P^<^^lr 013 744 789 7 p6i2malif6« pH8J Protection of Freedmeii: Actual Coiiditioii of the Rebel States. SPEECH HON. CHARLES SUMNER, OF MASSACHUSETTS, HE BILL TO MAINTAIN THE FREEDOM OF THE INHABITANTS IN THE STATES DECLARED IN INSURRECTION AND REBELLION BY THE PROCLAMATION OF THE PRESIDENT OF JULY 1, 18G2; .f / / DEJ.IVEllED IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, DECEMBER aO, 18G5. \ WASHINGTON: PRINTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE. 18G5. -sJ 7 «-' ^-^ SPEECH. The Senate, as in Committee of the Wliolc, having resunieil the consideration of the bill (S. No. 9) to maintain the freedom of the inhabitants in the States declared in insurrection and rebellion by the procla- mation of the President of the 1st of July, 1862—. Mr. SUMNER said: Mr. PiiESiDENT : ^Yllen I think of wliat oc- curred yesterday in this Chamber ; when I call to mind the attemjit to whitewash the unhappy conditian of the rebel States, and to throw the mantle of oflQcial oblivion over sickening and heart-rendingoutrages, where Human Rights are sacrificed and rebel Barbarism receives a new letter of license, I feel that 1 ought to speak of nothing else. I stood here years ago, in the days of Kansas, when a small community was surrendered to the machinations of slave-mas- ters. I now stand here again, when, alas ! an immense region, with millions of people, has been surrendered to the machinations of slave- masters. Sir, it is the duty of Congress to arrest this fatal fury. Congress must dare to be brave ; it must dare to be just. But I shall not be di- verted from the question before the Senate, although, in unfolding the necessity of present legislation for the protection of the freedmen, I shall be led necessarily and logically to speak of the condition of the rebel States. All must admit that the bill of my colleague is excellent in purpose. It proposes nothing less than to establish Equality before the Law, at least so far as civil rights are concerned, in the rebel States. This is done simply to carry out and maintain the Proclamation of Eman- cipation, by which this Republic is solemnly pledged to maintain the emancipated slave in his freedom. Such is our pledge : "and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority there- of, will recognize i\n(\. maintain the freedom of such persons. ' ' This pledge is without any lim- itation in space or time. It is as extended and as immortal as the Republic itself. Does any- body call it vain words ? I trust not. To that pledge we are solemnly bound. Wherever our flag floats as long as time endures we must see that it is sacredly observed. But the performance of that pledge cannot be intrusted to another; least of all, can it be intrusted to the old slave-masters, embittered against their slaves. It must be performed by the national Government. The power that gave freedom must see that this freedom is main- tained. This is according to reason. It is also according to the examj>les of history. In the British West Indies we findthis teaching. Three of England's greatest orators and statesmen, Burke, Canning, and Brougham, at successive periods united in declaring, from the experiei\ce in the British West Indies, that whatever the slave-masters undertook to do for their slaves was always ' ' arrant trifling," and that, whatever might be its jjlausible form, it always wanted ' ' the executive principle. ' ' More recently the Emperor of Russia, when ordering Emancipa- tion, declared that all efforts of his predecessors in this direction had failed because they had been left to "the spontaneous initiative of the proprietors," I might say much more on this head, but this is enough. I assume thatuo such bhindervvill be made ou our part f that we shall not leave to the old proprietors the maintenance of that freedom to which we are pledged, and thus break our own promises and sacrifice a race. I have alread)' alluded to Emancipation in Russia. But this example is worthy our deepest study, unless we purposely reject history. All know that in 1861 the Emperor, by solemn Proc- lamation, gave freedom to upward of twenty- three million serfs ; but it is not generally known by what supplementary provisions this freedom was secured. I have in my hands an official copy of this great act, published at St. Petersburg, by which it is declared that the serfs, after an interval of two years, are ' ' entirely enfranchised. ' ' Under this Proclamation, anew set of local magistrates was constituted, with "special court" and "jus- tices of the peace" in each district, to superin- tend the working of the Proclamation and to examine on the spot all questions arising from Emancipation. This provision was not unlike our Bureau of Freedmen, which is thus vindi- cated by this examjjle. But the good work did not stop here. The Emperor did not leave the freedmen without protection, handed over to the tender mercies of their former owners. By a careful series of "regulations" accompanying the Proclamation, prepared with infinite care, and divided into chapters and sections, the rights of the freed- men are secured beyond question. I hold a copy of this remarkable document in my hand. Here it is, a model for our imitation. These "regulations" begin v,'ith the formal declaration that the freedmen, by the act of Emancipation, ' ' acquire the rights belonging to free farmers." The language is general. It is "the rights of free farmers," not in certain particulars, but in all particulars ; not merely in exemption from the authority of their mas- ters, but in complete enfranchisement. Surely liere is an example for us. The "regulations" then proceed in formal words to fix and assure these rights civil and political. These rights are not left to inference or to future discussion ; but they are positively declared with all possible detail. By one aectionthefreedmanis secured in all his rights of famili/ and rights of contract, as follows : " The articles of the Civil Code on the rights and obligatioHs of the family arc extended to the freed- men; consequently they acquire the right, withoutthe authorization of the proprietor, to contract marriage, and to make any arrangement whatever concerning their family affairs; they can equally enter into all agreements and obligations authorized by the laws, as \7oll with the State as with individuals, on the con- ditions established for free farmers; they can inscribe themselves in the guilds, and exercise their trades in the villages; and they can found and conduct facto- ries and establishments of commerce." Surely here is an example for us. By another section the freedman is secured in 7'ights of property. He may acquire and alien- ate property of all kinds, according to the gen- eral law; and, besides, "the possession of the homestead" on which he has lived is guarantied to him on certain conditions. Surely here is an example for us. By another section the freedman is secured complete Equality in the courts, as follows : "•He shall have the right of action whether civilly or criminally, to commence process, and to answer personally or by attorney; to make complaint, and to defend his rights by all the means known to the law, and to appear as witness and as hail conformably to the common lato." He may appear " as Surely' here is an ex- , Mark these words witness and as bail. ' ample for us. By other sections the freedman is secured Equality in political rights, according to the measure of such rights in Russia, thus : " On the organization of the towns, he shall be en- titled to take part in the meetings and elections for the towns, and to vote on town affairs, and to exer- cise divers functions ; and he shall also take part in the assemblies for the district, and shall vote on dis- trict affairs, and choose the chairman." From all the provisions on this head, it ap- pears that the freedman enjoys rights to choose the local officers, and to be chosen in turn. Surely here is an example for us. By still another section the freedman is se- cured Equality at schools and in Education ; thus : "He may place his children in the establishments for public education, to embrace the career of in- struction, or Itie scientific career, or to take service in the corps of surveyors." Surely here again is an example for us. Then, again, for the general protection of the freedman it is provided that he "cannot lose his rights or be restrained in their exercise, except after the judgment of the town accord- ing to fixed rules;" and still further, that he "cannot be subjected to any punishment, otherwise than l.iy notice of a judgment, or according to the legal decision of the town to which he belongs." Surely here again is an example to us. Thus does Russia by careful provisions, sup- plementary to the act of Emancipation, secure her freedmcn in all their rights; first, in the right of family and the right of contract ; sec- ondly, in the right of property, including a home- stead: thirdly, in complete Equality in the coui'ts; fourthly, in Equality in political rights; fifthly, in Equality at schools and in Education ; and, finally, all tliese safeguards are crowned by de- claring that they cannot lose their rights or be punished except after judgment according to fixed rules ; thus completely fulfilling that re- quirement of our fathers, that "government should be a government of laws and not of men. " I trust that this example is none the less wor- thy of imitation because it is that of an empire, which is not supposed to sympathize with liberal ideas. Surely a republic cannot in this respect lag behind an empire. Besides, all that we hear shows that the experiment has been successful. Clearly an experiment inspired so completely by the spirit of justice cannot fail. My colleague is clearly right in introducing his bill and pressing it to a vote. The argument for it is irresistible. It is essential to complete Emancipation. Without' it Emancipation will be only half done. It is our duty to see that it is wholly done. Slavery must be abolished not in form only, but in substance, so that there shall be no Black Code ; but all shall be Equal before the Law. As to the power of Congress over this ques- tion I cannot doubt it. My colleague assumes the power without professing to trace it to any particular source. It may be a military power precisely as the Proclamation of Emancipation, and here the ai'ithority is as clear and absolute as in the District of Columbia, or it may be in pursuance of the Constitutional Amendment, * which provides that Congress may "enforce the amendment by appropriate legislation;" or it may be to carry out the guarantee of a repub- .lican form of government. There are measures of my own, already in- troduced by me, now on your table, lookhig to the same result as the pending bill, which pro- ceed specifically on the two latter grounds. One of these is entitled "A bill supplying appropriate legislation to enforce tke amend- ment of the Constitution."' From this bill T read two sections : Sec. 3. And he it further enacted. That in further cnl'orccmcnt of the iirovision of the Constitution pro- hibiting slavery, and in order to romovc all reiics of tlii-s wrong from tho States where this constitutional prohiliiliou take.'; effeet, it is hereby dechired that all laws or eustoiiis in .such States establishing any oli- garchical iiri\i leges and any distinction of rights on account of color or race are hereby annulled, and all persons in such States arc recognized as equal be- fore the law; and the penalties provided in the last section arc hereby made applicable to any violation of this provision, which is made in pursuance of the Constitution of the United States. Sec. 4. And h<: it further enacted, That in further enforcement of tho provision of tho Constitution aforesaid, the courts of the United States in the States aforesaid shall have exclusive jurisdiction of all of- fenses committed by persons not of African descent upon persons of African descent; also of all offenses committed by persons of African descent; and also of all causes, suits, and demands to which any person of African descent shall be a party; and it is hereby declared that all such cases are to be treated as casps arising under tho Constitution of the United States. This bill, of course, proceeds on the idea that the amendment is now a part of the Constitution to all intents and purposes. And who can doubt this conclusion ? It has been already adopted by "the Legislatures of three fourths of the States," in other words by three fourths of the States having Legislatures. The States having uo Legislatures at the time of its proposition by Congress are not to be counted. Of what value can be the enforced consent of the disloyal and barbarous bodies that have pretended to act for certain States at the dictation of military power ? Military power may govern during the war, but it is impotent to make a republican State or to give assent to an amendment of the Constitution. Another bill introduced by me, and now on the table, is founded on the guarantee clause. It is brief, and will explain itself: A hill in part execution of the guarantee of a repub- lican form of government in the Constitution of the United States. Whereas it is declared in the Constitution that the United States shall guaranty to every State in this Union a rci)ublican form of government ; and wliereas certain States have allowed their governments to bo subverted by rebellion, so that tho duty is now cast upon Congress of executing this guarantee: Now, therefore, _ Be it cnaeted_ hy the Senate and House of Reprcsenta- tivrf) of the United States of America in Conoress assem- bled. That in all States lately declared to be in rebel- lion there shall be no oligarchy, invested with peculiar privileges and i)owers, and there shall bono denial of rights, civil or poll tical, on account of color or race : but all persons shall be equal bcToro the law, whethei- in the court-room or at the ballot-box. And thisstat- utc, made in pursuance of the Constitution, shall be the snt>reme. law of the land, anything in the con- stitution or laws of any sucli Stu.tc to the contrary notwithstanding. 6 Both these bills are broader even than that of my colleague; fortheypoint to the absolute obliteration of all legal discriminations founded on color, whether in the court-room or at the ballot-box, and to this conclusion we must come at last. Bi;t I confess that I feel the dignity, the grandeur, and the substantial value, which would be found in a declaration of Congress that an oligarchical government, which denied riglits to a whole race ; which undertook to tax without representation ; and which discarded the "consent of the governed" as its just foun- dation, cannot be a " republican form of govern- ment." The most explicit, the most positive, the most mandatory words in the Constitution are, "the United States shall guaranty to every State in the Union a republican form of government." This great duty is thrown not upon any individual branch of the Government, but upon the United States. • It is a duty "to guaranty" — which in itself is a strong term — what ? A republican form of government. Now, by the lapse of State gov- ernments in the rebel States, this duty is cast upon the United States. But the United States are represented in Congress, or rather by an act of Congress, Avhich in itself is the embodied will of both Houses of Congress, and of the President of the United States. Congress must, therefore, determine, what is a republican foi-m of government? Into this question I do not now enter. At the proper time I hope to consider it. I content myself now by saying, that it is absurd to say that a community, which is founded on oligarchical pretensions, and which excludes from all participation in the government any considerable proportion of its tax-paying citi- zens, and ignores the consent of the governed, can be considered a republican form of govern- ment. On this proposition I hope to be heard ut an early day. Here is one of the greatest questions of our history. And now after this brief review of the object proposed to be accomplished, I am brought to consider the practical necessity of such legisla- tion ; and here it is my duty to expose the actual condition of the rebel States, especially as re- gards loyalty and the treatment of the freedmen. On this head I shall adduce evidence in my pos- session. In the endeavor to bring Avhat I say within reasonable proportions, I shall adduce only a small part of what has passed under my eye ; but it will be more than enough. In bring- ing it forward the difficulty is of selection and abridgment. I shall begin with something relating to the condition of the rebel States generally, and shall then proceed to consider the different States successively. And now, first, as to the rebel States generally. I know no testimony which has found its way to the public, with regard to the general condi- tion of the South, which will compare in value with a series of letters by A. Warren Kelsey, a business agent of character and intelligence above question, who has traveled through the rebel States. His communications with his em- ployers show singular powers of observation, and are expressed with great clearness. Of course I can only give a few extracts : " In traveling .ibout as I have, from one section of the country to the other, I have been able to compare opinions, and, ns you know, I have had peculiar and favorable o)>i">rtuuities for ascertaining the views they have in cnmijicm. I have endeavored to trace the motives from which they have acted and which now animate them, and their reed purpose for the fu- ture, if they have one. In giving you my opinion now, it is proper to say that I have taken no one in divid- ual as a criterion of the whole, and havejudged them only by the opinions I find they are generally agreed upon; neither have I any one's statement for their thoughts and actions. My opinions, deductions, and conclusions are derived from my own experience and observation among them, and AYhethor they shall be cohflrmed or denied by others, are, notwithstanding, my honest and sincere convictions." "While I am able to say that they have made up their minds that emancipation is a fact, and not to be avoided, 1 am obliged to state my earnest ojiinion that so far as secession is concerned, that is, the doi.-trine of State rights, it is more deeply rooted than ever among them. They are perfectly united in the belief that the division of this country is both right from a moral stand-point, and politic as a measure of expe- diency. They have simply changed their base from the battle-field to the ballot-box, ticlieviiig, as they very frankly admit, thatgreatertriunii)hsawait them there than they could ever hope for in the field. In almost every house h.ings the old, worn confederate uniform, which is displayed with pride and satisfac- tion to all comers. So farfrom repenting of thestand they took, they glory in it. They regret the result, and their non-success, it is true, butnotonoinathou- sand will admit they were iu the wrong." ******* "They argue that at least ninety-five in every two hundred votes at the North are sure to be thrown in their favor, and they can now rule the Union by giving up, which is cheaper than to persist in their idea of a separate Government. That idea, however, is only laid aside for a time. Every boy at the South is be- ing educated in the belief that the relations the South to-day sustains toward the North, are the same as those of Hungary or Venetia toward Austria, or of Poland to Russia. They bide their time. They have adopted for their motto 'Patience, and shuffle the cards.' The snake, so far from being killed, is barely 'scotched.' Meantime, they deem it better to rule in the Union thau to serve iu the confederate army. "As to their affection for their military leaders, you will find proof in Ihe elections at Richmond and in i^outli Carolina. No man has a bettor claim to their r^yiiil>;illiy, and none stand a better chance of elec- tion, than those wlio were the last to give up. Mo- tives of policy may induce them to nominate others, hut the irtct remains as i li:i\ e stated. I repeat, that (Jeneral Leo and Waile Jliimpton are tho two most [lOpular and best-loved men in the Smith to-day. I have heard butonedisiiaraKinsrein;irk made ofGcn- eral Leo since 1 was at the t-outh, and that wa.s in this connection: I was ridins one nisht in a hack across tlio gap in a railway, made by Wilson, and, as usual, tho (conversation turned on political affairs and the conditiim and prospects of the southern people. One man said that (Jeneral Lee stood the best chance for the next Presidency — by the way, that is a very prev- alent idea here at the South — when another remarked that he would rather have Andrew .Johnson. 1 was curious to know why, and inquired. Ho reidicd, that 'ho had l)ut little couiidenco in Lee since he favored neprro soldiers, and in his opinion ho was not much better than a Black Republican.' "At present every one at the South is occupied in his personnl and family interests. There arc no po- litical parties; very littlo coherenco of opinion as to the policy best to be pursued. Rut I find among the knowins; ones, particularly those who have been on to tlio North, and remained some time in New York or Washington, a sanfruine belief that they can easily resume the reins of office, and these men aro the only Unionists in the South to-day. You can depend upon it, that the southern States in th(^ future will present one solid, unanimous front; their leaders liave them well in hand. And this is precisely what ninety-nine in every hundred of the men. women, and children believe sincerely as to the situation to-day : -tirst, that the South of right possesse-s and always i)0ssessed the right of secession ; secondly, that the war only proved that tlu; North was the strongest; thirdly, that negro slavery was and is right, but lias been abol- ished by the war. The southerners are too smart not to see that slavery is dead, but many of them hopea.s long as tho black race exists here to be able to nold it in a condition of practical serfdom. All expect the negro will be killed in one way or another by eman- cipation. Tiie p.: * " On the whole, looking at tho affair from all sides, it amountstojustthis: if the northern people are con- tent to be ruled over b.v the southerners they will continue in the Union; if not, the first chance fhey pet they will rise again. I venture tho prediction that within five years they will either be in power, or will be figiiting us again. If the first, God help New England!" Other testimony is in harmony. For instance a trustworthy traveler who has recently travr ersed the Gulf States, thus writes in a private letter to myself: " The former masters exhibit a most cruel, remorse- less, and vindictive spirit toward the colored people. In parts where there aro no Union soldiers, I saw col- ored women treated in the most outrageous manner. They have no rights that arc respected. - They aro killed, and their bodies tlnown into ponds or mud- holes. They are mutilated by having ears and noses cut oil'." Of course such a people already talk of re- pudiating the national debt. To the question, "Would it be safe to trust white men at the South with the power to repudiate the national debt'?" a person in gray uniform at once re- plied, "Repudiate! I should hope they would. I'm whipp(3d, and I'll own it; but I'm not so fond of a whipping that I'm going to pay a man's expenses while he gives it to me. Of course there are not ten men in the whole South tliat Avouldn't repudiate!" Such is the spirit of these States. But a candidate for Congress in Virginia undertook to speak for the rebel States, as follows : " I am opposed to the southern States being tax edat all for the redemption of this debt, either directly or indirectly; and, if elected to Congress, I will oppose all such measures, and 1 will vote to repeal all latB« that liaoc lierituforc lifcii passed for that purpose; and, in doing so, I do not consider that I violate any obli- gations to which the South was ting the constitutional amendment and refusing the annulment of secession ordinances; if, in a word, it can he shown that the long-rceognizcd politicians of the State have thoroughly damaged the State by taking her out of the Union, and have also kept her from coming in, thrrc xcill he a political rcvo/nfion in the State in hss than tiro months: The rebels so )>roraptly pardoned l)y the President wilt meet no such com- pliicency from tin; iieopl". I /c ho (t- this to be true; am taught it anew every day. "If the State authority is to be recognized, and the present Legislature triumphs by forcing the State into the Union, I anticipate very disastrous conse- quences. The freed people are well enough ; they do not know as much as could be desired, but they know quite as much as could be expected, and arc open to instruction. J!ut that instruction must come from the Govcnihtent, throtiph tlieinHitarji. untrammcled by any fractious jo))bing of State Lcgislal ures. There is no conlidence on the part of the freed people in the State,- they only know the United States Govern- ment, and no other will answer." Here is a letter from a South Carolinian who served in the rebel army, but who now sees the error of his ways: "I am sorry to say Governor Orr's inaugural yester- day received no applause at nil from the audience ; its sentiments were too Union-loving for them. I am sorry also to say that the South Carolinians generally entertain to a great extent their old ideas and preju- dices so disastrous of late to the State. One is almost compelled to think they insanely wish to bring upon themselves more and greater mortifications. Witness the vote given llanipton.wiio refused to be a candidate. What an unwisedisplay of a far^t ions and discontented spirit! Few seem willing to admit the simple prop- osition that all causes of ill-feeling between North and South have been settled by the arl)itrament of the sword, and wemustsubmitsinccrcly. Thcyscck rather to keep alivcthe ill-fcelingtliathasmadQiisunhappy for so many years, and th((t^ ill-ai/viied dixponiiion to supervise the actions of the United States Government. "If thiswardocs notscttleallissues, andscttlcthem forever, it wi/l be beeuuse the General Government faih to use tlic poiorr it has obtained. I am as dear a lover of South Carolina as any man in it, and for that rea- son I wish to sec peace and harmony restored througli - out its borders. But that can never be if the men who tried hardest to break up the Government are, im- mediati-ly they find themselves unsuccessful with the $\yord,/i//fnrrd to tnl-r seats in Congress andrecommcnee t!ie ursuod by llie ijofjislatures of the reconstrnctehet to predict a rising on the part of the col- ored population, and a terrible scene of bloodshed and desolation; nor can one blam6 the negroes if this proves to be the result. Iltuveheard, shicen^y arrival 13 here, of mtmh^rlcvs atrocitiea that have been perpetrated against the freedmen. It is sufficient. to state that the old ovcr.suc'is are in power agaiu. Tlic agents of the Freodiucn's ]}urcaii are almost powerless. Just arf soon as the United .States troops are withdrawn, it will be unsafe for the agents of the bureau to remain. The object of the southerners appears to be to make good their often-repeated assertions, to the efi'eet that the negroes would die if they were freed. To make it so, they seem determined to goad thcra to despera- tion, in order to have an e.xeuse to turn upon and annihilate tliem. There are, within a few miles of where I sit writing, several northern men wIk) have settled here, designing to work plantations. Theji oil, assure inc. that theij do not eonnider themselves safe in the eountrii; and two of them, ex-colonels in the United States Army, are afraid to leave their places without an armed escort. Other northern lessees do not dare remain on their places." Here are grave words, which open in fearful vi.sta the ti'agical condition of the freedmen, and the perils of northern settlers there. And now the pretended Legislature is engaged in fashioning an infamous Black Code ; but I do not dwell on this, as it has been already exposed •l)y ray colleague. From Mississippi pass to Loui.siana, where anarchy is beginning under the sway of return- ing rebels inspired from Washington. Union- ists are menaced in their safety. The story is so familiar that I content myself with a glimpse. Here is the testimony of a responsible person : '"During the canvass I made a tour through the northern portion of the State where I have resided for many years and have a large acquaint.'inco among the people, and was surprised to find the spirit of the people more hostile to the Government than at the l)reaking out of the war. This is especially the case with the leaders, who asserted to me in private con- versation that they were more impressed with the truth of secession than they ever were; that the war against the United States was a just one; that they would not support any man for office who did not partieijiato in that war; and that the only true policy for the southern people to adopt is to support the Democratic p;irty in opposition to the Republican party of the Xorth. They say that the wliolo war wa.s an aggression on the partof the Government, and that they intend to use every means in their power to destroy the (lovernment. I "Aprominentmeml)er of the Legislature, nftw con- ! vencd in this city, said to me a short time before the j election, tiiat he wasastrongersocessionist nov/than i he ever was, and that he hated the United States | (lovernment. and intended to do all in his jiowcr to I destroy it. This man is a leading member of the { Legishiture, which, in the House at least, is com- posed of more than eight tenths who entertain the same feeling, and are now legislating for the loyal citizens of this State. " Th ere arc several respectable men now in this city who are refug(jes from their homes in the interior of the State, being recently expelled on account of their Tinion sentiments." And here is a private letter from an interior town of Louisiana, written by a lady to a lady in New Orleans and communicated to me : " The poor colored people arc in a constant state of alarm. There is a Mrs. in this place who tcaclics the colored cliildren ; but the inhabitants, I suppose, not liking their having the advantages of education, expressed their disapproval by shooting at the teacher. At one time she was nursing a siek baby when a shot passed over her shoulder. No attempts were made to discover the guilty party. Of course all in office here are rebels. The teacher, who is a poor widow, became so much alarmed for her safety that she petitioned tlic officers to allow (lie troops to remain, whicli they did for a few days. The attempts on her life notbcingrcnewed, the troops were obliged to leave, and it is' only on her account that they re- mained as long as they did." Enough of this. Nor is this all. The pre- tdnded Legislature is plotting, like such bodies elsewhere, against tlie freedman. But I for- bear to dwell on the elaborate machination. And yet how. can I fail to denounce, with all the energy of my soul, these most cruel and most vindictive attempts to oppress the free- man, to despoil him of his rights, and to nullify the great Act of Emancipation? Talk of nul- lification! Wliat nullification in our hi.storyis comparable to this most wicked attempt ! The difference between a revenue law and the great statute of Freedom is as wide as tlie space between earth and heaven. Where such things arc done, there can be, of course, small security for those faithful Union- ists who fondly hoped for protection under the national flag. Already they talk of abandoning the State and finding in exile that safety which is denied them at home. The flag, which they had longed for, is now prostituted to the pur- poses of rebels, and they are thrust out from the enjoyment of its folds. Hard fote ! almost without a pai-allel in history. For myself, I know nothing more touching than the story of Unionists, loving their country and loving free- dom, compelled to yield to returning rebels. Li TEXAs'there seems to l:)e more hope than anywhere, because a sincerely loyal person has been placed in power thei-e. But a private let- ter from a loyal Texan thus cries out : "What we of the South fear is that President John- son's course will, by its prccipitanei/, enable the old set to reorganize themselves into place and power. For Heaven's sake preserve us, if you can, from this calamity." Surely you will preserve them. But there is special evidence that I ought not to forget. The same authority whicli I adduced with regard to the general condition of the rebel States writes thus from Galveston, in Texas: "If any man from the North comes down here ex- pecting to hold and maintain 'radical' or 'aboli- tion' sentiments, let him e.rpert to he shot dotcii from behind the Jirst time he leaves his house, and hnow that his murderer, ifiver broupht tojitstiee, irill be oequitled by thejurii. If the military are withdrawn his house 14 even will be no protection, and he may expect to bo hung from his own chamber wimUiw. i tell ynu, Mr. ,thesemenarooiily taking l)re:i!h and reciiper- atinp:. Not tiiat there is tlie iHiihlryt (lairrcr of any !(((;(«■('/<(/<■ outbreak. No; thesoutheni |M'..|.|c are too smart i'orlli((l. Tliey will nfitii»r again ih'm iii'-,-tiength witli the North, unless their success be a.-->uiril bet'orc- band. In case of foreign war, or a domestic convul- sion at the North,' they will rise, but they will never try it alone and without assistance. Meantime they propose to 'take it out in hating.' Already our of- ficers are the subject of a social ostracism. I repeat that any man of radical vicws'who comes down here to plant cotton will be in constant danger, night aitd day, unless lie holds his tongue. The ministers of the (rosiiel, of all denominations, the instructors of the youth of the country, the women, and the young men, all hate tiie North with a degree of intensity that cannot be exaggerated." Small temptation here to the northern cap- italist! Small welcome to the northern emi- grant! The first condition. of prosperity is se- curity ; but this is absolutely wanting in this blasted region. There is also Tennessee, where authentic testimony shows a painful condition of things. I content myself now with official documents. It seems that a committee was appointed to con- sider what could be done to arrest crimes and disorders in Tennessee. Addressing Governor Brownlow, they remark as follows : " In the discharge of this duty, we would respect- fully and earnestly call the attention of your Excel- lency to the many dreadful crimes that are becoming so common not ojily in and immediately around the capital of the State, but nn r llir irliole countnj. "Quiet and peaceful clti/cii-^ are met on our most public highways and r(>lilje(l