Class U 34^, Book XlC oC? Coi?yTight};° "^^P/ - copauGUT Dspostr. .>- THE LAST SEVEN YEARS OP THH LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. I M.IV.M .M .. •>!. I, ^ H H 'P B* THE LAST SEVEN YEARS OF THE LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. /, BT CALVIN COLTON, LL.T)., \\ PBOFEBSOB OF PUBLIC EOONO.MY, THINITY COLLKGE. NEW YORK: PUBLISHED r> Y A . S . BARNES & CO., 51 AND 53 JOHN STREET. v^^j^^^^WzC^a; 'l^^i^.^- ^/j^^ >S^ A^- H % yr rz. . Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1856, by A. S. BARNES & CO., In tho Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Southern District of New York. STERKOTTPin BY PRINTFD BT THOMAS B, SMITH. GEORGE W WOOD, 82 A 84 Beokman Street, N. Y. 61 John SL PREFACE, It is now in the eleventh year since the autlior pubHshcd the Life and Times of Henry Clay, in two vulumes, bringino; his biography and history down to the end of the Presidential campaign of 1844. Tlie author spent the winter of 1844-45 in daily communication with Mr. Clay at Lexing- ton, to collect materials for that work from Mr. Clay's papers, and from his own lips. Although Mr. Clay did not pretend to dictate to the author, as to the method of that work, he was kind enough to read the proof- sheets, to see that it contained no errors. Fi-om the day of the publication of the Life and Times to the present, the author has never found occasion to make any corrections, except of verbal errors. He does not deny that he ha-s seen how he might have improved the work in method, so as to make it more interesting. In the present volume he has endeavored to avail himself of such reflections. Besides having access to Mr. Clay's papers in the winter of 1844-45, and obtaining his own views of his life and times, by personal communi- cations with himself for that purpose, Mr. Clay, on the author's departure from Lexington, in the spring of 1845, gave him facilities for collecting his own letters, in different quarters, as it was never his custom to pieserve copies of them. In 1853 the author spent some weeks at Ashland, on in- vitation of Thomas II. and James B. Clay, to re-examine Mr. Clay's papers and correspondence, the whale of which passed through his hands, with a view to a publication of Mr. Clay's Private Correspondence, a volume of ' which was given to the public in November, 1855. In 1854 the author brought Mr. Clay's life down, from 1844 to the time of his death, in a single chajiter of forty-two pages — very much condensed, of course — as a complement to the second volume of the Life and Times, not knowing then that he would ever be able to do more. But subsequent reflection, and solicitations from quarters worthy of great respect, led the author to the conclusion, that the last seven years of Mr. Clay's life demanrled an elabo- rate work of at lea.st one volume, and at the request of the publishers of the other three volumes, he undertook the task ; and here it is. Tlie more the author examined this portion of Mr. Clay's life, the more interested lie became, until he found it altogether, as seemed to him, the vi PREFACE, most important period of that groat stat-esmau's career. He will be dis- appointed, if it should not prove very interesting, as well as very instract- ive, to the American people — not from the manner, but from the matter of the work. The position which Mr. Clay occupied in the Compromise of 18r)0, the manner in which he conducted that almost superhuman en- deavor, the zeal and perseverance with which he sustained it, the doctrine which he laid down on the subject of slavery in the States and Territories, in so inanv forms, embracing the entire scope of its past, present, and future, will, it is believed, prove to be of intense interest, in the present state of the country, and for a long period yet to come. Mr. Clay is no mean authority on this question ; and as he recedes in the distance, sepa- rated from the American people by the grave, the Aveight of his name will impart to his doctrine gi-eater attraction, and a more effective power. The author has traveled over the record of that great debate on the Compromise measures of 1850, and selected from the Congressional Globe such passages as he thought would rightly and fully represent Mr. Clay on the important subjects which he handled in the Senate in that year. These numerous extracts will be found in the Appendix, together with a variety of other matter of very great interest. As is not usual, the Appendix to this volume will, probably, be found equally interesting and instructive as the main body of the work, if not more so. Mr. Clay's political relations, in the latter part of his life, are more or less developed, both in the Text and in the Appendix ; and some of them in a maimer and to an extent never before preseuted. The fall of the Whig party for deserting Mr. Clay and abandoning his principles, will probably attract some attention. The contribution from Thomas 13. Steven- son, Esq., in the last fifty pages of the volume, opens a new and interesting chapter of history. It will not be thought strange, that Mr. Clay's lofty, frank, generous, and confiding mind should have been wounded at the treatment he received at the hands of the Philadelphia Whig Convention, in 1848, when he was placed in a false position there, by a majority of the delegation from his own State, and by the delegation from Ohio en masse, with the exception of a single individual. If Mr. Clay could have foreseen that these delegations would violate the wishes of their constituents he never would have consented that his name should go into the Convention. As Mr. Stevenson intimates, there is an unwritten story of Kentucky, like that which is here given of Ohio ; for which, if we might ju Ige from Mr. Clay's letter to the Louisville Committee,* there is some interesting material. Mr. Clay had the best ro.'usons of common good faith for rel\ ing on the States of Kentucky and Ohio in Convention. It was a point of honor and of political integrity ; and a man Vvho had deserved so well of Iiis country, because he had served it so well, should not have been ]^laced in such a position by bad faith. It was a point on which Mr. Clay had a right to be sensitive. It w;is mnraily impossible he should bo otherwise. * Private Correspondence, page 566. PREFACE. VU He was tonx^J into that position by importunity, and then — we will not say what. Mr. Stevenson's contribution stands by itself, and speaks for itself. It was offered under the assurance that it would he published elsewhere, if not here ; and it was accepted to occupy this place as his own compilation, and on his own sole responsibility. Knowing that he sustained very inti- mate and confidential relations with ]\Ir. Clay, and that Mr. Clay re- quested him to bave an eye on this portion of history, the author could do no less than welcome his contribution. It will be seen to be an entirely new chapter. This volume, as will be seen, naturally occupies the third place in the author's works on Mr. Clay, and the Private Correspondence the fourth, although the latter was previously published — embracing, as a whole, The Life and Correspondence of Henry Clay. The author proposes to edit ^[r. Clay's speeches, in two volumes, with an historical introduction at tile head of each speech, which will make a work of six volumes, uniform, and which, when complete, will comprise the Life, Correspondence, and Sjjeeches of Henry Clay. This volume is entitled the Last Seven Years of Mr. Clay's life, as being appropriate to that distinct and important period of his career. C. COLTON. New Toric, May 1st, 1856. CONTENTS. CIIAPTEll I. PAQQ A Retrospect. Resumption of this work after ten years. — Interview between Mr. Clay and Presidential Electors. — Juds^e Underwood's Address. — Mr. Claj-'s Reply. — A Touching Scene. — Author's Visit to Ashland. — Mr. Glay'3 Character. — The Raleigh Letter. — Annexation of Texas. — Mr. Clay's Predic- tions about Annexation. — Mr. Tyler's and Mr. Polk's hand in the Annexation of Texas. — Yerification of Mr. Clay's Predictions 13 CHAPTER II. Occupation of the Winter of 18-14-'45. — GeneralJackson and his Party. — Not a Party of Principle. — ^The "Whig Party. — Payment of Mr. Clay's Debts by his Friends. — Silver Vase Presented by the Gold and Silver Artisans of New York. — Statue of Mr. Clay ordered by Ladies of Richmond. — Silver Yase hj Ladies of Tennessee. — Mr. Clay's Speech on receiving it. — Mr. Clay at New- Orleans and St. Louis. — His speech at New Orleans for the fiimishing Irish. — Letter of thanks from two Irishmen. — Death of Colonel Henry Clay, and Gen- eral Taylor's Letter to Mr. Clay announcing the sad event. — Mr. Clay's Bap- tism and first Communion. — Letter from Rev. Mr. Berkley, Mr. Clay's Pastor, on his Christian Character. — Anecdote to same point. — Mr. Clay's visit to Capo May, and Interview with a Committee from New York, and Others. — Speeches. — Return to Ashland. 37 CHAPTER III. Mr. Clay's feelings on the Mexican War. — His Speech at Lexington, and Resolu- tions on the War. — A Defect of the Federal Constitution. — Popular Action in response to Mr. Clay's Speech. — Mr. Clay at Washington. — His Speech be- fore the Colonization Soeietj'. — Mr. Clay in the Supreme Court. — Death of Mr. Adams. — Mr. Clay's Reception at Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New- York 58 CONTEXTS. C li A P T E R IV. FAGB The Fall of the Whig Party. History of the Apostasy of the Vhig Party from Whig Principles.— The Injustice to Mr. Clay in the Nomination of General Harrison and of General Taylor. — Mr. Clay a sacrificial victim. — The Overthrow of the "Whig Party.— Mr. Clay's spotless Reputation and Fame 88 CHAPTER V. Mr. Clay again in the Senate of the United States.— What the Senate may do while waiting for the Organization of the House. — Are you Married or Single ? — Mr. Clay's Plea to admit Father Mathew on the floor. — A tie Vote for Chap- lain. — Pleasantry and Sarcasm of Mr. Clay. — Mr. Clay on Mr. Cass's Resolu- tion to suspend Diplomatic Intercourse with Austria. — Mr. Clay on the Pur- chase of the Manuscript Copy of Washington's Farewell Address. — On the Purchase of Mount Vernon 1 /.r.il. Kor number nor example with him wrought, To swerve from truth, or change Lis coustani iniud.' " TRIBUTE TO MR. CLAY. 23 The following graphic sketch of " the personal endowments" of ]Mr. ^Clay, from the "Louisville Journal," pending the Presi- dential campaign of 18'14, is worthy of a place here. It is no small praise to the press of onr country, tliat in its common emissions it should present such articles. But, in this case, it was doubtless the theme that inspired the writer : "Mr. Clay is an honest man ; he is a fnir-dcaling man : he is a true man ; he is a man who believes in his own principles, who follows his own convictions, who avows his sentiments, and acts on them ; M'^ho never deserted a friend ; who was never deterred from his purpose ; who was never seduced from what he undertook to do. He is a man of faith, in the largest sense of the word. No man has ever been more severely tried in pul)lic life, in this country, than Mr. Clay ; and no man ever exhibited a more sublime manhood in the character of trust- worthiness. * * * Let him be right, or let him be wrong, he will do what he says he will do. * * * He has great force of will, and high moral courage. * * * That lofty self-reliance, that noble strength of character, that intrepid pur- suit of what one resolves to accomplish, that power over circum- stances and over men, that mental and moral capacity which enables a man to bear away the obstacles which he encounters, that instinct of triumph in all that one resolves to effect — these are traits which Mr. Clay possesses in a very high degree. * * Mr. Clay is generous and wise, as well as firm and full of con- viction. Such a man seems as if he had two souls : one all force and power, and the other all gentleness and trust. ^ * * The most remarkable mental endowment of Mr. Clay is his common sense. If we except Benjamin Franklin, he is the most sagacious man this country has ever produced. His knowledge of affairs seems rather intuitive than the result of experience. * * * His fame as an orator is world-wide. But what is the oratory of those great discourses? No flowers of rhetoric adorn them. No vast fund of acquired erudition. Mr. Clay hardly ever quotes from books. No elaborate argumentations. What then ? The grandeur of an intellect that seems to perceive truth intuitively, united to a -pathos fervent as that of Demosthenes. * * * If we wanted a grammarian, in the ancient sense of the word, we would take Mr Calhoun ; if we wanted the clear- est demonstration of a given proposition, we would have none but Webster; if we desired the aid of all that is rich, full, and overwhelming in true eloquence, Preston is the man ; if we needed the clearest, purest, and most beautiful advocacy of all right and noble things, Crittenden is the living model : but, if we desire to know the truth, to be taught the right, to be kept from delusion, to be set in the way in which we ought to 24 TRIBUTE TO MR. CLAY. walk for our country's good, and to be supported in the noble race, then Henry Clay is the true guide ; and it is nearly the same whether the lesson he given from the halls of Congress or from the shades of Ashland. Call it as you will, we call it common sense, under the guidance of an intellect by the side of which few that have existed could stand as rivals. " Ish. Clay has been, on all occasions, for nearly half a cen- tury, wholly invincible, whenever he has been called to act on any theater where he could h .'Id personal interviews with all the other actors. At the bar, in pojnjlar assemblies, in both houses of Congress, who was ever with liim habitually that did not feel the power of his bewitching influence, or fall in open com- bat before his irresistible might ? Many of the ablest men of the age have struggled, toe to toe, against him on every theater where he has ever acted. Which one of them all failed to be over- mastered ? Many of the noblest spirits this country has pro- duced have lived on terms of constant friendly intercourse with him : and Avliich one of them ever exerted over Mr. Clay a thousandth part of the influence that Mr. Clay did over him? Who ever suspected him of l)eing led by other men ? >so, this is a man to lead, not to be himself guided by other minds." It might seem partial to borrow two such brief descriptions of Mr. Clay's character as the above, given while he was living, when the press of the country for the last forty years teems with similar pictures, by eminent men, and in eloquent i)hrase, both of prose and poetry, which, if collected, would swell out numerous volumes. But our object is history, not eulogy. In resuming a task ten years laid by, when the subject of oiu: story is three years in his grave, with a memory which only grows more hallowed as it loses its ireshness, we might, perhaps, be pardoned for a brief expression of our admiration of his charac- ter. Doubtless Ave shall oft betray it, in the progress of this volume, as new developments of the same tried character are unfolded, when the mind, the patriotism, the wisdom of the man fail not, though his body fail ; where the virtues of the soul rise and shine with greater luster, in proportion as the bodily faculties droop, and give token of approaching dissolution. It will be somewhat indispensable, as we think, to a right un- derstanding of some of the future parts of this volume, that the reader should have before him, as a subject of reference, what has always been called Mr. Clay's Raleigh Letter. We, there- fore, give the main body of it, dropping only one, though a con- siderable paragraph. It is as follows : THE RALEIGH LETTER. 25 "to the editors of the national intelligencer. '■RAi.n-nr. Aprl 17. 1«44. "Gentlemen — Siihseqnent to my dcM^nrtnre from Asliland, in Decemlier Inst, T received various commnnicntions from popnl-ir assembln£?es and private individuals, reqnesting an expression of my ojiinion npon the qnestion of the annoxation of Texas to the United States. I have forehorne to refily to them, hecanse it ■was not very convenient, dnrini? tlie progress of my jonrney, to do so, and for other reasons. I did not think it proper nnneces- sarily to introdnce at present a uew element among the other ex- citing suhjects which agitate and engross the public mind. The rejection of the overture of Texas, some years ago, to become annexed to the United States, had met with general acqui- escence. Nothing had since occuiTed materially to vary the ques- tion. I had seen no evidence of a desire being entertained, on the part of any considerable portion of the American people, that Texas should become an integral part of the United States. During my sojourn in New Orleans, I had, indeed, been greatly surprised, by information which I received from Texas, that, in the course of last fall, a voluntary overture had proceeded from the Executive of the United States, to the authorities of Texas, to conclude a treaty of annexation ; and that, in order to over- come the repugnance felt by any of them to a negotiation upon the subject, strong, and as I believed, erroneous representations had been made to them of a state of opinion in the Senate of the United States favorable to the ratification of such a treaty. According to these representations, it had been ascertained that a number of Senators, varying from thirty-five to forty-two, were ready to sanction such a treaty. I was aware, too, tiiat holders of Texas bonds and Texas scrip, and speculators in them, were actively engaged in promoting the oliject of annexation. Still I did not believe that any Executive of the United States would venture upon so grave and momentous a proceeding not only without any general manifestation of public opinion in favor of it, but in direct opposition to strong and decided ex- pressions of public disapprobation. But it appears that I was mistaken. To the astonishment of the whole nation, we are now informed that a treaty of annexation has been actually concluded, and is to be submitted to the Senate for its consider- ation. " The motives for my silence, therefore, no longer remain, and I feel it to be my duty to present an exposition of my views and opinions upon the question, for what they may be worth, to the public consideration. I adopt this method as being more con- venient than several replies to the res[)ective communications which I have receiv^cd. " I regret that I have not the advantage of a -view of the treaty itself, so as to enable me to adapt au expression of my opinion 26 THE RALEIGH LETTER. to the actual conditions and stipulations which it contains. Not possessing that opportunity, I am constrained to treat the question according to what T presume to be the terms of the treaty. If, ■without the loss of national character, M'ithont the hazard of foreign war, with the seneral concurrence of the nation, Avithout any danger to the integrity of the Union, and witliotit ffiving an unreasonahle price for Texas, the question of annexation were presented, it would appear in quite a different light from that in which, I apprelieud, it is now to be regarded. " Tlie United States acquired a title to Texas, extending, as I believe, to the Rio del Norte, by the treaty of Louisiana. They ceded and relinquished that title to Spain by the treaty of 1S19, by which the Sabine was substituted for the Rio del Norte, as our western boundary. This treaty was negotiated under the administration of ]\Ir. Monroe, and with the concurrence of his Caliiiiet, of which Messrs. Crawford. Calhoun, and Wirt, being a majority, all Southern gentlemen, composed a part, AVhen the treaty was laid before the House of Representatives, being a member of that body, I expressed the opinion, which I then en- tertained, and still hold, that Texas was sacrificed to the acqui- sition of Florida, We wanted Florida ; bnt I thought it must, from its position, inevitably fall into our possession ; that the point of a few years, sooner or later, was of no sort of conse- quence ; and that, in giving five millions of dollars,' and Texas, for it. we gave more than a just equivalent. Bnt. if we made a sacrifice in the surrender of Texas, we ought to take care not to make too great a sacrifice in the attempt to reacquire it. My opinion of the inexpediency of the treaty of 1819, did not pre- vail. The country and Congress were satisfied M-ith it, appro- priations were made to can-y it into efiect. the line of the Sabine was recognized by us as our boundary, in negotiations both with Spain and Mexico, after Mexico became independent, and measures iiave been in actual progress to mark the line from the Sabine to the Red River, and thence to the Pacific Ocean, We had thus fairly alienated our title to Texas by solemn national compacts, to the fulfillment of which we stand hound by good faith and national honor. It is, therefore, perfectly idle and ridiculous, if not dishonorable, to talk of resuming our title to Texas, as if we had never parted with it. We can no more do that than Spain can resume Florida : France, Louisiana, or Great Britain the thirteen colonies now compt'sing a pari of the United States, " Dining the administration of Mr, Adams, Mr, Poinsett, Min- ister oi' the United States to ]\Iexico, was instructed by mo, with the President's authority, to propose a repuicliase of Texas; but he forebore even to make an overture for tliat purpose. Upon his retiun to the United States, he infomied me, at New Orleans, that his reason for not making it was, that he knew the purchase THE RALEIGH LETTER. 27 was wholly impracticnhlo.nntl that he was persnadcfl, if ho made the overture, it would have no other efleet tlian to aggravate irritations, already existing, upon mnttevs of dilTerence between the tM'o countries. " The events which have since transpired in Texas, are well known. She revolted against the government of Mexico, flew to arms, and finally fou'j;ht and won the memorahle battle of San .Tacinto, annihiintino: a Mexican army, and making a captive of the Mexican President. The signal success of that revolu- tion was greatly aided, if not wholly achieved, by citizens of the United States, who had misrrated to Texas. These suc- cesses, if they could not always be prevented by the govern- ment of the United States, were furnished in a maimer, and to an extent, which brought upon ns some national reproach in the eyes of an impartial world. And, in my oynnion, they impose on us the ohliszation of scrupulously avoiding the imputation of having instigated and aided the revolution, with the ultimate view of territorial aggrandizement. After the battle of San Ja- cinto, the United States recognized the independence of Texas, in conformity with the principle and practice which have always prevailed in their councils of recognizing the government de farfo, without resrardiiig the question de jure. That recog- nition did not alfect or impair the rights of Mexico, or change the relations which existed between her and Texas. She, on the contrary, has preserved all her rights, and has continued to assert, and so for as I know, still ass rts, her right to reduce Texas to obedience, as a part of the republic of Mexico. Ac- cording to late intelligence, it is probable that she has agreed upon a temporary suspension of hostilities ; but, if that has been done, I presume it is with the purpose, upon the termina- tion of the armistice, of renewing the war, and enforcing her rights, as she considers them. "" This narrative shows the present actual condition of Texas, so far as I have information ahout it. * If it be correct, Mexico has not abandoned, but perseveres in the assertion of her rights by actual force of arms, which, if suspended, are intended to be renewed. Under these circumstances, if the government of the United States were to acquire Texas, it would acquire along with it all the incimihrances which Texas is under, and among tluTU the actual or suspended war hetween Mexico and Texas. Of ihat consequence there can not be a doubt. Annexation and w:ir Willi Mexico are identical. Now, for one, 1 certainly am not willing to involve this country in a foreign war for the oLject t f acquiring Texas. I know tliere are those who regard sucli a war with indillerence, and as a trilling alfoir, on account of ihe weakness of Mexico, and her inahility to inflict serious injiuy upon thiscountry. But I do not look upon it thus lightly, 1 regard all wars as great calamities, to_be avoided, if possible, 28 THE RALEIGH LETTER. and honorable peace as the wisest and truest policy of this couji,- wtiy. What the United States most need, are union, jx'ace. and_ patietire. Nnr do I think that the weakness of a power should form a motive, in any case, for inducing us to engage in or to depreciate the evils of war. Honor and good faith and justice are equally due from this country toward the weak as toward tlie strong. And, if one act of injustice were to he perpetrated toward any power, it would he more compatible with the dignity of the nation, and. in my judgment, less dishonorable, to inflict it upon a powerful than upon a weak foreign nation. Have we any security tliat countless numl)ers of foreign vessels, under the authority and flag of Mexico, would not prey upon our defense- less commerce in the Mexican Gulf, on the Pacific Ocean, and on every other sea and ocean ? What commerce, on the other hand, does Mexico ofler, as an indemnity for our losses, or the gallantry and enterprise of our countrymen ? This view of the subject supposes that the war would be confined to tiie United States and Mexico as the only belligerents. But, have we any certain guaranty that Mexico would obtain no allies among the great European powers ? Suppose any such powers, jealous of our increasing greatness, and disposed to check our growth and cripple us, were to take part in behalf of Mexico, in the war, how would the diff'erent belligerents present themselves to Chris- tendom and the enlightened world ? We have been seriously charged wiih an inordinate spirit of territorial aggrandizement ; and, without admitting the justice of the charge, it must be owned that we have made vast acquisitions of territory within the last forty years. Suppose Great Britain and France, or one of them, were to take part with Mexico, and by a manifesto, were to proclaim that their objects were to assist a weak and helpless ally to check the spirit of encroachment and ambition of an already overgrown Republic, seeking still further acquisi- tions of territory, to maintain the independence of Texas, dis- connected with the United States, and to prevent the fuitlier propagation of slavery from the United States, what would be the ell'ect of such allegations upon the judgment of an impartial and enlightened world? " Assuming that the annexation of Texas is war with Mexico, is it competent to the treaty-making power to plunge this country into war, not only without the concurrence of, but without deignitig to consult Congress, to which, L»y the Constitution, belongs exclusively the power of declaring war. '' 1 have hitherto considered the question u])on the supposition that the annexation of Texas is attem})ted without the assent of jNlexico. if she yielils her assent, tli.t would materially ailect the foreign aspoct of the question, if it did not remove all for- eign dirliculiies. Du the assumption of that assent, the questioa would be confined to the domestic considerations which belong THE RALEIGH LETTER. 20 to it. embrncins: the terms and coiiditinns upon wliich anncxntinii is pro}X)sccl. I do not think tliat Texas ought to be received into the Union, as an intc^^ral part of it, in decided opposition to the wishes of a considerable and respectable portion of the Con- federacy. 1 think it far more wise and important to com])Ose and harmonize the j^resont Confederacy, than to introduce a new element of discord and distraction into it. In my humble opinion, it should be the constant and earnest endeavor of American states- men to eradicate prejudices, to cultivate and foster concord, and to produce general contentment among all parts of our Confeder- acy. And true wisdom, it seems to me, points to the duty of rendering its present members happy, prosperous, and satisfied with each other, rather than to attempt to introduce alien mem- bers, against the common consent, and with the certainty of deep dissatisfaction. Mr. Jefferson expressed the opinion, and others believed, that it never was in the contemplation of the framers of the Constitution to add foreign territory to the Con- federacy, out of which new states were to be formed. The ac- quisition of Louisiana and Florida may be defended upon the peculiar ground of the relation in which they stood to the States of the Union. After they were admitted we might well pause a while, people our vast wastes, develop our resources, prepare the -means of defending what we possess, and augment our strength, poAver, and greatness. If hereafter further territory should be wanted for an increased population, we need entertain no apprehensions but that it will be acquired by means, it is to be hoped, fair, honorable, and constitutional. " It is useless to disguise that there are those who espouse, and those who oppose the annexation of Texas, upon the ground of the influence which it would exert, in the balance of political power, between two great sections of the Union. I conceive that no motive for the acquisition of foreign territory would be more unfortunate, or pregnant with more fatal consequences, than that of obtaining it for the purpose of strengthening one part against another part of the common Confederacy. Such a principle, put into practical operation, woukl menace the exist- ence, if it did not certainly sow the seeds of the dissolution, of the Union. It would be to proclaim to the world an insatiable and unquenchable thirst for foreign conquest or acquisition of territory. For if to-day Texas be acquired to strengthen one part of the Confederacy, to-morrow Canada may be required to add strength to another. And, after that might have been ob- tained, still other and farther acquisitions would become neces- sary to equalize and adjust the balance of political power. Fi- nally, in the progress of this spirit of universal dominion, the part of the Confederacy which is now weakest would find itself • still weaker from the impossibility of securing new theaters for 30 THE RALEIGH LETTER. those peculiar institutions which it is charged with being de- sirous to extend. " But would Texas ultimately really add strength to that which is now considered the weakest part of the Confederacy ? If my information he correct, it would not. According to that, the territory of Texas is susceptible of division into five States, of convenient size and form. Of these, two only would be adapted to those peculiar institutions to which I have referred ; and the other three, lying west and north of San Antonio, being only adapted to farming and grazing purposes, from the nature of the soil, climate, and productions, would not admit of those institutions. In the end, therefore, there would be two slave and three free States added to the Union. If this view of the soil and geography of Texas be correct, it might serve to dimin- ish the zeal both of those who oppose and those who are urging annexation. '' Should Texas be annexed to the Union, the United States will assume and become responsible for the debt of Texas, be its amount what it may. What it is, I do not know certainly ; but the least I have seen it stated at, is thirteen millions of dollars. And this responsibility will exist whether there be a stipulation in the treaty or not, expressly assuming the payment of the debt of Texas. For I suppose it to be undeniable that if 'one nation becomes incorporated in another, all the debts, and obli- gations, and incumbrances, and wars of the incorporated nation, becomes the debts, and obligations, and incumbrances, and wars of the common nation created by the incorporation. " If any European nation entertains any ambitious designs upon Texas, such as that of colonizing her, or in any way sub- jugating her, I should regard it as the imperative duty of tiie government of the United States to oppose to such designs the most firm and determined resistance, to the extent, if necessary, of appealing to arms, to prevent the accomplishment of any such designs. The Executive of the United States ought to be informed as to the aims and views of foreign powers with regard to Texas, and I jjresume that, if there be any of the exception- able character which 1 have indicated, the Executive will dis- close to the co-ordinate department of the Goverimient. if not to the public, the evidence of them. From what I have seen and hearil 1 believe that Great Britain has recently formally and sol- emnly disavowed any such aims or purposes — has declared that she is desirous only of the independence of Texas, and that she has no intention to interfere in her domestic institutions. If she has made such disavowal and declaration, 1 presume they are in the jiossession of the Executive. * * * * "Aliliough I have felt compelled, from the nature of the in- quiries addressed to me, to extend this communication to a much crealer ientrth than I would have wished, 1 could not do justice REMARKS. 31 to the suhject, and fairly and fully expose my own opinions, in a shorter space. In conclusion, they may he stated in a few words to he, that I consider the annexation of Texas, at this time, without the assent of Mexico, as a measure compromising the national character, involving ns certainly in a war with Mexico, prohably with other foreign powers, dangerous to the integrity of the Union, inexpedient iu the present financial con- dition of the country, and not called for by any general expres-r sion of public opinion. " I am, respectfully, yonr obedient servant, ''H. Clay." There are many points in this letter worthy of special notice, for their historical, prophetic, and statesman-like character. But the pervading characteristic running throngh every paragraph, and breathing in every line, is Mr. Clay's stern honesty and nn- bending integrity, both as a man and as a statesman. It is clear enough, in the opening of the letter, that he was reluctant to give credit to the atrocious scheme of forcing Texas upon the Union, in the manner proposed ; and that he was even astounded, when he learned at New Orleans that the Executive of the United States [Mr. Tyler] had not only deigned to make an overture of annexation to Texas — from whence the- overture should come, if made at all, under the circumstances — but that the President of the United States had actually gone so far, in connection with the other party, as to have concluded on the form and terms 6f a treaty of annexation, to be submitted to the Senate of the United States. An overture from Texas had previously been acted upon, and rejected. The nation acqui- esced in that decision, and had slumbered on in quiet repose, and in a state of perfect unconsciousness, that the question was to be sprung upon the American people by strategy, and that strategy ori^inatina; in the breast of the national Executive. It could never, at this time, have been carried by open and fair means ; for that way had been tried ; it must therefore be done by secret counsels, and by a secret mission to Texas. The Senate of the United States was to be taken by surprise, and carried by a coup de mai7i, before the public should have time to debate the question. Aware of the momentous character of such a transaction, nothing could be more shocking to Mr. Clay's honest feelings. Whatever might be the consequences to himself, he resolved, if possible, to arrest this iniquitous proceeding, and he sent to the "National Intelligencer" his Raleigh Letter. 32 REMARKS ON Some may have tliought that tliis was miwise in ]Mr. Clay, and tliat the end proved it so. It was certainly honest ; and conld any one, who claimed to understand Mr. Clay's cliaracter, expect that he wonld violate his convictions of right ? True, it is acknowledijed, as INIr. Clay predicted, this measnre involved us in a war with Mexico ; but it is said that war gave us another wide belt of territory across the continent, and it gave us Cali- fornia. Tiic Mexican war, it is said, was popular, and the American people are proud of their new acquisitions. This is history. But we have not done witli this question until the course of policy and of right, indicated by Mr. Ciay, is considered. Texas was sure to fall into our lap, when the fruit should be ripe, and we could have it fairly and honorably ; and all that we acquired from iMexico by the war might have been bought, ere this time, for less than a moiety of the cost of the war, not to speak of the destruction of human life occasioned by the war. No one will question for a moment these two hypothetical conclu- sions. AVe had gained Louisiana, stretching to the Pacific, and Florida, by treaty stipulations, and at a reasonable price. We had even bought Texas once, and parted with it, as shown in Mr. Clay's letter ; and the whole of Noirth America was before us, for the same peaceful acquisition, as fast as we might have occasion for it. There was no call, no occasion, no possible just- ification of war, bloodshed, and violence, to extend our domain. It was only a question of time. It was our destiny to conquer, as far as we might desire, by peace and right ; and that was the policy and the object of Mr. Clay. But Mr. Tyler, the acting President of the United States, had betrayed the party that raised him to power, deserted their prin- ciples, and in the agony of his concern and strife to be elected President, thought it necessary to enact some grand coup cVttaf, to foist himself into that place, and he devised the atrocious scheme that is depicted in the former part of Mr. Clay's letter. " To the astonishment of the whole nation," says ]\Ii'. Clay, " we are now informed that a treaty of annexation has been actually concluded, aiid is to be submitted to the Senate for its consider- ation." In another jxirt of the letter, Mr. Clay says: "It is useless to disguise that there are those who espouse, and those wlio op- pose, the annexation of Texas, on the ground of the inlluence THE RALEIGH LETTER. 33 which it would exert in the halance of pohtical power, between two great sections of the Union ;" tiiat is, between the North and South, between the free and the slave States. This move- ment of Mr. Tyler, then acting President, was a bid for South- ern support in the nomination just about to be made for Presi- dent of the United States. The general belief in the slave States was, that the annexation of Texas would be so far an extension of the area of slavery — and it was certainly a vast area in pros- pect. To admit this element of strife, for a balance of political power, between the free and the slave States, Mr. Clay justly re- garded as fearfully portentous, because no one could calculate on its termination, but all might justly apprehend its increase and aggravation, once begun. Mr. Clay, therefore, desired to scotch the serpent in his first move. But the bid for the South had been made, and the price was regarded as a tempting one. It did not avail, however, for Mr. Tyler, to secure his nomination ; though he was in fact nomi- nated by a small band of his own officials, which made the aifair ridiculous in the eyes of the nation. It is the doom of all trait- ors to be despised, and to fall under the universal contempt of mankind. -So was it with John Tyler. As Governor Davis, of Massachusetts, afterward Senator of the United States, com- monly called "Honest John," for his exemplary probity, politi- cal as well as social, says, in a letter to Mr. Clay, found in the fourth volume of this work : '• Corruption and Tyler, and Tyler and corruption, will stick together, as long as Cataline and treason." But James K. Polk, of Tennessee, received the nomination as the Democratic candidate for the Presidency, and was declared elected, as we have before had occasion to notice. Mr. Clay was the opposing candidate of the Whig party, and was defeated in the manner which we have also noticed. Mr. Tyler, the acting President, although he failed in the nomination, which he sought so assiduously, and at the expense of his character as a public officer, had no motive for treading 'back in the steps he had taken for the annexation of Texas. Having justly exposed himself to the reprobation of the Whig party, who had raised him to power, he hated them in turn, and could not love Mr. Clay, who \vas their chief, and who had given him such a rebuke in his Raleigh Letter. In sheer revenge, therefore, on the Wliig party, and on Mr. Clay, as well as to 3 34 REMARKS ON maintain his consistency, having gone so far in the matter of annexation, he still pursued that ohject, with all his energy as a man — not very great — and with all his influence as chief magis- trate of the nation. INlr. Clay, in his letter, had friglitened Mr. Tyler from any further eflort to accomplish this ohject hy the treaty-making power. Mr. Polk was declared President elect ; and for the same reasons which had actuated INIr. Tyler in orig- inating this movement, he also desired to accomplish the same end. Mr. Tyler, therefore, as acting President, and Mr. Polk as President elect, held mutual counsel, and acted in concert, for the annexation of Texas. Both were in a position to operate on the two Houses of Congress — Mr. Polk especially, as the Presi- dent elect, from whom favor might be obtained during his ad- ministration. It was resolved, therefore, to sail round the treaty- making power, and annex Texas by a joint resolution of the two Houses, which was consummated the last night of Mr. Tyler's administration. Thus Texas, national dishonor, and war with Mexico, were annexed to the United States, at the moment when Mr. Tyler went out and Mr. Polk came i7i, by the mutual desire and eflbrts of these two men. The nation had no voice in it, was not consulted. So far as the nation had expressed itself, when the question was up on a former occasion, its voice was against the measure. But the Twenty-eighth Congress, the one at this time in session, was not elected with any such issue pending, and yet this was the most important and most momentous step ever taken by the United States. We do not call it a measure sanctioned by the American people ; for it was never submitted to the people. It was a step — a step taken ])y the nation, in the acts of its Government. It is not the question, whether Texas should be annexed ; for that, we consider, was an inevit- able destiny. But it is the time, the manner, and the principles involved in the step ; and the co7isequeJiccs, now past, and yet to come. The time was unseasonable ; the manner was forced ; the principles involved were a violation of good faith, and of public law ; and the consequences are the natural product of violence. The pacific course proposed by Mr. Clay, in his Raleigh Letter, would, in all probability, have brought Texas into our family before this time, without our coming into col- lision with Mexico. For Mexico was too weak even to fight against Texas, by invading her, and the two powers would doubtless have made peace long before this ; and thus wc would THE RALEIGH LETTER. 35 have annexed Texas, without war. And the rapid disorganiza- tion of Mexico, and iier constant need of money, would liave placed any amount of her territory which we might have wished to huy, at our disposal — not less than what we have acquired by the war, at far less cost than the war, added to the purchase of peace on the terms of the treaty. It is only by such considera- tions, founded upon well-known facts and moral certainties, that we can properly appreciate this subject. By this means, we know as well what would, in all probability, have happened, by regardins; jVh*. Clay's counsels, as what has happened by disre- garding them. And what, in fact, is the latter alternative ? Precisely what Mr. Clay predicted. We had a war, which cost us a hundred millions of dollars and ten thousand men, not to speak of the cost of money and men, and loss of territory, to Mexico ; and all the responsibility of the Mexican losses lie at our door, be- cause we adopted the war by annexation. '• Annexation and war with Mexico," says Mr. Clay in his letter, "are identical ;" and so it proved. But we have not only had the war and all its responsibilities, but that more abiding, and if possible still more calamitous result of arraying the North against the South, the free States against the slave States, in ever aggravating forms, which Mr. Clay also predicted would come from annexation and war, brought about with the motive of acquiring a political balance of power, which Mr. Clay said was not to be disguised. Such a domestic strife, fomented by such a cause, he predicted, was not likely to have an end, and he distinctly expressed his apprehension that it would only be aggravated by time. Such, we all know, has been the fact. Again, Mr. Clay, in his letter, refers repeatedly to the opinion of mankind, of an enlightened world, as a providential agency, which no nation, however powerful, can safely hold in contempt. This, he feared, would be against us, in such a course. Doubt- less it has been so. We are accused by the world of having made this war for territorial aggrandizement, and it will be im- possible to do away with that impression. But the disturbance of the principles, or what may fitly be called, the morals of Public Law, or of the Law of Nations, is one of the most important and most disastrous effects of the an- nexation of Texas, in the manner thereof. Although jNIt. Clay 36 REMARKS. did not dwell specifically on this point, it is evidently implied in his argument. The formation of the international code, commonly called Piihlic Law, has been the work of many centuries, as the result of the experience and necessities of mankind in all ages of the world. It is properly a code of Public Morals between nations as individuals, in their relations to and intercourse with each other, founded upon what have been conventionally regarded and settled as sound principles of right — of justice — the disturb- ance of which by any nation whatever, is not only a great re- proach to that nation in the eyes of the whole world, but a very great calamity, not to say crime, in the conduct of international relations. It is an assault on the recognized and established bulwarks of international civilization, and so far as it goes, it im- pairs their strength and efficiency. It is a treading back to- ward barbarism, or lawlessness, in international relations. And yet, it can not be denied that our treatment of Mexico, in the annexation of Texas, was a breach of Public Law. Observe Mr. Clay's recognition of the rights of Mexico in the case ; and those rights were determined by Public Law. In the annexation of Texas, therefore, the United States incurred all the responsi- bility and reproach of violating and trampling under foot the established principles of Public Law involved in the case. If Mr. Clay had been a prophet, inspired by Heaven, he could hardly have given a truer picture of future and contingent events, than is portrayed in his Raleigh Letter. All that he foretold in that letter, so far as the book of events has been opened, has come to pass. CHAPTER II. Occupation of the Winter of 1844-'45. — General Jackson and his Party. — N'ot a Party of Principle. — Tlie Whig Part}-.— Payment of Mr. Clay's Debts by his Friends. — Silver Vase Presented by the Gold and Silver Artisans of New York. Statue of Mr. Clay ordered by Ladies of Richmond. — Silver Vase by Ladies of Tennessee. — Mr. Clay's Speech on receiving it. — Mr. Clay at New Orleans and St. Louis. — His Speech at Now Orleans for the famishing L-ish. — Letter of Thanks from two Irishmen. — Death of Colonel Henry Claj^, and General Taylor's Letter to Mr. Clay announcing the sad event.— Mr. Clay's Baptism and first Communion. — Letter from Rev. Mr. Berklej', Mr. Clay's Pastor, on his Christian Character. — Anecdote to same point. — Mr. Clay's Visit to Cape May, and Inter- view with a Committee from New York, and Others. — Speeches. — Return to Ashland. Mr. Clay spent the winter of 1844-'45 at Ashland, in the bosom of his family, with an immense correspondence on his hands, chiefly devoted by those addressing him, to the subject of the great disappointment at the result of the Presidential elec- tion of 1844. Extracts from this correspondence will be fomid in the nineteenth chapter of the second volume of this work, and a series of entire letters on the same subject, in the twelfth chap- ter of the fourth volume, which was first publislied under the title of the Private Correspondence of Henry Clay. The side of this correspondence addressed to Mr. Clay, was literally the pouring forth of a nation's heart in grief for a public misfor- tune, and in despair for the future of the country. It was like a discomfiture in a great battle for a nation's existence. A moiety of the people of the United States, endowed with nine tenths of the intellect and intelligence of the nation, and with, perhaps, an equal proportion of its wealth, had hoped for full thirty years to see Henry Clay President of the United States. Ever since 1825, the disastrous influence of the " great conspiracy," the history of which is given in the fourteenth chapter of the first volume, hung upon the neck of Mr. Clay's political fortunes like a millstone. It was one of those fatalities lying in the path 38 THE JACKSON PARTY. of a great man, which no human sagacity could foresee, and no opposing power avert. General Jackson, with his military fame, was just the man to make a party of his own, not founded on principles, l)iit a party that could accommodate itself to a total want of principle. Gen- eral Jackson himself was made of rude materials, but of great force of character. He was doubtless endowed witli a high or- der of military talent, as evinced by his brilliant victory over the British forces, on the 8th of January, 1815, for which he justly merited, and has never wanted the gratitude and honors of the nation. His rough character and military fame were the true elements which made him the head of a party that would natur- ally be dazzled with the latter, and never displeased with the former. It was the more uncultivated portion of the people "^'hich he drew after him. The most charitable construction of General Jackson's character, in the part he acted against Mr. Clay, in the " Great Conspiracy." is, that he allowed himself to be imposed upon, and that he was made to believe t!iat ^Ir. Clay had bargained with Mr. Adams, to use his influence in ^Iie House of Reja-esentatives, to make Mr. Adams president, if ]Mr. Adams woidd give him the State department, and thus cut oil' General Jackson from the Presidency, who had the highest vote in the Electoral Colleges. The Electoral vote of 1824 was 99 for Gen- eral Jackson, 84 for Mr. Adams, 41 for Mr. Crawford, and 37 for Mr. Clay — in all 261. By the Constitution, the choice lay between the first three, in the House of Representatives, and Mr. Adams was elected. It was General Jackson's interest to believe that such a bargain between I\Ii*. Adams and Mr. Clay was made, because it would be a powerful appeal to the sympathies of the nation. He professed to believe it, and was ever afterward the imj)lacable enemy of Mr. Clay. From that hour a party was formed, for a long time called the Jackson ] arty — not a })arty of principle, but a personal party. All appeal was made to the less discriminating portion of the American people, to avenge the wrongs of a military chieftain-, who, by means of a bargain between Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, as alleged, had been unjustly barred from the Presidential chair ; and that appeal was sustained l)y the success of Gelieral Jackson in the Presidential election of 1828, and again in 1832. It could iiQt, therefore, be a party of princii)lo, irrespective of men ; but it was General Jackson's party ; and General Jackson must always THE JACKSON PAtlTY. 39 be the opponent of Mr. Clay. Mr. Clay was a statesman ; Gen- eral Jackson was not a statesman. If Mr. Clay was right in the great principles he advocated for a national policy, General Jack- son was wrong, for he must always take tiie opposite side ; and unfortunately for the country, the majority of the people went for General Jackson, hut not for principle. For many years, the faitli of the people in General Jackson was entirely personal. It was this peculiar origin of the party, the ruling elements of which were personal regard for General Jackson and opposition to Mr. Clay, that gave to it an unnatural, and we might, perhaps, say, an un-American character. It was not hased upon Ameri- can principles, hut upon principles of party domination. What- ever would strengthen the party, and kec]) it in power, was the principle of the party ; and General Jackson's name was the great principle. But such a principle could not last always, and in 1840 it broke down, by reason of the misfntunes of the coun- try, which had come upon it for adherence to that principle. Through all this unfortunate period, the more intelligent and more discriminating parts of the nation, who could not be se- duced by the eclat of military achievements, into the ranks of a party which had no principle but faith in " the Old Hero," as General Jackson was called, adhered to tlie i rinciples of public policy advocated and expounded by Mr. Clay. They believed in those principles, and waited patiently for their t;iu:nph. In 1840 they (Jid triumph ; and that was the time when, if IVIr. Clay had been put at the head of affairs, the [jclicy of the country would have been fixed for fifty years, that is, forever ; for it could never be changed after that. But unfortunately for the country, by the prevalence of evil counseis, Mr. Clay was not put in nomination. General Harrison died in thirty days after he was inaugurated, I\Ir. Tyler betrayed the party, and all was lost again to those who believed in Mr. Clay's principles, and who had trusted that the time was come for their triumph. But Mr. Clay was still alive, and in his vigor, bravely doing battle for his principles in the Senate of the United States, and usins all his endeavors to save the nation from the disasters of such a betrayal as it had encountered in the hands of Mr. Tyler. Inspired by his example, the party of the nation adhering to his principles, still hoped on, till, in May, 1844, when Mr. Clay was nominated for the Presidency, they looked forward to victory under his banner. 40 PAYMENT OF Is it, then, a subject of wonder, if, after having struggled for twenty years against such misfortunes, and finding themselves again overthrown, they should despair of the country, and ex- press their feelings of despondency, as they did, in correspond- ence with Mr. Clay, in the winter of 1844-45 ? It was during this winter that Mr. Clay received that touch- ing testimonial of his fidelity and services to the nation which is certified in the letter of Mr. Tilford, President of the Xorthern Bank of Kentucky, to the author, page 44, vol. i., and in Dr. Mercer's letter to ]Mr. Clay, page 527 of the Private Correspond- ence, in the fourth volume of this work. ^Vhen it became known, in the winter above named — not from Mr. Clay himself, but from other sources — that he had become involved in pecuniary troub- les by loaning his name, and that Ashland was mortgaged for a considerable sum of money, the friends of Mr. Clay, in various parts of the country, particularly at Xew Orleans, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and Boston came to his rescue, in so delicate a way, as shown in the letters above referred to, that he could not know who had done it. The struggles of Mr. Clay's mind, in accepting such a favor, were very great. Hence Dr. Mercer's advice: "Would it not be ungracious to reject the friendly hand that is tendered, to mortify those who are warmly attached to you, and to consult — shall I venture on the word ? — your pride, at the expense of their feelings ? My dear friend, you must submit ; there is no remedy." The sum raised in this way has been stated at $50,000. That deposited in the Northern Bank of Kentucky, as will be seen by Mr. Tilford's letter above named, was $25,750. By this means, the mortgages on Ashland were lifted, and ]\lr. Clay was again placed in easy circumstances, to the end of his days. It is well known that Mr. Clay was always prudent and econom- ical in his private affairs, and not less generous in his charities and hospitalities. It was fit that he wiio had done so much for his couiUry should be saved from pecuniary embarrassment, and be permitted to go down to his grave, leaving Asliland to his family, which, we believe, was their chief inheritance — an es- tate worth, probably, not f^ir from $100,000. if .Air. Clay had pursued tln-ough life his profession as a lawyer and advocate, in- stead of devoting himself to | iihlic alhiirs, no one acquainted with his luibits, and his unrivaled succe^^s at ihe h:u', will doubt that he nnght easily have left an estate to his family of not less^ MR. clay's debts. 41 than a million of dollars ; and yet, in the 67th year of his age, he was rednced to the verge of bankruptcy, and would have been plunged into that gulf but for the extremely delicate and timely aid which lie received, as above and elsewhere narrated in this work. The author was with Mr. Clay much during this trial — a singular trial, consisting in the struggles of his own mind about accepting this favor, which, indeed, he could not avoid, as his debts were all paid, and the mortgages on his estate lifted, by unseen and unrevealcd hands. In speaking on the subject, the author several times saw the tears start from Mr. Clay's eyes, and he was forced to turn aside to conceal his own. Still, take it all in all, it was one of the eminent kixm-ies of the social condition of man, demonstrating, that, if republics are ungrateful, private friends are not always so. In this affair, there was, doubtless, a mixture of personal regard for Mr. Clay, and of a sense of what the American people owed to him, both of which, in the hearts of those who contrived and accomplished this object, were equally creditable. It was in 1845 that the gold and silver artisans of New York presented to Mr. Clay, a splendid silver vase, the history of which, and of the occasion, is as follows : At the first session of the Congress of 1842, when the Tariff was under revision, the gold and silver artisans were alarmed for their trade, when they learned that the new bill, then maturing to its passage, had reduced the duty of 121 per cent, on gold and silver ware and jewelry, provided by the old TarilY, to 5 per cent. — :i protection which they considered altogether insufficient to foster their interests. A delegation was immediately appointed and proceeded to Washington. They had an interview with Mr. Fillmore, the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means in the House, who expressed his apprehensions that an interference in the details of the bill, then on its third reading, would put it in great peril. They passed directly to the Senate, where, after adjournment, they were introduced to Mr. Clay, and had a protracted conver- sation with him. In consequence of this interview, when the bill came up in the Senate, Mr. Clay proposed an amendment, raising the duty on silverware to 30, and that on jewelry to 25 per cent., and advocated it in one of his most persuasive speeches 42 PRESENT OF SILVER VASE. — which passed the Senate, and was acquiesced in by the House. In gratitude to Mr. Clay for this attention to their interests, the gold and silver artisans of New York, employers and journey- men, raised a subscription to present Mr. Clay with a superb silver vase, at a cost of $1UU0. The vase was manufactured by William Adams of New York, stands three feet high, and is of the most beautiful workmanship. The chasing is neat and ela- borate, the white frostwork contrasting finely with the burnished portion. The handles are light and graceful, beautifully chis- eled, and fitted to the body with a gentle and symmetrical curve. Between them are two shields, one on each side. On one is de- picted, in chasing, a silversmith's work shop, with the men busily employed, and on the other is engraved the following in- scription : r Tv E S E N T E D TO HENRY CLAY ET THE GOLD AND SILVER ARTISANS OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, AS A TRIBUTE OF THEIR RESPECT FOR THE FAITUFCL AKD PATRIOTIC MAKXER IX 'WHICH UE HAS DISCHARGED HIS PUBLIC TRUSTS, AXD ESPECIALLY FOR HIS EARLY ANT) UXTIRIXG ADVOCACY OF PROTECTiaX TO AJIERICAX IXDUSTBY. 18 4 5. C0 5IMITTEE. WILLIAM ADAMS, EDWARD Y. PRIXCE, M. G. BALDWIX, DAXIEL CARPEXTER, A. G. PECKHAM, DAVID DUX-X. The richest part of the chasing is on the cover, which is sur- mounted ])y an eagle, with wiugs extended, as if alighting on a rock, a::::iiust whi..h the surrounding waters are vainly beating — a tyre of the man to whom it was presented. lu the more private history of Mr. Clay, before he again and for the Inst lime entered on the duties of public life, it may be remarked that his time was divided in the grateful ollicos of do- mestic life, ill the duties of hospitality made incumbent on a man whom all the world knew and felt an interest in cnlliug u])on, in superintending his agricultural ailairs, which he always delighted in when exemption iVom public duty would allow of it. and in professional eugagemenls, which never failed to fall upon him on STATUE TO MR. CLAY. 43 his return to private life. His eminent success as an advocate at the bar, caused him to he sought f(M' to the last, in important cases of the courts. The ladies of Richmond, Va., proud in cherishing the name of so great a son of that Commonwealth, and desirous of hand- ing down to posterity, in the Capitol of his native State, a suitable memorial of his person, employed i\Ir. Joel T. Hart, a native artist of rising fame, to manipulate a statue of Mr. Clay, which has been greatly admired as a most speaking likeness of the kind, and sent him on a mission to Italy to execute it in marble. Every art employed to represent the persons of men, in their various conditions of action and repose, has been invoked to per- petuate in public and in private the memory of Mr, Clay. He has often told the author of these pages, that he desired to grat- ify all his friends in this particular, but that they could not easily estimate the time and patience required by the importunities of the various artists in commission for this purpose. Though Mr. Clay be dead, he will forever speak in tliese multifarious forms, in the statue, on the canvas, and in pjrints innumerable. Mon- ument after monument will be erected to him in the public eye, and the nation will never tire of the gratitude and honor due to his services, as expressed in these memorials. The statue of INIr. Hart, above referred to, as ordered by the ladies of Virginia, is described by a critic as follows : " ]\Ir. Hart has blended the idea and spirit of action with the actual I resence and exhibition of repose — the latter always so essential to the highest and most agreeable effect of the sculptor's art. Mr. Clay is represented resting the weight of his body prin- cipally upon his right foot, the left being thrown a little forward, and the toes turned out. The head is sulFiciently erect to give dignity and spirit to the general bearing, without approaching the oftensiv'^e and vulgar line of arrogance and self-esteem, and the face is turned slightly to the right, in the direction of the corre- sponding arm. The fingers of -the left hand rest lightly and gracefully upon a pedestal, approjjriately placed, while his right arm, just fallen from an uplifted position, is sulliciently extended from the elbow to show, with the open and forward-looking palm, action just finished instead of continuous and habitual repose. The face is full of lofty animation, self- possession, and the re- pose of conscious power. " The costume is a simple citizen's dress, such as Mr. Clay usually wears. The coat, unbuttoned, is loose enough not to be stiff and formal ; shoes are worn intsead of boots, according to Mr. 44 SILVER VASE Clay's invariable custom : and the shirt-collar is turned down, not according to his custom, but as a matter of great conveniency, if not of necessity, to the artist, in the exhibition of the neck and throat.'* In 1846, the ladies of Tennessee honored Mr. Clay with a sil- ver vase, of which Doctor ]MXairy, Mr. Clay's friend, was the bearer to Ashland. When presented to Mr. Clay, in the presence of numerous guests, by a speech from the doctor, Mr. Clay made the following reply : "Dr. M'Nairy: — It is no ordinary occuiTcnce, nor any com- mon mission, that honors me by your presence. To be deputed, as you have been, by a large circle of Tennessee ladies, to bear the flattering sentiment toward me which you have just so elo- quently expressed, and to deliver to me the precious testimonial of their inestimable respect and regard which you have brought, is a proud incident in my life, ever to be remembered with feel- ings of profound gratitude and delight. '• My obligation to those ladies is not the less for the high opinion of me which they do me the honor to entertain ; because I feel entirely conscious that I owe it more to their generous par- tiality than to any merits I possess, or to the value of any public services which I have ever been able to render. " If, indeed, their kind wij^hes in relation to the issue of the last Presidential election had been gratified, I have no doubt that we should have avoided some of those public measures, so preg- nant with the evils to our country, to which you have adverted. We should have preserved, undisturbed, and without hazard, peace with all the world, have had no unhappy war with a neighboring sister-republic, and, consequently, no deplorable waste of human life, of which that which has been sacrificed or impaired in an insalubrious climate, is far greater and more lamentable than what has been lost in the glorious achievements of a brave army, commanded by a skilful and gallant general. " We should have saved the millions of treasure M'liich that unnecessary v/ar has and will cost — an immense amount — snlli- ciont to improve every useful harbor on the lakes, on the ocean, on the (jiah of Mexico, and in the interior, and to remove ol)Strnc- tiuns to navigation in all the great rivers in the United States. <' We sliould not have subverted a patriotic system of domestic protection, fostering the industry of our own people and the in- terests of our own country, the great benefits which iiave lieeii practically ileinonstraied hy experience, for the visionary promises of an alien pohcy of free trade, fostering the industry of I'oreign people and the interests of foreign countries, which has brought in its train disaster and ruin U> every nation that has hail the TO MR. CLAY, 46 temerity to try it. The beneficial Tariff of 1842, which raised both the people and tlie sjovenmiont of the United States ont of a condition of distress and embarrassment, bordering on bank- rnptcy, to a state of high financial and general prosperity, wonld now be standing nnimpaired, in the statnte-book, instead of the fatal Tariff of IS 16, whose calamitons effects will, I apprehend, sooner or later, be certainly realized. "All this, and more of what has since occurred hi the jaiblic councils, was foretold prior to that election. It was denied, dis- believed, or unheeded ; and we now realize the unfortunate con- sequences. But both philoso])hy and patriotism enjoin that we should not indulge in unavailing regrets as to the incurable past. As a part of history in which it is embodied, we may derive from it instructive lessons for our future guidance, and we ought to redouble our exertions to prevent their being nnprofitably lost. " I receive with the greatest pleasure, the splendid and mag- nificent vase of silver which the ladies of Tennessee, Avhom you represent, have charged you to present to me. Wrought by American artists, tendered by my fair countrywomen, and brought lo me by an ever-faithful, ardent, and distinguished friend, it comes with a triple title to my grateful acceptance. I request you to convey to those ladies respectful and cordial assurances of my warm and heartfelt thanks and acknowledgments. Tell them I will carefully preserve, during life, and transmit to my descendants, an unfading recollection of their signal and gener- ous manifestations of attachment and confidence. And tell them, also, that my fervent prayers shall be oUcred uji for their haj)pi- ness and prosperity, and shall be united with theirs that they may live to behold our country emerged from the dark clouds which encompass it, and once more, as in better times, standing out, a bright and cheering example, the moral and political model and guide, the hope, and the admiration, of the nations of the earth. " I should entirely fail, Dr. M'Nairy, on this interesting occa- sion, to give utterance to my feelings, if I did not eagerly seize it to express to you, my good friend, my great obligations for the faithful and uninterrupted friendship which, in prosperous and adverse fortune, and amid all the vicissitudes of my checkered life, you have constantly, zealously, and fearlessly displayed. May you yet long live, in health, happiness, and prosperity, and enjoy the choicest blessings of a merciful and boinitiful Provi- dence. A part of the winter and spring of 1846, Mr. Clay spent at New Orleans on professional business, where, as ever, he was re- ceived and entertained with public and private welcome. On his return, in April, he visited St. Louis, where he was forced to 4G MR. CLAY AT XEW ORLEANS. gratify the public feeling, by receiving graciously, as he ahvays (lid, the customary compliments and recognitions enthusiastically tendered to his person and to his services. A desire was mani- fested, m the next session of the Legislature of Kentucky, on the retirement of Governor Morehead from the Senate of the United States, that Mr. Clay should again represent the State in that body ; but he declined the honor. The next winter Mr. Clay was again found at New Orleans, and attended the anniversary of the landing of the Pilgrims. At the festal board he was of course toasted and brought out. The ^Mexican war was pend- ing. A sportive remark, dropping from his lips on that occasion, was made the occasion of some reproach by his political oppo- nents : " When I saw around me to-night General Broolce and other old friends, I felt half inclined to ask for some nook or corner in tiic army. / have thought that I might yet he able to capture or slay a Mexican."' The words were so reported, though their correctness has been questioned. We do not know that Mr. Clay ever condescended to put himself right, as no fair mind could fail to recognize in the language a jeu d/ esprit. It would only be used by enemies for a malign purpose, while he was in the field of public life. While still at New Orleans, in the early part of 1S47, a public meeting was held there in behalf of sullering aixl famishing Ire- land, and Mr. Clay was invited and urged to attend. Being still before the public, and regarded by a host of friends as still a can- didate for the Presidency, he saw the delicacy of his position, and for a moment paused, lest, in advocating that cause, his motives might be misinterpreted. But it was the cause of humanity, and after "consulting his pillow," as he said, his sympathies gained the point, and he went. Mr. Clay's speech on this occasion was a very effective one. It was precisely the field which suited the sympathies of his na- ture. The cause of humanity, in whatever condition of want or suffering, never appealed to him without a quick response from a feeling heart. The speech was as follows : "Mr. President and Fellow-Citizens — I hesitated to accept the invitation which has brought me here. Being a mere so- journer, and not a member of this community, I doubted the jiropriety of my presence and participation in the proceedings of this meeting, and apprehended that my motive might be misun- derstood. But — on consulting ray pillow, and considering that niS TLEA FOR IRELAND. 47 the humanity of the object of tliis nssemlily is bonnrled hy no latitude nor locahty, and oncrht to he co-extensive with the whole hnman familv — it seemed to me that all considerations of fastid- ious delicacy and etiquette should he waived and merged into a generous and mUgnanimous efl'ort to contribute to the relief of the sufferings which have excited our feelings. If I shoidd he misconceived or misrepresented, the experience of a long life has taught me that the best response to misconception and misrepre- sentation, is the fearless and faithful discharge of duty, in all the conditions of life in which we may be placed ; and the answer to traduction and calumny, is conscious rectitude and the appro- bation of one's own heart. " Mr. President — If we were to hear that large numbers of the inhabitants of Asia, or Africa, or Australia, or the remotest part of the globe, were daily dying with hunger and famine — no matter what their color, what their religion, or what their civil- ization — we should deeply lament their condition, and be irresist- ibly prompted, if possible, to mitigate their snlferings. But it is not the distresses of any such distant regions that have sum- moned us together on tliis occasion. The appalling and heart- rending distresses of Ireland and Irishmen, form the oltject of our present consultation. That Ireland, which has been in all the vicissitudes of our national existence our friend, and has ever extended to us her warmest sympathy — those Irishmen, who, in every war in which Ave have been engaged, on every battle- field, from duobec to Monterey, have stood by us, shorJder to shoulder, and shared in all the perils and fortunes of the conflict. " The imploring appeal comes to us from the Irish nation, which is so identified with our own as to be almost part and parcel of ours — bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh. Nor is it any ordinary case of human misery, nor a few isolated cases of death by starv^ation, that we are called upon to consider. Famine is stalking abroad throughout Ireland — whole towns, counties — countless human beings, of every age and of both sexes, at this very moment, are starving, or in danger of starving to death for bread. Of all the forms of dissolution of human life, the pangs and agony of that which ])roceeds from famine are the most dreadful. If one dies fighting gloriously for his country, he is cheered in his expiring moments by the patriotic nature of his sacrifice. He knows that his surviving relatives and friends, while lamenting his loss, will be gratified and hon- ored by his devotion to his country. Poets, painters, sculptors, historians — wnll record his deeds of valor and perpetuate his re- nown. If he dies by the sudden explosion of the boilers of a steamboat, or by a storm at sea, deatli is quiet and easy, and soon performs liis mission. A few piercing shrieks are uttered, he smks beneath the surface, and all is still and silent. But a death by starvation comes slow, lingering, and excruciating. 48 PLEA FOR IRELAND. ■ From day to day, tlie wretched victim feels his flesh dwindling, his speech siiikiiifr, liis friends faUing around him, and he finally expires in horrible asony. ' " Behold the wretched Irish mother — Mnth haggard looks and streaming eyes — her famished children clinging to her tattered garments, and irazins piteously in her face, besfsine for food ! AikI see the distracted hnsliand-father, with ]wllid cheeks, stand- in? by, horror and despair depicted in his countenance — tortured with the reflection that he can aff"ord no succor or relief to the dearest objects of his heart, about to be snatched forever from him by the most cruel of all deaths. " This is no fancy picture ; but. if we are to credit the terrible accounts which reach us from that theater of misery and wretch- edness, is one of daily occurrence. Indeed, no imagination can conceive — no tongue express — no pencil paint — the hoiTors of the scenes which are there daily exhibited. Ireland, in respect to food, is differently situated from all the countries of the Avorld. Asia has her abundant supply of rice ; Africa, her dates, yams, and rice ; Europe, her bread of wheat, rye, and oats ; America, a double resource in the small grains, and a never-failing and abundant supply of Indian corn — that great supporter of animal life, for M'-hich we are not half grateful enough to a bountiful and merciful Providence. But the staple food of large parts of poor Ireland is the potato, and when it fails, pinching want and famine follow. It is among the inscrutable dispensations of Providence, that the crop has been blighted these last two years ; and hence the privation of food, and this appeal to the sympathy of American hearts. " Shall it be in vain ? Shall starving Ireland — the young and the old — dying women and children — stretch out their hands to us for bread, and find no relief? Will not this great city, the world's storehouse of an exhaustlcss supply of all kinds of food, borne to its overflowing warehouses by the Father of Waters, act on this occasion in a manner worthy of its high destiny, and obey the noble impulses of the generous hearts of its blessed in- habitants? We are commanded, by the common Saviour of Ire- land and of us, to love one another as ourselves ; and on this, together with one higher obligation, hang all the law and prophets of our holy religion. We know, that of all the forms of human- ity and benevolence, none is more acceptable, in the sight of God, than the practice of charity. Let us demonstrate our love, our duty, and our gratitude to Him, by a liberal contribution to the relief of His suH'ering Irish children. '' Fellow-citizens, no ordinary purpose has brought us together. This is no political gathering. If it had been, you would not have seen me here. 1 have not come to make a speech. When the heart is full, and agitated by its own feeling emotions, the paralyzed tongue fmds utterance dillicult. It is not fervid elo- A LETTER TO MR. CLAY. 49 quenco, nor gilded words tliat Ireland needs — hnt substantial food. Let us rise to tiie magnitude of the duty which is before us, and by a generous supply from the magnitude of our means, evince the genuineness and cordiality of our sympathy and com- miseration." And is this the man that should pause, whatever misrepre- sentation or calumny might impend, and shrink from pleading the cause of a far-off famishing people, when he could speak so well and so touchingly, on a theme that moved his own heart to the utterance of such words — words of consolation and relief to the dying — words, which, on that occasion, were not spoken in vain ? No, he was not that man. He had his re- ward in the pleasure of doing good, and the following extracts of a letter to him, from two Irishmen in New York, accompa- nied by a handsome present of cutlery, will show that the Irish heart can appreciate such efforts in behalf of their brethren : " It was the good fortune of one us to hear your speech in behalf of the famishing millions of our native land, when in New Orleans on business, during that "dreadful wiuter of 1846-7. It has since been the fortune of the other to hear and to witness in Ireland, and elsewhere in Europe, the estimation and gratitude which that speech has excited. It is our pleasing duty to thank God that your thrilling appeal to the best feelings of our com- mon humanity was the means, by stimulating the energies of ever-blessed charity among the American people, of saving thou- sands of our countrymen from a death of agony and horror. It must be an abiding joy to your generous heart to know that American benevolence is devoutly blessed in parlor and cabin, where even your name, illustrious as it is, had hardly been heard before the famine ; and that thousands have been impelled, by their deliverance from the worst effects of the dhe calamity, to invoke blessings on the head of Henry Clay. " You have often, and most appropriately, received at the hands of your countrymen, by birth, fitting acknowledgments of your services, in the shape of rare products of their unsur- passed meclianical ingenuity and skill. Our humhle offering is the work of foreign artisans, in grateful acknowledgment of your powerful aid to an oppressed and sutFuring race on the other side of the Atlantic. AVe trust it may not, on that account, be unacceptable, but that among your many tokens of American esteem and thankfuluess, a single remembrance of the tears of gratitude which, at the mention of your name, have bedewed the cheek of sullering Ireland, may not be unwelcome." 50 DEATH OF Colonel Henry Clay, third son of Mr. Clay, was born in 1811, educated at West Point, took to the law as his profession, mar- ried well, traveled a while in Europe, and returned to settle down and practice law in Louisville. The author saw Colonel Clay at Lexington in the winter of 1844-5, and was deeply impressed with the imprint of his father's countenance stamped upon his face. The son seemed the copy of the father, and worthy to represent him. He received a commission as colonel of the Kentucky regiment in the army of General Taylor, and fell in the battle of Buena Vista. Mr. Clay had just returned from New Orleans, and while sit- ting at dinner one day, his son, James B. Clay, entered to an- nounce the painful intelligence of the fall of his son Henry, at the battle of Buena Vista, the 22d of February. Not long after- ward he received the following letter from General Taylor : " Kead-Qcarters, Army of Occupation", ) Agua Nceva, March 1, 1847. J " My dear Sir, — You will no doubt have received, before this can reach you, the deeply distressing intelligence of the death of your sou in the battle of Buena Vista. It is with no wish of intruding upon the sanctuary of private sorrow, and with no hope of administering any consolation to your wounded heart, that I have taken the liberty of addressing you these few lines. But I have felt it a duty which I owe to the memory of the distinguished dead to pay a willing tribute to his many ex- cellent qualities ; and while my feelings are still fresh, to express the desolation which his untimely loss, and that of other kin- dred spirits, have occasioned. " I had but a casual- acquaintance with your son until he be- came for a time a member of my military family : and I can truly say that no one ever won more rapidly upon my regai'd, or established a more lasting claim to my respect and esteem. Manly and honorable in every impulse, with no feeling but for ■ the honor of the service and of the country, he gave every assur- ance that in the hour of need I could lean with confidence on his sui)p()rl. Nor was I disappointed. Under the guidance of himself and the lamented INl'Kee, gallantly did the sons of Ken- tucky, in the thickest of the strife, uphold the honor of the State and of the country. "A grateful i»eo[)le will do justice to those who fell on that eventful day. But I may be permitted to express the bereave- ment which I feel in the loss of valued friends. To your son I felt bound by the strongest ties of private regard : and when I COLONEL CLAY. 51 miss his familiar face, and those of M'Kce and Hardin, I can say with truth tliat I feel no exultation in nnr success. " With the expression of my dee|)est and most heart-felt sym- pathies for your irreparahle loss, I remain your friend, " Z. Tayloh." "Hoy. Henry Clay." If Mr. Clay had a great and strong heart for those exigences of life which put in requisition fortitude and daring, no man ever had a heart more susceptible of tenderness in the domestic and social relations, and it is remarkable that these attributes are. usually found in company. As a husband and a father, Mr. Clay never failed to show himself exemplary and consider- ate. He loved his children, and had drunk deeply of the cup of affliction in parting with them, and in other forms of trial: In a former vohnne, we have had occasion to notice these be- reavements. His beloved daughters had all been stricken down in early life. And now a son, in whom he might well take pride, and in whom, doubtless, the tenderest sentiments of a father's love and hope had very much centered, had fallen in a cruel hour, though in the sei-vice, and fighting the battles of his country. But a few days before, he had said at New Or- leans, in his powerful appeal for famishing Ireland, •' If one dies fighting gloriously for his country, he is cheered in his ex- piring moments by the patriotic nature of his sacrifice. His surviving relatives and friends will be gratified and honored by his devotion to his country. Poets, painters, sculptors, historians, will record his deeds of valor, and perpetuate his renown." Alas ! at the very moment while the father was uttering these sentiments, it may be (we have not the dates of both events, but they were not far apart) the son lay bleeding on the field of Buena Vista ! The father was a painter in his speech, and did his work well. And yet he found his speech was false, so far as it depicted " gratification of suiTiving relatives and friends," at the fall of their kindred in battle, though it be in the service of their country. Nature is stronger than the artificial senti- ments of glory. Doubtless the fall of friends in such a service is afterward- a consolation. But the first and soul-absorbing sentiment of the father is : " O, Absalom, my son, my son !" Mr. Clay, doubtless, was well enough pleased that his son should engage in that service, and he was aware of its hazards. But there was hope of his safe return, and a conviction that he 52 MR. clay's baptism would acquit himself with honor. Life is a battle, and death awaits the combatants. We know what hope is, but we know not bereavement till it comes ; and then the head is bowed low. Silent snbmission to the awards of Providence is the sole ex- pression that befits the hour. We can go no further into the secrets of a father's bosom when his son falls. God only is acquainted with his sorrows. We come now to notice a very interesting event at this late period of Mr. Clay's life, narrated in the following extract from a letter dated at Lexington, June 25th, 1847: ''A notice was very generally circulated through the pulilic papers of the country, some two or three years asro, to the effect that Mr. Clay had liecome a member of the Protestant Episco- pal Church. The wish was doubtless father to the thought, as Mr. Clay had not at that time taken any such step. He lias always been known to have the highest respect for the institu- tions of Christianity, and to have been a decided believer in the Divine authenticity of the Christian religion — his amiable and now deeply-atllicted Avife having, for many years, been a hnmljle follower of its blessed Author. When the weather permitted it, living as he does a mile and a half from church, Mr. Clay has always been a regular attendant on its services ; and for two or three years past, having had more leisure from public duty, his attention had evidently been turned to the high con- siderations connected with things spiritual and eternal — his life having been devoted so intensely to the good of others, as scarcely, until this period of retirement, to leave him an oppor- tunity to think of himself. But he has at length consecrated his great powers to God. He was baptized in the little parlor at Ashland, on Tuesday, the 22d instant, together with one of liis daiighters-in-law (the other being already a member of the Church) and her four children, by the Rev. Edward F. Berkley, rector of Christ Church, LiCxinglon. Tiie baptism was admin- istered })rivately, for the reason that the congregation of Ciu-ist Church are replacing their old church with a new edifice, now in rapid progress of erection, and are not suitably situated for the most solemn and decent administration of this rite in jmblic. "When the minister entered the room, on this doejtly solemn and interesting occasion, the small assembly, consisting of the immediate family, a lew family connections, and the clergyman's wife, rose uj). In the middle of the room stood a large center- table, on which was jilaced. filled with water, tlie magnificent cul-glass vase presi-ntcd to 31r. Clay by some genllenien of Pitts- burg. On one side of the room luuig the large picture of the family of Washington, himscir an Ej>isctipalian by birth, by AND CHRISTIAN CHARACTER. 53 education, and a dcvont commmiirnnt of the Church ; and immediately opposite, on a side tal)le, stood the hiist of the lamented Ilairison, with a cl)ai)let of withered flowers Imng upon his head, who was to have heen confirmed in the Chnrch the Sahhath after he died— fit witnesses of snch a scene. Aronnd the room were sns]iended a nnmher of family pictnres, and among them the portrait of a beloved danghter, who died some years ago, in the trinmphs of that faith which her noble father was now abont to embrace ; and the pictnre of the late lost son, who fell at the battle of Biiena Vista. Could these silent look- ers-on at the scene abont transpiring, have spoken from the marble and the canvas, they would heartily have approved the act which dedicated the great man to God. Tbere was a deep emotion pervading that small assembly, at the recital, under such circumstances, of the sublime ordinal of the Church." The author visited Ashland in November, 1852, and accident- ally took up from the table in the parlor an elegantly bound Prayer-book, on the first blank page of which he found the two following records in Mr. Clay's own hand : " Presented to me by Mrs. Pinca, of New Orleans, in Febru- ary, 1847. H. Clay." '■ I was christened the 22d of June, 1847, by the Rev. Mr. Berkley, of Christ Church, in the city of Lexington, in my house at Ashland, according to the forms of the Episcopal 'Church. I partook of the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper the fourth day of July, 1847, in the Chapel of Transylvania Uni- versity, in Lexington; and on the 15th day of the same month, I was confirmed in the same chapel, by the Right Rev. Bishop Smith. H. Clay.'' The following are extracts of a letter, written in 1852, from the Rev. Edward F. Berkley, Mr. Clay's pastor above named, to the Rev. Dr. Biuler, Washington, D. C, touching Mr. Clay's religions character : "I have been ac(iuaintcd with Mr. Clay and his family for seventeen years, and for the last fourteen years have been rector of the church in which they worshiped ; and have known them as a pastor usually knows his people. In his words and actions, Mr. Clay always expressed a very high respect for the institu- tions of religion, and great confidence in its Divine authenticity. He usually attended church with his family once a day on the Sabbatli, when lie was at home ; but not so regularly before as after he joined the church. He evidently came to think more 54 MR. Berkley's letter. seriously and feel more deeply on the subject of religion, t\ro or three years Ix'fore he avowed his purpose to emhrace it. "At tlio time of his l)aptism, our present church edifice was in the course of construction, and we worshiped in the best place we could find. Under these circumstances he prefeiTed being baptized at home. * * * * The vessel which con- tained the water from which lie was baptized, was a very large cut-glass vase, presented to him by a manufacturer of such ware in the city of Pittsburg. " When I was about to begin the service, his family and sev- eral friends being present, T saw that he had no Prayer-book, and su22:ested that he might be aided in answerins; the questions in the service by using oue. He replied, ' I think I shall he al)le to answer them ; ' and he did answer them with great emphasis and deep emotion. "Mr. Clay felt a lively interest in the prosperity of the church, and concerned himself mucli in the erection of our present church edifice. He attended all the meetings of tlie congrega- tion that were called, \\itli a view of giving point and efiiciency to our ])lans, and aided by his coimsel and his means in bringing the work to a successful completion. '■ I never knew a jierson to he more deeply interested in arriv- ing at the truth in religion than Mr. Clay. He did nothing by halves. In all that relates to man's salvation, he wished to un- derstand the Christian system thorougiily. * * * * After his mind had been drawn to an investigation of the claims of religion upon himself, I scarcely ever met him at his ollice or at his house, that conversation did not turn upon this subject, in the course of wiiich he would ask many questions in reference to the doctrines and teachings of Scripture. On one occasion, about tiu'ee years ago, he became very ill. Being absent from the city, I did not see him until lie had got better. When I entered his room, he ai^se, and taking my hand in both of his, he said, with tears in his eyes, ' My dear sir, I am very glad to see you. I have been ill ; I have been very near the grave ; and I was sur- prised at the composure, and even pleasure, M'ith which 1 was jtermitled to louk into it." Oi his deep earnestness in a prejiara- tioii for that belter Avorld, from his first assumption of the vows of religion, I have always been well assured." Mr. Berkley speaks above of ^Nlr. Clays having "thought more seriously on the subject of religion for two or three years before he avowed his purpose to embrace it."' In coincidence with this remark, the author of these pages would adil that, in the wmter of IblJ— 15, Mr. Clay one day asketl bun, ''if he could redommend some work that would lead an inquirer alter religious truths from without, to its more vital parts within / '' The au- VISIT TO CAPE MAY. 55 thor mentioned a work wliich lie thonght was pertinent, and the next day saw it on Mr. Clay's table, who said he had begun to read it, and was pleased. On a Sunday evening, about the same time, the author and a gentleman from Boston were sitting with Mr. Clay in his parlor, when the conversation turned on some of the dark aspects of general society. A Bible lay on the cen- ter table, elegantly bound, in two volumes, and inscribed on the outside, in gold letters, " Presented hy the Ladies of Hartford,''^ (Conn). It appeared to have been placed there for Sunday use. Mr. Clay, pointing to it, said, " That, gentlemen, is the only book to give us hope in darkness." We come, then, to an epoch in Mr. Clay's life, from which we are to regard him as a Christian. This notice of his char- acter, in this particular, will not be thought impertinent by those who respect the truth of history, and who would desire a faithful picture of the life of such a man. Before this time, he was ever a true American patriot ; from this time, he was the Christian Statesman. In August of this year, Mr. Clay made a visit to Cape May, for sea air and bathing, and took Philadelphia en route. His pres- ence in that city, as usual, was the occasion of some sensation among his friends, who desired to honor him. Indeed, the man- ifestations of public regard were of a very decided character — enthusiastic. In this, there was doubtless a strong element of sympathy for his recent overwhelming bereavement. The peo- ple could not be satisfied without seeing him, and hearing his voice again, if only to thank them for their kindness, and to say, " Good-night." He said a few words to the immense concourse in the street, from the balcony of his host, Mr. Henry White, with a touching allusion to the loss of his son, which drew tears from ;dl eyes, and intimated the need he had of repose. He said he had left in part to escape from feelings that preyed upon him, and was happy in the evidences of sympathy which he every where met with. God was good, and his friends were still kind. The first was a religious consolation, and the second a favor which he highly appreciated. Cape May, however, was no retirement for ]\Ir. Clay. The world followed liim, and delegations from different cities paid him their respects. On a day and hour appointed, Mr. Nicholas Dean of New York, addressed Mr. Clay as follows : 56 SPEECH TO " Thronsh the unexpected kindness of friends. T am tlie hon- ored instrmneiit of expressing to yon, sir, briefly, sentiments which are common to us all. * * * * We come in the name of four hundred thousand persons, to ask you once more to visit our metropolis. * * * * Permit us, we pray you, sir, to announce to our friends, with the speed of lightning, that Henrv Clay will come to them. * * * * The great aggre- gate heart of our city is throbbing to bid you welcome, thrice welcome, to its hospitalities." Mr. Clay replied : " Gentlemen of the committee from New York ; gentlemen of the committee from Trenton ; gentlemen of the committee from New Haven ; gentlemen of the committ-ae from Piiiladelphia : Fellow-citizens— In all the uprightness of nature which I have ever endeavored to practice, I must tell you the objects and mo- tives which have brought me to the shores of the Atlantic. I returned to my residence, after passing the winter at New Or- leans, on the twenty-third or twenty-fourth day of March last ; and in a day or two afterward, melancholy intelligence reached me. [Here Mr. Clay evinced great emotion.] I have been nervous ever since, and was induced to take this journey ; for I could not look uiion the partner of my sorrows without feeling deeper anguish. [The speaker was here overcome by his feel- ings, and paused some minutes, coveriug his face with his hands. At length, recovering himself, he resumed.] Every thing about Ashlaud was associated with the memory of the lost one. The very trees which his hands assisted me to plant, served to remind me of my loss. Had the stroke come alone, by D:\iiie assist- ance, and sustained by the kindness of my friends and fellow- citizens, I could have borne it with meekness and resignation. But of eleven children, four only now remain, [Great emotion.] Of six lovely daughters, not one is left. Finding myself in that theater of sadness, I thought I would lly to the mountain's top, and descend to the ocean's wave, and by meeting with the sym- pathy of friends, obtain some relief for the sadness which sur- rounded me. I came for private purposes, and from private mo- tives alone. I have not sought these public manifestations, nor have I desired to escaiie them. My friend and traveling com- panion. Dr. Mercer, will tell you, thai m Virginia — iu every sec- tion of the State of my biith — I have been implored to remain, if only for a few hours, to exchange congratulations with my fi-iends^ but 1 invariably refused, and only slaiil in each place sufliciently long to exchange one vehicle for another. * * * 1 had no public object in view, ludillerent I am not, and can not be, to the honor, welfare, and glory of my country. COMMITTEES. 57 "Gentlemen, I liave truly and sincerely disclosed the jinrpose of my journey : but I can not but deeply feel this manifestation of your respect and regard. It is received with thaidv fulness, and reaches the warmest feelings of my heart, that I, a private and humble citizen, without an army, without a navy, without even a constable's staff, should have been met, at every step of my progress, with the kindest manifestations of feeling — manifesta- tions of which, at present, a monarch or an emperor might well be proud. [Great applause.] No, I am not insensible to these tokens of public alfection and regard : I am thankful for them all. [Cheers.] '•'Gentlemen of the conmiittees of New York, of Trenton, of New Haven, and of Philadelphia — I must reluctantly decline the honor of your invitations, and beg of you to excuse me. I trust to the afl