.mi 
 
BIl 
 
 HOLLINGER 
 
 pH8.5 
 
 MILL RUN F3-1543 
 
DISCOURSE 
 
 ON 
 
 THE PROPOSED llEPEAL OE THE 
 
 MISSOURI COMPROMISE; 
 
 Delivered ou Fast Day, April 6, 1854, 
 
 IN 
 
 THE FIRST CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH, 
 
 IN liEICESTER, itIAS.S., 
 
 BY J. NELSON, D. D. 
 
 [published by request.] 
 
 \ 
 
 
 PRINTED BY 
 
 
 EDWARD R*. FISKE 
 
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 WORCESTER, MASS, 
 
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 58062 
 
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 ./f3-1543 
 
SERMON. 
 
 EcCLK8iASTES, ChAp. Ill, Ist and 7th verses. "To every thing there is a season, and a 
 lime for every purpose under the sun — a time to keep silence and a time to sjicak." 
 
 There are subjects which under ordinary circumstances 
 do not so appropriately belong to writings or discourses 
 purely religious as to those which are of a more secular 
 nature. The subject of slavery, for example, regarded 
 merely in its political aspects, may be one of this character, 
 but regarded as a moral question — as one of right or wrong 
 — as one deeply affecting the interests of humanity, it 
 always comes within the legitimate scope of the pulpit 
 and the press. Nay, regarded as a political question, 
 there are times and seasons when it may assume such an 
 attitude — when the evil to which it relates portends so 
 wide a sweep of wrong, and oppression, and injury, that 
 it demands the attention of the whole religious community, 
 and summons all its voices and all its activities in order, 
 seasonably to expose, and, if possible, to ward off the 
 dangers which it threatens. 
 
The late sudden and extraordinary onset of the sup- 
 porters of slavery, both North and South, through the 
 Senate of the United States — the onset, I mean, upon the 
 time-hallowed compacts and compromises of the country, 
 which, it was supposed, w^ould keep back forever the 
 aggressions and intrusions of this institution from certain 
 well-defined latitudes, furnishes the occasion for calling 
 forth the thinking and speaking and acting of all orders in 
 the community. 
 
 If the clergy did right at the momentous crisis of the 
 revolution in sustaining, as they did, the great cause of 
 freedom, by their prayers, their preaching, and their whole 
 personal influence, it must be right for the clergy and for 
 all Christian men to come to the rescue of the same great 
 cause of human freedom now, when threatened to be 
 trfimpled in the dust by that adverse power, which, unfor- 
 tunately, being harbored at the beginning, has grown up 
 and expanded itself to a giant size in the midst of us — a 
 power at once grasping, domineering, and determined to 
 extend its sway at whatever sacrifice. If the gospel has 
 a voice to summon men to patriotism or to duty in 
 resisting the wrong or defending the right, let it speak 
 through the pulpit, through the press, and through every 
 medium in which it can make itself heard. 
 
 In my comparative seclusion, of late, from the more 
 exciting and agitating scenes of the outer world, I have 
 been in a situation for calm reflection, both on the past 
 history and present startling attitude of Slavery in our 
 country. And it is now my purpose, in the simplest and 
 briefest manner possible, to express some of the thoughts 
 that liaA'e been accumulating and giving no little disturb- 
 ance to my mind on this stirring subject. 
 
 In view of all I have heard, and read, and observed, I 
 i'eel authorized to sa}' that the great body of the people in 
 the non-Slavery States, particularly in Ncav England, have 
 
been more tliaii convinceil tli;it Slavery, ;x,s it exists in our 
 conntiy, is, in principle and in fact — nay, in every possi- 
 ble view of it, wrong ; that it is at once a political, social 
 and moral evil, — that it is a most palpable violation of that 
 christian law which bids ns do to others — to all others — 
 what we would that they should do to us, — that it is a 
 flagrant sin against God and humanity. The people 
 generally have long felt — some with less and some with 
 greater intensity — that Slavery ought to be abolished just 
 as soon as it can be done consistently with the rights and 
 interests of all concerned. 
 
 These convictions have been all Ijut universal in the 
 States of the North. I know that they have pervaded and 
 deeply penetrated the minds of nearly the whole ])ody of 
 the clergy, and of tliose comprising what wx may call the 
 great Christian community. Indeed, if there have been, 
 or are those of any class among us who do not entertain 
 them, the exceptions are those politicians and their 
 partizans, Avho know how necessary the fiivor of the South 
 is to the success of their aspinngs, or men wliose bus- 
 iness connections and enterprises are dependent on the 
 same. 
 
 But while the Northern people generally are thus united 
 in their condemnation, nay, abhorence of Slavery, and in 
 their strong desire that it may everywhere and wholly 
 cease, they have felt restrained from doing what their 
 convictions of right would have prompted them to do had 
 they been free, I mean in seeking the removal of the 
 great evil, in those sections of the country where its 
 existence is guaranteed by certain compacts and compro- 
 mises constituting, as they have regarded it, a bargain of 
 binding force, having been ratified by all concerned. 
 
 The compacts of the constitution which thus restrain 
 the patriotism and humanit}^ of the North, it is generally 
 understood, were agTeed to by our fathers from the urgent 
 
6 
 
 « 
 
 necessity of yielding something on all sides, lor the sake 
 of securing "what they felt it so important to secure — the 
 permanent union of the States under a federal government, 
 and on the supposition, too, that the institution of Slavery, 
 although it seemed necessary under existing circumstances, 
 it having been previously planted in the country by the 
 British government, would soon come to an end of itself. 
 Most certainly it was understood, on all hands, that 
 while it existed. Slavery should he confined to its original 
 limits. The compacts securing to it, not only non-inter- 
 ference on the part of the free States, but a kind of 
 pr»tection, were manifestly framed and adopted in 
 accordance with this idea. Hence the strong ordinance 
 of 1787 passed by Congress soon after, when the whole 
 subject was fresh in the minds of all — when the views and 
 intentions of the framers of the constitution, and when 
 the sentiment of the country North and South were fully 
 understood — I say, hence this ordinance prohibiting 
 Slavery forever from the then only unorganized territory 
 of the country, now including the States of Ohio, Indiana, 
 Michigan, Illinois and Wisconsin. Coming into existence 
 at the time and under the circumstances stated, this 
 ordinance is a most decisive exponent of the great prin- 
 ciple of Slavery -restriction. It shows that all the 
 concessions and compacts of the constitution favorable to 
 the existence of Slavery are based on this idea, this principle 
 of restriction. But this great commentary upon the con- 
 stitution in respect to Slavery having been thus fully made 
 b}^ the representatives of the people, in the ordinance of 
 1787, there Avas supposed to be what is now called a 
 finality on the whole difficult and embarrassing subject. 
 
 But new circumstances arose. Our government pur- 
 chased the immense region west of the Mississippi called 
 Louisiana. In the settled part of this. Slavery existed 
 under the Spanish and French law. The question was 
 
therefore now to be determined as to the further extension 
 of Slavery in the new States to be formed from this pur- 
 chased territory. This, as might be supposed, led to 
 much discussion and agitation. But Louisiana having 
 Slavery, as I have already said, in it, was admitted to the 
 Union as a Slave State, And afterwards Missouri was 
 admitted as the same ; but not without strenuous oppo-^ 
 sition, nor till the agreement or compromise had been 
 made guaranteeing that Slavery hereafter should never be 
 extended above 36° 30' north latitude. 
 
 This was considered, at the time, and has been considered 
 for more than thirty years, as another final settlement of 
 the whole question of slavery extension, certainly so far 
 as the unorganized territory then in the possession of the 
 United States was concerned. 
 
 Nay, further, depending on the plighted faith of the 
 South, that Slavery above 36° 30' should not exist in any 
 new States to be formed, and yielding too readily to the 
 claim that heloio this line the compromise implied that it 
 might exist, the opposers of Slavery allowed the admission 
 of all the Slave States which that part of the territory 
 would admit of. Thus the South have actually secured to 
 themselves all the advantage of the compromise according 
 to their understanding of it. 
 
 The North, in the meantime, so scrupulously true to their 
 bargain as to yield much, and no doubt wrongfully, to the 
 unexpected interpretation of the compromise on the other side, 
 have done nothing but sought to keep Slavery from intruding 
 into those portions of our territory which the acknowledged 
 compacts and engagements had set apart for freedom. 
 
 But hard indeed it is, and ever will be found to confine 
 a pestilence to any one locality — hard it is, and ever will 
 be found, where any great profligacy is allowed in one 
 section, to keep up such barriers that it shall not pass over 
 and work mischief in others. Slavery, too, is an evil that 
 
8 
 
 enlists in favor of it so many passions anil interests that it 
 bursts through the bounds by which we attempt to restrain 
 it. All who know anything of its history, in our country, 
 nmst be fully convinced of the impossibility of rendering 
 it harmless, or even tolerable, by whatever we can do to 
 keep it within certain defined limits. More and more 
 apparent has it become, that in order to do anything 
 effectual for relieving the country from the apalling and 
 growing evils of this institution, the axe must be laid at 
 the root of the tree — Slavery must be followed into its 
 strongholds and assailed by the whole armory of spiritual 
 weapons- — the aim must be, not simply restriction, for this 
 is found to be unavailing, bift to put forth Avise, united 
 and Christian efforts, to overcome it, in a name, and hy a 
 power mightier than itself. 
 
 But hitherto, whatever individuals or associations of 
 individuals have attempted for exposing the wrongs of 
 Slavery, and for persuading those who maintain it to 
 co-operate for its abolition, there have been impediments 
 and obstacles in the way of any political action for this 
 purpose. The North have been restrained and kept back 
 from such action by old compacts guaranteeing the un- 
 molested existence of Slavery in certain localities. These 
 have had a paralizing influence. They have formed a 
 barrier around the evil which the friends of freedom have 
 wished to overcome and kept them at bay. 
 
 But now I ask, and in asking bespeak the attention of 
 all, — has not the time come when the liberty-loving and 
 free North, may, with united and earnest purpose, put 
 forth their best exertions for removing Slavery, root and 
 branch, from the whole land ; are they not fully at liberty, 
 not simply to resist its extensio?i, but to do what they can 
 by Christian means for utterly subverting and destroyiujg 
 it as an institution wholly incompatible with the well being 
 of the country and the rights of humanity. 
 
Is it asked Iwii) the neutralizing and embarrassing- 
 restraints that have hitherto kept them back from a work 
 like this are removed, I answer^ l)y the repudiating, on 
 the part of the South, of the bargain that had been made 
 between us of the North and them. When one party to 
 a bargain set aside and trample under foot its most essential 
 conditions, the other party is clearly released from its 
 obligations and is free from all hindrance or restraint 
 arising from the same. 
 
 Now as the Missouri Compromise yielded to freedom all 
 North of 3G° 30', on the same principle that the ordinance of 
 1787 clearly carrying out the spirit and intentions of what- 
 ever in the constitution relating to Slavery compacts existed 
 had yielded to freedom all the then existing territory of the 
 country, this is a most essential link in the chain of 
 compacts between the North and the South. Of 
 course, it being taken away by the South, the chain is 
 dissolved and the North are no longer held by it. 
 
 But now look at the fact. The Senate of the United 
 States, largely representing the Slave power, have, by an 
 almost unanimous vote, on the part of the South, sundered 
 the link to which I have referred — have repudiated as a 
 thing of naught the Missouri Compromise, and done it, be 
 it observed, on the avowed principle of its being the right 
 and the constitutional right of the people, in all new ter- 
 ritories, north or south of 36° 30', compacts or no compacts 
 — to have Slavery incorporated in their State organizations 
 if they will. But if, as assumed, it is, and ever has been, 
 the right of the people in every degree of latitude, to settle 
 the question for themselves; and if the Missouri Compromise 
 is set aside on this ground, then, for the same reason and 
 on the same ground, the ordinance of 1787 excluding 
 Slavery from the old north-west territory is, as it ever has 
 been, a mere nullity ; and as this was undoubtedly based 
 on what was understood to be the restrictive principle as 
 
10 
 
 to Slavery essentially belonging to all the compacts of the 
 constitution, the blow which annihilates the Missouri 
 Compromise annihilates also, not only the ordinance of 
 '87, but every compact existing anywhere, which obliges 
 the North to tolerate or protect slavery. I repeat, the 
 essential and fundamental principle of restriction being- 
 set aside, by the south, the North are free from all the 
 obligations of the supposed bargain between these two 
 parties. The repudiating and nullifying principles of the 
 Nebraska bill being adopted and violently put forth by the 
 advocates of slavery, nothing remains for the opposers of 
 it but to accept their freedom from the shackles of the now 
 discarded compacts, and do their duty to their country and 
 to themselves. 
 
 This new movement or act of the south, considering the 
 principles involved, is a plain manifesto — a bold and full 
 announcement of the plan and purpose of setting the Slave 
 power free to go through the length and breadth of the 
 land, and to establish itself where the people shall please 
 to have it, all agreements and compromises notwithstanding. 
 
 Well, be it so, if it must be. The faith is broken on 
 the other side. It now only remains then that being thus 
 released from the engagement longer to protect an institu- 
 tion which we had agreed to protect on the well understood 
 condition of its keeping within certain stipulated bounds, 
 we may now do justice to our sense of duty, in resisting, by 
 our political action and by the honorable use of all the means 
 in our power, Slavery itself wherever it exists, thus 
 restoring our country to a position which alone is consistent 
 with the declaration of equal rights lying at the basis of 
 our constitution ; which alone is consistent with uU true 
 ideas of republicanism — with the honor and welfare of the 
 country — with the claims of humanity — with the spirit 
 of the age, and above all, which alone is consistent 
 "with that Christianity whose great law requires us, 
 
11 
 
 without distiiK'tiuii of color, to love our neighbor us our- 
 
 selv-es. 
 
 The issue now to be met — the great question now to be 
 settled, the other party having set aside the compacts and 
 compromises of the past, is, shall our country be a slave- 
 holding or free country ? Shall all among us, the native 
 and the foreigner, the white man and the black man — all 
 who are on a soil which our fathers consecrated to liberty, 
 enjoy enual rights as freemen, or shall increasing millions 
 groan on under a most oppressive system of outrage and 
 
 wrong ? 
 
 I repeat, now w^e know that it is the policy and the 
 purpose of the Slavery-side of the question to trample 
 down the Missouri Compromise, and of course all other 
 compromises based on the same principles with that, there 
 is nothing to prevent the North from acting henceforth 
 according to their honest convictions of right and duty, 
 from giving free expression and circulation to their 
 opinions ; from making full use of all their powers of 
 remonstrance and persuasion ; from unrestrained political 
 action, especially, from resisting to the utmost extent of 
 their power the admission of any new States to the Union, 
 whether from Cuba or from Mexico, whether on the southern 
 or northern side of the now discarded line of 3G° 30', that 
 shall tolerate Slavery. 
 
 Outrageous, then, as we must regard the breach of faith 
 —the trampling upon contracts and engagements involved in 
 the Nebraska bill ; and revolting as are the objects of that 
 bill, w^e still see how this mad conspiracy between the Slavery- 
 loving leaders of the South and theoffice-lovingleadersof the 
 North may be overruled by a wonder working Providence for 
 the maintenance and ultimate triumph of that very cause of 
 freedom which it Avas intended to cripple and destroy. It 
 brings about a crisis needful in order to arouse the too 
 readily slumbering spirit of the North. Revealing clearly 
 
12 
 
 the plans and purposes of the great antagonist power, it 
 shows us our danger and what we are to expect, unless^ by 
 the help of God we successfully resist and roll back the 
 tide of oppression and WTong that is coming in like a 
 mighty rushing flood. 
 
 Now we are at liberty — the other party having taken 
 the impediments out of the way, to array ourselves, not 
 simply as we have hitherto done against the extension of 
 Slavery, but to enter with the best influences we can 
 command, political and moral, its very seats and strong- 
 holds, and to do all we can, by Christian means, and 
 instrumentalities to destroy it. 
 
 But hardly prepared — with our old habits of being 
 restrained by compacts and compromises — for taking the 
 new position on the subject that the South is forcing us to 
 take, we may, perhaps be led to pause, and in our 
 bewilderment — so suddenly has the change come about — 
 to ask, are we not too fast ? The Nebraska bill has not 
 yet passed both houses, and therefore must we not keep by 
 the old compacts till it shall be '? 
 
 I answer, we have already the manifesto of the party 
 before us, in regard to their principles, their plans and 
 their purposes. They have appeared in full force with 
 unmistakable colors, and all their Northern allies w^ith 
 them, on the field of action, and boldly tell us wherefore 
 and for what purpose they are there ? And now, under 
 these circumstances must we wait, in silence and inactivity, 
 until it is seen whether they may not possibly be outvoted 
 for once — I say for once, for should this happen the present 
 session of Congress, does that put the matter to rest? 
 Was the scheme of annexing Texas given up because not 
 sustained by one Congress ? Is there anything in the past 
 history of the onward, determined, aggressive spirit of the 
 Slave power to justify the expectation that having tri- 
 umphantly carried one House of Congress, they will give 
 
in 
 
 up the matter in consequence of a single defeat in the 
 other ? No ; we have in the principles of the Nebraska 
 bill their ultimatum, and it only remains that we surrender, 
 or determine to resist as we may be able. 
 
 No, I repeat, to all practical purposes the deed is done. 
 The determined advocates of Slavery have taken their 
 position, with all the compacts and compromises that have 
 hitherto bound, either us or them, under their feet. They 
 have given us a new and startling issue, and now we must 
 either fold our hands and let things take their own course 
 — we must look on tamely and see Slavery with its iron 
 hoof over-ride the land, marring and destroying all our 
 goodly heritage ; or, as worthy sons of those sires who 
 gained our independence ; as the lovers of universal 
 freedom and as the friends of universal humanity ; nay, 
 as the disciples of him who came to proclaim liberty to the 
 captives, and the opening of the prisons to them that are 
 bound, we must fully awake, we must arise in all the 
 majesty of truth, of patriotism and humanity, and in the 
 name of our God, meet the emergency as wisely and as 
 faithfully as we can. 
 
 I have thus fully given expression to the convictions, 
 the thoughts and the feelings, that have been gathering in 
 my own mind in relation to the important subject before us. 
 Noslight cause- -no ordinary alarm in regard to the great in- 
 terests and destinies of our coutry could have induced me to 
 diverge, even for a moment, from that peculiarly gospel course 
 or sphere of preaching in which it has long seemed to me the 
 ministers of Christ had better confine themselves without 
 yieldingto the temptation, whichis often powerful, to plunge 
 into the vortex of excited and exciting political agitation. 
 But in a crisis like the present, when I really think, a darker 
 and more threatning cloud has gathered over the land, 
 than, long as I have lived, I have seen before, I feel urged 
 on by an unaccountable impulse — former habits and age 
 
14 
 
 and conscious weakness notwithstanding — to do what little 
 I can to swell that tide of patriotic feeling, at the North, 
 which I pray may meet and roll back the coming tide of 
 evil from the South. I can never consent, no, never, that 
 the glorious heritage which our fathers, or rather the Grod 
 of our fathers, have given us shall be all marred and 
 blighted by a wide-spread and continued enslavement on the 
 part of so many millions of the people, all of one blood 
 with ourselves — bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh. 
 
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