treated in the same way except being forced ontside of the stockade by tlu^ rebid gnards. Q. Do yon know of colored soldiers l)eing songht for and claimed by their former masters?— A. Yes, sir; some of those who were forced ont to Avork upon the breast- works were claimed by rebel citizens as being their former slaves. Q. Do yon know of colored soldiers being sold as slaves by the rebel authorities at any time f— A. Only by hearsay. I have heard it stated that some of those were sold, Q. From whom did yon get that information ? — A. From onr own prisoners. Q. Where were yon taken from Andersonville ?— A. On the 15th of Scpteml>er, 1864, I was transferred to Florence, South Carolina, arriving there on the 17th. Q. Explain your treatment and that of others at that place.— A. Our treatment there was similar to that at Andersonville in every respect ; but our rations were smaller in quantity, althongh, perhaps, a little better in quality. At one time, at Florence, tho camp was fifty-seven days withont a mouthful of meat. Our rations consisted of rice, beans, corn bread, or corn meal. When we first went there, there were no rations at the commissary for ns. The rebels themselves went into the country, to the different farm-houses, and collected corn bread, corn cake, and eatables of all kinds that they could get hold of, for th(> ]irisoners. Q. Were there any rebel sutlers at the camp, selling supplies °? — A. Yes ; there was one. Q. What kind of supplies did he offer ? — A. Flour, meat, and vegetables. Q. What was the treatment of the sick? — A. Similar to that at Andersonville. I think thei'e was more medicine at Florence. Q. What was the personal treatment of the officers and guards toward the prisoners there ? — A. I have known Lieutenant Lane, acting officer of the guard at Florence Mili- tary Prison, to give orders to the guards to shoot the Union prisoners if they attempted in any way to cross the dead-line, or if, at any time, they spoke to the gnards while upon duty. I know of one case where the order was carried into effect, the guard shoot- ing a Union prisoner for merely asking him for a chew of tobacco. I buried the pris- oner myself. I recorded his name, company, and regiment in the death record of that prison ; made a note of the cause for which he was shot beside his name ; and also re- corded the name of his murderer. I do not remember it. This death record I brought through secretly to Annapolis, Maryland, about the 1st of March, 1865. I was taken sick with a fever there, and lost it. I have never heard of it since, but conld trace it as tar as the New York State agent's office. It contained the names of two thousand six hundred and thirty-two Union prisoners buried at Florence. Two days before we Avere paroled. Major Fergus, the reliel commandant of the prison, told nie I had better copy the original death record, and bring it with me through our lines, as the rebel government would doubtless destroy it, and our government would never know how many died there. I was two days copying it. I got a log-book from the mate of the brig T. P. Wagner, to copy it into. Q. What was the mode of burying the dead prisoners there ? — A. The hospitals were at the southeast corner of the stockade. Directly at the corner was a large gate, the entrance to the hospitals. It was my duty in the morning to go to the entrance to see if any dead were carried ont of the hospital and laid near the gate. Down at the main entrance to the prison, also, the dead would be brought and laid from the inside of the stockade. I would take the names of the dead, of their company and regiment, which would be found on a little piece of paper on tlieir breasts, and record them in the death reconl. Then we took them in an ojx'u wagon, with side-)>oards and bottom- boards, ijutting in from twelve to fifteen at a time, and carried them ont to the bury- ing-gronnd, where trenches were dug bj- ourselves, about three feet deep. We laid them in side by side, with no covering except the leaves and brush which we gathered in th(} woods. We then covered them with earth, and marked their graves with head- boards, numbered, and set the number by the side of each one's name in the death record. I have often given the number of the dead to Lieutenant Colonel Iverson, of the Fifty-fifth Georgia regiment, commanding the jmson at that time, and he has laughed at me, and told me there was not half enough dead ; that he would kill every Yankee there was in the prison. I have often heard him wish the prisoners would starve to death. When we first went there the prison w^as under the command of Major Brown, a paroled prisoner of w;ir, recently returned through the lines. He was appointed major of a l)attalion of South Carolina militia. There were th-ne battalions guarding tho prison, one under the command of Major Brown, one under the command of Major Williams, and another under the command of Major Ward. Abont the 1st of October, 1864, we were put into the new stoekatU- built for us ; and about that time the Fifty-fifth Georgia regiment, nndcsr Lieutenant Colonel Iverson, was sent there to supersede Major Brown. Lieutenant Cheatham, of the Fifty-fifth Georgia, was adju- tant of the prison. Lieutenant Barret, of the Fifty-fifth Georgia, was prison inspector. One Wallace was commissary. Lieutenant Wilson was the officer in charge of the BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 983 working sqnad. His treatment was none of the best, often cursing and damning them, threatening to shoot them, or put them in the dungeon, for no cause whatever. Q. Who "was the officer of the prison guards f — A. Lieutenant Lane. Before he was sent tliere no one was permanently in that post. Q. Wliat was his treatment of the prisoners ? — A. It was cruel. He was always sul- len and wove a hateful look ; never gave a kind answer or spoke a kind word to any of them. Q. Did you know Lieutenant Barret, of the Fifty-fifth Georgia regiment ? — A. I did. His treatment was even more cruel than that of any of the rest. I have seen him get up over the main entrance of the prison, on a log that was over the gateway, and stand there and pull his revolver out, loaded with ball, and shoot at the prisoners, Avithout any provocation at all. I know the pistol was loaded with ball, because I have more than once heard the bullet whiz close to my ears. Q. Did you know Colonel Wil'iams ? — A. Yes. He was Major Williams, afterward promoted to be lieutenant colonel. Q. What was his treatment of the prisoners ?— A. Better than that of most of the other officers, except Major Brown. Q. What do you kuow about Major Ward ? — A. I never had anything to do with him, and I could not say anything about him. Q. What was the conduct of Major Fergus toward the prisoners ? — A. Very good. Q. What was his residence ? — A. At Wilmington, North Carolina. I think he treated the prisoners better than any other officer at the prison. Q. Was there any attempt made to induce the prisoners to join the rebel service ? and if so, what was done "? — A. Yes. Colonel O'Neil, of Memphis, Tennessee, came to the prison and offered to take all prisoners of Irish descent who would take the oath of allegiance to the southern confederacy and enlist in a regiment under his command. He raised a regiment and left the prison with them ; and it was afterward stated that he went into the western army under General Hood. AVhat became of them I could not tell. Afterward another battalion was raised and sent down near Charleston, South Carolina, and in a fight near Pocotaligo, with General Foster's troops, they con- cocted a plan by Avhich they would shoot their rebel officers aud hoist a white tlag, and surrender to the Union forces. A Siianiard proved treacherous and told of the plan, aud many of them were shot in the attempt to escape to our lines. Ten of them were executed afterward by order of General Morris. We heard they were executed at Savannah. Q. From whom did you get that information ? — A. From the rebels themselves. After that Lieutenant Barret recruited another battalion of some five hundred men, and took them outside of the stockade and went into camp with them near the burial ground, where every morning I could see them, as I went directly by their camp with the burial squad. They were there in camp about three weeks, when they were armed with mus- kets and marched oft' to the front. Q. How many persons have you known to be shot by the guards at Florence, South Carolina ? — A. I remember distinctly five. I did not see them shot, but saw their dead bodies afterward. I saw one of them shot. The first one was shot for crossing the dead-line. He was ignorant of what the dead-line was. It was while we were in a little camp before we went into the stockade. The next one was a member of Colonel Kane's Bucktail regiment, of Pennsylvania. Right on the liue where the little stream ran through the stockade there was a log, and under the dead-line. He, crossing over the log, not knowing it was the dead-line, was shot, and fell outside into the stream. The next one was a sergeant in a Minnesota regiment. I have heard his own comrades say he was shot for merely bidding a guard " Good morning." The next one was a mem- ber of the Twenty-eighth Indiana regiment. He was shot for asking a guard for a chew of tobacco. The next one had just come in, and was ignorant of the dead liue, and had not been told about it. He walked over it to pick up a cabbage-leaf to eat, and was shot. Q. Do you kuow of any other cruelties practiced upon the prisoners ? — A. I have seen them handcuffed and put in the dungeon, which was a room built of logs, about t^elye feet square and about eight feet high. This was at one corner of the prison, the top of it being a platform with a field-piece mounted on it, commanding the prison. I have seen prisoners handcuffed with the handcuff's entirely too small for their wrists, and put in there without anything to eat for forty-eight hours. Their handcnfts would cut in from a half an inch to an inch in depth, their hands would have swelled so ; aud their hands were black as ink aud their arms swelled to their shoulders. This I kuow, because I had one in my own burial squad who was punished in that way for trying to get something to eat. Q. Do you know of any other modes of punishment ? — A. I have seen an officer in Colonel Ward's battalion who ordered a prisoner to be tied by his thumbs, and raised so as to just touch his toes to the ground, aud kept him there all day long. At night, when he was cut down, his thumbs were completely stiff, and he had no feeling in his 984 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR bauds. Every one tlionglit be would die from tbe effects of tbat pnuisbment. Wbether be did or not I cannot tell. Q. Were bloodlioiiiids kept at Florence for tbe purpose of pursuiug prisoners? — A. Tbere \Tas a pack of seven, I tbink. Q. Do you know of any case in wbicb tbey were used? — A. Tbe owner of tbetn was tbere, tbat be migbt use tbcni ; and I renicniber oup case wbere a younu' iii'ii^ by tbe name of Ezra Rip})le, living at Scranton, Pennsylvania, a member of tbe Second Penn- sylvania regiment, stationed at Morris Island, "attempted to make bis escape witb a party of paroled men, near tbe latter i)art of February, 1865. He was overtaken by tbe hounds and bitten in many places very seriously. The party was overtaken by cavalry near tbe Pedee River, and were all brougbt ba^ik but one, of wbom I could get no account afterward, except tbat as I got a cbance to speak to tlie party afterward, and tbey told me be was sbot l)y tbe rebel cavalry. Tbe cavalry said 1 bey did not sboot any one, altbougb tbey shot at tbem. Tbe missing man's name was Goss, a member of tbe Bucktail regiment of Pennsylvania. Q. Wbat became of tbe otbers wbo Avore bandcuffed? — A. Tbey were sent off to Sal- isbury Prison ; but as the train was rnnning in to Wilmington, General ScboHeld's troops were so near, and tbe city was so nearly taken, tbat they could not run the train out of tbe city, and, therefore, tbey were taken and released by our troops. Many of tbe handcuffs were broken off before tbey were released ; but some still bad tbem on. One of tbe party was an adjutant in an Ohio regiment. Q. Do you know wbether infoi'mation was sent to the rebel government at Richmond of the treatment of tbe prisoners at Florence ? — A. Only by hearsay ; what tbe rebel officers would tell us themselves. They would tell us, and even band ns ]iapers in which was an article concerning tbe prisoners, and tbe negotiations going on between the conmiissioners. They Avonld also tell us tbat word had been sent to Ricbuiond giving information as to the condition of the prisoners tbere, and stated that tbey could not feed tbem there much longer, as pi'ovision could not be had in tbe cuuntry. I remember tbat a lady, living near Florence, South Carolina, wrote to Jefferson Davis himself, then president of the southern confederacy, giving him a statement of tbe con- dition of the prisoners there, as she had seen it. Q. Were tbere any colored soldiers imprisoned at Florence? — A. Tbere were. Q. What was their treatment as compared with that of the treatment of the whites? — A. It was the same. Some died there, and were buried separately from the whites. Q. Do you know of any colored soldiers being surrendered there to their former mas- ters? — A. No. Q. Do you know of any being sold at auction? — A. No. Q. Do yon know of any being placed at work for the rebel authorities ?^A. No ; I do not. Q. Is there any other statement which you wish to make? — A. I desire that the death record which I made may be appended as a part of my testimony, if it can be found. The last information I bad of tbe record was through a man by the name of Boardmau. I can refer you, as to his residence, to Mrs. Almira Stevens, of Platea, Erie County, Pennsylvania, widow of William Stevens, late of Company E, Ninth New York cavalry. Q. What was the supply of wood at Florence ? — A. The Avood was plenty. Sixty prisoners were detailed daily to procure wood, of wbom an orderly had charge. C^. Wliat was the supply of water? — A. It was sufficient, and generally good. Q. What provision bad yon for shelter? — A. It was poorer than at Andersonvillc, because the tents tbat tbe prisoners bad at Andersonville, if tbey bad any, were worn out when they got to Florence. I bad none, and I wrote to the commander, saying the winter was coming and we sliould ])eiisb if we did not have shelter. I requested per- mission to go out to the swamp and cut some wood to build a shelter. Tbe next day he sent for me, and four of my comrades, wbo were to build a tent together. Through tbat, lie seeing my writing, I was detailed in charge of the burial squad. Q. Please give tbe location of tbe burial places near Florence. — A. The main burial ground is on tbe left of tbe road leading from Florence to Geoj-getown, South Carolina, although tbere are about four hundred Imried upon the right of the road ; buried when we lirst went there. They were buried regularly, but not marked. Near the four hundred, on the right of tbe road, are some galvanized Yankees' graves. They were out of Lieutenant Barrett's battalion, and were buried l>y their comrades, iind no account is made of them in tbe death record. Some were buried over at tbe sinall-pox hospital. These are recorded upon the death record, but their graves are half a mile from tbe main burial grounds. Some graves are in tbe edge of the woods, near the main burial ground ; and there is a trench near tluit ground containing ten men, thrown in and cross-pik'd in every way. I raised a mound tbere and got a board, some two feet in widtli and four feet long, and marked tlie grave. I jnit upon tbe head-board, " Here lie buried ten Union soldiers." I saw recently, from an account written Ijy some one to a Boston ])aper, that it is still tbere. All tbe other graves I marked with head- boards, and then set each man's name on the death record. Some, however, were marked BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 985 " Unknown." I wish to make an additional statement to what I have already stated. On ray arrival at Annapolis, Maryland, I was sick with typhoid fever, and as I was to be carried off the boat by four soldiers on a litter, I remember distinctly of having my death record, together with a photograph album and some little relics from the prison, in a pillow-case that I got from the sanitary commission. I requested one of the sol- diers to bring the pillow-case witli me, as I had some valuable things in it that I wished to keep. I remember, when I was being carried oft' the boat, one of these soldiers with my pillow-case started after me ; but as I got into the air, for some cause, I sank so low as to be unconscious, and I knew nothing more of what happened for two or three Aveeks, when I found myself in Jarvis Hospital at Baltimore. Washington, D. C, Felrmmj 20, 1868. J. Nelson Clark sworn and examined. By the Chairman : Question. Please state your name, age, residence, and occupation ; and if you were a prisoner of war during the late rebellion, state fully the particulars of your eapture, and your subsequent treatment by the rebels.— Answer. My name is .Joseph Nelson Clark, M. D. ; my age is 27 ; my occupation, clerk in Adjutant General's ofiice; post ofiSce ad- dress, Mechauicsburg, Pennsylvania; my rank, when mustered out of the service, was sergeant-major of the >Seveiitli Pennsylvania reserve volunteer corps. I enlisted in April, 1861, and was mustered out Fei)ruary 22, 1865, at Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Our regiment arrived in Washington July 24, 1861. While serving with the army ot the Potomac, under General McClellan, I was captured by the rebels at the close of the battle of Gaines's Hill, Virginia, June 27, 1862. From here I was marched, with a large number of other prisoners taken at that battle, to Richmond, Virgiuia. Here I was confined in a tobacco warehouse with some fifteen hundred others. Three weeks after our arrival some three thousand of us were taken to Belle Island. Here we remained until August 7, 1862, when we were exchanged at Aikens's landing, on the James River. While in Richmond and on the island we received additions to our numbers almost daily. Our ratious consisted of one meal per day, made up of rice soup one-half pint, and a piece of wheat bread about three inches square ; some days we received a little beef. On the 4th of July we received nothing to eat. The system of issuing rations was so badly managed that the sick and wounded, unless they had friends who were in good health in prison with them, received little or no food, and the system of taking the sick from the island was so l>adly conducted that most of them died before they were removed. Many of them liugeVed for days, walking skeletous, liviug on soup made from beef injured and spoiled by the heat. I have seen the beef carried from the boats to the cook-house alive with aiiimalculfe. The mortality would have been far greater but for the fact tliat most of our soldiers had greenbacks or gold and silver se- creted about them, which the rebel officers in their haste in searching us failed to find. The rebel guards smuggled their provisions iutotlre prison in exchange for our money. While here a number of our regiment died from the want of shelter, food, and medical attention. Water here was in abundance, the James River surrounding us, but with all this abundance of water it was ahnost impossible to get pure river water, muddy as the James River always is. The rebels allowed us but about twenty feet of tlie island frontr ing the river, and' the greater part of this was used for a sink; as we liad some four thousand on the island, so that the water on that part of the island was constantly being vitiated ; the water in which we washed our clothes and bathed, and of which we drank, all came from this small space. But our ingenuity soon devised a plan by which we could get better water, and in a short time wells of pure water were found all over the island. These were excavated with our tin plates, and our hav ersacks answered for buckets. Fortunately we did not have to dig very deep before we rear bed water. These wells became impregnated with camp filth oftentii^es to such an extent as to be useless. But the filtliy, lousy, dirty, haggard!^ starving men on this island is beyond the conception of any one who was not an eye-w itness ami undergoiug the same treatment. The diseases that prevailed were dysentery and all those diseases that i-e- sult from want of food, shelter, and proper attention. ^^ May 5, 1864. — Nearly the whole of our regiment was captured by the rebels in the Wilderness, our regiment being engaged in a Thick wilderness, separated from the rest of the army by the vicissitudes of that day's battle. Wo were immediately marched to Lynchburg, Virginia, where we were searched. Our knives, pistols, and the visiMe money was taken from us. From here we were taken to Danville, Virginia, by rail. Here we i^emaiued two weeks ; received corn bread and meat in little larger quantities than we had heretofore received. There were none of our regiment died here of which I have any knowledge. Major Morfit had charge of the prisons here, and treated us as kindly as it was possible for any one under the circumstances to do." 98o TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR The following is taken almost verbatim from my diary : "J/a// Id, 18(34, 3.3U a. m. — Marched to the railroad depot, having the night previous received one day's rations of corn bread and bacon, (and I will state here it was much better bread and bacon than we received at any other place in the south.) Passing through North Carolina we found six miles of railroad out of order, and were marched this distance. — 8 p. m. On our way to Greensboro, North Carolina, sixty men packed in a car. " May It', 18G4.— Slept on top of the car last night ; cold and damp ; six hundred miles yet to Georgia. Passing thi'ough Salisbury, Nortli Carolina, we saw our soldiers look- ing out of a large building in which they were contined. "Man 20,18(34. — Leaving Charlottesville, having lived yesterday without rations. Our rebel friends took compassion on us, and gave our raviug appetites one day's ra- tions of hard wheat bread and bacon ; one shoulder of bacon and one hundred and twenty }tounds of bread per huudred men. There are ten hundred men with us ; some of the men are paying two dollars for a little biscuit. Having rained, and no jtlace to lay our Aveary heads, made our beds on the wet grass and slept sound till morning. — 11 a. m. Sun warm. Waiting patiently for the train to go south. — 2 p. m. Sixty-live in a car ; going to camp on the opposite side of Charlotte from that of last night. This eve drew three crackers aud a small piece of bacon. " :Sati(rd((!i, Maij 21, 1864, 5 a. in. — On the cars south ; pleasant scenery, rich fields, &c. "May 22, 18(34, lU a. m. — Very hot ; travelled all night, over one hundred miles; slept on top of a car nearly all night with Hix, as I have done nearly every night since we left Lynchburg, Virginia. — 1 p. m. Arrived in Augusta, Georgia, just as the citizeus were returning from church. " Moiidai/, Miiy 23, 18(34. — One hundred and sixty-eight miles from Augusta; saw an Augusta i)aper of the 22d, giving full accounts of the battles in Virginia and Georgia. Received no rations for two days, until last evening ; received a ration of bread and meat, and to-day received a small piece of bread and meat. " Tuesday, May 24, 1864. — Arrived at Audersonville, Georgia, sick with dysentery, in- duced by exposure, coarse food, aud want of food on the way here. As I attempted to walk from the depot to the stockade I staggered and fell. I was carried by my com- rades, Jacob Hess and William Eichelberger, of our regiment. I was sick for two luonths Avitli fever, scrofula, aud dysentery. Here we found twelve thousand of our boys, some of them nearly naked, having been ])risoners all the winter previous, and having had no clothing issued to theui since their cai)ture ; also found the water in the little stream that passed through the stockade tilthy aud (lirty, and a great many sick aud dying. For three days after my arrival I was unable to move from our tent. " JVedncuday, May 25, 1864. — Dysentery very severe to-daj'. In great pain this hot afternoon. Eighteen thousand prisoners here and one thousand more coming now. I sleep very little at night and none during the day. Have not eat anything for three days. " May 27, 1864. — Eat six or seven spoonfuls of souj) ; 8un very hot ; nearly burnt np. " Saturday, May 28, 1864. — Very weak to-day. " May 29, 1864. — Calm and hot to-day ; not much like Sabbath day. Read the Bible when tilt! paius do not prevent me. " May 30, 1864. — Bought three eggs for a one dollar greenback from our men doing a grocery business in the prison. The hot afternoon nearly kills me ; difficulty of breath- ing ; at stool every hour. " Tuesday, May 31, 1864. — Twenty thousand prisoners here ; still suffering from my disease. "June 1, 1864. — Took a walk this morning. "June 2, 1864. — Raining all the morning; most of the prisoners wet through, and nothing to lie on but the mud. " Friday, June 3, 1864. — Paid seventy-five cents in our currency for a pint of rice. The rations issued to the prisoners up to this date I have beeu unable to eat, and have given them to my comrades; sold a pair of gloves to a rebel officer for ten dolhirs in confed- erate money. One of the prisoners to-day paid a rebel fifty dollars for a bushel of salt. " Saturday, June 4, 1864. — Drew beans nearly half sand; still get corn bread and bacon. " Monday, June 6, 1864. — One of our men counted one hundred and ten dead iu prison yester(hiy, three thousand sick in hospital, besides the thousands that are sick here iu the stockade." I will now j)ass on and only select an occasional paragraph from my diary. "June 8, 1864. — Raiuing last night; camp full of smoke. The men are i)acked iu so close we can hardly walk through the i)risou. "June 22, 1864. — Rained nearly or (piite every day of this mouth ; wrote another let- ter to mother ; bought an onion for seventy-five cents in our currency. Several under- ground trenclies fouud out to-day by the rebels. They were dug out under the stockade from wells within the stockade. They were dug by an organized comi)any of our men BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 987 ■^'bo did tbeii' work in the night and secretly. The way the rebels found our plans, was by a treacherous member of our company reporting them to the rebel officers, who gave him some agreeable service outside the stockade. " Thursdaij, June 23, 1864. — Two men iu a dying condition ; they were shot a few days ago by ihe rebel guard on duty around the stockade. Day before yesterday another man s'hot iu the hip by the rebel guard ; this man being in almost unconscious condition from the treatment received, walked over the dead-line. " Thursday, June 30, 1864. — Very warm. Drew no rations yesterday on account of the raiders." These raiders were a set of cut-throats and robbers, made up of that class of men you woidd tind iu a city of thirty thousand men, murderers and robbers ; they were our own soldiers. These raiding gangs, the last few weeks, have been an annoyance and a terror to all the quiet and best-behaved prisoners. They nightlj^ make their rounds, stealing and killing their fellow prisoners for money, clothing, rations, &c. Yesterday the rebel guards were looking after these men, and this is the excuse thej'^ gave for not giving us rations. " Fridaij, Julji I, ISGi. — Beautiful morning. A judge and jury taken from the ser- geants in prison for the purpose of trying the raiders. The feeling of the prisoners is that they should be hung. There are about one hundred and fifty of them. ^^ Saturdai/, Juli/ 2, 1864. — Moved into the new stockade — that is, some of us moved into the new addition to the prison. We have some wood here to do our cooking, as half of the prisoners are receiving uncooked rations. This evening the stockade between the two camps is being torn down by the prisoners for wood; we gathered a few pine knots. " Sundai/, July 3, 1864. — Beautiful Sabbath morning ; don't feel very well. Several wells commenced near us. Received no rations to-day. Chapman, a recruit of Com- pany H, Seventh Pennsylvania reserve volunteer cavalry, died in the hospital yester- day. •' Sunday, July 10, 1864. — One of the prisoners delivered an address before prayer meet- ing couunenced. Four hundred and fifty more prisoners came in to-day ; they were cap- tured near Petersburg, Virginia. Sergeant Samuel M. Riker, of the Eighth New Jersey, an old friend, came in to-day. About thirty thousand inside the stockade ; dj'iug from about forty to one hundred and eighty per day. "Monday, July 11, 1864. — Six of the raiders found guilty of murder, and that of their fellow-prisoners, were hung to-day at 5 o'clock p. m. They were hung by our own men on a gallows prepared by our own men ; Captain Wirz furnished wood, ropes, and a guard." Rumor says General Sherman, commanding our forces near Atlanta, approved the sentence of these murders. These men were hung inside the stockade, iu tlie presence uf thirty thousand of our men. The names of tliree of them are Moseby, Curtis, and Donnelly ; the names of the others I don't know. Wheu they were let fiill Curtis broke his rope and ran through the crowd, and being a very large, strong man, swayed the mass of men on either side of him, and ran to tin; opposite side of the camp, but was soon recaptured ; and, after very penitent cries to be let go, was placed on the stand, another rope procured, and soon the outraged decency of their fellow-prisoners were avenged by the last of the six demons. " Thursday, July 14, 1864. — The prisoners notified that Captain Wirz knew all about a plan on the part of the prisoners to make their escape, and that the cannon he had placed in position on the hills around the camp, would open on us if we attempted its execution. We .were also notified not to crowd in front of the gates or he would fire on us. So weak this afternoon I can barely get up the hill near the run. " July 29, 1864. — Very hot ; nearly burnt up with the heat ; sufiering with dysentery, "July 31, 1864. — Have not been able to move from my tent for a week on account of sickness. " Wednesday, August 2A, 1864. — Four of us carried a sick man across to doctor's call to-day, but the doctor would not admit him to hospital. One hundred and forty dead men carried to the dead-house yesterday ; over one hundred die per day. " Thursday, August 25, 1864. — Washed my shirt and drawers and stockings last even- ing. Go to the run to wash everj' few eveumgs. Another man of the regiment died yesterday, making the 16th ; also another this evening. Lieutenant Davis is now in command of the prison. Captain Wirz is sick. "Friday, August 26, 1864. — One of the prisoners hung himself to a tent-pole, a few yards from me ; he used his haversack string for a rope. He has been sufiering with abberations of his mind, all caused for the want of proper food, &c. "Sunday, August 28, 1864.— Beautiful morning. No church to attend. Thirty thou- sand prisoners lolling in their tents ; some of them carrying out dead ; others carrying- sick to hospital; others drawing rations and dividing them to their squads; and all of them will soon be cooking their scanty allowance. " Wednesday, August 31, 1864. — Another man of our regiment dead, making about 988 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR tv\'enty-five. It is reported more than eiglit thousand have died iu the prison since last February. " Sejytember 2, 1864. — Last night Daniel Hoover, of our regiment, died ; helped to carry him out to-day; returning, gathered some wood to bring iu with me to enable me to cook my rations. " Sattirdai,', Se2)femher 10, 1864. — Moved our sick from the detachment to-day; prepar- ing to leave tlic prison. " Sunday, Sc2)timher 11,1864, 4 p.m. — Received orders to be ready at a moment's warning. '' Sqjtcmhcr 12, 1864. — Taking our departure from the famous 'Camp Sumter,' now called Anderson ville, Georgia, the modern 'hole of Calcutta.' During our stay here Ave saw at least seven thtmsand of our fcHow sokliers die — die for the want of food, shelter, and attendance, and yet wood was in abundance; acres of it within sight of tlie prison. Most of tliese dead and forgotten heroes were the bravest of the brave and tlie noblest of the noble, and the most self-sacriticing and generous; but, under the treatment received here, became the most selfish, exacting, ungenerous, hard- hearted, and immoral, and a great many of them insane. These men died JVoni being in a continuously starving condition from tiie day of their enti'ance into eamp luitil their death. During the month of June it rained nearly every day. These thousands of men were exposed to this inclement weather without any shelter save that of a few blankets, and a few shelter-tents they carried iu v.ith them. Some of the men dug holes in the ground; others built houses of black mud." I have not s])oken of the two or three acres of ground used as a place for defecation. Dysentery, scrofula, scurvy, and gangrene raged so universally that daily you would see four or five thousand of the sick on this plat of ground at once; daily we would iind the dying and the dead partly covered with this fecal matter, as some places it was two feet deep ; frequently, while in the act of defecation, the prisoners would fall into their own fecal matter and call for help, and often times those near by were as weak as themselves. 1 have not spoken of the scarcity of wood ; frequently men would be found digging roots from out this fecal matter, taking them to the stream, wash them, let the san dry them, and then use them to cook their rations; and those rations may have been beans that liad gone through other prisoners undigested, and ])icked up at the same jjlace and washed in the same manner. The scenes here are too horrifying to describe ; the mis- eries experienced here are beyond all conception and description. You ean no more de- scribe the miseries of the prisoners than a man sufl'eriug with an excruein ting tooth-ache can convey to his friend, by words, the pain he himself is sutfering. I might give you many more pages on " Andersonville," but will pass on hastily over our trip to Florence, South Carolina. We were packed as closely as we well could be in lumse-cars, leaving Andersonville Tuesday, and arriving at Florence the Thursday following. Our food Avas scant as usual ; many of our men taken sick on the way, anriso- uers at the respective prisons? — A. At Andersonville, General Winder and his sou were pointed out to me one day, as having been sent by the rebel government to inspect tho prison, and I heard it said by our prisoners, that they reported to the rebel government that the prisoners were treated better thau they deserved to be. Q. State whether the treatment of the prisoners at Andersonville was better after the inspection uuide by Winder than it was before? — A. The treatment was not any better; if anything, worse; as our supplies of wood, especially, were decreasing every day. Their aid and assistance appeared to be decreasing too, as they were sending off the guards, and of course that decreased the u,umber that supplied us with wood and rations, and the number of the guards that went with those who carried out the dead. That was one excuse they gave for not giving ns liberty to go and get wood; because they said they had not guards to go with us, and it would not be safe to let us go without. Q. Do you know of General Cobb being at Andersonville prison? — A. I do not. I heard he was there. Q. Did you see General Winder ? — A. I saw a man who was pointed out to me as General Winder. Q. Within the stockade? — A. Yes, sir, within tho stockade and outside of the dead- 990 TEEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR line. It "was customary for tlae officers to walk around the prison between the stock- ade and the dead-line ; occasionally they would go through the camp. Q. .Judging- from the appearance of the camp, at the time you testified, there were some tliirty thousand prisoners; about how mucli s])ace was allowed to each man in the camp "? — A. To give an idea how closely they were thrown together, I will state that when tliey drove their wagons into camp, they had to come in and wake up men who were slee])iiig, in the morning, so as to have room to drive the wagons in. That will give a better iilea than I can give in any other way. The space allotted would be about six feet s(]n;u'e. Theu a great deal of this ground on which they were compeUed to lie was swampy and muddy, and they had to cover it up witli something to get room. Some had to use the space where the sink was for want of other room. Every one, even if he had nothing to cover himself, had a place which he called his, where he kept his tin cup. The prisoners were all divided off into detachments of three hundred each, and these into three companies of ninety, with ten to each ninety men to issue rations to them on some system. The ten men would generally receive the uncooked rations and cook all together. Q. What was the personal treatment of the officers and guards toward the prison- ers ? — A. Most of the officers treated our prisoners cruelly. Captain Wirz could be frequently heard giving the guards orders to shoot the men if they did not remaui within the inside of the dead-line. I have seen several men shot, at the stream, for reaching their cups a little across the dead-line to get clean water, as all the rest of the water was muddy, having been used for washing clothes ; and a great part of the stream was used as a sink. Q. What was the condition of the water in the stream, when it reached the stock- ade? — A. A great part of the time the water was covered with filth and grease from the cook-house of the rebels, which was built on the stream above the stockade. The men in charge of the cook-house threw their filth into the stream and the water was continually covered with grease. Often when we washed onr clothes in it, we would iind them more greasy and dirty than before. Sometimes teams were driven across the stream above ami (he rebel soldiers washed in the stream, which made the water very filthy and muddy. Q. Do you know whether there were other streams close to the camp, that might have been used for getting water which was clean ? — A. I do not know of any except this little spring that broke out in the prison some two months after I got there. We did use that, and if we might have been allowed to go across the dead-line and dig out the sjjring, we might have had a much larger stream of water. Q. State whether tl^e rebel authorities, at any time, tried to procure good water for you ? — A. No ; I do not know of auy efibrt being made by them for that purpose. Q. You stated that some of the men became deranged ; state how many, it" you can ? — A. Of the thirty thousand men in the prison, I think it would be truthful to say that three thousand of them were insane, or partly insane; and a great many who died, for a few tlays previous to their death, were unconscious or ins;yie. Almost all the sick, just before death — some for two or three days, and some for two or three weeks — were insane. Q. You stated that the treatment received by the prisoners produced a bad state of morals among them; to what do you especially attribute that? — A. To the want of food, tlu! want of cleanliuess, of shelter, and of medical attention. Q. Then I understand you that it grew out of their sufferings of mind and body ? — A. Yes, of mind and body. A great many wei'e disheartened, and many gave u]) all hopes of ever being exchanged, the ]>rospects were so unfavorable, and they thought they would never get out. Many of their fellows were dying, and those who had fami- lies at home, in thinking of them, the thought preyed upon their minds, and all these causes together worked upon them and they became insane. Q. State whether there was better care taken of the ins.ane, by the rebel authorities, than of the sane .' — A. The care of the insane, if anything, was worse than that of the sane. As when a prisoner became insane he was given up, both by his own fellows aud by the rebels, as one who would very soon be dead ; their attention and strength, if they had any to give, being spared for those who were sane. There was some atten- tion i)aid by our num to the sick and wounded in the prison. Some had been hospital attendants, and others had been ujedical students; and they dressed the wounds of the men as long tis they had strength and could conveniently give them that attention without roI)bing themselves oi' that strength which they needed to avt)i(l exposing their own lives. But finally, each one, at least each mess, used its own means in the mess, for their own safety. Q. State whether it became a practice among the prisoners to husband their strength for fear of bad results if they exerted themselves ? — A. Yes, it was quite a frequent habit among them, and some even went so far as to justify themselves in keeping these sutlers' stores for their own benefit and that of their friends, because by that means they continued strf)ng and healthy. It was by the aid of these persons that we got rid of the raiders, because they were the strongest men in the prison, and they BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 991 orgauized a police, because inauy of the raiders would make raids upon tliem. They therefore stood as police for the whole prison. They had nothing to do but to attend, to their business and in policing the camp. The men who dug the trenches for the prisoners to escape were from among them. Some of them amassed a great deal of money and might have done a great deal more than they did for their fellow-pris- ouers. Q. What character of supplies were furnished by the rebel sutlers to the prison sut- lers ? — A. All kinds. Vegetables and grocery supplies of every kind. Every day or two a car load would be brought down, and it was said that the adjutant of the post was the man who sent for these supplies and sold them to the wholesale sutler. There was only one wholesale sutler. Q. Was he a rebel ? — A. Yes ; and it was undei'stood there was an arrangement between him and the adjutant in the matter. These supplies consisted of butter, eggs, turnips, potatoes, pickles, turkeys, chickens, hams, tobacco, salt, flour, and meal. There was a great deal of salt, flour, and meal brought there. Q. Then do I understand you there were supplies to be had in the country by the sutlers f — A. Yes, I understood they were iu abundance at Macon, from which place they were brought. Q. How near did the cars approach to the prison ? — A. Within a quarter of a mile. Q. Were these sutler supplies brought on that road ? — A. Yes. Q. In whose control was that road '! — A. It was under the control of the rebel gov- ernment, I understood. I did not know much about it. Q. Was that the road by which you aud your comrades were taken to the prison ? — A. Yes. Q. State whether there were colored prisoners confined at Audersonville. — A. Yes, there were some fifty. Q. Please state the treatment they received. — A. I believe it was about the same as ours, save that they sent their wounded within the prison. I saw several who had their legs amputated ; one who died, and was laid in that i)art of the ground where we had our sink. He was covered with vermiu. His leg was eaten up with auimalculte, and his whole body covered with vermin. The colored soldiers were used by the rebels to work in the daytime, a number of them, aud sent into the prison in the evening. Finally they were all taken ont of the prison, I believe. Q. Were they allowed hospital privileges ? — A. Not that I know of. Q. Do you know of any of those colored prisoners being surreudered to their former masters ? — A. I do not, excejit by rumor. Q. Do you know of any of them being sold ? — A. I do not. It was said some were sold. Q. State how the citizens treated you. — A. They treated us scofitingly, as a rule. Occasionally we would liud one or two who were very kind to us. While going through Charleston there was a lady who set two or three men at the corners of the streets with hands-full of confederate money, to be dealt out to the men as they passed along. This was iu November, and many were very thinly clad. At Florence many well-dressed ladies came to the corner of the prison where the scaflbld was built for citizens, to look over. Aud as Ave would be ridding ourselves of body lice we would strip ourselves nearly naked, and those women would appear to delight in seeing us in that condition. Many prisoners, in their efibrt to get rid of the sight of those ladies, went to a diiferent part of the prison to destroy the vermin. Q. What was the manner of the ladies, while looking at the prisoners, toward them ? — A. Most of them appeared to look as if they felt that that was good enough for the prisoners. When passing tlirough Richmond the women came to the doors, aud would often tell us if we came back again they would kill us Simihir remarks were made as we passed along the streets. Q. Is there any other statement you wish to make, in connection with this testi- mony ? — A. I will name the following persons who were captured with me at the Wil- derness : Colonel H. C. Bolinger, Adjutant Hastings, Lieutenant Hefferfinger, Lieuten- ant Ruby, Sergeant Eichelberger, Sergeaut Joseph Mooney, Corporal Army Noble, and privates Jacob Hess and Solomon Smith, all of the Seventh Pennsylvania reserve vol- unteers; the privates being of Company H. I will further state" that the system of carrying out the dead at Audersonville was to carry the bodies to oue of the entrances near the gate, and lay them there in a line, and four men were there to carry out each dead body. The rebels would allow but three or four dead 1o be carried out at a time, and some of the men who were to carry them out would be obliged to stand there among the dead iu the hot sun all day long, as it would take all day to carry out a hun- di'ed and fifty men. Many of the men who were to carry out the dead would thus be overcome by the heat, aud fall down by the side of the dead, and have to be taken away aud carried to the dead-house themselves. The difficulty iu getting men to carry out the dead bodies was obviated somewhat by the fact that they could get wood gen- erally when they went outside to carry the dead. The dead were generally carried out by the strong men, who got wood and sold it out to the prisoners, and for which they 992 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR got euorraoiTS prices, some of them, as tliey said, doing a very good business in that way. It was the practice of the prisoners, when weak and sick, to go down to the water, so as to be near it. This was qnite a noticealde feature in the camp, and it was quite a common saying in the camp, that when a man went there for the sake of being near the water, it was the hist step, and he wouhl die. It was common to see hundreds of men lying near the stream of water,just about expiring, who had no friends to bring rations to them ; if rations were issued to tliem tliey were uualjh^ to cook them, and they wouhl lie there along the stream, though this part of the stream was used as a sink. One insane man refused to have any clothing put upon him, and went up and down the stream for a week, refusing to take any food. The last I saw of him he was dead, in the stream. When the stockade was enlarged by an addition of a new part, so great was the rush of the prisoners to get into the new part, and tlie passage from the old to the new so narrow, that many of the sick were trampled upon and killed. The reason for this anxiety was to get hold of the wood that was to be found in the new part at hrst. Some by this means got a few sticks from which they could make a little covering, and others wood euough to cook with for a short time. The strongest men got most of the wood and kept it for sale to the less fortunate. The nuni on duty in the commissary department sold rations to the prisoners, which the prisoners be- lieved were government rations, and that they should have been issued to the prison- ers. These men who brought iu rations had access to the cook-houses outside, and could get i)art of wh^-t should be issued to the prisoners. There were only three or four wagons there, and for a part of the day they were used in hauling in rations, and the other part of the day for carrying out the dead. It is possible they had some wagons to carry out the dead that were uot used to bring iu rations; but 1 think they useTl the same. Some of the tents of the dead-house were very near the hospital, and the sick in the hospital could see the dead as they lay in the dead-house, during the day. It was customary for the comrades of one who died to put the name of the dead, and of his company aud regiment, upon a piece of paper, and attach it to the body. I have known balls and shell to be fired over the prison. This was done just after a no- tice was given that if any congregated within twenty feet of the gates on the west side of the prison, they would be tired into. Q. How high was the stockade, and of what was it made? — A. It was about twenty feet high, made of logs, set up, Avith one end in the ground. The trenches were dug about ten feet deep, and the logs set iu them aud buried up. In some places the stock- ade may have been thirty feet high. Q. Where were the rebel guards posted ?— A. On stauds built for them on the top of the stockade. It was a very frequent occurrence for these guards to shoot our prison- ers along the dead-line, without any provocation. Q. What was done with the guards when they shot our prisoners ? — A. It was said, anu)ng our prisoners, that they received a furlough for thirty days. Q. State whetlier they were'relieved from duty when they shot a prisoner ? — A. They were, so far as I know, immediately ; some, however, not till their two hours Avere up Washington, Fehruanj 20, 1868. LovAXDER S. PoxD sworn and examined. By the Chairmajv : Question. Please state your name, age, residence, aud occupation. — Answer. My name is Lovan(k>r S. Pond ; mj' age is thirty years ; I reside at 544 New Jersey avenue, in Washington ; I am a clerk. Q. If you have been at any time iu the military service of the United States, please state when and where you entered the service ; aud in what command, ami what rank you served? — A. I entered the service at Fort Cochran, Virginia, on the l^*th of Feb- ruary, 1863, in Company A of the Second New York heavy artillery, as a i)rivate. Q. If you were a prisoner of war at any time, in the hands of the relxd authorities, please state the facts connected with your treatment while a prisoner. — A. I was cap- tured near Petersburg, on the 17th of June, 18i34, and was taken tlirough the rebel lines. Soon after we got through the lines, one of the number cajjtured with me, a German boy, who could uot speak the English language, endeavored to persuade the offtcer in counuand of the rebels to allow him to keep his canteen ; but the ofticer drew his saber and gave him a cut across the face, extending from the right eye to the chin on the left side of his face, and cut through the bridge of his nose. Through the intei'- ference of one of our prisoners whom I recognized, by the name of Davis, of Haverhill, Massachusetts, the rebel soldiers desisted in their purpose! of taking our things away from us. IJnt we were advised by the officers if w(i had any shelter tents, to sell them, as they would be taken from us at the provost marshal's. Some of the men did sell theii- tents. We were taken under guard to General Beauregard's headquarters, BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 993 couoted off, and the guard was relieved, and vre were pnt under a new guard, and marched into the city of Petersburg to the provost marshal's office. Everything of value to tlie rebels was takeu away from us ; watches, knives, blankets, and teuts. After being searched and counted off, we were marched to the headquarters of some general in the city, and searched again. We were there questioned as to the number of our men in front of their lines, who were the commanders, &c. We were then marched to a tobacco warehouse down in the city, and put with some seventy others into a small room, about thirty by twenty feet, with one small window in it. We re- mained in this room over night, and were then removed to an adjoining building and put in with some hundreds more, where we were exposed to the shot and shell from our own artillery, as it was near a foundry and bridge which our batteries were en- deavoring to destroy. We were kept here until the evening of the '24t]i of June. We had as sinks only two water pails, which were not emptied while were there, and we were not allowed to leave the building or go to the window for fresh air. When takeu from this place we were counted off into squads of ninety and placed in cattle cars, ninety in each car, and started on the way for Andersonville. The sick, wounded, and well were all packed in together ; and a great many were sick with diarrhea, and not allowed to leave the cars for over three days. When takeu out at the end of that time, we stopped over night, at a place that I do not now recall the name of; and when we started again we received rations which were expected to last us till we arrived at Ander.sonville. The ration consisted of four hard-tack and about half a pound of poor bacon. On the way to Andersonville, we were not allowed to get out ; we arrived there on the '28th of June. A great many died on the way to Andersonville, with diarrhea and other diseases. The cars were used as sinks, there being two guards who would not allow us to go near the door to relieve ourselves. When we reached Ander-- sonville we were taken to Captain Wirz's headquarters, and again counted off into, squads of ninety in each squad and searched again. One person in each ninety men was ordered to step out and take the names of the ninety, and to act as sergeant and' receive rations for them from the rebel commissary. Knowing that the person who did that would receive an extra ration I stepped out and took the names and took charge of the men. The blankets were all taken away except my own, which I was allowed tokeep iu consideration of being sergeant of the squad. It took from three o'clock in the afternoon till after six to get the prisoners counted and recorded; and while we were waiting it commenced raining very hard. The stockade, when we went into it, was said to con- tain about eighteen acres, one third of it a qiiagmire, in which a person could not step without sinking up to his middle. It was said there Avere thirty thousand jtrisouers there at the time we entered it. The ground was fully occupied so that there vrsis scarcely any place where four could lie down together. What ground was left had been cut u]) into holes to be iised by the sick, as sinks, who were too weak to get to the stream. We received no rations until the afternoon of the second day after we got there, and then only a piece of corn-bread two or three inches square, with two or three ounces of bacon, and two thirds of a table spoon full of salt, for each prisoner. The condition of the prison, and the quantity of our rations, continued nearly the same until the 3d of July, when the new part of the stockade was opened. The squads, from the first to the forty-tifth, were ordered to get ready to go into the new stockade on that day, at about four o'clock in the afternoon. There were sick men who could scarcely walk, who were trampled upon in the rush that was made to get into the new part. We had plenty of room and of wood for a few days then; ))ut new relays of prisoners soon arrived from Sherman's lines and other places, who took up the room, so that we were more crowded than before the new part was built. I have seen a man who was near my tent, who had no wood to cook his rations, and having received corn- meal and meat, he ate the whole at once, raw. This man's name was Fritz; and he became so despondent finally, that he determined to get shot if he could by the guard. He walked over the dead-line for that purpose, but the guard did not want to shoot him and turned around partly so as not to see him ; but when he was relieved, Fritz walked over the line again, and the new guard shot him. He did tliis, in my opinion, to get rid of his sufferings. About the last of August or the first of September, there were four or five frames put up, some thirty feet long by twenty wide, and two stories high, hav- ing a roof and two floors, but no sides. The floors of these were divided off into stalls about four feet wide by ten feet long, by boards set up edgewise ; and these buildings were called hospitals, but our prisoners termed them " pest houses," as a person who was sent there, when sick with any disease, was pretty sure to take some other disease of which he would die. Three of my comrades who were taken there died. I have passed this phice often, and never went there without finding from ten to twenty-five prisoners dead there, and many days as many as fifty. One day, about the last of August, I counted one hundred and four dead bodies lying on the ground and iu the stalls. There were so many dead on that day that four men from each ninety had to be detailed to bury the dead, and it took from soon after 9 o'clock iu the morning, till after 4 o'clock in the afternooon, to carry them out. It was reported that three hundred and eighty-three died inside of the stockade that day. About the first of September, H. Eep. 45 03 994 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR when the first squad of men went out, all the sick of the squads •who could not walk were taken to this " pest house" and left there. Out of that number were many with whom I was acquainted. They begged me to kill them. Each morning a rebel ser- geant came in and reported when there would be a surgeon's call. We were allowed to take out from three to five men from every ninety, in a squad, and each man in charge of a squad had to decide who should go out. They were taken to the south gate, and sometimes had to wait three, or four, or six hours before our turn would come to go out with the sick. Nobody but the sergeant of the squad could carry them out, and if they could not walk the sergeant had to .shoulder them, or get them to the surgeon's stand in the best way he could; and then, nine times out often, the patient would not get any medicine, or even be looked at, and would be carried liack in the same condi- tion that he went out. Q. Did you ever see any prisoners who had been caught and torn by hounds in attempting to escape? — A. I saw a man by the name of French, and one other, whose name I do not remember, who were brouglit in after being oiit some weeks, who were bitten and mutilated so as to be in a horrid condition. He had to be taken care of by his comrades. He, himself, told me that was the third time he had tried to escape, but the first that he had been bitten by dogs. His comrade was in a similar condition. Q. Is there any other statement which you wish to make? — A. I would state, in order to show how anxious the men were to get outside to get wood, that I had a comrade by the name of G. A. Comstock, who was captured with me, and who was taken sick one afternoon about three o'clock, and at three o'clock the next morning he was dead ; and at daylight as many as twenty or thirty prisoners came there to ask the privilege of taking hold of one side of the litter to carry him out, so as to be abh^ to get some wood. That was called, among the prisoners, swapping a dead man for wood. Washington, D. C, February 25, 18G8. George N. Tibbles sworn and examined. By the Chairman : Question. Please .state your- name, age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. My name is George N. Tibbies ; my age is twenty -six years ; I reside in Hudson City, New Jersey ; by occupation a physician. Q. State whether you were in the military service of the United States during the late war; and if so, when and where did you enlist, what was your rank, and with what command did you serve? — A. I enlisted at Winterset, Madison Couuty, Iowa, June 1, 1861, as a private in Company F, Fourth Iowa A'olunteers, Colonel (afterward Major General) G. M. Dodge, commanding. I served in the Fourth Iowa most of the time until February 1st, 1864, when I was detailed on General Osterhaus's staff, where I re- ceived permission from General Logan, commanding Fifteenth army corps, to recruit a company of cavali-y. Q. State whether you were captured by the rebels ; and if so. relate the facts con- cerning the treatment you received from them while a prisoner. — A. While engaged in the duty of recruiting cavalry I was captured at Claysville, Alabama, March 11, 1864, about three o'clock in the morning, with about fifty others, who were under The command of Captain House, of the Eleventli Missouri, by rebel cavalry, under the command of Generals Forest and Wheeler. We were ([uartered at the time in the houses of the town. The men that were captured first at exposed points were brought under the fire of our own men until all had surrendered. After the battle, under the order of a lebel major, we were drawn up in a line, and our money, watches, jewelry, hats, and overcoats, forcibly taken from us. We were then taken across the Tennessee River, to Gunter's Landing, where they continued their depredations upon our per- sons, by relieving us of boots, shoes, and what decent hats and coats we had left. A rebel, called Whitecotton, shot one of the prisoners for refusing to take of his boots. We were obliged to leave our comrade behind, and I have never heard from him since. About eight o'clock the same day they took up the line of march with us, for Gadsden, on the Coosa River, across Sand Mountain. Many of us were barefooted and coatless, while our guards were comfortably clad with our overcoats, boots, shoes, hats, &c. The first day we had nothing to eat. At night, after about thirty miles' march, we were quartered in a small house, and slept, or rather lay awake, and shivered with the cold. In the morning, after marching aljout ten miles, we had issued t<» us about half a pound of corn-bread. Tliis was all the food we received until we arrived at Gadsden, which occupied two days. Here we found encamped a large force of cavalry, and we were turned over to them by our captors. Here they issued to us some corn-meal, and told us to cook three days' rations, but did not furnish us any cooking utensils, and but a Aery small quantity of wood, but some roasted it on chips, others made balls of it, and roasted them in the ashes. The weather beiug so cold we slept none here, having BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 995 neither coats or blankets. In the morning, when we were called into line, onr new commander, a lieutenant of a Texas cavalry regiment, said to ns, that he had orders to take ns t^ Rome, Georgia, and that " he would take everj' damned one of ns there, either dead or alive ; that it did not make much difference to him which." So we moved forward, stiff, sore, and with bleeding feet. That night we reached a small place, nbont thirty-five miles distant, where we were quartered for the night in a small frame house, the floor of which was about three feet from the ground. This was a horrible night. It was so cold that ice froze one inch thick. The wind blew hard i:ll night — no room to walk or move ; so we were obliged to sit or lie still and freeze. To our relief we left this place early in the morning, and, after another hard day's march, we reached Rome, Georgia. Here we were quartered in a large house, on the third floor, and in an adjoining room was some wheat bran. Some of the prisoners, so ex- cruciating was then- huuger, cut holes through the iiartition and eat of this bran, the eflcct of which caused th(^ death of several of the i>risoners. The following morning we were put upon cars, and sent to Atlanta. Here we were put into a stockade, with a rough board shanty for a shelter. Here I saw a young wonum disguised as a man, who had been serving in an Illinois regiment, a prisoner. She had escaped, and was recaptured by bloodhounds, that had torn a large piece of flesh fvoui the calf of her leg, and when returned to the camp the rebel surgeon had sewed a piece of raw beef into the wound, which had caused great inflammation. In this condition she was marched, with others, back to Atlanta. I do not know what regiment she belonged to, nor do I know her nau:e. She informed me that she lived in Chicago, that she had participated in several battles, and at the time of her capture belonged to mounted infantry. The surgical treatment she re- ceived after being captured was infamous. I saw the wound. Her leg was fearfully lacerated by the dog's teeth, which, together with the application of fresh beef, which was sewed with thread through the edge of the wound, caused great inflammation, which greatly endangered her life. This wound was from two to three inches in diam- eter. In a few days after I first saw her she was taken to the hospital and I saw her no more, but heard, a few daj's after, she had been exchanged. We remained in Atlanta about two weeks, our rations consisting of one pint corn meal per day, two table- spoonfuls of dry rice, and three ounces of meat twice a week. About the last of_ March we were put into small box cars which had been used in transporting stock. Sixty-five men were crowded into each car and the doors closed. We were deprived ot water until we reached Andersonville, which occupied about sixteen hours. We ar- rived at Andersonville about eight o'clock at night in the midst of a heavy rain, and were immediately ushered into the stockade, and as the gates of that terrible place opened to receive us it seemed a i)erfect hell, more vivid than any one can imagine who has not seen Andersonville. The stockade was built across a deep ravine, the hill to the south being steeper than the one to the north. There had been heavy pine timber grow- ing over the place, which had been cut off'. The prisoners had made fires on the stumps, which had burned down into the ground, causing them to burn with a Ijlue blaze which would flicker a moment and disappear, there being so many of them they kept up a succession, or waving motion of light. These flickering stump fires gave a lurid light to the whole camp. At the left of the gate, as Ave passed, lay about fifty dead men with their ghastly faces turned towards the sky. All the prisoners were nearly as black as negroes from the smoke of the pitch-pine stumps, soap not being allowed them for washing. It rained all night, and as the lightning flashed I could see the dead, wounded, and dying stretched on the ground without a particle of shelter or anything to cover them. Many of them had no clothes except ragged, torn pants, and perhaps a shu't without buttons or sleeves. This was the condition of things when I entered the stockade at Andersonville. I thought to myself, a man cannot survive this, though he be in perfect health, sixty days. All that could not get over some burning stump were pacing up and down the paths all night to keep themselves warm. Those who were sick and did not have a relative or friend to help them were obliged to lie and take the storm as it came. In the morning I counted within a few yards around me fifty-six dead men, all of whom had perished during that terrible night. Many of them were half covered with sand that had washed over them, and three men I helped to pull ont who were yet alive, but who soon after expired. About three o'<;lock in the afternoon we had rations issued to us, consisting of one pint unsifted corn-meal and two ounces of bacon to each man. No cooking utensils were furnished. This quality of rations lasted for a few weeks only, when the meat ration was stopped and about half a pint of sour, burnt rice issued in its stead. Occasionally about a teaspoonful of salt was issued. Part of the time there was issued one-third of a cord of wood for one hun- dred men for each five days, but abouthalf of the time we were not furnished any wood.' I have seen many a poor starving fellow get his corn-meal in hands and eat it raw before he left the place where he received it. Captain Wirz several times stopped the rations of the whole camp for twenty-four hours because of some prisoners making their escape. He did this, he said, to nuike the others tell when prisoners were about to get away. About the 1st of May, 1864, he ordered every man in the stockade to be vaccinated. If 996 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR any of them refused he would stop their rations and cause a hall and chain to he fast- ened to their legs. Nearly all the prisoners, inchiding myself, were vaccinated with a poisonous virus, or some animal poison, which caused the death of hundreds of men, and inoculated the systems of others with disease they can never rid themselvt's of. I have seen men with ulcers from their shoulders to their fingers. I have seen otliers with hoth pectoral muscles'sloughed away, and the cavity of the cliest opened hefore death. In fact you could hardly turn your eyes in any direction without sei'iisg the terrible effects of this kind of treatment. In my own case the effects of this virus pro- duciul three large ulcers upon my left arm from an inch to an iuch and three-quarters" in diameter, and the flesh sloughed away nearly to the hone. This arm was disabled for three mouths, when it fiually healed, but left me afflicted with disease of the kid- neys from which I have not entirely recovered. In June there was received at the denot, from the North, a lot of boxes with rations and clothing which had been sent V)y some of the prisoners' relatives and frieuds. Wirz ordered the quartermasters John ^l. Duucau and McGee to examine these hefore they were sent into the stockade ; they did so, and I never saw a box come into the stockade with anything more in them than a few dry craclvcrs or a mouldy loaf of bread, and the sergeant of the sqi\ad who received them was required to sign a certificate that he had received the box and its contents as it came from the North. Tliis was done to deceive our government and friends. A few days after this I was detailed to help bury the dead, and I saw going to JklcGee's house two loads of the contents of these boxes and both quartermasters dressed in new United States uniforms. All burial squads were detailed from the priscmers. The graveyard and dead-liouse was a scene of horror which could not help but sadden the hardest heart. About one hundred men were interred each day. A trench was dug six feet wide, about one hundred and fifty feet long, and about three and a half feet deep. The dead were placed as close together as possible to save labiU', as there were only thirty-three men detailed to bury. General Winder rode out one day accompanied hy some females, and first stopped opposite the end of the trenches after the dead were laid in. and looked u]) ahuig the line to see the men slioveling the dirt over the bodies ; not satisfied with this horrible sight they drove along a little further and got out of the carriage and walked to the edge of the trench and looked in on the dead, making several insulting remarks to our men that were burying their dead comrades, one of which was that "he (Winder) calcnlated to buy the old farm after the war was over to make a vineyard, as a soil covered with l)ones grew excellent grapes." When prisoners escaped they were huuted and caught by bloodhounds, of which I have seen two men torn nearly to pieces. When prisoners escai)ed and were recaptured they were usnally put into cluiin-gangs. These chain-gangs were arranged as follows : A caunf)u ball weighing one hundred and thirty-two i)ounds was bored and a piece of iron passed througii and riveted on one side, leaving an eye on the other; to this was attaclied thirteen chains, each eighteen inches in length, with a band to tlie outer end of each chain, large enough to receive a man's ankle. Twelve prisoners were placed in a circh' around this ball, six having their right and six having their left hands toward the balk To tlie inner leg of eacli prisoner was attached one of these chains, by the l)and being put around the ankle, and riveted together. To the other or outer leg was at- tached another band with a chain twelve inches, with a ball of thirty-two pounils attaclied to it. so that no one could move without all moving. Each one was compelled to carry the outer ball and assist in carrying the inner one"l)y the aid of the thirteentli chain, named above. In addition, there was an iron band riveted around the neck of each ]>risoner in the circle, and attached by chains fourteen inches in length each, so that tlie prisoners were bound in tliis circle Ity neck and leg in addition to tlie ball at- tached to each outer leg. If a man in one of these chain-gangs was taken sick he was compelled to remain until he got better or died. In July they had three or four (if these chain-gangs ; also to punish men they had board stocks to stretch out hands and feet ; also a stock for the neck so arranged that the face was turned towards the hot sun. Prisoners were often kept in these stoclvs twelve hours at one time. I was in Andersonville about seven months, when I made my escape, and about two days after I was caj)tured by bloodhounds and brought back to Andersonville. Q. State the incidents of your capture by these hounds. — A. There were kept at Andersonville a pack of bloodhounds, numbering about thirty. Tlie trainers of these hounds were six mounted men, armed with navy jjistols. About four hours after I, with three others including niy brother, had left the stockade, our absence was discov- ered, and these dogs were imnndialely ])iit upon our tracks. Al>out twenty-four hours afterward we were overtaken by this troop of men and hounds about forty miles north- west from the stockade, in a large open field which we were creeping. The hounds I)ursued us so close that we were obliged to turn and defend ourselves with clul)s, which we had i)revionsly juocured. whih- gradually falling liack to a fence near by, which we mounted as a retreat, to save Vieing torn by the dogs. One of my comrades, belonging to the Seventy-fifth Ohio V(dunteers, was seiiously bitten while in the act of getting iqion the fence. In a few moments the men came up, drew their pistols, and commanded us to get down from the fence under a penalty of being shot if we BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 997 refused. We did refuse, however, viutil they would drive the dogs away. The leader of this gaug told us that he had orders from Caxitain Wirz not to bring back a prisoner without tlie marks of the dogs' teeth upon him. We told him to shoot, that we pre- ferred being shot rather than to be toru to pieces by bloodhounds. After some parley the dogs wex'e driven away and we surrendered, and Avere taken back to Andersonvillo and delivered to Captain Wirz, who ordered us to be put into (he stocks immediately, which was done. After remaining in the stocks about one hour the order was coun- termanded. We were taken out and sent to the bhicksmith shop, and ordered to 1)0 ironed, preparatory to being put into one of the chain-gangs such as I have described above. While this was being done Captain Wirz abused us in the most shameful aud brutal manner, calliug us '• d n Yankees — s of b s," and using other vile epithets ; also by kicking, aud stril^ing some of us with the heavy pistol which he always carried, aud declaring that he would make us " smell hell before night." While the smith, who, by the way, was an old negro, and who informed me that he was owned by the south- ern confederacy, was engaged in preparing the irons, he slipped into my hand a long knife made from a file, which I secreted in the lining of an old rebel coat which I had on at the time. While we were waiting to be ironed, report came to the officers in command at Andersouville that Sherman's cavalry was approaching, when tlie work of ironing was suspended, aud we were put on board a train of cars with the chain- gangs above described, aud about three hundred other prisoners, aud sent to Florence, South Carolina. Captaiu Wirz sent ordei's by this train to have us ironed and put into the cliain-gang at Florence. Fearing this would be done, and dreading the conse- quences of such horrid confinement, I determined, if possible, to effect my escape. On our way from Andersonville to Florence we were on the same car with these chain- gang prisoners, who, like ourselves, were to be re-ironed at Florence. The inmates of this car, consisting of about sixty persons, formed a plan of escajie which we agreed to attempt to carry out at the first opportunity. We disembarked from the cars about one mile from Florence, aud as we were marching along a road toward tlie stockade a preconcerted signal was given, and we broke through tlie guard line and ran for the woods. Out of the number who were in the secret and who attempted to get away, only myself, my brother, Charles Tibbies, and seven others, succeeded in making good their escape. This -was about the 1st of October, 1864, and after sixteen days of great hardsliip, privation, and suffering, we reached the Union lines, about ten miles from Newberu, Xorth Carolina. The knife given me by the old negro blacksmith at Ander- sonville was of the greatest service in assisting ns in our travels. During this tedious journej' the negroes along the route were always our friends, and when they Avere satisfied that we were Yankee prisoners, they often risked their lives to aid us, aud always shared with us their scanty food. Q. Did j'ou ever see persons shot by the guards at Andersonville while you were there 1 — A. I saw a one-legged insane man shot, by order of Captain Wirz. The cir- cumstances were as follows : Some of the prisoners had been engaged for a long time iu excavating a tunnel, which when nearly completed was discovered and destroyed bj' the guai'ds. By some means it was reported that this insane man had informed Wii'z for a suuill sum of money. This aroused the indignation of those who h:ul been engaged in the tunneling enterprise, and they threatened to flog him. Being fright- ened at the threat, he watched at the gate just at the dead-line uutil Wirz came in, to whom he pleaded to be allowed to go outside of the stockade, saying that he could not escape with one leg; but Wirz, giving him some rough answer, pushed him back, told him to remain where he was ; but the little fellow followed him again and re- newed liis entreaties to be allowed to go outside. Wirz immediately passed out of the gate, mounted a sentry-box, and ordered the guard to shoot him, which the guard at first hesitated to do. Wirz then drew his heavy pistol and threatened to shoot th^ guard if he did not obey his orders. By this time the insane man had sat down just outside the post of the dead-line. The guard fired as ordered, aud the ball passed through the chin of the irfsane man, carrying a part of it away, through his left breast, and came out near the loin, causing instant death. I saw a blind man who was shot dead for accidentally crossing the dead-line near the hospital. I also saw two men badly wounded by a ball which had been fired at a man who had att^npted to dip water beyond the dead-line. It was currently reported iu the stock;ide that any of the guard who had shot a Yankee prisoner were honored with a furlough for their gallantry — a fact which the guards did not deny when asked the question. Q. Will you state what you know of the condition of the sick in the stockade and .hospital at Andersonville, the prevalent diseases, and what seemed to be the cause thereof? — A. The stockade at Andersonville, Georgia, contained, in the early part of the summer of 1864, about ten acres of ground, with a sluggish sti-eam of water i)assing thronjjh the center, with some three rods of swanij) laud on each side. At the west end of the stockade were sinks, which consisted of a narrow ditch ; these were not dug until about the 1st of July ; before that time the prisoners used the camp juo- miscuously. Ai'ound these sinks for rods the ground was one moving mass of maggots. The water used by the jjrisoners was obtained from the stream, which was iiolluted by 998 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR the oifiil of the rebel camps above; they also had sinks near its edges. There was a constant effluvia arising from the stockade, and was so strong that it could be smelled one-third of a mile. At one time there was about thirty thousand prisoners in this miserable pen. Tliey were so much crowded that all could not lie down at one time, without lying in the swamp. It was impossible to form a line to call the roll for some two or three weeks. A man could only walk by crowding his way through. The whole place was more or less covered with wounded and sick. The weather was ex- tremely hot and men were put in there without vessels of any kind, and the suffering for water was intense for those who were too sick to wallc. The air was so much I)oisoned with the effluvia that was constantly aiising that on tirst entering the stock- ade you would be sickened. I have seen men die in twenty-four hours after arriving, that* were strong and hearty. At any time of the day could be seen dead men lying about. Men w^ere often shot by the guards for approaching the stream, where it passed the dead line, to obtain better water. The hospital was then in the northwest corner of the stockade, and consisted of a few tly tents with .some dirty straw in them. Tiie most prevalent diseases were diarrhea, dysentery, scurvy, and dropsy. Tliese were caused by the treatment they received in the stockade ; the coarse corn-meal was suffi- cient to produce irritation of the mucus membrane and inflammation of the entire intes- tinal canal, terminating immediately in death or chronic diarrhea. Want of vegetables and acids produce scurvy; and want of cleanliness, exposure to cold, heat, and storms jn-oduced dropsical accumulations. To keep a man in a healthy condition, at least forty- tive ounces solid food is requii'ed per day. It is also necessary to have a variety of food ; vegetables, acids, and sweets are required ; it is also necessary to be sheltered from the cold and storms ; to have clean clothes and change them frequently, also to have clean apartments, pure air and water. All these necessities the prisoners at Aa- dersonville were deprived of. They had neither shelter, proper food, or clothing, with impure diet and water; air impregnated with poisonous effluvia strong enough to kill the strongest men; were compelled to lie on the ground without shelter or clothes to protect them from the weather; deprived of food sufficient to sustain life, and of fuel, medicine, or the slightest opportunity to keei) themselves clean ; confined in a pen iu- f'Cted with all manner of loathsome and noxious effluvia ; compelled to drink the water that flowed through rebel camps, carrying off the waste therefrom ; and wliile there was abundance of lumber at the depot, and timlter adjoining us on all sides, we were denied the privilege of procuring material and of building our own quarters ; we were not even allowed to cut and bring wood to cook our rations. A hospital conducted iu regard to the proper treatment of the sick and wounded should have comfortable, clean beds, good nonrishing diet, and medicine that is adapted to the alleviation of disease. Wounds should be dressed every day; the patients should not be crowded or confined iu a small place ; the diet should be cliauged frequently, as all patients can- not use the same diet in different diseases. The prisoners at Andersonville hospital were deprived of the necessities of life, their rations about one-fourth in quantity that is required to sustain life, and in quality bad beyond description ; coarse corn-bread, often raw in the middle ; half cooked peas ; burnt rice, cooked without washing. Wounded men often lay for weeks without having their wounds dressed ; the place was filled with filth and vermin ; the patients had no change of clothes ; no blankets or beds ; no soap to wash themselves with ; and when they died they were laid out near the hospital in view of their sick comrades. While I was in the stockade there was always some dead bodies lying near the hospital. They were always hauled away by wagon loads, twenty to thirty bodies iu a wagon, to the grave yards, wliere tliey Avere deposited in tlie ditches without coffins — often over one hundred per day. All the officers in couunand and serving at Andersonville, as well as citizens living in the ini- Viediate vicinity, were jierfectly well acquainted with the miserable and suffering con- dition of the prisoners. Winder, Wirz, and staff have passed through the stockade, and fre(picntly around it. Citizens who expressed sympathy, and who once or twice uumifested a disposition to aid us, were refused admittaMce, and all aid or coinmuui- catiou from the outside was prohibited by the commanding officer. These officers robl)ed the sick and dying of the few morsels of luxuries sent by their relatives and friends by flag of truce. In fact, they murdered uine-tentlis of all the prisoners who died there, by their brutal and inhuman treatment. All this suftering might have been avoided, had the officers or authorities seen fit to have done so. The prisoners could have furnished themselves with wood; could have built themselves quarters ; made bunks and filled them with pinc^ boughs, aud had they beeu allowed to have retained their clothing, T)lankets, money, etc., they would have been, iu that regard, comparatively comfortable ; had they been fiuuished with soap aud room sufficient to quarter so large" a number of men, rations in quantity aud quality sullicieut to support life, and shel- ter from the weather, I have no doubt the mortality would not have exceeded one- tenth of what it was; and I am imi>re.ssed with the belief, as I always shall be, that IT was the pi-earranged aud predetermined purpose of the rebel authorities at Richmond to destroy as many of the lives of the prisoners at Andersonville as they possibly could. When I made my"escai>e from the stockade 1 saw iu the adjoining country thousands BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 999 of cattle, sheep, and bogs, vegetables of almost every Rind in abundance. There were also vegetables of various kinds brought from Macon and elsewhere for the use of the otidcers and garrison at Andersonville, aud they were sometimes oifered for sale to those wdio had gold or greenbacks to iinrchase with. Q. Is there any other statement yon wish to make in regard, generally, to the man- agement of aftairs at Andersonville ? — A. I will only say that oui- soldiers were mur- dered — murdered in the most cruel and inhuman manner. No one can imagine the agony of continued hunger unless he has experienced it. I have felt it, witnessed it, yet l" cannot lind language adequate to describe it. If you can imagine yourself cou- iined in a stockade, without shelter, blankets, or clothing, with one pint of coarse, un- sifted, and often musty corn-meal per day to eat, no fire or utensils to cook it with, no pure water to drink, surrounded on all sides with dead, wounded, dying, and living skeletons, guarded aud vigilantly watched by a villainous set of rebels, armed with cannon and muskets, eagerly waiting for an opportunity, or the slightest pre- text, to shoot you, without hope of escape, and if, perchance, you did escape, to be hunted and torn to pieces by trained, ferocious bloodhounds, then you can for a moment partially realize the condition of the jirisoners at Andersonville, in the summer of 1864. Washington, D. C, February 3, 1868. Joseph Powell sworn and examined. By the Chairman : Question. State your age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. I am sixty-seven years old ; I reside in Greenville, East Tennessee ; I am a lawyer by profession ; I have not been in the army. Q. State whether you were captured and held by the rebel authorities during the recent rebellion ; if so, explain fully. — A. I was. I am a native of Tennessee. I emi- grated to South Carolina in 1823, 'and resided there for thirty-one years. I was a Union man throughout, and opposed to the doctnnes of nullification and secession, and experienced great persecution there in consequence of it. On one occasion, in April, 1850, there was a public meeting on the Kansas question, embracing the doc- trine of secession. I opposed a resolution favoring secession, but I was outvoted in the proportion of a thousand to one. They threatened to ride me on a rail and to inflict other outrages. I remained there till about the 15th of April, 1831. About the time of the bombardment of Fort Sumter the j»eople there, who were all rebels except myself, became frenzied, and gave me orders to leave immediately. Ou the night after that I left South Carolina and returned to East Tennessee, and subsequently sold my jiroperty, consisting of three houses aud lots, and two vacant lots, at great sacrifices. My town was then in possession of the rebels. By them I was treated with every con- tumely and insult. At length they arrested me, and I was ordered to prepare to start that same night for Knoxville, where the prison was. My sons-in-law, who were rebels, interfered, and I was permitted to remain, on my parole, that I should nf>t leave the post. I remained there till the town was taken possession of by the federal troops, aud after they came I went to Knoxville to see General Burnside, aud returned to Greenville, where I remained till the federal troops fell back. I then went to Knoxville, Cincinnati, and Kentucky ; and after four or five months I returned to Knoxville. As my family at Greenville was iu a very destitute condition I tried to reach them, and got a passport through the federal lines from General Scofield; but I fell into the hands of rebel soldiers. Some of those who had been persecuting mo represented me in the worst shape in regard to my antecedents, and at last it was decided that I should be sent to Richmond. A guard was sent with me, aud we traveled night and day to Rich- mond. They stole my hat, -and I had hardly any clothes ou me. Tliere were a good many prisoners in company with me. As we were marched through the streets in Richmond the boys and negroes followed us by thousands, taunting us in every way, aud shouting "Here goes more tory prisoners." Ladies were looking out at the win- dows; but I did not hear what they said. At last we got to headquarters. The cap- tain of the guard, McGee, got there before us, and hatl reported me to the provost marshal. Some of the rebels from the town where I lived had sent aifidavits to show what a Union man I had been. The provost marshal was looking over them and read- ing them, and said, (on reading one made by a man named Jones.) " I am very nuich obliged to you, Mr. Joues." At last a fellow named Williams came up to me in the office of the provost marshal and said: "I understand you are a spy." I said: " Then you understand a damned lie." He said: " I saw you in Baltimore at such a tmie." I said: " You saw no such thing. I never saw you before, aud I hojje in God I will never see you again," We were then sent down to Castle Thunder. There w-erc then some eight hundred prisoners there— citizens, federal soldiers, aud rebel soldiers. I do not know in what proportions. I was taken to room Xo. 9, which was occupied by citizen 1000 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR prisoners. There were forty-sis in that room at the time — some from "West Virginia, some from New York, and the remainder from other parts of the country. I was sent there in March, 1864, and remained about forty days. The roll was called every morn- ing, and at 9 o'clock they brought in some corn-bread baked in large square pieces, which Avere measured off about ten ounces to each man. There was no salt in the bread, and the meal was uever sifted and was musty. It had been on the floor and the mice had made nests in it, and it was cooked, mice nests and all. I did not find any mice in mine ; but I once fmnd a louse in it, and I could Udt eat it at all. It had no more taste than saw-dust. We had a little pan — one among forty-six of us — and, having made a grater out of an old coft'ee-pot. we grated, the bread into the pan, mixed it with salt and water, and made mush of it. That Avas the only Avay we could eat it. They boiled some red cow peas in water and called it soup. Some who ate it came very near dying. It gave them colic : but I did not eat any of it. At last they brought in some turnips, to])s and all — little bits of turnips, with large tops — and they boiled all together. I could not eat any of it except some of the soft, thick stumps where the pulp was. It was not fit for cow feed. On two occasions they gave us half a gill of molasses, and on two occasions they gave ns some boiled beef bones. That was all we got for about forty days. I bought a dozen eggs, at a dollar apiece in Virginia money, and boiled them all at once. I put them in a little satchel, and ate half a one every day, and sometimes a whole one. It was those boiled eggs that kept me alive. Had it not been for them I would have died of hunger. At last I was brought before an olMcer there — Mr. ]Moffatt — to be examined. I asked him what were the charges against me. He said tliej* were charges of dis- loyalty to the confederate government. "Why," said I, "I am a Uni/m man, and do not know any government but the United States," "Well," said he, " it is not worth while to inqure any further into your case ; you can go back to the castle and stay till the close of the war." I said I should not do that unless they gave more to eat than they had given me for the last forty days, for I was then starving to death. Said he, " How old are you?" I said, "Sixty-five." "Is there anything," said he, "that you can suggest in your case?" "Nothing that I know of," I said, " except that if you turn me out of this place and send me to any point where I can coumninicate with my fi'iends, and get something to put on me and something to eat, I Vvill obey an order of that kind." " Where do you live ? " said he. I answered, " Greenville, East Tennessee." Eight days after that he sent for me and said : " We have concluded to send you to an out-i>ost in Southwestern Georgia." I asked him how far away it was, and he said it was about one thousand miles away from Richmond. He gave me a transportation ticket, but not a cent of money. Thej- had nothing to give me to eat. I believe they gave the prisoners everything they could give them. Said I, " Where is your guard ?" Said he, " We will put you on your parole." Well, I bustled up and started out. and the first thing I came across was sometliing to eat — two buiscuits and a piece of meat about three inches long, for which I ))aid S;j in confederate money. That was the first meat I had had, except two bites that I had got from a man named Wheat, whose friends had sent him in some meat. AnderHOnrille prison, April, 18{i4. — During my imprisonment, for fourteen months, at Cutlibert, Georgia, I Avas four times in the vicinity of the rebel stockade near Ander- sonville, Georgia, which, as represented there, contained thirty thousand federal pris- oners, seven hundred more arrived from North Carolina sinmltaneous with the train on Avhich I had passage, then on my way to Cuthbert, Georgia, to a rebel out-post at that place, having been transferred from Castle Thunder, Richmond, Virginia. This stock- ade Avas represented as containing fourteen acres, Avith a stream of water ruiuiing through the center, and without a single tree or shrub upon it, exposed, without hin- derance, to the scorching rays of a southern summer's sun, which came down it[)on this vast number of men, confined upon this contracted space, with great poAver. It Avas represented that many of these prisoners burrowed in the hill sides to shield them from the burning sun. The interior soon became so pestilential from the aceumidatiou of olieusiA'e and unwholesome matter, that nearly an average of one hundred died daily, and many Avere in a state of nudity, Avithout shirt, hat or shoes. The riibel dis- cipline was represented as being inhuman ; that orders Avere given to lilow out the brains of any prisoner Avho put his head over certain prescribed boundaries, and that one man had been recently killed for a Aiolatiou of this order. The women in that country were more hostile than the men. I heard of one instance of a Avoman going there and spitting down on our soldiers. This Avoman's name Avas .Jones. She li\-en, the ground looked iilmost like pipe clay. It was a woody country and there was i)leuty of timljcr con- venient for fire, but it AA'as not in the innneiliate vicinitj' of the stockade. I went from there to Cuthbert, Georgui, the place to whi( h I was sent, and reportt'd to the com- mander of the i)0st, Captain Gormley. He said he had got a duplicate of my papers by BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1001 the last night's mail. He said, " My orders are tliat you arc not to go outside this stockade, which is one mile square, without special orders, and you are to report at headquarters once a day. I stayed there fourteen months. That ])ost did not break up for some time after the surrender of Johnson. The federal cavalry came in under Captain Gladden and released me. I tliink it was altout the first of .June, 186,5. When I went there at first, I asked Captain Gormley for rations. He said he had not got any orders to give me rations, and he did not give me any for four montlis. I worked about there at different kinds of work, and I had some friends there who fed me once in a while. At length I set up for myself in a little shed in a wagon maker's sliop, for whom I worked in trimming carriages, &c. He paid me for my work, and I lived in that way. At length a new commander came to the post, Captain Huntley, and I asked him whether he could not give me rations. He said he wouhl have to Avrite to headquarters. He wrote to headquarters and got an answer to furnish me rations. Then they furuished me rations, tifteen pounds of green beef from the slaughter pens for a month, with no more fat on it than there is on a pair of spectacles. They gave it to me all at one time for a month, and it all spoiled the first day. I got twenty-seven pounds of corn meal in a bag, a pound of salt and a pound of soap. Tht> salt would not salt all the beef, but I cut it up iu small pieces and jerked it. Ou two occasions thej'^ gave me tobacco, and occasionally syrup. I got an oven lid from a negro woman and baked mj" bread upon it. Wliat I did not eat, I left on a shelf, and believe the rats and mice ate more of it than I did. At last I got orders from Captain Huntley to trade, and I set up a trade in hats aud shoes and cloth, and traded very considerably, and made a great deal of confederate nionej'. I made $fi,000 or !?7,000 in confederate money in four or five months. By that trade I furuished myself comfortably ami bought hams, butter aud eggs, and I got an old negro woman to make me coffee out of rye. I lived in that way for some lime, until I heard of the surrender of Johnson. When the federal cavalry came there under Captain Gladden, I re[)orted to him, all the rebel officers had left the day before. I then set out for home. Q. You have told ns of your own treatment ; do you know anything of the treat- ment of others ! — A. Yes ; I know a good deal about it. Q. State any facts that came under your observation concerning the treatment of your fellow -prisoners. — A. In Castle Thunder they shot a man's brains out for puttiug his head beyond the guards. He was a man of the name of Brandon. Two men died there from starvation, as they stated to me. One of them told me he had been there eleven months, and that he was dying from exhaustion. He said : " I have got so far down that I cannot possibly resuscitate myself." My comrade, the nmn who Ijuuked Avitli me, died. His name Avas Captain Francis Lowe, of the bark Julia, from Bath, Maine. He was terribly affected by what is called "camp itch," and was captured near Norfolk with his bark. They were both removed from the Castle before they died. Q. State if you know of any persons l)eiug executed by the rebel aushorities for their Union sentiments. — A. Certainly. I saw the " bridge burners" hanged, two at a time. I saw two of them hanged at the same time from the limb of a tree. Their names were Hinchey and Fry. They were hanged by sentence of a drum-head court- martial, under General Ledbetter, on the charge of burning bridges. The bodies hung for twenty-four hours in the public gaze ; I saw them at the time from my own door, aud other Union prisoners were sent out to cut them down and bury them. Within eighteen miles of me there were eleven men and two children — Itoys — killed by a party Tinder an officer named Keith, at a place called Laurel. At Knoxville, Tennessee, they hanged some of the very best loyal citizens we had. They hanged a man named Hahn and two men named Harmon, father and sou, and some others whose names I do not know. They took the father and son out, set the father down and hung the son before his eyes, and then they cut the son down and strung the fother up and hung him. I do not know who was the commander at Knoxville at that time. The gallows stood there, right close to the roadside, till the federals came in, and they cut it down. In my own county. Green County, they killed William Hopkins, a blacksmith or gun- smith, and who was charged with repairing guns for Union men. They also shot a woman named White. This is her name, as well as I recollect. They were conscript- ing at the time, and she had a son whom they wanted to conscript. They Aveut to the house, and she interfered, and they shot her through the breast ; but she did not die. A great manj^ people, to avoid conscription, sought the caves, and rocks, and hills, and glens, aud mountains ; and some of them died iu their hiding places. The country was watched so closely that their friends could not go to them with provisions, and so they died in their holes. They killed a man named William French, in Green. County, for his Union principles. 1002 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Washington, D. C, February 7, 1838. Joseph Powell recalled : Question. State any further facts that came xmder your observation, coucerning the treatment of yourself and fellow prisoners, Avheu a prisoner. — Answer. I cut for Georgia. When standing in my door-way ou the Sabbath day a rebel officer came u]) to me and inquired of me what I was doing there ? I told him 1 was a prisoner. He said, " Wheie are you from f " I am from East Tennessee," I said. '' God dauiu you, you ought to he hung," he says to me. " Youare adamned tory. If I had command at this post, I would haug you to the first linih I found, at the first hour." His name was Carruthers — a rebel officer. Two of the most respectable citizen^ of the town of Greenville, East Tc^nnes- see, were arrested by a company of cavalry, under the comnumd of Captain John Arnold, a rebel, were put ou a long rail and ridden on the shoulders of these rebels through the maiu streets of the towu. and did to one of them serious injury. They arrested Joseph Dohsou, a loyal Union man, twice, at a late hour of the night, and carried him from the house; they also charged his daughter with being a spy ; attempted to shoot her, and she threw herself under the protection of the federal army. The rebels killed other loyal citizens of Green County, to wit : Tweed, Robert Cochran, Waterberger, Powell, Williams, and two others, names not known. At Kuoxville, Tennessee, Governor Wil- liam G. Brownlow was imprisoned for some time. A conclave of the leading rebels was held in the town to decide npon what disposition to nuike of him — whether to haug him or send him beyond the lines. His neck was saved by a majority of one or two, and he was finally sent beyond the lines. Colonel Pickens, a citizen of Sevier County, Tennessee, was imprisoned at Tusca- loosa, Alabama. He was a member of the general assembly of Tennessee. He died in prison there, at Tuscoloosa. Adjutant General Thornburg, of Jefferson County, Tennessee, was arrested and sent to a rebel i>rison at Madison, Georgia, and died in prison. The rebels robbed every house in Green County, Tennessee, of more or less. If one Union familj' escax)ed it was unknown tome. In many instances they took every horse, nnile, cow, and stock of every kind ; stripped barns and crops ; took women's and' children's wearing apparel ; cut the cloth out of looms ; took the last pound of ba- con and the last ounce of fiour that they could find, and didn't leave acock to crow for day. They tied and whipped Union men — one man by the name of Daniel Smith, as well as I remember, and several otlua-s, whose names I do not now recollect. The rebels took jiossession of my law office at Greenville, Tennessee; took my furniture and turned it into a provost marshal's office ; this was done under the orders of a Colonel Clayton of the rebel army. The room in Castle Thunder, No. 10, immediately above room No. 9, in which citizen prisoners stayed, contained, as I was informed, two hundred \)rison- ers, with a ball and chain to the legs of a good many of them ; and when anew prisoner went in there or entered the door, they threw a blanket over his head and robbed him of everything he had. There were a great nuvny Union prisoners in cells whose, names I did not learn, and I do not know for what offenses they were kept there. They gave no person clothes or blankets that I ever heard of. We had to cut our own wood (which was green pine) with an axe the edge of which was as broad as my finger. Our water closet consisted of buckets and tui)S in the corner of our room, which af- forded a flavor all the time. These we had to carry out every morning down one pair of long steps. The prisoners on Belle Isle, near Richmond, died at the rate of nine of a morning, found dead there. A comi)any of them was removed and brought through the streets of Richmond, and from the windows of Castle Thunder I saw them nutv- ing in the direction of Libby Prison, and in a great many instances it took two men to hold one man up as he walked. The most terrific sight I ever saw in Castle Thunder during my imprisonment was a Jack Ketch that came around every day to see if there were any subjects for him to carry to the gallows. He was a low, short man, inclined to be a little corpulent, with a long beard reaching nearly to the bottom of his vest. He wore a flat hat whieh he drew down very closely ovor his eyes, and he looked to me like he was the vicegerent of Pluto. Washington, D. C, Jjml 3, 1868. Joseph Powell recalled : • After I was arrested at Geenville, Tennessee, 1\v the rebels, I was vaccinated by them in the left arm, and was, in consequence of that vaccination, disaljled for six months. I had to rise at late hoiu's of the night, for three or four montlis, to dress my arm, on account of the p.ain I experienced from it. While in Castle Thunder, at 9 o'clock in the morning, we had to strip our clothes, to pick the; " grey backs" (lice) ofi' our persons. This we called "lousing." There were fifteen men there confined in one cell of very small dimensions, attached to room No. 9, and tli(Mr condition was worse than that of so many hogs confined in a muddy pen ; for the filth and grime was exceedingly offen- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1003 sive to us. On one occasion tbey tied up a prisoner, whose name I did not know, hy his thumbs, his hands being- placed behind him ; and in this condition his arms were drawn np, while he was only allowed to rest on tip-toe with one foot, and upon a cannon-ball with the other. He was to be kept in that condition two hours ; but before the time expired the physician announced that they must take him down, or he would die in a few minutes. They gave him a respite, and then tied him up'agaiu ; and I suppose he remained there till his tune was up. We could see him through the door, though we were not allowed to go into the room. At Castle Thunder, when we went looking through the iron grates, the officers would conuuand us: " Draw in your heads, or we will shoot your God-damned brains out." They did kill one man in'tliat way. During my stay at Cuthbert, in Georgia, the cars came down every moruing from Andersonville Prison, and the lirst inquiry with the rohels was, " How many died yesterday ?" And just in proportion to the number that they reported as having died the day previous was the exultation of the rebels. The persous with whom I became acquainted in Castle Thuuder were Joseph S. Wheat, Berkley Springs, Virginia ; Charles Merritt, 414 Water Street, New York ; (this man gave me a hat after the rebels had stolen mine from my head;) Captain Lowe, (dead;) Maylield ; Hines; Jacob Bales, (dead;) John Robinson, Greene County, Tennessee ; Douglas, Knox Comity, Tennessee ; atid some others whose names I do not recollect. There were at that time, (April, 1864,) eight hundred persons in the different parts of the prison. Two hundred prisoners occupied the room immediately above us. In the morning, when they swept their room, the dust and "gray backs" would come down upon us, covering us literally. Washington, D. C, April 10, 1868. H. A. Coats sworn and examined. By the Chairman : Question. Please state your lull name, age, and place of residence. — Answer. H. A. Coats ; my age is thirty-one ; my residence, Wellsville, Delaware County, New York. Q. If you were in the military service of the United States, please state when you entered the service, and with what rank yon served ? — A. I entered the service in 1861, as lirst lieutenant of Company H, Eighty-fifth New York volunteers. Q. Were you promoted while in the service ? — A. I was promoted to captain in Octo- ber, 1863, of Company G of the same regiment. Q. If you were captured, please state when, where, and by what force ? — A. I was cap- tured April 20, 1864, at Plymouth, North Carolina, by General Hood's command, at the time the garrison was captured. Q. Please state the character of your treatment as a prisoner of war. — A. I was wounded at the time, and was kept in Plymouth about three days, and was taken from there to Libby Prison. On the way we were not treated badly. We arrived at Libby al)Out the '26th of April, 1864. We were told that we must give np the money which we had. At the time I was captured I was acting inspector for General Wessells, and I was with General Wessells and some eight others when I arrived at Libby. They said they would return us our money whenever we needed it, in confedia-ate inoney, at the rate of |;25 a week, and at the market value of the confederate money. After being searched we were taken up stairs and put in with about nine hundred'other officers, I think. We had no cooking utensils given us. We had each a, blanket aud an over- coat. They issued no rations for three days, and all we had to eat was what the offi- cers who were in there gave us. After the third day they issued one loaf of corn bread al>uut four inches square aud two inches thick, aud about half a pint of Ijeans. The beans were to last four days, but we were to have the bread each day. The bread was indigestible, having no salt in it, nothing but meal baked. I had a pretty bad wound at the time, but I received no particular treatment for that. When I went into the prison I spoke about it, and they said they had no place for wounded Yankees. That was said by Dick Tmner. Q. What authority did Dick Turner exercise ? — A. He seemed to be the commander at the prison. I supposed he was the commander from his acts, ily wound was in my neck, and my jaw was broken, and so sore I could not eat the hard corn bread. The only way I got anything I could eat was thi'ough our own officers, who had some pro- visions sent them by their friends at home. We were there until about the 5th of May. I think. _ ' ' Q. Please state as to the personal treatment that yourself and others received from the rebel officers there. — A. They did not treat us at all; they just simply turned us in there, aud gave us these rations'. About the .5th of May they came up and said we were to be ready to march at an hour's notice, aud that probably we would be exchanged, so that we would not need to take any of (uir blankets or cooking utensils. Those of us who had been there but a short time, supposing they were telling the truth, did 1004 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR leave our eoolcinc; utensils and blankets. I left mine, liecanse I did not feel like oarry- ing anything, and I snpposed ^VQ were going to be exchanged. Bnt instead of being exchanged we were taken across the river and ]>nt into some close box-cars, from sixty- five to seventy-five in each car. The cars had carried cattle, and tiie one in which I Avas had not been cleaned out since the cattle were in it. The weatlier was waim, and one door of the car was fastened, and at tiie otlier was a guard of three men. We were taken to Danville in that waj'. After arriving at Danville some five hundred of us Avere put into one building, and the Italance into another. The five hundred were put into a building some twenty-five feet wide and eighty feet long. We were on two floors, being about two hundred and fifty on each tloor. We were very badly affected with diarrliea. I did not know one who was not afft'cted with it by eating corn V)read. We had had but one loaf of bread for two days wlien we got to Danville. Tliere they issued some soup, made of l)acon, which was literally filled with maggots. In taking a eupfnll of the soup we could see them all over it. A man could not possibly eat it unless it were to keep from starvation. There was a sink back of the building, and they would allow eight men to go out at a time, and perhaps seventy-five would be standing in line waiting for their turn to go out. It was impossible for all to get to the sink in tinu', and men were obliged to n)ake their evacuations right on the lloui'. This was not cleaned up at all, and it became so offensive that it seemed as though Me coul.l not live there. At night they allowed only three to go out at a time, and no light was allowed ; and as the men were so crowded, lying on the floor, and it was so difiicult to jiass through them to go out, men would relieve uature anywhere, where they could find an open place upon the floor. The stench was fearful. General Wessells called the attention of the commander there, (a njan formerly from Chicago, I think,) and asked him if some- thing could not be done to remedy the matter. He replied that we were damned Yankee sons of bitches ; that he had no authority to do anything and could 7iot. General Wessells said we would all die there. The ofticer rejtlied he didu'tcareadiunnhowsoon wedied. We were there, I think, about five days. Wlien we started from there we had y could buy of the sutler. Q. Was this a rebel or a Union sutler f — A. A rebel sutler. Q. Where was his stall? — A. In the hall of the jail, within the iuclosure. ii,. By whose permission was he tliere with suppll\.s to sell ? — A. I do uot know. He was there with the knowledge of the comm.andiug officer of the prison. Q. What articles of supplies did he have f — A. He had onions and sweet potatoes. We could buy sweet potatoes for .$50 a bushel in confederate scrip. The officers began to be sick, and some were taken out to a hospital outside. The stench and insufficient food made many sick. Some had the yellow fever. We, of course, protested against the treatment ; but they always replied, " It was good enough for damned Yankee sons of bitches." After we had been there aliout two Aveeks they brought in a i)arole, and proposed that if we would give our parole uot to attempt to escape they would give us l»etter quarters. I think every officer of the four hundred who were in there signed that parole. We were removed to Roper hospital, a building right south of the jail yard. There we had good quarters, but the same rations as before. But we were fur- ther toward the southern part of the city, and were more exposed to the lire from the batteries on Morris Island. The fire was generally directed to the right of us, but occa- siouallj^ a piece of the shell would come into the yard where we were. A piece came into the room where I was and slightly wouuded an officer. We were there until about the first of October, and during this time officers were coming dov.^u with the yellow fever. One died in this building. The rebels were also taken with the fever, so much so that about the first of October they concluded to remove us. But before we were removed from there some of our men were brought there from Florence, and some- thing over a thousand of them Avere put into the same jail yard out of which we had been taken. We could see them from Roper hospital, and a more horrible-looking set of creatures I never saw. Many of them were naked. I cannot express to you how badly they looked. About this time the Sisters of Charity came among the officers, and asked if we had anything in the world to give that we should send it to our men. This was the only place or time that we had any sympathy from the southeru people to my knowledge. These Sisters of Charity never expressed anything but by their acts. They asked us to send things to our men, and told us the condition in which they were. Some of the officers had money that they had secreted, and they sent what they could to the men confined in the jail yard. There were some officers brought back who had been taken to the rebel hospital, and they had an opportunity to see our men around there, and they gave a description of the treatment the men received. Q. How did they describe that treatment ?— A. They said they were without any shelter, that verj^fewhad auy, and that to a great extent they were naked, and a great portion of them had become idiotic. They said the rebels did not try to do anything for them. They were left there to die, some of them under a few trees there, but no other shelter. The only ones who did anything for them were the negroes who were captured at Morris Island, and whom they allowed to go there and take care of these men. There were about fifteen of them to take care of the thousands who were in this condition. They were the only ones who acted as nurses. The men died otF very ra- pidly, and seemed to have no desire to live. The rebel surgeon in charg(^ at Cliarles- ton was Todd, (Jlrs. Lincoln's brother.) He acted badly towards them. These officers said he would come around among the men and kick and abuse tliem Avithout trying to benefit their condition in the least. About the first of October, Avheu the yelloAV fever^ Avas raging, we were moved, but the men were left there. The officers Avere taken to Co- lumbia, South Carolina. When we got there we AVere put into an open yard Avithout auy covering whatever, and kept there tAvo days Avithc)ut any rations being issued. A Cap- tain Semple seemed to have the command. He got the senior officers together and pro- posed that if Ave Avould take a parole, as Ave had taken it at Charleston, they Avould furnish a shelter; otherwise we should not haA'e auy. We Avould uot couseut to take it; and 1006 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR they kept us four days, dnriiig which time it rained powerfully. The last two days we Lad rations. In the meautime they would come and ask us if we were not ready to take apaxole not to attempt to escape. We held out. The fourth diiy they took us across the Saluda River to an open field ; and turned us into this lot, establishing a dead-line with stakes some four or five rods apart, and had guards stationed some two rods outside of them. They gave orders that we would be shot if we crossed the dead-line, without any notice. They furnished no shelter and no cooking utensils, nor anything to dig a sink with. But we were to be let out at one side of the line to attend to the calls of nature, ten at a time. Here were re-enacted the scenes at Danville. Tliey were asked to give us one shovel that we might dig a sink, and they would not give it, but gaA'e the invariable answer, " It is good enough for damned Yankee sons of bitches.'' They kept us here about a week until we had made up our minds to organize and take pos- session of the camp, and make our way out. They received some intimation and doubled the guard, and sent in some negroes to dig a sink ; this made it miicli better. They issued a pint of meal a day, and this was the only ration ; they furnished no wood, and we had no way to cook this nnsal but to get Avood by picking off pieces from the little trees in the camp. Of course, diarrhea became worse, and we were worse off than ever before. After we had been there some ten days they sent up a sutler, who was not allowed to sell inside, but he would furnish to a non-commissioned officer beef and sweet potatoes. We used to buy beef for altout $5 a pound, confederate money. The sweet j)otatoes were $25 a bushel, confederate money. They issued no rations except a pint of meal a day and a pint of sorghum for five days. We could buy axes of the sutler for %i\Q apiece. I think there were about six axes in the camp, for the fifteen huudred prisoners; theife we bought, and within ten days we had skinned up all the wood there was in the camp. A petition was got up to the rebel authorities to allow us to go out and get wood ; then they did sign a parole, fifty per day, to go out and get wood for three hours at a time. The six axes were used in cutting the wood, and the men w^ould bring it in. We also managed to get something to build a little shelter. The money had about played out at this time. No new officers were biought in, and there was no money except such as was received in letters. The confederates would give five dollars in confederate money for one in greenbacks. We could not have lived on the rations, nor unless we had had some money to buy provisions with. Not rna man in a hundred could have lived but for the money sent in letters. If an officer had money he could exchange with the guards, one dollar for ten, or sometimes as high as twenty for one ; but the authorities would only allow five for one. At that time, there being no stockade around us, a great many officeis would get out by crawling out at night, or by bribing the guard. About the first of November I, with two others, gave a twenty dollar greenback and a hundred dollars in confederate njoney to a guard to let us out ; we went out in the night and traveled about four nights ; and it rained incessantly. One morning as we were laying up we heard some dogs. We each had a club, and we backed up against a tree, and soon a pack of Gac hounds came up. In a. little while four rebel soldiers came up and called ofi' the dogs, and asked who we were ; we told them. They took us back to Lexington, in South Carolina, to the i)rovost mar- shal. We asked for something to e.at ; he said he had nothing for Yankee sons of bitches. He said we would have to go back at once to Columbia, about twenty-five miles; he sent a guard of two men with a pack of hounds; we got there at night. They turned us back into the camp without any punishment. After we got back There was a lieutenant from an ludiana regiment who was going along behind a little inclo- sure he had built, but not up to the dead-line, and a rebel guard shot him and killed him instantly. We then asked the commander to investigate the matter : he did not make any written reply, but told the officer who asked him aljout it " he did not care a damn ; he was nothing but a Yankee any way." The report was ciixulated that this guard was also given a furlough for shooting this Y'ankee. There was also an adjutant of a Pennsylvania regiment shot while sitting in camp, inside of the dead-line three or four rods; it was after dark. He was shot through the body, and lived al)out an hour. This time we asked for an investigation, and the rebel officer said he did not care a damn. I do not remember the officer's name Avho was in command ; but I thiidv it was Barrett or Bartlett. I lost my memorandum in which I had kept a diary during the whole of my imprisonment. Q. Did you keep a memorandum of what transpired ? — A. I did ; from the time I was ea])tured till I escaped. Q. Where is that memorandum ? — A. I lost it when trying to escape the second time. At this time a good many officers were escaping ; probably two-thirds of all who got out were recaptured, and invariably they were recaptured by bloodhounds. One officer of the One hundred and third Pennsylvania regiment was recaptured and was liitteii so badly by the dogs that they could not bring him back to camp ; he was left iu hospital , and I understood he died from the efiect of being bitten. About the first day of December I escaped again, with another officer bythe name of Foot. We started down on the banks of the Saluda River. We were assisted by negroes, who were the f)nly persons who did assist us ; they furnished us Avith provisions and showed us the road. An old negro woman dragged a BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1007 boat nearly half a mile aiifl put it into a liayou of the Congaree River, and at night con- ducted us to this boat, and gave us about four quarts of l)eaus cooked dry ; tliis was all the provisions slie had in the world, she said, and I believe it. We made a haver- sack out of an old coat-tail, into which we put the beans. We went dow-n the Congaree River niglits, and lay by in the day-time. When we got down near to where the Wateree comes in and forms the Santee, we found a negro who told us we coiild not run under the bridge, as the guard would take us. We abandoned our boat, and this negro showed ns the way around. Tha* night a pack of hounds got after us again, but it commenced raining and we got away from them. We traveled nights, and finally some negroes got us another boat, and we got on to the Santee River. The negroes also got us some sweet potatoes and some corn-bread ; all that they had. We run the next bridge, while the guard were upon it, and came down nearly to the mouth of the Santee ; and as Ave were getting out of provisions we happened to find another negro, who gave us some and also told us how we could get to our gunboats. [Other inci- dents were related, until at last a launch from the Union gunboats discovered them on the shore, and took them otf.] " If ever I was a happy man," said the witness, " I was then, when I found myself on board the gunboat." Q. How did the white people generally treat the prisoners ? — A. Always with con- tempt. I never saw a white person inside of the stockade or inside of a prison-yard but what would always show the utmost contempt; and when we complained, the answer was always the same, "Good enough," «&c. Q. How did the white southern ladies treat j-ou? — A. Always with disdain, except the Sisters of Charity in Charleston. Q. How did the colored people treat you ? — A. luvarialdy well. I had an opportunity to try them when I escaped, and never was betrayed or deceived by one in my life, and was probably assisted by fifty of them in all. Of all the otiticers w'ho escaped I never knew of an officer being betrayed by a negro. Q. State whether the negroes were generally loyal to the United States ? — A. Always. Q. What was the name of the camp at Columbia ? — A. We gave it a name ourselves, and called it Camp Sorghum. Q. Do yon know of any other acts of cruelty than those yoii have mentioned ? — A. I know a man of the company of which I was lieutenant was tied up by the thumbs at Florence till he was so injured that he has not yet recovered ; he lives near me now. It affected him so that he is unable to work but very little now. Q. How long was he kept tied up in that way? — A. I think about eight hours. Q. Do yon know the charge against him ? — A. I think he told me it was for simply asking that he might have something more to eat. Q. Could better accommodations have been furnished to the men by way of access to sinks at Columbia ?— A. Yes, sir; they could have done it much easier than to do as they did. Q. Could better supplies of wood have been furnished? — A. Yes; there was plenty of wood within half a mile. Q. Could material have been procured from the woods for making shelter for the men, if they had been permitted to get it ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Would the officers have procured it if permitted ?— A. Yes ; we asked the privi- lege of going out to get it. Q. Could better supplies of provisions have been furnished? — A. Yes, sir; because they always had plenty to sell, when they never issued it 6nt to us. Q. Then there were supplies in the country, but not issued without pay ?— A. Yes ; there were supplies to be had if paid for. Q. Do yon know of any severe modes of punishment adopted by the rebel authori- ties for trivial oftenses, other than you have given ? — A. While Ave were in Macon there was a tunnel dug for the purpose of escaping — diig near Avhere Major Pasco of the Six- teenth Connecticut slept ; it was discovered while Captain Tabb Avas in command. He asked Major Pasco if he knew anything about it ; he said he did not. Captain Tabb told him he must fill it up. Major Pasco said he did not dig it, and he did not think it was his duty to fill it up. Tabb told him he must do it ; Major Pasco still re- fused, and Tabb hit him over the head Avith a musket and knocked him down. But he did not fill it up. Officers were taken from the jail in Macon, for attempting to es- cape, and confined in dungeons. Q. State what you know of the treatment of non-commissioned officers and privates who were prisoners ; and state the source of your information. — A. I knoAv that Orderly Sergeant Crandall, of the Eighty-fifth New York regiment, and one other told me that they were taken by Captain Wirz outside to dig graves, and that while out there some- thing was said or done at which Wirz got mad ; it Avas something aljout the treatment of those inside, and Wirz told them he Avould fix the damned Yankees. He put a ball and chain on their legs and tied them together, and they were kept so four days for the request they made that he would do something to benefit those inside. Q. Were there any colored jirisoners in the prisons Avhere you were ? — A. There Avere some in the jail at Charleston. IOC 8 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Q. Do you know ■vYhetlier tbeir troatiiient was ditfcrciit from that of the white sol- diers? — A. Yes. They were confined in the jail; had nothing to eat hnt a small loaf of corn bread. They were compelled to (•l<'an out the jail and carry nut all the filth from the prisoners in the jail. This was work at whicli tliey never set white prisoners. Q. Do you mean they were compelled to carry out the tilth and oftal from -the civil prisoners in the jail? — A. Yes. Q. How many such prisoners were there? — A. I think about twenty-five. Q. Do you know for what ofi:enses they were held ? — A. I know two were for murder ; others fin- stealing. They had also about half a dozen of our deserters there. They were holding theui so as to find out whether they were true to the confederacy or not. Another thing about the treatment of the negro prisoners. Just before we were re- moved from Charleston, one of the negroes had charge of a ward where our officers were. This negro had charge of a ward, and in each ward there was a kind of wash basin given to each one having charge of a ward. One of these deserters was there, and he took the wash basin out from the ward that the negro had charge of. The negro told hira that the rebel doctor had ordered him not to take it out. The deserter did not cai'C for the negro, and took away the basin. That day the deserter abused the negro, and the negro replied, " You have no right to tallc in that way : a man who deserted from the United States service." Said he, " I am a soldier in the United States Army, and you are a deserter." The deserter told Dr. Todd of that, and he called np the negro, who told his story, and some of our officers confirmed the statement of the negro, and said the doctor had told the negro not to let the wasli basin go out. Dr. T<) fever, as it was called. Q. State whether they were aff"ected with scurvy at any camp ? — A. At Columbia thev had it. I have seen some of the most horrible looking men I ever saw affected with it. Q. From what prisons did they come? — A. From Floi'ence, South Carolina, as the last i)lace. Q. Is there any other statement you wish to make ? — A. There was a Lieutenant Davis in command at Macon for a short time. He said, " Gentlemen, it is my business to guard you, and it is your business to escape if you can." Said he, " No f»fficer who tries to escape shall be punished for it." He was very soon relievecl. In Ciiarleston there was a man who would give the officers confederate money for drafts on New BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1009 York or Boston in gold, at the rate of ten to one. A good many did give liim legitimate ordei"s, and some gave orders on persons who would never pay. Witliout the money obtained it did not seem possible to have lived. Between twelve and thirteen hun- dred of the two thousand captured when I was, I have good reason to know, died, an(\ they were prisoners only from six months to a year. When we were capturerisoners from buying provisions. Gen- eral Carter, provost marshal of the federal forces in Tennessee, arrested and imprisoned four prominent rebel citizens as hostages for myself and others, and then we were re- leased and I returned home. But on the sixth day after my return I was notified that I should be forced into the rebel army, and I left my home at night and made my way through the lines, reaching the federal forces at Knoxville about the last of April, 1864. Q. For what cause were you imprisoned ? — A. The charge against me was entertain- ing at my house federal officers. Q. By whom was the charge made ? — A. By James Sevier, John Hasson, and Henry G. Wax. They were all of that county, and all reside there still, except Wax. Q. Did you lose any property taken from you by rebels ?— A. I lost everything I had except house and laud. Q. What kind of property did you lose ? — A. Stock, consisting of horses, cattle, hogs, and two crops of corn, amounting to several hundred bushels, household furniture, blankets, bed clothing, and wearing apparel, and i^rovisions of every description, leav- ing my family without any provisions. lu September, 1864, I got my family through the lines, uucler a flag of truce, and we remained from home until the war closed. Q. State whether you have knowledge of bad treatment by any other citizens of your county or State.— a! It is hard for me to fix a point to begin an answer to that. I am well acquainted with various cases of outrage. Q. Please state them, as well as you may be able, giving the names of persons and the details of the manner of the bad treatment, with dates, a"s far as possible.— A. There was one case of George W. Huntsman, a man now sixty-five years of age. About May or June, 1863, he was charged by the rebels with aiding the son of the present presi- dejit. Robert Johnson, to escape from the country. He was arrested by Colonel Hart, H. Kep. 45 C4 1010 TREATxMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR of Georgia, ami was liiinjj np liy the lu-ck three times, just as loay; as they dare Iiang him without takinji his life. He was then carried from his lioim^ eight miles, in au almost senseless condition to Rogersville. The result of that treatment is that he is a deaf man now, and has heen from that time, so that he can scarcely hear anything. His health and constitution were entirely destroyed by the treatment he received. He had not much property, but everybliing he had that could be carried off was taken. He had a few horses and hogs, and his crops were fed out and destroyed. A few months i subsequently he was arrested nnd confined in prison, and very roughly treated. About the most terrible outrage committed in our country was upon the person of an old gentleman! by the name of William Bird, who was, I suppose, eighty years of age. The rebels had issued an order, requiring every one to give up their guns and arms. This old gentleman refused to surrender his gnu. The rebels sent a company and hunted him down, and shot him in tlu^ woods. When they shot him down they did not kill him outright at the iirst shot, and he begged them, as they had disalded him, to allow him to live long enough to arrange his afi'airs. They propped him u]» against a tree, and while he was there in that dying condition lune of them shot him. When the old man saw he was to be shot, he placed his hands to his face, and his fingers were all shot to ])ieces. They then dragged the body of tliis old man some hundred yards and threw it over the fence into his garden or yard, right into the presence of his daughter. That outrage was committed by a company under the command of a man by thi; name of John W. Phillips. I know nothing about him since the war. Q. Was he a citizen of your county ? — A. He was previous to the war. Q. Are any of those engaged in that murder still living in that county ? — A. Yes, sir; some few of them; I do not know how many. This man, Henry G. Wax, was con- cerned in it. Several of the party are now indicted, and the cases are before the coirrt, the trial having been jjostpoued from time to time under various pretexts, hoping for a better time for them by and bye. Very early in the war two young men, by the names of John and Hugh Russel, left their home with a view of going to Ken- tucky to get outside of the rebellion. They were shot down in Powel's River, and both killed in the river. I do not recoUi'ct who the parties were who killed them. The bodies were left in the river until some ladies in the neighborhood succeeded in getting them out and giving them a sort of burial. There was a man, who, I think, belonged to the Sixty-fourth Indiana volunteers, who died at my house. He stated that he was captxiredsick, and was buried alive. But as he was not l)uried very thoroughly, one arm being out of the ground, when he revived he scratched the earth away and made his escape, and traveled twenty-five miles. But he was in such a condition that he did not know which way to go, and was again captur(>d. But before he was cap- tured he came to a cabin in the mountains wliere he was kiiuUy treated, and was rapidly recovering. He was jiicked up by some rebel soldiers and thrown upon a partially loaded wagon, and brought to my house, about eight miles, at a very rapid rate. My family were ord(>red to take him and nurse him. He was a man advanced in years nnd died in about twenty-four liours after he was brought there. Q. Did he give you the ])articulars of his burial .'—A. His statement was that he was unconscious when he was put in the ground ; but he was buried so shallow that he got out easily. Q. Was he buried by rebel soldiers or citizens ? — A. By rebel soldiers on the mai'ch. Q. Did he say whether there were officers present ? — A. I think not. It was a scout- ing party of soldiers who carried him along awhile packed on a hor.se, I think. His name I do not remember, but I will endeavor to obtain it. There was a man by the name of Thomas Caldwell, whom a party of ten relxd soldiers took from his own house. The soldiers demanded his gun, he refusetl to give it up, and they shot him dead, right in his own door, his wife and daughter standing by him at the time. There was no provocation except his refusal to give up his gun. A man by the name of Holfmaster was concerned in th;it ; one of the same party was concerned in the killing of old man Bii'd. Henry Sizemore was taken from his home to the woods, about half a mile distant, and shot, mei'ely lor being a I'nion num. There was no charge- against him. Two rebel officers, by the names of Kciidiart and Calloway, captured four of my neighbors who l»elonged to the federal army, and while passing across Stone Mountain with them they had them tied together two and two. and they shot two of them. The other two made their escajie. Those rebel oftieers did not pretend to conceal the matter at all, l)ut I heard them boast of it. I got the particulars from the two men who esca])ed. Q. Where do those officers reside now ? — A. I do not know. A great many of that class of men have never been seen there suu'e. While I was a prisoner the most horrid sight that I saw was some five liundred and fifty rnion soldiers who had been ludd on Belle Island when they were brought to Richmond to be exchang<'d. Nothing that I saw ])f)rtrayed the treatment of rnion prisoners like that. The prisoners delivered by the federal authorities looked full and in a good condition, while the Union prisoners were the most wretched looking creatures I ever saw. Q. About what date was that exohauge ? — A. I do not remember the exact date ; it was between the 1st of January, 1664, and the lOth of March. The federal prisoners BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1011 were from Belle Island, aud Tere among the first exchanged there. There were about forty citizens of my county l;illed by the rebels during the war, outside of the soldiers. q! Were the two Union soldiers, of whom you spoke as being killed by the two rebel otHcers. from Tennessee, or from some other .State ? — A. They were from my county. Q. How many soldiers were killed in your county ? — A. I think as many as a hundred. Q. Do you mean those who were killed in engagements, or who were murdered? — A. I refer to those only who were killed outside of any engagement. Q. How were they killed? — A. Usually shot — hunted down. A good many would come home to see their families, and they were found out and killed. Q. Who were the principal actors in hnnting them down? — A. Principally rebel soldiers of our county. Q. Then it was generally a portion of your people killing another portion of your people? — A. Yes; chieliy so. Sometimes soldiers from other States came in; some from Georgia and Alabama. They would be out scouting around in parties, aud would hunt down federal soldiers who were at home on leave. Q. Was that true of other counties in Tennessee as well as of Hawkins County? — A. To a considerable extent ; but not so much in other counties. There was a bitter feeling of animosity existmg there. Q. Which side of the question did the colored people take? — A. The Union side almost universally. I know of but two exceptions in my county. The colored people were perfectly trustworthy throughout the war; could be trusted by Union soldiers aud Union citizens. Q. State whether the rebels visited any severe treatment on the colored people on account of their Union sentiments. — A. Not to any great extent in our county, so far as I know. Q. State whether the property of Union citizens was Injured hj the rebels generally. — A. Yes, sir; everything almost that Union citizens had, which could be consumed, was taken and used, or destroyed. Q. Were buildings destroyed? — A. Some few buildings were burned; not many in my county. Q. Have you any minutes or enti'ies of any of the facts of which you have spoken, to which you could refer ? — A. I have, at home. Q. Will you please examine those minutes, and report further hereafter to the com- mittee in regard to these points upon which you have been examined? — A. Yes, sir; 1 will do so. Washington, D. C, Ajml 29, 1868. August Swexson sworn and examined. By the Chairman : Question. Give your name, age, residence, and occupation, and your nativity.— Answer. August Sweuson ; I am twenty-eight years of age ; I reside in Washington. and am employed as a messenger in General Chipman's office. I am a native of Got- tenburg, Sweden. Q. If you were in the military service of the United States during the late rebellion, state in what command and in what rank you served. — A. I enlisted in the Thirteenth Pennsylvania reserves. Company A. I served, during the Avar, four years aud three months. I was wounded thi-ee times ; first at Fredericksburg; next at Gettysburg, and last at a place near Leesburg, after we crossed the Chickahomiuy. I was wounded in the back of the head by a piece of shell, and was senseless for some time. This was on the 13tli of June, 1864, in the afternoon. Q. If you were captured by the enemy, state when and where ? — A. I was wounded so badly as to be insensible at the time ; but I was taken on the 14th of June, at the place where I was wounded, by the Twelfth North Carolina regiment, of Wilcox's division, Hill's corps. I was taken to Richmond and put in Liliby Prison. When 1 came to my senses it was the 18th day of .June, and then 1 found that I was a prisoner in Libby Prison. I remained there until the 21st of .June. Q. How was you treated there ? — A. I was not treated badly. But there was a cap- tain there who treated some of the prisoners very roughly. He would kick thcjn around, and some of the prisoners were hung up by the thumbs for some very small oft'ense. There was an awful lot of lice there. Q. Was the prison kept clean ? — A. They used to throw water cm the floor every morning. I went from there on the 21st of June to Danville, in company with five hundred other prisoners. They put seventy-five into each box car, and the cars were those that had lieen used in carrying cattle, and had not been cleaned out. They were full of filth, and we had to lie down in it. We only stopped at Danville six hours, and we were not permitted to look out of the cars while there, for they said they had orders to shoot us if we looked out. We were then started for Andersonville, and when we 1012 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR stopped tit Columbia, South Carolina, wp were spit upon by the women. One woman ill particular said tliat if she had anytliing to do with the miserable Yankees, she w(Mild feed us with cotton and strychnine. She sent out lier children with the United States tlas;-, and they trampled it in the dust before us. While on the way in the cars, there came into the car Avliere I was a captain of a Mississippi reojiment. While I lay on the floor he tramped in my face. I told him I was wounded, and asked him not to step on me. He said, " Get out of the way, you damned Yankee." We reached Ander- sonville aliout the •26th or SSth of June. We arrived there in the afternoon, and were ordered to be drawn up in a line by Captain Wirz, and were kept tliere in the broil- ing sun three or four hours. If any one lay down they would order him to get up, saying, " Get up, you God damned Yankee, or I'll shoot you." I was so weak I could not stand, and had to lie down. One man came and told me, " Get up, you miserable Yankee." When he was told that I was wounded and could not stand up, he said, " Let the d — d Yankee lie there then." Q. Were you well supi)lied with rations on the way from Richmond to Anderson- ville f — A. We had four days' rations, which had to last ns seven days. Each day's ra- tion was a small piece of corn-bread, or three or four crackers, and a piece of stinking meat, full of maggots. Q. What proportion would a day's rations, as furnished to you, bear to the day's ra- tion for oue of our soldiers f — A. Not more than a quarter as much. Q. What next took place at Audersonville ? — A. We were sent inside of the .stockade in detachments of ninety-four men in each. Tlie detachments were numbered: I was in the ninety-fourth. Afterward I was transferred to the three hundred and sixty- second, and there were three hundred men in it. Each detachment had one sergeant to draw rations for us. Q. What was the character of your rations in the stockade ? — A. Very poor. We had sometimes mule meat, molasses, and corn meal, and sometimes a very few beans, with their husks mixed in with them. Wlien Captain Wirz got mad we did not get any rations sometimes for forty-eight hours. Sometimes they l>rought in mush made of corn-meal, not boiled, but only just scalded. They brought this in in a box, having in it rations for oue hundred and ninety men. Mr. Duncan, who Avas then commis- sary, would call for the sergeant with his nqnad, and if the sergeant did not come at once with his men. the box was ordered to lie tlirown down into the sand, and the or- der was given for the " damned Yankees" to pick up the meal as they could. Those who were well and strong would get something, but many of them got nothing. At oue time there was issued a certain amount of corn and molasses for each detachment, to make beer of for those that had the scurvy. Q. What was your personal treatment when you went into the stockade ? — A. They took iny clothes off, and my shoes, so that I had nothing but an old pair of pantaloons that I got from a rebel. I was without a shirt for three mouths, and had to lie ou the bare ground without anything to shelter or protect me. Q. In what comlition was tlie ground in the stockade ? — A. The soil was clayey and wet. What they called the '"top of the hill" was very muddy. When it rained there were a great many maggots crawling all around there; and as there was no fresh aix', the stench was such we could hardly breathe. Q. Where did the maggots you speak of come from ? — A. They came from the tilth, from the sick ])risoneis, who had to make small holes in the ground, in which to make their I'vacuations. Q. Was there no provision made to accommodate the sick men, by way of sinks? — A. There were some sinks down by the brook, but they were so poor that the sick could not be accommodated, because they were so feeble they could not sit down there ; a nd sometimes you might see five or six of" the sick fallen into' the nastiness tliere. They would have to do the best they could for themselves, as nobody took any pity ou them. Q. ^^^lat was the supply of wood furnished to the prisoners ? — A. We got some by the men going out as they could get leave ; but if anyone ran away, then nobody could get any wood for forty-eight hours. Q. AVere you allowed to get wood enough for cooking purposes ? — A. No, sir. Q. Was wood plenty in the neighborhood? — A. Yes, sir ; there were hundreds of acres of pine all around. Q. Would the prisoners have gotten the wood for themselves, if permitted ? — A. Yes, certainly. Q. Wiiat was the supply and character of the Avater ? — A. The water we had when we came into the stockade was from a stream that ran through the rebel camp. It was full of nastiness and filth. Q. Was the rebel camp located above the stockade, on the same stream? — A. Yes, sir. Q. What was the size of that stream ? — A. Very small and narrow. When it rained the water was very nasty. Q. Were the banks high or low, in the stockade ? — A. Very low. There was a swamp BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1013 alono- next to the stream, aud in a condition not to be named. If anj"^ poor fellow went into that swamp and fell into a hole, he had to lie there. Q. Did any die in that swamp ? — A. Yes, sir ; sometimes hundreds in a day. They went there to get water to drink, and tliere they fell down and died. Q. Was any effort made by the authorities to save those men who fell into the swamp f — A. No, sir. Once in a while some one would come in and see them, and say they ouglit to lie there. They called them " swampoodlers." In August, 1864, there were thirty-seven thousand prisoners on the eighteen acres, within the stockade. Q. How much of this sjiace did the swamp occupy? — A. More than four acres of it. Q. State whether there was a stench from this swamp. — A. O, j'es ; it was very filthy. It was full of green, slimy, nasty stuff'. Those who went into the swamp, if they had any sores on them, would have the gangrene ; and if any went out to the hospital to have a limb amputated on account of the gangrene they were certain to die. Q. What were the most prevalent diseases ? — A. Gangrene and scurvy. Q. What care was taken of those who had these diseases ? — A. They were sometimes sent out to the hospital, when thej' became very bad. They were examined by the surgeon outside, and medicines were i>rescribed. But many of them that had the scurvy died after they had been out and came back. It was understood by us that Dr. Stevenson, the surgeon in charge, who was from Charleston, South Carolina, di- rected as to the medicine to be given to the sick who came out from the stockade. Some of the doctors said there was poison put into the medicine. Dr. Stevenson was told one day by Dr. Elan that it was a shame to doctor the Union prisoners in that way. The doctors there were, besides Dr. Stephenson, Drs. Williams, Shepherd, and Bates, from Georgia ; Dr. Thornberg. from Tennessee ; Drs. Pillart and Elan, from Flo- rida ; Dr. White, from North Carolina, aud Drs. McQuade, of Virginia, aud Mudd from Kentucky. Q. What was the characterof the treatment of the Union prisoners by these surgeons, respectively ? — A. If they treated us well they were called Yankee doctors ; if they did not, nothing was said. Dr. Elan, especiaJlj', treated us well. He and Drs. Thornberg, Bates, and Pillart were the most kind to us. Dr. White would come along through the wards and look at the prisoners ; but let them lie there without doing anything for them. Dr. MeQuade, whenever he saw a Union prisoner have a good blanket, would take it away. Dr. Shepherd would incpiire what State each prisoner belonged to, and if he found one from Tennessee or Kentucky or Virginia, he would say, " God damn you, you Yankee son of a bitch, lie there and rot." Q. Did there seem to be more prejudice against southern Union prisoners than north- ern ? — A. Yes, much more. Dr. R. E. Mudd had eliarge of tlie sixth ward, I think, in the hosi)ital outside of the stockade. As he came along, if he saw a sore on the hands, feet, or legs of a prisoner, he would give orders for the man to be taken out for ampu- tation. When a prisoner was on the amputating table he would bandage the limb aud then hold his thumb on the arteries and let the blood runoff', and say, "Goddamn Yankees ; they've got pretty good squirt-guns." Q. Did you see any case of that kind ? — A. Yes, I saw several of them. I could name one in particular. A little fellow named Harrington, from the First Michigan sharp- shooters, had his leg taken off", and when it was taken off, Dr. Mudd went and loosened the bandage so that he let him bleed to death ; and then said he died of the effects of amputation. Q. Did you see him loosen the bandage and allow the man to bleed to death? — A. Yes, sir, I saw him do it. Q. How long did the man live after he loosened the bandage ? — A. I don't supj)0se he lived over twenty-five minutes, from the time ho came to the table. Q. What was the condition of his health before amputation ? — A. Rather poor. He had gangrene while in the stockade, before he was removed to the hospital. Q. Could he walk about without help ? — A. No, sir, he could not. He had to be car- ried out by four men. I knew of another case of a man who died while having his arm amputated. When there were any dead in the hospital. Dr. Mudd would come along and examine them, and give some name to the cause of their death, and then or- der the mule wagons up to take away the dead. The bodies were carried up to the south gate and laid in rows of forty or fifty at a time ; when the rebels would come with the wagons and some colored Union prisoners, and they would make the colored prisoners pick iip the dead bodies and pile them on the wagon, half of the body lyiug inside the wagon and half outside ; and sometimes the bodies hung down over the wheels, and as they drove the wagon along the flesh would be worn off from the bodies by the wheels. The same wagon on which they carried off' these dead bodies was then used, just in the condition in which it was left when the bodies were taken out, to bring rations for the sick aud wounded. Q. Were the dead allowed to lie there in the hospital in view of the sick? — A. Yes, sir, right before us. Dr. Mudd took clothes that were sent by Governor Curtm of Pennsylvania— pants and blankets— and he wore the pants and sold the blankets at $30 a piece to the rebels around there. Very few of the sick and wounded could get 1014 TREATMENT OF PRISOXERS OF WAR any blaiikft. While I was in the hospital Dr. ]Mn down and yell and scream at everything he saw, and would eat notli-^ ing. Our morning lie wanted to go home, aud he wcut toward the gate and inside of the dead-line, and a guard shot him. When the guard shot hiin he called for the coi-- poral and reported that he had shot a Yankee. Q. Was it known to them that this prisoner was crazy? — A. Y'es, >sir; they were told a number of times that he was deranged. Q. Was the guard who shot him punished? — A. I do not know. Q. Was he taken olf at the time?— A. No, sir. Q. Wliat do you mean by the "dead-line?"— A. II w.as a narrow board placed all ar(umd the camp ten feet from the stockade itself. Tlie prisoners were not allowinl to go outside of that. If the guard on the stockade saw any prisoner come close to it he would shoot him. Q. Have you seen prisoners shot, other than the crazy man you mentioned ?— A. Yes; there was one shot who came in about the middle of July, I tliinii. He was one of General Sherman's men. He was very weary and tired when he came in, and looked around for a place to rest. He saw a piece of ground not occupied, aud did not knov.' there was any danger in going there. He, therefore, went there to rest ; and when the other prisoners saw him going there they called to him, " You are insid(> of the dcnid-line."' But before he could understand what they meant, a guard .shot him and killed him instantly. The guard called the corporal and told him he had sliot a damned Yankee. The guard got thirty days' I'urlongli for shoot ing tlie prisoner. The guard belonged to the Second Georgia militia. I do not know the name of the prisoner who was killed. Q. Were you on duty at any time outside of the stockade? — A. Yes, sir. Q. State what duty. — A. I was a cook for Doctor IMudd aud several of the other Aoctors. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1015 Q. Were yon then personally acqnaiuted with the snrgeons of whom yon have testi- fied f— A. Yes, sir. Q. You have spoken of their condnct, from yonr personal observation '? — A. Yes, sir. Q. State whei-e yon received the information as to the medicine that Surgeon Stev- enson caused to be administered, being poisoned.— A. In the hospital tent. Q. From whom ? — A. From Doctor Pillart, in his conversation with the other sur- geons. He said the medicine was not proper. Doctor Elan said in my hearing, " It is a shame to treat the Yankee jjrisoners in this way. It will be a stain on our govern- ment that will never be wiped out." Q. What surgeons were present when Doctor Elan made that statement F — A. Doctors Williams, Pillart, Thornberg, McQuade, and ^ludd. Then Doctor Mudd made this expression: "Doctor Elan, you are a God damned fool." Q. What reply did Doctor Elan make? — A. He replied: "If I had it in my hands the State of Alabama should never have seceded." Q. Did the other surgeons make any response? — A. Yes; Doctor McQuade said, then he (Doctor Elan) was not half as good as a Yankee. Q. Did yon learn, during that conversation or at any other time, how the medicines were poisoned ? — A. I did not understand precisely, because it was done secretly, in what they called the dispensary. Q. Did yon hear Doctor Stevenson make any remark touching the quality of the medicine ? — A. He told the captain how to xn'cpare it, and said it would " kill them quicker than anything else." Q. What captain did he tell this ? — A. Captain Wirz. I don't wish to say that I heard that, but I heard it stated. Q. Were there any colored prisoners there? — A. Yes, sir. Q. State whether they wei"e treated dittereutly from the white prisoners. — A. They were taken out of the stockade and made to work in building a fortiticatiou all around tlie stockade. If they refused to go they were severely punished. Q. Do you know of any colored soldiers being returned to their masters, or sold into slavery? — A. I do not. Q. State what yon may know, if anything, of the stocks to punish prisoners in? — A. What they called the stocks were outside of the stockade. They were made of boards about an inch thick and ten or twelve inches wide. There was a notch in the edge of each of two such boards, made so as to tit the neck when the boards were brought to- gether; there were such places also for the wrists and ankles, and the prisoner was thus suspended by the neck, wrists, and ankles, the lower boards, through which, his legs passed, being about two feet above the ground, so that the whole weight pressed upon the muscles of the neck, wrists, and legs. Q. How long were they kept there ? — A. Twenty-four hours, without food or water. Q. Do you know of any case where any one died in the stocks ? — A. Yes, sir ; I saw cue in particular. Q. For what was he sentenced ? — A. For running away. He was recaptured by Turner with hounds. Q. Had the hounds injured him? — A. No, sir. He was let down after being in the stocks twenty-four hours, and was so weak that he could not stand up. Captain Wirz came up with a pistol in his hand and ordered him to get up. The prisoner replied: "Captain, I can't stand up, I am so weak." Wirz then cursed him again, and said he would send him to " God damn hell," if he did not stand up. He was then put back in the stocks, sentenced to stay there twenty-four hour's more ; but before the time expired he was dead. Q. Did you know of any others dying in the stocks ? — A. No, sir. Q. Was it a common jji'actice to i)uuish them in the stocks? — A. Yes, for little offenses. Q. Was there any other mode of punishing ; if so, what was it ? — A. Yes ; there was the ball and chain, and the chain-gang especially. Q. Please describe that chain-gang. — A. I saw one with seven prisoners chained together, having the chain fastened around the neck of each prisoner, and all fastened together, one after the other ; and they had balls chained to their legs. Q. Was that mode of punishment common ? — A. It was for those who tried to escape. Q. Do you know of any one who died while in the chain-gang? — A. Yes, sir, of one. Q. Do you know the particulars of his death ? — A. He was too weak to carry his chain, and it was reported to Dr. Stevenson that he was too weak to carry, and he reported to Captain Wirz ; but no attention was paid to him, and he died while in the chain-gang, and the rest of the gang had to drag his body with them two days before it was taken off. Q. Did you see the dead body, with the men dragging it ?— A. Yes, sir. Q. Was that where the rebel officers could see it ? — A. It was, right opposite to the rebel camp. Q. How far from Captain Wirz's quarters?— A. Only a few rods. 101 G TREATitENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Q. How far from where the sui'geoiis' teut was ? — A. Not far. They examined them every chiy. Q. Did the snro;eons know that body was in tliat situation? — A. Yes. Q. Did yon hear the snrtreons say anything about that matter? — A. Dr. Thornberg said that body oujjht to be taken off, because it would cause a fever all around the camp. Captain Wirz answered that there was no blacksmith near enough to take it oft'. Q. How were these chains fastened to the persons of the prisoners ? — A. By bauds and rivets. Q. How were they taken oft'? — A. The blacksmith took them oft' with a file. Q. State whether these prisoners were compelled to march while in the chain-gang, or whether their marching was voluntary ? — A. Thej- had to march, to keep moving all the time. There was a regular beat of about thirty yards. They walked back and forth on that beat very slowly. Q. Do you say that yoTi saw that dead body so dragged back and forward on that beat for two days ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Was the body dragged on the ground all the time ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. How did the men stand, in a line or in a circle ? — A. In a straight line. Q. Have you seen prisoners who had been captured by hounds, wounded by them ? — A. Yes. I saw six of them brought back ; one of them was so badly Mounded that he died after a few days. Q. How far had those prisoners gone before being recaptured ? — A. Sixty miles. Q. How did they return ? — A. On foot. One of them said to Captain Wirz : '' Captain Wirz, you promised us if we could get away we might go." He said : '" God damn you, I told yon to stay." The i)risoner replied something, and then Captain Wirz set the hounds on him again, and tlicy tore him. This was a few rods from the stockade, down in the edge of the brook. Q. Did yon see that ? — A. Yes, sir, I saw it. Q. How long were the dogs attacicing the prisoner? — A. A few minutes ; not long. Q. Who called the dogs off? — A. Turner. Q. By whose order? — A. Captain Wirz's. Q. Were there any other rel)el officers present at that time ? — A. No, sir. Q. Were there other Union x^risoners jjresent ? — A. Yes ; those who were paroled outside of the stockade. Q. Do you know the name of anj^ who were present ? — A. Yes ; one by the name of Hick, of a Pennsylvania regiment. Q. Did Wirz se<> the man after the dogs were taken oft"? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Do you know the name of the man bitten, and his regiment? — A. No, sir. Q. Did you, at any time, see officers of the rebel army from Richmond or other places tiiere? — A. I saw General Cobb there. Q. About what time ? — A. In November. 1804. Q. How long did he remain there if — A. I do not know exactly ; I saw him about there about two weeks. Q. Do you think he was there two weeks ? — A. Yes, sir. He made a speech to the rebels. Q. Where did he make that speech ? — A. In the rebel camp. (^>. What rebel camp? — A. The camp of the second, thii'd, and fourth Georgia regi- ments. Q. What duty were they on there ? — A. Guarding the prisoners there. Q. Then I understand you that General Cobb nuide a speech to the rebel guard at Andersonville? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Did yon hear that speech ? — A. I heard a few remarks. I heard him say that if any of the Yankees talked to the women, or to the ladies, they should shoot them. Q. Did you see Cobb in cimvcrsation witii the rebel surgeons, aud witli Cai>tain AVirz? — A. I saw liim speak with C^ajitain Wirz ; but I don't know what he said. I saw him in conversation with Dr. Stevenson. Q. Did General Cobb go insule of the stockade? — A. No, sir. He ordered Castle Reed to be titted up for the Union officers. Q. Where is that ?— A. Close to the stockade. Q. Was it titted u]) for tlumi ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Were any Union otiticers ))ut in it? — A. Yes, sir, Q. Were vegetabl(^s furnislicd to tlie prisoners? — A. No, sir. Q. W(!re vegetables to be had in tlie country? — A. Very little. Q. Do y(m know of any sutlers in the stockade selling snpjjlies? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Did those sutlers sell vegetables? — A. Very little. Some Irish and sweet po- tatoes. Q. Did tliev seem to have; plentv of these to sell? — A. No, sir. They were very high. (). Wlier(^ did they get their sui)ply of vegetables? — A. Around the stockade in Audersouville. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1017 Q. Do you know of cMckens or vegetables being sent tberc for the benefit of the sick ])risonersf— A. Only once. Q. Where were they sent from? — A. I do not know. Q. What was done with them? — A. When Dr. Pillart was surgeon in charge, he carried them to the worst cases in his ward, and so did Dr. Ehxu. Q. Was that not the case when other surgeons were in charge ? — A. Very seldom. Q. Do yon know Avhcther these facts were reported to Richmond, as to the condition of the camp, at any time ? — A. I could not tell. Q. Did you hear any of the surgeons say anything about that ? — A. No, sir. Q. What rebel officer was in command of the guards of the prison ? — A. Colonel Thompson, of Georgia. Q. What was histreatment ? — A. He spoke kindly to the prisoners. Q. How did the citizens about there treat the prisoners when they met them ? — A. Very well, so far as they dared. Q. Did they come to see the prisoners sometimes ? — A. They came and sold sweet potatoe pies. Q. Men or women? — A. Women, mostly. Q. How did the colored people treat the prisoners ? — A. Very well, -when they dared to speak to us. Q. Did you know of any of them being punished for it ? — A. No sir ; but I knew a white woman, by the name of Mrs. Clarke, who was punished. They took everything from her, and put her in coniinenicnt tliree daj'S. Q. For what? — A. For selling pies to the paroled prisoners outside the stockade. Q. What were the prisoners paroled for? — A. To chop wood and dig ditches. Q. Were they better treated for that ? — A. Yes, sir. They got what was called extra rations for doing the work. Q. Were those surgeons drinking men ? — A. Dr. Mudd was, in particular ; was always dniuk. Q. What was your especial duty when detailed outside the stockade ? — A. Cooking and taking care of the Union sick in the hospital. Q. Do yon know any of the effects of vaccination? — A. I never saw it. I heard of it. Q. Could the prisoners inside of the stockade retain their health, under the treat- ment they received ? — A. No, sir, Q. Had they comforts enough to sustain life, for any considerable length of time ? — A. Part of the time they had ; and a part of the time they had not. Q. Could their condition have been improved by enlarging the stockade, or chtmg- ing its locality ? — A. Yes, sir. It could by njakiug it larger. Q. Could tliey have obtained better water by having the stockade in some other place ? — A. Yes, sir. They conld have got good water near. They could get some spring water from the hills. Near the hospital there was a large stream of very good water indeed. Q. How far was that stream from the stockade? — A. Not quite a quarter of a mile. Q. Could the rebel camp have been erected at some other point than on the same stream that ran through the stockade ? — A. Yes, sir, on the other side, where the other stream ran. Q. Could that have been done without detriment to the rebel camp, and on as good ground as that where it was? — A. Yes, sir, better. Q. Did the rebels have any cavalry there? — A. No, sir. Q. What effect did the treatment "of the prisoners have upon their temper and dis- position toward each other? — A. They became reckless and did not take any care of themselves. They helped each other the same as when in the service, all they could. Q. What Genei-al Cobb was this of whom you testified?— A. Howell Cobb. Q. Is there any other statement you wish to make? — A. I wish to say that there were certain i)oles erected in the stockade as a boundary line, over which we could not go ; if we went over they would fire grape and canister upon us. At one time, in August, there was a lot of prisoners brought from General Sherman's army, and we wanted to get news from them ; and so we crowded out toward the gate. We got too far outside of the line where the poles were, and orders were given to fire upon us. They fired four or five times, twice with shell and three times with grape and canister. Several were killed and more wounded. Q. Was any attempt to escape made at that time? — A. No, sir. Q. What was the cause of their approaching so near the gate ? — A. To get news from the new comers. Q. Do you know who ordered the firing?— A. Yes, sir; Captain Wirz. There was a heavy rahi in the latter part of August, 1H64; and there had been a tunnel made under the stockade, ami the ground caved in on account of the rain and the stockade fell down. Then the artillery was ordered to fire, so as to keep us (juiet and prevent an attempt to l)r(\ak out. About that time an account was taken of the sick and wounded in the stockade, and there were found to be fifteen thousand. Q. Where did you go from Andersonville f — A. I went out once, first to Americas, 1018 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR and IVoiii there to Albany; then to Bine Springs, then to Thomasville, then back to Albany, and then to Andersonville again. Q. What was yonr treatment dnring that trip to Araericns and back? — A. Very rongh ; at one time between Thomasville and Albany they gave us meal to eat, without salt, putting the meal into the mule buckets and stirring it up with muddy water and then giving it to us raw. On the march at tliat tin)e it was very cold, and the ground was frozen. Some of the ])risoners w^ere barefooted and too weak to keep up. Orack of forty hounds, sometimes ; but he did not let them all out at ouce. He would take some of the dogs inside when it was supposed prison- ers had escaped, and let them smell at the hole where they had gone out, and then the dogs were taken out and put to hunting for the track of the prisoners. Washington, D. C, May 12, 1868. A. M. Gate sworn and examined. By Mr. Stevens : , Question. Please state your name, age, and jdace of residence. — Answer. A. M. Gate; I am forty-five yeai's of age; I reside at Ooltewah, Hamilton County, East Tennessee. Q. How long have you resided at Ooltewah and vicinity ? — A. Since Noveud^er, 1849. Q. Did you reside there during the war? — A. Except what time I was in the service. My family did. Q. State if you were in the service of the United States ; and if so, in what capacity. — A. I was ; as second lieutenant of Company G, Sixth Teiniessee intantry. Q. How long? — A. From June, 1862, to the 15th of September, 1864. Q. State what, if anything, you know as to the nnu'der of Willis Biggs, .John Connor, and Barney Eastridge ; and if you knew these men. — A. I was personally intimate with them; 1 know tliey were Union men and devoted to the Union cause. On or about the 2Gth of January, 1864, they were arrested at their respective homes and taken south of the State line into Georgia, and Avere shot down and killed; where they were found about three mouths afterward and identified by their families and friends, brought home and buried. Q. Did you see them in their coffins? — A. I did, when they were brought home. Q. State whetln^r there was any cause for the uiurder, exctspt the fact tliat they were Union men? — A. None wliatever. Q. By whom were they sliot? — A. At the instance of William Snow, Avho headed a band of rebel guerrillas. Q. What families did these men leave ? — A. Mr. Biggs left a wife and seven children; Eastridge, a wife and six children, according to my recollection ; and Connor left a wife only. (J. State what other instances of ill treatment, or of imprisonment of Union men by the rebels in East Tennessee came to your knowledge. — A. Uiuler the charge of bridge- l)urning in November, 1861, the following persons were taken prisoners by the rebels in Hamilton County, Tennessee : H. G. Alexander, John Anderson, J. D. Blackford, Caleb M. Bettis, Prior Coleman, B. C. Coleman, Robert N. Davis, Washington Evans, E. Emory, John Emory, N. A. Fitzgerahl, William Gamble, Hiram M. Higgms, Nathan Howard, .John F. Hamil, James 11. Jolmson, Daniel Knight, John Lucroy, Arthur W. jNIcDouald, I'leasaiit L. ilatthews, Hugh Nave, Abel A. Pearson, .). 1). Rogers, K. P. Rogers, R. M. Riddle, Wm. Rose, William Stone, Thomas Truitt, William G. Walker. The following persons were taken for the same reason, from Bradley County : John Bean, Dr. John J. Brown, Stephen Beard, J. S. Bradford, .John Boone, G. D. Ghami)ion, Tl'.onias L. Gate, N. G. Givens, Andiew Ilickmau, Dr. William Huut, Sanuud Hunt, Stciilicn Johnson, Allen J\hirlow, Geo. W. Marlow, a man by the name ol Owensly, S. D. Riclimond, John Spurgeon, Jesse Taylor, and S. B. Wise. i}. What was iloue with these men? — A. They were imprisoned in Tuscaloosa and Mobile, Alabama. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1019 Q. How long were tlicy imprisoned ? — A. I do not know the precise time ; several mouths. Q. Were they afterward released ? — A. Those who did not die were. Q. What became of Stone of whom you spoke ? — A. He was taken to ]nison and took the prison fever, and after his return he died, in June ; this I had from his wife and sou. Q. State what was the general condition and treatment of the Union citizens in East Tennessee, during the war, so far as you know and observed. — A. Their treatment was of the most cruel character, especially after thc^ burning of the railroad bridges in East Tennessee tlie uiglit of the eighth of November, 18ul,"inunediately after and un- der which charge a great many were arrested and imprisoned innocently, while the guilt of a few was either admitted or proven, and they almost unceremoniously liung. Others fled from their homes to hide in the caves of the mountains, or to the woodlaiul hills, where they dug and so constructed holes in the earth as to render it almost imijos- sible to find them, except l)y those familiar with the spot, or then to som<' farmer's hay mow, straw stack, or other place of security, from which position in many instances thej' could not move, except under cover of night, anil even then at times it reqiiired great caution. As a general thing it was not difficult to obtain provisions by the kind- ness of unsuspected friends, old men, women, children or negroes, who with a kind of intuitive cautiousness, rarely detected in, performed tlie duty as promptly and with as much pleasure as a mother could attend to the wants of a child. Some, however, were compelled to subsist from turnip patches, potato patches, &c., and such wild hogs, deer, &c., as they thought safe to shoot without exposing their whereal)outs to rebels. Not satislied with driving Union men from their homes, they pursued them night and day, individually and collectively, requiring all whom they captured to enlist into the rel)el army, or go to prison, without regard to want or condition of family, the earnest and mournful entreaties of a heart-broken Avife. or the mon; pitiful cries of their inno- cent children. Their exposure was so great while coidiued to their eaverjis and places of resort during the chilling blasts of winter, and being denied the privileges of exer- cise, or the comforts of fire, many were hurried to a i)remature grave, while others were badly injured by frost-bitten limbs or feet, or contracted diseases. They indis- criminately patrolled Union men's houses, searched for their private retreats, and way- laid the highways of the counti-y, shooting them both before and after their capture ; hung innocent men for sentiment, and tortured them in almost l)arl)arous manner to make them give U]i, or tell where their money or property Avas; their houses were rob- bed, and destroyed bj' tire ; rebel ol'lieers would authorize the taking of their horses, hogs, cattle, sheep, hay, corn, wheat, flour, bacon, &e., excej)t a scant allowance for the family, Avhich the private rebel soldier or guerrilla would go and get, and thus re- duce the families of federal soldiers and Union citizens to extreme want for food and clothing. It was not uncommon for a mother to take a meal with her children of corn bread and water or wheat or rye cotlee, and frequently compelled to use Irish potatoes, or cow peas as a substitute for bread, and somtimes for several meal-rinies destitute of either. It was with the greatest difficulty that many of them could provide the ordi- nary means of subsistence by the mothers, wives, daughters, and children of federal sokliers and Unionists cultiA'ating such tields or lots as they could keep fenced, Avith Avorthless jacks, jennies, single ox or calf, and I haA'e understood that milch coavs liaA'e been used to plow and haul rails to replace those burned or destroyed by rebels, as well as firewood. Women, Avithout regard to condition, were placed under the neces- sity of taking their little sacks of corn and Avalkiug for ruiles tlnougji the heat of summer or the storm of Avinter to a mill to get it grouud, and under the same difficul- ties cut and haul or carry their firewood, make rails and fence, and A'arious other hard- ships, doubtless less enduring, but too tedious to itemize, and even then would many times have to give the last mouthful to a guerilla, rebel soldier, or their sick. All grades of society were reduced to such i)euury and want, as to compel thousands to give up all that Avas sacred or dear to home and beg subsistence and transportation of the federal goA'ernment to some plentiful section in a northern State. I have seen mul- titudes composed of old men, women, and children of all classes exposed to all the seA'erity of Avinter in the most pitiable conditions, thinly clad in cotton, and so ragged and dirty as to be unable to cover their nakedness, bare-headed, bare-footed, without tent or shelter, and frequently denied the comforts of fire. Language cannot lejiresent their sufferings, nor CA^eu an eye-Avitness Avith all of his feelings and syuq)atliies of human- ity aroused conceive their real condition, their pain, their distress, their sorrows, their tears, their wailings, and their physical and mental agony. Many of those imprisoned either died in their confinement under the most brutal treatment, or contracted disease from Avhich they haA'e since died, or still linger as iuA'alids upon their friends aixl the country, while those released were required to take the rebel oath of allegiance, and pay rebel lawyers large sums of money in person or through friends for their serA'ices, &c. Nor Avas this bar))nrity eonfined'to the reljel soldiery, but coequal to the senti- ment almost Avithout exception. To imbibe the element was equivalent to seA'ering the most intimate relations in life, and only necessary to justify former friends, neigh- bors, and relations to use bloodhounds, guns, pistol, kniA-es, and rojjes for the extermi- 1020 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR nation of Union men. I believe thousands nf Union men were forcofl into the rebel army, iiiauy of whom deserted, escaped to the federal lines, enlisted and proved their patriotism to be equal to any on the battle-field, while many died, and many others too timid to run the risk of desertion have left tlie stij^ma of their involuntary record clinging to their )iosterity as part of their father's history. But as the length of this statement may destroy its interest, I beg your indulgence and attention to a few brief and isolated allusions in addition to those already made in a former part of my testimony. John Lucroy was arrested near Ooltewah, in Hamilton County, Tenuessee', in Noveni- ber, 1861, for being a Union man and bridge-burner, (the latt(?r he knew nothing of;) and while on his way to a southern prison, weak from exposure, fatigue, ,'uid waut of food, he was required to carry sacks of corn from or to the bank and the boat upon ■which they traveled, when he fell, with a sack upon hiui, and was so severely injured that he expired in a very short time, leaving his wife and several children without house or home or the necessary means to live on. Wm. Stone was also arrested near Ooltewah in November, 1861, under tlie same charges, imprisoned in Tuscaloosa and Mobile, Alabama, for about six months, during which time he had a severe attack of sickness, when, \\\nm his ]iartial recovery, he was rideased, returned home, and in a short time died, doubtless of juisou fever contracted during his confniement, leaving an invalid wife and six or st'ven little children. JMr. Stone left a valuable farui, which has since been sold under execution, and leaves the widow's dower for the family sup- port. The farm was devastated by burning fences, cutting timber, taking crops, &c., hy rebels and federals, creating a great loss to the family, none of which has been accounted for, as I learn, yet. He was intrusted with a high responsibility in burning the bridges already alluded to, and his efficiency gave success to the enterjuise. But as the rebels coultl gather no evidence of his guilt, they satisfied themselves with a lingering nuirder in the stead of hanging, which was their practice. Dr. John ,G. Brown, who recently lived and died at Cleveland, Bradley County, Tennessee, was arrested and imprisoned n])on the same pretext about the same time, and after several months' torture and starvation he was released, with but little hope that he would live. But he succeeded in getting home, and so far recovered as to be able to get to the federal army, tln'U at JNlurfreesboro ; entered upon the duties of surgeon in the Fourth Tennessee \()lunteer cavalry, where he continued until the regiment was mus- tered out in ls(i."), doing valuable service for his country. He returned home, when, seemingly, all tlie seeds of disease incident to his system concentrated and attacked Ids throat with a cancerous affection, which resulted in his death in last, iinder the most painful circumstances. His physician attributed the cause to his imprisonment. Levi Trewliitt, an old gentleman of about seventy, a fine lawyer, and of gicat influ- ence, then living four miles south of Cleveland, was also arrested under the same charge, though innocent of bridge-burning; he was hurried to Tuscaloosa, where he soon died under th<^ treatment in a manner so horrible that it would be discreditable to humanity to witness. Dr. Wm. Hunt, of Cleveland, was also arrested for his Union sentiments and the charge of bridge-burning, and though innocent of the latter was confined in Tnsc.doosa and Mobile for weveral mouths, where he suffered so much from the treatment and eontiucment that he was sick jilmost the entire time. Upon his release he, like Dr. Brown, entered the Ninth Tennessee volunteer cavalry, and remained with thi^ regiment till mustered out, when he returned home to Cleveland, where Ik; now lives, still suffering fi'om, and bearing the marks of, his imprisonment, Avliich he will carry through life, and which i)artially dis(iualifies him for business. To the cruelties of the many others who were imi)risoned I cannot now refer, but finly give you a brief account of a few that was applicable to all as regards their suf- ferings, which falls so fai- short of a true i)iitnre that its interest is almost tlestroyed in brevity. Joseph IJichie, of Hamilton County, was arrested by the reliels iii the early part of the ridjtdlion, and shamefully treated to make Iiim enlist in their army, but after some time succeeded in a release or escape, and being a federal soldier when the United States troops took possession of that portion of the country, reminded those guilty that he had not forgotten the abuse received, and they should surely account for all, the iiarticulars of which I cannot give. In the winter of 1865-'0l) a company of guerillas came into fhe neighborhood; after night twenty or thirty went to his housl^ at a late hour and demanded admittance .as friends and federal soldiers: l)ut as such visits had been common to that section he suspected them ;ind their object, declined to admit them, whereuiton they pressed the door, when Richie fired into the crowd and wounded the leader, Wm. Snow, by breaking his arm, v.ho immediately ran to the front yard and shot down an innocent man !)>■ the name of , who lived in another part of the house, mortally wounding him, while Kichie himself eseajted to the second floor, when a number of them entered the house and ordered him to come down and surrender, to which he res]>ouded he would see them in hell first — to come get him. While they wen* ])luudering the house, with no one in the room but his mother, ho shot through a hole in the fioor aud killed a rebel at the time ransacking his trunk. Fearing to venture to the loft after him, they concluded to accomi)lish their fiendish purpose by .setting fire to the building aud jjlacing a guard to prevent Richie's escape. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1021 When the fire grew so warm as to become niicomfortable, aurt knowing lie sboiild soon, ptoish witliout an eti'ort, ran down stairs, mustered bis physical and moral strength, burst tlirongh their strong guard, jumped a ten-rail fence, and made his escape through a volley of fire from their pistols and guns. Mr. , who was shot down while lying in his gore within live or sis feet of the house, unable to move, when the tire grew hot he, unable to speak, motioned his wife to move him, when they threatened to shoot her heart out the moment she attempted it; fearing to try it, she administered to her husband's wants until her face and hands blistered,\vlien she was driven back by the heat with her children to witness the consuming element burn, a husband and father to a crisp. Residing within one mile of the scene, I repaired to the spot the following morning and witnessed the deeds of barbarity that I have not language to give its true interest, when I aided in removing the remains of the man who thus innocently fell a martj^r by the consuming flame. Washington, D. C, July 3, 1868. Walter D. Plowden (colored) sworn and examined. By the Chairman : Question. .State your age, residence, and occupation. — Answer. I am fifty years of age ; reside in Washington, and I am a laborer. Q. .State if you were in the military service of the United States during the late war ; and, if so, in what capacity. — A. I was in the service of the United States from the commencement of the war. I was in the three months' service, under Captain Betts, of the Thirteenth New York volunteers, as a servant of the captain. After I returned I served as a doctor's steward, under Dr. V. W. White, taking charge of the field case instruments. Dr. White was surgeon of the Forty-seventh New York volunteers. We left New York on the 16th of .September, 1861, and came to Washington, where we .staid two wi'cks, and from here we Avent to Annapolis, and then to Fortress Monroe. On the 3(lth day of October we sailed for South Carolina, and arrived at Hilton Head early in November, and staid there till the end of the month. I served with Dr. White till April, 1862, when Dr. White resigned, and I then served with Generals Hunter, Saxton, Beuham, and Terry, and always reported to one or the other of them, being emploj-od by them as a scout or spy. I remained in that kind of service till 1864, when I was captured l)y the rebels, on the 2d day of January, on John's Island. Q. Relate the facts concerning your treatment while a prisoner. — A. I was sick when I was taken ; and when I was taken into the rebel camp they all cried out, " A damned Yankee nigger prisoner ; hang him, shoot him," &c. I was ithen taken before Captain .Seabrook. He treated me very kindly, and the doctor did what he could for me. I was kept There four weeks, when I was sent to General Henry A. Wise, the commander of the Edisto, John's, and other islands. When the guard reported with me to the adjutant general. Pierce, he said, "What did you fetch him in for; why did not you shoot him ?" I was then sent to General Wise's headquarters, and the guard reported me. General Wise looked at me, and then said: "You damn son of a bitch, you come liere to steal our niggers." I said I had not done anything with his niggers. He re- plied : " I would like to hang you." I was still sick and weak, .so that I could scarcely stand. Tue guard told General Wise that I was sick and too weak to stand. General Wise said: "God damn him, he shall not sit down here." I .stood there till I had to drop down on the floor. Then he made me get up, and kept me standing there on the floor about two hours before he took any more notice of me. At 8 o'clock he convened a court-inartial to try me as a spy, because I was not in uniform. He asked me a great many questions about our troops. Then he sent the guard to the quartermaster's department for a rope, which the guard threw down by me. Then, after questioning m^' for some time, he asked me if I knew John Brown. I said I did not. He said : " Don't you know I hung him ? I did ; and, God damn yon, I will hang you this night. And, if I had this clue upon him, I would hang General Gillmore if 1 had him here." I rose up and said: "If I have done anything you .should hang me for, it is but justice you should hang m*." He bid me shut up, and then went on, and did not get through till 11 o'clock. I finally got the favor of General Pierce, whom I used to know in New York. He told General Wise that, if he would let him have a private interview with me, he would get all the information he could. General Pierce then took me out and asked me if I would tell him the truth if he would put me in a certain position. I told him that the statement I had made was the correct one, and I could give no other. After he reported this to General Wise, they did not try me any further. General Wise then made out a written order that I should be sold, and the money taken for the use of the confederate government. I was, however, sent back to the camp of the rebe' troops to stay till I got well. I remained there about two weeks, when I was sent up to Charleston, to General Beauregard, and I was taken before him jiersoually. He treated me kindly; he said: " Old man, I guess you are too bad off to talk with me."' 1022 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR He sent me to the provost marshal's, where I stayed a few days and was well treaterl. Afterward, I was taken before General Beanregard again, and he said: "Old man, I don't want you to tell me anything that will do you any harm or any of your friends you have left behind. You may tell just what y()u think will do no'hanii." He was satistied with what I told him. After being at Charleston three weeks, General Beau- . regard tolil the provost marshal he did not think lie need keep me in confinement, and " I was allowed to go around and take charge of horses or where I pleased. But the mayor of Charleston took me up and I was sent off to Columbia, which was the worst lilace I had seeu. That was the 12th day of April, 18G4. I was turued over there to a man by the name of Captain Lurk, and was put out in the fields to dig stuuips, with a guard over me. I was allowed only a pint of corn meal and a gill of molasses for twenty-four hours. One day they whipped one of the colored prisoners very severely, and I got talking about that, and said I could staud anything else but whipping. Tlie guard told Sergeant Goodin what I had said. He asked me if I had said so, and I told him I did. He then cut oft' my rations for tliirty days and stopped my work at digging stumi>«. I lived by picking up bones or anything I could find; and some of the good colored peoi)le, as they passed by my window, would throw in a little corn bread. I was taken sick in consequence of my treatment, and was treated by a doctor who gave me something that gave me terrible i>ains in my back, and I was under his treatment about four weeks, when Dr. Dauley took charge of me and he cured me. After I got well he told me that the other doctor had given me poison. I was taken from Colum- bia to Florence, South Carolina, where I was put into a stockade along with white and colored soldiers, and we were almost starved, and suffered for want of water. The treatment was very bad there. I remained there only about three weeks, when I was taken, by ord(?r of Major Greene, to Columbia again. A number of soldiers, white and black, were taken along at the same time. My treatment was not very bad after I got back. I remained there about ten days, when I got away about three days r)efore Gen- eral Sherman's army got there, and I made my way to the lines of General Sherman's army and reported to General Logan. Q. Did you see any instances of brutal treatment, practiced upon our soldiei's, while Ijrisoners ?— A. I did repeatedly. I have seen Union soldiers, white and colored, whipped. One white Union i>risoner, frOm the camp of instruction at Columbia, showed me his neck from which the Hesh and skin had been torn off' by the guard ; and as he said the guard had choked him. One day the prisoners iu the camp at Columbia got a little rebellious, and two twelve-pounders were turned upon them. I heard the cannon fired, and I asked a rebel lieutenant what was the matter. He said, "The God damned Yankees swore they would get out to get water, and we turned the grape and cani.ster upon them, and blowed four of them to hell." I said, "Is that so f " He said, "Yes, they are burying them now." I myself saw where they were buried, and could go now and show the place. I also saw two instances of the whipping of negro soldiers. The tirst one was Andy Patterson, who was a sailor from one of the guu-ltoats. He was stretched out on his stomach with a bag drawn over his head, and was whipi)ed by six men. There was one man to hold each foot aud one to each arm; and when one of the men got tired of whipping he would sit down aud take a drink, aud another would go on with the whipping. The other iustance was the same night, of a man by the uanm of Eli, who belonged to the thirty-third United States colored troops. He was whijjped till he became crazy. The next morning his shirt was ftistened to his back so that I had to g<;t warm water to soak it before I could get it oft". I saw while at Floreuce, and also at Columbia, white soldier.s, wearing the United States uniform, whipped v.ith a lash. I saw white soldiers also, at both places, punished by putting them in chain-gangs, and made to do scavenger work about the camp. I have seeu white soldiers also made to staud on the head of a barrel, in the hot sun; and I have seen them strapped naked to a board, set up leaning against a tree or something else, in the hot sun*. At Columbia there was a })ack of bloodhounds kept, for the purpose of hunting up escaped prisoners. A man by the name of Burdell was the trainer of these hounds, and accompanied them on horseback, when iu pursuit of ]nis()ners. I knew of three instances where men were caught and brouglit back by means of these hounds. I did not know of any instance where the men were bitten by the dogs; but I heard several citizens say that a man who was followed b^^ these hounds was torn to pieces beibn^ Burdell got to them ; I also heai'd the soldiers in canij) speak of it. I have seeu colored soldiers hucked and gagged iu the camp in which I was, at Columbia. The gagging was done by putting a bayonet iu the mouth, which was fastened by a string drawn around behind the ears. After joining General Sherman's army, I was employed as a scout by General Howard until the army reached Fayetteville, North Carolina. Then I went to Charleston, South Carolina, aud reported to General Gilmore, and was afterward discharged. Q. Is there any other statement you desire to make, touching your imprisonment? — A. During my im]>risi)nnient I had at no time sufticient food to keep a man in health; and I suft'ered continually, while in the hands of the rebels, for the want of sufticient food. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1023 Washixgtox, D. C, July 22, 1868. DoRENCE Atwater svToru and examined. By the Chairman : Qnestiou. What is your name, age, residence, and occupation? — Answer. Dorenco Atwater; twenty-three years ; Washington, D. C. ; clerk. Q. State whether you were in the military or naval service during the late war ; and, if so, wlieu and where did you enlist, what was your rank, and with what command vou served. — A. Military service ; enlisted on the 19th day of August, 1861, at Hart- turd, Connecticut, in Company D, Second New York cavalry ; was a xirivate ; served with the army of the Potomac. Q. State whether you were captured by the rebels ; and if so, when, where, and by what force. — A. Was captured by the rebels on the 7th day of July, 1863, near Hagers- town, Maryland, by the Sixth Virginia cavalry. Q. When you were captured were you deprived of your private property ; and, if so, to what extent f — A. All of my extra clothing except overcoat was taken from me. I was afterward searched but nothing taken, as I had converted everything of any value into food. Q. Relate the facts concerning the treatment you received from the rebels while a prisoner, and any particular or general facts that came under your observation. — A. After beiug captured at Hagerstowu, Maryland, July 7, 1863, I joined the prisoners (some three thousand) captured at Gettysburg. We were eleven days in marching to Staunton, Virginia, one hundred and twenty-nine miles, and during that time rations were only issued three times, consisting of one pint of wheat flour and about half a pound of fresh beef to each ration. No salt or cooking utensils were issued. Rebel guard would take a loaf of bread and ride up and down the line of the whole three thousand prisoners, to see who would pay the most for the loaf. I have seen $25 (greenbacks) paid for a common loaf of bread. Men were continually fainting by the roadside by the heat and loss of food, and the guard repeatedly pricked these men, compelling them to march at the point of the bayonet. We were camped some three weeks at Staunton, Virginia, where our monejf and watches were demanded. No regular search was made at this time, but many yielded to the demand. On the 4th day of August, we were sent by rail to Richmond and turned into Palmer's tobacco factory, to be searched by Dick Turner and company; all money, (except their own currency, which they rejected,) valuables and clothing contained in knapsacks, and usually, the boots and shoes we wore, were taken. Thus reduced to a single garment of a kind, worn, wounded, and sick, we commenced our prison life proper, at Belle Isle. On our arrival (August 5, 1883) we found it to be situated in the James River above Richmond, and opposite the Tredegar Iron Works. The island contained, I should judge, about one hundred acres. The prison camp was situated at the southern end on a sandy plain, and contained about ten acres. A mound of earth three feet high and wide constituted the inclosure, dead-line, and fence. The guard were stationed at intervals on the out- side of the mound. Water for drinking aiid bathing was readily obtained at any part of the camp, from barrels sunk three feet iu the earth ; the water was always impreg- nated with the human filth of the camp, which must naturally ensue where ten thoa- sand men were confined without proper sanitary regulations. At first, the camp was regularly laid out into streets, with tents of all kinds, but, with the increase of pris- oners, the streets were taken and tents pitched upon them, until there was no space left; the tents were as thick as possible and crowded with inmates, and hundreds of men had no shelter whatever during the summer or winter. I, with thirteen others, occu- pied a Bell tent, (which six men occupy in our army ;) we were so crowded that we had to lie " spoon fashion," i. e., lacing each others' back ; when one was tired of lying on one side, he would call out " right " or '■ left flop," as the case might be, and then the whole fourteen men would turn simultaneously as directed. As there was not space enough for any two men to lie facing each other, no one man could turn by himself. During tlie warm mouths scjuads of mi-u under a rebel sergeant were allowed to go out and bathe in the James River. Not mure than a tenth part of the camp could get out in one day ; no regular order prevailed ; the strongest and first at the gate were " first served," so that many of the poor, weak, sick ones did not get out at all to bathe. The sink was situated on the banks of the river James, and prisoners were only allowed to go to it during the day : at night, the camp was made the receptacle for the human excrement, and it was cleaned up during the following day or two. The bread issued on my arrival at Belle Isle was made from wheat and of a good quality; the ration of bread for one man per day would not, in my judgment, exceed six ounces. After some' two mouths the bread was made from a mixture of rye and Indian flour, and iu a few weeks the bread was made wholly from corn. The loaves were about the size of a com- mon brick and almost as hard, one loaf made four rations, and gradually grew smaller. Soup was made from rice and beans, (called cow peas in the South.) Water for the soup was taken from the James River, and was always muddy. About a pint of soup would be issued to each prisoner per day, and not more than two 1024 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR or three spoonsful of rice or beans to the pint. Sweet potatoes were occasion- ally issued ; they were boiled to a pulp, in large iron kettles, without cleaning. I have often seen men get nothing but a mess of skins of their rations of sweet potatoes. Bacon, salt and fresh beef of a poor quality, were issued cooked, at different times, not exceeding three ounces per day to a man. Most of the time I was without shoes and stockings, no shirt, and nothing but an old blouse, pair of pants, overcoat and cap. The majority of my thirteen tent mates were nearly in the same condition. I shared with my chum (Sergeant Donnelly, who afterward died at Andersonville) my overcoat.' During the summer mouths we spread it on the sand under us, and wlien cold weather came, we use to lie upon the sand and spread tlie overcoat over us as much as we could. If we spread it over our backs and heads our feet would be uncovered, and vice verf^a. During the winters 1803 and 1864, it was so cold that I distinctly remember of seeing eight men "laid out" by the hospital who were frozen to death' during the night ; others were partially frozen, and amputations from this cause were frequent. Fuel was not furnished us regularly ; we often went several days in the severest weather without auy warmth except what came from our bodies. No stoves were furnished to tlie prisoners. A single stick of pine cord wood would be issued to one tent ; it would l)e split into splinters and divideil among the occupants, each man's portion would be about the size of a common cigar box. A fire would bo built in the center of the tent, each inmate contributing a piece or pieces of wood. WheueA'er we had a tire we would have to lie down with our heads covered near the bottom edge of the tent and our feet toward the fire on account of the smoke, as there was no opeuing at the to]) of the tent for the smoke to escape. The rebels had given strict orders that the tents should not be ' cut and had i)unislied several prisoners for so doing. After being five months at Belle Isle, I was (U'tailed to go to Smith's tobacco factory, Richmond, and keep, for the rebel ([uartermasters, account of the supplies of Ibod and clothing received from the United States government to be issued to our men, prisoners of war. I was in this position some seven or eiglit weeks, and during this time I had opportunities to see how the stores were disposed of by the rebels. Enough clothing was received to have furnished every prisoner with a complete suit and change of under-clothing, blankets, and over- coat, but no ])ris()ner received all of these articles ; if he were furnished witli a blouse he muckade for escaping or attempting to escape from prison. The lirst two men punished in the chaiji-gaug were two }>aroled luirses at the hospital who broke tlieir parole and ran away, and were recaptured. Wirz threatened to hang them, aud actually had gallows erected, when, from some unknown cause, he saw fit to change the sentence to a kind of diving- burial, aud ordered a hole foiu- feet square dug in the earth, and be kept on bread and water until the end of the war. This sentence was chaugt-d (I can hardly say com- muted) to the ball and chain, and being carried into effect, formed the nucleus of the afterw ards notorious chain-gang. First, a heavy chain passed around each man's neck, forming a complete circle; secondly, an iron ball, weighing some sixty-live ponnds, was kept in the center of the gang with chains attached to it running to the wrist of each man. Next, an iron ball, weighing some ten pounds, with a chain, was attached to a handcuff on the other wrist of each one. When a new victim was added to the gang, they had to drag the iron balls a mile through the sand to the blacksmith's shop and have it riveted, and then ix'turn to their guard outside the s'tockade. (Both the chain- gang aud stocks were kept outside of the stockade and close to the reljcl guard-house.) Tlu' highest number of prisoners at any one time in the chain-gang was twelve. One of this lumiber was taken from the gang and sent to the hospital, where he .soon died from the effects of his punishment. It is an imi)ossibility for any one (except those Avh() have had experience) to realize what those men suffered, carrying, at every step, iron on the neck, iron on the Avrists, iron all about. Like the Siamese twins, where one went they all had to go. Q. Do you kuow of auy prisoners ever being punished by stocks? — A. Yes, sir; prisoners were punished by the stocks for escaping from prison, aud other imaginary crimes. The stocks consisted of an upright wooil frame and planks, with apertures through the planks for the head and teet. The sentence of a prisoner, at times earried into effect, was that he should be eontiued in the stocks for thirty days; tlie tirst hour standing with his head in the stocks, *. e., Avith the hole in the plank closely fitting aroimd the prisoner's neck ; the next hoiu" Avith his feet in the stocks, sitting or lying BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES, 1029 on liis hack, his position being changed each alternate hour. In all cases the prisoner was subjected day and night to the scorching sixn and heavy rains. Q. Did you ever witness the shooting of any prisoners for approaching the dead- line f if so, state the circumstances of the same. — A. I have seen tivc meu sliot — three at Belle Isle and two at Audersonville. One of them (John Donnelly, Company C, Ninety-first Peunsylvanux volunteers) was sihot for sitting near the embauknum't of the camp, which constituted a barrier and dead-line; he was a new prisoner and Just come in, and did not know it was against orders to sit there. The guard told hii'n to get up, and asf he did so he shot him. The second one was a sergeant in charoe of a working squad, who was ordered by the rebel comnuiudant to lay out some lines on the embankment, and as he walked up the bank the guard shot him. The third was a crazy man, who attempted to go out to the sinks at night, which was against orders. The tirst one at Audersonville was a crazy German, who saw a crust of corn bread in- side of the dead-line, which the rebel guard had thrown there, evidently to entice one of us starving men to attempt to get it. He crawled to get it, but before he had reached the coveted prize he was shot by two guards. The hfth and last one I saw shot Avas an Illinois soldier, (nicknamed Chickamauga, on account of his losing one leg at that battle,) who went inside of the dead-line on purpose; the guard Vv-.-nned hini he would shoot if he did not get out, when Chickamauga replied that was v.hat he wanted, and the guard complied with his wishes. All of these men were instantly killed. A large number of men were shot by the guard, but ntver so reported at the chief sur- geon's of6ce. Q. Do you know whether it was currently reported that the rebel guard were hon- ored with a furlough for shooting Yankee prisoners ; and did you ever hear a statement of that kind made by the guard or by any officers of the prisoners f — A. Such a report was current, but I never heard any officer so state. Q. Do you know whether any Union prisoners were hung at Audersonville? if so, state why they w^ere hung. — A. Six men were hung at one time by our own men. They were what we call bounty-jumpers in our army. They rol)bed their comrades of money, food, and clothing. They were so bold and strong that the majority of the camp stood in fear of them, but finally a request was made to General Winder" that arrests might be made and a court-martial organized of our own men to try these offenders. General Winder gave his consent through Captain Wirz, and a rebel guard was furnished, and over eighty prisoners were arrested, but only six were found guilty and hanged. Q. In the prisons or stockades in which you were conlined, were there regular examin- ations made by the rebel authorities of the physical and sanitary condition of the pris- oners? if so, state how they were conducted. — A. No examinations were ever made, except to vaccinate. Q. What disj)osition was made of the bodies of those who died in the stockade, so far as you know and what you heard others relate ? — A. The bodies, previous to burial, were placed in the " dead-house," which consisted of some upright poles covered with brush. Tlie bodies were laid upon the groitnd, exposed to the public gaze, the action of the elements, and ravages of rats and dogs. When ready for bitrial as many as twenty- live or thirty bodies would be thrown promiscuously into an army wagon and taken to the cemetery, which was about three-quarters of a mile from the stockade. At this point a long trench three feet deep would be in readiness, and from one hundred to one hundred and eighty bodies placed in each trench. The bodies were laid side by side, close together. No coffins were furnished, and three-quarters of the dead were buried without an article of clothing whatever. No funeral service was performed, aud as soon as possible the trenches were filled with clay, aud a ridge of dirt at the top oi the trench denoted each grave, which was recorded and numbered on the " death reg- ister." Q. Was there any perceptible effort on the iiart of the officers having charge of the prisons or stockades in which you were confined to alleviate the condition of the pris- oners, and make them comfortable ? — A. I heard considerable talk among the officers and surgeons about relieving the condition of the prisoners, but never saw any action taken in that direction, and do not believe that any was taken. Q. Did citizens living in the viciuitj^ visit the prison or stockade, and were they allowed to furnish edibles to the prisoners, and were they tJilowed to communicate with them in any way ? — A. The first few weeks that the prison Avas occupied a great many citizens visited it, more for curiosity than anything else. They were allowed no com- munication, neither could they sell or give the prisoners food. Q. Do you know of any protest being entered against the inhuman treatmeut which Union soldiers received by citizens living in the vicinity, or do you know of any' instances w^here sympathy was manifested by citizens of the South; if so, state where and how? — A. I know of no protest ever beiug made by the citizens against the treat- ment which Union soldiers received. The only case of sympathy that came to my knowledge was a letter from some ladies at Americus, Georgia, to Dr. White, the chief surgeon at Audersonville, stating that they would send a box of delicacies every Sat- urday to Audersonville for the sick in hospital if the doctor would furnish truusporta- 1030 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR tion from the depot to the hospital, and see to its distribution. I do not know what answer was made to the letter, if any, bnt I do know that no box of delicacies was ever received at the hospital from the ladies of Americns. Q. State if yon know of any instances where the prisoners protested to the rebel anthorities against the treatment they were receiving, as not only a violation of the laws of civilized Avarfare, bnt as inhuman and nnnecessary? — A. I know of nothing more than personal remonstrances, which amounted to nothing, as the person was ordered to stop complaining, ami alr.ised for daring to mention the facts. I once saw a prisoner show his rations to Captain Wirz, who came into the stockade; after exam- ining the ration Wirz exclaimed, "I am a tam small eater, but, by Got, I can eat more dan dat." No perceptible increase was noticed in the rations after this acknowledg- ment by Wirz that the rations were "tam small." Q. During your imprisonment, were there any efforts made by the rebels to induce yon to renounce your allegiance to the United States goverimient and enter the rebel service ; if so, what were th(n% and what arguments did they use, and to what extent were they successful '! — A. Nothing was ever said to me on the snltject. I think about three hundred men enlisted at Andersonvilie ; the arguments used were that our gov- ernment did not care for their soldiers who were prisoners ; if they did they would ex- change, and if they enlisted in the rebel service they would be well fed and clothed, and have their freedom. A bounty was also paid; I do not recollect to what amount. The men who enlisted were principally foreigners. Q. Were there any colored soldiers in the prisons or stockades in which you were coniined : if so, how were they treated in compaiisou with white prisoners? — A. Yes, sir ; they were treated the same as white ])risouers while in prison. Most of them were paroled and did work outside of the stockade, such as digging graves and bury- ing the dead, unloading cars, «S:c. One of them was whip])ecl (while on parole) and had a l)all and chain attached to his leg, for forging Captain Wirz'sname to a pass and going to a farm-house. I think they were much better situated than white prisoners, because they were invariably taken from the stockade and set to work, thereby receiving food enough, (such as it was,) fresh air, and fi'eedom, compared with their white soldier brothers. Q. Do you know of colored soldiers being sought for, claimed, and taken possession of by their former masters, or sold as slaves by the rebel authorities, or being placed to work on rebel fortifications, or placed in a position where they were exposed to the. five from the Union lines ? — A. I have read such accounts in soiithern papers, but ao not personally know of such cases. Joseph R. Keene sworn and examined. By the Chairmax : My name is Joseph R. Keene, of Baltimore City, Maryland. On October 18, 1863, I was first sergeant of Company H, Ninth regiment Maryland volunteer infantry, at which date I, with the greater part of my company, were' captured on the battle-field of Charlestown, Virginia, by the rebel forces under the comnuiud of General Imboden. Soon after my capture, my shoes were taken from me, and in my bare feet was com- pelled to march over the rough roads and through the mountain passes of that ])art ol tlie country, in sunshine and frost, to Staunton,"Virginia : on the march we were foi'ced to keep M}) with the cavaliymen guarding us, constrained often to a double-(|uick ; and when any, through disability, sickness, or utter weariness, would lag behind, the guards would freely use their sal)res. I remeud3er seeing one of our number struck three times on the l)aek with a sabre, l)ecause he did not move faster, and yet he was already in advance of myself at the time. Our rations during the march consisted ol a small quantity of raw fiour and fresh meat, without salt, Avhich we had to prepare the best way we could without cooking utensils. On arriving at Staunton, we were ])ut in an open horse-shed, with urine and mantire over four inches deep for our bed- ding ; we continued there until the third day, A^hen our per.sons underwent a thorough search for greeubacks, watches, and other articles of value, all being confiscated by order of ilajor Hall, the commandant of the post ; by putting a ten dollar note in my mouth, I fortunately saved the wherewith to buy some food for a little while; at 9 o'clock a. m. of this day we were crowded into cattle cars, and started for Richmond ; reached there at 10 p. m., and were innnediately marched to a tol)a?co warehouse, on Twenty-first near Cary street, in sight of Uibln- Prison. Here we were confined about fight (hiys, (in that tiuK^ never liaving enough food to a]tpeasc our hunger:) were sub- jected to another search for valuables, and the}i marched to ]5clle Island, where I en- dured miseries and sutterings of such a kind that I know 1 eannf)t make you under- stand a titht^ of their bitterness. There Avere about twelve thousand men on Belle Island during that winter, new relays taking the places of the scores daily dy- ing ; fi)r these there were about one hundred and twenty-five tents of all kinds, into AviiicJi a small fraction of the whole could crowd, the rest had the frozen gnuind, over which was free course for the biting blasts from the river ; some scratched holes ia BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1031 the gronntl ; all, whetlier in tents or teutless, would at night crowd togefher in gronpa, seekiuo' for mutual warmth or protection from the wind, rain, or snow, and often pre- miume would be paid, i. e., brass buttons, our principal currency, for au inside place in the group, and often wiselj' paid, for frequently when one awoke he would lind his comrade on the outside frozen stitf. I will speak of the food after a while ; (we were all the time starving;) although at that time the rebel congress was in session some five hundred yards distant, the rebel flag flying over the building in full view. There was ojie rebel officer, a one-eyed sergeant, A. W. Rowlett, who seemed to enter fully into the spirit of the president's plan, and who would, at tlie proper time, stand at the gate where the rations were issued to us, would wait until my famished comrades would huddle togethor at the edge of the bounds, then, seizing a club, before purposely concealed, he would rush into the crowd dealing blows, right and left, breaking the bones and crushing the skulls of the weak, emaciated creatures ; theu, if auy of tliese poor, miserable beings, tortiu'ed into idiocy, woitld. in staggering about the ground, touch the dead line, no word of warning given, no angry order even, but a ready musket leveled, tired, and one more starving soklier gone before God's judgment seat; one comrade, a friend of nunc, while delirious, went up the bank swinging his arms and jabbering, as idiots do, the guard asked him where he was going, he said honu;; as the guard shot liim, he said truly enough, though jeeringly, " I'll send you home ;" but we who kept our senses, and staid witliin bounds, were by no means safe from bullets; at night, when the perpetrators could not be so easily identified, they would fire a shot into where a group looked most dense. . A prisoner one afternoon took a blanket from the bank belonging to the guard, he immediately fired up the main avenue, seriously and mortally wounding three men ; he was not relieved from his iiost, consequently his action nuist have been approved by his sitperior officers. When relieved from duty they would march across to the opposite high bank of the river and empty their uuisk- ets, aiming them over the arm of the James River intervening, and iuto the camp. On Christnurs day, 1863, I received two raw sweet potatoes for morning ration. All the prisoners were then ordered out to be counted, and compelled to stand there on the fiozeu sand until sunset, several by this means having their feet frozen. The rebel offi- cers who were counting us became so intoxicated toward evening that they were unable to finish their task, and started us in p«;ll-mell, using clubs to hasten our steps. Our evening ration consisted of four ounces of frozen corn-bread. Of course, in such a multitude, so poorly provided, there were a great many sick ; these were carried to a place outside of our boundaries, and laid on tlu' ground to wait for the surgeons, which was often foiu- hours ; and as the i)risoners had grown to consider all such as dead, they did not scruple to bring back with them tlie sick men's tattered blankets, on which they had carried them out ; and as it was, many of them did die lying there, and, being dead, the hogs roaming around would root about them, eating their faces and their hands, ourselves not being permitted to go out and bury them. The rebel authorities never ottered, or pretended to furnish, any supplies of clothing to the prisoners, but while there we received a visit from the United States conunis- siouers, bringing as much as they were allowed for that purpose. They gave to the most needy only. For instance, I had managed to get hold of some old i)ant stutf, which I had fixed up into clouts for my feet ; therefore I did not get any shoes. But even of those who were so furnished, many were only very temporarily benetited, for, made careless of the future by the present pangs of hunger, they would sell article after article to the rebel guard for a pitiable morsel of food, until I have seen men in mid-winter walking about the camp stark naked. For the first four weeks after coming on Belle Island we were allowed a small piece, some two ounces, of nuwh(desome meat, with aboitt six ounces of corn-bread, per diem ; but afterward our rations were alternately frozen corn-bread, apparently not baked, but mixed and frozen, so that it had still about it the raw taste of corn and cob meal ; or raw sweet potatoes ; or raw beans ; and occasionally there would be issued as soup, about one gill to each man, hot water with tallow swimming on top, a viand so disgusting to nie that I could scarcely ever swallow it. For over four months we received no meat of auj' kind. As the rations were issued raw, we weie furnished with green pine wood to cook with, but with neither kindling or matches ; and, as showing the quality of the wood, some of our tent attempted one night to keep up a file, and three were killed by the smoke. Our rations were not regular; sometimes it would be a tablespoonful of dry beans and four ounces of corn-bread ; and I have known these beans, after being eaten, half cooked, by prisoners sulferiug from the severe diarrhea, to pass through them uudi- gested, and then to be gathered from the tilth and eaten by others of the starving pris- oners. We had no utensils furnished us for cooking ; our canteens had been cut up previous to our coming on the island, by the rebels, in searching for greenbacks ; so if, when the before-mentioned soup was distri))uted, by any meaus one of the buckets would be retained, or not returned at the proper time, the rations of the whole twelve thousand men would be withheld for tweuty-four hours, or until the missing bucket was restored. 1032 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Bat one of the most jierfect schemes of devihnent was our water arrauj^'ement. Onr privy, or siuk, was a rough scatfokling of scantling, tweuty feet h)ng, reaching over the river; aud immediately adjoining tliis, not attempted to he separated from it, was the twelve feet where the twelve thousand jirisoners liad to obtain the water used for every puri)<)S(^ ; and frecpnmtly I have had to push aside the human excrement floating on the surface wheji wishing to drink tlie tainted water heneatli. In conclusion, out of I'orty-two mendjcrs of my company, captured with me, hut six left the island alive ; and of these only two survived to leave the bed to which Ave were carried when restored to a land of Christian feeling, aud sheltered under our own dear flag. When I last heard from my solitary companion he was suffering from the dropsy, and myself, by my frosted feet and impaired digestive organs, am constantly reminded of the winter passed on Belle Island. Since I have written and re-re:id the above, several facts haA'e been recalled to my mind which may he worthy of attention. The commander of Belle Island, during the Avinter of 1863, was Lieutenant Bossieux. I have known sick men to be carried out to the surgeon, who, instead of sending them to the hospital, would give them a pill and order them back to camp ; and yet these would be dead before the bearers had reached the lines. The guards would offer, for a bribe, to assist the prisoners to escape, and then prove false. One man to Avhom the guard nuxde such proposals gave him a silver watch, and was allowed to go through the lines at night, aud tlieu shot him. We were nsed to waiting on each other in sickness, but sometimes all of one's friends would he sick together, and I believe men have died for a little water. One of my company saw the* relxd guards breaking open the box, and eating the provisions therein contained, which had been sent to him from home. He knew it was his box by reading plainly the directions thereon at the time they were breaking it open. At the time General Ncal Dow visited the island for the government, he walked around the boundaries of the cami>, hut was not permitted to couA^erse Avith the x>ris- ouers. While carrying out sick men I have heard rebel surgeons remark that all the prison- ers Avould die if their rations were not increased, and that the had fuel (green pine Avood) Avhich Avas dealt out to us were killing us as fast as the exposure. St. Louis, Missouki, Ocfohr 21. 1868. Hkrm.vx Westerfeld sworn and examined. By Mr. Pile : I reside at St. Louis, Missouri ; was a private iu Company H, Fourth Missouri cavalry, and Avas captured on the .'3th of May, 1864, on Red River, at a place called Snaggy Point, by Genei'al Major's confederate command. They captured ns al)ont 1"2 o'clock, and took us some ten or tAvelve mih's in the country, and we camped there for tlie night. We did not get anything to eat there, at least, I did not. Tliey marched us next morn- ing again, and gaA'e us some corn-bread about Ivi o'clock. Then they marched us again all the next day, and we did not get anything in the morning or evening to eat. Next day they sto])])ed and gave us some bacon to eat. They kept us traveling on that way until Ave got to Natchitoches. There they kept us inside of the court-house. One of our men tried to get out of the door to go to the sink and he Avas shot l»y the guard. He did not try to run out. He died about two hours after he was shot. I don't know liis name. From there tliey uiai'ched us to (fraud de Cteur, and kept us a cou[de of days. Tln^y j)ut ns on the boat iuid sent us up to Shreveport. Tbey hardly gave us anything to eat ; it Ave did get anything, it Avas a little corn-meal and bread. Sometimes they Avould give it to us once a duy, aud sometimes aa'o AvonhlAvait a day and a half before we got anything. After Ave got into Shreveport they kept us there a day and a half, to the best of my knowledge, and they ]>ut us in an old store, a feed-store, it used to be. They had their OAvn prisoners above, aud it Avas such a lousy place you could see them fall (hiwn on you from above. From there they marched us to Marshall, Texas. We camped there all night, and then they marched us to Camp Ford, in Texas. That Avas iu the evening. They din't give us anything to eat until next day, somcAvhere in the afternoon. We had no shelter AvhateA^er ; and next day they gaA'e us some corn meal, a ])int or proba- bly a little over, to a man. They gave us no Avood though, noi- nothing to cook it in. They kei)t ns there about fourteen days withiuit giving ns any shelter. Afterthat, they allowed some of us to go out aud get some bnisli to build sheds of. The fourteen days that we staid in tliere it Avas raining pietty near every day, and a good many of onr boys at that time got sick, from not having our victuals cooked as they ought to be. It Avas coarse corn-meal, aud they got the diarrhea from eating it aud lying iu the Avet; and I BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1033 have seen men, while I was in there, die for the want of sufficient food. One man .who slept next to me, had the diarrhea so bad from eating this corn meal that he just fell down and died. Diirinj;' the time I staid in there I saw one of our men shot by the guard outside ; I don't know for what cause ; and I saw another one who was shot by the guard; I can't name the regiment he belonged to. He bad the diarrhea and was com- ing toward the sinks we had iu one corner of the stockade ; the guard outside hallooed at the man as he came along, that he would kill the next Yankee that he saw going by. They treated us so, that if a man didn't die with the diarrhea, he would have the scurvy. I had it myself, and tbey wouldn't give us any vegetables or anything that was sour, to prevent it. There was what they called a hospital outsinnish them by putting them on a stump. I have seen our men taken out and made to mark time a couple of hours for hallooing ''Keno.'' They took away from our prisoners all the money that they could find while we were in there, that is, the adjutant of the post did. I was captured on a gunboat, and for that reason they treated us better than the others. A good many of the prisoners there who belonged to the land forces, they took all their clothes away before they came in. General Majors, after he captured us, told us that he respected the gunboat men ; he said he had been in the United States Army himself, and that the troops were nothing but a set of rascals and thieves, but that he would treat thcj gunboat men better. A good many of the men had nothing but old pants on, the rebels having taken away their pants when they were captured, and given them their old ones. This was at Camp Tyler, in Texas. This camp is about live or six miles from Tyler City. While here, some days we didn't get our food at all. Whenever it rained, as there ^^as a creek between the camp and the city, tlie rain would swell the creek, and the rebels would give as an excuse for not giving us food, that they couldn't get it across the creek. l' recollect on several occasions we didn't get anything at all during the whole daj'. Another thing we didn't get, and that was sufficient wood to cook our victuals. During the winter time we hadn't enough to keep warm. Ouce in a while they would let twenty of our men go out at a time to chop trees down and carry them in, and they would send a guard along. Then they would allow some of us to go out aud cut some brush, after we had staid theie a while, to make a shelter. The treat- ment we received was very bad. I have seen men brought in there who had marks all around their necks, where they had put ropes around them, aud tied them to the horses and dragged them along the ground, on account of their being too sick to walk any more. I have seen men brought in there who had managed to escape from the stockade, hut had been recaptured by bloodhounds. I have seen them with their pants all torn to pieces, and some of them had their legs torn pretty badly by the hounds. I don't recollect who was in command at Camp Tyler ; they called him colonel. They had a good many there, and they didn't stay but a short time generally. One time I remem- ber a Colonel Brown was in command. I heard some of the guard say that they could give us more food if they wanted to, but they wouldn't do it ; that they were supply- ing the whole confederacy with beef, and had plenty of provisions, and that they could give Tis more if they wanted to. I have seen them bringing in things and selling them to our men, such as Hour, coffee, aud sweet potatoes. We could get most anything we wanted if we had the money, but the adjutant of the post took all the money he could find away from us, and we didn't dare to show our money when he was around. I know some men came in thei-e and traded confederate money for greenbacks. They said they wouldn't take greenbacks for things that we could buy, and they wonltl give us five dollars in confederate money for one in greenbacks, and when it came to near the close of the war tliey would give us ten. The graveyard was right iu sight of the camp, and they would generally bring bodies there, and bury them. Soon after we got there, on account of their giving us corn meal, a good many died. I have seen as manjr as five or six die in -one day. There were about forty-five hundred prisoner's when I first went there. Some of them were exchanged after a while, aud about the last of the war there were about eighteen hundred, I believe. To the best of my knowl- edge, some seven or eight hundred must have died. The surgeon never came into the, inclosure, to my knowledge, and I never heard of any sick-call. If a man got sick, he generally staid' there till he got so low he couldn't walk, and then we would carry him up to the hospital iu our blankets. I hardly ever saw anybody go in the hospital be- fore they were so low that I thought they couldn't recover. Most of them had scurvy or diarrhea, aud they let them stay inthe'^camp so long without giving them any medi- cine, that they couldn't recover. While I was iu there I heard one of the guard say, " Whenever we kill one of you Yankees we can get a furlough of so many days," but 1034 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR lie didn't state whether he had orders from the officers to shoot tis or uot. Onr officers were camped a little to one side of the men. but we were all in the same inclosure, and treated in the same manner. I heard officers who had come in out of the rebel army saying that they would starve us out. I don't know whether they were connected with the camp, or whether they were officers who were passing, and stopjjed in to see us. There never was any inspection of tlie prison by the officers in comnuind of it, to my knowledge, and I should have known of it if there had been. They woukl come in several times — the guards — and look around, to see whether we had dug any holes to get out. Once I saw them punish a man by bucking and gagging hiui. Sometimes they would xniuish them for loud talking after night ; but most of the time they pun- ished them for hallooing " Keno." Whenever the boys would see the adjutant of the post outside they would haUoo " Keno," and then he would come in, and if the boys woiild not tell who had done it, he would take several of them out and make them mark time. Several times I was threatened by the guard that he would shoot me, I don't know what for ; I would be going up and down, and I would see them with their guns across the stockade, and they would say, " Get away, you damned Yankees, or we will kill you sure." Fifteen feet from the stockade, they had what they called "dead-line," but there was nothing to mark it so you could see it, but they would tell us not to come within tifteen feet of the stocliade. One man who slept next to me said he felt so bad on account of not getting anything to eat that ho wanted to go across the dead- line and be shot, but I persu,aded him not to do it. Afterward he was sent to the hos- pital, and I heard he died there. There was clothing sent to us twice by our nu-n. The last time some of the clothing was missing, and I heard tlie man in command of the camp say that his boys didn't take it, but that they took it while it was on the way tliere, and he said thev would send cotton for that to our government, to make u^j for it. HERRMANN WESTERFELD. St. Louis, Missouri, October 22, 1868. Frank Hanlon sworn and examined. By Mr. Pile : I reside in St. Louis. I was captured on the steamboat Emma. I think it was in 1804, in May. I was ou board of her in the government service in the Red River. Wo were coming down from Alexandria. We had been up with a load of soldiers to rein- force Banks. We were captured by General Majors. They burned our boat, and took us through the woods, ami for several days we had nothing to eat of any account. They took us ou to Slireveport, and from there to Tyler, Texas, and kept us there a long time without any clothing, and not much of anything to eat. From the time I left St. Louis until I got back, was about fourteen months. We were at Camp Ford in Tyler, Texas. Tliey said there were five thousand prisoners tliere when I fii-st went there. The camp was an open field stockade, with guards all around it. We could not come within so many feet of the stockade — I think twenty or tliirty. If any one went any nearer thej^ would be shot. I have heard them shooting at men. We had corn meal which wasn't cooked. Sometimes we had a little beef, and sometimes bacon in small quantities. Sometinn^s it was i)retty fair, and sometimes it was very poor. Wc had no shelter for some time after we went there. After we first went there, we were allowed to go out and cut some brush with which to make a shade to keej) off the sun. We found that we were not going to be exchanged, and then we went out and cut some poles, and dug iiolcs in tlie ground, and x)ut up the jioles, and then put clay ou top. While we were in prison a good many men were taken out and punished. Sometimes the men would get away, but would be caught and brought back, and then they would tie them n]i by the thumbs and jninish them in ditt'erent ways. They couldn't well treat men any Avorse than we wei'e treated. Colonel Allen was in com- mand at one tinn', and then Colonel Stewart. There were four or five difterent ones ; they kept changing. The guards had orders, I understood, not to speak to the pris- oners. There was no surgeon there that I ever saw, to attend to the sick, and no medicine. There was some kind of a place outside, that they called a hospital, where they used to ]Hit men when they were very sick ; and about all they had in the shape of inedicine was salts. I plaj'ed off one time that I was sick, and went in there, anring Aveather I could ascertain about what time I was sent to Audersonville. I should judge I was iu Andersonville pretty near a year — fully ; I went there in the spring of 1S63, and I think it must have been iu the mouth of March some time. After I got there the first thing I noticed they had a dead-line around inside the ground that was inclosed, about twelve feet inside the stockade, but there was nothing put up to designate it, and it was only supposed to be a line, an imaginary line, you could see planks anti things up to the point as far as we dared to go. There were thirty thousand men in there when I went there. The rations that we got there was a piece of corn-bread, ground cob aud all, about four inches square and two inches thick, aud a small piece of beef or pork every day ; that was a day's rations, and if anything happened that the bread was not baked, sometimes it woilld be six or eight hours before we would get our rations, and in that way they would frequently gain a day on us, probaljly out of every four, in issuing rations. The guards had orders not to speak or trade with us in any way, but they used to briug vegetables, although we never got any vegetables or anything like it during the time I was there that were issued to us, but we used to trade rings and anything that could be made in the camp for vegetables, until one day one of the guards broug'ht some onions to a prisoner, and the prisoner put his arm over 1036 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR this dead-lino that I havo heen spealciiig of to get tlic onions, and as he done so tho guard next to liini shot him, and the one that was going to trade the onions said, as the man was shot, '* That son oi" a l)itc.h has got a furlough," meaning the guard that shot the man would get a furlough for shooting tlie ])risoner. It was generally known that if a guard shot a prisoner he would get a furlough ; they wei'e immediately re- lieved at any rate and taken away. There was a stream running through tlie center of- the camp or stockade, which was situated on two side liills ; through the center of that there was a stream of water ran, a little, muddy creek, ami we were allowed to dig wells as much as we chose. I suppose thei'e *vere twenty good wells in the place that we had dug ourselves with our canteens. The way I lived while I was there. I dug a hole in tlie sand and used to crawl into it at night like a hog. They pretended to have shelter on tho outside for sick men, but I never heard there was any medicine there except that purchased by our men from the rebs. I don't know that they had sick calls ; in the morning, about nine o'clock, when tho men used to assemble at the gate, of course they had to let them out, that is, the men that w^ere sick. I have seen two hundred men carried out with their toes tied together and nothing on but their shirts — dead men ; our own men used to carry theui out that way in order to get a chance to bring in a load of wood ; they had to carry them tliree luindred or four hundred yards from the gate, where they had a chance to pick up a little bundle of chips iu conuno' back. I never saw any confederate ofhcers iu the stockade except Captain Wirz; I have seen him in there and I have seen non-commissioned officers there ; I re- member once to have seen one of our ]>risoners lying on the ground not al.)le to help himself, and when this Wirz would come in, or some of the men with him, they would roll him out of the way, kick him out of the way just as they would a hog ; in fact, we were considered just the same as hogs, they couUl not have driven hogs into a pen and treated them w'orse than we were. Wiiz was in conmuuul of tlie prison. There was a rumor through the camp, I do not know how true it was, I Avill not swear to it, that Jeli'. Davis had ordered the commanding officers of these stockades, to kill just as many men as they (;onld, or fix them so that they could not take the field it they were exchanged; that was tlie rumor, and I think there was ctuisiderable ground for it, by the way we were treated. I was a prisoner nearly two years. I forgot to say when 1 was ca])tured that they took a ring off of one of my lingers that my mother gave me when she died; I would never part with it for anything and I told them so at the time, but it made no difference ; they took it althofigh it was not worth a dollar to them. If a person got out of Andersonville in any shape and made his escape through the woods, they would set their hounds iu packs after them, probably twelve or fifteen in a pack, and they would follow these men two or three iu a bunch, and I have seen men come into camp with the whole calf of their leg torn right out. JOHN E. FISH. St. Louis, October 24, 18G8. Joseph Britton sworn and examined. By Mr. Pile : I reside in St. Louis County; I was captured about the 1st day of ]May, 18G4, at Snaggy Point, Red River; I was fireman on tlio steamboat Emma; just before we were captured the rebels began to yell, " Stop that boat you Yankee sons of bitclies," shooting all the time : the boat could not have run any further, because w^e were just out of steam, and we brought the boat to. They did nothing to any one of us, but went up stairs and took everything tliey could and then set the boat on fire; we were taken out on the bank and' luarciu-d off about two mih's into the brush ; tlien they counted us there and put all our names down ; we were taken about a mile and a half outside of Alexandria, and we could hear them shouting and yelling; Ave were there from six iu the morning until twelve at night, and never got a bite to eat; we were there all day, and then were sent away to where General was ; and tlusy sent word to him' to say if he would not let us go ; but he would not let us go, and we were marched about six miles beyond Alexandria, on a bridge, and kept there all night, until 12 o'clock at night ; we got a small piece of corn-bread and a piece of bacon; next morniuf we were marched off, about six iu the morning to another creek, and kex)t there all day; we were there all night, and had nothing to cat, only corn that we could get — ear corn. We were inarched otf the next morning to General Taylor, iu the piuey woods; we went from the i>iney woods, thirty miles, to Taylor, and when Ave went there Ave were marched to Shrevejxjrt ; we went down the river, twelve miles, to the steamboat Louis D'Or. and we, all of us, had it made up to take the boat and capture her — the reViel steamboat. The steamboat belonged to Cai)tain Johnson; we all had it made up to capture the boat ; anil Captaiu Aker, Avho commauded the steam- boat Emma, found it out, and he reported it to the rebels; avi^ had it made up for our eugiuecrs to run the boat down the river; but the captain told on us, and we. were BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 1037 shoved into a close place; we could not move, and we were guarded pretty tight until we got to Shreveport ; when we got in there we were two days and a half in iShreve- port, in a house on the levee, with nothing but corn-bread and water to eat ; we were inarched out about a mile outside of the town next day ; there we met a squad of our soldiers that had been captured on the Sabine Bottoms ; we were marched along on the road with the soldiers, and anybody that could not keep up, the orders were to tie them to the horn of the saddle and march them along; there was one man whom I saw tied up to the saddle ; he could not walk, and they tied him to the saddle and dragged him along; they stole my salt and two shirts, and a pair of pants that were in my bag ; they stole them at night; we were five days getting out to tlie piison; we got there about the '21st, about 5 o'clock in the evening; we were marched into the camp and brought up into line, and we were told what we had to do by the colonel — Colonel Allen ; we were thirteen months prisoners there, and the orders were that any man that came within ten steps of the stockade to shoot him down ; that was the order ; when Colonel Allen was leaving, I heard him say, he hoped every Yankee son of a bitch who was in the stockade would have a southern grave before he woiild leave. Colonel Brown came after him ; that is all the colonels I can give account of; we were, for eight months, kept on a pound of beef and a pint of corn-meal a day ; and for five months a pint of corn-meal and half a pound of beef a day ; aud on the road going back, we never got a bit of anything to eat, only what we scraped together in the camp before we left ; this was when we were released, going home ; the rebels, while we were in prison, used to come in and take the money away from the men, and they used to shoot them over the stockade ; I remember they shot one man, who belonged to the One hundred aud thirtieth Illinois ; they shot one man who was coming from the privy, at night, aud killed him ; besides the man I have spoken about who was tied to the horn of tlie sad- dle, I remember two or three others who were served in the s.ame way, because they could not walk ; they stole everything that we had. Soon after we were robbed, I used to see confederate officers in the stockade, at Camp Ford, occasionally; they, never said anything to us ; there was one fellow wlio was in command there, a lieutenant, who iTsed to give orders to shoot the prisoners, and used to make raids on them and steal the money from our prisoners ; I suppose he took many hundreds of dollars. They uever had a sick call ; when the men got sick, they were sent to the hospital ; but the hospi- tal was no better than it was inside the stockade ; we had the scurvy badly ; four of our men of the steamboat Emma died ; two of them died with the sciuwy ; they had vegetables outside aud used to sell them, but never would issue them ; we had uo shelter from the 21st of May to the 1.5th of October, only bushes and trees over us, when we built nuul shanties — little huts, and crawled in on wet days. For fifteen days there, every night, from 10 or 11 o'clock until 11 or 12 o'clock the next day, in June, it rained steady, and we had to stand aud take it. On wet days we could not get anything to eat ; they had four miles to haul their corn-meal, and they could not go for it wet days ; that was the excuse they gave. I was two days and a half fasting there, without getting anything to eat. They uever gave us any "clothing. If it had not been for our captain w(3 whould have got away in the first place ; he managed to get released, and while in Shreveport he told some rebel prisoners that if he was left out he would not get any money for his boat, and so he came out to prison with us ; but an order was sent to him and his clerk after they had been there eight days. When the captain was leaving he gave us five dollars apiece in confederate money, which was one dollar in greenbacks ; and wheu he was leaving he said : " Good-byej Price, I hope you will remain here for some time." Price was a Union man, of course. We were all Union men ; if we had been the same as the captain we would have been allowed to go where we pleased. his JOSEPH -f BRITTOX. mark. Patrick Fleming sworn and examined. By Mr. Pile : I reside in St. Louis, Missouri. Was captured on the 1st of May, 1864, on the Red River, on the steamboat Emma, at Snaggy Point, about eleven o'clock in the day. I was captured by General Majors. They kept up with us for about four miles. ' We hoisted a white flag and lauded the boat. They took everything that they could off the boat, and then set fire to her. They took us along about two miles, and then counted us. They found we had our clothing along with us. They were all on horseback. Some of us had our clothing along, and we thought they were very nice men, or I did, and I gave a man my dunnage to carry, but he wouldn't return it. They gave us in charge of Lieutenant Anderson, and he marched us on till about 12 o'clock that night to a bridge. We laid there all night. It was pretty cold. We Avent up to a farm- house and we got some corn-bread aud a shoulder of ham. Then we were started out the next morning for General Taylor's. We traveled all day and didn't reach Gen- eral Taylor's. Wo shot a steer. We got some corn meal and some wood and baked 1038 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR bread onrsolvos oti a hoard in tUo fire. Tbe next nionung he started lis off for General Taylor's. Captain Ailven got a parole to go up to General Taylor's, and General Tay- lor told him to niareh thetn on to Freeport. We were then six miles from Alexan- dria. They maixdied us down where the steamer Louis D'Or was, and juit us aboard of her, and then we were in sight of our own gunboats, only about twenty milea above Alexandria. There was about half the number of guns on her that there waa of us. They Avere very nice fellows, seemingly, and we had it made iip when they laid their muskets all down, we allowed we would make a grab at the muskets, and take them, round the boat to and run her down. Captain Aiken found it out and he acquainted Lieutenant Anderson about it, so then we were all placed under close guard, and they were all under arms until we got np the river. They marched ns into Alexandria, and ]int us into a bull pen tliere. Captain Aiken got a parole of honor, him and the clerk, to go around the town. He went to Kirby Smith, and came to us and told us that Kirby Smith would liberate ns. Him and the clerk were boarding in the hotel there for about four days. For four days we were there under orders, expecting to be marched to Camp Ford. Tlie captain came to ns and said he couldn't help it, he says " we will have to go." We were all marched there, seven hundred of ns going together, soldiers and three boats' crews. It took us six days to go to Camp Ford. We landed there about .5 o'clock in the evening. The captain was put in the same pen along with us, and all the officers. There was no distinction made there between the officers and privates. We got nothing to eat that night ; we had some money, and paid .$5 for a pound of bread. In the course of a week or so the captain and head clerk got their release from Kirby Smith to go home. The captain came to us and says, "boys," he says, "I will go to Kirby Smith wlien I am going home, and I will do tlie best I can to get you out as soon as I can. Any of you married men," says he, "that have wives in St. Louis, I will, as soon as I get there, pay them what money is coming to you," that is, before we were ca})tui'ed. So he left us $1 each to buy soap and wash our clothes. After- wards the head steward and the head clerk get liberated ; how they got liberated, I can't tell. We were held down there for good, and they told ns then that we were non-combatants, and that they would turn us into Mexico. They came to us then and told us that if we would go out and take the oath to the confederacy that it would be all right, but we wouldn't do that; we told tlieni we Avould stay there until we died first. The rations were issued to the soldiers first, before they were issued to ns. They consisted of a pound and a quarter of beef and a pound and a quarter of meal. We iiever used to get enough of that. There Avas som(! days when Ave Avould not get anything, then once in a Avhile they would driA'e in a load of corn and divide it among us. One night they drove in a load of hay to ns ; that Avas to make beds. I almost forget all that I went through. I Avas sick some months ; I got the same treatment that my partner got, aa'Iio Avas a healthy man ; di'CAV the rations, that was all. I was lying doAvn, and had a diarrhea for nine months. Then there was a boy there in the regular service. He was there when I went there. I kneAv him in the old country. I came to know him because he had got a house built. He took me and ray partner into the house ; it was a log house ; there was room enough for ten men in it. They Avould bring in ]ilenty of provisions for any one tliat had money to buy them Avith. One of the (-(dornds' avIa'cs was very^ kind to the sick Avhile 1 Avas there, bnt the colonel himself was a Aery rough man. Then the next man that came after him, I for- get his name, anotiier colonel we had, was pretty rough on ns. We dug tunnels there to get out, and Avhen Ave had the tunnels dug, the roll was called every morning, and if there was any one gone he Avas missed in the morning, and then there were three or four bloodlionnds sent in pursuit of him, and before tliey could get far the men were caught. Tinn-e was a good many ])risoners that left there that never came l)ack. There was a boy belonging to the Sixth Kansas, Avho made his escape out of there, and they captured him "at the Sabine River, and they took him, after catching him, and tied a rojje around him and threw him in the river, and then hung him np, but they didn't kill liiin. Then he was brought into the camp and Avas out of his mind. When we Avere coming home he jumped oA'erboard and was drowneil. I saw them tie an officer to the horn of a sacblle, Avhen Ave Avere coming out of there, and the horse was put on a gallop, and he was dragged along. Any one that Avould fall in the rear, and Avas too weak to keep up, they Avould treat them in that way. They never issued rations sufficient to satisfy the hunger of the prisoners. There Avas plenty of A'egeta- bles, because tliose that had money could get them, but none AA'ere issued to the men. After I got AA-ell of th(> diarrhea i got the black-leg, leg swelling np. There Avas a French doctor came in there, and wanted me to go to the hospital. I said, no, I wouldn't go, that I niiglit as well die there as anywhere. He says, " I Avill tell yon what you do. Have you any nmuej^ f ' I says " Ves." He says, " Do you buy? some sweet potatoes." And I bought two dollai's' Avorth ami ate them, and got pretty Avell after that; but my teeth all got loose; I could pnll them out if I Avanted to. Then they sent some of the desiccated A'egetables from our goA'ernment to ns, and that done us a good deal of serA-ice. I saw confederate officers come into the stockade. • BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1039 Tliey knew well enouj^b how we wore fed. I uuderstood all the time I was there that we were treated iu accordance with the orders of comniandiug officers. There was a young l)oy caiue to the door one night when they were passing by and he asked one of them if he couldn't come out and draw water ; the man said lie could, and tbon he went out, and while drawing his water another rebel soldier came up and shot him. Ms PATRICK X FLEMING, mark. Henry Stoek sworn and examined. By Mr. Pile : I reside in St. Louis, Missouri. Was in Company E of the Fourth INIissouri cavalry. Was a private. Was taken prisoner at L^niou City, Tennessee, on tlic 10th of July, 1863. I was under command of General Asbotli, and under tlie immediate command of Captain Roser and Captain Ely. We were detached, Avhile stationed there, to keep up a mill. We were talcen there by Colonel Bowen's command. From there we were marched about three or four days, without anything to cat for about thirty miles. The first day we didn't get anything; but after we stopped we got a little something. After that we came to Jackson, Tennessee, and had a kind of battle there, and had to turn off the road and march at double quick, as fast as we could ; and here Captain Elet couldn't walk any more. He was shot, but not killed. From there we went on to the Tennessee River. Crossing there, we were deliA'ered to another squad ; and then we marched on to Tuscumbia, Alabama. We got but little to eat all this time; and most of the time on the road had notliiug else except blackberries and green apples to live on. Sometimes, if they Iiad anything, they gave it to us ; if not, we had to go without; and we had to march every day about twenty-five or thirty miles. Then we Avent to Rome, Georgia, and there we got transportation on the raikoad. From Rome, Georgia, we went to Chattanooga, and there they put us iu prison for a couple of hours, and said they would give'ns something to eat. Tliey furnished us some rations, but about the time they were done they called us out, and we had to take what we could get, as we were ordered riglit away. From there we went to Knoxville, and there staid one day. We got very little there, and there was a man died on the road on account of weakness. He couldn't march any more. He died on account of not having anything to eat. We left liim tliere ; didn't bury him. From there we went to Richmond. When they first captured us they took all the money we had that they could get hold of. They pnlled off our boots, if we had a good jiair, and took everything we had. I managed to save §13 by putting it in my niouth. Iu Richmond, after we got there, we got into this tobacco Avarehouse, and staid there a day, I believe. Tliey gave us a kind of beau soup, and worms were still iu it. If wo ouly had enough we wouldn't care, but we didn't get enough to stay our hunger. From there they took us to Belle Isle, and there it was still worse. We got a small piece of corn-bread, about two inches square. I had a good friend there, but he didn't get enough to eat, and died. Before he died I seut aud asked them if they would take care of him. Thej^ had a doctor there — a man they called a doctor — aud they said they couldn't take him until next morning. Then we took him out, and he was put in the Sim, right next to the tent, and died there, for the want of proper food. They didn't give us sufficient food at any time, but ju«t enough to keep us alive. What they gave us was not fit to eat. The men had to eat it or die. They didn't furnish us fuel enough to keep us warm. They issued about every night so many sticks for the squad. There Avere one hundred men in the squad. They divided them off" into twenty-five. Some- times ten or twelA^e cord sticks were giA^eu to a hundred meu. It was just enough to make a little Avarm Avater aud corn bread. The corn bread that we got was made of all kinds of stutf ; I don't kuoAv what it Avas exactly. At the time we came there in the summer time the river was all around us, but they didn't allow us to go to the river and drink ; and we had to dig a hole and put a barrel in. We had to get up early to get a drink, or else we didn't get any the Avhole day. There Avas a sick-call most every morning. They carried the men out when they Avere nearly half dead. If he didn't look as though he Avas just about ready to die they Avould not take him. They carried them out, and put them out by the side of the hospital. Question. How did the soldiers treat the men ? — Answer. The soldiers treated the men A^ery badly — the guai'ds, generally. There Avere some exceptions ; but most of them always Avent with their muskets cocked, cursing us, and so on, as " damned Yankees," in such a way that we got used to it. One of our men got some grass to lay on, and they found it out, and bucked and gagged him the whole day. They would do this for the slightest oftenses. For instance, a man was bucked aud gagged for secreting a boue. They generally punished them by bucking and gagging, and tying them up by the thumbs. The sergeant Avho generally had control over us, he came in there, and every one Avas afraid of him, because he-, Avas so rough. He punished men for the slightest offenses. Some of our prisoners were so weak that they couldn't 1040 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR stand up when they were counted, and if they fell down on account of weakness this sergeant would take a stick of wood and strike them, no matter where or wIkhu he hit. There was no protection from the weathex*. If there was any covering- we iiad to aiTange it ourselves. If I had command of the English language I could give a much clearer statement than this. It was much worse thau I can state in English. HENRY STOEK. St. Louis, Missouri, October 25, 18G8, H. B. Fkanklin sworn and examined. By Mr. File : I reside in St. Louis, Missouri. I was in the Twelfth regiment Indiana volunteers, Company K, first brigade, first division, tiffceeuth army corps, General Logan coiniiiaiid- iug the corps, under General Sherman, and General Osterhaus division coiiiiuinulcr. My colonel commanded the brigade as often as any of them. I was captured on the 22d of July, and the day that McPherson Avas killed, in front of Atlanta. 18(34. It was about 4 o'clock in th(; afternoon when I was captured. About eighteen hundred of us were captured ; we were tigliting Hood at the time, and he made a charge on us. After I was captured we were double-quicked from the bi'eastworks to Atlanta; it was about three-fourths of a mile. I had at the time I was ca]»tured — I was then sergeant^:-a knapsack, gun. and cartridge-box. The way we came to get captured was, they got in on the riglit — Hanked us on the right — the Seventy-lirst Ohio giving way, and they took cue of our batteries and got the range on our works. After I was captured, as I said before, they double-quicked us to Atlanta, and we were drawn u]) in line before General Hood's headquarters, and counted and names taken. Before this they had taken my knapsack, gun, and cartridge-box. We were divided oft" into detachments, and there "was a cavalry guard put over us, and we were sent from there to East Point, six miles west of Atlanta, I tliink it is ; I understood it was when-we were ca])tured. We got into the stockade about 10 o'clock that night, after marching six miles through the dust; and in the morning we expected to get rations, but were disappointed, and did not get any. We had two majors captured with us — one a major on McPherson's stalf, I don't recollect his name, and the other a «najor in the One Hundredth Indiana — and they persuaded the rebel ofticersto issue some rations, and they issued us one pint of corn meal. We had nothing to cook it with, but we looked around and found a frying jtan, and we borrowed tiiat, and took water and made a mush out of this meal, and that was a day's rations. The next morning they issued us rations composed of a piece of l)acon about an inch stjuare, a pint of corn meal, ami three hard-tack. At the end of three days we were marched to Macon, and there took a train to Andersonville. It took us two days, I think, to get to Macon, and when we got there they rushed us into stock cars that had just been filled with cattle, and there was a large quantity of manure on the bottom of the cars. They were open stock cars, where we had hardly stamling room, and they kei)t us in that way until we got to Andersonville. We got there in the afternoon. It was about the 29th, I think, that we got to Andersonville. They drew us up in line there in front of General Winder's headcinarters, and this notorious Captain Wii'z's. He was the man who presided there and kept in conuuand. He rode along on his gray horse in front of us, and ordered t'verytliing taken from us that we had. I had a picture of two of my sisters and a i)i(ture of a- brother in my pocket. I also had ijjilOO in greenbacks, and my jack-knife, and I had a fork, spoon, and i>late. He took everything that I had — my money, my pictures, and my knife, so 1 bad udth- ing at all left. And then we were counted off into detachments of two hundred and seventy men, and a sergeant i>ut in charge of each detachment. I was a sergeant, and was put in charge of a itched our tent there — that is, staked oft' the ground so there was rooan enougli to lay on. I had an (dd i>iece of oil-cloth to tie around me, about six inches wide and three feet k>ng, and I went down Broadway, which is the main street in Anderson- ville, and I trach'd that for a stick of wood, and we took that and split it, and uuulo six pu'ces of it, and sharpened the ends and stuck them in the ground. That was the way wo laid otf our camp. We walked around there, and I found some boys I BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1041 was acquainted with from the Thirtieth and Thirty-first Indiana, and they gave us an okl blanket, and we made a shed of that, and that's all the shelter we had— just that old blanket. We drew rations every day when it didn't rain, and, of course, I had to draw the rations, and call the roll of these two hundred and seventy men every morning. We didn't get any rations the tirst day we were in there — not until the nest morning. I had to issue them, and I counted off the men in squads of prolja- bly twenty, and put a sergeant or corporal over these squads to issue the rations to them. I couldn't issue the whole two hundred and seventy. ■ I would issue in quantity to them, and then they would take it and issue to their squads. For two hundred and •seventy men we had a few sticks of wood to cut up. That is what wo got — a few sticks of cord wood, four feet long, no matter what tiie size was. I drew double rations, being sergeant, and I could take and split mine up into splinters like matches and it wouldn't be a handful, and we had to cook with that for twenty-four hours. We had nothing to cook with when I went in there, and I went around among the boys and bor- rowed an old coffee i^ot; borrowed it every morning to make coffee, which was made of corn-bread. First the corn-bread was issued to us as rations ; it was about three inches long, and two inches thick, and two inches wide, and it was ground up cobs and all. The way it was made was, it was mixed with cold water and thrown into a x^an and baked till the crnst would burn, and then we would take that and make coffee of it. The iDiece of meat that we got for rations Avould be about an ounce, sometimes not that much, of bacon. One day Ave would get this corn-bread and bacon, and the next day we would get beans boiled with beef. These beans were not cleau and had never been run through a fanning mill, but just shovelled up from a barn lioor and thrown into a kettle to boil, dirt and all. They were full of worms. A quarter of bet'f was thrown in with them and boiled. That would be issued and we would get about half a cup — army cup — full of these beans for a day's rations ; that is, twenty-tour hours. We would get a piece of beef about the size of the bacon I spoke of, and the next day we would get half a pint of boiled rice and a little molasses. Four spoonsful of mo- lasses was our rations, and rice and molasses was what we got the next day, and then, may be, the next day after that we would get a little raw rice and raw beef. The beef was green when it was bi'ought there from the country in the summer, and by the time it got to us it would smell awfully ; you could hardly go near it. That consti- tuted our rations. Tlieu every day we got water from this creek I have spoken of, which run near the center of the stockade. The cook-house stood uear the west end of the stockade, and all the slops and everything was thrown into this creek, and then they drove all their mule teams, horses, and cattle, and hogs through that creek ; and at the upper end of this creek there was eight or ten feet where there was a dead-line fixed, about eight feet from the main stockade, and we dared not go inside that dead- line ; if we did we would be shot. We would have to use this water outside that dead- line to cook with and drink, and, also, to wash our clothes and ourselves, at the lower end of the creek. I was down there one day washing and saw a man go under that dead line ; there was a rope run across the creek, and a stake each side of the creek, and he reached under that dead-line to get a little water to drink, and just as he stooped down he was shot in the head by a guard, and dropped dead in the creek, and the guard hallooed and said he would shoot every Yankee son of a b h that comes under that dead-line — that they had orders not to go there. Well, I made up my mind I would undertake it. (So when I wanted a little water I reached my hand under and dip it out, and not get my head under. We got along that way about a month, using, that water, and then they got a spring there by some means, and then we had pretty good water. After I had been there a month it commenced raining. It was the tirst of Sei)tember, and it rained three days steady. No rations were issued during the three days, and my men, the third daj', were nearly starved. They came to me and said we nuist have something to eat or we will go crazy. I told them I couldn't do anything, but I would go and see Captain Wirz when he came in the morning,, and see what he would do. So iu the morning I went on Broadway, right by the side of the gate. I knew he came in regularly at such a time in the morning, He came in,, and I took off my cap and saluted him very politely. Says I, " Captain, I wish to. speak to you, sir." He halted, and says he, " What do you want?" Says I, ''My mea are iu a starving condition. They have had nothing to eat for three days, and 1 wish you would issue me one day's back rations due my men." Says he, " I want to see every damned Yankee son of a bitch's tongue hanging out in this stockade for the want of something to eat." That is the remark he made to me, and a hundred others standing right there ; and then he passed along. We got no rations until the fourth day about 12 o'clock, and then we got some of these beans and boiled beef. \ext day I saw Jeff. Davis, General Bragg, General Hood, (at least I was told they were the ones,) and General Winder, and Captain Wirz, all riding iu there. They rode all through inside the dead-line, all around the stockade and saw the condition the men were in.- They were then dying at the rate of one hundred and fifty a day, right along. It was the sickly season. I'have got up there in the morning at 4 o'clock — I used to get ui> early in the rnorning to get my men out to wash in the creek, and to keep them H. Eep. 45 CO 1042 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR free of scurvy — and I linve got np thorc at 4 o'clock and walked throngli tlio streets,, and counted fifty men lying on their hacks who had died during the niglit, uiainly for the want of something to eat, and almost naked. I went down one nioruiug within ]>rohahly a hundred yards of the creek, and thi're lay a man on his hack, lie couldn't s;ieak, lie was near gone. He had one of his lingers cut oft' at tlie second Joint. There had heen a ring on his hnger and they couldn't get it oft", and one of the rehel guards cat it olf. The ring had the man's initials and the uuniher of his regiment. Two of my men saw Avhen the rtfiiels cut it oti', and told me. One day one of my men came to me and says he, " There is a man over here dying in a teut," such as we had for shel- t.'r, and says he, " He is dying and wants to go to the hospital, and wants you to attend to it." I had orders every morning of this kind. I would h.-ive the rebel ser- g;^ant standing liy me and he would take the names of the sick and jiromise to send the surgeon in to see to them. I went to this man who had sent tor nie, and I saw he was sick, lie was lying on his hack, and was groaning. He had the chronic diarrhea very h.idly, and was much reduced in flesh for want of something to eat. I says, " To- morrow we will take you down to the gate and try to get yon to the hospital." IS^ext morning I took a blanket that he had and ])ut him on it, and four men took hold, one on each c irner, and we carried him to tlu' corner gatti at sick call. There was a sergeant there t'.iat had charge of the sick, and I said to him " Here is one of my men will die if he stays here three days longer, I \\ish yon would take him to the hospital." Says he, "Lay him with the rest." Probably there were two hundred lying the same way each side of the gate — just left the road so they coidd pass in with teams. I laid him down there and staid with him, thinking I might persuade them to take him out, and there was a surgeon came in and examined him, and I said to him: "Can't you get him in the hospital, he is not tit to stay heref "Well," says he, ''I have not room for him ; and another thing, 1 have got orders from headquarters not to take a man into the hospital until he is so low he can't live ; and when he gets so low that they expect he will die in two or three days, they are willing to take him in." Says I : "Can't you get him some medicine, or give him some?" .Says he : "No; we have none." Then 1 to(dv the man back again, and he- died. An- other instance : There Avas a young fellow that belonged to a Pennsylvania regiment •got so reduced and starved that he could not stand up, and he laid on his liack one week in the hot sun, with nothing over him. He was naked except a shiit, and that nearly torn off of him. I have taken my cup and went to the creek and tilled it and brought it to him. 1 wouldn't let him drink out of it, because I was afraitl of catching the disease, so I took my cup and turned the water in his mouth. I saw another man lay there, and I saw a Catholic priest who used to come in every morning to look at him. and 1 asked a sergeant if he wouldn't take him to the hospital, but he wouldn't do it. That imm lay there until 1 saw maggots crawling out of his mouth and ears — a regular string of maggots running to and fro on his body, till he died, liter.iliy eaten uii by maggots. Nine of my company died while I was there, for the want of some- thing to eat. When I was captured 1 had on a major's blouse, and the uniform but- taus were \(^ry nice and bright. It was a blouse 1 exchangtMl with our l)rigade sur- geon. I let him hav(^ my jacket ; and I used to cut the Ijuttons otf that blouse and trade them for a little salt with one of the guards. 1 would lix these buttons on a .string and throw them n]» to the guard after dark, about t) o'clock in the evening, and he would throw mt; down a s]ioonful of salt in exchange for the buttons. That's the only way we could get salt, if we didn't have something to buy it. They seldom issued it; and during the time 1 was making this trade with the guard there was a man who was crazy —insane for the want of something to eat. He saw a bone lying between the d; ad-Iiiie and tlu^ stoivade, r.nd he crawled under tin; dead-line, thinking he could get it and not be seen, and when he got hold of that bone six shots were put in him, and he fell dead. Tin; next morning we pulled him out and asked permission to take hiiu out. He smelt pretty bad. It was very warm weather. We took him out down to the gate ; found out his regiment and company, and put it on a piece of i)aper and liinned it on his shirt. Tlie way they took these dead men out, every morning we would go round in our (luarters — for instance, my iletachment, being sergeant — 1 would go round, .-ind whoever we Ibnnd cU'ad, we would take them to the gate and lay them along in a row and jtnt on a piece of paper the mnnber of their regiment and their name, and jiin it on their shirts, and they would lay there in a row till about 6 o'clock in the evening, and then they would bring a wagon in there — four mules — a government wagon, anil there would be four negroes to each wagon, and they would take these bodi<'s — two men at the feet and two at the head — and give them a swing and toss them into the wagon the same as pork, and when they got four or live wagons loadi'd they would start olf to the burying ground, dig a hole and throw them in, and cover them up ; and 1 have seen ofticeis' wives tlune ; I know they were, be- cause I was told by the sergeant. (There was one or two " white '' men there who were ser- geants.) I have seen these women standing there and making fun of it, and these men, the biggest partof thenj, were naked. At tiie time that Jeff. Davis, Bragg, Hood, and Winder are said to have went through the stockade, we had a major in there, (they BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1043 didn't know he was a major, but he was a major in the army ; ho looked jnst as roiiLjh as any of us; he went iu there tliiukinR- there might be a posibility of«>ettiug the boys out some time;) well, he went up to General Winder, and spoke to liim — sainted him, and says he, "General, you see the condition the prisoners are iu, don't you?" Then says he, '' Can't yon help them in someway; can't you do something for them; give them more to eat, and relieve them, and shelter ?" Says he, "That's what we are look- ing at now — trying to arrange it so as to build some hospitals in here." And they went oft'. In the course of a week after that, they commenced briuging in lumber there, and we put up four hospitals; built sanu' as sheds. Our uieu went out and brought the lumber iu and built them themselves. They got double rations for doing this work ; and theu these men that were sick were brought iu tLere ; had nothing to lay on or to put over them. The weather was getting cold then — tlie nights — and they had to lay there in that way. One hospital was about one hundred yards from where I pitched my tent, and sometimes I couldn't sleep uights for hearing these men groan. The rations got so slim toward the lirst of October (a little piece of corn-bread, a piece of raw beef, and a little molasses, and boih'd rice once a day) that I went round my de- tachment and got all the molasses I could, boiled it down, and made molasses-candy, and I sent some of my boys out pedling this candy, aud they used to get a little money in that way, as some of the prisoners had a little left yet secreted, and with this money we used to buy things of the guard that they wouldu't issue to us. After awhile they quit issuing wood, aud we had to go down to the creek — it was a swamjty place — and dig three or four feet iuto the mud to get roots, and we would take aud dry them aud then bundle them up for fuel. They used to come in there with a paper to get the names of men that would go out and enlist in their army. If they would enlist iu their army they would set tliem free, and they got a few; also tried to get shoemakers, wagon-makers, and mechanics of every description, promising to set them free; they got a few. In regard to tunneling, they used to get out through tunnels, in the night. There was one tunnel there that come out about one hundred yards from the stockade. There was a man iu there that belonged to an Indiana regiment, aud he exposed us once for a i)lug of tobacco. One night our men began to get out of a tunnel. It was about 1"^ o'clock at night. The rebels knew of it, and a squad of them were in waiting at the monlfh of the tunnel. They let alK)Ttt a dozen of our men out, and then set the hounds on them ; didn't shoot them or halt them. The men ran in every direction ; climbed trees ; aud one man was literally torn to pieces. Next morning we could see these men in the trees not far from the stockade, and we saw the rebels shoot at these men iu the trees, aud after they were shot and fell on the grouiul the hounds were set on them. I saw Wirz, on his gray horse, around there at the time. Boxes of clothing- were sent to us by our government, l)ut we never got it. We used to see it on the rebel guards. I sent home to Fort Wayne, and a box of provisions was sent to me, which I never got. There were ten pounds of cake, onions, and vegetables, of all de- scriptions, in the box; coftee and tea, socks, aud everything of that description, and they kept it; we never got a thing of it; we knew it came there; Ave were told so. HORACE B. FRANKLIN. Frederick Scheuer sworn and examined. By Mr. Pile: I live in St. Louis; am a barber; thirty-five years old. I enlisted in 1861, in March, in the Twenty -fourth Illinois regiment. I was wounded on the 8th of Oetoljer, 1862, at Perryville. I was discharged from that regiment six weeks after ; and then I en- listed on the 19tli of December, 1862, iu the Fourteenth Illinois cavalry, and theu ttntil 1864 I was in the Fourteenth lUinois'cavalry. I was in the raid of General Stnueman, in 1864, throtigh Macon, Georgia. I was captured on the Chattahoochie River not far from Marietta, Georgia. They marched us from where we were captured, nine days, to Ander.'ionville. All we had to eat was three ears of corn a day on the maridi ibr uiue days. Oue time we weut to a house for something to eat — for a little corn bread, and the woman said she wouldn't give us any — that she would give us poison before she would give us corn bread. Immediately after they captured us they took my hat. and boots, and watch, and ring that was given to me by my wife. I had pretty near $600 iu greenbacks secreted in my drawers; they took it away from me and took all my clothes. The lieutenant saw a bunch in my di-awers, and asked me what was the matter with my knee, and I told him I was wounded, and he took a knife and cut it opeu, and took away all my money. After we got to Audersonville I found a friend who said he would let me have some ground to lay on— just a sandy i)lace. There was no tent or anything. The first that we got to eat there was a tablespoonful of beans, and a teaspoonful of salt, and a i)int of corn meal ; and bits of firewood about a foot long that was for cooking. We had no knife to split it with, and had to split it with our finger nails. The water was iu a slough, and very bad. We found a little spring- over the dead-line. The dead-line was a little ditch ten feet from the stockade, and )f a man stepped over that, or even touched it, the guards shot them. We made 1044 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR strings out of old drawors. like fish liues, and ]int tin cups on the strinjjs. and then threw them over the (U^ad-line to the spring to get a drink of water. We were two days working on that, and then they stopped ns from getting any more water there. One man Avas killed while getting water. The gnard told us every man who got water there he would kill, although we never stepped over the line, and just threw our cups over. Captain Wirz was in command of the guards there. He went every morning about 10 or 12 o'clock with the rebel guards inside. We lay in different places on tlie sand. There was no regular path ; and when he was going his rounds if anybody was in the way he would kick them. I heard some of my comrades who were in the way and too sick to get out of the way, comidainiug In-cause he kicked them. Sometimes he would put ten or tifteen men together and put a ball and chain of iron tipon them ; the ball would weigh tifty pounds. He would chain them tliere in company with one another, and they were so sick that if tlnn* wanted food tlu'y couldn't staud up straight, ancl when they i)ut ou this tifty-iiouiHl ball and chain it just bore them down to the ground, and there they lay until tliey d1e-. I was captured at Union City, Tennessee, on the Charleston railroad. I think it was Buford's and For- rest's command that captured us. There Avas about two thousand of them in number that captured ns, of cavalry. They captured us, 1 thiuk, about 10 o'clock in the morn- ing, and then they stopped there about au hour or st>, and then marched us on until BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1045 abont 9 or 10 o'clock in the evening to a small building — I think they called it a school- house. Then the next morning they started us on the march again, and marched us about three Aveeks, until we got to Chattanooga. We had to march on foot ; once in a while some of us w^ould have a horse ; they had our horses. I think for the first two days we didn't have anything to eat except what we had at the time we were captured. Then,, while marching along in the road, we generally got a little corn bread, maybe a little bacon, of the farmers, but not enough to satisfy us, and we lived mostly on blackberries and green fruit. They marched us, I think, as much as thirty or forty miles a day. We lost a good many men ou the road that got sick and fell by the roadside. One man I knew died in this way. At Chattanooga, I think, we got transportation in a kind of old railroad cars for Richmond. In Richmond, when we got there, they marched us into a tobacco warehouse and kept us there over night, and the next morning the pi"ovost marshal and another man came in and told us to fall into single line, and then they searched us on the right and left wing so that nobody had a chance to hide anything away, and whenever tliey found money they took it. I knew one man, I think he had two or three twenty-dollar gold pieces that they took away. In fact, they took all the money we had' of any kind, and knives, and everything that they thought was useful to them. Before we got ou the road, even, some soldiers stole the boots off of our men, and some of the men had to ^^'alk barefoot. After they searched us there they took us to Belle Isle. There we stayed for two or three weeks, without having any shelter, and we slept on the gi'ound, and had no blankets or anything, hardly, to cover us. All I had was just a kiud of a jacket, part of a jacket and a pair of pants, and I think one shirt and a pair of old boots and a cap. After we had been there about three weeks some of our men got away, and we got some old teiats that belonged to them. We were on the island, I think, about live months. Our rations in the beginning were one loaf of bread for four men twice a day. Then some nights we got a little stuff called bean soup, but the men Avere lucky to find any beans, but they often found big worms in it. There was hardly any nourishment in the soup. Then aa'c got one bucket of meat, I think, to one hundred men. I should think the bucket Avould hold about ten or tAveh'e pounds, bone and all. The men got about one mouthful apiece. Afterward the wiiite bread gave out after Ave had been in there a couple of months, and wo got corn bread, and it was miserable; it was hardly fit to give to a dog, because it Avasu't baked; there Avas no salt in it, and it woidd fall apart ; it Avas made of cob meal, ground corn and cob to- gether. The A'cry first day Ave got in there one of our men got killed. He hadn't been in there more than half an hour. There was a kind of ditch, what they called a dead- line, but there was nothing to shoAv it, or anything said about it, after we got in there, that Ave shouldn't go near it. It Avas a ditch may be tAvo feet Avide; had a kind of an intreuchmcnt put up, or wall, and this Avas inside of the big wall, say about two feet Avide, so that Ave shouldn't go beyond that ; and of course any man at first couldn't tell that it l^elonged to the camp, and so when our men stepped in there the guards would .shoot them, and one or two men were wounded in the tent near to me in this Avay. When I got out I only weighed ninety-five pounds ; my usual weight is one hun- dred and forty. I don't think we CA^er had any medicine to amount to anything Avhen Ave Avere sick. They had a doctor, so called, but I ncA'er saAV him do anything. On the road near Jackson, Mississippi, Captain GustaA' IlligAvas .shot by the guard because he Avas too weak to keep up. He recoA'cred temporarily, but has since died in conse- quence of the wound that Avas thus inflicted. There was one killed at Belle Isle on the Avay to the sinks one night. I don't remember his name. He Avas shot dead Avith- out any prcA'ious Avaruiug. After the men got too sick they Avould sometimes take them to Richmond, but a great many died inside the camj) of a night. I didn't see any confederate officers in there. HENRY W. WOERMANN. James McMurty sworn and examined. By Mr. Pile : I reside at St. Louis, Missouri. In 1862, at the battle of Chickasaw Bayou,, I was captain of Comx>any H, Thirty-first Missouri infantry volunteers. We Avere captured, and after being captured Ave were marched up on the side of the hill at Chickasaw Bayou by the rebels for the protection of their own men, I suppose, or for some reason. We Avere kept there so exposed to our OAvn fire for some time, until the fire got so hot that the rebel guard couldn't stay Avith us and had to take us back over the hill. While exposed on the side of the hill to our oavu batteries a sliell struck among us, killiug and Avounding three of our men. Then we were taken to Vicksburg jail by a confederate officer, and Avere relieved of our money and Avalches, Avhich Ave have ueA'er seen since. The jail was A'ery much crow^dcd ; it was A'ery inclen)eut Aveather, and a large portion of us had to .slf'ep Avithout any clothing except our blouses aud pantaloons, ev^erythiug else having been taken from us Avhen we Avere captured, and they took care to furnish us nothing. Some men that had on oA^ercoats or any- 1046 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR tiling of the kind Avlicn they were captured had tliein taken from them -vvliile on the march to the, jail. While in jail several of our men died from actual neglect, being exposed to the weather without anything to protect them. While in jail, confed- erate oflicers came day after day among our men, making promises to them that they would be turned out immediately and paroled, and allowed to go home or where they pleased, if they would only take an obligation that they would not afterward be combatants. The men invariably refused. In fact, we had a meet- ing among ourselves to see what the general sentiment was, and they all re- fused to accept any such terms. Considering the treatment we had been receiving it is a wonder that the men did not almost all enter into the arrangement. From there we were taken to Jackson, Mississippi, and placed in a portion of the old Pearl River Bridge at Jackson. The rebels themselves had been crossing on that bridge some time before, and the bridge had all broken down ; about, perhaps, ninety or one hundred feet was standing, on, I think, four piers — four logs standing up and resting against a pier. They had been boarded up \\itli heavy two inch i)lanks, and there we were to the extent, I think, of two hundred and twenty, or two hundred anil thirty, marched into that place, without any window — without a light. Tlie river was u[» high, and great logs were coming down against these little piers causing the whole structure to sway back and forth. They put us in there, I have no doubt for the purpose of drowning us — there is no question about it — and we were so strong in that belief that we went to work with pieces of wood, and one thing and another, that we got after we had been there a little while, to break down our prison, and when they wen; about to lu'e on us the general, Wirt Adams, who was in connnand of the place, seeing the row, or hearing of it, came down aud made a personal inspection of our quarters, and then had us removed to another place, acknowledging that we were in a very un- safe condition. While in that bridge we had neither medical treatment or anything else, and a number of our men were dead in the room with us ; we walked over their bodies, for we could'nt see them, it was so dark. There was no way of getting them out until we were removed from there. When we were taken out of there the ofticers and men were separated, aud I never saw our men after that until I jouicd a [tortion of them that had Ijeen exchanged, in the army. We were paroled, that is, about tliirfy- odd officers were called up in line aud paroled — by the way, we were paroled the next day after we were captured, aud expected to be exchanged every day, but they kept us all thistime, holding us on oiu' parole, but still guarding us, andkeepingus there. We were called up ami paroled with the distinct understanding and promise tiiat we were going direct to Richmond to be exchanged. We were asked whether we would hav(> a guard of soldiers to go with us aud guai'd us, or whether Ave regarded our i»arole as being binding on us, and so only have a confederate captain along with us to procure transportation. As a matter of course, we told them a captain wonhl be sufficient to take us through. At almost every station thi'ough which we passed, aud every place where we stopped, we were insulted and hooted at by crowds of peo- ple. In place of being treated according to our agreement, we were thrown in jail at almost every point we stop])ed at between there and Richmond ; stopping at Mobile, we were put in jail and kept for a day or two; then at Montgomery and At- lanta. Their cars could'nt run very far on any particular road, as we generally had possession of one end, aud they almost invariably kept us over niglit in jail. When we got to Richmond we werci put in the Libby Prison — put in a garret without windows — that is, there were places for the windows but no sash, and whenever any of us would go to the window iind looli out we A\ould be saluted by a bullet from the rebel guards. There were aljout one hundred and lifty or two hundred of us in that one room. We were without blankets or anything of the kind ; just simply a lot of dirty clothing that we had on, and no opportunity to wash, change, or clean it. On oik* occasion, just before we were exchanged, our government sent us a few drawers, shirts, and so on, but I think I was the only man in our squad of prisoners that managed to get a sliirt. Everything that was sent to us was appro])riated by the rel)els. While in Lilyby Prison, the guijrds that occupied a room somewhere l)elow us, as wetlionght, would iinr[ioscly discharge their guns up through the tloor, shooting smcral of our comrades through the legs and feet, and when complaint was made to the officer in charge. Captain Turner, as contemptible a wretch as God ever let live, he would put it off by saying it was an unavoidable accident, or something of the kind. Our food consisted of ;i!)out half of a very small loaf of sour bread per day; it was a litrle piece of dried bread, so hard that i suppose a stnmg man could have knocked another down with it. A loaf was not s>ifficieut tor one meal, l)ut we had it for three. With that l)read we got, about two or Three days in the week, a lot of stinlving corned l)eef, from which the brine had escaped, there is no telling how long, and we would take that, stiidcing as it was, and boil that and the bread together, and make a sort of soup or gruel. Part of the time during the bread-riot at l^ichmond, when we were told the wives of confederate soldiers went around l)reakiug in the stores, tor about three or four days we got no- thing at all, during the continuance of the riot. I was captured on the "29th of Decern- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1047 ber, aufl joined my regiment as soon as we were exchanged. I do not recollect the d..y ■we were exchanged at City Point, bnt we were ordered to report immediately to onr respective commands and I joined my regiment, making as quick connections as I could; on the 2'M\ of May, when a general charge was ordered right round to Yicks- burg again. That would make some live or six months I was a prisoner. I have no doul>t our treatment was in accordance with orders. When at Jackson, we were con- stantly informed by confederate officers that we were never to be exchanged at all ; that we were to be turned over to the State authorities of Mississippi, and that we were to be put on trial for exciting rebellion and insurrection among the negroes of Mississippi ; that we were not regarded as soldiers, but were simply offenders against the State laws of Mississippi ; and they pretended to show us some order from the con- federate government — some proclamation from Jeff. Davis. I don't know but it was in the papers to that effect, and a great many of us did not expect to get out at all. i know we were freipiently insulted both by confederate officers coming to us and by the crowds of people around us. There is no question but our treatment was the treat- ment prescribed by their regulations. The only instance of any interference iu our favor was that of General Adams, and then we were about to demolisli our jirisou. They threatened to fire on us then, and we told them they had better do that than kill us bj' piece-meal ; that they could tire or do as they pleased. They didn't lire. We had an officer in charge of us there who was really a kind-hearted man. I forget his name. Personally he was a gentleman. I was out one night with him in confederate uniform all through Vicksburg. He frequently regretted that he was compelled to keep ns there so closely, and told us that we would have him some day and he wanted us to bo as lenient to him as he would like to be with us, in case he was captured. . It was he who brought down General Adams and had him make a personal inspection of the prison, and then he ordered ns out. I don't remember the number of our men that died in tliat bridge, but there was about seven, I think; two of my own company died there. There was a physician who Avould come iu once iu a while and look at the sick, and promise to do something, but I never seen any medicine or anything of the kind. The general complaint was, as soon as medicine would come and they could get it, they would do thus and so. Some of our men when we got to Indianapolis were absolute skeletons. As soon as we got out we were taken proper care of; had clothing issued to us, and everything done for our comfort. The clothing was made of a small size so as to fit the men in their reduced condition, but soon afterwards the men fat- tened up and had to be supplied with clothing of a larger size. JAMES S. McMURTY. D. M. Berlin sworn and examined. By Mr. Pile : I reside in St. Louis, Missouri. Was a private in Company B, Eighth Illinois infantry. I was captured near Memphis, Tennessee, on the 20th of February, ldG3. I was cap- tured by a band of guerrillas ; they did not claim to belong to any army at all; they were running an independent government of their own. 1 was delivered into their hands, me and five friends, into the hands of Colonel Bliss, at Coldwater, Mississippi. From the time I was captured until I was taken u}> to Panola, Mississippi, about three days afterward, I received nothing to eat. We marched forty miles, I think, during that time. When I came before the provost-mai'shal. Captain Taylor, we were exam- ined there. He called nie to him and asked what regiment I belonged to. I told him I belonged to Company B, Eighth Illinois, but he said 1 was a liar — that I had deserted the First Missouri confederate cavalry, and that I had taken an oath of allegiance to Jeff". Davis and Abe Lincoln both. I got pretty mad about that time, and I told him he was a liar ; he jumped up and threatened to kill me and break my neck, and he called me all the names he could think of, and abUvSed me, and ordered me out under guard. He or- dered the captain of the guard to keep a strict watch over me, and if I stepped on one side or the other of the road not to halt me, but to shoot me right down. We were taken to Panola; thence to Granada ; thence to Jackson, and thence wo were sent back to Canton, and then back to Granada ; then they to(jk us back to Panola ; from there we went across the country, marched across to Okolona, and there we staid twenty- four hours. We weie sent from there to Meridian, and then I was separated from the rest and seut to Enterprise, jMississipjii. I was kept there for a week or ten days. There was a couqiany of the Sixth Iowa came iu as prisoners ; amoug them were some men with whom I was ac(iuainted ; they wanted to know why I was captured without being exchanged, and I told them I could not learn ; that I was under charges of being a deserter from the rebel army. One of them got a guard to go with me to the head- quarters of the commander of the post, and he informed ns that I was there for conscrip- tion in the rebel army. The young man informed him that I had been a federal sol- dier, and had been from the commencement of the war, and that if I was not ex- changed I would be retaliated for. Then I was sent to Mobile with the rest of the Sixth Iowa and others that were captured, and we remained there a week or ten days, 1048 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR and tbeu we were seut to Atlanta, Georgia, and from there to Richmond. I think we arrived at Richmond and went into Liljl>y Prison on the 4th of August, 1863. We were there a week or ten days, and we were called up one day, to be ]>aroled, saying they wei'e going to exchange us. We all took our parole : after that we were all sent to Belle Isle. There we had no shelter, aiul received none for some time, but I made my escape about a week after we got there, but was recai)tui'ed and In'ought back. I got down as far as Bermuda Hundred, but was recaptured and brought back, and put in a cell under the Libby Prison, lue and a young man named Godfrey, of tlie Sixtii Iowa cavalry. We received pretty hard treatment there ; we had no blanktsts ; the cell was cohl and damp, and very small ; there was little light in it, nothing excejjt a hole about three or four inches sqimre ; sometimes we received no water, and for whole flays our rations were one-fourth of a suuill loaf of bread twice per day; iu)thing else during the time we were in there. They kept us weak so that we could not try to make our escape again. After a while we were sent back on the island, and then we were so weak that we could not swim the river. Wlieu we first arrived at Libby Prison, I omitted to say, they searched us all ; I did not have anything, but those who did they relieved them of it. When I was taken on Belle Isle I had no clothing at all excei)t a pair of jjauts and a liat. and a common cotton shirt pretty well worn. We liad no blankets or shel- ter there for three or four weeks, until an exchange was effected. We staid there during the winter, until the l^th of February, and then we were sent from there to An- dersonville. I saw a man shot during the time I was in the prison, and I remember an instance that Inisbeen related by one of the witnesses here in his testimony, about a man being shot in an hour after he was inside the camp. There was a breastwork around the camp, and a guard walked around the top of it. There was a small ditch inside, but no orders as to where we should go, or what limits the camp was in, and there Ix'ing no orders as to where they shoulil go, very often some of the men would get shot without any warning; I saw a a sergeant shot on the breastworks while he was work- ing for them ; they had a squad of our men working for them, and they took them out, and tins sergeant was engaged one morning in staking out tlu^ ground, and without any warning the guard lired at him, and he was shot within a foot of my tent. I know of three men that had to have their arms amputated, and one that died from the effects of lieing shot in that way. During tlie time that we were there it was very cold weather, and our rations consisted most of the time of one-fourth of a loaf of bread for each nuin ; I sup- ])ose there would be about eight ounces of bread in the loaf ; we usually received about eight ounces of bread in a day ; then we had a ration of meat in the morning, a bucketful to one hundred nien, I supjjose twelve or thirteen i)ouuds in it in all; in the afternoon we received what they called soup, but we generally called it Jamc's River water; if there were any beans in it at all, there were generally but lew, and bugs generally covered the top of the bucket ; there were rations we understood that were sent there from our government, in fact we saw many boxes marked U. S. on the ont- side^boxes of crackers and barrels of pork — but none of these things were ever issued to us, but I am satisfied they were issued to their own guards there ; we were told so in some instances; these things had l)een sent by our government to us, and especially to those of our prisoners who were sick, l)ut we never got anything of the kind — sausa- ges, tea, and l)eans, and things of that kind that were sent to us. At one time we were all driven out of the camp to be counted; it was on Christmas or New Year's day; I know it was a very cold day; we were driven to the upper end of the island and counted; the oflicers were kiKJcking the men around with clubs if they did not do just to suit tlK'in; they did not get the counting right, and the consequence was they issued no rations that night, and the reason was Ix-cause thi'y were afraid to issue more ratitms than there were prisoners; the next day they counted us again and then we got a. piece of salt beef, an ounce to each one; then we were two days without any other rations except that; all the fuel that we received was aliout one stick of wood to twenty or thirty men, I think five sticks to one hundred men ; we were sent from the island once to tlu! tobacco warehouse, and when we went there; the uujii were scarcely al)le to walk, anel soldiers and officers would kick them when they found they were not able to march. There was a sergeant on tlie island there — the man who had charge of it when I went there — ho was called Lieutenant Bosseau, I think, a Frenchman; he \vas a very rough man; then they had a sergeant that they called Hyat, and another (Uie they called the one-eyed sergeant; I never knew his name; each one of them used to carry a eiub all the time, and thev would just knock the men down promiscuously. 1 saw them knock down four of our men at the time we were sent from this building to Andeisonville, Georgia. On the way, I think, there was four of our men who were frozen to death; we were sent in stock cars; we left the island on the 18th of February ; we went through North Carolina and >South Carolina to Andersonville; we got there befon; the prison was finished; it was pretty fair when we first went there, and they issued a tolerably fair (piantity of rations, but of an inferior quality, mostly corn, ground cobs and all, and chunks of bone and meat, and I think we received a quantity of meal, about ten or BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. ' 1049 twelve ounces, and a teaspoonfnl of salt per day ; "we received tins quantity of ratioujs until the prison became pretty full, and then they kept getting smaller, and they cut us down all the time; they divided the men oft' into detachments of two hundred and seventy in each detachment ; I was in what was called the third detachment ; Avheu I got there, there was a man named Wirz in command, or rather he took command a short time after I arrived there; after that the boys had got pretty smart about getting rations, for after being in prison so long, as soon as a new squad came in, tliey would give fictitious names, and draw rations in other squads; sometimes they had a large number more than had been sent to them. Wirz undertook to find it out, and the way he did it was to make us all stand in line until they called the roll all througli the camp. There were about ten thousand there that time. The camp was divided by a small creek that ran through it; he commenced to call tlie roll and after he had called otf a long time some of the men would get tircMl of standing up so long without any breakfast and they would scatter; then he Avouhl undertake to nuiko them stand in line, and if nuy man would leave tlie ranks, they would either be knocked down or shot. I I'emember one time that I was sitting in our tent — there were five of us together — and l)efore wo knew it he came up and called us danuied Yan- kee sons of bitches, and he told us to stand ui) in the ranks, and he commenced firing a revolver and I commenced to run and he swore we shoukl not have any rations until we all stood uj) in line, and he did not issue any rations until the next day; we had pretty bad weather during the mouth of June; I think it rained for twenty-one days, and I do not think I slept a niglit without going to sleep in the cold and wet; I had the scurvy very bad. After I had been there some time a friend of mine came that had some money, or I do not think I would have got out of it; he sliared his money with me, and I managed to buy some things so that I got rid of the scurvy. I saw four or iive difterent men shot while I was in there, and the guards used to say that they got thirty days' furlough for every Yank that they killed ; and one instance I remember [)articularly where a lot of new prisoners had just come in, and at the creek where we g(merally got our water the boys would endeavor to get as near the stock- ade as possible, to get it clean. The cook-house was just outside and we had to take water from that too, and below the stockade; and Itelow the stockade tliey used water for bathing; this man hadn't been in there more than three or four hours, knew nothing about the dead-line and reached under the dead-line to get his cup full of water, and the guard in the sentry box on the stockade up and fired, and says lie, "There is a thirty days' furlough for me." A fellow asked, " How is that f He said, "We get a furlough for every Yank we shoot;" and says he, " You'll never guard an j* of onr men." Ihe fellow says, "Why?" The guard says, "Because you'll never get out of here till you all die." The man says, "We'll see about that." There was a young friend of mine that belonged to the Seventh Illinois cavalry that died in my tent ; he had the scurvy and diarrhea, and before he died the maggots crawled over his jaw, which was gangrened; I never saw such corruption in my life. We carried liim to the gate two or three days before he died to see if we couldn't have him taken to the hos- l)ital; but we couldn't. I remember one instance where a rebel cluiplain came in the camp to talk to the men, and while he was there a man reached over to get a drink of water, and as he did so lie fell over and never got up. Some man remarked to the chaplain, " Tliere's a man lying in the swamp, dying ; you had better go and talk to liini." He went to him. The man was lying on the side of his face and he touched him and says he, " Young man, are you prepared to die ? " The fellow didn't pay any attention to h im at all ; didn't turn his face. He touched him again and says he, " Young man, are you pre- pared to die?" Says he, "If you ain't, you are going to hell." The fellow looked up and says he, " Do you think there is any other hell besides this ?" Then the chaplain says, "Yes, and if you are not prepared to meet your God, you'll go there." The fellow says, " If there is any other hell than this, you and your damnded old confederacy will go there." He died soon afterward. Often such cases as that came under our observation. When I was captured they stripped me of everything I had that was valuable ; all except my boots ; I refused to give them up, and they threatened to shoot me. I told them to do it. They found I didn't scare and then they tried to buy them for confed- erate money, but I wouldn't do it. I used to see confederate officers around these prisoners. They knew the treatment the prisoners were receiving at Andersouvillo and Libby Prisons. " There was a sick-call at Belle Isle for the men, but it didn't amount to anything. The sick-call was beat there. The roll-call was beat at Andersonville, but no sick-call was beat at Andersonville. They cimldn't begin to treat one-third or one-fifth of the prisoners in there that needed it. All the medicine I ever saw given was sumach berries for scurvy, and for diarrhea they would give a little oak liark or blackberry. I was removed from there on the Htli of September, and went to Savannah, Georgia. Was there about one month. The rations when we first went there were a little better, but it didn't last long. Lieutenant Davis was in command of the prison. He was a very rough man. I have seen him make onr men hold a block of wood in their hands— make them stand on a barrel and hold the block in their hands for twenty-four hours as a punishment for trying to make their escape. They 1(350 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR removed ns from Savannah to Mellen, Georiiia. They woke us up just at daylisrht. They took ns just as close together as they couhl ; part of the army of Dick Taylor ; the force captured was about lour hundred and sixty men. The eneuiy we had to contend with was about seven thousand. The men were not famished with auythiufij to eat until the next morniuj>- after their capture, and then a little corn meal and a few sweet potatoes. We had nothing to cook them in, and they plastered them on l)oards and put them before the tire. We were marched to Alexandria, a day's march, from tii'teeu to twenty miles. We were treated with a good deal of abuse by t^lie rebel sohliers, and had very little to eat. At Alexandria we were placed on the second floor of a court-house, in a room forty feet square, four hundred and sixty men of us, and after remaining there a day we were started for Shreveport. After leaving Natchi- toches we were placed under the connnand of an officer, whose name I don't know, who treated the num shamefullj'. One person especially, a Frenchman, who couldn't speak English, was forced along, and the captain would hit him on the head with a scabliard. We were lyromised to be sent to our lines from Alexandria, but on our arrival there it Avas stated that the paroling officer was at Shreveport, and we wouM have to march there, where we would be paroled and sent for exchange, but on the next morning, which was Sunday, the 18th of October, we were started for Tyler, in Texas, a distance of about one hundred and ten miles. We were stopped at Camj) Ford, about four miles east of Tyler. There was no shelter of any kind except a small building for sonie one hundred and forty men and officers. We remained there through two days without being furnished anything to eat, and received nothing then until Lieutenant Colonel Leak infornu'd the rebel conunander that he would not be respousilde for, or try to re- strain, the prisoners any longer. After that we received rations only part of the time, and though the distance was very great to our lines the men escarped by the dozens every night. About the 11th of November about one hundred negroes were ])nt to work to dig a stockade around us. The inclosed ground contained about one and a half or two acres. Some of the guards w^re brought from Tyler, and on this day two of the Twenty -sixth Indiana were shot. The circumstances were these: They were carrying logs to build a house from the outside, and while these two men carried them in into quarters they came up within about twelve feet of the line, when the sentry said, " Ten paces from the line," and drew up his gun and cocked it, and as the men turned to walk away he tired. The ball ])assed through the first man's body, and through the arm of the next man. Tlie name of the first man was Thomas Morehead. He died at 3 o'clock the next day. Frank Smith was the name of the nibel who tired the gun. The excitement was very great among the prisoners, ami they threatened to have revenge. He was placed under guard, and the commander, Colouel Allen, promised to turn him over to our troops, but we learned afterwards that it was never done. We also had permission to go clear up to the line for the ]mrpose of getting the timbers. The guards said that Smith had sworn that he would shoot a Yankee before he went back to Tyler. About the 21st some men that had escaped were brought back. On the 24th we com- menced signing a parole, and on the 2yth we startetl from Shreveport. It had been raining and had turned cold. The ground was frozen and was partly covered with ice ; very few had blankets; none had overcoats; some no shirts or blouses. We started about noon, and were marched twenty-one miles before dark. On the next morning we were started early, and our trail was covered with blood from the feet of tlmse who had no shoes. The guards, although we had given our paroles, were the meanest we had ever had. Alford was the name of tlic (•ai)tain commanding. He belonged to Har- rison's battalion of Louisiana cavalry. Tln' men were in an awful condtion ; their feet were swollen and all cut to pieces. Captain Alford sold the beef which was intended for us to the people along the road, and we had nothing but a little corn meal, and nothing to cook it in. The wounded man who was shot at Tyler was comjielled to Avalk every day. We made the march, one hundred and six miles, to Shreveport in four days. From Shreveport we were taken to a camp of instruction, about nine miles below Shreveport, and fourteen miles from where we were camped. We made this fourteen miles by force in qfiick time, without resting a moment, the time being a little over three hours. We were informed that we would remain there until Monday, when we would go on our way for exchange, that our paroles were withdrawn, and that we Avould continiie to be under guard. We did not start on Monday, but remained there until the 2l3th of December when we Avere again paroled, and it was stated that we were to be exchanged for a force captured on the Teche. On the 30th of December we were joined by three hundred and forty men from Camp Gross, near Houston, Texas, most of them being sailors. We did not start for exchange, but were continually being prom- ised that we were to start in a day or two. Many of the men escaped while we remained there ; most of them, however, being recaptured by the use of hounds. On tlu^ a.'ith of March, in the morning, we were ordered to be ready to move in fifteen minutes. We were under the command of Cajitain Montgomery, of Texas, and also of Captain 105>2 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Alfnnl and his company. Alford bad charge every other day, aud on those day8 we were treated horribly. One man had a rope attached abont his neck, and the other end attached to tlie jioniniel of the saddle of a horse, and the horse was pnt on the gallop, and the man was dragged along over tlie road. Another man was hit over the head with a gun, breaking the stock ; another with a sword ; and nnmerons instances of this kind occurred. We were marched to Tyler in four days, arriving thei'e early on the i50th. For my own part I had a very large blister, aud a stone bruise on one foot, so that it seemed impossible, almost, to walk ; but I dared not drop back, for fear that I would receive the treatment that the others were receiving. On my arrival at Tyler I laid in the quarters several days, nnable to walk. On the 3d of April we were taken ont and again paroled, and on the 5th we were started, as it was said, for ex- change again, this time to be exchanged for the Fort De Russey prisoners. We were marched two miles east of Marshal, being about sixty miles. There we were camped, and received rumors that General Banks and his array were defeated, and compelled to fall back, aud that W(^ had lost several thousand prisoners, *fcc. We remained here in great suspense until the 20th of May, when we were again started back to Tyler. On the 28th we arrived at Camp Ford, and found the stockade enlarged to about eight acres, containing about three thousand eight hundred men and officers besides ourselves. All this time the men were nearly naked, not having received any clothes except where some of them had traded Avith the guards their trinkets. On the 6th of July we were taken out again, and acknowledged our parole, and on the 9th we were again started for Shreveport. This trip Adams had his pants and vest stolen while in bathing. Be- ing on our paroles this time, we were not strictly guarded. We reached Shreveport on the 13th, and on the IGth started down the river on a steamer, stopping several times, and finally reached the mouth of Red River on the 22d, the evening of which we were exchanged. While we were in the prison we were frequently insulted, and treated like dogs. One of our sergeants was shot at for going to an old sink, and then bucked because they didn't hit him. It was done by Alford. During our imprisonment about one hundred and iifty men escaped, aud over one hundred were recaptured, hounds being the principal means used in their recapture. On our arrival at Tyler the third time, Ave found the prisoners, captured from Banks and Steele, dying off like shi-ep. I have seen men actually eaten alive by vermin. A number of men were vaccinated here for small 1)ox, and the matter used being poisoned, all of them were in a terriljle condi- tion, their arms and sides being affected with it. Adjutant jMcEchen, at Camp Ford, was one of the meanest rebel officers we met with. Whenever lie came aV)oat be pulled out his revolver, and used language something like this: '' You d — d Yankee sons of b — s; get out of the way — I will shoot every d — d onci of you." He came in several times, and confiscated all the money that was being gambled with. Some of the prisoners who were captured from Banks bad just been paid off', and they, and the men that were captured from Steele, were searched aud robbed. They took everything away, even the clothes on their backs. The camp was in veiy bad condition. Maggots were crawling all through the y.ard. Men that were going to the sinks would fall down and die. Our mi-dicine consisted of gum bark aud oak bark for diarrhea, and a swallow of dogwood bark for ague. There was very little medicine given at this camp. In regard to the punishment at Camp Ford, there was a kind of jail built of logs, aud the men who escaped and were recaptured, unless they would promise never to at- tempt it again, were put into this jail. Lieutenant Reid, of the tliird liglit cavalry, when asked if he would attempt to escape again, swore that be would if be bad a chance, and for bis punishment he was i)laced ont on a bhjck in the sun bare-headed, and when lie got in the shade of thl^ bouse, they would move it in the sun again. Af- ter remaining tberii several hours be was jiut back in the jail in irons. The lieutenant of the twentieth Indiana was captured by hounds, and came very near being torn to ])ieees by them, on the urging of the guards, who did it for sport as they said. Ht; was ])nt into jail, and would not have been exchanged when we were bad it not been that the j)aroling officer insisted that the commander slionld give him up, as lie was commanded to exchange all the pi'isoners who were captured at the time we were. Men were shot down, if they got anywhere near the stockade, often, and then without any notice. The otficers and men were all in the same stockade. There were no better provisions made for them, only as they made it for themselves. They were treated just the same as the men. Some of the commandfrs treated the officers with some respect, but as a general thing they were treated just as bad as the men. One man, named .J. Irving Uiingan, of tlie Nineteenth Iowa, Company C, was punished while I was in there. He, with a couple of other men, bad escaped from Tyler, and was recaptured in the Indian nation, and was taken, I think, to Camden. The com- mander, on ascertaining their names, recognized ibat of Dungan as being of the same name of the colonel of the Thirty-fourth Iowa, and on l)eiug informed that be was a nephew of Colonel Dungan, he was told that he would have to suffer for it. They were placed on all kinds of menial duty, principally shelling corn. On one occasion BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1053 they wete (lirected to clean out a privy liole, aud Duugan refusing to do so, was tied up by bis thumbs to the back side of the privy, and kept there until he was compelled from sickness to give up aud do the work. He received very bad treatment while there, aud on escaping the second time was recaptured within about nine miles of our lines. OSCAR G. BURGH. St. Louis, Missouri, Novcnibcr 6, 1868. Watsox E. Crandall sworn aud examined. By Mr. Pile : I was captain of Company G, Twenty-third Missouri. I reside at St. Catharines, Mo. I was captured at Pittsburg Landiug, Tennessee. I was captured by the forces under Beaureganl aud Bragg. There was nearly a dozen of ns captured. We were captured al>out 5 o'clock on Sunday, the (jtli of April, 18G2. During that day, quite a number of my men were wounded, and I asked the itrivilege of having some men go and look after them, so that they wouldn't be burned up — those that were wounded — and they promised to let me do so ; to send me with a guard and allow me to take these men, so that they shouldn't be l>urned, but they never did it. The men were lying in the woods, where the fire was running, and I knew that some of my men, that were badly wounded, would be burned. They marched us about seven miles toward Corinth that night, and cor- raled us in an old ccn'iitield. It was very nmddy, and we had to stand up ; we had nothiug to lay down u]3on, and so some of the men laid down in the mud; some stood up. The mud was half-leg deep. Most of us stood there all bight in the rain. It was raining very hard ; we had no blankets or anything else. In the morning they started us off to Corinth — this was the 7th of March — a distance of twenty-two miles. We got there iu the edge of the evening. We were kept standing there until pretty well toward morning, in the rain. We were then put into cars — box cars-^and thoy put us in so thick that there was no chance for ns to sit down or lay down ; we had to stand up, or else lay down or sit down on one another. I think it was somewheri' aBout 10 or 11 o'clock on the 8th — perhaps 11 o'clock — that they started iis toward Memphis, on the cars. We got into Memphis in the night, aud we had nothing to eat duriug this time until the next mcn-niug, the 9th. They then gave us a little bread and a small slice of raw bacon. There were a good many German women that came around the cars with bread, aud one thing and another, that they wanted to give to the prisoners, Initthe guards wouldn't allow them to come near. I saw one woman — I don't know wdiether she was trerman or not — she attempted to get some bread to the cars, and the guard bayoneted her liack ; wouldn't allow her to come near. We were taken from there on the railroad towards iNIobile, Alabama. The name of the officer who had command of us from Memphis to Mobile was John Flernoy. He was very tyrannical aud insulting to all the officers. We were very hungry, and tried to get permission to stop on the route and go in and get something to eat, aud pay for it ourselves, but he would not allow us to do so until we got to Mobile ; and there he allowed us to get some meals by paying for them ourselves, but issued no rations to us. From there we were put on board a boat, and went \\\s the Alabama River to Selma. At Selma, Alabama, the officers below the rank of captain, and the privates, were separated from us, and they went in a different directiou. We were taken to a place called Talladega, and kept there some two weeks ; aud there our rations were bread and molasses principally ; aud after we had been there two or three days, they brought in some straw for us to lay on, so that we were ((uite comfortable. We stayed there two weeks, and from there we were taken back to Selma, Alabama, under command of Colonel Kemp, who commanded the Forty-fourth Alabama. We were very well treated there for prisoners. We were keiit in very close confinement. He didn't allow us to approach the windows, or look out ; aud the guard had orders, although we were in the third story of the building, to shoot auy man who attempted to stick his head out of the wiudow ; and he notified us of the orders, so that none of us were shot. When we left there, wo went up to Montgomery, Alabama, where a number of our soldiers were, aud there we were per- mitted to go in and see some of them. Some of them were sick, and had been wounded before caiitured : and we found them in a very bad condition ; they were completely alive with vermin. Lots of them that Avere wounded laid there, although it was two months afterward, in the same bloody shirts that they had on when they were wounded; they never had been taken oft' or washed; they were dirty, lousy, and fairly stunk ; their hair was long. We bought some shirts and gave them to them, and told them to cut their hair. We were not permitted to stay but a short time, and we were taken from there to Atlanta, Georgia. We hadn't much reason to complain of our treatment at Atlanta ; we were there ten days or two weeks only ; while we were there they took some men out in sight of the prison, that were in the court-house, and 1054 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR iiiarclit'd thorn V)y tlie prison, right out in sight, and hung them ; we uuderstQod they Were I'.iuig as spies or bridge-burners ; we never knew who they were, or iiuything about it. We were taken from there to Madison, Georgia; there we were under the command ot a Captain Calhoun ; he was a nepheAv, or said he was, of John C. Calhoun ; we v.'ere tiicre about three mouths ; our (juarters were very dirtj-, greasy, and lousy ; the winclows liad all been broken; our rations eonsistedof bread and bacon, shoulders, and such things ; it was very old, very n, they seemed to have an idea that otlier trains had gone ahead of us and expressed themselves as though they had cai)tureattle- field. We never got any medical treatment scarcely ; when we were sick they said they had no medicine, and could not get it t)n account of the blockade; speaking of our treatment they would say they could not do any better on account of the block- ade: and then, when we would say to them if such was the case Ave thought the con- federacy Avas i)retty near gone up, they would say they liad i)lenty, enough to carry on the war for ten years. The character of our treatment, the food tliat Avas giA'en to us, and the scai'city of Avood and water, Avas knoAvu to the confederate officers ; they Avere in the prison fre(|uently, and saAv it, and knew it; they undertocd'C to make me build a bak<' oAeii. and Avere going to force me to do it; aa'c AVere very shoit of money, and I told them I Avould go out and ))uild an oven if they A\'ould pay me for it, but they Avould not do it ; the officer told me I had to go and build it anyAvay, but I did not do it ; they Avere Avell i)0sted; they kncAV just Avhat oiu* rations Avere, what the Avood Avas, Avliat the food Avas, and just Avhat arrangements we had for getting water and keeping ourselves clean, Avhile, at Talladega, the citizens got permission to bring us in a fcAV blankets, but they took them from us Avhen avc left tliere ; and there Avas a part of the time at Madison, Georgia, that Ave had blankets, but the soldiers, a good uumy of them, BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1055 were entirely naked, and tbey let them have some very coarse cotton shirts and drawers to hide their nakedness, bnt when they came to leave there they demanded them and made them strip them ott"; some of the men were almost entirely naked, and they would have been entirely if it had not been that they were making some trinkets that they got pernussion to sell, breast pins, bones and rings, and something of that kind, and in that Avay they bought some drawers to cover their nakedness ; had they depended at all on the care of the confederate authorities, they would have been entirely naked. After leaving Libby Prison we went to Aiken's Landing, where we were to be paroled ; they stripped numbers of our men almost entirely naked; some had just shirts and drawers, and some h.ad to put something around them to hide their nakedness ; we had to march fifteen miles from Richmond to Aiken's Landing, where transports were to take us down ; we lost one hundred and seventy-three men that were captured with us, and that never got out of prison, those I knew of, and there were a great many others I do not know what became of them. My ordinary weight before I was captured was one hundred and seventy-five pounds. Since then I have never weighed over one hundred and forty — generally one hundred and twenty. My health was nearly ruined in con- sequence of my treatment while a prisoner, and I never expect to regain it. W. E. GRAND ALL. St. Louis, Missouri, Xovemher 7, 1868. Chris. Schmidt sworn and examined. By Mr. Pile : I was a member of Company E, Nineteenth Iowa ; I reside at Keokuk, Iowa ; was capture a (piart. At that time it would take about $6 in confederate money to buy a dollar in greenback.s. When I Avent there it only took!i?4, but it kept getting worse, and when I came away it would take .$50. At the time I Avas captured 1 had a great many papers Avith me, and I managed to conceal what little nu)ney I had, inside of my shirt, together with a diary, from entries in which I haA'e testihed as to the main points given aboA"e, from memoranda made by m<' at the time. I think about the meanest man we had in com- mand of our prisoners was Colonel Broder. Allen was A'ery well liked. Broder's ad- jutant, Lieutenant McCann, Avasone of the hard ones. The officers in command of the prison were in and out; th»\y knew Avhat was going on in the prison. They couldn't fail to know what rations we Avere getting ; they were around through the camp cA'ery day, :>nd saw how Ave were clothed. We got clothing from the government twice Avhile Ave were there, onci- just before I came away, and a good deal of that was stolen, and I had an account of the amount. Once it came l>y way of Galveston and .Slirevei)ort. The majority of it got there, but a good portion of it was stolen. The lirst lot I helped to issue myself. October 5, there Avere twelve hundred pairs of shoes, shirts, drawers, and pants sent. The shirts fell short four huiulred, the shoes one hundred and twenty- tiA'e pair, and the ])ants fell short three hundred. The lot that came by way of Galves- ton fell short the most. McCann once struck a man in the the face Avithhisre- A'olver for not standing straight in line. Orderly Sergeant Sheridan, Com))any K, Eighty-seA^enth regiment Illinois, was killed on the march from Shreve]ioit to Tylei', by being dragged by a lariat attached to the pummel of a saddle, he being unable to keep up. G. S. GOODWIN. James S. Anderson sworn and examined. By Mr. Pile : I reside in Keokuk, loAva ; I was private in Company C, Nineteenth Iowa infantry when I was captured; I Avas captTued at Stei'ling Farm, near I^Iorganza Bend, on the 29th of September, 1863, by General Green's command ; I believe he was the commander at that time of the forces; there were almut six hundred of us captured together — the Nineteenth Iowa, the Twenty-sixth Indiana, and some mounted infantry — altogether I think, amounting to about six liundred. We were camped for three days upon the Atchafalaya River, during which time we had no rations until the end of the third day BY THE REBEL AUTnORITIFS. 1059 Then we hatl corn meal issued to us, with nothing to cook it in. From there we were taken to Alexandria, Louisiana, where we were coniined together in a court-house, up stairs, just as thick as we could be packed, and kept there, I think it was two days, if my memory serves me right. I think it was about eighty miles from our first camp to Alexandria, and I think we were marched at the rate of about thirty miles a day. On our mai'ch we had corn meal issued to us for rations, to the amount of about a pint to each man — pi-etty nearly a pint per day — with no means of cooking it. We had nothing but corn meal issued to us. We were in the court-house, I think, two days. When we were in the court-house they gave ns, I think, some corn bread. I think they issued to us, at one time, some corn bread. From the court-house we were taken np Red River to Shreveport — marched at the rate of between thirty and forty miles a day. Our guard was cavalry. For rations we had once or twice corn bread issued to us, but at other times corn meal and a very little meat, bacon, and a verj" small piece — say as large as your two fingers. At Shreveport we were kept two days ; I am not positive about the time. We were kept there in the vicinity of Shreveport on the open ground — no shelter at all. When we were there, we had for one day's rations issued to us of corn meal— pretty near a pint — and about the quantity of meat I mentioned. From there we were taken to Tyler, Texas, about one hundred and ten miles. We were marched at about the same rate as before. The weather was oppressive. On the march we had crackers issued to us on two or throe occasions, at the rate of about two a day to a man. We marched the distance in about four days. When we arrived at Tyler, Texas, we were four days without any thing to eat. At the end of the fourth day, we received the usual allow- ance of corn meal and bacon. When we first went to Camp Tyler, there was no camp at all. We were just camped right in the open Avoods. When were there about two weeks, they began to erect a stockade, consisting of pine timbei's, split in two, sixteen feet high in the clear; and when it was erected it was, as near as I can judge, about two hundred feer across the eud, and about five hundred feet on the side. Tliere was no shelter at all erected — no shield fron the sun, nor anything of the kind. After we had been there a little while, we were permitted to go out with guards and get wood, and we brought in brush. and erected sjiields from the sun ; and some would use the logs that we had brought in for fuel to erect houses to sleep under ; that is what we were permitted to do when we first went there. In this space that I have described above, there were six hun- dred of ns con fined. Afterward the stockade was enlarged, so as to enclose about four acres, and in that I have known as many as five thousand at one time. We were con- fined there, I think, until the 1st of December. During tliat time we had around us a strong guard posted about twenty feet apart. During this time, about the mid- dle of November, I think, while some of the men were carrying in wood, one of them, belonging to the Twenty-sixth Indiana, was shot down about sixteen feet inside of the stockade. This was while he was carrying in his allowance of wood from the outside ; and we were permitted to do that with the guard, and he at the same time had a guard with him, and had got inside. The same charge, being a Ijuck and ball, passed through this man, and wounded another in the arm. This was during Colonel Allen's command, and he, as a man, treated us very cruelly. There was a demonstration made by the j)risoners in consequence of this, and the guard was increased immediately, and re-enforcements were sent for. On the 4th day of December we were started for Shreveport, Louisiana, under the command of Lieu- tenant Alford, who was j)romoted on that same march to captain. At the time of marching there was snow and ice on the ground. When captured we were in light marching order, having on nothing but blouses, and our clothing was pretty nearly worn out wheu we were taken, being in the front so long. At the time of marching from Tyler to Shreveport on the 4th of Di'cember, about one-third were barefooted. We marched the entire distance in less than four days — one hundred and ten miles. On the inarch tlie order was issued to shoot any one that fell out of ranks. I heard him give that order myself. The amount of rations issued was about one-half a pint of corn meal to each man a day, with nothing at all to cook it in. Out of twenty- nine of lis we had a small pint cup, and we would take turns about during the night, and mix it up with water, and cook it in the ashes, and this cake we would put in our pockets and eat it during the marcli. On two occasions fresh meat was issued, with no salt for cooking it. There were beeves sent along with this Lieutenant Al- ford, but for some reasons, we didn't know what they were, they were not butchered. In regard to our resting on tlie march, we were not permitted to rest but very few times, and when we did rest it was upon the top of hills where no water could be had: and I have known this same Lieutenant Alford to ride through the water, on our march, in order to render it unfit to drink ; aud I heard him state myself that the damned Yankees shouldn't bo permitted to drink any. I watched the gentleman pretty close when I was on that march. All the water we got was what we could gather up in our hands, or whatever we would happen to have, on our march as wo were crossing a creek. Wlieu we arrived at a point a mile aud a half from .Shre\e- IJort we were put in some barracks they had commenced to make for their own.troops. 1060 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Son)e were without any cover, ami one or two were covered with loose hoards, and we were confined so closely that there was just sufficient room for us to sleep in those harracks hy crowding in alongside of each other. The ration there was a pint of meal to each man, and some fresh meat ; I couldn't state exactly how much ; it was generally a piece to each man ahout the size of your three tiugers. We were permitted to build fires between these barracks, which was, I snppose. about twelve feet wide and one hundred feet long, and the consequence was that it was so smoky that just about one half of the regiment almost lost their eyesight. There was one of raj^ company that did lose it ahnost completely. We were kept there during the winter, and under the command of the Frenchman who was there when we tirsl Avent there. We were for about two weeks allowed the limits of the camp, during a certain portion of the day. I would state that the treatment under tliis French- man was the best that he could do. I believe that his sympathies were with us. He hadu't command of us but a very short tinu\ The Frenchman was removed, and a Lieutenant Harrison put in command of us. His treatment was just as rigorous as he could make it. In March, when Jjanks was moving up Red River, we were marched back again to Camp Tyler in Texas. Oiir inarch Avas made in about three days. Our rations were just about as they were ou the march before, and the order was given, when we started on this march, to shoot any one that fell out of ranks. During that march one of the men was woin out entirely and crawled under a bridge, and being discovered was shot and wounded in his head. Also on that march a sailor by the name of John Brown, being entirely exhausted, was tied to the horn of a saddle of one of the guards by a lariat placed around his neck, l)y order of the lieuteuaut in command of our guard. I have forgotten his name. I think it was Spates ; and the order was given to trot the horse, and the lieutenant struck the man two or three times with his sword ; struck him over his head. They succeeded in getting him along, as far as I saw, by pulling him along by the head. We were placed in our old camping ground again under command of Colonel Allen. Our treatment there was about the same as it was before. The last of March or first April, I think it was, about that time anyhow, we wei'e again marched to Marshall, Texas, a distance of seventy-five miles, as near as I could tell. We were then caiiqied in the woods near Marshall, without any shelter, rations being about the same as before. I omitted to state one punish- ment while we were at Shreveport. One man, for asserting his rights in regard to some rations, was taken and bucked and gagged by the ofticer in command, Harrison. We were detained there until, I think, a1)out the first of June, when were marched again back to Tyler, where we found about five thousand men in the stockade; and we were again placed in the old camp without shelter, and we were without food again for two days, I think it was. It was during this time that quite a number of prisoners escaped at ditl'erent times, and Avere always hunted down by a pack of hounds they kept there for that purpose, and in several instances werc^ brought back in a mangled condition, badly torn by the dogs ; and it Avas abcmt this time that oni' Captain ReJ.d, of the Third Missouri caAalry, made his escape, and was ieea})tured, and ibr a number of oorly, with dirty rags. I was put into the stockade, aud sectioned off in a battalion, under General Winder. There were some twenty odd thousand men iu there then. The rations consisted of corn bread, rice, beans, aud stinking meat, twice a week. I have seen boys hung up there by the toes aud by the fore-liugers, as a mode of punishment. I also saw men shot fur attempting to pick up a crust of bread just over the dead-line. They usetl to call us " Yankee sous of bitches" and "Lincoln hireliugs," till we got irsed to it. I saw one man bayoneted wliile doing some work on the outside for Wirz. He didn't do it just as he wanted it, aud the guard drove a bayonet into him, so that he died. I was iu the hosjutal then, and could see it from where I lay. Our hospital diet consisted of cold water, rice, soup, and corn bread three times a week. This man who was bayoneted was brought iu the hospital where I was, aud died there. He was a carpenter, and didn't do his Avork to suit Wirz. He was from New Hampshire, Hillsboro County. I escaped from Auder- sonville after I had been there about six months, by tunneling out. Three of us got out at the same time. We started for the woods. The second day I was out I dis- covered bloodliounds were chasing me. I climbed a tree aud tliey ran by. Tlica I got down and Avent to a dai'key's cabin, and got some meat aud potatoes, corn bread, aud milk, and they also gave me all I could put iu my pockets. I started ou1> again, but the next day I was overtaken by two men on horseback, and was taken to Salisbury, North Carolina, and put in the Salisbury jail. There I was treated worse than at Au- dersonville. The rations were very scanty, not enough to satisfy hunger — a small piece of bacon, half as big as your linger, and a i>iece of corn breaJ, about half an inch thick and live inches square. I understood there was })leuty of bacon outside, several hun- dred pounds. The place where I was coutiued was small, dark, and filthy. 1 was a prisoner there six weeks, aud theu I was sent to our hues and exchanged. The corn bread we had was just like a rock. You could throw it at a stone wall and it wouldn't break. H. B. AGNES. Jeffersox City, Xovemher 14, 1868. Governor Thomas C. Fletcher sworu aud examined. By Mr. Pile : Question. State your name, present position, residence, and your experience in south- ern prisons. — Answer. My name is Thomas C. Fletcher ; am governor of Missouri ; aud resicle at Jefferson City. I was colonel of the Thirty-first Missouri at the battle of Chick- asaw Bayou, on the •2i)th of December, 18 i2. I was wounded aud captured there, aud taken to the city of Vicksburg aud put in jail. There were fourteen of us occupied a room a1)out ten by twelve. We were oflicers. We occupied that room, aud the privates lay Avithout a tent in the jail yard. 1 Avas sick while I Avas there. I AA'as not able to get any medicine. When 1 asked for medicine, a sergeant replied, " Y'^our nuister, Abraham Liucolu, won't allow us to have any medicint; down here." Some of my men, captured AAith me, got sick aud died. Anumg them Avas a man named Uiehardson, and I aui sat- isfied that he died for Avant of purgative mediciue. Our fooil consisted of bread, made of unsifted corn meal, aud boiled beef, and Avheu it was boiled it Avas gluey and gummy, and luilit to eat. I reuuiined at Vicksburg about tAvo months, aud Avas then taken to .Jack- sou, Mississippi. The Aveather was very cold. We Avere there put into an old bridge across Ptrarl River, part of Avhich had fallen down, the remainder had been built u\) for this purpose. We Avere Avithout Avood aud Avithout fire. It snowed the next day after Ave Avere put iu there. The next morning two or three men Avere carried out dead ; they died from exposure. They laid at the entrance of the Ijridge iud)uri(!d two or three days, ou the ground. During the time Ave Avere iu the bridge there Avas a heavy rise in ■ the river, aud there Avas grisat danger of the bridge being carried aAvay. We suffered there a great deal. Among the otficers in charge of the guards Averc; nu'u Avho Avere disposed to be kiud to us as far as they were aljle ; some of them I had knoAvn iu IMis- souri and elseAvhere, particularly Cai)tain Nayler, of Arkansas, (he Avasag('utlemau, and diecame noised abroad among citizens, many of whom were Union at that time, and deprecated Todd's course. Todd pretended the wounding was accidental, and sent a brother mason to hush it up with Whiteomb, who was also a mason ; but the sergeant would not permit so despicable use to be made of masonic influence. Todd issued instructions to shoot prisoners seen with arms or heads out of windows. The buildings were closed on the lower floors ; four stories high, and surrounded by guards ; no escape being practicalde by the windows. This order rendered it unsafe to stand near a window, and furnished a ccmvenient excuse for repeated malicious flrings into the building by drunken or evil-ujinded guards. Hardly a day passed when a sentinel was not detected endeavoring to get a shot at a prisoner. The windows within his view would have to be avoided until he was relieved. Privates Gleason, Buck, and Tibbetts were killed, and others wounded, in consequence of Todd's order ; none of them were leaning out of windows, although Gleason was near one, unsusiiiciously looking out. Todd exonerated the murderer from blanu". The press noticed these episodes as "retributive justice," or, flippantly, as " accidents." In those days we impaneled our own juries, and treasured verdicts for future publi- cation. Todd's systematic vjUainy was manifest in an order, (which he repeatedly refused to modify,) preventing access to the privies after 9 o'clock at night. There were six hun- dred men in our building ; during the day two were allowed out at a time. I have seen seventy to eighty men in line, awaiting their turn, some waiting for hours each day. During the allotted time only one-third of the inmates of the building would get a chance to visit the sinks, so great was the crowd. At night none could go. There were always from fifty to seventy-five sick, who were not allowed to go to liosi>ital, but were treated in the prison. The sufferings of some of these were fearful, and the persistent efforts of the well were dii'ected each morning to cleaning the floors and stairways, which were rendered filthy beyond description. Many men became habitu- ated to disregarding nature's requirements for a week and even ten days. An epidemic was constantly apprehended. Occasionally a humane oflicer of the guard would take the responsibility of diso- beying Todd's infamous order ; but detection was the general result of such clemency, and the order was reissued more stringently than ever. From obvious motives many would prefer to dwell on other and perhaps minor treat- ment ; in reading of hardships of pnsoners I do not see much said on this point, but from what I can learn privately, there was persistent neglect on the part of the rebel authorities in attending the commonest requirements of decency in this respect. Let the hideous lact stand forth, along with all others, and inhumanity be punished without distinction of ranlc or family. Generally speaking, in regard to treatment in 1861 and 1862, there was nothing that I could discover indicating au intention on the part of the rebel war de})artment to inflict unusual severities upon prisoners of war, although there was palpable neglect. Provisions were about the same as furnished their own soldiers. Clothing was not expected ; a great deal was smuggled in by Unionists. Ill-treatment seemed to come from individuals ; we could not escape the refined tor- ture of such men as Todd and Wirz. Todd was relieved after al)out two months' duty, and a humane man, Major George Gibbs, took his place. Major Gibbs ameliorated the state of atfairs by all means in his power, even permit- ting donatif)ns from Union people to enter the prison. Respectfully submitted. JAMES GILLETTE. Mayor's Office, City of Mobile, Mobile, Alabama, October 26, 1867. James Gillette, being duly sworn, deposes and says that the foregoing statement is true of his own knowledge and belief. [SEAL.] G. HORTON, Mai/or. Statement of Salome Marsh, of Baltimore, Maryland. I was captured at the battle of Winchester, Virginia, with General Milroy's com- mand, on tlie loth day of June, 186:5, and taken to Libby Prison, Richmond, Virginia. When we first arrived there the rations were tolerably fair; they consisted of about twelve ounces of wheat bread, four ounces of beef, and a small quantity of rice j)er BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1067 day. This only lasted for a few weeks, when they quit giving us wheat bread, and gave us corn, which was of a very coarse character. Our meat was reduced to about three rations per week, in fact, we were sometimes without meat for two weeks at a time, and then it was in such small quantities that it was but little iise to us ; the meat was of a very inferior kind; our surgeons (who were held as prisoner's at that time) after a careful examination pronounced some of it mule meat. This treatment soon had its elfect among the prisoners, as disease such as dropsy, scrofula, &c., was the result, and many brave soldiers of our army fell victims to these fatal diseases. Some time during the latter part of the fall of 1863 we were iiermitted to receive boxes containing provisions, &c., from home; this was continued for four or five weeks, when, to our utter astonishment, after the rebels had accumulated several thousand, boxes that were sent to us from our friends, they refused to deliver them to us, and either appropriated them for their own use or else permitted tliem to spoil in the ware- house. We often remonstrated with the commander of the prison and others in author- ity about our treatment, and otiered to feed ourselves without any expense to them, if they would only give us the privilege of getting things from home; the only reply we received was our treatment was good enough. We sent a commuuicatioa to Mr. Ould, the rebel connnissioner for the excliauge of prisoners, stating the facts in regard to our treatment ; his reply was that we weie as well treated as his ^irisoners were by our government. Some of the rebel members of congress visited us during the winter of 1863 ; they saw the condition we were in, and admitted that it was bad ; they prom- ised relief, but no relief came. Three officers of my own regiment died while I was there ; their names were Captain John T. Gleason, Captain Charles A. Holton, and Surgeon H. L. Pierce. I am satisfied that these officers died from the efiects of bad treatment and want of proper nourishment. I was taken sick with dropsy and sent to the hospital; remained there several weeks. The sick were moved to a building some three squares from Libby Prison ; they had previously occupied a room in the prison. This new hospital was fixed very comfortably ; one department was for the officers, and the remainder of the building was for the enlisted men. At this hospital I had fre([Ueiit opi)ortuuities of seeing the condition of our men who were brought from Belle Isle. I have seen a squad of fifty or sixty men brought in late in the evening, and by the next morning there would be ten or twelve dead ; their appearance wheii brought to the hospital was terrible ; they were emaciated, and the most dejected looking crea- tures I ever beheld to be human beings. Some of them were idiotic ; their whole ap- pearance indicated that they Avere in a state of starvation. Tottering from debility, they would reach out their hands with spasmodic exertion to grasp a morsel of food ; some of them would die while in the act of eating. I was present when oneof our offi- cers asked the assistant surgeon in charge of the hospital the cause of these men look- ing so badly; his reply was, " It was caused l)y improper treatment, and the want of uourisliment." We fared tolerably wi'll while at this hospital, but our comfort was only for a short duration, as an opportunity was soon atibrded these miscreant rebels to work out their vengeance upon us. After we had been there about three or four weeks, two officers succeeded in escaping from the hospital ; as a punishment for this the sick and wounded officers were sent back to Libby Prison, and placed in a wet room, without blankets or anything to lie on except the wet floor. Many of those offi- cers were in a dying condition ; they were compelled to remain thirty-six hours in this situation without a morsel of food or nourishment. One Of the officers appealed to Major Turner, the commander of the prison, to have some compassion on the sick and dying men ; he replied, " Their treatment was too dammed good for them." In the win- ter season we sufi:ered intensely from the cold ; there was no sash in the windows ; many of the prisoners were without blankets and poorly clad ; many of them were compelled to sell their clothes and blankets to purchase food. The guards had orders to shoot any of us who approached the windows. Several of the officers were shot while I was there ; I remember of three parties being shot, but cannot recollect their names. One man was shot while in the sink, the ball taking efiect in the ear of the party ; an- other shot in the cook-room, the ball striking him on the shoulder; another shot was fired at Major White, of one of the Pennsylvania regiments ; the ball missed him, passed through the floor, and struck a man on the arm who was in the story above. This was the state of afi'airs during my imprisonment, which was nearly ten months. On" the 24th day of March, 1864, I was released from prison, and returned home. I was under medical treatment for a long time after my return ; in fact, it is only Avithiu the last few months that I begin to feel the vigor of health return as it was in years pre- vious to my captivity. SALOME MARSH, Lafe Lieutenant Colonel Fifth Maryland Volunteers. B.VLTIMORE, Maryland, August 12, 1867. 1068 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR ■ Statement of William J. Putton, of Little Rock, Arkansas. I was captain of Company K, First Arkansas loyal" caA^alry. Two men of my com- pany, James Eckels and Joshna Day, were captured by the rebel forces at Prairie Grove, in December, 1862. Thej^ were reported to General Hindman, who ordered them shot, on the charge that they were traitors to the State. The order was executed. WiM. J. PATTON. Little Rock, Arkansas, February 10, 1868. Statement of H. C. McQuiddij, of Gallatin, Tennessee, I was captured May 3, 1863, with Colonel A. D. Streight, near Rome, Georgia ; was sent to Libby, Richmond, Virginia; reached Libby on the 16th of May, 1863 ; left on May y, 1864. Of my treatment while in Libby, the most that I have to say is that if the paAgs of hunger ever ceased to gnaw at my vitals, I had to thank others than the rebels. I can truthfully say that /or »(oh^/(s ja^ /(»« pris- oners, as a warning. He then had him coufiued in the stocks for ten days iu the hot sun. I was removed to Florence, South Carolina, which was much worse than Auder- souville. DEXTER D. KEITH. Randolph, Massachusetts, July 27, 1867. Statement of Jacob L. Greene, of nitsfeld, Massachusetts, late major and assist((nt adjutant general United States volunteers. I was captured at Trevillian Station, Virginia, .Tune 11, 1864; was stri]ti)ed of all valnabh's; moved IVoui place to ])lace, ariiviug at Lil)by Prison, in Richmond, Virginia, on the 2UtIi of June, the rations furnished l)eing entirely inadeiiuate to tlie demands of nature. I ibuud means to communicate with (kilonels Litchfield and Cook who, with several other officers, were confuied in an exceedingly narrow and h)athsonu' cell, with an equal ninuber of negroes. The ration for each day consisted of half a i)int of beau or black-pea soup, full of filth and vermin, a bit of bacon, and corn bre.ad made of very coarse meal, badly cooked. From Libby I was sent to Macon, Georgia, Avhere there were BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1069 two thousand officere confined. Tlu've was partial shelter for about six or seven hun- dred. The ration for ten days for each officer was eiglit pints of corn meal, ground up corn and cob together, a small cup of rice, the same of cow peas, and about ten ounces of bacon. The bacon was so spoiled as to be infested with maggots, and of a taste and odor insupportable to any but famishing men. The utensils for cooking were so scarce as to make it impossible for all to cook the miserable rations furnished. There was much actual suffering owing to this cause. The supply of fuel was bardly one pound per day of pine wood to a man, entirely insufiScient to have cooked our food even if we had proper cooking utensils. The food was consequently eaten in a half raw state, producing indigestion and diseases of the bowels and stomach. The strono-est consti- tutions soon gave way under sxich abuse. Here, as elsewhere, facilities wei-e aftbrded those who had money to purchase food. The fortunate ones who had money for a little while wer(; in better condition than those who had not. In Octol>er, after haviag been some time in Charleston, under fire of our own guns, we were sent to Macon, Georgia. We were placed in an open field on the top of a hill west of the city. During the ten weeks I remained there no shelter of any kind was furliished. On two sides of the field there were forests. At certain hours the guard lines were extended, and we allowed from half to three-quarters of an hour to get fuel. Six axes were issued, and two of them taken from us the same day, leaving Itut four axes for fifteen hundred men. "With such limited means, it was', of course, almost impossilde to obtain even fuel for cooking. During the whole time I was at this prison camp no ration of meat of any kind was issued. Nothing was issued but corn meal of the poorest finality, in less quantities than at the other prisons, with a little salt, and an occasional spoonful of rice, and sorghum molasses of a quality which made it an excellent cathartic. Insufficient diet and exposiu'e to the Aveather, witii the great des- titution of covering and clothing, made frightful havoc among us. Disease broke out, and it was only a question of endurance as to who would live or die. It was famine and exposure, without a finger raised by the rebel authorities to mitigate our suffer- ings. Every appeal for shelter or food was refused, and every expostulation answered with the undoubted statement: "We are ohcijing orders.'' To many of the subordinate oiflcers in charge of us I can but give credit for a real desire to make us comfortable; but they solemnly assured us that it was beyond their power — "their orders could not be exceeded." By dint of hard labor we had contrived to construct partial shelter for a part of our number; but in the cold freezing weather of November and December I have seen over three hundred of our number lying on the bare ground, without a rag between them and heaven, manyof them without a blanket, and with only a part of a suit of clothes, sick and starving. As soon as we had begun to get shelters erected the rebels threatened to remove us unless we gave our paroles not to attempt to escape. Escapes were frequently attempted, but often failed, owing to the debilitated condition of the men. Many were brought back by bloodhounds, a pack of which was kept to hunt us. They Avere taken around the grounds every morning to beat up a trail. Some were shot, some torn to death by the dogs, and a few got through. Several men were wantonly shot by the prison guard, who received no punishment therefor, but, on the contrary, were rewarded. The officer in command was Lieutenant Colontd Means. At Charleston, after I was paroled, I saw enlisted men from ]Milleu, Georgia, and other prisons, who had been starved into complete idiocy, and had lost all sem- blance of manhood. I do not hesitate to say, from personal observation and experi- ence, that the rations furnished by the rebel authorities were entirely insufficient, both in quantity and quality, to sustain life. That this was at the motion, not of the local prison commanders, but of those high in authority, and at the head of the executive depart- ments, is clear to me from the frequent and solemn affirmations of those in innnediatc charge, and further from the fact that our condition was well known to the authorif i;'s. General Winder's sou was for some time in command of the prison at Macon. Memorials were made to Jefferson Davis on the subject. There was food to be had, for it was for sale to those who had money, and we were where it could be most easily obtained. The I)ower of the confederate authorities was sufficient to bring food for its soldiers, while we were starving. I have given but an imperfect outline of our suffering. Starvation, with its terrible physical consequences and mental derangement, cannot be described. Only those who have passed through the ordeal can have any conception of what words are too weak to express. Impressions are not evidence, but I desire to state what I do as fully believe is justified by the evidence as any demonstrated fact, that the rebel authorities did, with full intent to destroy the lives and health of the prisoners, delib- erately starve them, issuing such food and in such quantities as to render death ouly a question of time, and that not of long duration. The facts, in brief, are : The prisoners did starve; they knew it; knowing, they continued it; they might, without any extraor- dinary effort, have furnished a sufficiency of good, wholesome food, and they'wantonly exposed them to the inclemency of the weather. These facts are notorious. The only^ conclusion tvhich can be drawn is that tliei/ are guiliy of deliberate and premeditatel murder. JACOB L. GREENE, Late Major and Assistant Adjutant General U. S. V. PiTTSFiELD, Massachusetts, August 21, 1867. 1070 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Statemoit of David C. Median, of West Diixhitrtj, MaKsarluinettn, lafc a jiriratc Company E, Eujhtventh MassachmeUs infantry. I was captured at the battle of the Wilderness, in May, 1864. I was ten months at Andersonville and Florence. There is so much of horror, miseiy, and snftering connected with my experience that it would be impossible for me even to give an outline of it. I have seen some quotations from the testimony in the Wirz trial, and I never saw a misstatement or exaggeration ; in fact, no man could tell half the brutality practiced at Andersonville. Hundreds of poor fellows, i-educed to mere skeletons, moving about to get their pint of cob meal, some on their hands and knees, many of whom I have seen eat it raw. their excessive hunger not allowing them to wait until tliev could cook it. Thousands of such scenes are fresh in my mind. How I lived through it, God oulv knows. DAVID C. MEGHAN. West Duxbury, Massachusetts, August 26, 1867. Statement of C. W. Farl^er, of Bolton, Massachusetts, late first sergeant Company I. Sixteenth Co n n cctic u t volun teers. I was captured at Plymouth, North Carolina, and kept a prisoner ten months. An account of the sutferiugs experienced and witnessed by me would fill a book. I was in the prisons at Andersonville, Charleston, and Florence. I was occasionally outside of the stockade and at Wirz's head(iuarters. and assert that the current accounts of the punishments intlicted and the cruelties practiced are reliable. During the winter of 1864 and 1865 I was in the prison at Florence, It was uiuler the connnand of I^ieu- tenant Colonel Iverson, and his worse than brute subordinate. Lieutenant llarrett. of the Fifth Georgia reginu^nt. The treatment was in many respects far worse than at Andersonville. In the matter of rations, wantonly shooting prisoners, inllictiou of kicks and blows upon the sick by the officers when inside of the stockade. lia\ing been in lu)th prisons, I may safely risk my word in saying they were far worse than at Andersonville. I was beaten on the head with a club, by order of Lieutenant Barrett, which came near ending my life. We were at one time one hundred days without meat of any kind. I have seen prisoners shot for asking the guard for a chew of tobacco. A comrade of mine, a mere boy, the son of a widowed mother, was shot because he was too weak to get to the sink. When emaciated by disease and starva- tion to such an extent that it seemed impossible for me to recover, I was sent through the lines, to be exchanged. C. W. PARKER. BoLTOX, Massachusetts, August 26, 1867. \Siatemcnt of Myron TV. Tilson, of South ITanxon, Massachusetts, late ensign in the United Sta tes rol u n trei n arij. I was capt ured at Murroll's Inlet, South Carolina, with fourteen sailors. I was robbed of all the personal ))roperty in my possession ; was jilaced in charge of G(>neral White, who consoled me with the thought that it was lucky for us that we were not all mur- dered. The men Were forced to march, with their hands tied behind their backs, to Georgetown. South Carolina, where we received the first foi>d during forty-eight hours. We were sent to Charleston, South Carolina, delivered over to Captain Geyer, and lodged in jail. We were contined thus for three weeks. We were given about three (piarts of cracked corn, boiled, and four small bottles of water, per day, for fifteen men. I was sent to Columbia, South Carolina. This post was comnnimled by Major C. D. Melton, after- ward by Colonel (ireen. Captain Harris, of Fonrth Tennessee cavalry, was here con- fined in irons, as he was for two years, under sentence; of death, which, however, was never carried into effect. After remaining in Ccdumbia about three weeks, all the non- commissioiu'd officers and privates were sent first to lielle Isle and aft».'rward to the slaughter i)en at Andersonville. nniler command of the nionster Wirz, where, in four months, under the starvation ixijiey, eleven of my fourteen men, captured with me, dieil. While at Cobunbia all the privates that were then there, some forty or fifty, were placed in irons for refusing to clean up the filth and dirt made l)y the confederate conscripts. Thej" were finally compelled to obey the degrading order to escape starva- tion. MYRON W. TILSON, Late Ensign United Stales Volunteer Navy. South Hanson, Massachusetts, Sejptemier 30, 1867. BY THE REP.EL AUTHORITIES. 1071 Statement of John Coiinelli/, of Conwaii, ^fus.saclin-sctts, late a private of Company E, Fiftij- ncrenlh AlaxnudtnHettn volunteers. I was capturotl at Spottsylvaiiia Couit IIoii.sc, Virj>-inia, ^lay 11, 18()4. We were kept three rlay.s at the railroad deiiot, after having been robbed ofclothiiiji-, iii()iie\-, pocket- knives, tobacco, and whatever our captors desired in our possession. During tlie tlireo days we received one ear of green corn for each man. We were sent to liibby Prison, where we remained seven weeks, and were then sent byiail to Andersonville, in freight ears, sixty-five; men in each. \\'e were seven (hiys on tlieroad. From liad treatment and want of food, many died on tlie way, wlio were t lirown out and left by the road-side. I was kept in the same ear, and was let out but once iluring the seven days. Five men died in tlie ear 1 was in. I was kcjtt in Andersonville three mouths. Ofthesutferingsandpriva- t ions there 1 cannot write. The worst that has l)een told fails to give a coneet idea of what we sulfered. We could not have suffered more ; it was worse than death. I, with otluus, was paroled in .South (Carolina; a few of us let out at a time. We had to make our way, as best we could, to the Union linos. The negroes were our oidy friends ; they gaVe us the best they had. JOHN CONNELLY. Conway, Massachusetts, OctoVer 4, 1867. Statement of Freeman S. Bowhiii, of Sprhuifield, Masmeliuseits, late first lieutenant in the Thirtietli (Jniled States eolored infantry. I was captured July oO, 1804, at Petersliurg. I have been eonlined at Petersburg, Danville, (ireenslioro, Charlotte, Raleigh, Goldsboro, Salisbury, Richland jail, and Co- lumbia. I know of the death of one ollicer who was hunted down with Idoodhounds ; of two officers shot down Avhen m)t near t he dead-line ; of a jirivate of an Ohio regiment Avho was shot after being recaptur(;tured November 29, 18G3, and at once taken to Belle Isle. On that is](> I suffered from cold, starvation, vermin, and filth, l>eyond my i)ower of descrii)tion. I was sent from Belle Isle to Andersonville. In nutking this trip of six or seven hundred miles, tha-rt on sWcct potatoes; wlien these couhl not be found, on whatever 1 could find in the woods and fields. 1 was con- nected with th(i small-pox hospital at Andersonville, and know how the sick were treated and the nuidicine they received. I could give details of the treatment of prison- ers, about the amount and (piality of tlui rations, how issued, Iiow we were ileprived of food whole days at a time, of our ujcager supply of wood, how we were cr(>wded into the smallest possible space that would contain us, and the general neglect and indif- ference manifested toward us while we were within sight of .letfcison Dnvis's house and almost under the shadow of the "stars and bars" which Haunted from the rebel capitol. I have seen siicli demonstrations of loyalty from men who had suffered every- thing but death when asked to enlist in the rebel ranks as would make the tears start from your eyes. c. m. smith. Conway, Massachusetts, October 7, 18G7. 1072 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Statement of Francis McCabe, of BaJJnrcWlle, Mai^sacluifictts, late imvate Company H, First Massachusetts heavij artiUery. I was captured October 27, 1864, at Hatch's Rnn. Was confined in Liljby Prison four months. When captui'ed I was severely wounded in right Icnce. Was kept three days without food before being sent to the hospitah I was kicked three times by Ser- geant Stencel because unable, in my wounded condition, to get out of the way. Was robbed of all my money and most of my clothes. FRANCIS McCABE. Ballardville, Massachusetts, November 4, 1867. Statement of Nathaniel Burnham, of Ipsivich, Massachusetts, I was a private Company D, Fortieth Massachusetts volunteers. Was captured at Donahlsonvillc, Louisiana, July 13, 1863. Was kept three days without food. We were robbed of everything we had of any value. Were marched out! hundred miles, with nothing given us to eat on the way but such as we could gather in the tields and by the roadside. I complained to the officer in charge of us that we were starving. He replied, " There are more ways to kill men than by powder and lead." As the result of mv treatment, it was over a year before I was able to do an ordinary dav's work. NATHANIEL BURNHAM. Ipswich, Massachusetts. Statement of Simon Hardy, of Naticlc, Massachusetts, I was a corporal of Company I, Thirty-ninth Massachusetts volunteers. Was cap- tured on the Weldon railroad August 19, 1864, and was a prisoner seven months. Was marched to Richuioud, where we were stripped naked and searched for valuables, which were all taken from us. Was kept at Belle Isle four weeks. The allowance of food was entirely too small when issued, and was often withheld ou the slightest pretext. AVas taken to Salisbury in freight cars packed to their utmost capacity. Was kept in the open air three months. Were without bread or meat of any kind very frequently, having nothing but a i>int of rice soup. This place was connnanded by Major Gee. 1 suffered everything yjossible, except death, for food, shelter, and clothing ; when released I was attacked by a fearful sickness, caused by ill-treatment while a prisoner, from which 1 have never fully recovered. Men were shot dead with the slightest provocation. Five thousand and forty-six men died at this prison in five months. They died by scores every day, and were carried out as logs of wood, jnled on a wagon like dead hogs, and buried in a continuous ditch. SIMON HARDY. Natick, Massachusetts, October 27, 1867. Statement of Marcus P. Russell, of West Hanover, Massachusetts. I was corporal of Company K, Thirty-eighth Massachusetts A'oluuteers. Was taken prisoner October 19, 1864, at battle of Cedar Creek, Virginia. We were robbed of our shoes, hats, knives, money, &c., as soon as captured. M'e were hurried into line with many a curse, and were beaten with muskets and clubs by the guard. We were marched to Richmond. Men beaten and bayoneted to make them keep U]), while too sick, were shot down when they fell out. We were put into a building op])osite Libby Prison. Our first order was to fall into line to be counted. We were pounded into places to suit the fiends in charge of us. We were then made to strip off our clothing, which they .searched thoroughly, taking away everything they found, and, in many in- stances, even the clothing itself This was done by order of the provost marshal. We were couA-eyed to Salisbuiy in cattle-cars which had not been cleaned out ; but our sufferings had hardly begun ; our first night at Salisbury we were without shelter in a fearful storm, cold, wet, and hungry, no fire to warm by, shot at and abused by the guard for violating rules, which we knew nothing of Night, with the groans of the sick and dying, past away, to reveal a sight by daylight of greater horror. The ground was strewn with the dead and dying sunken in the mud. In this den men were shot for picking u]) the sweepings "of the cook-house. Were shot at night while going to attend^to the calls of nature ; shot for getting too near the fence ; and threatened with death if we complained of our treatment. The hospital department of the prison was BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 1073 very small ; many died in the tents, with uotliing but the cold ground for a bed Their comrades could do nothiug for them for they were in like condition. Some would crawl from their shelters but to die. Many died from freezing, in addition to starva- tion. Our rations, issued by order of Major Gee, was a half pound of bread per day ; meat three times per mouth ; molasses twice per month ; occasionally rice and vine- gar. We had no conveniences or opportunity for washing our clothes. I have gathered bones and charred them in the fire so that I could eat them to satisfy hunger. MARCUS P. RUSSELL. West Hanover, December 12, 1867. Statement of L. L. Smith, of Boston, Massachusetts. My experience is that of thousands. I was first lieutenant of Company G, Fourteenth New York cavalry. Was captured at .Jackson, Louisiana, June 13, 1863, together with tliree officers and one hundred and fifty enlisted men. We (the officers) were taken to Libby Prison and the enlisted men to Belle Isle. Major Turner was our jailer. The prison guard seemed to enjoy the privilege of shooting into the prison at pleasure. Several were wounded, and an Ohio officer killed while reading a paper near a window. Our rations were poor and scant, but superior to those issued to our men on Belle Isle. In May, 1864, I was removed to Macon, Georgia, commanded by Captain Tabb ; was turned into the fair grounds without shelter ; remained six weeks, and was sent to Cliarleston, South Carolina; confined in the jail with convicts ; United States oiilicers being considered fit associates for thieves and murderers. In September was sent to Columbia, South Carolina. Several men were shot at this camp for inadvertently ap- proaching too near the dead-line. Some three liundred attempted to escape from this prison, most of whom were recaptured by bloodhounds kept for the purpose. During the nearly two years I was held as a prisoner, at several prisons, I saw suffering and starvation in its most fearful forms among the Union prisoners and suffered in common with them. L. L. SMITH, Late Lieutenant Company G, Fourteenih New York Cavalry. Boston, Massachusetts, Kovembm- 21, 1867. Statement of George W. Anderson, of Kingfield, Maine. I was a private in the Sixteenth Maine volunteers. Was twice captured. First at Gettysburg, July 1, 1863, together with one hundred and twenty-five oflcers and three thousand enlisted men. Marched to Richmond, one hundred and seventy-five miles. No rations were issued to us from July 1 to the 4th, then we were given one pint of liour and a little fresh beef, with no salt or means to cook it. If we stepped out of the ranks for any purpose we were bayoneted by the guard. We were robbed of our blankets, money, and other private property. Our rations at the Belle Isle, where we were taken, was half a pound of bread and one iiint of slop called bean soup. I was again captured August 19, 1834, on the Weldon railroad. Was taken to Libby Prison and robbed of monej", clothing, tobacco, and everything of value in our possession. W^e were confined on Belle Isle five weeks ; the I'ations same as before. From Belle Isle were sent to Salisbury, North Carolina ; were three days on the way entirely with- out food. No shelter was given us. We had one stick of wood ten feet long by ten inches through given us for ten men ; this we had to split with wooden wedges and stones, and made a saw of an old case-knife. Many had their feet frozen so badly that they had to be amputated. The ration was less and of poorer quality than at Belle Isle. From fifteen to twenty men died every day. They were taken by the head and heels and thrown into a wagon like dead hogs, and were buried in a long ditch. GEORGE W. ANDERSON, New Portland, Maine, August 4, 1867. Statement of Horace Burhank, of Limerick, Maine. I was a captain Thirty-second Maine volunteers. Was captured July 30, 1864, in front of Petersburg, and was sent to Columbia, South Carolina. After we were captured we were robbed of watches, money, and pocket-knives. Those who had good boots, hats, H. Rep. 45 68 1074 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR or coats, were stripped of them ; at night they took our cauteeus from those who had them, eveu the wounded. In August one pint of meal was issued to us per day, this was gradually decreased in quantity and quality until we received Imt three pints for live days, which appeared as if ground cob and corn together. During August wo had one-sixth of a pound of bacon per nmu, after that none at all was issued ; occasionally we had a little salt and sorghum molasses. The bacon issued to us was usually so full of skippers that we had to dissect it carefully and scrape it before eating. I have seen potato parings and gristle, thrown away by some of those who were fortunate enough to have means to buy food, eagerlj^ devoured by the less fortunate. I sold buttons from my clothing, my hat, &c., to buy bread. Manj^ would sell boots, vests, suspend- ers, &.C., to buy something to eat. I have been unable for weeks to go to the washing trough on account of weakness j)roduced by scurvy sores, caused by want of whole- some food. HORACE BURBANK, Late Captain ThirTy -second Maine Volunteers. Limerick, Maine, Xovemier 1, 1867. Statement of George A. Manning, of Milford, Maine. I was captain of Company M, Second Massachusetts cavalry. Was taken prisoner near Eectortowu, Virginia, February 22. 18o4. On the "iGth we arrived at Orange Court House, and were taken before General J. E. B. Stuai't, where I asked for rations for myself and men ; we had nothing to eat for thirty-six hours. General Stuart paid no further attentiou to my request than to tell me that he thought we could stand it until we got to Libby Prison. That uiglit we were placed in cars tor Richmond ; the car in which 1 was put was marked " small-pox car." Being wounded and unable to walk 1 was carried by my men to Libby Prison. The enlisted men were put into a building nearly ojiposite, commonly called Castle Lightning. Our rations were not sufficient in quantity to sustain life, and of such quality, infested by worms and nuiggots, that none but starving men would eat them. 1 have known the guard on several occasions to lire into the jn-ison, once killing Lieutenant Forsythe ; at another time shooting through the hat of a lieutenant known as "Imboden." Several bonces were sent to m(^ by my friends in the North, who took advantage of the arrangement made for that purpose, but one of them reached me and that robbed of all the most valuable and needed articles. I was removed to Danville and kept four days in a tobacco warehouse. We were fed on wormy rice soup. From Danville we were sent to Macon, Georgia. I wiU not attempt to describe the horror of that four days' coutiuement in the tight box-cars. Our sufferings were intense; but little water was furnished us even while lying in Augusta over night. I cannot even now think of the horror of that trip without shud- dering. On our arrival in Macon we were marched into a i)en on the fair grounds, where we were kept nearly three mouths. There was no improvement in the rations. The guards at Macon tireil into the pen a luimber of times; at one time killing a lieu- tenant of a New York regiment at a. spring ; om; of the rebel detectives, who was near the lieutenant, said it was a williul murder, and reported the case to Captain E. Jvamp Tabb, who was in command. There was no action taken about the matter by the authorities. I was among the number sent to Cluirlestou and placed under tire of our guns. Our ratious were awiul, Ijeyoud description, iu (piautity and tpuility. In Octo- ber we were removed to Coluiubia, South Carolina. We Avere allowed no shelter and were not given wood enough to cook the meagtsr rations furnished. I had not yet re- covered from my injuries and sutfered much from exposure, being forced to sleep on the bare ground. 1 have not yet, nor tlo 1 expect to ever fully recover from my exiiosnre; it made me a cripple for life. Several officers were killed" in Columbia by the guard tiring on them. One of them, Lieutenaut Turbine, was killed close by me. I have every reason to believe that 1 would have died of starvation if I had not found means to purchase food in adilition to the rations issued. GEORGE A. MANNING, Late Captain Company M, Second Maine Cavalry. Milford, Maine, December 23, 1867. Statement of Charles 0. Brown, late First Lieutenant Company K, Thirty-first Maine Volun- teer Infantry, Moro, Maine. 1 was captured July 30, 1864, in the Jiction before Petersl)urg succeeding the ex- plosion of the mine. 1 was taken at once to a place about half a mile from the city of Petersburg ; remained there during the night in company with about sixty other BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1075 officers ami four or five hunclrcd privates captured at the same time, about oue-tbird of wlioui were colored. Probably oue-tbird of the colored prisoners were wounded, some quite seriously. During the night all the colored prisoners not wounded Avere taken by a guard and carried to the liont to work on intrenchmeuts, as they informt-d us. The next morning (Sunday) we were ordered to form a line, each lile consisting of two officers aud two negroes. In this manner we were marched four abreast through all the principal streets of the city under a burning sun, subjected to all man- ner of insults the enraged poxiulace were capable of giving ; and be it borne in mind that all the negroes were wounded, as those taken during the night to work on in- trenchments were not returned to our squad. In many cases the negroes were hardly able to walk, and in such case we \vere ordered to support them. After marching about the city for several hours, we were halted for the night upon a small island in the A])pomattox, I think, near the city. At dark there was issued to us a small amount of hard bread and bacon. The cakes were nearly of the size issued to our troojis. We received throssessed taken, even rings and photographs. From Petersburg we were conveyed to Columbia, South Cai'oliua, and there contined in Columbia jail. There w^e joined other prisoners previously captured, making in all about one huudred. We occu- liied two stories of the jail, a building about forty by tifty feet. Had the liberty of yard and pump half an hoiu" twice each day. Our rations per day here consisted of one pint of corn meal, one ounce (often less) of bacon, at lirst a very small quantity ot tlonr and soap, and at all times salt. There were kitchens adjoining the jail where two or th'-ee of the officers were allowed to cook the rations. About a month after our capture the issue of V)acon was stopped aud sorghum molasses issued in larger qifanti- ties than w^e could use, from the fact tliat when eaten with the coru bread an un- healthy condition of the stomach ensued — so much so that many could not eat it at all. xibout three months after entering the confederacy the issue of tlour was stopped ex- cept at intervals, when a corresponding reduction was made in the issue of corn meal. Aljout th(^ 12th of December, 18154, we were removed from the jail to Asylum Camp ; this was during very cold weather. Here we joined nearly a thousand other prisoners from Camp Sorghum. Many of tis were several days without shelter, some of those from other cami)S having old tents. We were told that lumber woitld be furnished to build Ijarracks suthcient for all. Enough was furnished to build barracks lor about three hundred. The order was then countermanded and no more lumber furnished. A few condemned tents were then given us — not sufficient, however, to I'l'otect all, except at nights, when we all managed, by crowding, to slee[» in them. From January until our exchange, March 1, 1865, our rations were constantly decreased. About this time we were allowed to ol)taiii confederate money by giving bills of exchange ; and had it not been for this, I am contident the amount of rations we received would not have been sufficient to have preserved life. No blankets or clothing were issued to us except in a few instances, and then only through tiie personal influence of some offieeis of the guard. Wood was issued to us, but in quantities so small as to preclude tlie possi- bility of tire except to cook rations, and then only by some dozen or more using and cou- tributing to the same fire. At the jail in Columbia we had good medical attendance, but at Asylum Camp only iu extreme cases. At Asylum Camp we were furnished with plenty of good water. The negroes, when i)ossible, were always friendly, often running great risks to give us aid or information, furnishing us otteu with papers wliich were pro- hibited by the guard. From Columbia we were conveyed to Goldsboro, North Caro- lina, passing Raleigh, where we remained several days, and in a few instances were permitted to walk about the city. Saw, while there, several trains loaded with pris- oners from Florence. Was satished, from their appearance, that they had fared much worse thau we had. Was a prisoner of war about eight months. C. O. BROWN, Late First Lieutenant Conqiany E, Thirty-first Maine Volunteer Infantry. MoRO, Maine, October, 1867. Statement of Georf/e K. Bliss, late Captain Company C, First Rhode Island Cavalry. September 28, 1884, while leading a cavalry charge at Waynesboro, in the valley of the Shenandoah, Virginia, I was wounded and taken prisoner. My horse having been shot down and myself wounded, I said to a soldier who had just given me a saber cut across the face, "For God's sake don't kill a prisoner." Hereplied, "Summder, then." I said, "I do surrender," aud gave him my saber. Regardless of my defenseless condi- tion as a prisoner, one of them stabbed me in the lungs with a saber, aud another was 1076 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR taking;' aim at me witb a revolver, when I called for proteetiou to a rebel officer, who interlered and saved my life. The uext day, September 29, I was placed on a flat car and taken to Charlottesville. After remaining some two weeks in Char'ottesville, mj^ wonnds were nearly healed, and, in accordance with orders from Eichmond, I was sent to Lil)by Prison. The exposnre of traveling cansed one of my wonnds to open, and I was ])lac('d in Lihby Prison hospital, where I remained until Deeemb'ir 7, on which day I was returned to general quarters. On the 9tli of December I was selected as a hostage for a rebel private soldier sentenced by the United States government to be hung, and placed in a cell with the cheerful assurance that my body slionkl be sus- pended l)y tlie neck promptly in case the rebel aforesaid should be hung. I was requested to write to my friends in order that my influence might, if possible, save the necessity of a double execution. There were ten officers conflued in the cells under Libby at that time as hostages. In my cell there were live of us; the room was ten feet by twelve; we had two pails, one containing water for drinking, and the otlier usually contained human excrement, since one or more of the party was constautly atHicted with the diarrhea, and the pail was emptied only twice in twenty-four hours. The cell also contained a small stove. This was all the furniture when we entered. The cell was lighted by one-half of a small well window, over which was placed a kind of roof to prevent the rain from driving in upon us, since there was no glass iu the window. The cell was, therefore, so dark that one could not read long at a time without jiain in the eyes. We all presented a ghastly appearance when again allowed to breathe free air. After forty-five days iu the cell, arrangements for an exchange of hostages having been consummated, we were released and placed with the other pris- oners (oflicers) in the second story of the building, and on the 5th day of February, 1865, sent down the James River en route to God's country, as we always called the North; that was, and I believe will always remain, the happiest day of my life. The fare of those in the cells was the ordinary ration dealt out to prisoners — a small piece of po'or corn bread, a small piece of poorer meat, and about half a pint of wormy beans or rice daily. There was scarcelj' a day passed that I did not obtain food beside that issued by the rebel authorities. Yet it req,uired nearly a year after my release for the renewal of my usual health and strength. I forgot to mention that at the time of my capture I was robbed of my watch and money ; yet while a prisoner I expended $:}00 in confederate money for victuals and gave §250 to friends. Our officers freciueutly managed to raise money iu some way, and thereby procured extra food and clothing; but this was usually impossible for the enlisted men, hence the great mortality among them. Major Turner was first, and Dick Turner second in conunand of Liljby at that time. Although very hard and gloomy at the time, the lapse of uearly three years lias somewhat toued down the reminiscences of prison life, and I am scarcely fitted now to give a graphic description of the very disagreeable things which I saw and a liart of which I experienced. GEO. N. BLISS, Late Captain Companij C, First Rhode Isiand Cavalry. Statement of Edward B. Myers, of Providence, Rhode Island. I was a sergeant of Company D, First Rhode Island cavalry, and was twice a pris- oner in the hands of the rebels. My statement, if carried out in detail, would be the same as thousands of otheis — "« tale of studied abase and stai-vation." The quarters as- signed to ]trisouers at Belle Isle and Libby were notoriously bad. The miserable ra- tions consisted of three-fourths of a pound of bread, accompanied by a wretched mix- ture dignified by tlie name of soup, made of spoiled bacon and wormy cow peas. As a change, we were d('[)rived of those nanii'd, and h;:d none in their stead — the rebel offi- cers assigning as a reason, " that the prisoners tore their tents." I could state uumy instances of most v/icked barbarity. I will speak of myself. I was shot at, and barely esca])ed death for looking out of the window at Lil)by. The quarters at Belle Isle were totally insufficient for the number of men confined. Many died from exjiosure when shelter could have been furnished, if the authorities chose to do so. EDWARD B. -AIYERS, Late Sergeant Company D, First Rhode Island Cavalry. Providence, Rhode Island, September 14, 18G7. Statement of Lelland D.Jencles, of JVoonsocket, Rhode Lsland. I was a private in First Rhode Island volunteers ; was scverelj^ wounded aud taken prisoner by the rebels July 21, 1S6I, in the battle of Bull Run ; was a prisoner eleven months, duriu';' which time I was suljjected to all manner of indiguitu's and ill-treat- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1077 ment. Save a man shot and killerl at a prison pen in Riclimond without even an assigned caiise; have seen men hxshed by Wirz until the blood ran down their backs. LELLAJ^D D. JENCIiES. WooNSOCKET, Rhode Island, October 3, 1867. Statement of Caleb S. Bowen, of Quidnick, Rhode Island. I was captain in Fourth Rhode Island volunteers ; was first captured at the battle of Antietam, where I was severely wounded in the thigh. I was found by the enemy about 9 p. m., on the field, and carried to the rear with others, and placed under a large tree. The night was cold, and the next day rainy. I received no attention what- ever. All that was done for my wound I did myself. I gave one of the guards a dollar for a piece of an old shirt, with which I used to bind up my wound as best I could. All I had to eat was corn and green apples. I remained under the tree for three days, when I begged them to take me to some shelter, feeling that I could not survive an- other night as I was, being wet, cold, hungry, and exnausted by loss of blood. They carried me to an old barn, and the next day paroled me. I was feund by our soldiers the next day. I was again captured at Petersburg. Ou the following Sunday we were paraded through the streets, arranged as follows : Four white, then four colored sol- diers, alternately. We wei'e subjected to the most brutal and abusive language I ever heard, and this from men, women, and children alike. We received nothing to eat until the following night ; then only a small amount of hard-tack and a little piece of bacon, which was so wormy I threw it away. We were then taken to Danville, where we were separated from the enlisted men, crowded into filthy cattle-cars, and conveyed to Columbia, South Carolina. The weather was extremely hot and the car so crowded, we could not sit down, which caused us to sufi"er much on the way. At Columbia we were confined in the Richland jail, fourteen of us in a cell or room which was so small that we could not all lie down at the same time. There was but one window iu the room. There Avas no fnrniture of any kind, not even blankets to lie on. Our ration was a pint of cob-meal and a gill of vinegar per day, and a pin«t of rice once in ten days. We were allowed to go into the small jail yard an hour iu the morning and evening. As most of us were sutfering from diarrhea our condition must be left to imagination. I was attacked with inflammatory rheumatism and sent into the hospi- tal for a short time, but was soon returned to the jail. On the night of December 12 we were put into the stoclcade, where there was no shelter but the rude hospital. We suftered severely from the cohl, as we had no clothing except our thin summer clothes, now worn threadbare. Most of us had been robbed of our hats, shoes, and some other garments. I have been present at the capture of many rebel prisoners, and have been placed guard over them. I know they wei'c treated as well as our own men. In all cases wiiere I have seen them, they were provided with shelter, good food, and were furnished with blankets if they had none of their own. C. S. BOWEN, Late Captain Fourth Ehode Island Volunteers. Quidnick, Rhode Island, December 7, 1867. Statement of Linus II. Little, of Hampstead, Neiv Hampshire. I was a private in Company E Eleventh New Hampshire volunteers ; was captured at Petersburg, July 30, 1884, and was taken to Danville, Virginia. We were kept there nearly seven mouths in an old tobacco wai'ehouse, with the windows all broken out, and no means of keeping warm. Our rations were composed of cob-meal, sometimes .salted, at others with no salt. This was very imperfectly cooked. They gave a piece about three inches square each day. We were not allowed to look out of the windows. They shot those who attempted to. Of sixty-four negroes confiued there but four lived through their imprisonment. Our condition was Avretched beyond description. Our sufi'erings cannot be told. My brother, Henry C. Little, of the same company and regi- ment, was captured near Petersburg, the 30th of September, 1864. He was taken to Salisbury, North Carolina, and kept iu a field with no shelter of any kind. His food was the same as I received. He was kept iu this manner for five months. He lived but ten days after he was released. LINUS H. LITTLE. Hampstead, New Hampshire, November 26, 1867. 1078 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR C. B. Haynes, of Concord, New Hami)sliire, October 22, 1867, inclosed the following letter from Robert Onld, rebel commissioner of exchanj^e, to General Winder, which he states Avas fonud among some waste paper in a room in one of the hospitals in Rich- mond : " City Poixt, Virginia, ilarclt 1, 1863. "Sir: A flag-of-trnce boat has arrived with three hundred and lifty political pris- oners. General Barrow and several other prominent men among them. I wish yon to send me at 4 o'clock Wednesday morning all the military prisoners, (except officers.) and all the political ])risoners you luive. If any of the political prisoners have on hand ]iroof enough to convict them of being spies, or having committed other ofienses which should subject them to punishment, so state opposite their names; also state whether you thinii;, under all the circumstances, they should be released. The arrangement works largely in our favor. We got rid of a miserable set of wretches, and receive some of the best material I ever saw. Tell Captain Turner to put down on the list the uames of Edward G. Egglings and Eugenia Hammersmiller. The President is anxious they should get off. They are here now. This is, of course, between ourselves. If you liave any female yon can send otf safely, to keep her company, I would like you to send her. Two hundred and odd political prisoners are on their way. I would be more full iu my communication if I had time. " Yours truly, "ROBERT OULD, '^ Agent of Exchange. " Brigadier General Winder." Statement of George JVilUam Heath, of AtMnson, New Hampshire. I was a private in company E Fourth regiment New Hampshire veteran volunteers ; was wounded through both hips by two Minie balls, at Chester Station, Drnry's Blutf, Virginia, Maj' 16, 1864. About half an hour after I was wounded, tlie Eighteenth Vir- ginia reginumt ttommenced to rob the dead and wouuded. I was stripped naked entirely, losing a valuable watch and a small sum of money. I laid with hundreds of others on the lield until the IDth, without a morsel to eat or drink. My body was suul)urnt to a blister. We were theu carried into Fort Darling ; on the 20th were put on boats and sent to Richmond. Wc were put into an old tobacco warehonse, called General Hospi- tal No. 24, ward 3, Dr. Gibb, of Louisiana, iu charge of ward. Dr. Gibb was a native of New Hampshire. His treatment to us poor cripples was humane in many respects, but the snrgeon general (I have forgotten his name) and the general ward master were brutal. Our beds consisted of coarse straw. My left hip bone being sjjlit, I had to bo tied in bed to iceep from moving ; was taken oft' the bed once in eight(-en days to have 'my bed made. The maggots were thick, not only on my bed, but on them all. Our rations consisted of a i>iece of corn bread about the size of a man's hand, made out of meal ground corn-cobs and all. 1 have often found whole kernels of corn in the bread. The bread would be so moldy and wet sometimes that it would be utterly impossible for us to keep it on our stomachs, if we could eat it at all. And two small teaspoons- full of rice, without any salt. Sometimes we got a drink of corn coffee, but not more than five times during my three months' stay. We rei)orted to our ward doctor al)out the bread being so poor, and he reported it to the surgeon general, wlio came up into the ward, and tlie most vile and profane language that an American born citizen is capable of using was all we got. Many died from brutal treatment and sheer neglect. One of tlie most barbarous acts within my knowledge was the shooting of three of the men in the ward for the mere act of looiving out of tlie window. One was shot in tile arm, from whicli lie died while they were amputating it. He belonged to the Twentieth Counecticut volunteers. Tlie second one survived his wound, which was slight. The third survived his wound, was paroled, and reached our lines only to die at Annapolis, Maryland. All three of these men were wounded and taken prisoners with me. I cannot give their names, but the statement is true in every respect. After three mouths I was paroled with some five hundred others. As we were about to leave we were relieved of much of our clothing, put on to tlie bare fioor of dump carts, and driven across the city to the landing, then on to boats, and sailed down the James thirty miles, when we were put into ambulances and carried some three miles across a neck of land to our hospital ship New York City. GEOUGE WM. HEATH. Atkix.sox, N. H., Scjitiinhcr 10, 1867. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1079 StatemeM of Eugene C. Sleeper, Tunhrklge, Vcrmonf. I was a private in- Company H Second Vermont volnnteers. Was captured near Warreuton Virginia, on tlie 26tli of October, 1863, by Mosby. I was taken with several others. For refusing to lead a mule, a lieutenant of Mosby's struck me on the head with the butt of his revolver. On the route to Richmond we were marched sixty miles without sleep or rations. On our arrival at Richmond we were taken to Libby Prison, \vlier(^ we were conlined for ten days, our rations being one-half pound of bread, and one-half pound of boiled beef. We were searched for money ; from one of our number they took f.jO. From Libby we were removed to Belle Isle. Here we remained fifteen days, without blankets or shelter, the weather being extremely cold. The ration was one pound of corn bread, and one-quarter pound of meat, or in lieu of meat wormy jjea sou[». One day while they were counting the prisoners a man was crowded against the guard by a man behind him. Sergeant Hite struck him with a ckxb which ho always carried, causing liis death in a few houi's. I saw three dead bodies of our prisoners nearly eaten u]) by hogs. One time the guard shot a man for stealing his blanket, killing one and wounding two others. The number of men confined on Belle Isle at this time was about three thousand ; of this number fifty were frozen to death during the winter. In February we were taken to Andersonville, where, on the 1st of Jlay, there were about fifteen hundred. The " dead-line " was about eighteen feet inside of the stockade. The ground soon became so crowded that men had to camp near this line. One man camped close to the line reached over it to get his shirt, which had blown there. He was shot by the guard. Tlie meal issued was extremely coarse and unwholesome ; this, together with the exposure to hot sua by day, and damp by night, soon brought about diarhea, scurvy, and other diseases. There were packs of bloodhouiuls kept to capture escaping prisoners. One man escaped at 1 o'clock in the morning and h;ul gone but a few rods before the hounds forced him to climb a small tree. The guards shook him down and allowed the dogs to tear him to pieces. It was so close to the camp that the shrieks of the wretched man could be plainly heard. Those who escaped and were recaptured were subjected to the most brutal and inhuman treatment. On one occasion, fifteen being chained together, one of them died in the chains, and was not removed for twelve hours. It would be but a few hours after a prisoner tUed before he would be covered with maggots. I have seen maggots crawl- ing from the mouth and ears of men who were not yet dead. Prisoners tlying in the stockade were allowed to remain uutil then* were sometimes one hundred and fifty awaiting burial. One daj' a man called to Wirz outside the gate several times, when Wirz ordered the guard to shoot the man, which he did, killing him instantly. The instances herein given are but samples of general treatment which no man can describe. EUGENE SLEEPER. TuNBRiDGE, Vermont, Octoher 12, 1867. Statement of George J. Hull, Fairfield, Vermont. I was a private of First Vermont volunteers. Was captured at Brandy Station, Vir- ginia. Was a prisoner for fourteen months Was confined in Richmond, Belle Isle, Andersonville, and Florence. It would be impossible for me to give a detailed account of our treatment. I can only give a few items as specimens. At tlie tobacco warehouse in Richmond I have seen men shot for looking out of the windows. When I was moved to Belle Isle it was cold, wet, and muddy in the winter. Shelter was provided for only a portion of the men. Many perished from the exposure. The dead were taken outside and allowed to remain for several days. I have seen the bodies torn and eaten by the hogs. A dog belonging to a lieutenant in charge of us got into the camp and was speedily killed and part of It cooked and eaten. The man who did it was dis- covered and forced to eat the remainder of it raw. We were sent to Andersonville in box cars so closely crowded that we could not even lie down. It was a common thing to see from one hundred to two hundred men at a time awaiting burial. It w^as also common for Wirz to withhold the rations for forty-eight hours, and then try to get the men to take the oath of allegiance to the confederacy. GEO. J. HULL. Fairfield, Vermont, December 27, 1867. Statement of George F. Beed of Chelsea, Vermont. I was a corporal in Company II, Sixth Vermont volunteers. Was taken prisoner on the 19th of October, 1864, in the Shenandoah Valley. I was robbed of all valuables, even my wife's picture, and stripped of all my clothing, leaving me as naked as I was born. A rebel gave me an old pair of gray pants aud an old shirt. These two articles of 1080 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR clothing were all I Lad while I was a prisoner one hundred and ten days. After onr capture we were marched over a rough mountainous country, during very cold weather, raauy being without hats and barefoot. One young fellow became so exhausted that he could not kee]) up, lie was bayoneted by the guard and his body rolled down a bank. We were eleven days on the way to Richmond. There was not enough food issued to us during the time to have fed us properly for three days. The ration usually issued on the road was Hour, which we had no means of cooking. AVe were for a time confined in Pemberton Prison. The windows all broken oilt. The water would sometimes run over out of the trough, and I have seen the ice two inches thick around it. We were forced to sleep here with no covering and but little clothing. ^lany of the men were badly frozen. Tiie only way we saved ourselves from freezing to death was by hud- dling as close together as we could, like sheep in cold weather. Dick Turner was our keeper; he was a cruel brute. He frequently beat the men cruelly and without cause. He came into the room once, when one of the boys had just died, he begau to kick him to ii;ake him get out of his way. A prisoner said to him, he is dead captain. He turned on him and struck him with his sword on the head saying, "You damned Yan- kee, I will fix you so you will mind your own business." The man died the next day. There was some one either dead or dying all the time in the room with us. Our con- dition I cannot describe. GEO. F. REED. Chelsea, Vermont, Xovemicr 20, 1867. Statement of Justus Lyman, of Grafton, Vermont. I was a second lieutenant Twenty-seventh Massachusetts volunteers. Was captured May U), 1864, with a number of others. Was immediately taken to Richmond ami put into Libby Prison, where we were subjected to a rigid examination. All the money we had was taken, as well as our haversacks, blankets, &c., by Major Turner, who assured us that all money should be returned to us when we were released. We never received any ]iart of the money. AVe remained in Libl)y fifteen days, subjected to abuse and insult of the meanest character; our rations were insufficient in fjuantity and miserable in kind. !May lil, eleven hundred men and sixty officers were paclced into close box cars and sent to Georgia; the officers to Macon, and tlie enlisted men to Anderson- ville. We were six days on the roarisoner. .JUSTUS LYMAN, Late Lieutenant Twentij-scvcnih Alassachuetts Volunteers. Graeton, Verjioxt, Xovcmlcr 6, 1867. Statement of Chas. F. Citrrie, of Millrille, Xew Jersey. W^hile a prisoner in the hands of the rebels at Savage's Station, the rebel officers went through tlie camp inihuing us to trade greenbacks for confederate money to the amount of !j;;5,000. 'Wa were sent from Savage's Station to Libby Prison. TwoofiQcers stood at the door ami forced us to give uj) the confederate money. AVe complained to General AViiider, who told us we Avere not shai'i> and he could do nothing for us. This was in July, 1862. CHAS. F. CURRIE, Late Corporal Fourth AVic Jersey Volunteers. MiLLViLLE, Nea\' Jersey, July 29, 1867. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1081 Statement of D. S. Barton, of Redding, Connecticut. I was lieutenant in Company G, Seventeenth Connecticut volunteers. Was cap- tured July 1, 1853, at Gettysburg. We were sent to Richmond, where we were stripped of l>lankets, canteens, letters, photographs, money, &c. We were in charge of Major Turner, with Dick Turner second in command — two as brutal wretches as ever lived. I was kept iu Richmond ten months, and would have starved had I not received sup- plies from home. I saw a lieutenant from the west shot down like a dog v/hile seated reading a paper. If we attempted to escape, the dungeon was our doom. I have seen strong, hearty men confined iu the cells under Libl>y Prison until they were as helpless as infants. At the time of Kilpatrick's raid. Turner came into the prison and told us if we attempted to escape the prison would be blown up, as he had placed powder under it fV)r that purpose. When General Butler landed at Bermuda Huiulred, some five hundred of us were sent to Danville, where we were packed iuto an old tobacco warehouse. We had no water and no provision for attending the calls of nature. We were kept iu this pen four days, when we were sent to Macon, Georgia. While there one of our number, a lieutenant, from New York, was murdered by the guard. On our way we were packed iu box cars in which cattle had been transported ; they refused to let us clean them out before we got iuto them. I was twenty mouths in prison at dift'ereut places, and solemnly declare that I could not have lived on the food furnished us. Major Griswold, in charge of us, stated frequently that it was the express order from the war department not to feed us any better. He admitted the insufficiency of the food. There was no time while I was a prisoner that an abundance of food could not be obtained bv those who had money. D. S. BARTON. Redding, Connecticut, Juhj 27, 18G7. Statement of Hnher BushnelL of PlainviUe, Connecticni. I was a private in Company K, Sixteenth Connecticut volunteers. Was captured at Plymouth, North Carolina, April 20, 1864. Was at Andersonville, Georgia, and Florence, South Carolina — about five nuniths in each place. The sufferings we underwent were extreme, terrible, and barbarous ; in fact, no tongue can tell nor pen describe the horrors of our condition to any who have not suft'ered as we did. Our scant supplj' of food was of the poorest quality. The following extract from my diary will give some idea of our rations : " Sept(Mnl)er 12th, drew two days' rations— about one and a half pounds corn bread and a ([uarter pound of bacon. 13th, nothing. 14th, nothing. 15th, drew a piece of corn bread, about two inches square, and a small piece of bacon. IGth, drew a i>int of meal just at night. 17th, drew a small piece of bacon in tlie morning, and a little rice and salt in the afternoon." The quality of the articles issued was very poor. The meal was very coarse, often sour and monldy. The bacon usually in different damaged conditions. Our rations varied greatly ; some days the issue was so small we were obliged to divide it by the spoonful. At times we would draw nothing for two or three days. At Florence we received no animal ,food for three months. At Florence our rations were more scant than at Andersonville. We were not generally allowed wood enough to cook our food. I have dug in the ground five or six feet to get pine roots for fuel to cook with, and that in a prison where an abundance of timber surrounded us. Captain Wirz coui- nianded the i)rison at Andersonville. My statement would be similar to those given by the witnesses on the part of the United States in this trial. I do not now recollect who connnauded the prison at Florence, but one Lieutenant Barrett made himself con- spicuous by comiug into the prison striking and beating those who came within his reach. I have seen him several times on such excursions. One shooting case occurred which I kiiow to have been downright uuirder. A man unable to reach the sinks was shot and killed instantly. One niglit, under similar circumstances, the guard snapped his gnu at me ; fortuuately it missed fire. At Audersonville, during the mouth of .Tune, it rained from the 1st to the 22d. Thousands had to lie out in the rain and mud, the dead and dying together. Instances might be multiplied indefinitely, but description is imijossible. H. BUSHNELL. Plainville, Connecticut, October 7, 18(37. Statement of A. G. Case, of Simshiry, Connecticut. I was first lieutenant Sixteenth Connecticut volunteers ; was captured at Plymouth, North Carolina, with one hundred and twenty-five officers and about two thousand 1082 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR enlisted men. We were first coufint'd at Macon. Our rations were very scant and of inferior quality. While at Macon a rebel otficer who had been eontiued at Johnson's Island came in with Captain Tabbs, the eonnuander of the prison. I asked him how- be had tared ; he said liard. " \^'hat did you have to eat ?" '• Meat and soft bread part of the time." "Did you have sugar and cotfee f " "Yes; but it was brown sugar." Captain Tabbs said to him, " You are a damned fool to find fault with such treatment; these fellows don't get any such here." The bacon issued to us was generally maggoty. I have seen more than a gill of maggots in a ham or shoulder, and have spoken to the rebel authorities to exchange it, but it was never exchanged. They told us it was as good as we deserved. Six hundred of us were sent to Savannah; we fared better there than at any other prison. We were there Vtnt live weeks, were then removed to Charles- ton, South Carolina. We were put into a jail yard which I think contains about one acre. There was shelter for about one hundred men. We were exposed to the scorch- ing sun and terrible showers which occurred at that time. One night the rain fell so heavily that tlie wliole ground was several inches under water. We remained in this yard about one week, when we were removed to Roper hospital. The quarters were comfortable, but the rations were about the same as at Macon. In October we were sent to Columbia, South Carolina, where we arrived about midnight. The guards with us had given us permission to get on top and under the cars to rest until morning, which were common box cars with tifty in each. The provost marshal came up and ordered us into the cars, ordering the guard to shoot the G — d d d Y'ankee sons of h s. His name was Captain Semple. He refused to give us rations the next day, although we had then been two days without food. Our rations consisted ot one and a half pint of corn meal, a spoonful of salt, and half a pint sorghum molasses for three days. xV little Hour was given a few times during the winter in place of corn meal. The food issued to us was not sufhclent to have sustained life, exposed to the weather as we were. We managed to get confederate money to buy food with, which was always for sale in abundance. No meat was issued to us during my stay at Columbia, nearly four months. I was commissary of a squad of one hundred men most of the time while I was a prisoner and know what I state about rations. There were several officers shot at Columbia ; instead of the guards, who did the shooting, being reprimanded or punished, they were better treated apparently. There were gangs of hounds kept to hunt prison- ers. A lieutenant of a Vermont regiment was torn to death hy them. A. G. CASE, Late First Lieutenant, Sixteenth Contiediciit Volunteers. SiMSBURY, CoxNECTicuT, December 4, 1867. Statement of Ezra D. Carpenter, of Putnam, Connecticut. I was second lieutenant Company B, Eighteenth regiment Connecticvit volunteers; was captured at Winchester, Virginia, June 15, ld63; was taken to Richmond. Our ration on the way was hour and pork, which we had no means of cooking. At Libby fresh meat and a litth^ rice or beans and wheat bread was issued. The quantity was so small that hunger continually gnawed at my vitals until I succeeded in getting some money. Those who wen; not so fortunate would grab at refuse matter thrown away, such as bones, and would suck them in hopes to obtain nourishment. Some enlisted men in a room under us seemed to be starviug; we threw down some bread through a hole in the tioor. It was shockuig to see those faniislied men jump and spring over eacii other struggling for a morsel of the bread like wilil animals in a cage. Our ration changed before we left Lil)by, corn bread was issued in th<; place of wheat, and for some time we had no nu^at. Wo were not allowed to go near the windows. An Ohio officer was shot through th(! head four feet from one. Was sent from Libby to Macon. Georgia. Our food was miserable ; when we got any meat it was more or less spoiled. While at Macon an officer was shot on the way to the sink. He was more than a rod from the dead-line. We were sent to Savannah, where we were treated better; froui Savannah to Charleston, where we were conlined in the jail yaril without shelter. From Charleston we were sent to Cohunbia, South Carolina, where we were confined in an open field without shelter or means to cook the scanty food given us. We were kept in this condition for two months. In D(;ceni))er we were exposed to the cold rains and fi'ost, often wet to the skin, no shelter or i)laidvels, many ha\'ing but part suits of clothes, bare-headed, and bare-footed. No one can describi^ our suffering and anguish in those prisons, where the rule seemed to be to die. I will add if I had not found means of raising monev to pui'chase food, I would not now be alive to make this statement. EZRA D. CARPENTER. Putnam, Coxxecticut, October 27, 18G7. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1083 Statement of Frdncis E. Weed, of New Canaan, Connecticut, I ^^^•^8 first serjieaut Company B, Thirteeutb Connecticut volunteers ; was captured at Winchester, Virginia, September 19tb, 1HG4. Our treatment on tbe rouudabout marcb to Richmond was almost incredible. Some of the men were without shoes ; their feet became so swollen or cut up on tha rough roads that they had to be forced along at the point of the bayonet. We were put into Libby Prison and every man searched thoroughly for money, &c. If any was found the criminal was shockingly abused for not giving it up when ordered; blankets, hats, shoes, and such things having been taken before. We were sent from Libby to Belle Isle. While there several were killed by the guards. We were sent to Salisbury, North Carolina. Our rations were miserable in quality and not sufficient in cjuantity to allay the cravings of hunger. Meat was seldom issued and generally covered with maggots. When we had fresh meat it was cooked with everything that could bo eaten, head, eyes, ears, lights, &c. The tripe and other entrails were brought into the stockade without being cleaned, and left for the men to fight over like a i)ack of wolves. For two months we were withoxit sufficient water to drink. There were quite a number killed here by the guanls at Belle Isle. One colored jirisouer was shot by a guard who said he wanted to kill a " black Yan- kee;" this is but one of many instances that might be given. Sometimes they would shoot into the stockade all night, at intervals. On the 2.jth of November, starved to desperation, we made an unsuccessful attempt to break out of the stockade, which cost us the loss of seventy killed and wounded. They would keej) all rations from us for two or three days, then they would try to recruit for the rebel armj-, offering, as an Inducement, full rations, warm clothing, and $100 confederate money. They obtained but few recruits, comparatively most of the men xireferring to leave the stockade in the dead-cart to liberty on such terms. FRANCIS E. WEED, Late First Sei'geant Company B, Tlmteenth Connecticut Volunteers. New Canaan, Connecticut, November 27, 1867. Statement of Thomas Walker, of Plantsville, Connecticut. I was a coi'poral in the Sixteenth Connecticut volunteers ; was captured at Plymouth, North Carolina, April 20, 1864. Was a prisoner eight months, five months at Ander- sonville and three at Florence. I experienced a great many hardships and privations. Have frequently subsisted for weeks on nothing but a small quantity of corn meal, usually issued raw and without fuel to cook it. Have been frecxuently forty-eight hours with nothing to eat. Have also seen comrades shot down like dogs for trying to get a drnik of clear water, and during all the time without either blanket or shelter. At Florence the ti'eatment and rations were fully as bad as at Andersonville. THOS. WALKER. Plantsville, Connecticut, Nocemhcr 10, 1867. Statement of John W. Bon-en, of Xew Haven, Connecticut. I was first sei'geant Company B, Twelfth Connecticut volunteers ; was cajitured October 19, 1864, at Cedar Creek, Virginia, and sent to Libby Prison. Did not know what it Avas to be free from hunger during my captivity, nearly four months. My feet were both frozen in December. Our quarters were so exi^oscd, having no shelter, and sutfering for food, have completely broken me down. I am actually supported in the main by the charity of my friends, being unable to work. JOHN W. BOWEN. New Haven, Connecticut, November 11, 1867. Statement of Patrick Monde, of New Haven, Connecticut. I was a private in Company K, Twelfth Connecticut volunteers ; was taken prisoner at Cedar Creek, Virginia, 1864. Was sent to Richmond, kept four days and then sent to SalisOury, North Carolina, where I remained five mouths. JNly treatment was terri- bly cruel ; not only was this the case with me but with all my comrades. Many were actually starved to death, and numbers died from exposure. Many of us had to lay upon the bare ground without blankets or shelter to protect us from snow and rain. Many laid down at night who never saw the light of another day. Pen cannot describe our suli'erings. PATRICK MONICE. New CANA.VN, Connecticut, November 13, 1867. 1084 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Statement of Williavi IF. Jones, of Xew Canaan, Connecticut. I was corporal in Coinpauy B, Thirteeuth Coiuu'cticut volunteers; was captured at Winchester, Virginia, October 19, 1804. There were (piite a nnmber captured at the same time. \\v were robbed of money and clothing by our captors. We were marched over a very lough country to Richmond, suffering much for food. On onr arrival at Richmond we were again searched and such tilings stolen as had been overlooked by those who captured us ; after which operation we were marched to Belle Isle. October I?, a prisoner killed by the guard. October 17, we were removed to Salisbury, North Carolina, where we had but partial shelter. October 26, an officer shot by the guard. Our rati(nis varied iu kind from time to time, but never in quality ; none but half- starved men could eat them. Wo were so pinched with hunger that many sold the clothes off their backs to buy food. I have seen cpiite a number with no clothing but shirt and drawers. The supply of water for drinking was very short; we had none for washing except when it rained. The dead were strijiped of their clothing to supply the living. After the attempt to break out of this prison in November, the guard fre- (jueutly tired into the stockade. Many of the prisoners' feet were so badly fi'ozeu that they had to 1)e amputated. On the 2ist of February, 18G5, we were paroled and turned loose without rations to find our way to the I'nion lines as best we could; many dying on the road and in the woods. Of the ten thousand well, hearty men brought to the prison in October, there w'ere but about four thousand to be paroled. A few had escaped, but most of them had died from actual starvation and exposure, or by disease produced by the unwholesome food furnished us by the rebel authorities. WILLIAM W. JONES. New Canaan, Connecticut, November 13, 1867. Statement of Bernard F. Blakeshee, of New Britain Connecticut. I was second lieutenant in Company G, Sixteenth Connecticut volunteers. Was cap- tured at Plymouth, North Carolina, April 20, 18G4. Was sent to Macon, Georgia ; sutfered much on tlie way by reason of excessive crowding in close box-cars and unwholesome food. General Howell Cobb Avas in charge. When he saw us he remarked, " You are just the fellows 1 want to see." The first guards they placed over us did not suit the ofQcers, they were too kind to prisoners, so they were removed and others placed in their stead, who nuist have given satisfaction, for they treated us like dogs. Major Turner had command of the prisoners and prison, and Captain Tabbs had charge of the interior. June 11, Lieutenant Graeson was shot by the guard eight feet from the guard-line. From June 11 to 15 there was a continued rain, wdiich prevented us from making fires to cook our rations, which were issued raw. The rations were scant in (juantity and miserable in quality. During the entire three months at Macon, the bacon was alnu>st invariably decayed and full of maggots. Our allowance of wood was scarcely suificicut for cooking purposes; from .Tuly 11 to the 18th we had none at all. We had to eat our food (coarse corn meal and rice) raw. We were badly treated in this camp bj' the officers in charge, especiallyby Caiitain Tabbs. From July '2'J to September i:{ was confined at Savannah. The rations and quarters were tolerably good, but the water was miserable. We had to mix burned meal or rice iu it iu order to driuk it. From September 13 to October .5 was confined in the jail yard at Charleston, South Carolina. The yard was small and terribly crowed. Tlic walls were from twelve to fifteen feet high, which made it a perfect oven when the weather was pleasant. When it rained more than half of those confined were compelled to staiul up in the storm. Occasionally they would turn out the criminals frour the jail among us, it would seem from a desire to insult us. There were nuirderers, thieves, prostitutes, »fcc., among them. The water was so l)raekish that it maile many of us sick. Several times wo were entirely without food for two days. In fact, misery upon misery was lieaped u])on us until it set;med that we could endure no more. Several shells from Gilmore's battery struck near us and exploded, fortunately but two were wounded. Our rations consisted of corn meal and rice in very small tiuantities, with no cooking utensils. On September 20, about fifty of us, believing it necessary to save our lives, signed a parole, iu substance as follows: "We agree not to make an eifort to escap(\ or to hold converse with any one outside of the jirison lines, or with visitors who come iu." The considera- tion granted was tiiat we should have ingress and egress of tlu^ lll)ns(^ aiui grounds api)oiute(l, by which to secure the liberty ot fresli air and ex('rfise grateful to comfort and healtli." While on parole wc; were allowed to purchase food. If we had obtained no fi)i)d besides that issued we would certainly have starved to death. Our exact ration on parole for ten days was five pints corn meal, two quarts of rice, thnse pints woi'my cow peas, and a pound and a half of bacon ; with no cooking utensils, the lack of BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1085 ■wliicli caused a great waste of the scant supply. From October 0, 1354, to February 15, 1865, was coutiued at Columbia, South Caroliua. Lieuteuaut Clark, of Secoud Mas- sachusetts artillery, while dealing with a huckster was stabbed with a bayonet, with- out any warning that he was violating orders. The next day Lieutenant Parker, who had escaped from the train on the way from Charleston, was brought in horribly torn by bloodhounds; he died from his injuries. On the 7th of October we were camped on an open tield two miles from the town, without shelter, cooking utensils, axes, spades, or any other means of comfort. In this camp we suffered terribly from cold rains, our clothes wet a week at a time. On the ^Sd of November the ice was an inch and a half thick. About half of the prisoners were half naked, very many of them wit hont hats or shoes. The rations in this camp were smaller than in any other we had been in. The ration of rice for twelve days would scarcely make one full meal. We had no meat, beans, or soap. Our dependence Avas coarse corn meal. Our treatment was deplorable and inhuujan in the extreme. October 21st, Lieutenant Young was killed by a sentinel. October :31st, there was an officer wounded whosii name I have forgotten. Lieutenant Hinkley, Tenth Wisconsin, was shot through tlie elbow; arm amputated. November 26, Lieutenant Aikens, Third New York, was killed, and Lieutenant Pieice was wounded. December 1st, Lieutenant Turbine, Sixty-sixth New York, was killed. February 15, 1865, Cai)tain Evans, Fourth Ohio, was killed. We were removed to Raleigh, where we met several trains loaded with enlisted men on the way to Wilmington to be paroled. On one train there were nineteen dead who had died since leaving Salisbury, one hirn- dred and thirty-two miles from Raleigh. The men were in a wretched condition, emaciated almost beyond belief. Some on the top of the cars had been frozen to death. They reported that about five ounces of bread had been issued to them four days pre- vious to the time I saw them, and that they had received nothing since. BERNARD F. BLAIvESBEE. New BpaTAix, Connecticut, Noi-eniber, 1867. Statement of Henry J. Ditrfi'in, of Rochester, New Yorlc. I was principal musician Eighth New Hampshire volunteers. Was captured at Sabine Cross Roads, Louisiana, on the 8th of April, 1864, and was a prisoner at Camp Tyler, Texas, six months .and fifteen days. We were turned into this pen without shelter, or other means than nature had provided (hands and dirt) to construct any. We dug holes and built such shades as we could with materials to be had, and lived as any respecta'ile farmer would be ashamed to have his Inigs live. Our food was of the coarsest kind of meal, in which we often found whole corn and ])ieces of cob, Avhich spoke suspiciously of cob meal. Texas beef issued daily. The rations issued were never sufficient to satisfy the cravings of hunger. Day after day I watched the wast- ing away of my comrades under this methodical starvation. TLiey would drop off one by one, of no apparent disease, literally starved to death. One method of reducing our numbers (which seemed to be the great object) was by shooting, which was of common occurrence. I saw a prisoner shot through the heart while going for water to the spring which supplied us ; another was murdered in the same manner shortly afterward while sitting at the entrance of his " hole." I knew five instances of such cold-bbjoded murder, an(l was told of a number f)f others. We complained of this to the officers, who promised to investigate the matter. The only result of the investigations, so far as we could see, was that one of the uuirderers was made a- lieutenant and another ser- geant. Most of these scenes occurred under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Bord- ers, who, as well as Adjutant McEacheu, treated us most barbarously. Many attempted escape from such treatment and succeeded so tar as getting out of the prison. I never heard of any making good their escape. About the 1st of July the following order was posted up in the stockade : " Hereafter any federal prisoner being detected in trying to make his escape from this prison, either in the act or after his escape, will be shot by the one caiituring him. "By order of Lieutenant Colonel J. P. Borders, commanding. " B. W. McEACHEN, ^^ Lieutenant and Acting Adjutant." One man, while being marched to the prison in April, gave out ; he was tied to the sad- dle of an officer and dragged until he died. Most of the men were completely stripped of money, good clothing, and valuables when captured. I remember many other like barbarities, btrt will give no more, as those given are but a sample of the others. HENRY A. DURGIN. Rochester, New Youk, November 24, 1867. 1086 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Statement of C. TV. Branf, of Hornellsville, Neiv York. I -was a captain iu First New York cavalry. Was captured Avitli fourteen enlisted men, near Charleston, Virginia, on the iOth of March, 1864, and taken to Libby Prison. While standing in line outside of the prison, one of my men named Hawks was stabbed by one of the guards with his bayonet for sitting down to rest — the man died. When the door was opened the guard was ordered to " march those Yankee sous of b s iu." As soon as we were inside we were searched by a gang of thieves, headed by Major and Dick Turner, who robbed us of everything they chose. A company cook, a negro, was captured with us. lie was most shamefully beaten and afterward put to work on the streets with a ball and chain on his leg. Turner asked me if he was my nigger. I told him he was not. He said it was lucky for me as they had a place for white sons ofb s who command niggers. I learned the next day that they had a number of our otticers eoutlued in cells with an equal nundjer of negroes underneath the prison. They were fi'd on corn bread and water. Turner then got SlOO from me, pledging its return when I was released ; it was not returned. He told me if it was not given uji they would search me, and if any was found it would be conliscated. I was iu Richmond fifty days. The ration was corn bread and wormy peas. No meat was issued. Sev- eral of our oflicers were killed and wounded by the guard. An adjutant of an Ohio regiment was shot through the head while reading a paper. We demanded an inves- tigation. Dick Turner told us the matter had been investigated and the guard pro- moted for his gallantry. We were put iu cattle-cars ou the 7th of May aud taken to Danville. Sixty were crowded into each car. Several officers attempted to escape, but were all killed. On the 11th of May we were agaiu loaded into box-cars as before, and started for ]\Iacon. We were seven days on the road, most of the time without food or water. Some died in the cars, and many were so prostrated by the ill-treat- inent that they bs one day ordered Major Pasco to iill up a hole. He did not move (juick enough to suit him, so he knocked him down with a musket aud contined him for live days ou bread and water. I was taken, with many others, to Charleston and cunlined in the jail yard. We had no shelter from sun or rain. The sink was so illy arranged that it soon became an intolerable iuiisauc<', productive of disease aud dcnitli. The water was miserable, our ration was meal, I'ice, and lard, in very small ([uantities. As the result of all this, upward of one hundred officers, who were comparatively well wlu'u taken to Charleston, died. There coulil be no excuse for crowding us so closely iu this jail yard lor there were ]denty of unoccupied build- ings iu Charleston. I was taken sick and sent to a hospital at Rykersville, four miles from Charleston, in charge of Doctor George R. C. Todd, who was the most vicious wi'etch I ever knew. I never heard a nuin capaV)le of using such volleys of profane and obscene language as this surgeon, who claimed to be a brother of Mrs. Lincoln. In his raving fits of uuulness I have seen him pound and kick the oflicers. and on several » occasions h(! caused them to be bucked and gagged for sj)itting on the lloor. There was a lieutenant of a Kentucky regiment in the hospital on whom he vented his s])ite iu an esi)ecial manner. Ou one occasion the lieutenant replied to him, for which Ijc pulled him off the blink on to the lloor and kicked him in the most brutal manner and liad him bucked and gagged for more than an luuir. The next day he died. When Dr. Todil leal lied he was dead, he said, "I am G — d d d glad of it. I meant to kill the son of a b h before he left h.ere." This was on tlie Sth day of September, 1SG4. One of the colored nurses (a soldier captured at Fort Wagner) stoi)ped to talk with me. Todd saw him and ordered the guard to have him whipped. Soon the screams of the ])<)or fellow convinced me the or\'ed out of liis tracks. Wo were told that we would be kept there until Ave died, or the man who threw the cartridge be given up. After about six liours the man who threw it told tliem it was he. The keeper (whose name I have, forgoiten) liad him l)ueked and gagged until he was ueaily dead. We were taken from Libhy to Belle Isle, confined in an open space with little or no shelter. While going to tiie river, on one occasion, for water, the guard fired ou us, killed one and wounded three. Were removed from Belle Isle to Salisbmy, North Carolina. Saw a Lieutenant Wilson shot by the guard ten feet from the dead-line. I have fre- (piently seen our men lired on by the guard while sitting or standing in little squads. As for provisions, I am luiable to give any description of them which would give any idea of our sutt'ering ou that score alone. NEWTON W. ELEMENDORF. New York City, September 15, 1867. Statement of Louis M. Bryant, of Butternuts, New York. I Avas a private of Company E, Second New York artillery. Was taken prisoner June 2, 1863, near Bottom Bridge, Virginia, and taken to Richmond. Was robbed of blanket, clothing, money, &c. At one time I was shot at, and barely missed, by tho BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. ^ 1089 guard for looking out of the window of Libby Prison ; several were shot for the same otfense. We were soon i^acked into box-cars, like sheep or hogs, and sent to Anderson- ville. We were several days on the road, and suffered much from the coniineuient and want of food and water. On our entrance into the stockade one of my comrades said to me: '"Bryant, is this hell?" No wonder the poor sick boy thought so, to see tlie thousands of miserable looking objects there confined. Many without hats, caps, or shirts ; some with drawers and shirts only ; some witli pants and no other article of clothing; most of them without shelter; many lying either dead or dying in the mud ; many, too weak to get upon their feet, begging for food and water; others crawling around on their hands and knees, hunting, like hogs, for stray particles of food; and all of them perfectly covered with vermin. I shall never, while I live, forget that ter- rible scene. Tlie water was always filtliy; our rations bareJy sufficient to save a part of us from starvation, and of a ([uality indescribable. There seemed to be a i)erfect license to tlie guards to kill the Yankees. LOUIS M. BRYANT. Butternuts, Otsego Couxty, New York, September, 18G7. Statement of J. TT. Merriit, of Xew York Citij. I was a sergeant of Twenty-fourth New York artillery. Am secretary of North America Life Insurance Company. Was captured April' 20, 1864. Was in Ander- sonville stockade nearly six weeks, and in the hosjtital inclosure about live months; spent a short time at Milieu and Savannah, Georgia. Was so situated as to be well acquaiuted with the inside and outside workings of the jirison. Saw Wirz nearly every day and had several conversations with him ; also with Kerr, next in cruelty to Wirz. Saw a man whom he had struck in the head with a revolver for attempting to tiade clothing for food with one of the guards. Knew Surgeons White and Stephenson, also Assistant Surgeons Roy, Patterson, Bates, Alexander, Kilpatrick, Ronzie, Mudd, and others. Dr. Patterson became so disgusted that he resigned as surgeon. At one time the assistant surgeons were obliged to inspect and report every day. I wrote a number of the reports myself. The complaints made in the reports were; "Insuffi- ciency of food," "Quality of food," "Insufficiency of tents and covering in hospital," with suggestions to furnish " hay or leaves for bedding;" "to sift the meal to free it from husks, cobs, and lilth." Was repeatedly told by the surgeons that full state- ments of the condition of the prison had been sent to the authorities at Richmond. Many of them confidently expected that the condition Avould be changed. The two great diseases were scurvy and gangrene, which could easily have been remedied. Saw a lame man a few minutes alter being shot by the guard. Saw another man a few minutes after he was shot for reaching beyond the "dead-line" for a piece of moldy cracker. In the hospital I at tended a wounded man who was shot by the guard while ho (the xirisoner) was lying by a fire inside the line. Members of the company to which the guard belonged told me he shot the man in order to get a furlough. Saw one of our battery boys whose ear had been torn oft' by blood-hounds. I saw hounds start on the track of prisoners often. I was at the grave-yard, workshops, and depot several times ; saw a large lot of boxes whicli had been sent to the prisoners by their northern friends ; they were mostly broken open, and the contents stolen by the rebel soldiers. I saw the clothing sent by the United States authorities to the prisoners distri1)uted. They were mostly given to the federals working outside, instead of the sick and suftering within. The men outside were working for the coufedex'acy. Saw boxes of letters in Wirz's tent, from the North, for the prisoners. These letters were beiujr examined by the daughters of Wirz. They, together with Dr. Mudd, or Stephenson, removed the stamps from a large basketfuU of the letters, and destroyed them without opening them. I used to see the chain gangs, chain balls, and the stocks, v.ith men confined in them ; I also saw them bucked and gagged for trivial mis- demeanors. I have in this brief statement stated only such things as I know, and but a portion of them. J. W. MERRITT, Late Sergeant Twenty-fourth Iiul. Battery. New York City, Jidij 26, 1867. Statement of Frank E. Moran, of New York City. 1 was captain Seventy-third New York vohtnteers. Was a prisoner of war twenty months at Libby, Virginia ; Macon, Georgia ; Charleston and Columbia, South Carolina. ) H. Eep. 45 69 1000 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR I was taken to Richmond -with one hundred and eighty officers captured at Gettyshnrsf. We were all searched and our money taken from us. I had a small piece of a rebel shell which had wounded one of my company; even that was taken from me. I asked Dick Turner if they had a right to take prisoners' private jn'operty; whereupon he struck me a violent blow in the face, s.aying: " I'll show what I have aright to do, you damned blue-belly.'' When the arrangement was made to allow boxes of clothing, «&c., to be sent to our prisoners a bos was sent to me. It had beeu broken open and enii)tied before it was given to me. We were required to sign a receipt that wo bad received the packages intact before they were delivered to us. Dick Turner even took iny empty box from me. It was against pri.son rules for us to spread our blan- kets on the door during the day. Some of the officers who were sick supposed they would be excejjted from the working of this rule. They were mistaken, however. In ever_7 case the blaidcets were taken away from them and not returned. I have seen Dick Turner pull a Idanket from under an ot'licer who was too sick to even sit up. On the 9th of February one hinidred and nine of us escaped through a tuuuel. Fifty-six of us were recaptured. I was conlined in a cell with CJaptaiu Gates, of the Thirty-third Missouri, Colonel Rose, of the Seventy-seventh Pennsylvania volunteers, Colonel W G. Ely, Eighteenth Connecticut volunteers, and sixteen others. The cell communicated with another, each ten feet square. The Aveather was extremely cold, and we had no blankets. Our ration while in this cell consisted of about one-half a pound of corn bread and a little water. We were kept in the cell five days. On May 7, 1864, we were removed to Macon, Georgia. At that prison Lieutenant Grerson, of Forty-fifth New York volunteers, was murdered by the guard. We demanded an investigation of the murder, but were met with insult. Captain John Irish, of the Forty-fifth New York, was bucked and gagged for refusing to do hard labor with a gang of negroes. In Ju]\-, 18G4, six hundred and lifty of us were taken to Charleston, South Car- olina, and confined in the jail yard, without shelter of any kind to protect us from the rain and intolerable heat ef the sun. While in this Jail yard we suffered severely from hunger, (as we did in all the prisons.) We received one pint of miserable corn meal, and, occasionally, a few spoonfuls of filthy rice or wormy, black beans, witlnio utensils for cooking, and an insntiieient supply of wood. Tli<^ delay and difficulty in getting our miserable morsel of stnfi', called food, is beyond my power of description. There were in the jail a nuuil)er of colored i)risoners, captured at Fort Wagner. They were allowed to conu^ into the yard once a day for water. One of them was murdered by the guard while coming for water. On the .^)th of October we w^ere sent to Columbia. South Carolina, luider thc^ pretense of removing us, fearing the yellow fever might get among us. General Gilmore's policy of retaliatiim, however, had more to do with the removal than yellow fever. We were packed in box-cars, as usual, in which cattle had l)eea transj)orted. Upon our arrival at Columliia an officer of a Connecticut reginu'ut was stabbed witb a bayonet while buying something to eat from a i)eddler. I will here men- tion that, in Liblly Prison, Lieutenant Forsyth, of an Ohio regiment, was shot while reading a paper, and Lieutenant Ilannnond was shot by a guard, who had boasted that he would shoot a Yankee before he was relieved. Lieutenant Morgan Kupp was sliot in the face whih^ making a bone ring. I feel unable to give a detailed account of our surterings at Columbia, South Carolina. The very name of " Camp Sorghum " nnist bring to the minds of the Union officers who suffered there tht^ remembrance of horrors which cannot be inimbered or descriljed. For over one hundred days we were without meat. Not a tent was given to us. During the cold months of November, December, and January the sufferings were intense ; our clothing was scanty and much worn. I have often stood on white frost in my bare feet during the tedious counting of fifteen hundred prisoners by the rebel guards. The wood we were permitted to gather was barely sufficient to cook our miserable ration of corn meal and sor- ghum, with an occasional issue of filthy rice and wormy cow peas. Fresh beef and other provisions were for sale in the camp at all times. Beef was sold at $6 to $10 per pound in confederate money; and shoes SU)0 per pair in the same money. In Camp Sorghum Lieutenant Tervain, Sixty-sixtli New York, was .shot dead within the prescribed limits of tlie camp. An officer of a Pennsylvania regiment was killed one night by a shot tired into canq). Cajitain Efkings. of tlie Tliird New Jersey cavalrv. was unirdered by a guard whom he had brilied to allow him to escai»e. Many officers were badly torn by bloodhounds. Among others (if 1 remember correctly) was Lieutenant Clenmu'us, of the Kentucky cavalry. One died from theettectsof the woumLs received from bloodhounds. No investigation of any of these nnudei>i was ever made to my knowledge, nor were the murderers even removed from their posts. One of my brothers perished in Andersonville, another physically wreclced for life and my owu health shattered by my long imprisonment. FRANK E. MORAN, Late Captain Sevcnty-thinl New York I'oluntcers. New Y'okk City, August 12, 1867. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1091 Statement of H. Lee Clark, of Bochester, Kew York, I -svas first lieutenant of Battery H, Second Massacliusetts artillery ; was captured while in command of a small work known as "Fort Wessels," Plymouth, North Caro- lina, April 18, 1864. Was carried to Andersonville, with hundreds of others, and although there but one day, saw enough of it to convince me that "Wirz's," punislimeut was light compared with his crimes. Was sent to Macon, Georgia, next day in cattle-cars, sixtj'-Iive in each car. Three montlis there, one month at Savannah, one month under fire at Charleston, South Carolina, thence to Columbia, South Carolina, October 6, 1864. On arriving at Columbia, I received permission from the sergeant of the guard to receive some food at the hands of a citizen. While in the act of so doing, I was bayoneted in the back, cutting down the backbone one and a half -.inches, and left in the Voorst storm I ever witnessed, for four liours. Was in all thirty hours in my wounded condition without any attention or surgical treatment. H. LEE CLARK, Late First Lieutenant, Second Massachusetts Artillery. Rochester, New York, September 28, 1867. Statement of Joseph Hepworth, of New York Mills, Xew York. I was sergeant of Company L, Fourteenth New York artillery. Was taken prisoner June 17, 1864, in a charge before Petersburg, Virginia. Was sent to Andersonville, Georgia. In the month of August a scpiad of men came in from Slierman's army ; one of them in attempting to get a drink of clear water reached his hand under the dead- line. The guard shot him dead and was cheered by the rebels outside for his hrave deed. One day after the commissary wagon was unloaded there Avere several pieces of crust remaining in the wagon, a half-starved prisoner Jumped in and got tliem, the driver, who had on heavy boots, jumped down and kicked tlie man until lie was senseless. Our fare was of the poorest kind ; at lirst we used to get a little meat, but that was stopi»ed. A pint of " cob meal" was given us for a day's rations ; occasionally a few spoonfuls of rice or ])eans. We were often forty-eight hours without food. Scores of men died every day of starvation ; often before death they became idiotic or raving crazy. Once stalwart, noble men cried like children for food. We dug holes and bur- rowed in the ground for slieltcr; none was furnished, although in sight of us were miles of forest. In September, 1864, several thousand of us were seut to Florence, South Carolina, where our treatment was no better ; we received barely enough food to keej) soul and body together. I do not remember who was in command, but we found another demon there by the name of Barrett, a lieutenant. He seemed to take delight in torturing the ])risoners ; tying them up by the thumbs, bucking and gagging, &,c. At one tune he charged us with trying to tunnel out, and kept us seventy-two hours Avithout food to make us tell where the tunnel was. In the month of November we concluded that we were to be made away with entirely. One gill of rice was issued or, in lieu thereof, a half pint of cob meal. Tlie mortality was terrible ; it seemed as if a IJestilence was among us. Filth and dirt abounded, and no facilities were given us to keep clean, and no shelter given us. Men lay down at night and were found frozen to death in the morning. I entered prison with a strong, robust constitution, and came out a mere wreck of my former self, and have never recovered from the etfects. I have tried to give a brief description of its horrors, but have failed. It was well-named " The Hell of the Confederacy." JOSEPH HEPWORTH. New York Mills, New York, September, 1867. Statement of William H. Hull, of Saratoga Springs, New York. I was a private in Company H, Seventh New York artillery. Was captured at Ream's Station, Virginia, August 25, 1864. Was taken to Petersburg, where we were searched; in other words, robbed of everything. They left us just enough to cover our nakedness ; some not faring even so well as that. Many were stripped to their shirt and drawers. Knives, combs, spoons, rings, pipes, &c., such trinkets as soldiers would be apt to carry, were taken and thrown in a pile. One young man who stood near me had a picture of a lady and two children, (which he said were his "wife and babies,") Avhich he plead lianl to be allowed to keep. The onlj' answer was a blow on the head with a musket which sent him reeling; he crawled away to one side and cried like a child. This was but the commencement of the brutality toward us. We were taken from Petersburg and put into Libby Prison ; all in one room. We were taken out, a few at a time, and made to strip. Our clothes were then searched thoroughly and much more clothing taken away from us. We were taken from Libby to Belle Isle. I have no language to 1092 TEEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR describe what we suffered there from hnuger and exposure. AVliile marching from Libby to Belle Isle, some humane women tried to give us water, but were prevented by the guard ; one of them was knocked down for giving a cup to one of us. AVhile at Belle Isle one of our men was sick and vomited up tlu; beans he had eaten ; in a few mintites a poor thin fellow came along and conunenced to pick them up and eat them. We told him the man had vomited them up ; he replied that he did not care, and \\ ished »there were more. Such was the craving for food that everything was eaten, regardless of its condition. The guards would throw melon rinds into the camp, which were eagerly seized and devoured. I have seen men chew all day on a couple of corn-cobs which had been thrown at them. Hardly a night passed without some of our number being shot. Tliis all occurred within sight of the mansion of Jefferson Davis. In October five hundred of us were taken to Salisbury, North Carolina. Three days on the road with only one day's ration. Some time between the 1st and 8th of Novemljer, I do not remember the exact date, we were four days without food. On the fourth day we received one pint of very coarse meal, which, instead of staying hunger, helped to provoke disease. I saw things every day that made my blood run cold. November 25, there was an attem})t made to break out of prison. I saw Major .John H. Gee, com- mander of the i^ost, stand on the stockade, with about fifty men, and order them to fii-e into the crowd, which was repeatedly done, he tiring himself a number of times. The prisoners had surrendered and were begging for mercy. On another occasion a large chimney fell and buried a unmber; some of the men ran to the place to assist the unfortiinate ones. I heard Major Gee order the guard to fire on the crowd, and shot with his revolver himself without giving a moment's warning. Just how many were shot at that time I never knew. I cannot refrain from expressing my indignation that the authors of our misery are allowed such perfect impunity by the government for the defense of which we endured so much. WM. H. HULL. Saratoga Springs, New York, Jidy 19, 1867. Statement of Mrs. Maria Tattle, of Loivville, Xew York. My son, Milo M. Tuttle, was a private of the Sixth Michigan cavalry. He was cap- tured, with four others, at Waterford, Virginia, on the 7th of August, 1863. At the close of the war but one of the five was living. My son was confined four months at Belle Isle, and eleven months at Andersonville. He was exchanged in November and sent to Annapolis, where he arrived insane, a mere wreck. His attendants were forced to pry his mouth open to get a little nourishment into the poor emaciated body. I was informed at once of his condition and hastened to him. Oh I what a sight for a poor mother! Yes, hundreds of poor, stricken mothers were there, to find the stay and stafl: of their declining years starved and dying! God help those poor mothers! Such a terrible scene I hope never to witness again. Through the untiring care of his nurses and surgeon he was in a measure restored to reason. He said, " Mother, don't weep." Oh, how'many mothers can now see those shadows of their children ! " Oh !" he said, " Winder and Wirz were such cruel men ; they gave us nothing to eat but corn, ground cob and all, and so little of even that. Oh ! mother, I cannot find lan- guage to express or depict the horrors of Andersonville. Men with their feet drop- ping off by inches, gangrene doing it. I was so sick with the scurvy, and the A'crmin sapping what life-blood remained in my poor body. One morning I crawled to the gate and begged them to take me to the rebel hospital, biit I was repulsed by the mon- ster Wirz: he said I was not sick enough. If, through my weakness, I had fallen over the dead-line, I would have been shot like a dog." My boy was kept in the Naval Scho(d IIosi)ital at Annapolis from November imtil March, 1805. It was evident to me and his physician that he must soon cross the river of death. " Jklother," he said, " take me home ; I must go home, if I do not live two days ; I wish to be biu'ied beside my two sisters." I gathered him up ; we left Annapolis, and were one Aveek ou the way ; where, after one week more of suffering, he fell asleep, aged nineteen years. He died for his country in the spring-time of life. Thank God, he sle';ps with kindred ; no more starvation, no more prison pens! As one wrote, " How sweet must be the boy's rest after his weary suffering !" ^lARIA TUTTLE. LowviLLE, New York, August 23, 1867. Statement of J. J. riieJps, of Xew Berlin, New York. I was sergeant of Company D, One hundred and seventh New York volunteers. Was taken prisoner near Rutledge, Georgia. When captured, we were drawn^up into line, while a rebel ofiicer stood in front of us and threatened to "shoot the first damned BY THE EEBEL AUTHOEITIES. 1093 Yankee son of a h — h tliat put his hand into his pocket." We were then searched. They took from us all of our private propertj-, such as money, watches, hats, drawers, handkerchiefs, needles, combs, &c., &c. We were then taken to Monroe, Georgia, and were searched again. We were then sent to Athens, Georgia, where the Eighth Geor- gia cavalry searched us again, it being the third time since our capture. Each new search left us in a poorer plight. We were then sent to Florence, South Carolina ; sev- enty-two hours on the way without rations. While a prisoner at Florence and a clerk at Eichmond.iu the hospital, I witnessed scenes which made the blood curdle in my veins. There were upward of eleven thousand prisoners at Florence when 1 waa there. There was a stream of water running through the stockade. The rebels camped above us, consequently we had all the lilth of their camp. At the time I left there the filth and stench were becoming unbearable. For a day's rations we received one pint of corn meal, cob and corn ground together. Those detailed outside received a halt pound of beef exti'a. John Hallock, of my company, tried to get into the outside scpiad to get the extra ration, and was detected. He was haudcutied ami locked up in a cell forty-eight hours, with nothing to eat. David Maynard was knocked down by Lieu- tenant Wilson, (rebel,) for accidentally standing in his way. Maynard died of starva- tion, as did Smith and others of my company. Smith told me some time before he died that he would soon die if he did not get more food. I saw a mere boy shot by the guard out of mere wantonness. I saw one poor fellow come out of his hole to get water, stagger to the brook and die. While I was clerk in Richmond I saw Ross, a rebel clerk who came every morning, kick and beat men for not coming out, when they were dying. At Florence the hospital accommodations were a roof with no sides to keep out the cold wind and colder rain. We received no shelter of any kind, and had to burrow into the ground. Those who were unable to tix shelter for themselves were placed in the "poor-house;" it being a large hole covered with boughs and mud. Those who entered it lasted but a few days, as they wei'e unabh; to do for themselves ; Avere surrounded by their owu lilth, covered with vermin, and had to eat their meal raw. We were furnislied no cooking utensils, so we had to borrow and arrange the best we could with those who were so fortunate as to have any. I have seen men wander from their holes iuto the swampy ground and die. I have seen men eat their pint of meal raw, and crawl to the poor-house naked and starved, to die. I have seen men sutler unspeakable agonies from heat and cold, while the rebels were wearing the clothing sent by our government. I have seen men go to the brook and gather the tilth which Hoated down from the rebel camp to eat. God only knows what we suffered in those southern prisons. J. J. PHELPS. New Berlln, New York, August 16, 1867. Statement of Thomas SiiUlvan, of IVilHamshurg, Xew York. I was a private in Company L, Fifth New York cavalry. Was captured at White Oak Swamp, Virginia, June 1.5, 1864, and sent to Richmond, where we were boxed up in freight cars, at the rate of eighty or more to the car, and sent to Andersonville. We were seven days on the way, on four of which we had no rations and but little water. What we endured in such ci'aniped i^osition from hunger, thirst, and heat may be im- agined but cannot be described. The treatment and food at Andersonville was wretched. We were moved from Andersonville to Florence, which was much worse than at An- dersonville; the object, being to induce all Avho preferred to turn traitors to starving to join the rebel army. I managed to have my name appear in two squads, so that I drew double rations, which were barely sufficient to sustain life. Lieutenant Barrett, who had charge of the prisoners, adopted a new plan. He hatl us all counted, which put a stop to my double rations ; from which time I graduallj' sunk away until I had to be taken into the hospital, and was paroled in time to save my life. THOMAS SULLIVAN. WiLLiAMSBUiiG, NEW YoRK, July 18, 1867. ■• Statement of James C. Alverson, WilUamshurg, New Yorlc. I was a private in Company G, One hundred and forty-sixth New York volunteers. Was taken prisoner at the battle of the Wilderness, May 5, 1864. Was taken with others to Andersonville, about eighty packed in each car; we were four days without rations on the way and suffered much for water. One man while the train was in Augusta asked the provost marshal Ibr water; the brute struck him with a stick, knocking him down, and said he would serve all so who came to him with any conqjlaints. We were so crowded that we could not all sit down in the cars. Quite a number died on the 1094 TEEATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR road. I was four raontlis at Audersouville ; but it -would be impossible for mo to write the hardshijjs and misery we were subjected to. General Winder bad command. Wirz was under him. I was sick most of the time, all drawn and swelled up with the scurvy. I have never regained my health. I have seen prisoners shot down like dogs by the guards. They claimed that they were given furloughs for shooting Yankees. AVas taken to Florence, South Carolina, and remained hve months. Colonel Iverson commanded at Florence. He had a man under him, a red-headed lieutenant, who was a cruel wretch ; he seemed to enjoy punishing the prisoners, firing hi, revolver into a crowd, iSiC. These are but a few outlines which may serve as illustrations of the Avhole. JAMES C. ALVERSON. WiLLLVMSBURG, New York, July, 1867. Statement of James I^owaii, of Corfu, Xcw Tori: My son was a corporal in Company G, Eighth New York artillery ; was taken prisoner by the rebels at Ream's station, Vii'ginia, August 25, 1864, and was imprisoned at Libby, Andersonville, and Salisbury; was paroled March 10, 1865, and died live days after reaching liome, from starvation and exposure. He told me he had on one occa- sion been five days without food. He was reduced to a perfect skeleton. His skin seemed to be drieil down on to his bones and the ])ores all closed. A young man Ijy the name of Coles, member of the same company and regiment, lived four weeks after his return, in condition similar to my son. JAMES ROWAN. Corfu, New York, Jnli/, 1867. Statement of E. M. C. Mansfield, of Gains, New York. I was a lieutenant of Second New York rifles. Was captured at Prebble Farm, Vir- ginia, September :30, 1864. We were taken to Petersburg, our names registered, and we systematically loVibcd of all the ]iublie or iirivate projicrfy in our possession, in- cluding pocket-knives, money, &c. Was taken to Libby Prison. Our ration for a day was eight ounces of bread, two of beef, and some very filthy bean soup. Was moved from Libby to Salisbury, North Carolina. Lieutenant Davis was there murdered in cold blood by a sentinel', without the slightest provocation. He left a wife and several children. Our (|uarters were very poor. AVe were separated from the enlisted men by a line of sentinels. They were quartered in the open air, and a hard-looking set of mortals they were. AVords fail to (lescril)e the suffering of our boys at the hands of the rebels. Ma.jor Lee, in eonnnand at Salisliury, was a cruel wretch, and richly deserves a place with AVirz for his brutal treatment of our men. From Salisbury was sent to Danville. Our rations there consisted of one-half pound of corn bread daily, occasion- ally a little beef, sometimes soui), and sevcsral times were given beef entrails not cleaned. Colonel Kawlston, Twenty-fifth New^ A'ork cavalry, was shot at Danville. Ca[>taiu Carrol was also siiot through the waist by a guard wlio shot up through the floor. On being paroled was sent to Annapolis, where I saw many of our paroled men. All of them were, mere skeletons; some of the poor fellows whose minds were so shattered they coukl not tell their names nor where they belonged. I can only wish I could com- mand words to give a true idea of the horrors of those prison hells. E. C. MANSFIELD. G^viNES, New York, Xocemher 21, 1867. Statement of JVilJiam J. Chittenden. I was a private in E company, Thirteenth Illinois infantry volunteers. I was cap- tured on tlu^ 17th day of May, 1864, with sixty-one others of my regiment, at Madison Station, Alabama, by a detachment of General Roddy's eonnnand, under immcHliato command of a Colon"el Patterson. Tlie majority of tiur men were robl)ed when cap- tured, altliougli olberwise well treated irntil turned over to Forrest's men, at Tupelo, Mississiiijii, wiiere we were plundered and abused. On the 3d day of June, 1864, we readied Calm ha. Alabama, wbere we were incarcerated in an old cottcm warehouse, which had been transformed into a prison for Yankees, and designated as Castle Morgan. The counnandant of the post was a Colonel Jones. Cai>tain (afterward Lieutenant Colonel) H. A. M. Henderson was provost marshal, and had charge of the prison. Surgeon L. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1095 E. Pi'ofllet had charge of the hospital, and Dr. John Driver, at one time his assistant. This prison was luuioubtedly the best iu the confederacy. Captain Henderson was very kind, and I believe did all it was possible for him to do under the circnuistauces for the interest of the prisoners, so much, in fact, that he was censured by Colonel Jones, who was a brutal, bullying scoundrel, encouraging (as I believe) all the iiendish crimes committed by the prison guard ; I mean the robbing, stabbing, and shooting of defenseless men. Among other cruelties, one Hawkins, (rebel,) a private, afterward promoted to corporal, nuirdered three Union soldiers within the space of six days, and this without provocation, yeveral were stabbed or shot. Our rations consisted of one pint of meal, with a little salt, per diem, and about one-third pound of meat every otlier day, with a small mess of Avorniy beans once iu ten days. The prison watf about one hundred and sixty by one hundred and eighty feet, aiul iu this space were coutiued (after Octolter, 1864) as many as two thousand four hundred men. On the 19th of October, 18(i4, two hundred and fifty of the prisoners at Cahaba, those who had been the longest there being selected, were sent to Meridian, Mississip[)i, by order of General Dick Taylor, then in command of that department. We were told that this exchange of prisons was for "retaliation," and had every reasim to believe this report. Among these two hundred and fifty men there wei'e not to exceed twenty- live blankets. Over one-half of the men were shoeless, as many bareheaded, very many without shirts. Comparatively few had coats of any description, and the clothing they had wa.s in rags. Arriving at Meridian Ave were marched into a small inclosure, surrounded by a stockade, and containing no sheltering roofs save two small log shan- ties, which were fully occupied w^hen we arrived. A shallow well in oue corner sup- plied n.s scantily with water for cooking and an occasional wash. Our rations were about the same as at Cahaba. We had a good su]iply of wood, though this afforded Init little relief from the piercing cold winds and pelting rain. During the hfry days we remained here it rained an average of two days out of three, and as wo \a ere com- pelled to lie on the ground, without blankets, and nearly naked, our sufferings were intense. My owu feet were frost-bitten, and many times I thought I must perish with cold and hunger. One boy, apparently about sixteen years of age, thus perished, and although before his death I called the officer in charge to the spot where the hul was lying, jjointed out to him the wasted frame almost destitute of clothing, and the liead resting on a stone, asking him in the name of (rod and humanity to give at least an old blanktit to cover the dying one, he turm^l pitilessly away. This otJIicer's name was L,ieuteuant J. H. Fitzpatrick. Before the breakiug out of the rebellion he resided in the town of vSycamore, DeKalb County, Illinois. General Taylor's headquarters were iu Meridian. Through God's good providence but iew died while we were there, but had we remained much longer very many must have perished, and not a few have sine;' died from disease engendered in this accursed place. I am still crippled iu health iiom the tlreadful exposure to which I was there subjected. Bloodhouuds were used iu recap- turing men who escaped from these prisons, and packs of hounds Avere kept by par- ties whose business it was to hunt and bring back these wretched men to prison. These are a few facts in regard to my prison life. I could add much more but there are other pens more able than mine which will do justice to the subject. WM. J, CHITTENDEN. FOKT Wood, Bedloe^s Island, New Torlc Harhor, 1867. Statement of James M. Emery, Lock Haren, Clinton County, Pennsylvania. I was a private iu Company A, Third heavy artillery, Pennsylvania volunteers. Was taken prisoner at Simithfield, Virginia, February 1, 18t)4. During my imprisonment, which was from February 1, 18()4, to June 23, 1865, I experienced most everything man can experience iu this world iu the shape of afflictions and misery, and not suffer death, aud yet death uiight have been a blessing had it come at the beginning of my imprisonment. Our first .stopping place was Richmond; were coulined in Fembertou warehouse; remained there about one week, and were transferred to Belle Island. Previous to leaving Richmond we were examined or searched for money, watclies, and other valuables, which were taken from those who were unlucky enough to have any about their person. At Belle Isle was the commencement of our miser^^ One of the worst features there was the closing of the gates to the sinks at sundown and not rais- ing them until sunrise. I knew men to remain unburied for nine days after dying. The sufferings on the island cannot bo described. The prisoners died like sheep with the rot. I left Belle Isle for Georgia March 12, 1864. We were transported in cattle eura, and the nmst of the way were so crowded that every one had to stand up. I think there were between seventy and eighty men put in each car. We arrived at Auder.souville March 18, and found about six thousand prisoners already in the stock- 1096 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR atle. Here vre had rather better fare than on Belle Isle, until Captain Wirz made hia appearance among ns, and from that time yvo "were servetl worse and worse, until death itself was songht as a relief by nsauy avIio were aiiiieted and liopeless. I saw the man hnowu as the " Chickamanga cripple " sljot thiough tlic month a" '1 neck and killed by the gnard for sitting nuderthe dead-line, yet the poor feUow knew wliat would be his doom for going thei'e. I saw a man who had been caught by the hounds, his arms and foce badly bitten, brought into the stockaik\ and in two hours he was ean-ied away a corpse. I knew of several men who were sliot by the guard tor ajijiroacliiug too near the dead-line. It was reported as a fact throughout the prison thi),t every guard,jWho shot a Yankee had a twenty-day furlough granted him through Captain AVirz. September 6 I was admitted to the hosi)ital. I was helpless, afflicted with the scurvy and chronic diarrhea ; but found, mucli to my sorrow, that I was in worse hands than when in the stockade, yet I did not give up. Soon after entering the hosi>ital I met with friends who assisted in getting me extra food, and i soon recruited so 1 was able to move about. I would state though that, before I was able to walk, I would sit ou my bunk, (I was the only one m the tent who had a bunk, the other four were on the sand,) and with a razor I took from the haversack of a man who died in my tent, shave such men as were able to come to me. My recompense was a ration of molasses (one spoonful) for each man. By saving the molasses and trading for bread and meat I made a pretty good living to what the regular allowance Avas. Our manner of trading ran as follows : two rations of molasses for one of meat, and two of meat for one of bread. Trading was a leading object among the sick, and was made an every- day business. Those who were able to get about any way would always V>e out for a trade, and everything was meat, bread, or molasses. My business grew quite exten- sive after I was able to walk ; but as I was generally compelled to wait until the mo- lasses was issued, and tlu-u three times out of iive cheated out of it, did not make it very profitable ; but such was the ease, and such was one of the ways I liad to make a living at Anderscmville. During the winter several men froze to death ; yet if they had had enough to eat, no doubt would have lived through the coldest weather. I am satislieemed to prevail more exi^ensively than any other dis- ease. I knew men to lose all their teeth from the eUects of scurvy in the mouth. I lost two myself. When it worked into the limbs it was impossible^ to get rid of it under their treatment. Men became entirely helpless, losing the use of their limbs, and generally covered with sores. I did not have free use of my left leg for six months ; usually made my way with a crutch and a cane when I wanted to walk. My left leg sweHed and my right leg wasted away. Pievious to its becoming with- ered, it was swollen very much, but in one night tlie swelling went to the other leg, and it began to wither "as described. The sick in the hospital (when I s;iy hospital, I mean another stockade, and thc^ only difference is, one has timbers inserted six feet in the ground and hfteen feet high, for the supposed well men, and the other was a. fence ten feet high, inclosing seven acres, and dotted with tents or canvas drawn over poles for shelter) lay on the sand. There were a few bunks, and those who had blankets found good use for them ; those wdio had none were not provided for. Men who were not able to sit U]i and seareh their clothes were generally covered witli lico and lleas. In any tent, and especially where it was sandy, by scraping up a handful of sand, you could observe lice nearly half as plenty as sand, and by turning down a blanket, the lleas would jump and run by the hundreds; but these could not be ob- viated, from the filthy maimer in which we were compelled to live. I knew men iu my tent who had the diarrhea to save their laudanum (they gave laudanum I'or diar- rhea) from one day to another until they would have enough to end their lives. Diu*- ing my stay in the hospital ten men died by my side. Every manner jiossible was sought to obtain food. In fact, the next hope to home was food. Every conceivable plan was devised, such as boiling bones, killing rats and dogs. On one occasion some little pigs came into the liospital, through the dead-house gate. One was caught by a fellow in my tent, and for thi; use of my knife to butcher it, I was re- ■warded with the head, skin, and entrails. I do not remember of ever having enough to eat while I was at Andersonville, especially in the hospital. March 2."), 1865, I left Andersonville, (there were iitteen in all captured with me con- fined at Andersonville, and one besides myself were all who lived to get away.) After BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1097 arrival at Vicksburg a great mauy managed to get euougli to eat to overload tlicir stomachs and many died. The stockade at Andersonville, after the addition of ten acres, inclosed twenty-eight acres. Tlie largest number of prisoners there at one time was thirty-one thousand, of Avhich over seventeen thousand died during the time it was used for a pen. It was known as the Andersonville bull-pen. The liospital contained seven acres, and I suppose there was more suffering on that seven acres than ever was endured iu the whole of America in as much time. I am now a cripple from tlic effects of the scurvy ; my left leg is very much swollen from the ankle to the tliigh ; r.iy ankle is one-half inch larger than the other, and there is a sore on my shiuboue that refuses to heal. JAMES M. EMERY, DansviUe, Livingston Coimtij, Xew York. Lock Haven, PEXXSYLViVXiA, Xovcmher 4, 1867. Statement of Martin J. Lindsay, of Rarrisonvillc, Missouri. I was sergeant of Company B, First Ohio cavalry ; was taken prisoner at Cotton Port, Tennessee, September 30, 1863 ; was a prisoner thirteen mouths at Richmond, Danville, and Andersonville. Our treatment at Richmond and Danvilk was extremely cruel and barbarous, but at Andersonville it was so much worse that I have no language to describe it. Tlie rebel authorities did know the condition we were in, for General Winder and General Robert Toombs wereiu the j)rison several times, to my knowledge, and saw the terrible scene. MARTIN J. LINDSAY. Harrisonville, August 1, 1867. Statement of William H. Haun, of Booneville, Missouri. I was corporal of Company F, Eighteenth Ohio volunteers ; was taken prisoner at Chickamauga, Tennessee, September 20, 1863 ; was sent to Richmond, where I was rob- bed of money, &c. After two mouthsof suffering at Richmond wassentto Danville, there confined for six months, and then sent to Andersonville, Georgia, which was infinitely worse than either of the others. Our food was scanty and of miserable quality, many of us were nearly naked, having been more than a year prisoners, without a change of clothing. We were not even furnished with soap to wash tlie filthy rags we did have. The most of us were entirely unprotected from sun and storm, no shelter being fur- nished and we not allowed to obtain it, although surrounded by timber. Escaping prisoners were chased by bloodhounds, and were often torn to death by them. Mauy prisoners were shot on the mere pretense that they were too near the " dead-line." In this condition a few of us managed to live until September, when we were removed to Charleston, there kept until sometime iu October, when we were taken to Florence, South Carolina. Our treatment at Florence was about the same as at Andersonville, but the weather was much colder, and we, so much reduced by starvation, felt the efiects more keenly. Many a poor fellow actually chilled to death in the cold rains and frosty nights. These instances I saw myself. I might greatly extend this statement, but will forbear. It is a fair sample of the whole treatment. WM. H. HAUN. Booneville, Missouri, August 12, 1867. Statement of Jacob G. Matticl; of Williamstoum, Missouri. I was a in'ivate iu Company B, Fifth West Virginia cavalry ; was captured Decem- ber, 1863, near Jackson's River Depot, Virginia. We were taken from place to place until we finally arrived at Richmond, and were put into Scott's tobacco warehouse. W^e were stripped naked and searched; in some cases they ripped the clothing, thinkiug to find money. They took from us our money, photographs, and everything, in fact, they found iu our clothes before returniag them. Ou the night of the 24th of December we were camped out in an open field with neither shelter nor fire. It was a bitter cold night, and we had to race around the camp all the tiuie to keep from freezing. We were one week reaching Richmond, during which time wo did not receive rations suf- ficient for two days. We were soon taken to Belle Isle. The weather Avas very cold, and we had but little shelter, mauy without any. The river was frozen on either 1098 TREATMENT OF PKISONERS OF WAR side of the island. There were upward of ten thousand confined there. The men re- sorted to all sorts of expedients to keep from freezing. They might be heard at all hours running around to keep warni ; when exhausted they would lie down in piles like hogs. The ration was not more than half enough to satisfy hunger, which unfitted us to stand the cold. We were fed corn bread, in which I have frecpiently found whole corn and i)ieces of cobs, and had a little bean soup which was full of bugs. We could not go to the sinks after sundown, so the camp became very filthy. Very many i)oor fellows had their feet, faces, and ears frozen, a number frozen to death, and some who died in most excruciating pain from the eftects of being frozen. Had it not been for the food. Arc, furnished by arrangement which allowed things to be sent us, hundreds more would have died. Was removed to Aiulersonville on the 8th of March, being six days on the road with but little to eat or drink. We were packed in box cars so closely that we could not all sit down at once. What we suft'cred in tliese cars none can know but those who passed through it. When we were taken out of Belle Isle a Sergeant Hite stood at the gate to beat us if we came out too fast, and pound us if not fast enough to suit him. A slough or creek ran through the stockadi^ at Andersonville, on which, above us, were camped the guards, (three regiments.) and thecook-luaises, which made the water extremely dirty and filthy. Inside the stoclcade v.as a dead-line; if a prisoner crossed this it Avas sure death. Nnnil)ers threw themselves over it purposely, to be relieved of a misery worse to them than death. The location of the camp was all that could be desired to carry out the boast made at the time : "That tliC' (htnuicd Yciii- kces could he rotted faster tlian the armies could capture themy Though surrounded by timber, no shelter of any kind was furnished to us. Hundreds of jirisoners were driven into this i>en with no clothing except shirts and drawers. I have seen over thirty thousand there at one time. In .July and August the sufterings were beyond descrip- tion. Tile days were fearfully hot, and at night a cold fog rested on ns. Thus exposed to thesi' extremes our men died like sheep with the rot. Scurvy, gangrene, and diar- rhea were the principal diseases. Hundreds were lying around the camp thus afflicted who Avere not able even to crawl to the sinks. The ground was alive with maggots and vermin, and was covered with excrement. The stench was horrible. In fact, the whole stockade was a struggling mass striving for life. As for medical attendance we might as well have had none, as men were hardly ever admitted into tlie hospital until it seemed impossible for them to live. Many more died in the ojten stockade than in the hospitals. The cook-house could not su]tply ns with cooked food, so a por- tion of us were given raw meal and wormy beans with nothing to cook it in. After the capture of Atlanta we were hurried away from Andersonville to Savannah, Millen, Charleston, and Florence. Many of the extremely sick and weak were paroled and sent North, myself among the number. It was fearful to think that but a short time ago we entered tlie prison stout, hearty men, and were reduced by deliberate starvation and exposure to mere skeletons, cripjded in body by disease and so weakened in mind as to act like children, weeping or laughing, without even know iiig why. INIany of those men I know have never recovered, while many died soon after their re- lease. I am myself so crippled and diseased that my life often seems a burden to me. JOSEPH G. MATTICK. WiLLiAMSTOWN, Missouri, August 12, 1867. Statement of Simon P. Joy, of Savannah, Missouri. I was an orderly sergeant of the Seventy-eighth Ohio volunteers at the time of my capture; was taken prisoner on the skirmish line in front of Atlanta, the 22d of July, 1864, and was taken to Andersonville. The stench of that pen when we entered it was fearful. I can compare it to nothing but a privy in such a condition as to be de- clared a nuisance. We soon found the smell of the ])lace the least disagreeable thing about it. I have seen men scarcely able to crawl about, light over a bare bone, which tlie stronger would take from the weaker to boil in water, to obtain the wherewith to sustain life a little longer. No shelter was furnished to ns, and even that we had (oiir blankets) was stolen ironi us before we were turned in by " our brave captors." Our men were lying around on the ground, the living, the dying, and the dead together^ some yet alive, who were so liltliy fruni necessity, not being able to do anything for themselves, with maggots crawling arDuud their mouths, nostrils, ears, eyes, and over their bodies generally. Only about half of the men received their food cooked. Me.al, coarse' and dirty, was issued, together with wormy cow peas, in fpiantities not even to satisfy the craving of hunger at the times of eating. I knew of two men, who, tired of the living death they were snlferiug, threw themselves across the dead-line ])urposely, to end their misery ; they were both killed by the guard. The guards told us they got a thirty dav's furlough for every Yankee they killed who was trving to make his escape. SIMON I*. JOY, Late Lieutenant Scvcnty-ciijldh Ohio Volunteers, SAVA2CXAH, Missouri, Auf/ust 9, 1667. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1099 Statement of John A. McndenhaU, of Graham, Missouri. I was second lieutenant of Company E, Seveuty-fiftli Ohio volnnteers ; was captJired at Gettysburg, July 2, 1863, and after a fatiguing march of fourteen days, with less than half rations, reached Richmond, when we were taken to Libby Prison, thoroughly searched, and robbed. In many cases even the hats, coats, and boots were taken and miserable substitutes for such articles returned. My treatment, aud the treatment of those vmder my immediate notice, was miserable beyond description. I have read many attempted descriptions of the ti'eatment of prisoners at Libby, but none conveyed a correct idea of what I saw and suffered, nor do I believe anything can be written which will portray the misery of our condition. I can only state a few of the incidents, and leave the rest to imagination. Major Turner and one Dick Turner were our keepers. One story of the Libby Prison was used for a hospital for our men part of the time while I was there. It canie nearer being a " dead-house," so large was the number of deaths. I have seen men eaten by body-lice until their bodies were raw. Some of them looked as if the vermin had killed them. Our ration, when first put into Libby, was half of a small loaf of bread, a little meat, and a miserable, dirty sort of soup. Even this was reduced, and we soon had nothing but a pint of meal with a very small piece of bacon. Even that ration was reduced, aud for weeks we received nothing but a sunill loaf of corn bread, weigh- ing eight or ten ounces. At first, a few of the things which were sent through our lines by arrangement, were delivered, the best being appropriated to the x;se of the guards. They soon ceased to deliver them at all. What finally became of them I do not know, but we did not receive them, although we knew they were in a warehouse. Every one of us were lousy and dirty in s])ite of our eftbrts to keep clean, as no facilities \vere afforded us. Lieutenant Taylor, of an Ohio regiment, was shot by the guard while reading near a window ; several others were wouuded for no other oifeuse than going near the windows. In May, 1864, we were taken to Macon, Georgia, where my captain, Daniel McCully, died, " starved to death." Nothing ailed him but weakness; he be- came so debilitated that his stomach would not retain the sour, coarse meal issued. In July we were taken to Charleston, and kept under fire of our guns. We were then taken to Columbia, South Carolina, where we were camped out in a field. I might say we had no shelter from rain or sun after we went to Georgia. When Sherman came up through South Carolina, we were removed to Charlotte, North Carolina. During our stay at Columbia an addition was made to the inevitable corn meal of sorghum molas- ses. There were five of our officers shot dead at Columbia by the guard, for no good reason other than the desire to kill " a damned Yankee," as they called us. March 1, 1865, after twenty months' imprisonment, I got inside the Union lines, just able to walk. I have never been well since, and have no exjjcctation of ever fully recovering from the dire effects of the barbarous treatment received. JOHN A. MENDENHALL, Late Second Lieutenant Company E, Secentij-fiflJi Ohio Volunteers. Graham, Missouri, Octoher, 1867. Statement of Abraham B. Towner, of Laclede, Missouri. I was corporal of Company G, Ninety-third Indiana volunteers ; was taken prisoner at Brice's Cross Roads, Mississippi, 10th of June, 1864. We were sent to Meridian, where everything of value was stolen from us that we did not hide. We were five days on the road to Meridian, during which we received two hard crackers. We were sent to Mobile, where we were searched again and sent to Andersonville in stock cars, fyom which stock had just been taken ; sixty of us were put into each car, without cleaning them out. We were two days on the road, in the hardest rain storm (contin- uing the whole time) I ever saw ; there was no roof on the cars. On our way from the railroad to the jien we passed the dead-house, in which there lay forty dead bodies, the. worst looking men I ever saAV. As we went into the gate, there lay about forty mora dead men, perfect skeletons. It was a terrible introduction. It was two days before they issued any rations to us, making four days we had been without food. Our rations were stopped several times because we were digging tunnels to get out ; sometimes they would stop them on the mere suspicion that wo were tunneling, when we would have to start one and report it in order to get rations again. On the 4th of July they promised us double rations, but gave us nothing at all. The number became so large that it was difficult to get good water. The slough running through the camp became so filthy we had to go to the uplier end of it to get clear water, and had to wait for our turn. If a man reached even his hand under the dead-line he was shot. I think there must have been five killed per week, on an average, by the guard lor no reason, unless to get a furlough, as they said they did, for killing a Yankee. One man 1100 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR of tlie Eighty-first ludiaua we carried to the surgeon every clay for one month after he was unable to walk. The surgeon finally said he had better go to the hospital, and told us to leave him. He laid by the gate two days, when he was taken to the dead-house. On the 8th of September, one thousand of us were put in charge of Lieutenant Davis, who packed us into box cars, seventy-five in each. On the 9th we arrived in Macon, and were kept in those close cars. It was so hot, and we so crowded, six men died in the car I Avas in, and have been told by men in the other cars that theirs were just as bad. We were taken to Savannah, thence to Charleston, thence to Florence. In a few days our number was increased to live thousand, and put in charge of Colonel Berry, who commenced making speeches to us, trying to persuade us to take the oath of allegiance and go into the rebel army. This raised quite an excitement in camp. There was one man from Kentucky who got the men to raise such a noise that Colonel Berry could not be heard. He then reuuirked to a captain with him, " Damn them, they won't do it; l)ut we can keep them until they die." After this speech our rations were cut down until the men were wild with hunger. There was no stockade around us at the time, and the men would often break out ; we could not get away, but we could keep out long enough to find a sweet potato patch, and the men were willing to run the risk of b^ing killed for that. In October we Avere moved into the stockade, which was then ready. Lieutenant Barrett was then put in charge of us, and our rations increased to one pint of ineal per day, with nothing to cook it in and not wood enough to cook with. When clothing and blankets were sent to us by the United States, but little was given to us. If one of the prisoners attempted to escape, and Avas not killed, they would hang the man up by the thumbs, clear of the ground, for tAvo boui's. Lieutenant I3arrett calliug attention to him, telling us to take warning. Another act of cruelty was depriving us of good Avater. We had dug wells but some one had used a well to start a tunnel from, through which a number had escaped. Lieutenant Barrett found it out and made us fill up all of our Avells. Wo had then to get water out of the dirty slough which ran through the camji. We were, on the "iSth of NoA^em- ber, paroled for exchange and sent to Charleston. Sherman's adA'ance put a stop to the exchange, so Ave Avere kept in Charleston without anything to eat so long that some Irish Avomen took pity on us and attempted to giA'e us some bread, but the guard prevented them. They would neither feed us themselves nor let others. ABRAHAM B. TOWNER. Laclede, Missouri, August 31, 1867. Statement of T. W. Sanhoni, of Washin/jton, District of Columbia. I Avas captured May 23, 18G4, on the St. John's RiA^'r, Florida, and sent to Macon, Georgia, where I was confined until about the middle of July, Avhen I was taken with the first six huudred to Charleston, South Carolina, and placed under fire. I remained until September 2, Avlien I Avas exchanged. At Macon our rations Avere of the most miserable kind, and insufficient in quantity. The bacon Avas fairly rotten, and always contained more or less maggots. The meal Avas often musty, sour, and Aery coarse, and the beans Avormy. Our treatment was tyrannical and cruel. Men sliot, and bucked and gagged on the slightest provocation. We Avere furnished miseraljle shel- ter, if any. We usually had the bare ground for our bed, and the sky for our covering. At Charleston we Avere put in the common jail yard, and mingled Avith the very scum of the South — murderers, thicA^es. deserters, and A'agabonds of cA-ery description. During the whole term of my imprisonment I was treated more as a runaway negro than as a prisoner of war. T. W. SANBORN. Wasiiixgton, D. C, Decemler 3, 18G7. Statement of Albert B. White, of WasMngton, District of Columbia. I was adjutant of the Fourth PennsylA'ania caA^alry ; was captured at Sulphur .*^prings, Virginia, Octobei', 1863, and Avas released on parole March 1, 1865. Was coufined at liibby, Macon, SaA^annah, Charleston, and Columbia. At Libby Ave sufiered nuich from close confinement in an unhealthy atmosphere. There were about one hundred and sevent.v-five officers in each room, the size of an ordinary Avarehouse, ceiliugs eight feet high. From the Avaut of food — the ration, as near as I can remember, consisted of half a pound of the meanest kind of corn bread, and a little beef Provision Avas furnished the rebels for distribution by the Sanitary Conuuissions, but little of Avliich ever reached us ; it Avas appropriated by them. Acts of cruelty were A-ery fic(iuent. In my oavu case, I Avas furnished neither medicine nor attention while suti'ering from BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1101 au attack of billions fever, and was confined in a close cell on bread and water for attempting to escape. In May, 1864, we were transported to Georgia in connnou cattle cars, which had not been cleaned, sixty-five in each car. We were seven days making the trip, during which we snftered terribly from hunger, thii'st, and loss of "sleei). At Macon we were without shelter of any kind for three weeks ; our ration was a little corn bread, baked but little, without salt, and of coarse, unsifted meal. The rules of the camp were unnecessarily severe. One otficer was shot dead, and others wounded. At Charleston we were under fire. At Columl)ia we Avere three months, from October 10, without shelter. Ration, one pint poor corn meal, and a half pint of sorghum. Four officers were killed there for trivial violations of the rules — in fact, no violations at all. I was confined in jail at Edgefield Court House, at Augusta, and at Columbia, with counnon convicts, as a punishment for trying to make my escape. They used Idood hounds to track us. They placed powder in the cellar at Libby to intimidate lis. One hundred and fifty-six men were captured with me ; but thirty lived to be liaroled. ALBERT B. WHITE, Laie Adjutant Fourth Penmijlvania Cavalry. Washin'GTOX, D. C, November 19, 18G7. Statement of G. M. Van Buren. I was born in Columbia County, New York, April 20, 1835, and am, therefore, thirty- two years old. I entered the army as captain of Company M, Sixth New York cav- alry, November 21, 18G1 ; was always on duty, except a ten-day's leave, and partici- pated in every battle and skirmish of the regiment until my capture, July (5, 186.3. With some two hundred officers captured at Gettysburg, we were marched rapidly from Williamsport, Maryland, to Staunton, Virginia, and thence by rail to Richmoud. On the march officers who were accustomed to being mounted found their feet bleed- iug, and tlie guards were ordered "to prick them up" by that old fiend. General Imbo- deu, and in several instances " to shoot the damned Yankees," because they did not walk fast enough, when you could see the blood in every track. The women threw water on us at Harrisonburg, and other places hooted at us, and called us names that would shock a northern lady to hear spoken. We got, daily, on the route, half a pound fresh beef, and one pound flour. We arrived at Richmond on the 18tu. July 11). Received each a piece of bread less than three inches square, and a piece of boiled beef two by two and a half inches. About 5 p. m., they brought us soup with the maggots swimming on the top ; this, although very hungry, we threw away. The next day it was the yame, and again it was thrown away, although we had received so little for ten days that we hated to see it go. We remoustrated, but to no effect, except to bo told " that it was good enough for damned Yankees, and that it was all we would get." We then asked to have it brought up after dark, which was granted, when each would take a pint cup full of the vile soup and eat it without looking at it. This lasted for al)out ten days, when they issued the rations "in kind." We then cleaned our meat before cooking, and bteing now allowed to buy, lived very well for prisoners, and with the boxes afterward received from friends at the North, two-thirds of which they (Cap- tain Monroe and Dick Turner) usually stole before our very eyes, we for a time did pretty well. They had taken all our money and everything valuable they could find when we entered the prison, but we had secreted enough to live tolerablj' well. Those who had no money almost starved, and I have been asked forx>otato parings by a man who had plenty at home and was every inch a gentleman. The enlisted men in the room below, who were not allowed to purchase and lived on the rations we got at first, would fight like dogs over any little piece of bread we could pass down to them, which was often done through the sink passage, and was devoured without a thought of the excrement it necessarily received going through thi« passage. They paid us for. greenbacks first $3, then $.5, and $7 for one. Richmond prices in July, 1863, were : bacon, %1 80 j)er pound ; butter, $2 50 per pound ; potatoes, $15 a bushel ; salt 50 cents per pound ; sugar, %i per iiound. We had to i^ay twice these prices. I take the following extract from diary written at this time : "The men from Belle Isle often pass our prison almost naked and looking starved. They die very fast at the Island. No clothing has ever been issued, excei^t wlien a good blanket is taken away and a ragged one given in its place. Our Sanitary Commission sends some clothing for our men, but the guawings of luiuger lead them to sell these for food. They always xiromised to return the money stolen when we came into prison, but we never got it." We got clothing from friends, and many got letters from home, as I did, by writing on one side of my sheet with oniou juice, which is invisible, but readily brought out 1102 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR with heat. In this I asked my friends to send me money in my box hy pnttiug it in an an<4«'r hole in the end board, and nailing the side boai'd over it. In this way I got $400. During the winter of 1863 and '64 many men froze to death on Belle Isle by being without shelter ; eleven iu one night, when a little shelter would have saved them. On the 7th of May, 1864, we left Richmond and were taken first to Danville, Vir- ginia. Here they put two hundred and twenty-one of us in a room thirty -seven by seventy-six feet, being twelve and three-fourths square feet to a man, or six and three- eighths by two feet. We were taken from here to I\Iacon, Georgia, but having eseajied between Salisbury and .Greensboro, I was retaken and sent to Salisbury, where our men were miserably treated, being mere skeletons. From there I was taken to Ander- sonville, Georgia, and, being on parole, was allowed one day to look around. There I saw the enlisted men who came in robbed of money, watches, and if they had any good clothing that was taken off and rags given them. I saw Wirz and a sergeant fre- quently strike men for remonstrating, telling them "to hold their damned Yankee tongues," and other epithets too vile to write. I saAV one man knocked down with a musket, by order of Wirz, and his arm broken, for asking permission to keep a ring he prized, probably a present from a wife or loved one at home. The camp faced south, with a small stream running through it. The camp of the rebel guard was aliove that of the prisoners, and their filth impregnated the water the ])rist)ucis were obliged to use. They were allowed but little wood, although an im- mense forest was within one hundred yards of the camp. There were thirteen thou sand prisoners here on the 17th day of May, 1864, dying at the rate of fifty a riay, and at least three thousand of them Avithout one particle of clothing — naked as they were born — gathered in groups, .ial)bcring incoherently and laughing hysterically ; covered with dirt so as to be almost black, and the involuntary evacuations had encrusted their legs from the thighs down with the foul excrement, so that the stench was almost intol- erable at one hundred yards distant, where I stood. I saw rations issued and men take the rotten meat not larger than the two fingers, and the one pint of nnliolted corn meal, and, for want of cooking utensils and wood, lick it down like a horse : and I knew they must die; and what an awful death, most of them first becoming idiotic. I saw the dead carried out in two wagons and a cart. The men wcu'e piled in per- fectly naked, not one having a thing wrapped around him ; th(! men from the wagons were laid in the long trench, but from the cart they were dumped in, so that they took their feet to push the legs and arms down, and they must have been covered only by a few inches of dirt. I was next taken to Macon, Georgia, and placed iu the foir grounds, where, in time, there were one thousand six hundred of us on three and a half acres, with shelter for less than four hundred. We were obliged to sit and sleep upon the ground, and when it rained, as at one time it did every day for two weeks, we were all the time wet, and the mud over the whole camp was fully six inches deep, so that when we lay down wc were half covei'ed, and if we turned over during the night we were completely cov- ered with yellow mud, so that every morning we were compelled to wash our clothes and ourselves, and then put on our clothes again wet. In two and a half mouths spent here we kept getting timber, so that at the very last all but a fcnv had shelter. (Green- backs were now worth ltil5 for |1. Rations averaged at lirst'(last two months no meat) onc-lhird of a iionnd of bacon; three-fourths of a pound of corn bread; a little salt; afterward one pint of meal, unbolted; one tablespoonful of salt; beans and rice enough for one meal of each in five days. Officers who have been at Andersonville state that thei'e are thirty thousand jirisoners there, and that they die from one hun- dred and twenty-five to one hundred and fifty, and one day ou(! hundred and seventy- six. A guard shot a Lieutenant Grierson twelve feet from the dead-line near the spring, and got thirty days' leave for his chivalrous conduct. We had an organization for the purpose of etlecting our escape whenever the oppor- tunity should present itself. It was determined to attempt this while we were being moved from Macon, Georgia, to Charleston, South Carolina. We wore, six hundred of lis, placed in cars, with one hundred and nine old men and boys to guard us. XcAer was a scheme better plaiuied, and never did every circumstance more favorably combine to insure success; but alas, it failed. We arrived at Charleston, South Carolina, .July 29, 1S64, and w<'ri^ idaced iu tlu; jail yard with rebel deserters, negroes, and luustitutes, all huddled promiscuously together. The rations here were too light to long support life in this miserable hole. We were kept here nineteen days, and could only leave by giving our ])arole not to attempt an escai)e. The water lu-re was full of wrigglers, and hadto be strained before Ave could use it. We then boiled it with a little burnt meal, calling it, by Avay of com])limeut, cofU'c. This hail been our usual drink since leaving Ricinuond, as Ave had neither tea nor collee. Tea was worth noAv 8150 a ])ound. Rations August 12 Avere one pint culled (broken) rice, oin; tablesi)oonfnl of salt, and three tablcspoonfuls of molasses; on the 14th, quarter ])ound of bacon, almost rotten and iill'd Avith maggots, and one iiint corn meal, (unbolted ;) on the 15th, one pint grits, (broken corn,) one tablespoonful of lard, and one tal)lespoonful of salt. This is a BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1103 specimen of our manner of living for those dreadful nineteen days. After our parole ^ve did bettor, as we coitld purchase aout the prison, and many of us drew orders for a portion of our money in order that we might buy food. These drafts were returned with the information that General Winder, provost marshal of Richmond, had issued an order that the prisoners belonging to (ieneral Milroy's connnand could not be permitted to receive any of their money and neither would they have the privilege of making any purchases, and the other prisoners were strictly enjoined not to purchase for them. For the honor of humanity be it said, our fellow-prisoners paid no attention to this order, 1)ut purchased food for all who had money. These were but few, however, who had the foresight to conceal their cash so artfully that it escaped the search. So far as I was myself con- cerned. I know that for the first three months of my imprisonment I suffered cou- tinually from the gnawings of hunger. The ration furnished by the confederate authorities consisted of eight ounces of bread and three or four ounces of very lean beef, with about one ounce of rice and a small quantity of salt. A short time after we entered prison the ration of rice was stopped and in lieu of it we were furnished with about two ounces of black peas, such as are denominated in the South ''negro" peas. These peas were generally Avorm- eaten and many of them filhsd with live worms, Avhich not unfrequently became a part aud parcel of the soup which we ate for dinner ; but our appetites became so ravenous that we ate whatever we could get, regardless of worms or any other filthy substance. When General Milroy's officers entered Libby, there were, to the best of my recollec- tion, one hundred and thirty-five federal officers confined in that place. The Libliy building (an old business house) contained nine rooms above the base- ment, being tlui'e stmics high and divided into three suits. The officers were confined on the second and third floors. Each room was sixty by forty feet. During the time I remained a prisoner, nine months, the officers belonging to General ISIilroy"s connnand were confined in ilm same room, that is, they ate what was allowed them aud slept when they could sleep in the same room. So far as onr comforts Avere concerned, the rebels appeared to have but little more regard for them than if Ave hau been beasts of burden. For months after I entered the prison and until after the prisoners luul numbered above eight hundred, there was but one water-closet for the accommodation of the Avhole of them. There Avere confined in one of the rooms of Libby, on the first floor, about eighty prisoners, consisting of federal soldiers retained as hostages, and citizens. The federal officers had strict orrick walls were mihlewed, destitute of any provision foraying or sitting down, except the damp, fdthy floor, with no blanket or bedding of any description. The only furniture was acomnjon water bucket, which I had to use as a chamber, which was taken out of the duugeou twice and sometimes only once a week. I was kept closely confined for thirty-seven. days. Wy rations while there was a small slice of bread and a small cup of water each day. ^My request for medical attendance was denied by Major Thos. B.Turner, My refpiest for more light, a Bible, &c., was also indignantly denied, with the inquiry, " What does he want with a Bi1)le, the dannied Yankee son of a b h ? " I iiually succeeded lu get- ting a communication to General S. E. Jones, giving him a full stt^tement of my con- finement, together with an answer to the charge alleged .against me, which brought an order for my release from the dungeon. After being released I was placed among the other ofticers. I fared much better, from the fact that the Sanit.iry Commissions were then allowed to send supplies ; otherwise our sufferings would have been great. At no time during juy six months confinement were the rations issued to ns sufficient to sustain life in a healthy condition. In October our chaplain was exchanged ; through him a statement of my case got into the papers and was seen in Richmond, when I was taken from my quarters and locked u]) in a snnill room by Dick Turner and threatened with severe punishment if I would not furnish an article for the Richmond i)apers, denying the truth of the statement of the niu'thern papers about my case, which I re- fused to do. I was then taken before Major Thos. P. Turner, who made tin; same de- mand and I the same answer. It is iiseless for the rebel authorities to claim that the ill treatment of our men in their hands was without their knowledge. Major General Wmdor liiew of my ireatmeiii ; Colonel Ould knew all the facts in regard to the cruel and hellish treatment of our soldiers on Belle Isle during the fall and winter of 1863 and '6-1. While in his office, in January, 1864, arranging for myo\^■n special exchange for Colonel Robert H. Lee, I referred to the treatment and condition of our men. llis cold blooded and murderous answer was : " Tlint thcji were treating our men ho intention- aJhj, in order to force our (jovernment into an crchanf/e of prisoneni npon the basin submitted bi/ him to General Sol. A. Meredith, then recently United States assistant commissioner of ex- change. WILLIAM H. POWELL, Late Breret Major General United States Volunteers. Cliftox, West Virginia, February 12, 1868. Statement of W. H. Shrirer, of Mooresvillc, West Virginia. I was a private in the Third West Virginia cavalry; was captured with twenty- nine others, at Winchester, Vii'ginia, 8th of April, 1864. I was the only one of that number who returned to duty with the regiment ; the (jthers had died or were dis- charged as disabled. We were immediately searched, and stripped of everything of any value to us ; they took coats, boots, hats, «fcc. We were nuirched four days at the rate of thirty miles per day, fording creeks, &c., some of our number having nothing but shirt aud pants. vVl night we were fumed into some old baru and a little corn meal given us wliicOi wv. could not coolc. foi- tliey had takt.'U all cups aud other utensils from us. We arrived in Richmond on the l:!th of Aj)ril, 1864, and were put into Cas- tle Pemberton. Our sutferiugs in those close (piartcrs no one can understand who was not there. Was removed to the hospital uiuler treatment forthree UKjuf lis, when I was api)ointcd iuirs(\ The suffering of our men iu the hosxiital was awful. Was taken to Belle Isle, which was in j)lain sight of Jefferson Davis's mansion ; he could see his work at any tinu^ by looking toward the island, where there weie thousands of us almost naked, exposed to the hot sun and the sforui alike, without shelter; many made idiots aud insane by stai'vation anil exposure, rotting with the scurvy, wasting away with starvation, eaten with vermiu ; the dead often eaten by rats before burial ; always hun- gry, craviug food, gnawing bare bones like dogs, abused, insulted and beaten at the will of file brutes in charge of us. Four of my comrades were shot for alleged vio- lations of the prison rules. It is enough to drive one crazy even now to look back over the torril)le scenes of sufteriug witnessed in those prison hells. W. H. SHRIVER. MoousEViLLE, West Vikginia, August 5, 1867. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 11C7 Statement of Andrew Gccldes, First Lieutenant Fortieth United States infantry. I was lieutenant colonel Eighth Iowa volunteers ; siirrendered with my command, being surrounded by an overwhehuing force, at battle of Shiloh, April G, 18Q2, We were sent to Corinth. Mississippi, from thence to Memphis, thence to Mobile, thence to Tuscaloosa. While on the route we suffered for food ; at one time we were entirely without food, with the exception of lujlf a hard cracker, from the 6th to 9th of April. At Tuscaloosa we were in the immediate charge of the infamous Wirz, at that time a sergeant. The olYicers were given two small rooms in the second story of an old hotel. We were visited two or three times a day by Vv'ir,:, with his guard, revolver in hand, cursing us with the foulest language. Captain M. Lawler, of Illinois, was confined in a dark hole for four days for speaking to one of his company. Two men were delibe- rately shot in cold blood, others bruised, beaten, and crippled for life. We remained two months at Tuscaloosa, and were then started for Montgomery. The boat ran aground and we were kept waiting for another. When it arrived we were very much weakened by our cramped position and want of food. While the men were passing from one boat to the other, Wirz stood on the plank, and Ss a soldier would approach, crawling from excessive weakness, this brute would strike them with a club, saying, " Get up here, you G — d d — d Yankee sons of 1) — s !" Our treatment during the trip to Montgomery was horriljle in the extreme. On our arrival, we were turned over to a ipajor whose name I have forgotten, and put into a cotton warehouse. Many died at Montgomery. Lieutenant Bliss, of Wisconsin, was coolly shot while buying milk. Tliis was a deliberate murder. Were kept there one mouth ; then sent to Macon, Georgia, penned in a camp inclosed by a "dead-line ;" the guards instructed to shoot any Avho came near it. We were in charge of a RIajor Rylander, a Wirz No. 2. Many were sick and ill treated. For the least provocation, and often without any, men were placed on their backs " spread-eagle style," their heads, feet, and liaiids fastened down so they could not move, and thus left for hours under a July sun. Exposed, and without shelter, men's feet, and limbs, and sometimes heads would swell to an enormous size. The victims, unable to move, would soon die, thus ending their misery. From Macon we were taken to Madison, Georgia, where we were separated from the enlisted men, and put in charge of "fiend" No. 3, a Captain Calhoun, who was indeed a systematic, relentless villain. Were confined at i\Iadisou about two mouths, subjected to the most brutal treatment by Calhoun, and the guard. Many died, and many were rendered in- firm for life. It is useless to attempt a description of our feelings when we were ex- changed, and again saw the " old fiag." Strong men who had stood unmoved amid the storm of battle, wept like children. The foregoing is but a brief synopsis of facts which might be dwelt on at great length— a glimpse at a six mouths in rebel prison-pens — a six months that turned men's hair from black to gray, and made strong men bow down as if with weight of years. ANDREW GEDDES, First Lieutenant Fortieth United States Lifantry, Late Lieutenant t'olotiel Eighth Iowa Volunteers. GoLDSBOEO, North Carolina, October 15, 1867. Statement of J. A. Werminger, second licntcnant Second United States injantry. 1 was sergeant-major Sixth West Virginia cavalry ; was caj)tured at Patterson's Creek, West Virginia, July 4, 1864, and was confined at Andersonville, Charleston, and Flor- ence. The raiion issued to our men did not exceed one-third of the ration of our army. At Florence they did not allow the prisoners to buy, or obtain in any manner any additional food, and if found with any in their possession, it was taken away from them. The men, in a condition of starvation, would sometimes crowd to the gate to see what rations were to be issued, and I have known Lieutenant Barrett, if the men did not get back quick enough to suit him, to fire repeated shots from his revolver iutt) the crowd. I have known him to knock down twenty or m(ne witli a club without stop- ping. For trifling offenses, men were confined in a loathsome dungeon. Prisoners, for attempting to escape, were tied up by the thumbs in a most cruel manner. Of the exist- ence of a dead-line in this prison, we had no warning given us, and men were frequently shot for the most unconscious intrusion upon it. J. A. WERMINGER, Second Lieutenant Second United States Infantry, Late Sergeant- Major Sixth West Virgina cavalry. Eesaca, Georgia, August 17, 1867. 1108 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Statement of John B. Dennis, of Bhtffton, South CatoHna. I was captain sevcutli regiment Connecticut volunteers ; was captured at Bermnda Hundred tbe '2d of June, 1864, with two hundred otlier unfortunates, and were marched to Petersburjj:. On our way we -were overtaken by ex-Governor Henry A. Wise, who amused himself by calling us damned white niggers, ifc-c, &c., occasionally varied by calling us thieves and robbers ; at Petersburg we were separated from the enlisted men, when they were robbed of everything and sent to Andersonville. We were sent to Macon, Georgia ; nineteen men of my company were captured and sent to Anderson- ville ; thirteen of theiu died there ; of the six who i-eturned, three of them have since died and the others have not recovered from the effects of their treatment. I was at Macon about two months ; six weeks entirely without shelter. Our rations were of miserable quality and insufficient to quiet the gnawiugs of hunger. Was sent to Charleston and kept imder lire of our guns for two months ; then sent to Columbia, South Carolina; kept without shelter and no ration issued but one pint of corn meal, (ground cob and all,) with some sorghum molasses. Our suffering from cold alone, to say nothing of hunger, was terrible. At Macon, one of our number on his way to the the spiring was shot ))y the guard at least twenty feet from the guard line. When he fell he groaned ; the fiend who shot him mimick(!d his groaning. We demanded of Colo- nel Gibbs in command, that the affair l)e investigated. I know that the guard who committed this murder was promoted to )je a sergeant. When we first arrived at Columbia one Captain Semple w^as in command. The ar- rangement of the camp as regards water, &c., showed him to be a heartless wretch, who used his ingenuity to make our condition as miserable as possible. November 7, a party of seven of us succeeded in getting out of the prison and made our way to a gunboat at the mouth of the Santee River. We are indebted to the poor negroes for the success of our attempt. They provided us with food and gave us a boat, although we could give them nothing in return. During all the time I was a prisoner at Colum- bia, not a morsel of meat was issued to us ; our whole ration was the pint of cob meal and a little poor sorghum molasses ; we had no shelter and no means of cooking. I frcfiuently saw officers wandering around the camp eating their corn meal wet with water, like chicken feed. JOHN B. DENNIS, Late Captain Seventh Connecticut Volunteers. Bluffton, Georgia, December 9, 1867. Statement of M. P. Buffiun, first lieutenant Fifteenth United States Infantry. I was lieutenant colonel Fourth Rhode Island volunteers ; was taken pi'isoucr July :J0, 1864, in front of Petersburg ; was taken to Danville and from thence to Columbia, South Carolina, where we were put into Richland County prison. On Sunday we were marched through streets of I'etersburg, formed in line of march as follows : Four white men, (officers,) then four wounded negro soldiers captured at the same time, and so on .'ilt(uuate fours of whites aiul negroes, subjected to the taunts and jeers of men, woujen. and children. Our ration at Columbia was one pint of meal and a gill of sorghum per day. M. P. BUFFUxM, First Lieut. Fifteenth U. S. Infantry, late Lieut. Col. Fourth Ilhode Island Volunteers. Mobile Alabama, November 8, 1867. Statement of James P. Brown, captain Fifteenth United Slates Infantry. I was captured at Chicamauga, September 20, 1863, and was a i)risoner until Feb- ruary, 1865, when I made my escape from Charlotte, North Carolina. Was prisoner at Libby, Macon, Charleston, Columbia, and Charlotte. Our treatment was inhuman in the extreme. United States officers were shot and beaten, with little or no provocatiini. Our rations were insufficient and generally unhealtliy. At some of the prisons no meat of any kind was issued. At Columbia tlie ration was one pint of corn-meal and a little sorglnun molasses. We suffered much there from cold, as our ratii>n of wood was barely sui'licient for cooking purposes. No blankets or clothing were furnished to us. Tlie tV(>atment of officers was unnecessarily severe ami brutal, but the treatment of cjilisted men was nuirder itself. Ninety-six men of the first tjattalion. Fifteenth United Stftites Infantry, were captured at Chicamauga, of which number but eleven- were for- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1109 Innate enough to live through their coufinemeut. I saw one man of my regiment brought up to work on the stockade who had no clothing but u pair of pants and a hat. JAMES P. BROWN, Captain Fifteenth United States Infantry. Mt. Vernon, Alabama, October 21, 1867. Statement of J. A. Clarlc, of Mobile, Alabama. I was captain of the Seventh Michigan cavalry ; was captured on the Kilpatrick raid, March 1, 18G4 ; was taken to Libby Prison and contined in a room in front of Major Turner's private room, back of his office, together with Colonel Litchfield and Surgeon Kingston. We were visited by Mrs. Seddon, wife of the rebel secretary of war, who, after asking us a few questions said we deserved to be gibbeted; called us hell hounds, hell monsters, &c.; said she would be glad to see us hung; regretted that her govern- ment had not the power to do it, but that wo should be confined in a dungeon, and fed on bread and water until wo rotted. During the night three more of Dahlgreu's offi- cers were put in with us. The next day wo were taken down cellar and confined in a dungeon not over ten feet square and entirely under ground, and dark most of the day. We thought the place small for six, but at night four negro soldiers, captured from General Butler's command, were put in with us. If we attempted to look through the square cut through the door a bayonet was thrust at us. Our food, which was composed of corn bread and cow peas, was handed in for us in a box ; we had to divide and eat it without either knife, spoon, or dish. Were kejit here one week, and wei'e removed to the first floor, and our number increased hj four officers of negro regiments and two more negro soldiers, where we were kept four months aud a half. For six weeks no meat was issued to us, and a week's rations were not sufficient for one day. During the first two months of our confinement we received food fi'om those confined on the floor above us through a hole in the floor. When those officers Avere sent to Macon, and we were confined to the ration given us, we lost nearly all our flesh aud strength ; we were so weak we could scareelj' stand. I am satisfied that Mrs. Seddou's threat would have been fully realized if we had received no food ex- cept what they issued to us. Major Turner told us that no charge had been preferred against us, and he knew of no reason why we should not be treated as other prisoners of war, but that the order came direct fi'om the secretary of war, and it was especially ordered that we should not be allowed to receive anything from any source whatever. J. A. CLARK, Late Captain Compamj I, Seventh Michigan Cavalry. Mobile, Alabama, November 6, 18C7. Statement of George W. Campbell, of Delaware, Ohio. My brother-in-law. Lieutenant L. W. Little, of the Fourth Kentucky cavalry, was ca^itured near Milieu, Georgia, during " Sherman's mai'ch." His captor, a rebel, Captain Robinson, put a pistol against his forehead and discharged it, tearing away the outer portion of his skull, forming the eye-socket, desti'oying his left eye and at the same time blinding the right. Finding him still alive, Robinson ordered his men to lead him to the road-side and dispatch him. Tliey took him aside aud shot him, but only inflicted a slight wound in his side. At this moment an' officer rode up and asked what they were doing. Robinson replied, " We have got a damned Kentucky traitor and are going to kill him." This othcer ordered him put into the stockade prison. He uever received any surgical attendance from them. For refusing to answer questions as to Sherman's movements he was afterward placed in irons and fed upon corn-grits, of which he was allowed one pint per day. When taken he had over $600 with him — his own back pay and that of a comrade. This was taken from him, and he was also robbed of his watch and clothing. They did not even leave him a comb or a tooth-brush. Wheu he was released he had a ragged shirt, pair of pants, and a hat without a crown, which had been given him by a negro. In this state, emaciated, starved, and in a condition, per- sonally, too revolting to mention, he arrived at Annapolis. His stomach had become so weak and derauged from the vile treatment he had received, that he could bear no food upon it, although he was famishing with hunger. Careful and attentive nursing restored him to partial health, but ho uever fully recovered, being subject to severe attacks of illness such as he had when he first arrived at home, and finally died suddenly after a few hour's illness. GEORGE W CAMPBELL. Delaware, Ohio, November 8, 1867. 1110 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Statcmod of Henry D. Peckc, of Piittilt Unn, Ohio. I was captain of Company I, TweDty-Seooiul New York cavalry; was captured at Eeams's Station, Virginia, June, 1864; was taken to Libby Prison, remained there about tliree weeks. What we received per day was not sufficient for a single meal and so repulsive that only starving men could eat it. Was taken from Richmoml to Macon, Georgia ; remained ten days and was removed to Savannah, where some of the ladies, moved l)y sympathy for our forlorn condition, brought eatables to the gate for us, but were repulsed at the point of the bayonet. From Savannah we were sent to Chai-leston under the fire of our own guns. Our treatment there was diabolical. Over six hun- dred crowded into the jail-yard, with shelter for only about one-third of our number. For several days no fuel was given i;s to cook the raw corn meal which was issued. Were removed to Columbia, South Carolina, and were camped in an open field, without shelter of any kind. Our rations were barely suflicient to sustain life, and this while wagon loads of beef, sweet potatoes, &c., were daily brought into camp for sale. After we had been at Columbia about six weeks. General Winder visitisd the prison and saw our condition. Immediately after his visit our rations were cut down materially, clearly showing that our condition was known and our treatment indorsed by the rebel authorities. I have seen men who were pitiable idiots, caused by want of food and shelter. I came as near death as one could and live. My condition was not caused bj- fiickness. It ivcw starvation. HENRY D. PECKE. Rush Run, Ohio, December 13, 1867. Statement of Harrij Davifi, private of Comparty E, Seveniy-eifjhtli regiment Ohio veteran vol- unteers. I was captured on the "22d day of July, 18G4, in front of Atlanta, Georgia. I was taken to Audersonville, and remained a prisoner about two mouths, when I was ex- changed. At Audersonville our treatment was cruel in the extreme. I was in excel- lent health when captured, but I do not think I could have lived four months longer in such a place. Our rations consisted of a pint of corn meal per day, about two ounces wormy or rotten bacon, and a little rice once in a while. We but seldom receivod any salt, and when we did there was not enough to do us any good. The same in re- gard to soap. The meal issued to us ax)peared to have been ground cob and all. The ground on which we were encamped contained about twenty or twenty- five acres, on which there were about thirty thousand prisoners. Although there was an abundance of wood within sight of the camp, yet we were so limited in wood and water that Ave had not enough to cook a pot of mush, or water enough to quench our thirst. We had no shelter, and consequently had to take the pelting rains and scorching sun as best we could. For several days, in lien of meal or bread, they issued us corn. At other times black peas. I have seen some of my fellow-prisoners, after eating these peas, and after they had passed through their 1)owels, gather them up, wash them, and eat them the sc^cond time. This may seem inci-ediljle, l)nt it is what; / xaw and know to he true, ^lany of them had diarrhea so bad that the corn and peas would pass through unbroken. I saw hundreds whose legs and arms had become crooked from then- starved and exposed condition ; and dying in that way they were thrown into a cart and hauled out for burial. Owing to the insufficiency of water and soap, many of the sick and feeble prisoners were nearly devoured alive by lice and maggots. I have seen the maggots falling off of some as they were trying to get to the sink, and often some poor victim would full down and die before reaching the sink. The guards took particular delight in shooting in upon the prisoners under tlu> slight- est iiretext. All of which was sanctioned by the rebel authorities. Among the guards, however, there were some honorable exceptions. Before I was exchanged, and just u short time before I left, while we were nearly famishing for want of water there came U]» a rain one night, and the next morning, in a dry part of the camp where there had been no sign of water, a gushing stream of water as clear and as pure as that which gushed from the " smitten loek," burst forth from the bowels of the earth in sufficient quantitv to supply the entire camp. HARVY DAVIS. MCCOXXELLSVILLE, OHIO, October, 1867. Statement of M. .1/. WaMen, CentreviUe, Iowa. 1 was captain of Company H, Eighth Iowa volunteer cavalry. I was taken prisoner on the " McCook raid,'' iu rear of Atlanta, Georgia, on the I^Dtli day of July, 1664. Was BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1111 coufiued at Macon, Georgia, and also at Charleston, South Carolina. Was a prisoner sixty days. Our treatment, in Charleston especially, was bad. Fresh water was denied us. The ofiiil was not removed from the jail yard, nor would the rebel authorities per- mit us to remove it. It was exposed to the burninj^ rays of the sun, August and September, and soon became a putrid mass of several cart loads, living with " maggots," and breeding disease and death. We had been robbed of our clothing and other valu- ables when taken prisoners. Rations of the poorest quality were scantily supiilied Sometimes the meat was infested with " maggots." Officers were shot for trivial things, (not offenses, ) and many unreasonable hardships were imposed. Of the officers coi:- lined with me many contracted disease ami died, while many more that came out with me were so shattered in health and constitution that they lasted but a short time. I saw several huudred of the Audersonville [)risoners who had been brought from that charnel-house to Charleston starved, fflthy, nuiuy naked, some dying, and all exposed to the vertical rays of the sun, (in SeiJtember.) M. M. WALDEN. Cextreville, Iowa, August 6, 1867. Statement of James G. Moore, of Davenport, loiva. I was a prisoner at Audersonville, and am now blind, owing to disease contracted while in tliat prison, caused by exposure and starvation. About half the time we were furnished with raw rations, which many had to eat raw on account of not having wood to coolv with. Ou one occasion I saw a dead mule hauled into the stream which ran through the cam]!, and from which we had to obtain water. I know it remained there several days before I was taken sick. Tlicy used to conmience issuing rations to us at about 10 a. m. If a shower came up they would stop hauling in rations, and failed to com- mence after the rain was over. I never kuew them to give us any of our back rations. We were frequentlv defrauded out of our rations in this way. JAS. G. MOORE, By WM. H. H. MOORE. Davenport, Iowa, Julij 18, 18t»7. Statement of De Witt C. Holmes, of loica City, Iowa. I was a sergeant of Company D, Twentj'-fourth Iowa volunteers. Was taken pris- oner at Cedar Creek, Virginia, October 19, 1854. The full number captured was about twelve hundred; many of them wounded. All were forced into line who could walk, not being wouuded in the legs. At .5 p. m. we were ordered into line of march, and were forced to march all night. Many of the wounded fell out by the way on account of weakness, and' we never heard of tliem afterward. We suppose they were killed, as guards stopped with theui and soon caught up with us witliout the prisoners. We begged for conveyance for some of our severely wounded comrades. The reply was : '' You damned Yankee barn-burners, you don't deserve any better treatment, and you may be thankful if we don't kill you all." We were taken to Staunton, and from theuce to Richmond in box cars, sixty-tive to a car. We were four days on the road, during which time we had received two hard crackers and a half pound of flour. Ou the cars men passed tlirough the train to searcli and rob us, which they did effectually, taking our hats, caps, boots and money, Icuives, &c. If \\c. resisted or objected we were kindly persuaded by a thrust from a bayonet. On our leaviug tlie'cars we were again sub- jected to another systematic robbery as we went along the street. This being don<^ in the public streets a citizen remonstrated, but received only curses for his trouble. This robbery was continued to such an extent we were glad to see the prison, in liopes it would shield us from tlie thieves and roljbers. IMajor Turner then tried his haud ou us and managed to persuade some of tlie men to give u[) the money they Iiad su(!ceeded in hiding by promising if it was given up voluntarily it would be returned when we were released. It was never returned. One night Dick Turner and a rebel sergeant came in saying they wanted men for exchange. The men not starting quick enough to suit them thej' set to worii kicking and beating us in a most brutal mauner. My share of this was a very sore mouth and two teeth liuocked loose with the butt of a pistol. This sergeant used to count us I'very day, and we soon becanui (juite familiar with his brutality. We were removed from Richmond to Salisbuiy, but hefore leaving they took from us all the little comforts we had succeeded in gathering, making the fffth time v,'e had been robbed since our capture. We were four days ou the way, having but two days' rations, (about half as much as our army ration,) and were two days in 1112 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Salisbury before wo got anything, except one pint of rice soup. Many of us by this time bad a species of blind staggers, caused by want of food and close contineraent in box cars without water thirty-six hours at one time. Our food was coarse and misera- ble, in addition to being less than half what was really necessary to satisfy hunger. This continued until November 25, when some, driven to desperation by hunger and exposure, attempted to break the guard. We made nothing by it, but lost seventy killed and wounded ; the officers and guards stood on the stockade and fired into the crowd for some time after all resistance had ceased, and the men were begging for mercy. Our condition was wretched when we were able to be up on our feet, but what can be said of the poor sick men? All Avere without shelter except the holes they (hig in the ground, which were useless in rain storms, as they would soon be tilled with water. Every night some one would be shot by the guards tiring into the camp, and none knew whose turn would come next. Guards would force men to lie on the ground on their faces during the two hours they were on post, just because they could. Beef paunches were sometimes brought into the stockade, and when the men would crowd around it to get a iiiece of it the guard would order us to scatter, laughing at the fun. The men, however, were so eager for anything in the shai)e of food they would run the risk of life for a piece of this unwashed stuff, often cutting each other in their anxiety to get a portion. General Winder visited the prison shortly after the attempt to escape, and left orders to cut down our rations. He was commander of all the prisons, and was, therefore, the representative of the rebel authorities. He saw our condition, and kuow- ing it, by his own direction it was made worse. DE WITT C. HOLMES. Iowa City, Iowa, August 6, 1867. Statement of Samuel Sullivan, of Xora Spi-ings, Iowa. I was a private in Comjiany A, Twenty-tirst Iowa volunteers. I was taken prisoner at Jackson, Mississippi, July 11, 1863, and, with twenty-four others, was taken to Belle Isle. Our rations were twelve pounds of meat for one hundred men. In addition to this each man received half a pound of bread, and a pint of wormy pea soup. The worms were so plenty that the surtace of the soup would be covered with them. Wo wt^re counted two or three times a week. On such occasions it was quite common for> the rebel sergeant to beat the men with a club, which he always carried. I saw Lieu- tenant Bausman l)uck and gag an old gray-headed man for asking for the money which had been taken from him. 1 also saw an officer shoot three men, killing one, wound- ing another through the breast, and the third through the thigh. They had been just brought in, and ignorant of the dead-line, had stepped over it. I saw a guard shoot a sergeant. I saw during my term of imprisonment, which lasted five months and a half, various persons with their thumbs tied together behind them, and then raised up until they could just reach the ground by standing on tiptoe. There were from twelve to tifteen deaths daily from starvation and exposure. We were without shelter from the summer's sun or winter's cold, lu the winter the prisoners often walked all night to keep from freezing. The prisoners had stripped the bark otf all the trees on the island to eat. They also followed the roots into the ground for several feet to get the bark to eat. I saw one instance where a man got a double ration of beans, and having devoured them was made sick and vomited them up, when another prisoner standing by gathered thein up and ate them. When taken prisoner I weighed one hundred and ninety pounds ; when released I weighed less than one hundred. SAMUEL SULLIVAN. Nora Springs, Iowa, Scjjtcmber 6, 1867. Statement of John J. Shirley, of Plum Hollow, Iowa. I was a private in Company A, Fourth Iowa cavalry ; was taken prisoner on Boar Creek, Mississippi, June 22, 1863. We were taken to Mechanicsburg, Mississippi, where we were searched and robbed. After a roundabout march we reached Jackson, IMissis- sippi, where, l)v order of the provost marshal, we were thoroughly searchcu, and every- thing f)f any valui' to us or our ca])tors taken from us. From Jackson we were sent to Richmond, where we were again searched and put into Libby Prison. In a few words, I can say our treatment was brutal, and our rations not suHicient to sustain life. They were far more particular to see that we were regularly robbed than reqnlarhi fed. JOHN S. SHIRLEY. Pi.u."\i Hollow, low \, August 1.^), 18G7. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1113 Statement of H. B. Hammond, of Farmer^ s CrceJc, Iowa. I was "a sergeant iu the Thirty-uiutli New York volunteers; was captitred, with many others, at Rcams's Station, August 25, 1864. After being robbed of everything we had iu our clothes, and part of our elothiug, we were sent to Belle Isle, w'here we sutiered terribly from cold and exposure during the cold nights of September and October. I have seen prisoners brought to Belle Isle with nothing on but shirt and drawers, and iu that state sleeping on the bare ground. Yet Belle Isle was tolerable as couipared with Salisbury, where we were taken to in the latter part of October. We were with- out shelter almost eutii'ely. Our ration was about half a pound of bread, made of corn meal or ground sorghum seed, and perhaps a teaspoonful of rice, boiled with a few bones in water, and called by courtesy soup. Little or no meat was issued only in the hospitals. Sometimes we had half rations, and often none at all. About Christmas we were three days without anything to eat. Our supply of wood was very small, four or live small sticks for one hundred men. At the sick-call hundreds would crawl u]» themselves, or be carried; but they would take only as many to hospital as had died that day. Twice as many died in the camp on the bare ground as in the hospital. After a wet or cold night I have seen forty or lifty at the dead-house. Out of thirty taken when I was, only about one-third of them lived to be exchanged. One fruitful source of disease among us was the lilthiness of the camp. We tried our best to keep it clean ; but men dying of diarrhea could not be expected to go to the sinks, which were in a distant part of the camp. All of which might have been easily remedied, if those in charge had cared enough for our lives to have given the matter any attention. H. B. HAMMOND. Farmer's Creek, September 10, 1867. Statement of JViUiam H. Schroclc, of Decatur, Indiana. I was first sergeant of Company H, Ninety-lifth Ohio volunteers. I was captured near Ripley, Mississippi, June 11, 1864, by Forest's command, at the time of General Stur- gis's defeat. Was taken to Meridian, Mississippi; while there was eye-witness to one of the most cold blooded murders that I ever beheld. A member of the Seventy-second Ohio volunteer infantry, just as he arose from sleep, and while yet sitting tying his bootees, was, to all appearances, deliberately shot by the guard. The soldier died in- stantly. We requested privilege to bury our comrade; our request was spurned by the rebel captain ; then we asked the captain to have him buried, and this recpiest was likewise treated, and we were compelled for four hours to behold our dead comrade lying in the burning sun, at which time we were put aboard cars for Andersonville, Georgia. A second case of barbarism was that of shooting men at Andersonville, Georgia, while getting water out of the brook which ran through the prison-pen. The men were compelled to get water near the dead-line, (owing to the lilthiness of the water elsewhere.) and while here the guards would fire into the prisoners while the prisoners were getting water. I have known three prisoners shot under these circumstances. W. H. SCHROCK. Westerville, Ohio, August 7, 1867. Statement of Eoll'm W. Drake, Swan, NoMe County, Indiana. I was a private in the Seventh Indiana cavalry ; was captured, with many others, at the battle of Gunntown, Mississippi, on the 10th of June, 1864. After beii>g robbed of nearly eveiything of any value, we were formed iu column and marched to the rail- road ; while on this march, the rebels guarding us received orders from General Forrest to respect the rights of the prisoners, and refrain from a])]>ropriating anytliing belong- ing to them This order produced the desired effect, and heretofore liiddcn articles were exposed to the covetous gaze of " Old Bedford" — N. B. Forrest, major general. Con- federate States army. At Meridian, Mississippi, we were formed in line and an order read from General Forrest requiring us to transfer our canteens, haversacks, gum blank- ets, &c., to the confederacy, threatening with instant death any man who should at- tempt to injure or conceal any article enumerated. In this condition, xobl)ed of our money and valuables, stripped of our clothing, destitute of nearly every means of sus- taining life, we were transpoifed to Andersonville, Georgia. Here we found an oblong- field, inclosed by a stockade fifteen feet high, protected by a " dead-line" eighteen feet 1114 TREATMENT OF PRI^OXERS OF WAR iuside tlio stockade, and watered by a small, sluggish creek. This prison, called " Camp Sumter" by the rebel authorities, seemed to bi^ situated in tlie midst of an extensive pine forest ; close to, and all around, the inelosure were (most tantalizing thought to us poor, shivering, freezing wretches) vast quantities of excellent fuel, seemingly worth- less for any other purpose. This we wordd gladly have gathered, but Cai)taiu Wirz would not permit ns, nor would he issue us but the merest pittance to cook our scanty fare. Tliis, added to the scarcity of our proA'isious, and the miserably inferior quality of them, rendered life so great a. Imrden that some, despairing crossed the dead-line and received the Avelcome, bullet from the ever-watchful sentinel, Avhose reward, ws then believed, and I now fully believe, was a thirty days' furlough ; my reason for this belief is. in every instance, so far as came within my knowledge, the sentry, after hav- ing killed a Yankee, would be missed from his post for about that length of time. Bat not only were men killed for presuming to cross the dead-line, numbers were killed or crippled Avhile reposing several rods on our side of it. Let me give you an instance. One day. while waiting ixiy turn at the brook to get water, I was startled by the report ot a rilie and a groan close beside me, and the next moment the man at my left hand, standing al)out three feet on our side of the fatal line, fell back dead, pierced through the head by a ball. The killing or maiming of men by mistake or accident of the guards was so frecpient as to excite but litth' attention among those conllned within this earthly hell. Our suli'erings seemed to increase with each returning day. Tlic intense heat, rendered more intolerable by the burning sand beneath our bare feet, withmit shelter either from the fiercest rays of the sun or from the pitiless rain, coming, as it generally did, about 6 o'clock p. m., thus keeping us cold and wet by night, and paix-hed and hot by day, carried disease and death to many. But add to this onr scant rations, which were about as follows : Corn meal, cob-ground, about half a pint or nine ounces ; bacon or beef, four ounces ; cow-peas, one sixteenth of a (juart, or, in lieu of peas, rice, one ounce, and salt, a tablespoonful occasionally ; souu^times, in lieu of beef, we got two or three spoonsful of sorghum molasses, or pumpkin molasses. These rations were tlie maximum; the mininmm was none at all, caused by the discovery of a tunnel by the astute captain, or the absence of some man at roll-call, or a suspected plot among the prisoners, or a shower of rain about ration-issuing time. This food, scant as it wa.s, Y.-as of the most miserable quality, the corn meal being always sour or musty, and is- sued to us part of the time in a raw state, and we, having little or no means to cook it, 'either devoured it raw or took it to a baker's, i. e., a man who possessed wood and a canteen-plate, and gave one-half for baking the other. The peas furnished were com- posed principally of black peas, bugs, and dirt ; beef was generally pretty green ; the pork nurggotj-, and molasses was about the worst thing issued, as it aggravated the diarrhea, which was fearfully prevalqnt. Miasma aided in the destruction of the hated Yankees; it was said tliat the stench from the prison penetrated the country for miles around. To us iuside, accustomed as we were to it, it seemed as though a more pesti- lential spot could not be found. Altogether, it is a mystei-y that so many survived. Captain Wirz jjretended to act under orders from the confederate war department and General ^Yinder ; told the prisoners that the government alone was responsible for their sutierings ; that he was only acting in accordance with instructions from President Davis and others. Whatever his orders were, we know that the respousiliility of many barbarous acts performed by Captain Wirz and General Winder, and witnessed by the writer and many others, were wholly unauthorized. Among other barbarous acts was the employment of a pack of bloodhounds, which were brought every morning and taken around the stockade to see if perchance any i^ri-soner had "tunneled out." Men were frequently brought back to the prison who were so tei-ribly bitten and torn as to almost preclude th(? possibility of recovesy, and loaded down with a ball ami cljain. This was in accordance with orders from Wirz, sanctioned and approved by Vv'iadjr, his superior oflicer. General Winder publicly declared that he " could use them up faster than any general in tlu^ iield,"' and '• nature would do its work faster than the bullet." Sick'and prostrated with disease, we could get little or no medicine and no nursing save what each coiUd do for the other. But our great want was food. The tlioughtof food occui)ied all our waking hours, and even while we slept we dreamed of plenty at home and awoke to the horrid pi'esent reality of hunger unai)peased. The e()nseiiuences of this treatment are partly seen in tiie plethoric graveyards around Andcrsonville anil Milieu, and seen and felt in the shattered constitutions and ruined health of the few who survived. Take my own case as an example. From ;■ hearty, robust nuin of one hundn-d and fifty to one hundred and sixty pounds in weight I was reduced to a skeleton of eighty pounds in about six months. The anguish that I endured while in tho.se prison i)ens was not much greater than that now experienced in my inability to do what before-time was a phiasure. Nor is my casi> an exception. !Mauy of the returned i)risoners of war are about as badly olf as myself; but they are fast disai>]>earing. In the language of General Winder, " Nature will do its work," in our case slowlv. but surely. R. W. DRAKE. SwAX, LsDiAXA, September 9, 1867. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1115 Statement of James T. Cotton, of Boclyort, Indiana. I -was a private of Company K, Fourth Indiana cavalry, and was taken prisoner near Dalton, Georgia, on tlie 9th of May, 1864. Thence I was taken to Audersouville. As time woukl I'ail me I will not undertake to tell all about my life at Audersouville, but will only relate a few incidents. Dates and names I cannot give, as I kept no written account. I have seen the rebel sergeants, when they came in to call the roll, kick and cuif sick men to make them stand up for roll-call. I saw one poor fellow, who was almost starved for water, attempt to dip the water above the dead-line, where the stream came through the stockade, because it was more nearly pure there. Myself and others called to him to get back, as the guard was prepaiing to shoot ; yet we were too late ; the ball went through his head and he fell headlong into the stream. The body lay there for some hours, and the water was Ijloody many rods below. I have seen men lie in one place, unable to help themselves, until they were fly-blown, and when they died the remains were infested with maggots. When the rebel officers would come inside the stockade, the poor boys, sick and dy- ing, whould beg to be taken out to the hospital, aud would be answered thus : " You are not sick enough to be taken yet ; " and yet some of them would die in a few hours. Inside the stockade there was but a single shade tree, and I have seen men with feet, hands, and back burnt to a blister ; some of them, having beeu there lifteen months, were almost destitute of clothing. A sergeant of a New York regiment went to the gate to give in the list of sick in his "ninety" to the rebel surgeon, but he never returned. One of the guards shot him dead because he came a little too uear, for which the murderer was praised by the sur- geon, aud called " a brave boy." The sergeant's brother asked permissiou to see the corpse, just outsiile of the gate, but was refused. Not long after this I saw a pris- oner with only one leg hobble across the -'dead-line." The guard ordered him back. He reijlied, " 8hoot, if you want to ; I want to die." Quick as a flash it was done, aud the cripple's life was ended. The dead were taken out for burial in a two-horse wagon, and were thrown in j)ro- miscuously to the number of twelve or hfteen. At one time Captain Wirz was sick, aud the command devolved u])ou Lieutenant Davis, who was fully as barbarous as his superior. One day I saw him, for some tri- fliug oliense or mistake, suatch a gun from one of the guards and try to shoot a pris- oner, but the fellow dodged from his sight in the crowd, and escaped. Captain Wirz would sometimes come in on horseback, and in riding through would say to men who could hardly walk : " G — d d — u yOu, get out of my way, or I will rido over you." I never heard him speak a single kind word to a prisoner. There was " sick-call." each morning. Sometimes we would take men to the gate so nearly dead that we had to carry them, aud were then told that they " were not sick enough for the hospital," aud we would have to carry them back and lay them down to die, which we called " being exchanged;" surely it was a blessed exchange. One poor fellow went crazy from starvation. His constant cry was for " something to eat." He would go and sit down in the middle of the little rivulet aud feed himself with mud. He finally died. There was no efibrt on the part of the authorities in comnuiud to relieve his sufferings. If a prisoner attempted to escape and was caught, {and broitijht hack,) he was made to wear a ball and chain. Our rations consisted of one pint of corn meal and four ounces of beef per day ; some- times we had, instead of the beef, two ounces of bacon to the man. The wood which was allowed us was uot sufficient to cook oue-hi>.lf of the rations, and hence much of it was cousumed in a raw state. Vermin were abimdant, and no effort on the part of any one was sufficient to remain free therefrom, while some of the sick v.ere almost literally eaten alive. The most of us sleiit on the ground with no covering. JAMES T. COTTON, Late Private Fourth Indiana Cavalry. RocKPORT, Indiana, November 1, 1867. Statement of Atif/nstns C. Weaver, of Vevaij, Indiana. I was captured June 23, 18G4, on the Wilson raid to the rear of Petersburg. I was at the time a private in Company A, Third Indiana cavalry. I was taken, with others captured at the same time, to Audersouville. I witnessed many horrible scenes, which caunot be described. I kuew Wirz, Sullivan, Larrigan, aud other rebel oBicers con- nected with the prison, aud saw much of their ill treatment of prisoners. I saw pris- oners literally- torn to pieces by dogs used to recajiture them, prisoners Avith balls 1116 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR and chains on them, some with them on their legs, and others with them on their necks. Others were put in stocks, and kept there until thev died. AUGUSTUS C. WEAVER. Vevay, Indiana, March 26, 1868. Statement of Douglas W. Marsh, of Vinton, Indiana. I was first sergeant of Company D, Eighth Iowa volunteers. My post office address is Vinton, Iowa. Was captured, with my regiment, at battle of 8hiloh, April 6, 1862. Were sent to Tuscaloosa, Alabama, wh(^re a sergeant, Henry Wirz, seemed to be in charge of us. The first command I ever heard him give was to the guard : " Bayonet the first G — (1 d d Yankee that speaks a word." On the morning after our arrival Wirz, at roll-call, forced one of our men who was barely able to stand, to get into line, threatening to kill him if he did not get up. In a prison, across the street from us, one of our men was killed by the guard for looking out of the window. We were removed from Tuscaloosa to Montgomery, Alabama, by boat. On one occasion we were ordered ashore without our baggage. Not understanding the order, some of the men took their blankets. Wirz and a Sergeant Donahue stood on the plank. Donahue had a of club in his hand, with which he knocked down every man who had his blanket. On one occasion lie knocked one of our jnen down into the hold of the boat, breaking sev- eral of his ribs, which made him a cripple for life. Was afterward removed to Macon, Georgia, and put into the fair grouud. The hospital at that place was fearful. Men were forced by circumstances to use their bunks as sinks, not being able to get up, and no jirovision made for them other than some sand thrown on the floor, whic*h was cleaned out once each day. The smell of that hospital was enough to have killed well men. Very few who entered it as patients ever came out alive. I saw a member of the Fourteenth Iowa, who was unable to go to the sink, made to mark time by the guard until he fainted. DOUGLAS W. MARSH. EvANSViLLE, Indiana, October, 18G7. Statement of Henry TV. McNamara, of Boicling Green, Indiana. I was a private in the Sixth Indiana cavalry. Was captured August 6, 1864, near Atlanta, Georgia, by a Lieutenant Graham, of a Georgia regiment. The lieutenant demanded our weapons, and then ordered us searched, he taking our pocket-books and contents. We were sent to Andersonville. On our arrival we were stripped of our clothing, and everything taken from us, even to our tobacco ; such articles of our clothing as were good were also taken. ' To describe the appearance of the pen is be- yond my powers of language. I saw sevei'al men who were siiot down by the guard, with little or no provocation, who, it was commonly reported, (by themselves,) re- ceived a thirty days' furlough for such deeds. From Andersonville I was removed to Florence, Avhere I saw a man bayoneted by the guard. (The prisoner was crazy from ill treatment.) Another was shot for accidentally getting one foot over the deail-line. At Andersonville I heard the screams of a man who was torn by bloodhounds while trying to escape. He died the next day. At dif- ferent times I have seen the rebel ofl'cers beat the men cruelly with clubs. Lieutenant Jones, of First South Carolina artillery, came to the camp at Florence and tried to get US to join the confederate army, assuring us that we should have good clothes and plenty to eat, while, if we did not, we would all starve. HENRY W. McNAMARA. Bowling Gkeen, Indlvna, 1867. Statement of Ashury S. McCormiek, of liockfield, Indiana. I was a corporal of Ninth Indiana volunteers. Was taken prisoner at Chickamauga, September 20, 186;5. They were ten days taking us from the battle-tield to Kichmond, during wliich time we received but three days' rations. On our arrival Major Turner told us if we had any money, watches, or valuables, we should give them to him and tliey would be returned wlieu we were exchanged. Some of the men trusted his word. Tliey never got any of tlu^ things back. When we wei'c first taken we were searched lor money, Ac; tiiey took rings, ))reastpins, watches, &c., besides taking all of our blankets and much of our clothing. When clothing and provisions were sent through BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1117 to ns by the government bnt a small portion Avas given to ns. We saw mncli of the clothing on the guards. While at Richmond they treated us like dogs. Two men were shot for looking out of the windows. In December we were sent to Danville. We were very much crowded, and were not, at night, allowed to go out to attend the calls of nature, the result of which may be imagined. While at Danville boxes arrived from the North for us. They were always opened, and the nicest of the things taken out for Major Moffit, the commandant. April, 1864, we were taken to Andersonville, where I saw men shot for getting too near, not over, the dead-line. Saw Wirz knock a sick man down and stamp on him, for not getting out of his way. Was finally taken to Florence, which was much the same as Ander- sonville. It was under charge of Lieutenant Barritt, of a Georgia regiment. I saw him once fire his revolver into a crowd of starving prisoners who were picking up some peas which had been spilled close to the dead-line. They soon cut our rations down lower than at Andersonville, until these men were wild with hunger. We soon found out why this was done, for thej' came into the stockade and tried to get recruits for the rebel army. A. s. Mccormick. RocKFiELD, Indiana, Septcmler 10, 1867. Statement of Eobert H. Mijrick, of Craufordsville, Indiana. I was a private of Company B, Seventh Indiana volunteers ; was taken prisoner with a number of others, all wounded, June 9, 1862. My left forearm Avas shot off". We were taken to Ware's Cave, where some of them died for want of surgical atten- tion. There was plenty of water near ns ; but to get it to ns, or for us to get to it, was the diihculty. We frequently suffered indescribably for the want of water to drink. We called this "Camp Misery," on account of our suff"ering. We were almost directly under the eye of Stonewall Jackson. We were conveyed to Waynesboro in wagons. The only friendly faces we had seen since our capture were tliose of the negro teamsters, who showed all the sympathy for us they dared. July 4 we were sent to Lynchburg. The treatment of the sick and wounded was cruel indeed, both as to food and personal abuse. From Lynchburg we were sent to Belle Isle, and became a part of the starving crowd. Many were almost naked, and but few had shelter. The pangs of hunger never ceased. Our rations were poor and scarce indeed. The rule was to issue rations twice a day ; but, as there are exceptions to all general rules, such was the case with this, until it was hard to tell which was the rule and which the exception. It was terrible to see those poor emaciated prisoners wandering around, eagerly seizing upon anything to eat which promised sustenance. ROB'T H. MYRICK. Crawfordsvili.e, October 27, 1867. Statement of James D. Patten, of Lo{/ansport, Indiana. I was a private of Twenty-fourth Indiana battery; was captured near Roswell, Georgia, August 3, 1864. The first thing done by our captors was to search and rob us, Avhich was thoroughly done. We were marched from Roswell to Atlanta, over one hundred miles, in three days and a half; fully one-half of the men were barefooted; their feet became so swollen and cut that they could be tracked by the blood ; were sent from Atlanta to Andersonville. I saw men get so reckless that they would crawl over the dead-line to be shot. Many were vaccinated with impure matter, from the effects of which quite a niimber lost their arms and many their lives. Two men were killed close by me several feet from the dead-line. I was once shot at while picking up a stick, one end of which was over the line. From Andersonville we were sent to Florence, North Carolina, and jiut into a stockade. Our treatment here was about the same as at Andersonville, but we had less rations. If they suspected us of digging a tunnel, they would starve us until we told ; sometimes have been kept two and three days at a time without food for this purpose. The rebels, about the time of Lin- coln's second election, had us vote for President; "red beans" for Lincoln and "white beans" for McClellan. Tliere were not many white beans wanted. Tavo of our boys got away from Florence and traveled three hundred miles before they were recaptured. They said, on their return, that the negroes always befriended them by giving them food and showing them the roads, sometimes going several miles with them at the risk of their lives. JAS. D. PATTEN, Late Private Twenty-third Indiana Battery. LoGANSPORT, Indiana, August 3, 1867. 1118 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Statement of Jacob Salat, of EvaiisriUc, Iv.illana. I wp.s a private in Couipaiiy E, Nincteoiitii United .States Infantry : was taken pris- oner September 21, 18t)3, with all the battalion; were taken to Tnnnelllill; were stripped of blankets, &c., and sent to Dalton ; put into box cars, seventy in each, and sent to Atlanta, and from th(!re to Richmond, and were pnt into Pemberton ware- honse. Tlie ration for one day was not euouiih for one meal. We were searched three times for money, watches, rings, &c., all of wiiieh were taken from us. Several men of my battalion died there from starvation. November 15 we were packed into cars and sent to Andersonville. It was a horrible place, the sick lying around on the bare ground without shelter from the sun or rain. The ration here did not exceed three- quarters of a^ pound per day, and of such miserable qmdity that it could not be counted more than half of that. The water we used was from a little stream running through the camp. Above us, on the stream, was the rebel camp, and a cook-house from which all the tilth was tlirowu into the stream, which made it very tilthy. There was roll-call every morning, and every man had to come. I have seen men crawl into place on their hands and knees. If any were not in ])lace they were beaten and kicked up to the ranks if there was any life in them. I have seen men fall dead in the ranks at roll- call. From 1st to 4th of Jnly. we had no rations at all. Every morning a pack of bloodhounds were taken around outside of the camp to track any who had escaped. If any were recaptured, they were put into chain-gangs, coutined in stocks, and be tied up by the thumbs. During the month of June it rained twenty-two days. It was aw- ful to see the poor sick skeletons crawling around in the mud and rain. The guards wore cruel, often firing into the camp at night. Our lives were not safe from them day or night. The guards would sometimes throw bread between the dead-line and stock- ade, and then shoot the poor starved wretch who would even reach out his hand to get it. They received a furlough for shooting a prisoner who attempted to escape, ;ind a man was considered as attempting to escape who crossed the line. Saw a guard kill a crazy man who wandered over the dead-line. Were sent from Andersonville to Flor- ence, anfl turned into an open field, where we were cut very short of food ; not more than half as much was issued as at Andersonville. The reason of this was, they thought to starve us into joining the rebel army. I am sure of this, for their otticers came in every day, piomising us good clothes and rations if we went, and told ns we would all starve to death if we did not. I am sorry to say some went. Lieutenant Barrett, of the Fifth Georgia, in command of the inside of the prison, was a cruel, heartless vil- lain. I saw hun several times shoot into a crowd with his revolver. If prisoners at- tempted to escape they were tied up by the thumbs, lifted clear off the ground. I heard their cries and groans every day. At the time of the pr(!sidential election in the North, the rebels had us vote, using red beans for Lincoln and white beans for McClel- lan. Lincoln got ten times as many as McClellan. The rebels said they believed Lincoln would be elected by the way the prisoners voted. EVA^rSVILLE, INDIANA, 1667. JACOB SALAT. Statement of Patrick Alalcij, of Mctamora, Indiana. I was a private of Company H, Sixty-eighth Indiana infantry. Was wounded in the arm and taken prisoiii-r at Chicaraauga, September 20, 18GI3; was kept six days ou and near the l)attle-lield with but little to eat ; was then sent to Atlanta by rail: we wen? four days on the road, during which time I did not receive any rations. Was next taken to Richmond ; our rations were scarcely sufiQcient to sustain life. We were sent from Richmond to Danville, was there eight weeks when I escaped, but was re- captured and was then taken to Andersonville. Was attacked by scurvy and was so reduced by the disease and starvation that I was once taken out among the dead, where I was allowed to remain for three days in the mouth of August, the bo(li(>s de- caying around me. I finally succeeded in making known that 1 was not dead, and was removed to an old tent, where I was kept for tliree months. I had bei'U so reduced that I could not yet walk when exchanged. While in prison I frequently saw my comrades knocked down with but little provocation. PATRICK MALEY. Metamora, Indiana, 18G7. Statement of F. M. Bill, of Kokomo, Iniliana. I was a private of company B, Ninetieth regiment Indiana volunteers; was captured near Edmonton, Kentucky. As soon as taken we were stripped of our clothing, and 13Y THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1119 everything taken from us except our pants and sliu-ts, and sent to Richmond and put into Libby. On the way to the cars we were forced to make forced marches with our feet bare and bleeding, at one time making twenty-seven miles in teu hours. We were searched again in Libby. They got but little, as the job had heeu well done by others. Then commenced the starving process. We were indignant at the rations which were brought in for us. We could not eat the stuff, but were brought to our appetites veiy soon and ate with relish that Avhich we spurned hefore. We were glad to see " fresh tish" (as we called new prisoners) brought in, fin- none but starving men could cat the .stnff offered ; so that our ration became increased until their appetites were sufficiently whetted up by starving. The most severe punishment was meted out on the slightest pretext. Even for looking out of the windows the guard would shoot at us. If the man jumped back, they would shoot up through the lloor, often shooting innocent men. F. M. HILL. Lale Private Company B, Fifth Indiana Cavalry. KoKOMO, Indiana, September 22, 1857. Statement of William Spenser, of Monticello, Indiana. I was assistant surgeon of the Seventy-third Indiana volunteers. On the 30th of April, 1864, I was ordered to remain with our wounded on Colonel Streight's raid, at Davis Gap, Alabama. There were twenty-seven of our wounded men thus left. I was promised by General Forrest's adjutant general, G. W. Anderson, an escort to our lines as soon as the condition of our wounded would permit. We were left under guard of two companies of General Wheeler's men. The day after the tight (May 1) these men with their officers took from us our rations, canteens, cups, spirits, overcoats, blankets, and in lact everything which their malice or avarice prompted, leaving our poor wounded men (some of them ^vith limbs just amputated) in the hot sun, destitute of every comfort, they abusing us all the time -the robbing was going on, calling us Yankee sons of b — s, &c. A captain presented his revolver at my breast for asking him to i^lease leave a blanket for the worst wounded men. They took fi'om me my horse-, bed, watch, money, and hat. Our wounded laid there eight days, subsisting on corn bread, dried apples, and honey, brought to us mostly by the negroes. After Wheeler's men were withdrawn we were treated pretty well by some of the citizens. One Dr. Williams, however, was very bitter. He took from me "my case of amputating instruments and pocket cases ; afterward came with two soldiers and took away my panier, containing all the medicines, &c., I had. One day, while on my round attend- ing to the wounded, I was shot at from the brush, the ball cutting my clothes near the right nipple. The negroes warned me against Williams, and told me of his bush- whacking our men. On the 2C)th of May I went to the nearest provost marshal's, at Decatur, Alabama, showed him my papers, and asked for an escort through the lines, as promised by N. B. Forrest. The provost marshal would only send me to General Buckner, at Kuoxville. He sent me to General Winder, at Richmond, who had me coutiued at Libby and retained as hostage for Dr. Green. For somi^ time I could not* tell what day I would be led out for execution, beside suffering in like manner, as our officers in that " Bastile," Captains Flynn, Sawyer and I, were constantly taunted by the rebels with prosjject of speedy execution. WILLIAM SPENSER, M. D., Late Assistant Surgeon Seventy-third Indiana volunteers. Monticello, IndulNa, 1867. Statement of B. A. Conner, of North Vernon, Indiana. I was a private of the Sixth Indiana volunteers ; Avas captui-ed September 19, 1863 ; was a prisoner at Florence, South Carolina. The post commander was Ivieutenaut Colonel Iver.son, of Georgia. The camp commander was Lieutenant Barrett, of the Fifth Georgia. This Lieutenant Barrett was the most tyrannical liend I ever saw during my prison life, which ran over the space of fifteen months. I have seen him come into the prison and shot)t into a crowd of helpless prisoners. I have seen him on a number of occasions beat the prisoners with a clul). On one occasion we were all kept three days and nights to force us to tell the location of a tunnel. We were often without food for forty-eight hours for the most trivial offenses. R. A. CONNER. North Vernon, Indiana, August 2-1, 1807. 1120 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Statement of B. C. Fisher, of Mount Etna, Indiana. I was a priA-atc of company A, Fifth Indiana cavalry ; on the 3lst of Jnly vras sur- rendered by General Stonenian, with fonr hnndred men. After surrendi'ring we were stripped of our money, clotliing, watches, and good clothing, and sent to Andersonville, Georgia. Before Ix^iug tnrned into the stockade we were made to strip naked, when onr chithing was thoronghly searched. This time they took even onr pocket combs, photograplis, and bits of tobacco. The horrors of the Andersonville pen have not been told, and no man can tell them. We were sent from Andersonville to Havannah, where onr treatment was better. From Savannah we were sent to Lawton Prison, five miles from Milieu, Georgia, where onr treatment was abont the same as at Anderson- ville. I think Colonel Means was in command at Lawton Prison. There was no hos- pital or medical treatment. Were sent to Florence, Sonth Carolina, in November, where we found onr condition nuicli Ivorso than at any other place Ave had been. Winter was now upon us, onr clothing worn to tatters, and we in our emaciated con- dition less able to endure snfl'ering. The greater part of onr men were without shelter of any description. The ration was smaller than at any other prison ; the punishments were severe, and iufiicted many times for mere imaginary offenses. ROBERT H. FISHER. Mt. Etxa, Indiana, September 10, 1867. Statement of TVilUam Devlin, of Huntington, Indiana. I was a private of Company A, Fifth Indiana cavalry. Was captured on the 13th of December, 1863. Was a prisoner eight months on Belle Isle and Castle Pemberton. Our sufferings during tlie winter were indescribable. Robbed of our money and cloth- ing, turned out in the winter without shelter, aud almost without food, to Ireeze and starve as hundreds did while I was there. I once went to Lieutenant Boisseau aud begged for shelter or wood. He replied, " Go to hell, I have no tents or wood for you." I saw many of the men barely able to walk at all, walking ai'ound to keep from freez- ing. Many of them without shoes, their nails frozen off, ears, hands, and feet frozen, until they were black aud rotted off". I was barefooted all winter; had my feet badly frozen, but by dint of perseverance I succeeded in saving my feet, while many others had to have them amputated. None but those who have experienced it can understand what it is to suffer months, absolutely dying of hunger and exposure. If a dog chanced to come into the camp, or could be coaxed in, he was speedily killed and devoured. WM. DEVLIN. Huntington, Indiana, August 26, 1867. Statement of Joseph W. Secord, of Danville, Indiana. ^ I was orderly sergeant of Company A, Fifty-third Indiana volunteers. Was a pris- oner at Andersonville from July 3, 1864, untii September 17, 1864. The general treat- ment of prisoners is too well known to need anything from me, but I will state a few things which should be understood. Instance, the killing of Morris Pruitt, while asleep. The wounding of a German while quietly smoking his pipe. He died. Several in- stances of men Iieiug shot for reaching under the dead-line. Vaccinating with impure matter, by which scores died. Many had their arms amputated. During the month of September the prisoners were many of them removed. When the detachments were moved their sick were left behind. In a few days the part of the camp from which they were taken became very offensive, the stench arising from the bodies of the sick men who had died where they were left by their comrades. We renu)ved many of them to the gate for burial, but many were so much decayed that they could not be removed, so they were covered where they lay. Our rations were issued raw to us, in part, and but few had auy means of cooking them, which occasioned much sutteriug, and even death. JOSEPH W. SECORD, Late First Sergeant Company A, Fifty-third Indiana Volunteers. Danville, Indiana, August 3, 1867. Statement of Thomas W. McClurc, of Wuhash, Indiana. I was second lieutenant of the Sixth United States cidored artillery. Was captured at Fort Pillow, Tennessee, April VZ, 1864. Was takeu to Macon, Georgia, where Cap- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1121 tain Tabbs was in command of the prison. He was a perfect tyrant, and generally drnnk. Was taken to Savannah ; afterwards to Charleston, and confined in the jail- yard under fire of onr gnns, and in October removed to Colnmbia, South Carolina, and placed in an open field without shelter of any kind. No sufficient notice was given of the rules, in consequence of which many were killed and wounded for violating rules which none biit the guard knew of. Our sutferings were teri'ible froin want of food and cloth- ing, and the manner of the officers and guards indicated a disposition to increase rather than alleviate them. THOS. W. McCLURE, Late Second Lieutenant Sixth United States Heavy ArtiUery, (colored.) Wabash, Indiana, November' 18, 1867. Statement of John TV. Munday, of Laporte, Indiana. At the time of my capture was second lieutenant of Company B, Seventy-third Indi- ana volunteers. Was taken with the whole command on Colonel Streight's raid. We were taken to Libby Prison. At no time during my two years' stay in southern prisons were our rations sufficient to keep a healthy man alive for any great length of time. Colonel Streight and others estimated our ration at from eight to ten ounces, without allowing anything for waste. I do not now recollect a time when it was not necessary for us to use our personal funds to pui'chase the real necessaries of life to stay the crav- ings of hunger. In the hospital I saw a private soldier of our army made the subject of experiment by the rebel surgeon. His leg was amputated. He was given whisky in prescribed quantities several times each day, until the unfortunate man died in a drunken delirium. Ghastly memories rise up before me of comrades wantonly shot ; sickening recollections of hundreds of my messmates being inoculated with loathsome disease by vaccination ; going to bed hungry, getting up hungry, and remaining hungry day after day cannot be described. In May we were removed to Macon, Georgia, into a prison pen from which every tree and shrub had been cut, leaving us in an open field exposed without shelter to the burning sun by day and the miasmatic fog from a neigh- boring s^uamp by night, from the effects of which many sickened and died. From Ma- con we were taken to Charleston, South Carolina, and kept under fire of our guns in a jail-yard. From Charleston we were taken to Columbia, South Carolina, and turned into an open field without shelter, and no means of constructijig any ourselves. Our ration was sorghum, molasses, and miserable corn meal, without a morsel of meat, until Ave were exchanged in the spring of 1865. During my whole imprisonment not a par- ticle of clothing was given us, and after leaving Libby no blankets ; while on the con- trary many were robbed of what they had. JOHN W. MUNDAY, Late Secand Lieutenant Seventy-third Indiana Volunteers. Laporte, Indiana, Novemler 12, 1867. Statement of James Henderson, of Kendallville, Indiana. 1 was a private in Company D, Seventy-fourth Indiana volunteers. I was taken prisoner with nine others August 16, 1864, near Atlanta. We were taken to Andersou- ville, Georgia ; were three days on the way, and no food given us during that time. The first thing we noticed was the dead and dying all around us in the mud ; the sick and dying writhing in the mud, groaning with pain. Our rations were scant and poor. There were over thirty thousand prisoners there at the time, the deaths numbering over one hundred each day. After the capture of Atlanta we were removed to Flor- ence, South Carolina, via Charleston, and were turned into an open field, where our fare was worse than at Andersonville. Our ration was a pint of corn meal, cob and corn ground together. Even this was sometimes cut short, and at times none at all. JAMES HENDERSON. Kendallville, Indiana, October 31, 1867. Statement of Albert F. Land, of Madison, Indiana. 1 was a private of Company D, Sixth Indiana volunteers. Was captured at Chicka- mauga September 20, 1883, and was taken to Richmond. I was a prisoner fourteen H. Eep. 45 71 1122 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR mouths. After beiug a prisoner about teu weeks I was taken to the small-pox hos- X^ital. While prisoner at Richiuoud the ration was so small for a day that one could eat it all at one meal and still want more. AVe received some clothing gent by the government to us, but we were soon compelled to trade it off for food. February 18 was sent to Andersonville, where we suftered untold misery. The ration was very small aud poor. We had no cooking utensils, and but little wood to cook what we got. The scurvy was awlui. The stench aiising from those who had it was terrible. I have seen the scurvj' sores so full of maggots that the victim would have to scrape them out with a chip, not being able to go for water. These men were allowed to rot ti^ death in the camp. Three times as many died in the stockade as at the hospital. The groans of the sufferers could be heard day and night. I saw one man who had cut his throat to escape from his misery. I knew several who were killed by the guard for going too near the dead-line, or for reaching under it to get a bone or crust of bread which the guards had thrown between the line and stockade to tempt us. ALBERT F. LAND. Madison, Lsdiana, October, 1867. Statement of James M. Hammitt, of Bear Creek Post Office, Indiana. I was a private in Company B, Eleventh Indiana cavalry. Was taken prisoner at Franklin, Tennessee, with eight others, on December 1, 18G4. We were moved from place to place until the latter end of January, 1865, when we arrived at Andersonville. When first taken prisoner Corporal Duckett and I were thrown ujyon the ground and our boots, hats, «fcc., taken from us. This was done in the presence of the rebel General Forrest. During my confinement I saw prisoners so starved that they would gather undigested food which had passed the bowels and from vomit to eat. A furlough was given for every Yankee killed for crossing the dead line. I have known the guards to throw sweet iiotatoes, bread, &c., between the stockade and dead-line to tempt us across the line, so as to shoot us. The prisoners were i^erfectly reckless of life when food was in question. Prisoners were frequently shot for crossing. I frequently saw Bowers, of Baltimore, Maryland, kick and beat men for picking up peas which had been scattered on the ground. He kicked me once for this offense. The prisoners were treated about alike, the weak and feeble dying of exposure and starvation, aud the strong growing weak from same causes. JAMES M. HAMMITT, Late Private Company B, Eleventh Indiana Volunteers. Bear Creek Post Office, Ixdlvna, September 2, 1867. Statement of John Craig, of New Corydon, Indiana. I was a iirivate of the Fifth ludiana cavalry ; was captured December 14, 186^!, at Bean Station, Tennessee, and was, with many others, sent to Richmond. Five hun- dred were sent to Belle Isle, where most of us were without shelter, and the weather bitter cold. It is impossible to give you an idea of what the prisoners sufltered. A filthy cam]), witli little or no shelter from the winter storms, with but little wood — often none ; thinly clad antl insufficiency of food, and that of miserable kind, all went To make our condition desperate. Under such treatment our men l)ecame greatly re- sed to the cold rains and frosts, filthy and lousy. I have seen brave men so reduced that tiiey wept like children and wislicd for death to come to their relief. Our rations were very small. Meat was issued lull of maggots. When cooked rice was given, it had been cooked in the same water with the meat, and was also full of maggots. The guards shot men for the slightest transgression of the dead- line regulations. I have seen men wearing a ball and chain for atLcmptiug to escape; also saw chain-gangs made by chaining a dozen men together by their necks ami legs, 80 that all had to move at the same time. Confinement in the stocks was very com- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1123 mon. The sick were allowed to reniaiu iu tbe camp tmatteuded, lying in tlieir own filth, until their bodies were covered with sores and the sores full of maggots. Quite a number died from being vaccinated witii impure matter. I was sent to Florence, where we received a greater variety of food, but less in quantity than at Andersonville. If the sergeant iu charge of a squad did uot account for all his men, they were all forced to go without rations until he could. We were at one time kept entirely without food for three days to make us tell where a tunnel was being dug. They filled up all our wells to prevent tunneling. The foregoing is but a faint description of what 1 saw and exiierieuced. JOHN CRAIG. New Corydon, Indiana, August 23, 1867. Statement of David C. East, of Terre Haute, Indiana. I was a private of the First Indiana cavalry ; was captured at Gettysburg, and was taken to Belle Isle, where I witnessed starvation and sufiering which makes me shud- der to think of. The ground occupied was about one acre and a half; on this there were from four to five thousand prisoners, among whom were constantly the dead and dying. The amount of food was uot sufficient for our actual wants. I was barefooted and almost destitute of clothing for several mouths, as were thousands of others, until we received the blankets and clothing sent to us by the government ; during which time we were exposed on the bare grouud to the scorching sun by day, and the cold dew by night. I here saw men whom I knew to be honest under other circumstances, steal food from their best friends; and have seen men wrest food from the handset" others and eat it as they ran, to keep others from taking it from them. Many were reduced to mere skeletons. I have known the poou fellows to walk all night to keep from freezing — crying like little children from hunger and cold. Those ])itiful cries seem to ring iu my ears yet. Many were badly frozen, causing the amjintation of liands and feet and the loss of ears. Some instances of a character almost too disgusting to write, but yet true, came to my knowledge — such as men eating food vomited up by the sick, or food which had passed the bowels undigested. Many of the prisoners be- came so emaciated that they scooped out places in the ground to allow their hi[)-bones to rest in when they laid down. There were fourteen men killed by the guard on Belle Isle while I was there for difterent oft'euses — none of them warranting even, severe punishment. The guards were never punished for these crimes. In February, we were removed to Andersonville, packed in box cars, sixty to seventy in each, which made them so ci-owded wo had to stand up most of the time, for there was uot room for all to even sit down at the same time. We were turued into the stockade there without sheltev or means to make any. The deaths reached as high as one hundred and fifty per day during August. I will not attempt to describe the place nor our treat- ment. It would be impossible to give any statement which would trulj^ represent the state of afiairs. Libby was terrible, but what shall be said of Aiulersonvillc. DAVID C. EAST. Terre Haute, Indiana, August 18, 1867. Statement of William 0. Washburn, of Clinton, Indiana. 1 was sergeant of Company M, Sixteenth Illinois cavaliy ; was captured with my command, about four hundred men, at Jonesville, Virgiuia, January 3, 18G4. Imme- diately after capture we were robbed of our money, watches, &c. Hats, boots, blankets, and overcoats were taken from us. We were two days camped in an open field without fire, then started for Bristol, Virgiuia, the snow being six inches deep, making it ditlicult to march at all over that mountainous country. Yet, the guard being mounted, we were ])ushed along rapidly. When men, from exhaustion, would fall back they were beaten and cut with sabres, to urge them forward. During a march of seventy miles we received three pints of corn meal, which we had to bake in the ashes without salt. Arrived at Bristol at night, and were camped in an open common, without fire, the night being intensely cold. The nien were so exhausted by fatigue and hunger that they immediately lay down and fell asleep. Quite a number were frozen so that they were crippled for life. We were put on the cars and sent to Richmond, aud a few days after, being searched again, were sent to Belle Isle. We were three days without food on the road. We were in the hands of enemies liefore, but were then iu the hands of licuds. If the men crowded at the gates at thu time to dr.aw rations, the rebel officers would jump in among them with clubs and beat them as long as thej^ were within reach. It was almost a daily occurrence for men to 1124 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR he shot f(ir the most trivial offenses. Men actually died of starvation. In Febiniary we were taken to Andersonville. Georgia, on stock cars badly crowded. We bad become so reduced that most of the men staggered as they nuirched to the cars. Several men died on the ear from the contlitiou they were placed in. We were nine days from Bollo Isle to Andersonville. Our rations during the time were not sufficient for two days. After our arrival Captain Wirz had us drawn up in line and informed that he was onr master and would manage in such a manner that but few of us would ever invade southern country again. About the 1st of July the mortality became frightful. Thou- sands were stretched upon the ground, exposed to the burning rays of the sun, dying from the effects of diarrhea. Hundreds were distorted iuto most horrid ligures with dropsy and scurvy, many of whom had broken out iuto sores, and gangrene had so worked upon them that the bones and cords were exposed to view. In addition to this was the frightful treatment by the officers, who would often ride into the i)risous, tramping under the feet of their horses poor dying men who had not strength enough even to roll out of the way. Prisoners were shot by the guards with alarming frequency ; beaten by the quartermaster if they asked for food. If prisoners escaped they weie hunted down by dogs, and brought back frightfully mangled and torn, and put in the .stocks for hours in the broiling sun, and sometimes for days. Many of the ])risoners became raving maniacs or idiots from exposure and hunger, in which con- dition they wandered over the dead-line and would be shot, the guards saying their orders were imperative to shoot all found over the dead-line. Cripples stunil>ling over the dead-line were also shot. I entered Andersonville with a squad of about tlireo hundred men. One hundred and eighty of them died between February '^7 anil Sep- tember 8. I entered prison with fifty-three of my own company, thirty-two of whom died in prison. Of the twenty-one who survived not one was clear of disease, and l)ut seven returned for duty, the remaining fourteen being discharged as permanently disabled. WILLIAM. O. WASHBURN, Late Sergeant Company M, Sixteenth Indiana Cavalry, Clixtox, Indiax.\, August 1, 1867. Statement of TVcsJey Johnson, of Heller's Corners, Indiana. I was a corporal of Company A, Eleventh Indiana cavalry ; was captured at Chica- mauga, September '20, 1863 ; was takeu to Tunnel Hill, where they took u was located in a dense pine woods, but we were allowed but little wood, scarcely enough to cook our miserable ration. Meu died by scoi'es from hunger and extreme cold, with no vis- ible mark of disease ui)on them. Twenty-eiglit of my squad perished in that wav. WESLEY KING. TiPTOX, IxDiAXA, Juhj 14, 18G7. Statement of Calvin TT. Diygs, of CoUcfje Corner, Jay Countij, Indiana. I was a private of Company A, Eighty-fourth Indiana Aolunteers; was captured at Chickamauga on the 21st day of September, 1803. For six days I was kept on the liattle-ground; while on the battle-ground I was permitted to visit the ])lace of ampu- tation; the sight her« was truly ai)palling, hundreds of men smfering from the most dreadful wounds', aggravated in mauy cases by mortification, (caused by neglect,) lying on the ground with no shelter from the sun by day or the dews of night. These men suffered the most intense agony by exposure and neglect, and also for food and water. The rebels may plead in mitigation of their conduct, the want of supplies, surgeons, &c., but thei'e is no possible pretext for refusing our meu permission to care for them. ^ October 1st we were packed into the cars, like so many hogs, with barely room to stand up. In this condition we were taken to Richmond, a distance by the route taken of nine hundred miles. We suffered no ill-treatment on the road, except the crowded condition of the cars, which made rest impossible. We arrived at Richmond on the Iflth of October. We were first lodged in a building opposite " Castle Thunder ;" here we were waited upon by two confederate officers, who blandly informed us that they had come after our monej' ; this money they would have, peaceably if they could, forci- bly if they must. Wo were told that those who gave up their money voluntarily would have it returned to them ; those who did not would be searched, their money taken forci- bly, and not returned. Not having yet learned the perfidy of these infernal scoundrels, we trusted them and gave up our money, amounting on this single floor (some three hun- dred men) to thousands of dollars, (judging from the pile and the amounts some meu gave in.) Satisfied with the large amounts received they did not search the squad I was with ; but it was the common practice "to strip oft'" every article of clothing and examine it minutely, sometimes ripping open the seams, thus destroying the clothing. I have never known one dollar refunded. After this act of pilfering, we were I'emoved to another prison, one street further east, known as '' Smith's Building." The building is a large brick, four stories high ; lower story almost entirely under ground. Three hundred and sixty-five of us were lodged in this lower stoiy, or more appropriately dungeon. This room was filthy and damp. Our rations here consisted of a half loaf of bread, weighing perhaps ten ounces, and a very small piece of meat, (beef or pork,) weighing from three to six ounces. The rations for twenty-four hours did not make one full meal. The prisoners would dis- pense with their scanty rations in a few miuutes and tiitm sufter the pangs of hunger for from twenty-lour to tliirty-six hours, (time for issuing Ix^iug very irregular,) only to bo aggravated by a ujorsel of food, that served only to sharpen the api)etite instead of satisfy. The meat was generally tainted and in nuuiy cases absolutely I'otten. The inside of the box in wliich it was carried was often completely lined with sicippers. Yet the famishing prisoners devoured this i»utrid meat with the greatest a\idity. Gen- eral Winder was in comuuind of the lu'isoners at this time. A man liy the name of Turner was the instrument of his cruelty, as he was brought into contact with the pris- oners. His conduct was abusi\e in word and deed, jiouriugout the most bitter curses upon the men, with no provocation whatever. Such was the reign of tenor instituted by tins fiend, that we did not dare to make the most simple re(iuests. We renuiined in this prison until the 14th of November, 186:5, sufiering from hunger, filth, and sickness, when we were taken to Danville, Virginia. When takiiu out of prison on the street, it Avas with the greatest ditficnlty that I could maintain an upright posture, having been .so reduced in strength by this short coniincment, (live weeks.) We were confined in deserted old tobacco factories. Then? wen; five of these buildings, containing between two and thrc'C thousand prisoners. Rations liere consisted of a half loaf of Itread of very inferior quality; it was of a dark brown coloi'. resemhling our "Graham bread," only much darker. We could never certainly determine the ingro- BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 1127 clients of the bread received there. Our rations of meat were for ;i time larger than those received at Richmond, bnt soon decreased to the Richmond standard. We received for a short time alialf pint of soui), in which there was at times ai small qnantity of rice or beans ; this sonp was an abomination, even to starving men, on account of its filthiness. The bread received at tirst was soon snbstitnted by corn bread made of very coarse meal, without sifting; it was nothing uncommon to lind from one to t>vo whole grains of corn in a ration of bread, and sometimes ^lortions of husks and other vile substances. Our principal suffering here was from the extreme cold winters in 1863 and 1864, being nearly as cold here as an ordinary winter North, yet we were allowed no fire during all the extreme cold weather. Until late in December, the prisoners were all very scant of clothing and many almost entirely naked. We lay on the bare floor, without any cov- ering whatever ; in order to keep from freezing eight or ten of us would lie down to- gether, so closely that it was impossible to turn or move. During the day we had no relief from the excessive cold. We had neither room nor strength for exercise and spent the day in shivering and shaking, as in an ague fit. The want of sufficient food made us much more susceptible to the influence of cold. The clothing received was furnished by our own government and received by us from the 20tli to the 31st of December. A man received only those articles that he did not possess at all. During my imprison- ment I never knew any one to receive anything in the shape of clothing or blankets from the confederacy. On the other hand it was very connnon to see them wearing our clothing, especially overcoats and shoes. These, in some cases, no doubt, were taken fi"om the boxes containing the clothing, in others they were obtained from famishing j)risoners for a few loaves of bread. It is certain that the guards secretly, and the pri- son keepers openly, carried on a system of fraud and speculation by which they regained possession of a large proportion of the clothing and blankets issued. Hundreds of men suffering severely from the pangs of hunger, were induced, for a very small considera- tion of food, to part with their clothing in the midst of winter, when the inevitable con- sequence would be extreme suffering, and in many cases death. Thinking, perhaps, there might be a cellar beneath our prison, in wliich something might be found, we tore up the floor, and beneath we found a few hogsheads, some filled with tobacco stems, others with a coarse quality of bran ; the prisoners scrambled and fought over this dirty, filthy bran, as a lot of beggar boys would over money thrown in their midst, and we ate it, perhaps with a keener relish than we would now eat the most dainty morsel. On the 15th of April we were put aboard the cars en route for Andersonville, Georgia, in the same crowded condition as heretofore, there being, I think, about seventy-five in an ordinary freight car. These cars were without seats, and often in a filthy condi- tion. We always suffered greatly from hunger in going from one point to another ; the rations received for four or five days would very often be eaten in one, the intense desire for food overruling discretion. On this journey I became so weak I could not stand witiiout support, and ray strength must have failed me entirely had it not been for a negro boy, who, hearing my cries for food, gathered up some scattered grains of corn from the floor of a depot where we were stopping and brought to me. We arrived at Andersonville on the 20th of April. Upon entering the prison we found we had been preceded by those from Belle Isle, and a more deplorable, wretched set of men I never saw. It was evident that these men had suffered greater hardships than we had, being more emaciated, more destitute of clothing, more sickly, more filthy, and more miserable in every respect. The stoekade at this time inclosed some eight or ten acres. On the top of the stock- ade were sentry-boxes, some eight rods apart, where the guards were staVoned. There was also another line of guards extending around the outside of the prison. The famous dead-line was situated some fifteen feet in from the stockade, and was made by nailing slats on the top of stakes driven in the ground ; it was about three feet high. The penalty for passing Ijeyond this line, or atteiujiting to, was instant death, and, with many of the chivalric guards, to come within reach of the fatal line constituted the attempt to pass beyond. A number of men were killed at or near this line. Only two cases fell under my own immediate observation. One of these men was shot where the " dead-line " passes over the stream of water running through the j)rison. He was probably trying to obtain a better quality of water by reaching be- yond the line. The other had become partially deranged by confinement, and went beyond the line, requesting the guard to shoot him. This man had lost a leg in the United States service. I heard of other cases, and fre(iuently heard the report of the guns and the cries of the unfortunate prisoner. I could never learn that this promis- cuous and uucalled-for shooting of defenseless men was in any way disconntenanctxl by the rebel authorities ; on the other hand, it was asserted that every guard who killed a Yank got a thirty days' furlough. Near the cente. of the prison tliere was a low. wet, marshy bog, extending the whole width of the prison from north to south, containing some three acres, and through thi^ ran a stream from four to six feet in Avidth ami from three to six inches in depth. 1128 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR From this stream we were obliged to obtain all onr water for cooking, washing, and drinking. Before entering the jirison it flowed through the rebel encampments. Inside of the prison there were from twenty to thirty thousand prisoners. There was no arrangement for carrying off the excrement or other hlth naturally accumulating. The only alternative left us in this predicament was to resort to the bog, this being the only space that was not literally covered with men. Men went into this stream to wash their bodies, their wounds, and their sores. In this prison we found no barracks, tents, or shelter of any kind to protect us from the scorching rays of a Georgia sun, tlie cold damp dews of night, or the showers of rain that fell frequently, and at one time for twenty days in succession. I think that at least two-thirds of the men were destitute of shelter of any kind, lying at night on the bare ground, without covering, and in many cases without sufficient clothing to cover the body ; the apparel in many cases consisting of pants and shirt, or pants and blouse, and in some cases shirt and drawers simply. These two or three articles of wearing apparel were, almost without exception, ragged and extremely lilthy. Of course no such thing as a "change of clothing" was known among us, and we had no facilities for cleansing the few articles we might possess. Many dug holes in the ground as a shelter, but would always be drowned out when it rained. The mortality was vei-y great among those who had no shelter; the exposure soon brought on sick- ness. When these men once got down so they could not move around they would die in a few days ; and in most cases without care or medical treatment. For several weeks our rations were given to us raw, a ration for one day consisting of from one, pint to one and a half of very coarse, unsifted meal, one gill of rotten, bug-eaten beans or peas, and sometimes, in lieu thereof, rice; a small portion of meat at times, and occasionally a teaspoonful of salt. They furnished us no cooking uten- sils or conveniences whatever, and only a very scant allowance of wood, and that not properly distributed, consequently many were entirely without any means of preparing their ibod. Our cooking utensils consisted of such tin vessels as had been carried from our own lines. There were perhaps, on an average, one cup to every eight men. We baked our bread on boards or chips, (pine,) by standing it before the lire. Those who have used pine wood can form some idea of the taste and scent of our bi'ead baked on a pine board, before a tire made of pine wood or knots. In lieu of bread, we some- times converted our meal into unish ; this was made in our tin oaps ; it was not uncom- mon to see half a dozen men boiling mush over a few small pieces of pine, or even one pine knot. A cook-house was hually built, by prisoners detailed for that purpose ; but this did not ameliorate our condition in the least, for our rations were prejiared from the same vile material as heretofore, and without any cleansing process. Our cooked rations were more lilthy and disgusting than those received in a crude state. The eliect of this miserable feeding was scurvy, in all its multifarious forms, character- ized by livid spots of various sizes, paleness, languor, depression of spirits, si)ongy and bleeding gums, ])aius in the limbs, and running sores that sometimes made amputation necessary. I suppose there was not one man in tifty, who remained in this prison a month, but what was in some form affected with it ; generally manifesting itself by stiffness and pain in the limbs, or running sores. I suffered for three months very severely with the scurv}', characterized in my case by contraction of the lower limbs, (so that I was unable to walk for two montlis,) and severe pain, spongy and bleeding gums, (every tooth in my head being perfectly loose.) Mine, however, was not an ex- treme case, for in most cases, where it did not end in death, its effect upon the health was irreparable. I have seen men (who had become helpless) covered with these foul sores, lying in an insensible and dying couditioii, while vile vermin were making con- tinual ingi'ess into and egress from their sores. The hos]>ital accommodations were very limited, and most of the deaths occurred inside the i)rison, without any care or medical treatment. A few men were admitted to the hospital each day, the number depending on the number that had died the pre- vious day. The doctors came to the prison gate for examinations, and those who de- sired admittance to the hospital must be there; the consequence was that those who most required treatment were prevented from seeing the physicians, excei)t when carried there by fellow-prisom^-s. Notwithstanding the difficulty of getting to the appointed place, and the almost impossibility of gaining admittance to the hospital, large numbers daily assembled, li()])ing to gain some relief. It was no uncommon thing for men who had been denied admission to the hospital to die the same tlay, and in some cases before they were carried away from the prison gate. The mortality inside the prison was from hfty to seventy-live per day, in addition to those who died at the hosi)ital. The treatment of the dead was most brutal, but little more respect being paid them than dumb brutes, the main object being to get them (mt of the way. And! nnist con- fess that this feeling of inditlerence anil carck-ssuess, with regard to the dead, was in some degree shared by the prisoners, owing to the fre(|Uen<'y of its occurrence, and the state of stupidity and semi-barbarism to which we had been reduced by long confine- ment and harsh treatment. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1129 A pack of hounds was kept at this poiut for the purpose of catchiug runaway pris- oners, and they were brought into frequent requisition, for, in spite of all their vigi- lance, attempts to escape were numerous, the usual mode beiug that of tuuneling. These subterrauean passages were only accomplished after weeks of incessant toil, the implements used consisting of a knife and a half canteen, and in some cases an old spade or axe. The shortest tunuel that could be dug to take us beyond the guard on the outside was four rods ; two other stockades were afterward put up, making the distance some twelve rods. Notwithstanding all the precautions exercised, men would escape; but were, almost without exception, caught by the hounds. The men thus overtaken were generally punished, wheu returned to prison, in the stocks, or by wear- ing a ball and chain. At all the prisons our men were taken out in large nural)ers to work as common laborers, and as artizans, and as a compensation received all they could eat. These men were taken out on "parole of honor," swearing not to attempt to escape; the vio- lation of the i^arole beiug death. Most of the prisoners were taken from Audersonville iu the month of September. As I was at this time hel))less, I was taken to the hospital on the 10th of the month, and remained until 1st of November. The hospital arrangements were very poor and limited, not having shelter for more than seven or eight hundred men, and that veiy imperfect, for numy of the tents admitted water freely. Some of these tents were fur- nished with bunks, others were not, the sick lying on the ground as they did inside the prison. The rations did not materially differ from those received iu the prison, except that we received a small biscuit each day ; this was considered a great luxury, as indeed it was. The supply of medicines was very limited all the time, and at times entirely wanting. The great want of the men was good nutritious food; they absolutely died of starvation. CALVIN W. DIGGS, Late Private Company A, Eighty-fourth Indiana Volunteers. College Corner, Indl\na, 1867. Statement of Erastus Holmes, of Indianapolis, Indiana. I was a sergeant of Company F, Fifth Indiana cavalry ; was captured on the Stone- man raid, July 31, 1864, near Macon, Georgia, and sent to Audersouville. When we arrived we were surrounded by guards with muskets at half-cock. Captain Wirz gave the order to liave us stripped to the skin and searched. An officer came up at this time, to whom Wirtz said, " General Winder, I have ordered these men stripped and searched, and everything to be taken away from them — money, watches, .jewelry. Sec, for they are all raiders." Winder replied, "That is right." They took from us our blankets, part of our clothing, (leaving us barely enough to cover ourselves,) money, watches, rings, knives, spoons, combs, photographs, &c. From me they took $50, most of my clothes, and trinkets. We were then turned into the stockade, without even telling us what part of it to occupy. There were at the time over (hirty thousand prisoners. I saw several men, who were not across the dead-line, shot by the guard; it was deliber- ate murder. I spoke to Lieutenant Colonel Iverson, who was in command, about the murders. He told us he had no doubt the men had spoken to the guards ; and if so, they had orders to shoot every sou of a b h of us who did so. I kuow they had not spoken to the guard. I saw another mau shot because, uuable to go to the sinks, was forced to relieve himself where he was ; he lived about five hours. I know of a number of instances of cruel punishment being inflicted on prisoners for not coming to roll-call, often when they were scarcely able to stand. November 11 some of us were sent to Milieu, Georgia, afterwards to Blackshire, Georgia; thence to Savannah; thence to Charleston ; thence to Florence; thence to Wilmington. We were back of Wilmington at the time of the capture of that place. We were moved back eighteen miles. Some of our men were so weak from starvation and sickness that they could not keep up, and were bayoneted by the guard. I saw three bavoneted ; one was right at my feet. ERASTUS HOLMES, Late Sergeant Company F, Fifth Indiana Cavalry. Indlinapolis, Indiana, September 19, 1867. Statement of James C. Bullock, Johnson's Creek, Wisconsin. I was a sergeant of the Fifty-third New York volunteers ; was taken prisoner at Cedar Creek, Virgiua, October li), 1861, and taken to Richmond, where we were searched, and everything taken from us of any value — such as clothing, money, kuives, «fec., and 1130 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR were then confined in Castle Pembertou, from which place we were sent to Salisbury, North Carolina. Before starting they gave ns a salt codlish and a small piece of com bread. The men were so hungry that this was all eaten up before Ave started. We had then to go without food for three days. Many of the men died on the road. We were put into the Salisbury prison without shelter. The men burrowed in the ground to keep from freezing. The rations were miserable ; very scant, and irregularly issued. I did not have to exceed three iiounds of meat while at this prison — four mouths. There was a continual cry in the camp for V)read. We would pound bones and boil them for soup. Some would charr them in the tire and eat them. There was plenty of wood, but we were not allowed to get it. Hundreds of our poor boys froze their feet that winter. Water was very scarce. Wo were allowed out under guard for water, a few at a time, but the men were so weak they could carry but little. Men were frequently shot by the guards. We were not allowed to stand by fires after 9 o'clock p. m. If fifteen of us would got together in a crowd the guards would fire on us. I saw an officer strike one of our boys on the head with a sabre, cutting him severely. When we were almost starved to death, rebel officers came into the camp to recruit for the rebel army, prom- ising us phiuty to eat if we would go. Some felt compelled to go to save their lives. They did this to keep from freezing and starving. There are a few spared, thank God, to tell the tale. JAMES C. BULLOCK. Johnson's Creek, Wisconsin, September 13, 1867. Statement of William Tritt, of Omro, Wisconsin. I was a private of Company F, Twenty-first Wisconsin volunteers ; was captured at Chickamauga ; was taken to Atlanta, thoroughly searched and robbed, when we w^ere sent to Richmond, and put into Pembertou jirison. Soon after our entrance an officer came in and told us if we would give up our money it would be taken care of for us and returned when we were released. Most of the men who had succeeded in hiding their money gave it up. None of it was ever returned that I heard of. We were thus left stripped of tjverything but the clothes on our backs. Our rations were only about half as large as rTecossary to satisfy hunger. Starved almost to desperation, the men traded oft' most of their clothing for bread to sustain life. If we tried to dig out, rations would be stopped until the guilty ones were found. We were then kept up stairs ; at night only two or three allowed to go out to the sinks at a time of the hundreds confined. One can readily imagine how lilthy oitr (juarters became under such circumstances. In November we were taken to Danville, where we remained uniil iiay, our treatment in all respects being as bad as at Richmond. We were vaccinated at Danville with impure matter, which caused men's arms to rot until they were amputated ; after am- putation death most always ensued. Some of the sores would heal up and afterwards break out in three or four places. Many were badl^ swollen with scu''vy and dropsy. May 14 we entered the Andersonville pen. Our ra' ons were horriljle, and not sufficient to sustain life. I saw men rolling in the dirt, literally eaten alive l)y maggots and body lice. Men died in the mud and mire, weak and sun-struck. Men were shot with but little cause near the dead-line; at the watering place five or six per week. From Andersonville was sent to Florence, South Carolina, where they tried to enlist us in the rebel army. We were often from thirty-six hours to three days without rations. For months no meat was issued. Immediately after one of these long starving spells, and before rations were issued, the recruiting officers were on liand, promising ])lenty of food to those who v,'ould enlist, and told us we would all starve if we did not. From Florence wo were taken to Wilmington. After the capture of that place we were fe- moved to Goldsboro, many of our men left dead and dving l)v the roadside. WILLIAM TRITT, Late Private Compan II l\ Twcnttj-first Wisconain J'oJinitcers. Omko, Wisconsin, Angust 1, 1867. Statement of James G. Olirer, of Turlri/ Creek, Kansas. I was a private in the Ninth Indiana volunteers; was wounded and taken prisoner at the battle of Cliicamauga, Sei)temb('r 19, 186;?; was taken to Richmond, after being robbed of part of my private property, and on arrival at Richmond, we were thoroughly robljcd. We suffered much from cold and hunger until December 9, when we were sent to Danvill(^, Virginia. Cold and liungry, as at Richmond, and had the sinall-]H)X among ns. The dead bodies were allowed to remain in the building with us for two uud three days. Wo were very much crowded, so much so that I have often been com- BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1131 pelled to lie down at night besido a dead body. We were vaccinated with impure matter. Many of the prisoners lost their lives from the eftects of it. I saw a great mauj with the flesh on their arms badly rotted. My own arm was sore for nine months. April 23, 1864, we were taken to Andersonville, a place of horrors indescribable. A small stream of water ran throngh the stockade. The rebels were camped above vis on the stream, and the filtli of their camp made it very dirty, yet we had to use the water. In June it rainejd twenty-two days, and we without shelter of any kind. I had uo clotliing but a pair of drawers. On the 1st, 2d, and 3d of July we were entirelj' without rations, on account of an attempt being made to tunnel out. There was roll- call every day. Every man, sick or well, had to be present. I have known of several dying at roll-call. If one was absent from a squad they were all deprived of rations until the absent one was accounted for. I saw Wirz shoot several prisoners. I saw the guard shoot men for no offense whatever. They once tired into a crowd lying and sitting on the ground, killing two and wounding three. Saw men badly wounded brought in on litters and left on the ground to die without having their wounds dressed. I saw men who had attempted to escape brought back all torn and mangled by dogs. Bloodhounds were kept to chase down prisoners escaping. Most of those thus brought back died. I saw men chained in gangs until some of them died. Men were often put into the stocks, with their heads, arms, and legs conlined, for two or three days in the hot sun. Many of them were taken out of the stocks dead. The dead were taken out in the same wagous in which our corn meal was brought to us. They refused to give ns our letters if we did not have money to pay the postage in the rebel lines. If they contained money the money was taken out. September 10 about five thousand of us were taken to Charleston, and kept under f>"e of our guns until about the 9th of October, when wo were taken to Florence, South Carolina — another Andersonville — under command of Lieutenant Colonel Iversou, of the Fifth Georgia regiment. Lieutenant Barrett was in command inside of the prison. I saw him once beat a. prisoner with an iron ramrod until he killed him. Saw a guard .shoot a man for asking him for a chew of tobacco. Saw another shot for shaking his blanket near the dead-line. Were kept three days without food on account of a tunnel being dug. We had dug wells with our case knives and half canteens, but were forced to fill them up to preveut us from tuuneling. On the 15th February we were taken to Wilmington, thence to Goldsboro, thence to Danville. While at Danville two of our sick froze to death. I have not yet regained my health. JAMES G. OLIVER, Laic Private Ninth Indiana Volunteers. Turkey Creek, Kansas, September 15, 1867. Statement of James W. Hiimphrcij, of Otfaiva, Kansas. I was corporal of Company A, Fourteenth Illinois cavalry; was taken prisoner near Macon, Georgia, July 31, 1864. After capture we were robbed of our valuables, and even our good boots taken from us. We Avere taken to Andersonville after a long, tedious route, suft'ering much from hunger on the way. When Ave arriA^ed aac Avere stripped naked and our clothes searched, even to ripping open the seams. While the search Avas going on I asked a guard for a drink of Avater. Wirz asked for the damned Yan- kee who asked for water, and told the guard to bayonet any one of us Avho spoke a Avord. I saAV a mere boy, avIio through Aveakness had fallen across the dead-line, shot through the head. Also saw a crazy man shot for making too much noise. I haA'e often heard men praying for death while lying on the ground rotting Avith the scurvy. I have seen the officers kick and stamp on meuAvho happened to be lying in their Avay, unable to get np. Men Avere placed in the stocks, lying on their backs Avith their faces to the sun, and kept so for twenty-four hours. We hud no shelter oA^er us, and were compelled to lie in the dust or mud, as the weather Avas wet or dry. StarAiug, coA'ered Avith A^ermin, rotting Avith scurvy, Avasting Avith diarrhea, almost naked, no change of clothing, no soap to wash the few rags they had. I must leaA'e our condition to imagi- nation. It cannot be described. JAMES W. HUMPHREY, Lafe Corporal Company I, Fourteenth Illinois Cavalry. Ottawa, Kansas, August 5, 1867. Statement of John Pearson, of Mankaio, Minnesota. I was captain of Company D, Eighth Indiana cavalry. I Avas taken prisoner on Sherman's march, near Solomon's Grove, North Carolina. I Avas at once relieved of all 1132 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR my money, and part of my clothing. There were others, captured at the same time, whose boots and shoes were taken. I saw a rebel officer take my brother's boots. These men were compelled to march barefoot to Richmond, two hundred miles. We were marched forty miles the first day. The guards were mounted and drove us through swollen streams and swamps, sometimes on double-quick. As we passed through Fayette, North Carolina, a rebel rode up and shot a man by the name of Samuel Swank, of the Ninth Pennsylvania cavalry. He fell and appeared to be dying as I passed him on the road. We were marched to Richmond on about quarter rations, con- sisting of pork and corn meal, without any means being provided for cooking. The men whose shoes had been stolen suffered much from swollen feet, which became ex- ceedingly })aiul"ul. JOHN PEARSON, Late Captain Company D, Eighth Indiana Volunteers. Maxkato, Mixxesota, Septeniber 9, 1867. Statement of J. M. Kerlingcr, of Lake Washington, Minnesota. I was a sergeant in company I, Ninth Minnesota volunteers. Was captured near Guntowu, Mississippi, June 17, 1864. On arriving at Guntowu we were searched by a captain whose name I did not learn, and all money and valuables taken ; he found but little, as the prisoners were pretty generally relieved of their property by their ca])tors. At one time on our march a man had given out, when an officer rode up and ordered the guard to hurry him up. He rejjlied, the man cannot walk. The officer said, then you know what to do with him ; take him one side and take care of him. The guard, however, did not obey the brutal suggestion. We were put into cars and started for Audersonville. At Meridian a lieutenant of a colored regiment was taken out, we heard no more of him. The colored soldiers were most brutally maltreated by the rebels. We arrived at Audersonville June 26th. The food was of such a character that it engendered diarrhea; to continue to eat it was almost certain death, and to de- sist was starvation. I have seen men so reduced that maggots were eating into them while they were yet alive. Others were suftering indescribable agony from scurvy. Hundreds were dying from the efltects of vaccination with poisonous matter. The sores rotted the flesh from their arms, and broke out on their sides, eating until the bones were bare. Some became deaf, some blind, others lost the i>ower of speech, and not a few became idiotic and insane. I saw a man who had been wounded by the guard lie three days without attention The sick call and hospital exaniiuatiou was a perfect farce, as the sick had but little attention, and they would only mark for hospital as many as had died in hospital tiie previous day. I have seen as many as three out ofi seven of tliose marked for the hospital dead at the gate before time for removal. From Andei'sonville we were sent to Florence, South Carolina, where we were put in a new stockade commanded ))y Lieutenant Colonel Iversou, of Georgia. Our rations were of a little better quality but less in quantity. At times we were from two to three days without rations. The hospital (so called) was a corner of the stockade where the side lay on the bare ground in cold and rain. Ice formed quarter of an inch thick on a running brook in October. The effect of these cold nights and especially cold rains could be seen in the morning by the increased number of the dead. Out of less than ten thousand men I have known one hundred and fourteen dying in one night. The guards were brutal, shooting men witli no cause. All things taken into consideration, Florence was worse than Audersonville. J. M. KERLINGER, Late Sergeant Company I, Ninth Minnesota. Lake Washingtox, Mixxesota, January 15, 1868. Statement of J. H. Morrison, of MantcrviUe, Minnesota. I \vaB a private in Seventh Wisconsin battery; was captured at Mem]»his, Tcnnesee, the 21st of August, 1864. On th(>i march to the cars at Panola, a man who had given out was shot by the guai'd. We received but one meal between Memphis ;uid Panola, eighty-five miles. From Panola we were sent to Cahaba, Alabama, and put into an old cotton shed. Twenty-three hundred were confined in a space about two hundred feet square, inside of which was a dead-line maiked in the sand six feet from the wall. Our first connnauder was Captain Henderson, who treated us as well in word and deed as he could. He was superseded by a Coloncd Jones. The day after assuming coui- maud he said, " You damned Yankees will get enough of this before you get out. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1133 If I could have my way, I would hang every devil of yoii." Shortly after I was crossing the dead-line at a point wliioli we had to cross to get to tlic cook-liousL', and were allowed to cross if we did not stop, ahead of me was a member of the Seventh Pennsylvania cavalry, (I think,") he, for some reason halted an instant, and was shot through just under his arms, killing liim instantly. This was in December, 18(.>4. I was one of the party detailed to bury him. Colonel Jones passed us and said, " It is a pity you could not all go to the swamp in the same way." Our burial place was on the edge of a swamp. Daring the winter ten or twelve were shot at the dead-line. I heard their names at the time, but have forgotten them. While Captain Henderson was in command we could not complain of our rations, but after Jones took command they were greatly reduced and issued very irregularly. Our men wasted away to perfect skeletons. J. H. MORRISON. Mantervuxe, Minnesota, August 3, 1867. Statement of Beverly C. Bonham, of St. Anthony, Minnesota. I was first sergeant of Company A, Ninth Minnesota volunteers; was captured at Guntown, Mississippi, in June, 1864. We were marched to Meridian, where a general search was made, and money, watches, clothing, «fec., taken, after which process we were sent to Andersonville, where thirty of the one hundred and eleven died in four months. Captain Wirz said, as we were marched into the pen, " You Avou't be so damned fat wlien you come out of there." Many of the prisoners looked to us more like some kind of animals than human beings. Our rations were not sufficient to sustain healthy life, and were of the kind and quality well calculated to cause disease. Gangrene was one of the worst things we had to contend with. If a prisoner cut himself or bruised his ilesh, gangrene would set in and was nearly always fatal. Sciirvy was another terrible scourge. From its effects men would get drawn up, swelled, and turn black, so that they looked like anything but men. They would bury their legs in the sand and remain for a day at a time to reduce the swelling ; some died while trying this. Scarcely a day passed that one or more were not shot by tke guards, with no warning, and often for no apparent reason. I saw one poor fellow all swollen by scurvy come to Wirz in the stockade and beg to be let outside on parole. Thinking Wirz did not hear him, he touched his arm, when he turned and knocked him in the head with a revolver, killing him instantly, and said to a rebel standing by him "That is the way to parole them." I was coutined at Andersonville, Savannah, Millen, Wilmington, Goldsboro, and at Florence. Florences was the worst place I was in. We received no meat at all for two months. Our corn meal was issued raw, and we were often for days without wood to cook it, while the sockade was surrounded by timber. If a man got so sick that lie could not get up, he was nearly sure to die. I have seen three men lie down under a piece of blanket to sleep and all found dead in the morning, starved and frozen to death. Sergeant Heller, of my regiment, was shot dead for putting his blanket on the dead-line. I could state many such instances. I was at one time with- out a shirt, but made one out of a meal sack stolen from the rebels at the risk of being whipped with a negro whip or confined in the stocks. I cut a hole for my head and made sleeves out of the liuing of a blouse. Many envied me my shirt. I was paroled at Wilmington, February 23, 1865, and for one month was down with a fever, and reached home an object of pity. My health is to some extent restored. I am but thirtv-two years of age, but am as gray as a man of fifty. BEVERLY C. BONHAM, ' Late First Sergeant Company A, Ninth Minnesota Volunteers. St. Anthony, Minnesota, Octoier 29, 1867. Statement of David M. Porter, of Roland, Illinois . I was a captain of Company H, 0:ie hundred and twentieth regiment Illinois volun- teers. I was captured June 11, 1834. on the retreat from Guntown, Mississippi. I was taken to the rear, where I was divested, not only of side arms, but of my boots, hat, haversack, canteen, blanket, pocket-book, and its contents, but also of a very fine gold watch. The pocket-book and watch were taken by Captain James A. Shain, Company D, Fifteenth Tennessee cavalry. We were marched back to Guntown, Mississippi, bare- footed and bare-headed, thirty miles. Ou arrival here we each got one hard-tack, ind a small shoulder of bacon was divided between forty men. This was the first morsel of food we had eaten in four days. Here we were placed upon a train for the South. I was captured by General Forrest's command and sent first to Andersonville, Georgia. Was there but a short time — perhaps twenty-four hours. I cannot say what rations 1134 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR were issued to prisoners, as none were issued dnrinji; my stay, Ln-t I can say that their treatment was horrible, heinjjj exceedingly crowded, and all the water they had to drink ran throngh the reljel camp above, and was further ini])re. I am fully satisfuil that the men at Andersonville I'rison were in a starvint;- condition when I was there in, Tune, 1804. Otticers passing through wei'e not allowed to hold conversation with the prisoners. From Andersonville I went to Macon, Georgia, and here met the prisoners from Libby Prison. I suffered very nnich on the route. After our arrival I was compelled to get all the rest I got for some days by lying down in the nmd at night without any blanket, and almost ualied. However, the weather was warm, and the worst suffering did not come until the winter of 1864-T).5. "We sto]t]ied at INIacon about six weeks. The ra- tion was one jiint corn meal ]>er day and sometimes a little spoiled bacon, about two ounces per day to the man. We were uuived from IMacou and taken to Charleston, South Candiua. There we were placed under tire from our owu guns for six weeks. We had to eat sjioiled rice and fresh beef without salt. After six weeks we were taken to Colundiia, South Carolina, at which i)lace we were encamped on an old field, and allowed to go out with a guard after our own wood, and I carried wood half a mile on the sleet and frozen ground bare-footed ; but, notwithstanding we built us slielters and were resting warm at night, but hunger ])inche(l us closer than at any previous camp. We got a scant junt of coarse corn ineal ])er day, not even salt to season it. Some- times they would claim that a prisoner had stolen a meul sack, and would withhold the rations altogether for two or three dajs. At such times those prisoners who had not the means in buy from the sutlers must do without a thing to eat fortwo or three days. The ri'))els concluded we were too comfortable in the shanties we had made, so they to(dv us out of them and put us in the asylum yard, where we had no shelter. There they continued the one pint of coarse corn meal per day, and to still miss two or three days«'very now and then. Tlu^ amount of fuid was onestick of i)iue cord- wood per day for ten men. This was used by si)litting into small splinters with our jack-knives to make our me.al into gruel. But as to (|uarters, during the worst weather of winter of 1864-65, I was conqiellcd to lay out on the ground ; I have many times awoke in the night nearly frozen, and had to get uj*, run, walk, and jump over the frozen ground with my bare feet from two to three o'clock until sunrise, to keep from freezing ; and to-day, while I writ« this, I am suffering severely from the effects of that exposure. I am a cri^tple with ineumatism. Major Griswold, of Baltimore, Maryland, was in com- mand at this ])rison, and he was the most inhuman wretch I ever knew. This ])rison was where I suffered most, and the rations wen- insufficient to sustain life, and had it not been for a man by the name of Bowoi, who loaned the iirisoners money ami took bills of excbange u])on iu)rthern banks and jtowers of attorney to United States pay- masters, many would have staiwed to death beyond a doubt, for the scanty portion of corn meal issued by the rebels, and no meat for iivc^ long months, would not have sus- tained life, taking into consideration the number of days we failed to get anything. I was, like numy others, for a long time without a shirt, but finally got one sent through the lines by our sanitary commission. Many times during my cayitivity have I seen prisoners of wai' shot down in the prison ])vus without the least excuse whatever, and so many cruellies ])racficed by the rebels upon Union prisoners that I would to God I could never think of them again. DAVID M. PORTER, Late Cttptnin Comjxduj IT, One hundred and twentieth Illinois volunteers. Roland, Illinois, Octohcr, 1867. Statement of J. P. Cooper, First Acting Assistant Engineer. I was captured .Tune '.5, 1864, in Ausabow Sound, Georgia, on board the United States steamer Water \\'ifch. I was contincd in Savannah barracks in the cells; tlw- rations consisted of two small pieces of corn liread — for twenty-four hours. T'roni Savannah I was taken to Macon, Georgia, and confined in the stockade without shelter fortwo weeks, until they saw tit to furnish lumber. The shelter was shedding, constructed by the hands of our otificers. The rations were meal of the roughest kind, with bacon, l)caus, and vsalt, all of small amount. I was sent from Macon on August 14th, arriving at Savannah " stockade" on the 15th; our treatment here was better; one wedge tent for six officers. I was sent from Savannah September VMh, andiirrived at (Uiarleston on the 14th. Thncl was (juartercd in the jail-yard without shelter seventeen days, with only two rat ions every four days. They did not furnish us witli cooking utensils during our coniinement in Charleston. Here we were exposed to the shells of our guns from the twani]) ;:ngel battery, and several officers were wounded, ami one or two killed ; the yellow fever broke out, and several died. On one occasion they oidy issued lice for several days. BY THE REBEL AUTHOEITIES. 1135 On the 30tb of September we were started for Riclimoncl, arriving ou the evening of the 3d of October, receiving one day's rations, and that composed of monldy crackers and i-aw bacon, received at Colnmbia, South Carolina. At Richmond I vras conhned in Libby Prison ; at 9 a. m. they woukl issue a small piece of corn bread and a piece of beef to correspond; at 3 p. m. a like piece of bread and two-thirds a pint of wormy pea soup was issued. The prison being open and the weather cold during my confine- ment, I was taken sick with fever from the exposure. The doctor prescribed for me several days, but never furnished mo Avith any medicine, telling me from day to day he had forgotten me, and I left there nearly broken down, from which I have not re- covered, nor do I think I ever shall. J. P. COOPER. MouxD City, Illinois, October 3, 1867. Statement of Thomas Pope, of Qtiincij, Illinois. I was so unfortunate as to lose a dear son in rebel hands in November, 1864. He was one of the prisoners captured at Memphis, Tennessee, at the time of the Forrest raid, and taken to Cahaba ])rison, Alabama. My son was released for exchange on the (I think) 19th of November, and conveyed to Jackson, Mississippi, where he died in the l]OS])ital on the 22d, having been, for a sick man, terribly exposed to cold and wet on the journey. He was buried at Jackson, and I immediately set on foot measures to recover his body. Having the sanction of our officers, seconded by the efforts of Quar- termaster Hatch, all was arranged for an ambulance and guard, and my young friend Ira Pitney proposed starting, when Colonel "Watts, rebel agent of exchange, demanded and received $500 for his consent, (which had previously been assured,) and a draft was made on me, through a Vicksburg bank ; he being smart enough to keep his name off the draft. Of course I jiaid it, as my friends used their best judgment in the matter. THOMAS POPE. QuiNCY, Illinois, Septemher 23, 1867. Statement of J. B. Gillespie, of Carl)ondale, Illinois. I was captain of the One hundred and twentieth Illinois volunteers ; was captured May 12, 1864, near Saulsbury, Tennessee. There were three other officers and fourteen enlisted men taken at the same time. Soon after our capture we were drawn up in line and searched. Whatever they found of value was taken from us. A rebel colonel presided at the search. Soon after capture I was taken to Mobile, and ])ut into an old cotton shed. Our ration at Mol)ile was a piece of corn bread three inches square, and a little molasses, for breakfast. In the afternoon they gave us a cup of bean soup. The citizens were permitted to come into the prison ancl abuse us. From Mobile I was taken to Macon, Georgia. On my way, I saw our officers beaten for no cause that I could see. I saw rebel officers walk up to ours and take their hats or caps from their heads, and if they protested they were beaten over the head for their impudence. At Macon, for several weeks, we had no shelter. Our ration was a pint of corn meal per day with a very small piece of meat that was disgusting at first, but after starving a few days, became quite palatable. Officers were shot down here without any apparent cause. The general treatment here, as elsewhere, was brutal. Was taken from Macon to Charleston. The rations at first were an improvement, but it soon ran down to a pint of corn meal per day. In addition to short rations we suffered nnich'for water. From Charleston we were taken to what tlie prisoners called " Camp Sorghum," at Co- lumbia, South Carolina, some time in October, where we were placed in an open field, subsisting for ten days on five pints of meal. Tlie regular ration was a pint of meal, and sorgluim molasses. They made every efibrt to force us into giving our parole not to attempt to escape, promising us lumber to build quarters and to give us better ra- tions. They certainly knew our condition. A great many escaped who were hunted down by dogs and iu some instances were torn to pieces by them. Men were shot down for the slightest infringement of the prison rules. From Camp Sorghum we were taken to the Asylum Prison, inside of the city of Columbia, iu December. Onr rations were the same, but we received very little wood, hardly enough to cook our meal ; we were kept here until February, when they commenced exchanging. I saw at Raleigh, North Carolina, a train of cars loaded with our prisoners, sixty to eighty in each car, half of them scarcely able to sit up. They were several days lying in the:ic cars, not allowed to get out. Corn meal rations were issued to them, which they had to eat raw, for they could not cook in the cars. Some of them were crazy. When I was paroled and t aken 1136 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR to Goldsboro, North Carolina, I went to see the carap of enlisted men. I hope never to see such a sight again. There were about four hundred men lying in the woods in a cold February rain, but few of them able to walk. They had no attention and not even a guard, for they could not escape. Death, disease, and starvation lield them where they were. Many of them were unable to tell their names or regiments. They told me they had not been fed for several days. A little way from them I found an- other lot of about three hundred in a still worse condition ; but few of this lot were able even to turn over where they were lying. I will not attempt the impossible task of describing their condition. Men dead, men dying, men lame, men blind, men crazy, men senseless, with no provisions, no medical attendance, no attention of any kind. The friends of these poor creatures will never be able to realize the terrible condition in which they died. I was a prisoner nine months, during five of which I never tasted meat, and at no time was I free from the pangs of hunger. During the whole time I could have bought provisions if I could have obtained money to do so. ' J. B. GILLESPIE, Late Captain One hundred and twentieth Illinois Volunteers. Caebondale, Illinois, December 2, 186?;. Statement of Abraham Allee, of Chicago, Illinois. I was captain of company K, Sixteenth Illinois cavalry. Was captured at Jonesville, Virginia, January 3, 1864. Immediately after being captured everything was taken from us; money, watches, jewelry, and blankets. We were marched eighty-five miles through deep snow. On our arrival at Richmond the enlisted men were put on Belle Isle, where they had to lie, without shelter, on the bare ground, with the thermometer standing at zero. Dozens of them thus perished with hunger and cold. It seemed as if I endured all the pangs of hunger jjossible for any man to endure. To say that the rations were insufficient does not express the fact. I have laid down to sleep forty consecutive nights hungry, and dream of something to eat. I think I would have died but for assistance from home. I have seen men incarcerated in damp, cold cells in mid winter, imtil tLeir clothing mildewed and rotted, till you could piclv it to pieces like wet paper. Such was the case with Colonel Powell, of West Virginia, aud Major C. H. Beers, of our Sixteenth Illinois. I have seen men shot down like dogs, witliout pro- vocation, as was the case with Forsythe, of an Ohio regiment, Cupp, and others. I have seen our officers bayoneted for no cause, as was the case with a lieutenant of a New York regiment at Columbia, South Carolina. I liave been kept in close box-cars five days and nights, not permitted to get out even to attend the calls of nature ; furnished witli little or no food, huddled into cars sixty in each. I was issuing commissary for a mess of twenty-five, and I know the rations furuislied were barely sufficient to sustain life. One pint of coarse, unsifted meal per day, per man, one ounce of meat, (when any,) one gill of beans or rice, and a small allowance of rice. I have seen men entirely with- out food for two days. I have often eaten all I received for the day at one meal, and still hungry for more. I was taken, with six hundred other officers, to Charleston, and confiniMl in the jail-yard, without shelter aud under fire of our guns. Was finally sent to Columbia, South Carolina, and confined in an open field, without shelter of any kind, in November and December, 1834. I have seen men who tried to escape brought back lacerated by dogs they had been hunted down with. I finally made my escape and reached Shcirmau's army, after traveling twenty two nights. Of the three hundred and twenty-eight captured when I was, more than fifty per cent, died, aud many of those living rendered unfit for service. I had prison scurvy and have not yet recovered from it. ABRAHAM ALLEE, Late Captain Company E, One hundred and twentieth Illinois Volunteers. Chicago, Illinois, December 8, 1867. Statement of Jesse Hawes, of Bdmlere, Illinois. I was a private in Company I, Ninth Illinois cavalry. Was captured at Pontotoc, Mississip])!, July 14, 1868. Was taken to the rear and placed in charge of Lieutenant Arnold, of the Fourth Mississippi cavalry, who " examined " pretty closely, i. e., took my watch, and a few other articles of value I had with me, after which was sent to Caha- ba, Alabam;i ; on our arrival we went through the usual searcliiug process. There was a dead-line here, as usual in all their prisons. I saw sis men shot, and could not be BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1137 Taistaken about their beiug murdered without cause. Ouly oue of the six was across the Uue, and ho excusable. JESSE HAWES, Late Frlvate Company I, Ninth Illinois Cavalry. Detroit, Michigan, Septeniber 23, 1867. Slatemcnt of Joseph B. Alter, of Towanda, Illinois. 1 was captain of Company A, Seventy-fifth Ohio volunteers. Was captured at Gaines- ville, Florida, August 17, 1834, aiul was sent by a circuitous route to Macon, and from there to Charleston, South Carolina, and confiued in the jail yard Avithout slielter, un- der the fire of the " swamp angel batterj'." From Charleston we were sent to Colum- bia, South Carolina, where we had no rations but corn meal and sorghum molasses. Xo tents or shelter was provided for us, we had to dig holes in the ground to protect ourselves from the weather. When it rained these caves were no use to us, as the water rau into them. We were removed from Camp Sorghum to Camp Asylum. There was no improvement in the rations or treatment. The men who had money managed to avoid extreme sutfering from hunger; but those who had none suftered very much. I have seen United States officers gathering old bones from a rubbish heap, to pound up and boil iu water to make soup. When on our road for exchange we were allowed to ■ travel without being very strictly guarded. At Goldsboro I saw a train-load of our prisoners brought in, some dead, and others dying from exposure and starvation, scarcely rags enough ujion them to cover their nakedness. Some of them were idiotic. About oue hundred and fifty sick men were left lying on the ground without shelter, and so weak that they could not move out of their own lilth. They had neither medi- cal care nor food to eat but what some kiud-hearted rebel woman gave them. This brief sketch can do but little toward convej'ing an idea of the terrible sufferings of our prisoners. They cannot be written. JOSEPH B. ALTER, Late Captain Seventy-fifth Ohio Volunteers. Towanda, Illinois, Octoher 13, 1867. Statement of John TV. January, of Mono uk, Illinois. I was corporal of Company B, Fourteenth Illinois volunteers ; was captured on the Stoneman raid between Macon and Atlanta, Georgia, August 1, 1864 ; I was taken to Andersonville, but before entering the stockade I was stripped and searched five times, and everything taken from me except an old blouse, pants, and horse blankets. I had no idea what kind of a place I was going to or 1 would have risked my life to escape. Before being taken to the stockade I was three days without food. When I entered the stockade such a sight of misery and horror was around me on every liand, that I thought it was impossible, and that I could not exist with such a mass of men, cov- ered with rags, dirt, and vermin. The stench was so bad that I thought it was not pos- sible for me to live there. Although very hungry and tired, I got no rations until th(; next day, (in all, foiir days without anything to eat.) The rations were spoiled meat and a small piece of corn bread. The Avater was not fit to drink. I remained there about two months. Our rations were generally about two ounces of spoiled meat and a small piece of corn bread, liardly enough to sustain life. I was theu t.aken to Florence with about fifteen thousand others. We were told we were to be exchanged, but after three days' hard travel we arrived at Florence. I at once started with my three comrades and gathered sticks and wild vines to uake a shebang, as we called our place of shelter. The only tools wo had to work with were our hands and half a canteen. We dug down .about two feet and covered the place with sticks and dirt, and we were fortunate, for those that came after us could get nothing to Iniild with. Af- ter we came here our rations were raw and less in quantity than at Andersonville. We were seventy days without meat, and in order to sustain life we had to resort to every expedient, and one that I adopted for a Avhile was to get my name into two detach- ments, and so drew rations for a while, wliich assisted to lengthen out our thread of life for a time. I say our life, for I was associated with two of my old friends who were so weak that they could do nothing to help themselves. To tell what I saw and suf- fered is entirely out of mj' power. At one time it was stated that the prisoners had, .started a tunnel and were trying to escape, and that we should have nothing to eat imtil it was found. Accordingly, thejj kept us four days without a mouthful of food, and then gave us a pint of corn meal. January 20, 1865, I was taken with a fever ; af- H. Eep. 45 72 1138 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR ter I had been sick about ten days I was taken to the hospital. The hospital was btiilt of X)()](s and covered with clapboards. It a\ as very open, and leaked badly. After I was taken there I knew nothing more that transpired until one morning I awoke to reason and found myself perfectly naked, my feet swollen badly, and I as weak as aa infant. The nurses told me I ha, and many a ])oor soldier might be seen wandering around to tiud a ]ilacc to lii- (h)\vn and die. After a very cold night I have known as manj^ as from hfty to seventy-live to be found dead in the cauip. Our dead- house was never emi»ty. Major John H. (iee was in command of the Salisbury prison. On being asked one day in the hearing of some of our men, " Shall I issue full rations to-day ? " he replied, " No ; God damn them, give quarter ration." An attempt was made on the 26th of November to break out, which resulted in the killing and wound- ing of seventy of our number. After that occurrence no guard was ever questioned as to why he hred on the prisoners. They boasted that they got a furlough for killing Yankees. DAVID H. BELCHER. Wellsboro, Penxsylvanlv, Kovemier 24, 18G7. Stateiiteut of S. D. JUma)i, of Mnuiif rkasant, rennsijlvania. I was private in Company K, Two hundred and eleventh Pennsylvania A'olunteers. Was captured November 17, 1804, and remained a prisoner until February 2^, 1865. I was conlined at Salisbury, North Carolina. Dnriiig the time I was a prisoner I saw many die from actual starvation. Many were shot by the guard for no cause that I could learn of, unless the guards told the truth when they said they were given a fur- lough if they killed a Yankee. There were over five thousand deaths at Salisbury while I was a prisoner. S. D. ALTMAN. Mount Pleasant, Pennsylvania, August 20, 1867. Statement of J. A. numplireyi, Leather wood, Fennsylrania. I was a sergeant of Conq)any D, One hundred and third Pennsylvania volimteers. Was captured with the command at Plymouth, North Carolina, April 20, 1864, and taken to Andersonville 1)\- the way of Charleston and Savainiah. At Charleston a rebel otticer got about §150 in greenbacks from us to l)uy bread; we saw no more of him. When we were counted olf into messes and juit into the .stockade the sight was sick- ening ; ten thousand jjrisoners iu a condition too horrible for description, without shelter, exposed to the sun and the storm, the greater portion of them nearly naked. Add to this tlie hoiiors of disease and starvation, and your imagination will still fall far below the reality. We never received rations tit to eat, conse(iuently nearly all who were taken sick died. Naked, and starved to mere slceletons, we had to contend with disease in its worst forms — scurvy, dropsy, fevers, diai-rhea, and small-pox. The hospitals provided were always full, and the streets lull of sick men exposed to sun and storm. JNIen were shot on the slightest provocation, and frequently from Avanton- ness. Septeml)er 20th the guard shot a man who had been starved to idiocy. Was removed to Florence, Lieutenant l)arrett,of the Fifth ({eorgia, in conunand. For bru- tality this man was second to none. I have seen Iiim gatlier a crowd of prisoners around him and then heat them off with a club, just to showliis authoiity. xV pickaxe was lost in the stockade, for which we were kept on half a pint of meal for three days, and then our rations stoi)ped entirely for two more. One day tlie gnard anmsed them- selves by firing al)out fifty shots into the stookad(>. killing and wounding several. Quite a number liavc^ bet!n killed and wounded by the guard ; one I remember of, so sick that he was unable to raise himself off th(^ ground. The guard ordered him to si'o)) his noise, (groaning.) and l)ecause ht> did iu)t (piit, shot him lluough the head. I «aw Lieutenant Barrett whip a man with an iroi^ ramrod until he fell fainting on the BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1143 gToiind. I have seen men dying in all conditions when I was entirely unable to help them in any way ; some lying in the -snu day after day, dying of starvation ; others, almost naked, dying from exposure ; others starved until they were crazy, dying insane. After we were paroled we were kept four days in an open field with only one day's ra- tions. It froze very hard and many were frozen to death. I counted seven one morn- ing lying close to me who were frozen to death during the night. J. A. HUMPHREYS. Leatherwood, Pennsylvania, Angnsf 10, 1867. ' Statement o/ Frederick A, Smith, of Somerset, Penmylvania. I was a sergeant of Company C, Fifty-fourth Pennsylvania volunteers. Was taken prisoner May 15, 1864, at New Market^ Virginia. Was a prisoner a little over nine jiionths at Andei'sonville and Florence. Nearly oue-h;ilf of the ground inside the stock- ade at Andersonville was swamp. Many of us were forced to camp within twenty-live iiint of the edge of it, where the sinks were. The stench arising from them was horri- ble. Through tliLs swamp ran a sluggish stream which first passed through the rebel camp. From this stream we obtained water which was totally unfit for use. I had charge of a company of ninety to draw rations, care for the .sick, and remove the dead ; ziug. Our rations were so short thjit we were always hungry. We were sadly oft" for clothing ; many having notblng but .shirt and drawers, without shoes or hats. The men became so weakened by disease that their minds were seriously affected ; tliey were as peevish and fretful as children. I have often seen them sucking old bones, in hopes to obtain something nourishing from them. They traded off clothing to obtain food. There was an incessant cry for bread. Our men soon became so reduced that they were no longer able to exercise to keep warm. On the 1st of January we received blankets from our government ; but starvation finally drove us to trade them off for bread. The rebels would give us from four to six loaves for a blauket. On the 4th day of February, 1865, four hundred and forty of us were selected for pa- role. Then we felt, for the first time, how weak we were. Many fell when they at- tempted to walk the one mile necessary to reach the boat. THOMAS J. BROWN, Late Private Company B, Sixty-second Pennsylvania Volunteers. Ceaij Tree Post Office, Pennsylvania, 1144 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR Statement of Conrad B. Evans, of Erie, Peim»ylcania. I ■was a private iu Company A, One bnnclred and eleventh Pennsylvania rolnnteers ; was captured at Peach Tree Creek, Georgia, on the 20th of July, 1864 ; -was coutined at Andersouville, Georgia, two mouths. The possibility of living long could not he very great to those who entered this den ; yet the moment a man hecaine despoudenfc his fate was sealed. Two hundred were dying daily at the time I was admitted. The most disgusting spectacles were to be seen on all hands; ]n(>ii di -ad ami dying, with maggots crawling into their ears, eyes, noses, and mouths. Men groaning with paiu^ and many wandering around like idiots. Even now I sicken at the thoughts. The guards were quick to destroy life on the slightest pretext ; often .shooting those who unwittingly ai)proached the dead-line ; and often those who, driven to desperation, crossed the dead-line purposely to be shot. The guards boasted of getting furloughs for shooting Yankees. CONEAD B. EYxVNS. Erie, Pexxsylvaxia, Jidij 27, 1867. Statemait of H. C. Clarl; of McadvUJe, Pcnnsyh-ama. I was a corporal of Company F, Eighty-third Peuns-ylvania vohmteers; I was % prisoner at Andersonville, Florence, and Salisbury. It would be quite impossible for me to describe our condition iu those i^risons. I can only gi\^e a few iitstances of the brutality which was common. At Andersonville men werie repeatedly shot for reach- ing under the " dead-line" to get a drink of clear water. The qnarteruiaster frequently used to starve us a day for some trivial otFeuse, and the next day would olier to sell the food we had been deprived of. While at Florence, I was detailed hospital nurse, and had a pass to go through the lines for herbs, «S:c., for medicine. I was out one day on this errand and was met by Lieutenant Barrett, who arrested me and tied me np by the thnmbs for one hour. Barrett had a lock-up built which had a floor made of boards notched and set upon edge, so those confined in it could not lie down. On one occasion, in Salisbury, a chimney had fallen and buried a number of irien. Those who ran to the assistance of the sufferers were fired on bv the guaixl, and foraed to their quarters for safetv. H. C. CLARIs:. Me-vdville, Pexxsylvaxlv, August 12, 1867. Statement of James TV. TVeida, of Longswamp, Bevies County, Pennsylvania. On the 1st of July, 1863, I was seriously wounded at the battle of Gettysbnrg, Pennsylvania; I went into the hospital th(!re about 11 o'cl'-ek a. rn. ; about one hour afterwards our troops were forced to fall back, when the rebels, under Early's command, took i)ossession of the Seminary hospital, in which we were, four hundred, more or less, wounded Union soldiers, and were guarded as prisoners of war from 12 o'clock noon, July 1st, to 7 o'clock a. m. July 4th, 1863; during which time I did not receive any re- freshments, not even a drink of water, from rclxd hands; and I did not see any of my Avounded comrades receive any refreshments fix>m rebel hands, nor the least sliadow of civilized benevolence. We were paroled on the 3d of July, 1863; they took the parole of 80ir>e men that died in fifteen minutes afterward. If it was not for our slightly wounded commdes, who wen; able to walk, and scantily supply those with water that wen^ more .seriously wounded, and not able to help themselves, the greater part of us would ha\"(' i>ei-ishe(l during our three days' confinement. Many died in the Seminary hos]>ital during those three eventful daj'S ; and I believe that ill treatment fixim the i-ebel side, in many cases, was the cause. Private Henry A. Sterner, of Company K, One hundred and fifty-first regiment of infantry, Pennsylvania volunteers, was left sick near Emmetsburg, Maryland, while on the march to Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, June 29tl», 18(53, and was captured by the rebels near Emmetsl)urg, Maryland, .July 4, 1863, whik' they w(>re retieating from the field of Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. Said 1 fenry A. Sterner, hardly able to walk, was conq)eIled, with (jther ))risoners, to march to Kichmond, Virginia, and there, in his sick (•on(lition, was confined on Belle Islaml for seventy-two days without any shelter, and food enough only to keep him a living skidetou. I saw saicl Henry A. Sterner when he returned home ; he was reall}' so emaciated ami .so weak tliat he was hardly able to stand on his feet, and could not speak above a whi-sper. He gradually recovered, but • BY THE EEBEL AUTHORITIES. 1145 never -svill fully recover from the effects of the cruel treatment he received while iu the Lauds of the chivalrous sons of the sunny South. JAMES W. WEID.S Late Captain Compamj E, One hundred and Jiftij-Jirst rennsylmnia Vols, LONGSWAMP, Penxsylvamia, Augusts, 1867. Statement of Patrick McShay, Hazleton, Pennsylvania. Was a sergeant in Company A, Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania volunteers. I was taken prisoner on the 4th of December, 1864, near Milieu, Georgia. Marched on foot to Augusta, Georgia, about tifty miles, in nearly two days. Had one meal of boiled sweet potatoes on the march. No other food. Next day, at 8 a. m., we had a qmirt of corn meal, un- bolted, aud a piece of fresh beef, a pound. This lasted me sixty hours. Went l)y rail, in box car, to Florence, and was put in stockade prison pen. About twenty acres con- tained, I think, iu it. This was occupied b^^ about seven thousaud prisouers. I had DO shelter for seven days. Then they let us build shelter of pine tree tops covered with dirt. The prisouers burrowed caves in the ground, and we lived iu them like rabbits. They gave us neither blanket nor clotliiug. On my way to prison, when near Milieu, an Alabama or Mississippi rebel robbed me of my bhmket, watch, aud $185 in money. Our food in the prison pen was one i>int of unbolted corn meal a day, no meat while I was there, and two tablespoousfull of Carolina stock peas, raw, were given us about three times a week. We cooked the meal and beans in half a canteen, over a lire. They gave us no cooking utensils. We broke the canteen so as to make a kind of cup of it. We had no other ratious in that prison. I was there about eleven weeks. I forget the names of the rebel officers iu cJiarge of us. Part of the ground in Florence Prison was wet aud part dry. Some had to lie in the wet. I was taken from Florence to Wilmington, North Carolina, and thence to Goldsboro, North Caro- lina, where our squad of prisouers was turned loose in the woods and swamp, and a guard was placed around us. We had no shelter. Our food was about two pounds of salt meet cooked,,aud about three days' allowance of hard tack. (1 mean about three days' United States army allowance.) On tliis wo lived for seven days. I do not think I could have lived one week louger if I had been left at Florence. I was so weak that I couldn't go to the Avater, about twenty yards. My parents did not know me when 1 got home, I was so thin. PATEICK McSHAY. • HaZLETOX, PEXXSYI.VAXIA, Statement of Aaron F. Dickey, of Benford's Store, Somerset County, Pennsylvania. I was a sergeant of Company C, Fifty-fourth Pennsylvania volunteer infantry ; was taken prisoner October 19, 1864, at Cedar Creek ; was searched, and everythiiig taken from me, even clothing taken aud exchanged for worn-out rebel rags ; was then taken to Richmond aud lodged in Pemberton Prison, where, with many others, was kept for ten daj's ; taken from there to Salisbury, North Carolina ; were kept there un- til Febi'uary 22, 1885, when we were released on parole of honor. I know, and still feel, the effects of our treatment more than I am able to describe. Our rations consisted of corn, crushed cob aud all, and baked in rolls, (small,) one a day — the boys used to term them solid shot ; about a spoonful of rice ; meat three or four times while there, such as was there called " meat," consisting of beef heads, lights, livers, &c. I saw men take the eye for a ration. A cat one day happened within the stockade, and with all the ferocity of starving humanity the men seized it, and iu a very short time it had disappeared. We had no shelter of any kind furnished us ; some would dig caves iu the ground to shelter themselves ; sometimes those caves would sink down and bury alive their occupants ; everything that human ingenuity could invent was resorted to in or- der to obtain the least particle of shelter. Many poor men died, yes, hundreds ; some ten thousaud went iu and not five thousand left living. Our suffering was great, yet, inind cannot conceive the horrors of that den. Oh, the suffering ! those who died there really suffered the least, for those of us who outlived its miseries only live to suffer from diseases caused by that imprisonment. Major Gee had command of Salisbury Prison ; he frequentlj' passed through camp recruitmg for the rebel army ; when, one day, he came iu the boys sneeriugly refused him, when he turned away, saying, " Never mind, before two weeks I'll have you all in the rebel army, or in hell." Some enlisted rather than die ; but more died with their hearts and eyes turned northward. A. F. DICKEY. Benford's Store, Penxsylvaxia, Scptemhcr 7, 1887. 1146 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR • Statement of James B. Thompson. I am twenty-four years of age. My residence is Perrysville, Pennsylvania. I serv'^ecl fc^YO years as private and one year as first sergeant in company G, First Pennsylvania rifles, I was taken prisoner May 30, 1864, at the battle Bethesda Conrt House, Vir- ginia. June C, 18o4, I was commissioned first lieutenant in company F, One lumdred and ninetieth regiment Pennsylvania volunteer infantry, and the succeeding Septem- ber of the same year I was commissioned a captain in same company and regiment. On the 1st day of June, 1864, I, in company witli some hundreds of my fellow soldiers, reached Libby Prison, in Richmond, Virginia. June 9, 1864, we wen^ ])ut aboard the cars and started for Andersonville, Georgia, the great rendezvous for Fiiion i)risou- ers. At Columbia. South Carolina. I, with two others, (Allen De Beck, Cmnpany G, First Pennsylvania ritles, and ,J. W. Hughes, Fifty-fifth Pennsylvania volunteer in- fantry, escaped from the train by jumping into a swamp. This was on the 13th of June. After getting a safe distance from the railroad we consulted together as to the direction we should take to reach the Union lines. We decided to strike for Knoxville, Tennessee. After traveling about fifty miles we were recaptured and taken to Colum- bia by a squad of cavalry. After reaching the last-nauied city we were assigned (juar- ters ill the jail at that idace. The lieuteuant in charge of the prison searched ns and took from us everything of value which they had not taken at Richmond. When we remonstrated with him against the injustice of such proceedings to prisoners of war he told us that we might be thankful if we escaped with oiir lives. He further told us that we were accused of tampering with the negroes and persuading them to ruu away; and that we would be tried by court-martial, and if found guilty we would be shot. After keeping us in close coTifinement for a time, he at last put us out witli the other prisoners. On or about the 30th of June, 1864, we were again put on the cars and started for Andersonville, Georgia. July 1, 1804, we reached Aiulers and April 30 all the prisoners on the north side of the camp were kept without rations because a few broke ranks before Capl.iin Wirz had counted those on the south side. INIany who were nearly starved before died from tliis act of cruelty. Men were bucked and gagged and left in the hot sun for twelve hours, who were too Aveak to go to tlie sink. Duriug the whole tinui I was tliere no slicltcr was provided for us. Wirz bad a regularly organized force of men and bloodliounds to bunt down prisoners. He made his boasts that none ever got away from bun, and those who were uot brought back were savagely torn by the dogs. All who were caught were subjected to the severest punishment. Some were put into the stocks; others compelled to wear the ball aiul chain; others put into the chain-gang, which was formed by an iron collar around each man's neck and a chain })assing from collar to collar, also a ball and chain attached to the leg of '^'ach man. Daniel Ward, of Detroit, Michigan, was coniiued in this manner for six weeks. The fuel furnished us W'as not sufficient to cook our pint of corn meal. Of the ninety men captured with me but ten or twelve survived at the time I was exchanged. Major Bogle, of the First North Carolina (colored) regiment, was brought into the stockake severely wounded, and was most shanu'fuUy abused and neglected. Every morning during the months of July and August, l.S()4, from sixty to seventy lay at the gate ready for burial, starved _to death. Many times the prisoners would tight over a dead body for the privilege of carrying it out, as they were allowed to pick up chips while they were out. No description, however clear, could convey a correct idea of twelve mouths' impris- onment iu rebeldom. No one who has not experienced it could realize it. DANIEL F. NICHOLS. FOHT Washixgtox, Pexxsylvania, October 9, 18G7. Statement of John Craig, of Xcivcasth; Penusylcania. I was captured, with eight other officers and one hundred and sixty enlisted men, on the 11th of (September, It^ii'.i, at Mooretield, West Virginia ; were taken to Staunton, and closely packed in ears lately used fur cattle and hogs; in this condition siiipped to Richmond, the ofdcers being sent to Libby, and the enlisted men to Belle Isle. 1 once got permission to visit Belle Isle with Colonel Saunderson, to distribute clothing sent by the Sanitary Commission from the North. It was a fearful place. Scurvy, disease, and starvation were doing their w'ork. Of thirty-seven men of my company captured, thirteen died on Belle Isle. The othcers iu Libby were reduced to the least possible amount of food that would keep ns alive. Mauy among them (Captain George White among the number) were conlined iu cells under ground for weeks, with no cause as- signed. At IMacon, I saw a captain of the United States xVrmy l^ucked and gagged for hours because he demanded the return of his watch, which be had intrusted to a rebel ofticer to sell for him. I saw an oftieer shot by the guard, who claimed that he was too near the dead-line. At Columbia, I saw Lieutenant Turbine murdered by the guard. I stood within twenty feet of him when he was shot. Our ration consisted of a pint of corn meal, two tablespooufuls of rice or beans, and sorghum molasses of poor quality. Many suffered and died of diarrhea and other diseases induced by low diet and expo- sure. I was exchanged March 1, 18G5. .lOIIN CRAICx, Late Captain Firat f'iryinia Infantry. Newcastle, Pennsylvania. Statement of Joseph Cook, IVaynenhnrg, Pennsylvania. I was sergeant of Com])any A, Eighteenth Pennsylvarua cavalry ; was captured June 10, 18u4, at Old Church, Virginia ; was taken to Libby; remained ten days; thence to Andersoiuille, via Danville. I saw two nu-ii shot down, who \\\'\x' too weak to move as fast as ordered. We weri' crowded into close ears ; several died on tlie way — two in the ear I was iu. On our arrival we were drawn up in line, and kept standing six hours in tlie sun, uot allowed even to sit on the ground. We were two days (m the road with nothing to eat, and the guai'rotector with liini. Be- fore going he turned us over to auother slave, who fed us well and did all he could for us until we were discovered and recai^tured. J. B. DIBELER, Late Captain ConqMuy B, Forty-fifth Pennsylvania Voltotteers. West Piiil.vdelphia, May 18, 1867. Statement of Thomas Miller, of nttshurg, Pennsylvania. I was captured at Moorcfi(!ld, West Virginia. We were told by the guards that we might keep our blankets. We carried them seventy miles, which brought us to Staun- ton, where they took the blankets from us and searched us thoroughly, taking every- thing of any value from us. From Staunton we were sent to Richmond and put into Libby and again searched; were then put on to Belle Isle. I will not undertake to describe that )>lace : niany abler than I have tried and failed. I will only relate a few instances which came under my own observation. A sergeant in charge of a squad at work upon the embankments was directed by the lieutenant to stand on the bank Avhere he could see his men better, and for obeying this order he was shot by the guard. While one poor fellow was getting water he was deliberately murdered. I have known them to leave our dead unburied outside the camp until the bodies were badly torn and eaten by hogs. I saw a guard lire into the camp on one occasion, wounding three men, one fatally. One instrument of torture they had was a high wooden hoise, upon which they would place men, (often for imaginary offenses,) and tie ropes to their feet, stretching their legs as far as possible, and then tying the ropes to stakes in the ground. Men were left in that condition until they could not sit up, the rebels laughing at their suli'eriugs. Often when taken down they had to be carried into camp. THOMAS MILLER, Late Private Company B, First Regiment West Virginia Volunteers. Pittsburg, Pexxsylvania, August 9, 1867. Statement of Amos Ycalcel, of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. I was taken prisoner near Petersburg, Virginia, and sent to Libby Prison, at Rich- mond, Virginia, where we were stripped naked and searched, and all money and val- uables taki-n from us. While there we received a little bean soup for our ration, with- out bread, meat, meal, or salt. From thence Ave were sent to Belle Isle, from thei'e to Lynchljurg, from thence were marched to Danville, seventy-live miles, which part of us traveled in t hree days and a half. Several dropped out by the waj", and died on the road from s(ar\ ation and exhaustion. At Danville we received a pint of bean soiij), tv.o ounces of bacon, and four ounces of corn bread. Were sent from Danville to Anderson- ville, where avc were again searched by Captain Wirz. We received a pint of meal per day. Was also at Milieu, Georgia ; Charleston and Florence, South Carolina; and at Wihnington and Goldsboro, North Carolina. When captured I weighed one hundred and ninitv pounds; when released I weighed but ninety pounds. AMOS A. YEAKEL, Late Sergeant Company G, One hundred and forty-fifth Pennsylvania Volunteers. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, August 12, 1867. Statement of C. G. Jaclcson, Berwick, Pennsylvania. I was a prisoner about eleven months. Was wounded and left on the field at the battle of the Wilderness, Virginia, May 6, 1804. On May 7 a rebel surgeon refused to let rebels (privates) place me iu a tent, although the sun was scorching hot. The BY THE REBEL AUTIIOEITIES. 1153 tent was large and there was bnt one man in it. The snrgeon, with threats of piinish- nieut to the soldiers for "caring for a damned Yankee oon of a b — h," and with fearful oaths and curses upon me, declared that it had become the settled policy of his gov- ernment to let as many Yankees die and go to hell as possible. I lay near General Wadsworth when he died. Saw rebels cutting buttons from his coat and jeering at him while he was dying ; this in the presence of rebel officers. I was allowed to re- main twelve days on the field, with no attention paid to my wound for six days. A Mr. McCracken, of that neighborliood, was prevented by rebel officers from assisting us. lu Lynchburg we were put into a close room, with a lialf-barrel for a privy ; this in July and August. Placed under tire at Charleston ; at Columbia, South Carolina, saw Lieu- tenant Sayne, of an Ohio regiment, (One hundred and fourth, I think,) shot down by the guard deliberately and Avithout color of justification ; as a furlough was offered rebel soldiers for shooting down Yankee officers, they doubtless had the reward in view. Major Griswold, commander of the prison, when appealed to for redress, refused it and practically justified the murder. Frequently saw packs of dogs set on the trail of escaped prisoners. Food was of the poorest and coarsest quality, on account, as was alleged, of scarcity of provisions The sutler alwr.ys had plenty for sale. Brokers were permitted to come in among us to sell confederate money. In many instances we were compelled to give our drafts on friends at the North at a fearful rate of extor- tion. But even this (piestionable privilege was greedily accepted to appease the crav- ing for food. At many places of imprisonment the officers in charge over us were un- necessarily severe, and gave ns filthy, unhealthy (quarters, when others were iii sight, unoccupied. There seemed, during my whole imprisonment, an evident desire on the part of the southeru officials, either by starvation, neglect, or oppression, to engender sickness and death. The murderer of Lieutenant Bayne I think is named Williams, and is a resident of South Carolina. C. G. JACKSON, Late Ca])tain Company H, Eigluy-fourtli Eegiment Pennsylvania Volunteers. Berwick, Pennsylvania, July 19, 1867. Statement of H. T. Bleclcy, of Ashland, Pennsylvania. I was a private in Company A, One hundred and twelfth Pennsylvania volunteers. Was cax)tured, with thirty men and three officers of my regiment, at Cold Harbor, June 2, 18G4 ; taken to Libby Prison at Richmond, where we were robbed of our money aud blankets, then put into Pembertou Prison, nearly opposite Libl)y. Our ration was a piece of corn bread about two and a half inches square, aud half a pint of beau soup jier day. About the lltli of June was started for Andersonville, Georgia ; sixty to seventy crowded in each car ; Avere four days on the road. On our arrival we were marched to Wirz's headquarters, to be counted off' into detachments ; while this was being done some of the boys, who were very weak, sat doAvn to rest, for which they were kicked into ranks by Wirz. After the counting was over we were turned into the stockade, without shelter of any kind being furnished. -Our ration was at first corn bread and a little maggoty bacon or spoiled beef ; which was finally reduced aud c^jauged into one-third of a quart of coarse corn meal. During wet seasons we were left without food three days at a time. We never had wood enough to cook our rations properly. The sufteriug was terrible ; no man cau ever describe it. I have seen men with sores on their bodies filled with maggots. One colored soldier laid in the swamp with a wound in his abdomen from which his bowels protruded ; he was perfectly help- less and the lice and maggots were literally devouring him. In getting water at the creek there would always be a crowd trying to get the water as far up stresm as possi- ble on account of its being clearer. Naturally some would get crowded under the dead- line, when the guard would fire into the crowd, sometimes hitting two or three men. In the month of September some of us were sent to Florence. I cannot remember who had command there ; but I remember an nuderstrappei", Lieutenant Barrett, who used to come into the gate about ration time ; when the boys were waiting eagerly for some- thing to eat, Barrett, having a club, would knock the poor, starving men down right aud left. A.SIIL.VND, Pennsylvania, July 24, 1867. H. T. BLECKY. Statement of P. Bartley, Alleyltany City, Pennsylvania. I was a lieutenant in the United States Signal Corps. Was signal officer with Col- onel Dahlgren's expedition to Richmond, when he was killed and his body mutilated. With the other officers of Colonel Dahlgren's force, was kept in close confinement in a H. Eep. 45 73 1154 TREATxMENT OF PRISONERS OF ^VAR cell in Libby Prison with negro enlisted men, for five months and fourteen days, as felons, not entitled to the treatment of prisoners of war ; we were treated as brutes by the prison officials, under orders from James A. Seddon, rebel secretary of war. When taken out of the cell to be taken south the projecting bones of my body were cutting through the skin from starvation, which has left nre permanently disabled, having almost lost the use of my eyes. I have known officers to be shot and bajoneted for no cause ; and as for robbery, it was one of the lesser evils to which we were subjected. R. BARTLEY, " Late lieutenant United States kUjnal (Ji>rps. Allegheny City, Pexnsylvaxia, JnJij 23, 1868. Statement of Harry B. Breneman, of Lancaster, Pennsijlvania. I was sergeant of Company B, Fourteenth Pennsylvania cavalry, at the time of my capture at Rocky Ga]), Virginia, August 27, 1863. There were fifty-one of the brigade to which I was attached captured at the same time. We were taken to Libby Prison, at Richmond, Virginia., whei'e we were searched by the attachds of the jirison, under orders of Major Turner. Our blankets, haversacks, and canteens were taken first ; then our clothing was searched for money and valuables, which, wheu found, were invariably taken away and handed to an officer standing by. After being searched we were sent to Belle Isle, where we were drawn uj) in line and counted; subjected to every kind of abuse by the sergeant, Hj-att, whom all will remember who were ever confined on Belle Isle for his brutality. He was a kind of spy on the actions of the giuirds and prisoners. For the slightest offenses, such as finding a prisoner Avith money or trading with the guards for food, this man Hyatt would buck anthing was taken from us, but when we got to Riclimond we were put .into Castle Thunder and stripped naked, and all our monet taken from us. Knapsacks, clothing, canteens, luivcrsacks, knives, and in fact everything we had that was of iise to us whih> in camp or prison was taken from us. We were then put on Belle Island for a few days and were not given enough in two days to feed a well man one half day. From there wc Avere taken to Lynchburg, Virginia, in common box cars. The car that I was in had been used for hauling cattle and horses in and had not been cleaned out ; there was one hundred and ten men in our car and the guards. At Lynchburg we were given a few crackers and wormy meat ; we were then marched to Danville, "\'irginia; the rations we got at Lynchburg gave out. and the last two days we had nothing to eat. Arrived at Danville and got some corn bread and a little meat. From Danville we were taken to Andersonville, Geor- gia, where we experienced all the horrors of that most horrible place. At Anderson- ville, before we Avere put in the stockade, some little boys were fetching water for us to drink, we were almost dead for water, when Wirz told us if any of us would send for any more water he would shoot us. We were all taken out of Andersonville in the fall of sixty-four and taken to ilillen, C4eorgia, where we siTtlVred greatly; from there to Blackshu'e, Georgia, we were given one cracker and a small ])iece of meat, our ra- tions for two days : we were then taken to Thomasville. (Georgia, and from Tliomas-* ville, some time in December, we Avere marched to Albany, Georgia, two-thirds of us barefooted, with two crackers and about half a pound of meat a day ; we had to wade through streams that had foot logs over them. AVe were foot-sore and hungry all the time. We were taken back to Andersonville on the 2.5th of December. I saw so many cruelties to Union prisoners in Andersonville and other southern prisons, that it would be impossible to enumerate them. I saw men shot, and one man in my company had his arm broken by a rebel while on the march from Lvnchburg to Danville. JACOB Z. OVER. Bedford, Pexnsylvajsia, Juhj 24, 1867. Statement of M. L. ClarJ:. of Mansfield, Pennsijlvania. I was a iirisoner of war from April 20, 1864, until March 1, 1865. I was confined at Macon, Georgia, about three mouths ; Savannah, Georgia, six Aveeks ; three weeks in the Charleston jail-yard aud Avorkhouse, under lire of Union guns, and the remainder of the time at Columbia, South Carolina. The rations Avhile at ilacon, Georgia, consisted of the following articles, issued once in five days, aIz : seven piiits of coarse corn meal, one half-pint sorghum, oue-seA'enth pound of rancid, maggoty bacou, two tablesi)oon- fuls of l)eans or rice, and two tablespoonfuls salt. The rations Avere issued A'ery irregu- larly, fre(|uently rnuniug two or three days oA"er time. Back ratious were uot issned, consequently we Avere alAvays ke])t on a .short allowance of coarse, unAA^holesome pro- visions, together with an iusuflicient sui>[)ly of cooking utensils, and scanty ration of Avood. Our condition Avas made most miserable ; and to add to our misery, after we were remoAed to Colnmbia, South Carolina, Ave were put into a lield with a guard and dead-line around us, aud there exposed to the bleak, cold Avinds of Avinter, Avith little or no shelter proAided by the confederate authorities. The meat raticm Avhile at Columbia Avas entirely cut otf. Thus about thirteen hundred federal officers AA^-re not only exposed to the cold rains and frosts of Avinter, but Avere made A'ictims of a toi'- turing death by starvation. The rations Averc sadly deficient in qiuility as Avell as quantity. Li my case, as it Avas with hundreds of otheis, I got so debilitated Avhile a prisoner that it took many mouths after being released to gain my natural strength ; aud had it not been for the privilege of i)ui chasing bread aud meat, Avhich Ave ditl at exorl)itant prices, our ease Avouhl have been hopeless indeed. In short, the treat- ment Avhich federal officers in prison receiA^ed at the hands of the confederate authori- ties Avas merciless and barbarous in most cAcry respect. And the prime cause ot the barbarity practiced on prisoners Avas the nmrderous design of the rebel leaders. It Avas their plan to destroy us, all of Avhich I learned by rough experience and careful observation. M. L. CLARK, Late Captain One hundred and first Ilcf/iment Pcnnsijlrania Veteran Volunteers. M-VXSFiELD, Pexxsylv^vxia, Octohcr 29, 1867. BY THE REBEL AUTHORITIES. 1157 Statement of James M. llidije. DeclaratioD and statement of James M. Ridge, late a private of Company F, Fifty- seventh regiment of Indiana volunteers, now a citizen of Sullivan, in Sullivan Comity, Indiana, who, being duly sworn, de])oses and says : I was taken a prisoner at the battle of Franklin, Tennessee, about the 30th day of November, 18G4, together with about four- teen men of said Company F, and about sixty men of the Fifty-seventh regiment Indiana volunteers. We were taken from the works at Franklin to Columbia, where we were de- tained until after the battle of Nashville, when Ave were marched south to Corinth, where we arrived the 24th day of December, 1864. From Corinth we were marched to Okolona, Mississippi ; from thence into Georgia, and to Andersonville. During this march we were marched into Alabama, and back to Mississippi. On the march, numbers of men gave out and died through disease, exhaustion, and starvation. Our treatment by the rebels was most cruel and inhuman. Men unable to mai'ch were forced to go at the point of the bayonet, and were beat and struck with guns, and kicked, if falling back or unable to keep up. Some of the men were so weak from starvation and disease, that in order to keep them up and prevent abuse, their comrades took their arms and helped them along until they fell to the ground, unable to rise again, several of them dying where they fell. Allen Deckaud, a jirivate of Company F, was one of these; he died near Okolona from starvation, fever, and exposure. The weather was rainy and wh, of Waynesbnrg, Pennsylvania, statement of 1150 Cooley, Michael, testimony of ." 891 Cooney, Surgeon I35 Cooper, S., communication of : . 557^ 704 Cooper, General S., comnumication to 488, 557, 598, 677, 682, 683, 703' 705 Cooper, S., indorsement of 515,516 595,596 Cooper, Adjutant General S., report to 123 Cooper, J. P., first acting assistant engineer, statement of 1134 Cooper, General S., telegram to 681 Cooper, A., of Oswego, New York, statement of 1088 Cooper, Charles S., testimony of 860 Corbett, Boston, testimony of 85 Corbin, Captain, execution of 314 Corbin, Captain 456, 470 Corbin, Mr 702 Corcoran, Colonel 411, 862 Corps, ninth, second division, second brigade 801 Corps d'Afrique 662, 663 Correspondence, sharp, October and March, 1862 300 Correspondence between General Meredith and Robert Ould 654 Corthrell, Samuel M., testimony of 787 Cotton, James T., of Rockport, Indiana, statement of. 1115 Courday, John 414 Cowdry, Mr. H 526 Cowles, D 527 Coyle, James, of Twentieth Illinois II47 Cozzens, Levi, telegram of 481 Craig, John, of New Corydon, Indiana, statement of 1122 Craig, John, of New Castle, Pennsylvania, statement of 1150 Craigeu, W. J., testimony of 945 Cram, Colonel 617 Crandall, Watson E., testimony of 1053 Crandall, orderly sergeant of Eighty- fifth New York 1007 Crandall, W. W., testimony of 153, 156, 159 Craven, Charles, communication of 628 Crews, Miss Alice 634 Cridelle, Dr 120 Crookcr, W. W 117 Crookford, Captain 179 Crosby, George R., testimony of 814 Cross, Lieutenant, rebel 830 Cruelty at Andersonville, additional instances of 151 Crumpton hosp ital, Lynchburg 848 Culbertson, S. D 487 Culpeper hospital 957 Culver, Jasper, testimony of 158 Cunimings, Mr. C. C 521 Cummings, Lieutenant Julian 551 Cunimings, General 476 Currie, Charles F., of Millville, New Jersey, statement of 1080 Currie, Dr 120, 891 Curtin, Governor, Pennsylvania 1013 Curtis, Mr., of Brooklyn 812 Cushing, John P 818 Cushman, Major, of the First Maryland cavalry 831 Cushmyer, Philip, testimony of. . ."^ 90 1168 INDEX. Pago. Cutter, William 1105 Ciiyler, Dr 616 D. Dahlgren, Rear- Admiral 686 D;ililji;ren, Koar-Admiral John A., commuuicatiou to 566 Habl^reu and Kilpatrick, raiding party of 865 Daily routine at Anderson villa 37 Dale, Surgeon William J., commuuicatiou from 936 DamroD. Captain Thomas 438 Daniel. John B 47-2,450 Danville, petitions of the eitizens of 671, 672 Danville, A'irginia, description of v.'ater at 209 Danville, Yirftinia, description of 171 D'Artignae, John 411 Daton, CantainF. B 526 Dauley, Ur 1022 Davenport, Lieiitenant John J., indorsement of 564 Davidson, H. JI., account of Audersonville 33 Davis, Jefferson, conimunieation of 627, 723 Davis, Jefferson, conununication to 383, 384, 700 Davis, Jefferson, extract from the message of 722 Davis, Jeth-rson, extract from the message of, November 8, 1561 732 Davis, Jell'erson, message of 439 Davis, Jetferson, message of, copj' of paragraphs of, as published in IJichmond Enquirer 449 Davis's message of 12th January, 1863 310 Davis's, Jefferson, proclamation of outlawry against I5utler and his officers; answer to the proclamation 300 Davis's proclamation, revocation of, asked 310 Davis, Jefferson, proclamation of 428 Davis, Jefferson, indorsement of 691 Davis, 8. B 125 Davis, "William, testimony of 905 Davis, Lieutenant Colonel Henry C 677 Davis, Harvy, private 1110 Davis, Captain John 217 Davis' Lieutenant 1008, 1094 Davis, Robert N 1018 Dawson's hatterv 476 Day, Joshua ' 10t)8 Dead, burial of the, at Audersonville 68 Dead-house at Audersonville 52 Dead-line at Audersonville 56 Dead, treatment of the, at Audersonville 52, 75, 119, 156, 231 Death, chief causes of, at Andersonville 110 Death, freezing to 156 Death by hounds 156 Deaths, percentage of» at Andersonville 221 Deaths of Union soldiers in the nrison hospitals of Richmond, 1864, statement of, by A. J. Palmer 974 Deaton, Captain Spencer 547 De Beck, Allen, First Pennsylvania rifles 1146 Deckaud, Allen 11.57 Defenses, new, at Andersonville 41 De Feriot guards 427 De Jarnette, D. C 724 De La Baume, Felix 119 De La Baume, Felix, testimony of 150 Delalield, Dr \ 263 Delaware, Third i-egiraent 422, 573 Dempsey, R. A., of Cherry Tree, Pennsylvania, statement of 1149 Dennis, John B., of Bluffton, South Carolina, statement of 1108 Department of Alabama, Mississippi, and East Louisiana 701 Department of the Gulf 862 Devlin, William, of Huntington, Indiana, statement of 1120 Dibeler, John B., of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, statement of 1151 Dickey, Aaron F., of Benford's Store, Pennsylvania, statement of 1145 Diggs^ Calvin W., of College Corner, Indiana, statement of 1126 INDEX. 1169 Pag(>. Dillavd, Dr 1-20 Dilliu-d, William, testimony of 80, 147 Dillcy, Benjamin F., dosciiptiou of water at Andersouville 209 Dilliiijiliam, Acting Master John 568, G48 Dills, William S 438 Dimick, Colonel J., commnnicatiou to 38fi Dimiek, Colonel J., eommuuieatiou of 387, 388, 3S9 Dinkinj;-, Chapman, eomnuinieatiou of 503 Discipline, prison, at Salisbury IrtO Diseases, observations upon, of the federal prisonei'S at Andersouville 94 Diseases, causes of, at Andcrsonville 91 Diseases prevailing at Andersouville 45 Diseases in rebel jirisous 220 Dismukes, Sabina 731 Dismukes, Sabina, letter of 1^7 Dismuke, Mrs 258 District of Columbia, Second regiment 945 Dix, Major General John A., telegram of 452, 633, 634, 636, 639, 640 Dobsori, Joseph 1002 Doby u's regiment 1050 Documents and testimony, rebel 121 Documents referred to in report of War Department 379 Dodge, Harvey G 949 Dogs, the, at Andersouville 83, 119 Dogs, encounter with the 63 Donahue, Sergeant, rebel 1 1 16 Donelson, A. J., indorsement of 669 Donnelly, Johu, Company C, Niuety-lirst Pennsylvania volunteers 900, 1029 Donnelly, Sergeant ." 1024, 1025 Dorau, John H., Company D, Ninety-fifth Illinois 685 Dorau, Frank B., communication of '. r»85 Dorr, Colonel . 374 Dougler, W 414 Dow, Neal, representatio-jis of 350 Dow, General Neal. condition of our prisoners in Richmond — evidence of star- vation — treatment of colored troops — esi)ose of the rebel commissioner 332 Do w, J. B GOO' Downing, James L 8S5 Dozier, A. W 500 Drake, B. W 68 Drake, Eollin W., of Swan, Indiana, statement of 1113 Drake, Lieutenant Colonel, Thirty-sixth Iowa 1057 Driscoll, Captain F. M., of Third Ohio regiment 888, 895, 897 Driver, Dr. Johu 1095 Drury, William, of East Boston 924 Duaue, Major 485, Duchesney, Lawrence N., testimony of 895 Duchesuey, Lieutenant, of First Massachusetts cavalry 888 Duckett, Corporal 1122 Dudley, C. W 694, 728 Duncan, Lieutenant S 423 Duncan, Captain 899^ Duncan, John M 996 Duugan, J. Irving, Nineteenth Iowa 1052 Dunn, Moucena, testimony of 850 Dunn, Peter, case of 58 iturgiu, Anders(m D., testimony of 877 Durgiu, Hi'ury J., Kochester, New York, statement of 1085 Durluim, Warren 526 Dusky, Captain Daniel 438; Dwight, Colonel C. C, communication to 579' D wight, Colonel Charles C, comnuinication of 580,. 581 Dyer, Lewis, testiuumy of 155 Dyke, Captain .' 127 Dyke's Florida battery 082 E. Eames, John Henry, testimony of 874 Early, J. F '. 526 H. Eep. 45 74 1170 INDEX. Page. Eavly's cavalry 827 East, David C, of Te,rre Haute, Indiana, statt-mont of 11"2:J East Boston, 18 White street 8ti4 Eastman, Lieutenant 040, i)54 Eastrid<;e, Barney 1018 Eaton, tteru'eant Alvan S 17:^, 794 Eckels, James 10^)8 Eckinj^s, Captain, of the Third New Jersey cavalry lO'JO Edmonton, Kentuckv 1118 Edwards, J. II '. 414 Efl'ect of rebel prison life, mental and moral 223 E2 (iibl)s. Colonel G. C 550,838 Gibbs, Dr 972 Gibbs, Major 837 Gibbs, Major George 1000 Gibbs, Colonel George C, testimony of 140 Gibson, Corporal 50, 190 Gibson, Corporal, patriotism of 73 Gitford and Tucker 435 Gilbert, William II., of Waukegan, Illinois, .statement of 1139 Gill, First Lieutenant George C 085 Gillespie, J. B., of Carbondale, Illinois, statement of 1135 Gillespie, Colonel 927 Gillette, James, of the Seveuty-first New York militia, statement of 1005 (4ilmore's batterv ' 1084 (livens, N. G . . .' 1018 Gladden, Captain 1001 ( Ucason, Captain John T 1007 (llcason. Private 1000 < ioblc, Isaac 438 (jodlrey's Sixth Iowa cavalry 1048 Godwin, Ca])tain 800 (ioff. .Mil jor Nathan 559 Gofl, Major Waldo P 547 (iojdslioro, Flag Officer L. M., communication to 384 (Joldsboro, Flag Officer L. M., communication of 385 (ioldsnd th, .John II 202 (joodiu, Sergeant 1022 Goodman, Captain J. M 178, 713 INDEX 1173 Page. Goodwin, George S., testimony of 1037 Gordon, Captain 5G0 Gor 184 Halleck, General H. W., comnuinicatiou to 465, 467, 475, 489, 508, 583, 485, 586, 587 588, 589, 590, 592, ()96 Halleck, General H. W., communication of. . .466, 468, 473, 476, 508, 585, 586, 588, 590, 591 1174 INDEX. Page. Halleck, General, offers terms of exchange ; declined bj' General Lee 332 Halley, P. Vincent, testimony of 149, 943 Hallock, John 1093 Halloway, Lientenant James M 523 Halsted, George B., testimony of 975 Ilalstead, Caiitain George B., order of mnster-ont 977 Halstead, Captain, letter to 978 Hanibleton, John W 694 Haiiibleton, Mrs. M. L 705 Haiabnck, Mrs. Carrie E 1063 Hamil, John F 1018 Hamilton, James P 524 Hamilton, Rev. William John, testimony of 87 Hamilton prison 830 Hamlin, Ur 194 Hammersmiller, Engenia 889 Hannnitt, James M., of Bear Creek jjost office, Indi.ana, statement of 1122 Hanmiond, H. B., of Farmer's Creek, Iowa, statement of 1113 Hannuond, Captain W. M., commnnication of 682 Hammond, Amos W 885 Hannnond, Lieutenant 1090 Hampton i)risou 823 Hampton's, General, cavalry 862 Hancock, Captain 976 Hanlou, Frank, testimony of 1034 Hanson, Cohmel Eoger W 411 Hardee, Captain 886 Hardv, Simon, of Natick, Massachusetts, statement of 1072 Hare,' Hon. Judge 263 Harkie, Colonel C. B 127,602,726 Harpie, Colonel 141 Harris, Captain, of the Fourth Tennessee cavalry - - - 1070 Harris, Sergeant 150 Harrison's battalion 1051 Harrison, Colonel Geoi'ge P 185 Harrison, Colonel 374 Harrison, Burton N '. 726 Harrison, Burton N., indorsement of 188, 692 Harrison, James 526 Harrison, T.J. 600 Harrison, rebel officer 1060 Harrison, Lieutenant 1060 Harriet Lane, steamer 648, 649 Harrington, of the First Michigan sharpshooters 1013 Hairold, N. B 258 Hart, Colonel, of Georgia 1009 Hart , Charles, connnunication of 628 Ha;tz, \V. T., communication of 786 Hart z, Miijor 279 Hastings, Adjutant 991 Hastings, steamer 628,630 Hassi);!,John 10t)9 Hatch. Lieutenant William B., of the Fourth New Jeisey volunteers 976 Hatch, Captain .504, 702 Hatch, Captain W. XL, indorsement of 551, 666 Hatch, Quartermaster 1135 Hatcher, Captain James W. D 423 liaun, William IL, of Booiicville, Missouri, statement of 1097 Hawes, Jtsse, of Belvidere, Illinois, statement of 1136 Hawkins, Isaac 1.55 Hawkins, rel>el 1095 Ha> John, communication of. 9.37 Ha.\ s, General Josei)h, of Boston 865 Hays, Lientenant 186 Hay nes, Carl B., testimony of 889 Havnes, C. B., of Concord, New Hampshire 1078 Head, Dr 82 Heath, George William, of Atkinson, New Hampshire, statement of 1078 Heath, John F 157 INDEX. 1175 Page. Heller, Seroeant, of the Niuth Miunesotti volunteers 1133 Heudersou, of tlic One hundred and third Pennsylvania regiment 913 Henderson, James, of Keudallville, Indiana, statement of 1121 Henderson, Captain 200, 1132, 1133 Henderson, Captain H. A. M qqs Henderson. Captain H. A. M., afterwards Lieutenant Colonel 101)4, 109.'j Henman, Ambrose, testimony of 153 Henman, Ambrose 155 Hepworth, Joseph, of New York Mills, New York, statement of 1091 Hernandez, Francis 566 Herriman, James B., of Lawn Ridge, Illinois, statement of 1138 Hess, Jacob 986, 991 Hctinliiigcr, Lieutenant 991 Hicks, Colonel S. G 239 Hicks, Benjamin 422, 424 Hickman, Andrew 1018 Hickman, Major 1064 Hick, Pennsylvania regiment 1016 Hig,i',ins, Hiram M 1018 Higginsou, H. C 601, 602 Higginbotham, Dr 852, 884 Hill, F. JNL, of Kokomo, Indiana, statement of 1118 Hill, Major General D. H G26, 627 Hill, ensign United States Navy, case of 356 Hill, Stephen C 549 Hill, Lcbbeus, testimony of 798 Hills corps ". 844, 1011 Hinkley, Lieutenant, of the Tenth Wisconsin 1085 Hinton, Mrs 885 Hirst, William L 977 Hite, Sergeant 1079, 1098 Hitchcock, General, retires as commissioner of exchange , 332 Hitchcock, Major General, memorandum for 473 Hitchcock, General, United States commissioner of exchange, advises against retaliation .316 Hitchcock, Major General E. A., communication to. .473, 448, 449, 501, 503, 507, 51(1, 519 530, 556, 575, 591, 635, 636, 649, 650, 651, 674, 706 Hitchcock, Major General E. A., communication of. .280, 450, 465, 474, 475, 477, 4H1, 493 495, 502, 5( 15, r>()7, 503, 516, 517, .534, 539, 552, .559, 585, 632, 633, (J-M, MS, 649, 651, 661, 667, 668, 677, 710, 711, 717 Hitchcock, E. A., statement by, why the exchange was stopped; rebel subter- fuges and quibbling ; the disposition made of colored soldiers and their white ofiicers 661,662,663,664,665 Hoffman, Colonel W., statement of 540 Hoffman, Colouel W., communication to 527 Hoffman, Colonel William, commuuicatiou to 545 Hoffman, Colonel William, communication to 562, 567, 574, 640 Hoffman, Colonel William, communication of 546, 716, 781, 784, 785 Hoffman, Colonel W., communication of 521 Hoffman, George, testimony of 1056 Hoffmaster, Mr , 1010 Hollaud, John W., communication to 671 Holland, John W., communication of 671 Hollingworth, David, testimony of 852 Holmes, Lucien, private of Company A, Tenth New Hampshire infantry 813, 814 Holmes, De Witt C, of Iowa City, Iowa, statement of 1110 Holmes, James, testimony of 813 Holmes, Rev. James 172 Holmes, Erastus, of Indianapolis, Indiana, statement of 1129 Holm, Louis 150 Holt, J., connnnuication to 639 Holt, J., conuuuuication of 639, 650 Holton, Captain Charles A 1067 Homes, Lucien, diary of 172 Hooper, Lieutenant Colouel Charles H., of the Tv.-enty-fourth Massachusetts . 865 Hoover, Daniel : .' 988 Hopkins, Dr., report of the condition of hospital and prison at Audersonville . 91 Hopkins, Dr. G. S., testimony of 91 Hopkins, Surgeon S. S 258 1176 INDEX. Page. Hopkius, William 1001 Hospital, General Howard's Grove 596 Hospital, camp, copy of register for paroled prisoners at Jacksouville, Florida. 968 Hospital, Cout'ederatc States military prison at Andersonville, description of the. r 95 Hospital, Howard's Grove 513 Hospital, Chimborazo, at Richmond, Virginia 646 Hosi)ital, prison, at Richmond 973 Hos])ital. Roper, at Charleston, South Carolina 198 Hos]iital, the. attendants at, Andersonville 117 Hospital, General, No. 10 596 Hospital, General, No. 20 596 Hospital, General, No. 23 596 Hospital, Third Alabama 513, 596 Hospital, Texas 513, 596 Hospitals, prison, at Salisbury 179 Hospitals, arrangements of 221 Hospitals, appearances inside, at Andersonville 34 Hospitals, Andersonville 34 Hostages, agreement as to, violations of the agreement by the rebels 295 Hounds, death by 156 House, proceedings in the 3 House, Captain, of the Eleventh Missouri 994 Houts, Sjunuel P., of the Eighteenth Missouri regiment 885 Howard, Nathan 1018 Iloward, Florence, letter of 189 Howard's Grove Hospital 513 Howe, .John W 438 Hoyt, diaries C, testimony of 858 Hudson, Calvin W 525 Huey, Colojiel, of the Eighth Pennsylvania cavalry 949 Huger, Major General lienjaniin, communiciition to 385, 386, 388, 391, :'.92, 393, 395, 396, 398, 613, 615 Huger, Major General Benjamin, communication of 384, 386, 387, 389, 394, 397, 612 Hughes. Mr., of Ilaltimore' 825 Hughes, .7. W., of the Fifty-lifth Pennsylvania 1146 Hull, George J., of Fairfield, Vermont, statement of 1079 Hull, William H., of Saratoga Springs, New York, statement of 1091 Hume, Captain L. J 851 Hume, Lysander J., testimony of 881 Humboldt, John, of the Second Michigan 845 Ilunijihrey, James, of Ottawa, Kansas, statement of 1131 Hun!])hreys, J. A., of Leatherwood, Pennsj-lvania, statement of 1142 Huiieycutt, Calvin, testimony of 148, 157 Hunt, Charles, testimony of 838 Hunt, John, testimony of 880 Hunt, Samuel 1018 Hunt, Dr. William 1018, 1020 Hunter, James A 526 Huntley, Captain 1001 Huntsman, George W 1009 Hurst, Roltert V 527 Hussey, Rev. John 263 Hutchings, Samuel 563 Hutchings, Samuel, comnmnication of 564 Hutchins, Lieutenant Colonel 573 Hyatt, Sergeant 1048, 1 154 I. Idiocv and insanity at Ander.sonville 58 Illig.'Captain Gustav 1045 Illinois cavalry regiiuent. Fourteenth 1043, 1131 Illinois, Seventh regiment 1049 Illinois, Eighth regiment 1047 Illinois, Tenth regiment 785 Illinois, I'jleventh regiment ■. 808 Illinois, Thirteenth regiment 1096 Illinois, Fourteenth regiment 1147 illlinois. Sixteenth regiment 155, 1140 INDEX. 1177 Page. Illinois, Niueteenth regimeut 1139 Illinois, Tweuty-foiirtb regiment 1043 Illinois, Thirty-foiirtli regiment y. 973 Illinois, Fortieth regiment 239 Illinois, Fiftj^-first regiment 527 Illinois, Eightieth regiment 464,483,499 Illinois, Ninety-first regiment 482,496,656 Illinois, Ninety-second regiment 1138 Illinois, One hunflrod and twentieth regiment 1133, 1135 Illinois, One Imudred and thirtieth regiment 1037, 1058 Indiana cavalry. First regiment 1123 Indiana cavalry, Third regiment 1115 Indiana cavalry, Fonrth regiment 1115 Indiana cavalry, Fifth regiment 1120, 1122, 1129 Indiana cavalry, Sixth regiment IIIG Indiana cavalry. Seventh regiment 1124 Indiana cavalry. Eighth regiment 600, 1131 Indiana cavalry. Eleventh regiment 1122, 1124 Indiana volunteers, Sixth regimeut 1119, 1121 Indiana, Seventh regimeut 1113, 1117, 1125 Indiana, Ninth regiment 1130 Indiana volunteers. Ninth regimeut 1116 Indiana, Twelfth regimeut 1040 Indiana, Twentieth regiment, 1 ieutenaut of the 1052 Indiana, Twentieth 1057 Indiana, Twenty-first regiment , 401 Imliana, Twenty-fourth artillery regimeut 1117 Indiana, Twenty-sixth regiment 1050, 1051, 1055, 1059 Indiana regiment, Twenty-eighth 983 Indiana regimeuts. Thirtieth and Thirty-first 1041 Indiaiui, Thirty-sixth and Ninth regimeuts 527 Indiana, Thirty-ninth regiment 629 Indiana, Fifty-first and Seventy-fifth 496 Indiana, Fii'ty-lirst regiment 470 lud iana regiments, Fifty-first and Seventy-third 432 Indiana, Fifty-first regimeut 656 Indiana voluuteei's, Fifty-third regiment 1 120 Indiana, Fifty-seveuth regiment 1157 Indiana volunteers. Sixty-fourth regimeut 1010 Indiana, Sixty-sixth v 464 Indiana infantry. Sixty-eighth regimeut 1118 Indiana v(duuteers. Company M, Seveuty-first regimeut 523 Indiana, Seventy-first regimeut 635 Indiana volunteers, Seveuty-third regiment 1119, 1121 Indiana volunteers. Seventy-fourth regimeut 1121 Indiana, Seventy-fifth regiment 499, (556 Indiana, Eighty-first regimeut 1100 Indiana volunteers, Eighty-fourth regimeut 1126 Indiana volunteers, Ninety-third regiment 1099 Indiana volunt<,'ei's, Ninetieth regimeut 1118 Indiana, One hundredth regiment 1040 Indianola 496 Indianapolis 1047 Indians, Minnesota 300 Infantry, Eleventh United States 920 Infantry, Niueteenth United States 526 Ingles, Sergeant, of the Second Maryland detachment 817 Inoeulatiou at Andersouville 46 Insanity 58 Investigation, object and purpose of this 6 Iowa cavalry. Fourth regimeut 1112 Iowa, Fourth regiment 527 Iowa volunteers. Company F, Fourth regiment 994 Iowa, Sixth 1047 Iowa, Eighth cavaliy 600 Iowa volunteer cavalry. Eighth regiment lllO Iowa vf>lunteers. Eighth regiment 1116 Iowa, Fourteenth regiment 411 Iowa, Company C, Nineteenth infantry regiment 1058 1178 INDEX. Page. Iowa infantry. Xiuotocntli roginient 1050, 1051 Iowa Nineteenth regiment, Company E 1055, 105G Iowa volunteers, Twenty-tirst regiment 1112 Iowa voluntei-rs, Twenty-fourth regiment 1111 Iowa regiment, Tliirty-fourrh, colonel of the 105"2 Iowa, Thirty-sixth regiment 1057, 1058 Irving, Captain 594 Irwine, Captain 518 Irish, Captain John, of the Forty-fifth New York 1090 Irsch, Captain Francis, of t he Forty-fifth New York 9G0 Ives, J. C .^ 160 Ives, Captain Ivalph O 547 Iverson, Lieutenant Colonel John F., commuuicatiou of 711 Iverson, Lieutenant Colonel John F., indorsement of 190 J. Tackson, C. G., of Berwick, Pennsvlvauia, statement of 1152 Jacolis, Edward B., letters of .' 423 Jail yard, the, Charleston, South Carolina 198 J ames. Private A. H 724 James, Dr 49,120 James, Bishop 265 January, John W., of Monouk, Illinois, statement of 1 137 Jarvis Hospital, at Baltimore 830, 985 Jeuokes, Lellaud D., of Woonsocket, Khode Island, statement of 1076 Jenkins, Lieutenant Colonel 422 Jennings, William Henry, testimony of 155 Johnson, Cajitain 1036 Johnscm, James H 1018 Johnson, Robert 1009 Johnson, Dr «. 925 Johnson, Stephen 1018 Johnson, Mrs 860 Johnson, William N 601, 602 Johnson, Brigadier General Bradley T., communication of 713 Johnson, General Joseph 864 Johnson, Wesley, of Heller's Corners, Indiana, statement of 1124 Johnson, J. E., telegram of 549 Johnson, Cohmel, of South Carolina 903 Johnson, Dr .' 120 Johnson's Island, comparison of 151 Johnston, General J. E., communication to 483 Johnston, J. E., communication of 488 Jones, Dr. Joseph, testimony of 93 Jones, Surgeon Josei)h, communication of 94 Jones, Dr. Joseph 259 Jones, Surgeon, copy of order of 1027 Jones, Surgeon 1()1 Jones, Charles, agent of Barriere & Bro 430, 431 Jones, Horatio G 265 Jones, William W., of New Canaan, Connecticut, statement of 1084 Jones, :Mr. J. D 714 Jones, Lieutenant, of the First South Carolina artillery 1116 Jones, Abel, testimony of 900 Jones, the maniac 51 Jones, Captain 620 Jones, Lieutenant Colonel S., of the Twenty-second Louisiana regiment 697 Jones, Oliver H 886 Jones, S., telegram of 681 Jones, Major General Samutsl, C(jnnuunication to 583, 585 Jones, Major General Samuel, communication of 557, 582, 584, 586, 589, 590 Joplin, Captain J 423 Joy, Simon P., of Savannah, Missouri, statement of 1098 Julia ]5aker, schooner 524 Julia, bark 1001 K. Kandler, Hugo, testimony of 9.59 Kane, Colonel, of the Bucktail regiment, of Pennsylvania 983 INDEX. 1179 Page. Kansas, Sixth regiment 1038 Kean, R. T. H., testimony of 143 Keeue, Joseph E., testimony of 1030 Keith, Dexter D., of Eandolph, Massachusetts, statement of 1068 Keith, Mr 1001 Kelton, J. C, assistant adjutant general to Colonel Ludlow, telegram of 450 Kelton, Colonel J. C, communication to 470 Kellogg, Sergeant 1028 Kellogg, Robert K., testimony of 151 Kellogg, Spencer 472, 481 Kelley, G. J 526 Kelly, Jefferson 1157 Kemp, Colonel 1053 Kentucky cavalry. First regiment 573 Kentucky, Second regiment 411 Kentucky, Company 13., Second regiment 621 Kentucky, Fifth regiment 1147 Kentucky, Thirty-ninth regiment 438 Kentucky Joe • 60 Kennell, Alexander, testimony of 157 Keokuk, United States iron-clad 926 Kerlinger, J. M., of Lake Washington, Minnesota, statement of 1132 Kerr, Dr 120 Ketch, Jack 1002 Kettles, Camp 60 Key, Colonel 621 Keyser, Joseph D., testimony of 148 Kilpatrick's cavalry 703 Kilpatrick's division 803 Kilpatrick's raid 1081 Kilpatrick, Assistant Surgeon 1089 Killpatrick, Dr 120 Kilpatrick and Dahlgren, raiding party of 865 Kilpatrick and Wheeler 1103 Koillan, Horace 891 King, Captain, of the Twelfth Pennsylvania cavalry 1104 King, Colonel James H _ 546 King, Colonel 1138 King, Wesley, of Tipton, Indiana, statement of 1125 King, William, testimony of 1050 Kingston, Surgeou 1109 Kirby, Mr 640 Kitching, William H 527 Kite], Edward H 523 Knight, Daniel 1018 Kuiglit, James F., communication of 563 Knox, Mr 1003 Knoxville, Tennessee 909 Krcbbs, Mr 940, 941 Krudener, Baron 670 Knpp, Lieutenant Morgan 1090 Ladies, efforts of, to render assistance to prisoners at Andersonville 82 Ladies, imprisonment Of Union 316 Laniozet, Fi-auk 866 Laud, Albert F., of Madison, Indiana, statement of 1121 Laudis's battery 476 Lane, Surgeon 620 Lane, Lieutenant 982, 983 Laii tz, David J., testimony of 841 Lapeyre, J. M ". 432 Lapeyre, J. M., communication of 433 Larrigan, rebel officer 1115 Lasberg, Captain 427 Latouche, Captain 895 Latouche, Adjutant 920 Latoiuhc, John 724 1180 INDEX. Page. Laundry, prison 828 Lawlcr, Captain M 1107 Lawton, A. R., indorsement of 180 Lawton, A. R., communication of 728 Lawton, A. R 713 Lawton, Captain 162, 824 Lawton, Camp, at Millen, Georgia 162, 938 Law of nations governing the treatment of prisoners 11 Lay, Major John F 584, 586, 587 Lay, E. W., indorsement of 189 Lea, Seth 700 Leake, Colonel, of the Twentieth Iowa 1057 Lee, Robert E., conduct of 276 Lee, General Robert E., communication to 508, 622 Lee, G(;ncral Robert E., communication of 508, 604, 619, (i21, 622 Lee, Gen(!ral, correspondence between, and General Grant 722, 723 Lee, Bishop - 265 Lee, Colonel 911 Lee. iNIajor General S. D., communication of 646 Lee; Seth 702 Lee, Howard, of Company L, Fifty-second New York regiment 961 Lenn, Captain R. D 685, 686 Leonard, Mr 955 Letcher, Governor John, communication of 437 Letters from home, at Andersonville 43 Levy, Major W. M 580, 581 Lewis, ]Mr 457 Lew is, Frederick 817 Libl>y Prison, supplies sent to, by our Government; courteous reply of Ould.. 332 Lieber, Francis '. 434, 435 Lillie, Major 890 Lilly, steamer 808 Lincoln, Abraham, communication to 669 Lincoln, Abraham, communication of 5(54 Lincoln, vote for 1117, 1118 Lincoln, Mrs 915 Lind, Dr Ill Liudsav, Martin J., of Harrisonvillc, Missouri, statement of 1097 Litclihc'ld, Colonel 1068 Little, Henry C 1077 Little, Linus H., of Hampstcad, New Hampshire, statement of 1077 Little, Lieutenant L. W., of the Fourth Kentucky cavalry 1109 Lochmire, Henry 202 Logan, Brigadier General John L., communication of 644, 645 Logan, Brigadier General John L., connuuuication to 644, 645 Logan, Colonel 644 Lombard, Richard, testimony of 889 Long, JNIajor L. W 503, 650 Louis D'Or, steamboat * 1036 Louisiana, First regiment, native guard of 864 Louisiana, Tliird regiment 427 Louisiana ca vahy 1051 Louisiana Tigers 880 Louisiana, Htate Bank of 431, 433 Louisiana, United States charities in 300 Lowe, Francis 524 Lowe, Captain Francis 1001, 1003 Lowe's batterv 476 Lull, Henry C., testimony of 155, 820 Ludlow, Lieutenant Colonel W. H., communication of. ..448, 449, 450, 459, 462, 469, 470, 471, 485, 501, 635, 63(i, 638, 640, 643, 654 Ludlo\v, Lieutenant Colonel W. H.. communication to ...427,462,463,464,466,467,472 Ludh)w, Lieutenant Colonel W. H., letter of 425, 453 Ludlow, Lieutenant Colonel W. H., telegram of 436, 451, 452, 455, 634, 635 Ludlow, Lieut(!nant Colonel W. IL, telegram to 4.52 Ludlow and Ould, conference between 314 Lucroy, John , 1018,1020 Lumber, sui)ply of, at Andersonville 81 Lurk, Captain 1022 INDEX. 1181 Page. Lyman, Justus, of Grafton, Vermont, statement of 1080 Lynch, Bishop 8(0 Lynn, Captujn 9o.^> Lyon, Major Thomas T. A 098 M. Jlacon light artillery 808 Maddox, Frank, testimony of 149, 155 Maggots at Audersonville ...*.. 56 Magoire, James C 920 JNIahone's brigade 835 ISIahone's division of Hill's corps 851, 906 Mahoney, John 900 Maine cavalry, First regiment 955 Maine, Sixteenth regiment 833, 1073 Maine, Thirty-first regiment 1074 Maine, Thirty-second volunteer regiment 1073 Make,M.T 700 Maley, Patrick, of Metamora, Indiana, statement of 1 118 Mallory, S. K., communication to 565 Mallory, S. R., communication of 565 Maniac, the Andersouviile 51 Manning, Mr 242 Manning, George A., of Milford, Maine, statement of 1074 Manning, Lieutenant, of Second Massachusetts cavalry 896 Wanning, William ■ 885 Manning, Dr., of Maryland 875, 876 Mansfield, E. M. C, of Gaines, New York, statement of 1094 Maple Leaf, steamer 470, 550 March. Dr. M. M 207 Marine hospital prison. Savannah, Georgia, rations at the 217 IMarine hospital 960 iMarkbright, Lieutenant, of General AverilFs staft" 895 Marks, George 1056 Marlow, Allen 1018 IMarlow, George W lOlH Marmaduke and Shelby 10.57 Marrs, John 560 Marsh, Douglas W., of Vinton, Indiana, statement of 1116 Marsh, Salome, of Baltimore, Maryland, statement of 1066 Marsh, Private Henry C 577 Marshall, Dr. George, of Berdau's sharp-shooters 884 Marshall, Captain 240 IMarshall, James E., testimony of 153 Martin, James '. 940, 941 JMartin, Captain 902 INIarvin, Julius H., testimony of 823 " Mary," mother of Washington 6G9, 670 Maryland cavalry, First regiment 961 Maryland, Third battery 476 IMarvland volunteers, infantry. Company H, Ninth regiment 1030 j\I;!ssacre at Fort Pillow ". 237 Massaciiusetts heavy artillery, First regiment 905, 920, 922 IMassachusetts, Second heavy artillery regiment 196, 924, 1091 Massachusetts. Company H, First cavalry regiment 895, 900, 914 JMassaclmsctts, Second cavalry regiment 868, 870, 1074, 1139 Massachusetts, Third cavalry regiment 864, 865 Massachusetts cavalry. Fourth regiment 787, 840, 841, 844, 904, 931 Massachusetts infantry, First regiment 792, 856, 864 Massachusetts, Third regiment 908 Massachusetts, Company I, Fourth battalion 879 ]\Iassachusetts, Fifth regiment 857, 874, 924 ]\Iassacliusetts, Sixth regiment 881,895 ]\lassachusetts, Company A, Eighth regiment 819 Massachusetts, Ninth regiment 831, 903 Massachusetts volunteers, Tenth regiment 547 INlassachusetts, Eleventh regiment 859, 871, 903 Massachusetts, Company H, Twelfth regiment 525 Massachusetts, Fifteentli regiment 411, 838 1182 INDEX. Page. Massacbnsetts, Seventeentli regiment 5'21, 530 Massachusetts, Eighteenth roginieut 1149 Massachusetts, Nineteenth regiment 819, 850, 901, 908, 930 Massachusetts, Twenty-iirst regiment 848, 8(36 Massachusetts, Twenty-second regiment 870, 877, 903, 931 Massachusetts, Company F, Twenty-fourth regiment 884 Massachusetts, Company A, Twenty-tifth regiment 853 Massachusetts, Twenty-sixth regiment 872 Massacliusetts vohinteers, Twenty-seventh regiment 1080 Massacliusctts, Twenty-ninth regiment 844,879,909 Massachusetts, Tliirty-second regiment 924 Massachusetts, Thirty-fourth regiment 911 Massachusetts, Thirty-fifth regiment 915, 918, 935 Massachusetts, C!()ni])any A, Thirty-seventh regiment 898 Massachuset ts, Tliirty-eighth regiment , 905, 1072 Massacliusetts, Coniiiany C, Thiity-ninth regiment 803,874,890,892, 1072 Massachusetts, Fortietli volunteer regiment 1072 Massacliusetts, Forty-third regiment 928 Massachusetts, Fifty-first regiment, colored 951 ^Massachusetts, Fifty-fourth regimtain N. C 526 McLeod, Ileiiiy A 423 ^McLougliry, Captain Charles 635 McMasters, Lieutenant 976 INDEX. 1183 I'age. McMnllon, of tlic Seventh Indiana cavalry 1125 McMurty, James, testimony of 1045 McNainaia, Henry W., of iJowliug Green, Indiana, statement of 1110 JMeQuade, Dr., of Virginia 1013, 1015 ]Mc<.^ui(l(ly, H. C, of Gallatin, Tennessee, stat; ment of 1008 IMcIfae, Mr. D. G., of Fayetteville, North Carolina 288 McKae, D. G., conmmnieation of 384 ]M(!Sl)ay, Patrick, Hazletou, Pennsylvania, statement of 1145 McVey, Dr 120 Meade, Major General, commnnication to 468 Meade, General 473 Means, Captain 426 Median, David C, of West Dnshnry, Massachusetts, statement of 10G9 Medical oliicers, case of Dr. Rucker and 351 ftledicines, Andersonville 46, 08 Mellon, Major Samuel W., indorsement of 515 Melton, Major CD 1070 Melton, Sannu'l W., iudorsement of It-O Jlenimiuger, Major K. W., communication of 705 Mendenhall, John A., of Graham, Missouri, statement of lOi.19 ^Meredith, General, report of his interview -with Ould ; says Ould proposed to exchange, excepting otiicers in command of negro troops, which was refused. 322 Meredith, General S. A., communication to . .472, 470, 477, 491, 493, 495, 490, 498, 502, 503, 507, 529, 043, 650, 051 , 050, 057, GGO Meredith, Brigadier General S. A., communication of 473, 487, 48a, 491, 499, 501, 504, 505, 507, 048, 649, 050, 651 , 654, 055, 058 Mei'edith, General, reply of, to Ould 324 Meredith, Brigadier General 8. A., report of 478 Meredith, General, correspondence between liobert Ould and 654 Meredith, General, proposes terms of exchange 332 Meredith, Brigadier General, telegram to 481 Merritt, Charles, of 414 Water street, New York 1003 Merritt, J. W., of New York City, statement of 1089 Merillat, J. L. M 548 Message of President Davis 439 ^Michigan cavalry. Sixth regiment 401, 1147 Michigan sharpshooters. First regiment 1018 Michigan cavalry. Seventh regiment 1109 Michigan, Eighth regiment 950, 951 Michigan, Twenty-seventh regiment 909 Middleton, Arthur, communication of 628 Milier, Samuel, commnnication of .563 Miller, Thomas, of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, statement of 1152 Milligan, Surgeon Joseph ". 701, 702 Mills, saw anil grist, number of, near Andersonville ^4 Milward, Captain 411 Minnesota volunteers, Second regiment 1139 Minnesota volunteers. Ninth regiment 1 132, 11 33 Minnesota Indians 300 Minnesota, llag-ship 853, 975 Missouri, First light artillery regiment 1051 ]\Iissouri, eavaliy regiments^ First, Second, Third, Fifth, Sixth 470 ^Missouri, First regiment. Confederate States America 1047 Missouri cavalry, Fourth regiment 1032, 1039 Missouri cavalry. Company C, Seventh regiment 1057 Missouri, Thirteenth mounted inlantry 1051 Missouri, Fourteenth cavalry regiment 1044 Missouri, Sixth infantry regiment 1061 Missouri, Thirteenth regiment 635 Missouri, Twenty-third regiment, Company G 1053 Missouri, Thirty-lirst infan try volunteers 1045, 1064 Mississippi, heavy artillery, I'irst regiment 1149 Mississippi, Fifth regiment 678 Mississippi regiments. Thirty-fifth and Fortieth 476 Mississippi, Forty-sixth regiment 489 Mississippi, State authorities of 1047 Mitchell, William M., testimouv of 978 Mitchell, Nelson, esq ". 687 Mittelstadt, William, testimony of 935 1184 INDEX. Page. Moliueaiix, Major W. M 580 Moncie, Patrick, of New Haven, Connecticut, statement of 1083 Monroe, Private Hugh 577 Montfort, J. W 652 Montgomery, Captain 170 Montgomery, Captain, of Texas 1051 Mooney, .Sergeant Joseph 991 Moore, Anson, of Troy, New York, statement of 1087 Moore, William H. H 1111 Moore, 8. B., indorsement of 7;];{ Moore, Major General N. J. T., communication to 716 Moore, W 641 Moore, .Surgeon General S., indorsement of 727 Moore, C. II. A., case of 58 Moore, Richard, testimony of 903 Moore, James G., of Davenport, Iowa, statement of 1111 Moore, Lieutenant A 1068 Moore, Wilson G. H., of Tarrytown, New York, statement of 1088 Moore, S.l) 140 Moore, S. P., Surgeon General Confederate States America, letter of 1027 Moore, .Surgeon General 8. P., communication of 94 Moran, Mr 953, 954, 955 Moran, Frank E., statement of 1089 Moreno, Cai)tain 128 Morehead, Thomas 1051 Morlit, Ca])taiu C, reports the names of United States prisoners having more than $500 when captured 668 Mortit, C, assistant (juartermaster, relative to the sale of greenbacks 693 Morgans, Morgan, testimony of 934 Morgan, Colonel, of the .Seventy-iifth Ohio 955,956 Morning Light, steamship 648, 649 Morrison, J. H., of Manterville, Minnesota, statement of 1132 Morse, George W., testimony of 796 Morse, Amherst, testimony of 831 Mortality at Andersouville 52, 68 Mortality in July at Anderson v illc 56 Mortality, terrible, July and August 1864, at Andersonville 74 Mortality, eoin|)arative statement of 228 Mortality, subse(pient suffering and 243 Mortality, statistics of 227 Mortuary statistics 229 Moss, lie\ . Lemuel • 263 Mott, Dr. Valentine 263 Mounted rilies. Second New York regiment 573 Mudd, Dr 120 Jludd, Assistant Surgeon 1089 ]\lullbrd. Major John E., communication of .- 504 MuUord, Major John E., communicaiiou to 518, ,552, 553, 556, 559, 560, ,568, 569, 697 JMullin, Sergeant 635 Mnmiord, \V. B 300, 428 Mumford, execution of, in New Orleans 427 Munday , .John W., of Laporte, Indiana, statement of 1121 Murdeii, Captain 566 Murder, incidents of. at Andersonville .56 Murfreesboro prisoners 450 Myers, Colonel A. C 436 Myers, Edward B., of Providence, Rhode Island, statement of 1076 Myers, Michael ' 885 Myrick, Roljcrt H., of Crawfordsville, Indiana, statement of 11 17 N.^ Nash, Mr 954 Naval ])risoners, exchange of 3(il Naval School hospital, Maryland 1092 Nave, Hugh 1018 Nayler, Captain, of Arkansas 1064 Neall, private Harry 646 Negotiat ions, further 295 Negro troops and tlieir officers, treatment of 284 INDEX 1185 Page. Negroes taken in arms 718, 719, 720, 721 , 722, 723 Negroes, assisted by 63 Nelson, William 522, 527 Nesselrode, commuuication of , G69 Newcomi), Joseph A., testimony of 85(5 New Hampshire cavalry, First regiment 169, 573, 793, 798, 827, 880 New Hampsliire, First regiment 809 New Hampshire, Third regiment 589, 826 New Hampshire veteran volunteers, Fourth regiment 837, 1078 New Hampshire, Company D, Fifth regiment 838 New Hampshire, Eighth regiment 809, 1085 New Hampshire, Ninth regiment 887 New Hampshire, Sixteenth regiment 861, 862 New Hampshire, Eleventh regiment 801, 1077 New Hampshire, Company I, Twelfth regiment 867 New Hampshire, Fourteenth regiment 913 New Jersey, First cavalry 470 New Jersey, Company K, Tenth regiment 978 New York artillery, Second regiment 1088 New York artillery, Seventh regiment 1088, 1091 New York artilleiy. Eighth regiment 1094 New York, Fourteenth heavy artillery regiment 845 New York artillery, Fourteenth regiment 1091 New York artillery. Twenty-fourth regiment 1089 New York, First regiment cavalry 10'36 New Yoi'k cavalry, Company D, Second regiment 1023 New York cavalry. Fourth regiment 961 New York cavalry, Fifth regiment 1093 New York, company C, Fifth cavaliy 523 New York cavalry. Sixth regiment 1101 New York cavalry, Twelfth regiment : 521 , 530, 1 088 New York cavalry. Fourteenth regi ment 1073 New York cavalry. Twenty-second regiment 1110, 1138 New York volunteers. Thirteenth regiment 1021 New York volunteers, Thirty-ninth regiment 1113 New York, Forty-second regiment 1004 New York, Forty-fifth regiment 959 New York volunteers, Forty-sixth regiment 1093 New York volunteers. Forty-seventh regiment 1021 New York, Company D, Forty-eighth regiment 971 New York, Fifty-third regiment 1129 New York, Company C, Seventy-second regiment, (Excelsior brigade) 943 New York volunteers. Seventy-third regiment lOb'9 New York, Seventy-fourth regiment 938 New York, Eighty-second regiment 600 New York, Eighty-lifth regiment .■ 68 New York, Company H Eighty-fifth regiment 1003 Now York volunteers, Eighty-fiith regiment 1087 New York, Ninety-fourth regiment 523 New York volunteers. One hundred and seventh regiment 1092 New York volunteers, One hundred and twenty-fifth regiment 1087 New York, One hundred and fortieth regiment 821 New York, One hundred and forty-fourth regiment . . . 867 New York, One hundred and forty-sixth regiment 820 Now York, One hundred and sixtieth regiment 580 New York, One hundred and sixty-fifth regiment 577 New York rifles, Second regiment 1094 New York, Second regiment, mounted rifles 573 New York battery. Twenty-fourth 823 New York, Eighty-fifth, independent battery 198 New York City, hospital ship 1078 New York Times, communication to 687 Newspaper correspondents, imprisonment of - 316 New Orleans, history of affairs at 300 Nichols, A 526 Nichols, Daniel F., of Fort Washington, Pennsylvania, statement of 1149 Nipsic, gunboat 527 Noble, Corporal, army 991 Norfolk, capture of.." .,,...... 295 H. Eep. 45 75 1186 INDEX. Pago. Nortli America Life Insurance Company, secretary of 1089 North Carolina, Twelfth regiment ". 1011 North Carolina, Thirty-eighth regiment 563 North Carolina, Forty-second regiment 797 Norrot, Mr GOU Norrot, S GOl, 002 Northcott, Lieutenant Colonel Eobert S., of Clarksljurg, West Virginia, state- ment of 1103 Northcott, Colonel K. S 1105 Northrup, L. B 712, 725 Northrup, L. 15., communication of 727, 728 Northrop, L. B., indorsement of 730 Nutting, Moses L., testimony of 838 O. Oalcman, Winslow S., testimony of 923 Oaths and paroles 345 O'Brien, Mr 581 O'C'onuer, John, testimony of 931 Oglethorpe, Camp, at Macon, Georgia 162 Ohio cavalry, First regiment 1097 Ohio, Second infantry I'egiment G29, 630, 632 Ohio, Third regiment 482, 496, 546, 656 Ohio, Fourth regiment 523 Ohio, Thirteenth regiment, Company A .'325 Ohio, Sixteenth regiment 635 Ohio volunteers. Eighteenth regiment 1097 Ohio, Company D, Sixty-tifth regiment 525 Ohio volunteer infantry. Seventy-second regiment 1113 Ohio, Seventy-first regiment 1040 Ohio, Seventy -fil^-h regiment 787, 996, 1099, 1137 Ohio, Seventy-seventh regiment 1058 Ohio volunteers. Seventy-eighth regiment 1098 Ohio veteran volunteers, Seventy-eighth regiment 11 10 Ohio, Ninety-eighth regiment 599 Ohio volunteers, Ninety-tifth regiment 1113 Ohio, One hundredth regiment 525 Ohio prisoners, petition of, at Anderson ville 356 Ohio soldiers, petition of, to Governor Brough 551 Old Bedford. 1113 OH ver, James G., of Turkey Creek, Kansas, statement of 1 130 O'Meara, Captain Timothy 621 Opinions of rebel citizens 287 Orcutt, Samuel, of Erie, Illinois, statement of 1138 Order, General, No. II, headcpiarters military jiost at Kuoxville, convening court-martial for trial of M. J. Ilinton and other prisoners 885 Orders issued and letters written by the rebel secretary of war, in relation to Union prisoners 731 Orders, General, No. 100 322 Orr, Chester, testimony of 862 Osborne. AVilliam II., testimony of 879 Owen, Major W.N.. 573 Owensly, Mr 1018 Ovens, the 60 Over, Jacob Z., of Bedford, Pennsylvania, statement of 1 156 Onld's conduct, criticism on ; rerxucsts interview with General Meredith 322 Ould, secret management of 324 Ould, malignity of 332 Ouhl, caution of 345 Ould still refuses to recognize Butler; communicates with General Hitchcock ; evidence of his temper at this time 345 Ould makes another declaration of exchange on June 9, 1864 ; another on June 30 350 Ould declares all rebel prisoners delivered at City Point up to 20th April, 1864, exchanged ; balances at the time 350 Onld communicates with Butler ; Butler's report of the conference 350 Ould, irregularities by ; their repetition 350 Ould's report to his government 350 Ould, Mr., on the Yankee villauies 356 INDEX. 1187 Page. Onld proposes sending supplies to prisoners 361 Onld's directions disregarded 369 Oiild, disposition of 374 Ould, responsibility of 374 Ouid, Hon. Eobert, report to 479 Ould, Eobert, letter of 453, 1078 Ould, Robert, correspondence between General Meredith and 654 Ould, Robert, communication of . . .278, 425, 427, 449, 464, 465, 467, 472, 474, 476, 484, 488, 489, 490, 491, 495, 496, 498, 502, 503, 505, 518, 519, 529, 530, 534, 543, 544, 552, 553, 556, 558, 560, 568, 572, 573, .574, .593, 633, 638, 647, 648, 649, 650, 656, 657, 660, 668, 674, ()97, 702. 889 Ould, Robert, communication to.. . 448, 460, 462, 463, 469, 471, 473, 485, 491, 499, 501, 504, 506, 512, 517, 518, 521, 522, 523, 524, 525, 526, 527, 528, 530, 531, 532, 545, 546, 547, 550, 5.56, 561, 562, 563, 567, 571, 573, 592, 594, 643, 648, 649, 654, 655, 658, 690, 692, 693 P. Pack, Samnel 438 Packard, Mr 902 Paine, Mr., motion of 3 Palmer, Private R. A 411 Palfrey, General 857 Palmer, Abraham J., testimony of 970 Palmer, Abraham J., statement of deaths of Union soldiers in the prison hos- pitals of Richmond, 1864 974 Palmer's tobacco factory 1023 Panmure, Lord 261 Parker, Lieutenant E. Charles 523 Parker, Lieutenant 1085 Parker, Edward, of the First Vermont cavalry 902 Parker, C. W., of Bolton, Massachusetts, statement of 1070 Parker, John L., testimony of 903 Parole, balances of 350 Parole, Camp, Annapolis, Maryland 938 Paroled rebel officers seize a steamer 356 Paroled prisoners at Vicksburg recaptured 324 Paroles at Port Hudson 324 Paroles, improper claim of rebel commissioner ; General Hitchcock's communi- cation ; laws of war ; Davis's proclamation causes the interruption of ex- changes ; negotiations of 3,32 Paroles, tabular statement of the number of valid federal 492 Parsons, First Lieutenant John E., communication of 486 Parthenia, steamer 629 Pasque, John, testimony of ! 157 Pasco, Major, of the Sixteenth Connecticut 1007, 1086 Patten, James D., of Logansport, Indiana, statement of ". 1117 Patton, William J., of Little Rock, Arkansas, statement of = 1068 Patterson, Dr 920 Patterson, Assistant Surgeon 1089 Patterson, Amly 1022 Patterson, Colonel 1094 Pavey, Lieutenant, of the Eighth Illinois regiment 895 Payne, Stephen E., of Mattoon, Illinois, statement of 1140 Pearson, Abel A 1018 Pearson, John, of Mankato, Minnesota, statement of. 1131 Pearson, Lieutenant, testimony of 76 Pearson, Sei'geant Kendal ... 68 Peck, General, and Pickett 345 Pecke, Henry D., of Rush Run, Ohio, statement of 1110 Peebles, William M., testimony of 159 Pelot, J. Crews, Assistant Surgeon, oflQcial report of 145 Pelot, J. Crews 2.59 Pemberton prison, the 166 Pemberton prison, allowance of fuel at the 205 Pemberton prison, at Richmond, Virginia 168 Pemberton warehouse 1095 Pennsylvania volunteers, Third regiment heavy artillery 1095 Pennsylvania cavalry, Fourth regiment 1100 Pennsylvania cavalry. Seventh regiment 1133 Pennsylvania cavalry. Fourteenth regiment 1154 Pennsylvania cavalry. Eighteenth regiment 1150 1188 INDEX. Page. Pennsylvania, Sixth rcgimout 1088 Pennsylvania, Twenty-fifth regiment 95G Pennsylvania, Twenty-eig.jth regiment 1145 Pennsylvania volunteers, Forty-fifth regiment 1152 Pennsylvania volunteers. Forty-sixth regiment 1141 Pennsylvania, Forty-eighth regiment, chaplain of 880 Pennsylvania, Fifty-fourth regiment 1143, 1145, 1148 Pennsylvania, Seventy-seventh regiment 565 Pennsylvania, Eighty-third regiment 1144 Pennsylvania, Ninety-fifth regiment 694 Pennsylvania, One hundred and first regiment 1156 Pennsylvania, One hundred and third regiment 1006, 1142 Pennsylvania, One hundred and fourth regiment 587 Pennsylvania, One hundred and fifth regiment 1143 Pennsylvania volunteers, One hundred and ninth regiment 1146 Pennsylvania, One hundred and eleventh regiment 1144 Pennsylvania, One hundred and twelfth regiment 1 153 Pennsylvania volunteers, One hundred and twenty-first regiment 1149 Pennsylvania, One hundred and forty-fifth regiment 1152 Pennsylvania, One hundred and fifty-fourth regiment 1156 Pennsylvania volunteers, Two hundred and eleventh regiment 1142 Pennsylvania reserves. Seventh regiment 985 Pennsylvania reserves, Ninth regiment 1147 Pennsylvania reserves, Company A, Thirteenth regiment 1011 Pennsylvania rifles. First regiment 1146 Perkins, Edward S., of Asylum post office, Pennsylvania, statement of 1141 Pernsepet, A 414 Perryman, Dr 120 Peters, William J 448 Petition of the citizens of Danville 671 , 672 Petition in behalf of the Ohio soldiers held as prisoners of war at Audersonville, Georgia, to Governor Brough 551 Pettitt, Thomas 545 Phelau, James, of Aherdeen, Mississippi 288 Phelan, James, communication of 383 Phelps, J. J., of New Berlin, New York, statement of 1092 Phillips, John W 1010 Phinter, Mrs. Mary E., of Baltimore 673 Pickens, Colonel 1002 Pickett's command 867 Piedmont, Virginia, hattle of 911 Pierrepont, Hon. Edwards * 618 Pierce, Surgeon H. L 1067 Pierce, Captain 954 Pierce, Lieutenant 1085 Piggott, Mrs 448-450 Pike, Albert 462 Pile, Mr., motion of 3 Pile, Mr 1043, 1044, 1045, 1047, 1050, 1053, 1055, 1056, 1057, 1058, 1061, 1063, 1064 Pillow, massacre at Fort 237 Pillow, Brigadier General Gideon J., communication of 716 Pillait, Dr., of Florida 1013,1015,1017 Pilott, Dr 49 Pilsbury^ testimony of 810 Pitney," Ira 1135 Pittenger, William, of Minerva, Ohio 886 Palfrey, Lieutenant Colonel Ed. A 713 Plowden, Walter D., (colored, ) testimony of 1021 Plymouth prisoners at Audersonville . . ." 36 Pointer, Lieutenant, aide-de-camp on General Wheeler's staff 1138 Polk, Lieutenant General L., communication of 678 Pollard, Edward A 706 Pollard, Mr 694 Pope, Thomas, of Quincy, Illinois, statement of 1 135 Porter, David M., of Roland, Illinois, statement of 1133 Potter, Lieutenant , 883 Potter, Captain 242 Potter, General Edward 480 Powell, Colonel 487 INDEX. 1189 Page. Powell, Colonel, of West Virginia 113G Powell, Joseph, testimony of 999, 1002 Powell, Mr 1002 Powers, Frank, communication of 645 Pratt, John G 582 Presidential election 356 Preston, Major G. A 566 Preston, Lieutenant Archibald 950, 951 Preston, Colonel J. S 480 Preston, Colonel 532 Price, Edward, clerk of circuit court of Sullivan, Indiana 1157 Prince, Brigadier General Henry, letter of 978 Prisoners, treatment of, by savage nations 8 Prisoners, law of nations governing the treatment of 11 Prisoners, power over, after capture or surrender 15 Prisoners, power over the liberty of 17 Prisoners, treatment of, at time of capture 23 Prisoners in the hospital, the condition of, at Andersouville 114 Prisoners in the hospitals, rations of, at Andersouville 116 Prisoners in the stockade, condition of, at Andersouville 120 Prisoners of war, equality of colored troops and their officers as 345 Prisoners of war, Ould refuses to exchange colored troops and their officers, or treat them as 322 Prisoners of war, surgeons not to be held as, violated by rebels in case of Dr. Rucker 345 Prisoners of war, report, 1801, 1862 289 Prisoners of war, report, 1801 287 Prisoners of war, report, 1863 292 Prisoners, exchange of, important statement by Major General Hitchcock; why the exchange was stopped; rebel subterfuges and quibbling; the dis- position made of colored soldiers and their white officers 661 Prisoners, cartel for the exchange of captured, from the command of Major General Banks, United States Army, and Major General E. Taylor, Confede- rate States army 580 Prisoners, Union, orders and letters written by the rebel secretary of war in relation to 731 Prisoners, consolidated statement of, from November 1, 1863, to January 1, 1865 707 Prisoners, treatment of, their rations, hospital and sanitary regulations 723 Prisoners discharged at the North after taking the oath ; Ould on the subject; orders them to duty 356 Prisoners exchanged, rebel commissioner declares the Vicksburg. Secret of this 324 Prisoners, thirty-five thousand 73 Prisoners, removal of. South 374 Prisoners, rebel, dread being sent South 324 Prisoners, changes necessary to secure the health of, at Andersonville 91 Prisoners, condition of, generally knowu in the South 83 Prisoners, possibility of shelter for the Andersonville 77 Prisoners, moral condition of 60 Prisoners, negro, at Andersonville 72 Prisoners, increase of, at Andersonville .56 Prisoners in irons, release of 361 Prisoners set to work by the rebels 361 Prisoners in the Southwest 369 Prisoners, chronological index of papers relating to 005, 006, 607, 608, 609, 610 Prisoners, notice relative to exchange of 638 Prisoners, shooting of 151 Prisoners, statements of 1065 Prisoners, horrible condition of the, at Andersonville 08 Prisoners, treatment of sick and wounded 221 Prisoners, our Government proposes general exchange of all 345 Prisoners' rations, statement of, called for 332 Prisoners in hands of rebels, efforts of United States Government to relieve. . . 345 Prisoners, balauce of, against us 314 Prison, marine hospital, at Savaunah, Georgia, rations at 217 Prisoners, the patriotism of 251 Prisoners, condition of 369 Prisoners, supplies for Richmond 281 1190 INDEX. Page. Prisoners, the iniu'der of 235 Prisons, list of 27 Prisou-iiouso, horrors of the, at Andersouville 37 Prisoners, condition of, at Audcrsonville 56 Prison life, reflections on 58 Prison, crowded condition of the, at Andersouville 68 Prison, injunction to restrain, &c., at the Audcrsonville 78 Prison, by whom located, Andersouville 77 Prison, responsibility for the overcrowding, &c., of the Andersouville 78 Prison, location of the Andersouville 78 Prison, sketch of the Andersouville 119 Prison, Andersouville, consolidated report of the 145 Prison, location and plan of the Salisbvuy 178 Prison rules and discipline, their results '201 Prison, sanitary condition of 218 Prisons, diseases in rebel 220 Prison life, mental and moral effect of rebel 223 Prisons, crowded condition of 225 Prisous and prisoners, comparison between Union aud rebel 227 Prison hospitals, report of inspections of 594 Prisons, coudition of 723 Prison at Cahaba, Alabama 725 Prison hospital at Richmond 973 Privateers 289 Proclamation of Jefferson Davis 428 Proctor, Major 603, 604, 726 Profilet, Surgeon L. E 69H, 1095 Provisions, supply of, in Georgia in 1864 81 Pruitt, Morris 1120 Pugh, John W 526 Punishments, au enumeration of 202 Putnam, John G. P., testimony of 826 Q. Quartermaster's department at Richmond, tabular statement of army supplies for ' 435 Quarters, prison, at Salisbury 179 Quidnick, Rhode Island 1077 Quilp, Mr.. 960 Quimby, Horace B., testimony of 887 Quimby, Lieutenant, of the Niuth New Hampshire regiment 897 R. Rackersville Hospital 915 Raiders, Andersouville 60 Rain, twenty-one days of 63 Randolph, Hon. George W., communications of 403, 431, 620, 624, 673 Randolpli, Hou. George W., communication to 433, 621, 624, 625 Randolph, Lieuteuant 264 Randolph, H. P 414 Ransom, Frederick E., testimony of 808 Ransom, Captain D. R., captain Third United States Artillery 808 Ransom, the custom of 19 Rations, distribution of, at Andersouville 35 Rations, description of the AudersouA'ille 44 Rations, organization for, at Anderson ville 54 Rations at Andersouville 55 Rations, issue of 60 Rations, decrease of 63 Rations, their issue of 213 Rations, their quality, quajitity, and kind of 214 Raw ratious at Andersouville 44 Rawlstou, Colonel, Twenty-fifth New York cavalry 1094 Read, John, testimony of 926 Read, Lieutenant 691 Reade, John, testimony of 934 Rebel authorities, deception of 316 Rebel authorities, evidence of the responsibility of the 374 INDEX. 1191 Page. Eebel barl)arity 662 Rebel barbarities 289 Rebel prisoners, condition of, in our hands 332, 345 Rebel surgeons 350 Rebels, revolting conduct of the 339 Rebels refuse to receive any more supplies for our starving men 332 Rebel government, responsibility of the 254 Rebel commissioner refuses further special exchanges, ignores Butler, and says he cannot treat with him 345 Rebellion, the pretenses of the — was it justifiable ? 2J5 Recaptures and escapes 232 Recognition, attempts at 289, 292 Reed, Captain 83 Reed, George F., of Chelsea, Vermont, statement of 1079 Reed's Georgia brigade 805 Reese, Lieutenant 186 Reeve, Lieutenant Colonel I. V. D., communication of 381, 382 Reeves, Dr 49,120 Regiment, Sixteenth Maine 1073 Regiment, Sixteenth Maine, Company F 833 Regiment, Thirty-first Maine 1074 Regiment, Thirty-second Maine 1073 Regiment, First New Hampshire 809 Regiment, Second New Hampshire, Company B 861 Regiment, Third New Hanijishiie 589 Regiment, Third New Huuipsliire, Company A 826 Regiment, Fourth New Hampshire, veteran vohmteers 1078 Regiment, Fourth New Hampshire, Company E 837 Regiment, Fifth New Hampshire, Companj^ D 838 Regiment, Eiglith New Hampshire 1085 Regiment, Ninth New Hampshire 887 Regiment, Eleventh New Hampshire 801, 1077 Regiment, Twelfth New Hampshire, Company I 867 Regiment, Fourteenth New Hampshire 913 Regiment, Sixteenth New Hampshire 861, 862 Regiment, First New Hampshire cavalry 827, 880 Regiment, First Vermont heavy artillery 831 Regiment, First Vermont cavafry 803, 814, 862 Regiment, First Vermont, volunteers 1079 Regiment, Second Vermont : 1079 Regiment, Third Vermont, Company B 835 Regiment, Fourth Vermont, Company G 819 Regiment, Fourth Vermont, Company H 839 Regiment, Fifth Vermont, Company C 823 Regiment, Sixth Vermont, volunteers 1079 Regiment, Sixth Vermont, Company D 847 Regiment, First Massachusetts heavy artillery. Company F 920 Regiment, First Massachusetts heavy artillery. Company 1 922 Regiment, First Massachusetts heavy artillery 905 Regiment, Second Massachusetts heavy artillery 924, 1091 Regiment, First Massachusetts cavalry. Company I 914 Regiment, Second cavalry, Massachusetts 868, 870 Regiment, Second Massachusetts cavalry 1074 Regiment, Third Massachusetts cavalry 864, 865 Regiment, First Massachusetts 792 Regiment, First Massachusetts, Company G 856 Regiment, First Massachusetts, Company B 864 Regiment, Third Massachusetts 908 Regiment, Fourth Massachusetts, Company B 840, 841, 844 Regiment, Fifth Massachusetts, Company E 874 Regiment, Fifth Massachusetts 857, 924 Regiment, Sixth Massachusetts 881, 895 Regiment, Eighth Massachusetts, Company A 819 Regiment, Ninth ]\lassachusetts 881, 903 Regiment, Tenth Massachusetts 547 Regiment, Eleventh iSIassachusetts, Company H 859, 871, 903 Regiment, Twelfth Massachusetts, Company H 525 Regiment, Fifteenth Massachusetts 838 Regiment, Seventeenth Massachusetts 521, 530 1192 INDEX. Page. Regiment, Nineteenth Massachusetts 819, 850, 901, 908, 930 Regiment, Twenty-lirst Massachusetts, Company B - 8GG Regiment, Twenty-tirst Massachusetts, Company C 848 Regiment, Twenty-second Massachusetts, Company D 870 Regiment, Twenty-second Massachusetts 877, 903, 931 Regimcmt, Twenty-fourth Massachusetts, Comi>any F 884 Regiment, Tweuty-fifth JMassachusetts, Company A 853 Regiment, Twenty-sixth ^lassachusetts 872 Regiment, Twenty-seventh Massachusetts, volunteers 1080 Regiment, Twenty-ninth Massachusetts 844, 909 Regiment, Twenty-ninth Massachusetts, Company C 879 Regiment, Thirty-second ^Massachusetts 924 Regiment, Tliirty-fourtli Massachusetts 911 Regiment, Thirty-fiftli Massachusetts, Company I 918 Regiment, Thirty-liftli Massachusetts, Company K 915 Regiment, Tliirty-fifth Massachusetts 935 Regiment, Thirtv-seventli Massachusetts, Company A 898 Regiment, Thirty-eighth Massachusetts 1 905, 1072 Regiment, Tliirty-ninth xMassachnsctts, Company C 874 Regiment, Thirty-ninth Massachusetts, Company G 890 Regiment, Thirty-ninth Massachusetts, Company I 892 Regiment, Thirtj'-nintli Massachusetts, Company K 813, 890 Regiment, Thirty-nintli ^lassacliusetts 1072 Regiment, Fortietli Massachusetts 1072 Regiment, Forty-tliird ]Massaciiusetts 928 Regiment, Fifty-first Massachusetts, colored 951 Regiment, Fifty-fourth ilassachnsetts, colored 872 Regiments, Fifty -fourth and Fifty-fifth Massachusetts 906 Regiment, Fifty-sixth Massachusetts, Company F 792 Regiment, Fifty-seventh Massachusetts, Company A 934 Regiment, Fifty-eighth Massacliusetts 928 Regiment, Fifty-ninth Massachusetts 871, 891 Regiment, First Rhode Island cavalry 1076 Regiment, First Rhode Island cavalry. Company I 806 Regiment, First Rhode Island, volunteers 107G, 1077 Regiment, Fourth Rhode Island, voluuteers 846, 1108 Regiment, Sixth Connecticut 1061 Regiment, Seventh Connecticut, voluuteers 1108 Regiment, Eleventh Connecticut 793 Regi ment, Twelfth Connecticut, Company C 577 Regiment, Twelfth Connecticut 1083 Regiment, Thirteenth Connecticut 1083, 1084 Regiment, Fourteenth Connecticut, Companv F 526 . Regiment, Sixteenth Connecticut ' 811, 813, 1061, 1083, 1084 Regiment, S(!venteenth Connecticut, volunteers 587,1081 Regiment, Eighteenth Connecticut 1082 Regiment, Seventh New York artillery 1091 Regiment, Eighth New York artillery 1094 Regiment, Fourteeuth New York heavy artillery 845, 1091 Regiment, Twenty-fourth New York artillery 1089 Regiment, Fifth New York cavalry, Company C 523 Regiment, Sixth New York cavalry ." 1101 Regiment, Seventh New York cavalry 1088 Regiment, Twelfth New York cavalry 521, 5:;0 Regiment, Twenty-second New York cavalry 1110 Regiment, Second New York, Company I) . ". 1023 Regiment, Thirteenth New York " 1021 Regiment, Thirty-ninth New York, volnnteers 1113 Regiment, Forty-second New York 1004 Regiment, Forty-fifth New York 959 Regiment, Forty-sixth New Yorlc, volunteers 1093 Regiment, Forty-seventh New Y(u-k, volnnteers 1021 Regiment. Forty-eighth New York, Comjiany D 971 Regiment, Seventy-second New York, (Excelsior brigade,) Company C - 943 Regiment, Seventy-third New York 1089 Regiment, Seventy-fourth New York 938 Regiment, Eighty-second New York 600 Regiment, Eight v-fifth New York, Companv H 1003 Regiment, Eighty- fifth New York ' 1087 INDEX. 1193 Page. Rcgiruent, Ninety-fourth New York 523 Regimeut, One laundrecl and seventli New York, volunteers 1092 Eeginieut, One hundred and twenty-lifth New York 1037 Regiment, Oue hundred and fortieth New York 8"21 -Regiment, One hundred and forty-fourth New York 967 Regiment, One hundred and forty-sixth Ne.w York 820 Regiment, One hundred and sixtieth New York 5:^0 Regiment, One hundred and sixty-hfth New York 577 Regiment, Tammany, New York (521 Regiment, Hecoud New York, rifles 10U4 Regimeut, Tentli New Jersey, Company K 97S Regiment, Third, lieavy artillery, Pennsylvania volunteers 1035 Regiment, Fourth Pennsylvania cavalry 1100 Regiment, Sixth Pennsylvania 1033 Regiment, Twenty-fifth Pennsylvania 956 Regiment, Seventy-seventh Pennsylvania 525 Regiment, Niuety-tifth Pennsylvania 694 Regiment, Oue hundred aud third Pennsylvania 1006 Regimeut, One hundred and fourth Pennsylvania 587 Regiment, Seventh Pennsylvania, reserves 935 Regiment, Thirteenth Pennsylvania, reserves, Company A 1011 Regiment, Third Delaware 573 Regimeut, First Maryland, cavalry 961 Regiment, Fourth Virginia 438 Regiment, Eighteenth Virginia 1078 Regiment, Twenty-fifth Virginia, Company H 573 Regiment, Fifty-ninth Virginia, Company F 563 Regiment, Sixth Virginia eavaky 1023 Regimeut, Twelfth Virginia cavalry 814 Regiment, Tliird West Virginia cavalry 1106 Regiment, Fifth West Virginia cavalry 1097 Regiment, Sixth West Virgiuia cavalry 1107 Regiment, Twelfth West Virginia infantry, volunteers 1103 Regimeut, T welftli North Carolina 101 1 Regiment, Tliirty-eighth North Carolina 563 Regiment, Forty-second North Carolina 797 Regiment, Sixty-ninth South Carolina 796 Regimeut, Second Georgia militia 1014 Regiments, Georgia, Second, Tliird, aud Fourth 1016 Regiment, Fifth Georgia 791, 812, 1070 Regiment, Twelfth Georgia 481 Regiments, Georgia, Thirty-fourth, Thirty-sixth, Thirty-nintli, Fortieth, For- ty-first, Forty-second, Fortj^-third, Fifty-second, Fifty-sixth, and Fifty- seventh 476 Regiment, Fifty-fifth Georgia 602, 682 Regiuieuts, Fifty-fifth and Fifty-seventh Georgia _ 679 Regiment, Eighth Florida - 831 Regiment, Seventh Alabama cavalry 545 Regiment, Fourteenth Alabama 870 Regiments, Twentieth, Twenty-third, Thirtieth, Thirty-first, aud Forty-sixth Alabama , 476 Regimeut, Twenty-sixth Alahama 679 Regiments, Thirty-seventh, Fortieth, aud Fort j--secoud Alabama 476 Regiment, Forty-fourth Alabama 1053 Regiment, Fifth Wississijipi 678 Regimeuts, Tljirty-nfth and Fortieth Mississippi 476 Regiment, Forty-sixth Mississippi 489 Regiment, First Louisiana Native Guard 864 Regiment, Third Louisiana 427 Regiment, First Texas, Company E 560 Regiment, Second Texas 490 Regiment, First Ohio 1097 Regiment, Second Ohio 629, 630, 632 Regiment, Third Ohio 496, 432, 546, 656 Regiment, Fourth Ohio 523 Regiment, Thirteentli Ohio, Company A 525 Regiment, Sixteenth Ohio '. 635 Regiment, Eighteenth Ohio volunteers 1097 Regiment, Sixty-fifth Ohio, Company D 525 1194 INDEX. Page. Regiment, Seventy-first Ohio 1040 Eegimeut, Soventy-iiftli Ohio 787, <)i)6, 1099, 1137 Regiment, Seveuty-sevcuth Ohio i0.j8 Regiment, Seventy-eighth veteran Ohio volunteers 1098, 1110 Regiment, Ninety-fiftli Ohio volunteers 1 IIIJ Regiment, Ninety-eighth Ohio f>99 Regiment, One hundredth Ohio 525 Regiment, Seventh Indiana 1113 Regiment, Twelfth Indiana 1040 Regiment, Twenty-sixth Indiana 1050, 1051, 1055, 1058, 1059 Regiment, Twenty-eighth Indiana 983 Regiments, T'hirtieth and Thirty-first 1 udiaua 1041 Regiments, Thirty-sixth and Ninth Indiana 527 Regiment, Tliirty-niuth Indiana 6'2\) Regiment, Fifty-first Indiana 470 Regiments, Fifty first and Seventj'-tJiird Indiana 48'i Regiment, Sixty-fourth Indiana - lOiO Regiment, Sixty-sixth Indiana .' 464 Regiment. Seventy-first Indiana (jIJo Regiment, Seventy-first Indiana, Company M 523 Regiment, Seventy-fifth Indiana 490, (mG Regiment, Ninety-third Indiana volunteers .1039 Regiment, One hundredth Indiana 1040 Regiment, Seventh Illinois eavalry 1049 Regiment, Fourteenth Illinois cavalry 1043 Regiment, Eighth Illinois infantry 1047 Regiment, Tenth Illinois 785 Regiment, Eleventh Illinois, Company E 808 Regiment, Thirteenth Illinois infantry volunteers 1094 Regiment, Twenty-fourth Illinois 1043 Regiment, Thirty-fourth Illinois 973 Regiment, Fifty-first Illinois 527 Regiment, Eightieth Illinois 4G4, 483 Regiment, Ninety-lirst Illinois 482, (VS Regiment, One hundred and thirtieth Illinois 1037, 10.58 Regiment, Eighth Michigan 9.';0, 951 Regiment, Twenty-seventh Michigan 909 Regiment, First Missouri light artillery 1051 Regiments, First, Second, Third, Fifth, and Sixth Missouri cavahy 47G Regiment, Fourth Missouri cavalry 1039 Regiment, Fourth Missouri cavalry. Company H 1032 Regiment, Seventh Missouri cavalry. Company C 10.j7 Regiment, Fourteenth Missouri cavalry 1044 Regiment, First Missouri, Confederate States army 1047 Regiment, Sixth Missouri lOiil Regiment, Thirteenth Missouri G35 Regiment, Twenty-third Missouri, Company G 10.')3 Regiment, Thirty-first Missouri 10(54 Regiment, Fourth Iowa cavalry 1112 Regimen t, Fourth Iowa .527 Regiment, Company F, Fourth Iowa 994 Regiment, Eighth Iowa cavalry 1 110 Regiment, Company C; Nineteenth Iowa 1058 Regiment, Company li, Nineteenth Iowa 1055, 1056 Regiment, Nineteenth Iowa infantry 1050, 1051 Regiment, Twenty-iirst Iowa volunteers 1 1 12 Regiment, Twenty-fourth Iowa volunteers 1111 Regiment, Thirty-sixth Iowa 10.57, 1058 Regiment, Companj^ B, Second Kentucky 621 Regiment, Ninth Tennessee cavalry ." 1020 Regiment, Fourth Tennessee cavalry 1020 Regiment, Sixth Tennessee 547 Rcginumts, Third, Thirty-fir.st, Forty-third, and Fil'ty-niuth Tennessee 476 Regim<-nt, Sixth Tennessee infantry. Company 1018 Regiment, Sixth Kansas . . . : 1038 Regiment, Company K, First Arkansas cavalry 1068 Regiment, Third Vv isconsin infantry 1035 Regiment, Tenth Wisconsin, Cmnpanies I and li .527 Regiment, Second, District of Columbia 945 INDEX. 1195 Page. Register of camp hospital for paroled prisoners at Jacksonville, Florida, C011V of ^r)8 Reid, Captain, Third Missonri cavahy 1057, lOGU Ecid, Lieutenant, Third li olit artillery 105'* Reid, Lieutenant Colonel William M (37rf Reuaud, Lieutenant V 099 Report r> Report of jirisoners of war of 1861 287 Report of prisoners of war of 1861 and 1862 28'J Report of prisoners of war of 1863 292 Report of sick and wounded federal prisoners at Camp Sumter, &c 10:3 Report of sick and wounded confederate troops performing guard duty at Camp Sumter . ' 107 Report of General S. A. Meredith 479 Report referred to in documents of War Department 379 Report of the War Department 273, 274 Report of men required daily for duty as guard, &c 138 Reports, disposition of, showing condition of Audersonvillo prison 139 Report, outline of the annual, of the United States Secretary of War, 1883 661 Reports, consolidated morning, of Confederate States prison hospital of Audcr- sonville 98 Reports showing condition of Andersonville prison, disposition of 133 Reserves, Major Ward's battalion 186 Reserves, Major Brown's battalion 180 Reserves, Major Mereweather's battalion 186 Reserves, Major Gill's battalion 186 Reserves, Major Williams' battalion 186 Reserves, Fourth Georgia 202, 219 Retaliation 253, 345 Retaliation threatened 314 Retaliation not approved 345 Retaliation, its good effect 361 Review 339 Reynolds, of the Forty-lifth Georgia 950 Rhode Island, First cavalry 827, 1076 Rhode Island, Company I, First cavalry regiment 866 Rhode Island volunteers, First regiment 1076, 1077 Rhode Island, Fourth regiment 846, 1108 Rice, Dr. G. L. B., testimony of 92 Ridge, James M., statement of 1157 Richardson, Mr 691 Ricliardson, T. G., report of 515 Richardson, Albert H., testimony of 863 Richardson, J. W., certificate of 54 Richardson, Surgeon T. G., communication of 598 Richburg, Lieutenant R 685 Richie, Joseph, of Hamilton County 1020 Richland jail 1071,1077 Rickets, Captain 881 Riddle, R.M 1018 Riddler, A. J 526 Riely, John W., indorsement of 188, 681 Righter, Peter B 424 Riker, Samuel JM., testimony of 153 Rilev, Major John M., indoi'sement of 730 Rinehart, George 939,940,941 Ringgold, Seventh Indiana cavalry 1125 Ritchie, Thomas " 530 Robertson, Captain H. H , 411 Robertson, H. 11., letter of 418 Robinson, Captain 640,1109 Robinson, Mr 85 Robinson, D. P 192 Robinson, David, patriotism of 73 Robinson, John 1003 Robinson, Dr. William T 587 Robinson, Dr 973 Robinson, Willard 190 Robinson, William C, of the TJmty-fourth Illinois 971 1196 INDEX. Page. Robinson, William C 973 Kobinson, of the Seveuth Indiana cavali-y 1125 Rockwell, Lieutenant 954 Roestall, Lieutenant 1056 Rogers, Captain F. A 423 Rogers, Private F. C. W 577 Rogers, R. P 1018 Rogers, J. D 1018 Rol a u (1, :M aj or 120 Rollins, Lieutenant 1051 Rouzie, Assistant Surgeon 1089 Roper hospital, Charleston, South Carolina 198 Ross, Adjutaut 1125 Ross, clerk 020 Ross, Edward W 972 Rose, Lieutenant Colonel 1051 Rose, Colonel, Seventy-seventh Pennsylvania ■. 1090 Rose, William , 1018 Roser, Caiitain 10:'.9 Rowan, James, of Corfu, New York, statement of 1094 Rowen, Captain 1105 Rowe, Horace R., testimony of 839 Rowlett, A. W 1031 Rowzie, Dr 49 Roy, G. C, testimony of 120 Roy, Assistant Surgeon 1089 Ruby, Lieutenant 991 Rucker, Dr., case of 322 Rule, Private B 724 Rules of war, infraction and violations of the . 254 Rutherford, Captain John C, inspection report of, Florence, South Carolina .. 185 Rutherford, Captain John C, communication of G8G Russel, Johu and Hugh 1010 Russell, Marcus P., of West Hanover, Jlassachusetts, statement of 1072 Ryan, John J., testimonv of 909 Rylauder, Major GeorgeE 808, 809, 1107 S. Sabal, Dr : 920 Salat, Jacob, of Evansville, Indiana, statement of 1118 Sale, John B., indorsement of ()82 Sample, Dr 920 Sanborn, Lucien L., testimonv of 847 Sanborn, T. W., of Washington, D. C, statement of 1100 Sanliorn, Ensign F. W 5G6 Sanders, James M., and others, Libby Prison, ask permission to dispose of a draft for the benefit of prisoners 073 Sanders, IMajor Reid 091 Sanders, Anna J., communication of 091 Sanders, Dr 49 Sartwell, William E., testimony of 835 Saunders, Ijieiiteuant Colonel John, communication to 003 Saunders, Dr 120 Sawyer, H. W., testimony of 950 Sawyer, Mrs 959 Scammon, H. W., communication of 584 Schell, Mr 953 Schenck, General 459 Scheuck, Major General, communication to : 4()0 Schenck, Major General R. C, comuuuiicatiou of 405 Scheuer, Frederick, testimony of 1043 Schmidt, Chris., testimony of 1055 Schofiehl, Hon. J. M., comnumicatiou to 737, 738 Schofield, Hon. J. M., connuuuicatiou of 738 Schrock, William H.. of Decatur, Indiana, st;i teraent of 1113 Scott, Mr 202 Scott, JNIajor General 512 Scott, Colonel J. L 092 Scott, Anderson D., testimony of 885 INDEX, 1197 Page. Scott, Surgeon P. B., conimuuication to ''33 Scott, of Company C, First Vermont 858 Scott Prison, the 166 Scott's tobacco -warehouse 1097 Scott, Parson 927 Schoville, Horace C, of Rockford, Illinois, statement of 1138 Scurvy at Audersonville 50 Scully, Mr 457 Seabrook, Captain 1021 Seamen held as prisoners, bad faith in regard to 361 Sea Witch, gunboat 808 Secord, Joseph W., of Danville, Indiana, statement of 1120 Seddon, Hon. James A., communications to 393, 543. 558, 612, 619, 638, 646, 670, 672, 670,084,687,702 Seddon, Hon. J. A., letter to 177 Seddon, Hon. James A., report to 480 Seddon, Hon. James A., comnnuiications of 427, 512, 642, 720, 723 Seddon, secretary of war, to Beauregard 300 Seddon, Mrs 1109 Seizure of Union officers and citizens 289 Selph, Captain C. M., testimony of 122,139 Semple, Captain 1005,1082 Semple, A. C, communication of 630 Semple, Surgeon G. W 283, 597 Sermons, Isaac 520 Sevier, Jamtjs 1009 Seward, Hon. William H., copy of letter from 670 Seymour, Captain W. E 427 Seymour, Brigadier General, communication of 584 Shakleford, Henry 526 Shaffer, Colonel 673 Shaffer, Frederick 871 Shain, Captain James A., of the Fifteenth Tennessee cavalry 1133 Shaler, Brigadier General Alexander, eonmiunication of - 584 Shanks, Hon. J. P. C, chairman, requests statistics from the Secretary of War relating to subjects under investigation by conunittee 737 Shanks, Hon. J. P. C, communication to 738 Shanks, Mr., motion of 4 Shaw, Colonel 72 Shea, John, testimony of , 8o9 Shelby and Marmaduke 1057 Sheldon, Captain S. H 948 Shelter at Audersonville 54 Shepherd, Dr., of Georgia - 1013 Sheppard, Surgeon, E ,...114, 120,127,129,602 Sheridan, Orderly Serjeant, Eighty-seventh Illinois 1058 Sheridan, General, raid of 836 Sherman, General W. T., communication to 59 Sherman, General, exchanges by 369 Shlnn, Captain 978 Shirley, John J., of Plum Hollow, Iowa, statement of 1112 Shivers. Captain 860 Shivers, Sheriff Thomas 88.5 Shorter, John Gill, communication of 638 Shriver, W. H., statement of 1106 Sibley, Ma jor C. C 287 Sibley, Major C. C, of United States Army, articles of agreement between, and Colonel Earl Van Dorn, Confederate States army 380 Sick, condition of the, in the stockade at Audersonville 86 Sick, treatment of the Audersonville 92 Sick-call, scenes at Audersonville 46, 468 Sick and wounded in stockade, morning report of, Audersonville 98 Sickness and mortality, causes of 58 Sidell, Major .'... 628 Sidel, H., communication of 629 Simpson, W. D 724 Simpson, Colonel James H 976 Sims, George P 560 Sinks at Audersonville 50 1198 INDEX. Page. Simms, Captain 972 Sitkr, Mr 950 Sizemore, Henry 1010 Skeuker, James K 526 Slavery, consequences to 14 Sleeper, Eugene C, of Tunbridoe, Vermont, statement of 1079 Sleight, Colonel ■; '. 640 Smith, E.H 802,827,833 Smith, Daniel 1002 Smith, Colonel R. C 172,845,846 Smith, Sergeant 68, 152 Smith, Irving II 169, 173 Smith, Solomon 991 Smith, W.R 724 Smith, Frank 1051 Smith, C. M., of Conway, Massachusetts, statement of 1071 Smith, Lieutenant General E. Kirby, communication of 641 Smith, Sidney, testimony of 152 Smith, L. L., of Boston, Massachusetts, statement of 1073 Smith, Irving 11., testimony of 793 Smith, J. M., M. D., communication of 671 Smith, Frederick A., of Somerset, Pennsylvania, statement of 1143 Smith, William .' 526 Sm i t h , E . J 526 Smith Prison, account of 166 Smith's tobacco factory, Virginia 1024 Snow, William 1018, 1020 Somer, J 414 Sorghum, Camp 199 South Carolina, Comiiany F, Sixth cavalry 560 South Carolina, Sixty-ninth regiment 796 South Carolina and Georgia, department of 683, 686 Spates, Lieutenant 1060 Spangler, John J., of Benford's Store, Pennsylvania, statement of 1148 Special exchanges 289 Spence, Surgeon 604 Spencer, Ambrose, testimony of 81 Spencer, Ambrose 1027 Spenser, Dr. William, of Monticello, Indiana, statement of 1119 Spinner, F. E., certificate of 391 Spriggs, Captain John S 424 Sprigg, Captain - 621, 622 Spring, Andrew J., testimony of 1.56 " Spread eagle," description of '. 203 Spurgeon, John 1018 Staff officers, report of, on duty with General Winder 135 Stannard, Judge, coi)y of letter from 669, 670 Stanton, Hon. E. M., report of 666 Stanton, Hon. E. M., letter of 405 Stanton, Hon. E. M., letter to 404 Stanton, Hon. E. M., telegram of 436, 481 Stanton, Hon. E. M., telegram to 455, 481 Stanton, Hon. E. M., communications of 389, 390, 396, 398, 402, 463, 516, 532, 569, 585, 612, 614, 618, 619, 623, 636, 959 Stanton, Hon. E. M., communications to 280, 395, 398, 426, 450, 464, 465, 469, .502, .504, 505. 508, 519, 520, 532, 534, 538, 543, 545, 559, .561, 562, ,568. 613, 610, 617, 618, 621, 632, 633, 634, 635, 636, 639, 640, 648, 652, 601, 667, mS, 674, 677, 706, 710, 711, 717 Stanton, Secretary, retaliation ordered by, not approved by our commissioner of excliange 332 Stars and stripes, love for the 73 Statistics, table of contents of 739, 740 Statistics, mortuary 229 Statistics of burial 231 Statistics of mortality 227 Statement of federal and I'ebel prisoners of war received and deliv*ered since last declaration 539, 540 Statement of prisoners from November 1, 1863, to January 1, 1865 707 Statement, tabular, of the number of valid federal i)aroles 492 INDEX. 1199 Page. Statement of the evidence found in the archive office of the War Department relating to the treatment of Union prisoners 717, 718 Starvation, case of, at Andorsonville 68 Starvation, d<'atli of a prisoner from, at Andersonville 80 Steamers St. Nicholas and Mary AVashingtou 437, 4o9 Sterner, Henrj^ A., of the One hundred and lifty-first Pennsylvania 1144 Stephenson , Surgeon ' 1089 Stewart, Colonel 199 Stewart, Captain Thomas E., Companj- G, Second Maryland infantry, commu- nication of 715 Stewart, Captain 635, 955, 976 Stewart, Mrs 634 Stewart, Mr 81 Stevens, T. O 724 Stevens, T. O., prefers certain charges against General Winder 667 Stevens, Hon. A. ¥., communication to 936 Stevens, William, Company E, Ninth New York cavalrj- 984 Stevenson, Surgeon R. R 259 Stevenson, Surgeon R. R., communication of 701 Stevenson, John A., communication of 431, 433 Stevenson, Surgeon R. R., consolidated morning re^iorts of 98 Stevenson, Dr 93, 120, 943 St. Germaine, Marshal 836 St. Mary's Church, near Charles City Court-house 949 Still6, Charles J " 262 Still well, C. H., communication of 692 Stock, Henry, testimony of 1039 Stone, Brigadier General C. C, communication of Stone, Brigadier General C. C, communication to 578, 581 Stone, Briizadier General C. C, telegram of 579 Stone, James P., testimony of 147, 153 Stone, William 1018 Stone, Mr 1019, 1020 Stone, Sergeant Charles 193 Stonemau, General, letter of 374 Stocks, the Andorsonville 45, 80, 159, 203 Stockade, plan to break the, at Andersonville Stockade, addition to the, at Andersonville 73 Stockade, condition of the prisoners in the, at Andersonville 81 Stockade at Andersonville 97 Stores rent to prisoners at Andersonville 207 Stout, Medical Directory S. H., communication of 114 Stowe, Colonel Roy, communication of 486 Stokes, Thomas D., M. D., communication of 671 Streights, Colonel, officers demanded ; Quid's reply and insolence 316 Stroman, Mr .' 953 Strong, Major E. W 583, 584 Stuart, Hon. George H 264 Sturgis, James C 885 Sutfering, continued 68 Sullivan, rebel officer 1115 Sullivan, Samuel, of Nora Springs, Iowa, statement of 1112 Sullivan, Thomas, of Williamsburg, New York, statement of 1093 Summary of charges 254 Supplies, statement as to 374 Supplies for Richmond prisoners 281 Surgeons not to be held as x'risoners of war; violated bv the rebels in case of Dr. Rucker 1 345 Surrender 63 Swank, Samuel, of the Ninth Pennsylvania cavalry 1132 Sweet land. Lieutenant 954 Swenson, August, testimony of 1011 Szabad, Emeric, testimony "of 937 T Tabb, Captain E. Kamp 1074 Table illustrating mean number of jjrisoners confined at Andersonville, &,c. .. 95 Table, illustrating the mean strength, total cases of disease and death, &c... 109 Tallmadge, Captain 616 1200 INDEX. Page. Tate, Eobcrt, testimony of 158 Taylor, Captain , 1047 Taylor, Dick 504,1051 Taylor, General Dick 536, 1095 Taylor, General 367, 578, 579, 580, 581, 1036, 1037, 1038 Taylor, Lieutenant General 701 Taylor, Lieutenant, of an Ohio regiment 1099 Taylor, Holland, or Harris H 546 Taylor, Major 700 Taylor, Dr' 621 Taylor, Jesse 1018 Taylor, Herbert H., testimony of 827 Taylor, Major General R., communication to 582, 641 Taylor, Major General R., communication of 577,578, 701, 714 Taylor, General R 285 Taylor, INIajor General 576, 719 Taylor, Z., communication of 669 Temperature of tlio summer of 1864 and yrinter of 1864 and 1885 at Auder- souyille 82 Temple, Surgeon G. William 971, 972 Tennesseans at Audersonville 36 Tennessee, First cayalry 483 Tennessee cayalry, Fourth regiment 1020 Tennessee cayalry, Ninth regiment 1020 Tennessee, Thirteenth cavalry 240 Tennessee, Forty-third cayalry 667 Tennessee, Sixth regiment 547 Tennessee infantry. Company G, Sixth regiment 1018 Tennessee regiments. Third, Thirty-tirst, Forty-third, and Fifty-ninth 476 Terrell, Horatio B., testimony of 152 Terry, General .' 1021 Tervain, Lientenaut, Sixty-sixth New York 109 Testimony, medical, from rebel sources 91 Texas, State of, agreement between the commissioners on behalf of the com- mittee of T)ublic safety and Brevet Major General David E. Twiggs, United States Army ". 379 Testimony, method pursued by the committee in collecting 7 Testimony, Lieutenant Persons's 76 Testimony taken by the committee 787 Texana, bark 651 Texaua, brig 911 Texas hospital 513 Texas, Company E, First regiment 560 Texas, Second regiment 476, 490 Thatcher, Mr 522 Thieves and robbers in camp at Andersonville 42 Third Alabama Hospital 513 Thombaugh, Assistant Surgeon A 129 Thomas, General L., communication of 619, 623 Thomas, Major General, communication to 489 Thomas, Ac\jutant General L 425 Thomas, Adjutant General L., communication of 426 Thomas, Brigadier General L., commuuicutiou to 584 Thomas, Colonel L, communication to 381, 382 Thomas, General L., communication to 623 Thomas, Major General George H., communication of 489 Thomas, General L 468 Thomas, Brigadier General L 584 Thomas, General 494 Thomas, Major General 714 Thomas, Richard 437 Thomas, Colonel L., communication to 387 Thompson, General 901 Thompson, Colonel, of Georgia 1017 Thompson, James B., of Perrysville, Pennsylvania, statement of 1145 Thompson, John 891 Thompson, Nichola>s H 525 Thompson, Dr 49, 120 Thoruburg, Dr 49,120 INDEX. 1201 Page. Thornberg, Dr., of Tennessee 1013, 1015, 1016 Thombiirg, Adjutant General 1002 Threats, repetition of 310 Tlircuts from the rebel government 300 Tibbals, Captain H. G., case of 356 Tibbals, H. G 548 Tibbies, Charles E., testimony of 156 Tibbies, Charles 997 Tibbies, George N., testimony of 995 Tibbett, Private 1066 Tighman, General , 617 Tilton, Major 931 Tilsoii, Myron W., of South Hanson, Massachusetts, statement of 1070 Tinker, Jesse 897 Tinker, James and Jesse 888 Tisdale, Henry W., testimony of 918 Titam, steam-tug 524 Tobacco v/arehouses, description of. 201 Todd, Doctor 915, 1003 Todd, Dr. George R. C 1086 Todd. Captain 862, 1065 Toukiuson, prisoner 65 Toombs, General Robert 1097 Towner, Abraham B., of Laclede, Missouri, statement of 1099 ToAvnsend, E. D., communication of 738 Tracy, Private Prescott, statement of 600, 601, 602 Tracey, Lieutenant Prescott, incidents stated bv 79 Tracy, Major William R ". 216 Trading at Audersonville 60 Treatment of the dead 231 Treatment of Union citizens 246 Treatment of negro troops and their officers 284 Treatment of negroes taken in arms 627 Tredegar Iron Works 1023 Trenholm, S. W 730 Trewitt, Levi 1020 Trial and esecution of six men at Audersonville 42 Trice, Tazewell W., of Cotton Plant, Ai-kansas 288 Trice, T. W., communication of 383 Trimble, Major General 527, 572 Trio, steamer 629 Triplett, Captain Marshall 424,621,622 Tritt, William, of Omro, Wisconsin, statement of 1130 Troops, Negro and Indian, employed by the rebels 316 Troops in Texas 287 Trotter, Dr Ill Truel, George W., testimony of , 898 Trnitt, Thomas 1 1018 Tucker, Charles E 845 Tucker, Beverly, communication of 434 Tucker and Gilford 435 Tufts, Colonel Gardner, communication to 937 Tucker, Surgeon 604 Tunneling, methods of 63 Tunnel, o^>eniug of 63 Turbine, Lieutenant, of the Sixty-sixth Ncav York 851, 1085, 1074, 1150 Tuiley, W. H 547 Turley, case of 356 Turner, Major Thomas 124 Turner, Major T. P 164 Turner, Sergeant 147 Turner, L. C, telegram to 634 Turner, L. C 462 Turner, Major, report to „ 124 Turner, Wesley W 83 Tuscaloosa, Alabama, description of 199 Tuttle, Milo M., of the Sixth Michigan cavalry 1092 Tuttle, Mrs. Maria, of Lowville, New York, statement of 1092 Tweed, Mr 1002 H. Kep. 45 76 1202 ' INDEX. Page. Twiggs, Brevet Major General, general order of, No. 5 379 Twiggs, General D. E 287 Tying up bv the thumbs, description of 204 Tyler, Capt'ain R. H 521 Tyler, Lieutenant Ira, One hundred and eighteenth lUiuois regiment 668 Tj^ner, Lieutenant Noble 411 Tyrrell, Dr. H. S 587 U. UMch, Private Louis 577 United States Government, purpose of the 324 United States Signal Corps 1153 United States, Fourth regiment 1147 United States Infantry, Nineteenth regiment .520, 1118 United States Second Light Artillery 240 United States Second Artillery 640 United States colored artillery, Sixth regiment 1120 United States colored troops. Twelfth regiment 84 United States colored infantry, Thirty-eighth regiment 1037 United States colored troops. Forty-third regiment 1141 United States Fourth Cavalry 931 United States Cavalry, Sixth regiment 1147 Union soldiers, murder of 367 Union, steamer 837 Upshaw, Lieutenant Colonel T. E., of the Thirteenth Virginia cavalry 694 V. Vaccination at Audersonville 46 Van Buren, G. M., statement of 1101 Tance, Governor, of North Carolina 676 Vance, Governor Z. B., letter of, in regard to condition of federal prisoners. .. 177 Van Dorn, Lieutenant 628, 629 Van Dorn, General 639, 685 Vanderkieft, Dr. B. A., testimony of 245 Vanner, Lieutenant Jacob 438 Vaughn, Brigadier General John C, communication of 700 Vaughn, Brigadier General John C 702 Velocity, schooner 648, 649 Vermont First heavy artillery 831, 835 Vermon t cavalry. Company B, First regiment 836 Vermont, Company C, First cavalry 830 Vermont cavalry, Company I, First regiment 858 Vermont cavali-y. First regiment 803, 814, 802, 1079 Vermont volunteers, Second regiment 1079 Vermont, Company B, Third regiment 835 Vermont, Comxiany G, Fourth regiment 819 Vermont, Company H, Fourth regiment 839 Vermont, Company C, Fifth regiment 823 Vermont, Conipo-ny D, Sixth regiment 847 Vermont volunteers, Sixth regiment 1079 Victory, steamer 566 Villapee, Captain 788 Vincent, Captain D. B 423 Vindication from rebel sources 300 Virginia, governor of 661 Virginia, governor of, to President Lincoln, March, 1863 310 Virginia, Battery C, Eighteenth battery of artillery 563 Virginia, First reserves 563 Virginia, Fifth cavalry. Union 955 Virginia cavalry. Sixth regiment 1023 Virginia, Company K, Sixth cavalry , 549, 550 Virginia, Ninth cavalry regiment 880 Virginia, Twelfth cavalry 814 Virginia infantry. First regiment 1150 Virginia, Fourth regiment 438 Virginia, Eighteenth regiment 1078 Virginia, Company H, Twenty-fifth regiment 575 Virginia, Company F, Fifty-ninth regiment 563 Vocabulary prison 60 INDEX. 1203 Page. Vooiliies, Mr 581 Vowlcs, Captain ; 549 Vowles, Captain T. W 682 Vowels, Captain, of Missouri rebel regiment 1125 W. Wade, G 1157 Wade, Lieutenant Isaac A 438 Waddel's artillery 47(5 Wager, D. C, Assistant Adjutant General, indorsement of 436 Wagner, T. P., brig 982 Waite, Colonel C. A., of the First colored infantry, communication of 380 Waldon, M. M., of Centrevillc, Iowa, statement of 1110 Walden, Eev. Mr 263 Walkarte, W 575 Walker, Hon. L. P., communication to 383, 611 Walker, William G 1018 Walker, Thomas, of Plantsvillc, Connecticut, statement of 1083 Walker, Doctvess Mary 882 Wall, Cajitain, of the Sixty-ninth New" York 950 Wallace, Captain J. N 573 Wallace, Dr. EUerslie 263 Walsh, Thomas, testimony of 154, 938 Walsh, Mr 230 Walter, Lieutenant 860, 1051 War, annual report of the United States Secretary of, 1863 661 War Department, rei^ort of the 273 War, duties of belligerents at 12 War, civil, or rebellion, consequences to slavery 14 Ward, Daniel, of Detroit, Michigan 1150 Warehouses, tobacco, description of 201 Warren, Jesse A., testimony of 866 Warren, Ned, communication of 644 Warren, Frank, of an Ohio regiment 881 Washburn, William C, of Clifton, Indiana, statement of 1123 Waterman, Surgeon 628, 629 Water, supply of 208 Water, procuring, at Andersonville 41 Watei", condition of, at Andersonville 118 Water Witch, United States steamer 1134 Watkins, Acting Assistant Surgeon 91 Watson, Charles, testimony of 919 Watson, Lieutenant , 724 Watson, Captain J. N 573 Watson, Adam 1157 Waul's legion 476 Wax, Henry G 1009, 1010 Way, Thomas N., testimony of 149, 156 Weaver, Augustus C, of Vevay, Indiana, statement of 1115 Webb, Commander William A 564, 566 Webb, E. W 601 Webster, Mr. Charles A., of Maryland 280 Webster, Charles R 503 Webster, C. W 646 Webster, J. Wesley, testimony of 832 Weed, Captain F 423 Weed, Francis E., of New Canaan, Connecticut, statement of 1083 Weida, James W., Longswamp, Pennsylvania, statement of 1144 Weir, Charles 1157 Welford, jr., B. E 647 Wellford, B. R 529 Welles, Gideon, communication of 565, 566, ,584, 706 Wells, Captain 578 Wells, Acting Assistant Sm-geon F. J., report of 98 Welsh, George E., communication of 671 Welsh, of the Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania 1105 Werminger, J. A., statement of , 1107 Westerfeld, Hermann, testimony of 1032 Wessells, Brigadier General, communication to 574 1204 INDEX. Page. West Virginia cavalry, Third regiment 1106 West Virginia cavalry, Fifth regiment 1097 West Virginia cavalry, Sixth regiment 1107 West A'irginia volunteers. First regiment 1152 West Virginia, Twelfth regiment, infantry volunteers 1103 Wetherford, Private _ 549 Wheadon, Captain J.J 098, G99, 725 Wheat, Joseph S., of Berkley Springs, Virginia 1002 Wheeler and Kilijatrick 1103 Whelnn, Father 89 Whilldin, Captain 959 Wliip})ing at Andersonville 155 Whitakcr, Lieutenant Spicer 411 Whitcomli, Sergeant, of Colonel Wilcox's Michigan regiment 862, 1C65 White, Alljert B., of Washington, District of Columbia, statement of 1 100 White, Sixrgeon Isaiah H., commnnieation to 94 White, Surgeon Isaiah, report to Colonel Chandler 134 White, Surgeon J. H., letter to 1027 W'hite, Dr. J. H 1026 White, Major Harry, (now General,) of the Seventy-seventh Pennsylvania 958, 1067 White,Dr. V. W , 1021 White, Captain George M., of the First West Virginia inlantry 1105 White, Cai)tairi George 1150 Whitfield, Surgeon E. M., commnnieation of 733 Whitfield, Surgeon John A 698 Whiting, V\'. H. C, communicatiofu of 621 Whitney, Lieutenant, of the Second Rhode Island cavahy 1 103 Wilcox's division of A. P. Hill's corps ' 877, 1011 Wilderness, battle of the 978,1070,1093 Wilkius, Surgeon John 971, 972 Willard, Lieutenant P. F 423 Wilson, Lieutenant 1088 Wilson, Lieutenant, rebel 1093 Wilson, A. L 885 Wilson, W. A., communication of 383 Wilson, Major General J. H., United States Aruiv, conunuuication to 76 Wilson, H. K., certificate of .' 1157 Wilson, M. A., of Willow Springs, Texas 288 Wilson, Dr. William 587 Wilson, jr.. Surgeon John 179 Wilson, jr., John, report of, on deaths, &c., at Salisbury 181 Wilson, Major General J. H., testimony of, on the water at Andersonville 208 Wilkins, G. M 263 Williams, Captain GeorgeA., First United States infantry, communication of. . 716 Williams, Charles T., testimony of 152 Williams, J., Assistant Adjutant General, telegram of 426 Williams, Colonel 1125 Williams, Mr 999 1002 Willis, Edward, Colonel 480 Winder, Brigadier General J. H., indorsement of 175, 188, 726, 730, 731 Winder, Brigadier General John H., comunmication of. . . 95, 515, 552, 598, 598, 611, 620, 646, 683, 712 Winder, Brigadier General John H., communication to . . .94, 273, 513, 549, 557, 597, 603, 701,889 Winder, Captain W. S., connnunic.ation to • 64G, 711 Winder, General, and his sons — their animosity toward prisoners 8'S, 141 Winder, General, his failure to alleviate their sufierings 141 Winder, General, appeal of, for laborers, teams, &c 139 Winder, General, report on Florence 187 Winder, Brigadier General, letter to 1078 Winder, John H., order of 31 Winder, General John H., report of 125, 175 Winder, General J. H., report to 668 Winder, Camp 620 Wirz, Captain, the extent of his command 79 Wirz, Captain, order assigning to duty at Andersonville 79 Wirz, Captain, report iu reference to the condition of the prison at Anderson- ville 124 Wirz, Captain, report of 145 INDEX. 1205 Page. Wirz, Captain H., communication to 95 Wirz, Captain H., letter to 1027 Wilz's order, a prisoner shot by 79 Wirz trial, evidence from the 75 Wirz's, Captain, report to Colonel Chandler 129 Wise, John 527 Wise, Ex-Govcruor Henry A 1108 Wisconsin, Third infantry regiment 1035 Wisconsin, Fomth regiment 401 Wisconsin battery, Seventh 1132 Wisconsin, Tenth regiment, Companies B and I 527 Witherill, George .."... 80 Withers, John, indorsement of 488 Woermann, Henry William, testimony of 1044 Wood, W. P 501 Wood, J. Taylor 691 Woods, Colonel John Taylor 134 Wood at Audersonville 35, 118 Wooden horse, description of the 203 Woodlin, Elgin, testimony of 871 Woodford, Lieutenant Colonel 586 Woodford, Lieutenant Colonel Stewart L., communication of 587 Woodward, Abe ; 155 Wool, Major General John E., letter of 401, 402, 404 Wool, Major General J. E., coniinuir'cation of 387, 391, 393, 395, 398, 399, 613, 615, 617, 618 Wool, Major General J. E., communication to 387, 394, 396, 397, 398, 400, 612, 614, 618, 619 Woolfolli, Private Geoi-ge 503, 650 Wool, General, form of letter to be written to 392 Work-house, the, at Charleston, South Carolina 198 Wright, Charles W., t(!stimony of 843 Wright, Lieutenant D. L., Fifty-lirst Indiana regiment 668 AVriglit, Captain J. H 124,125,210 Wright, A. R., communication of 625 Wright, Major General H. G., communication of 632 Wright, Augustus R 723 Wright, Daniel, testimony of 931 Wright's brigade .' 839 Wright's division, Lee's army 619 Y. ^ Yadkin Company * 563 Yeakel, Amos, of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, statement of 1152 York, privateer , 932 Y''ouuker, John L., testimony of 157 Younce, of the Seventh Indiana cavalrj' 1125 Young, Lieutenant 1085 Y'oung, Lieutenant, First Pennsylvania cavalry 902 Young, Lieutenant George, Fourth Pennsylvania cavalry 1151 Young, Lieutenant Alvin, Fourth Pennsylvania cavalry 953 Young, Lieutenant, Eighth Peuusj'lvania cavalry 883 Young, Edward _ 119 Z. Zarvona, Colonel Richard Thomas 437 Zarvona, Elias Thomas 633 Zulavsky, Colonel 865 F ^ \ 45 77 OCT 2 2 1951 m % ^"^ ..^^ ^^ ■A i^ O^V^' f^ Y =, ■■"i-^'-'' ^^ ^^' " ■ 0" \ "^^ p / cP ^ v^^ =^ :, '^0^ : .5 -n. , <=i^. .^ -^ -• .■■^^ /: .'N .6^ -^' r .\\- -',0 cP. ^^ v^^ ^^' .^^^' .V*■ "'■*, " .,n;- >0 a. ^' -.o- ^-^ on .•^' ^^A v^ ^V, .A' ^^• O.. v\^' -^V V -v .^:^ -n.. 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