Pill intiti''^'V^'' 
 
 
 ;t':M 
 
 i'^'i;i!(-' ■l'^i< 
 
 
THE STORY OF THE NATIONS 
 
 J 
 
 laMO, ILLUSTRATED. PER VOL., $1.50 
 THE EARLIER VOLUMES ARE 
 
 THE STORY OF GREECE. By Prof. Jas. A. Harrison 
 
 THE STORY OF ROME. By Arthur Gilman 
 
 THE STORY OF THE JEWS. By Prof. Jas. K. Hosmer 
 
 THE STORY OF CHALDEA. By Z. A. Ragozin 
 
 THE STORY OF GERMANY. By S. Baring-Gould 
 
 THE STORY OF NORWAY. By Prof. H. H. Boyesen 
 
 THE STORY OF SPAIN. By E. E. and Susan Hale 
 
 THE STORY OF HUNGARY. By Prof. A. Vamb^rv 
 
 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. By Prof. Alfred J. Church 
 
 THE STORY OF THE SARACENS. By Arthur Gilman 
 
 THE STORY OF THE MOORS IN SPAIN. By Stanley Lane-Poolu 
 
 THE STORY OF THE NORMANS. By Sarah O. Jewett 
 
 THE STORY OF PERSIA. By S. G. W. Benjamin 
 
 THE STORY OF ANCIENT EGYPT. By Geo. Rawlinson 
 
 THE STORY OF ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE. By Prof. J.P.Mahaffy 
 
 THE STORY OF ASSYRIA. By Z. A. Ragozin 
 
 THE STORY OF IRELAND. By Hon. Emily Lawless 
 
 THE STORY OF THE GOTHS. By Henry Bradley 
 
 THE STORY OF TURKEY. By Stanley Lane-Poole 
 
 THE STORY OF MEDIA, BABYLON, AND PERSIA. By Z. A 
 
 Ragozin / 
 THE STORY OF MEDIEVAL FRANCE. By Gustave Masson 
 THE STORY OF MEXICO. By Susan Hale 
 THE STORY OF HOLLAND. By James E. Thorold Rogers 
 
 For prospectus of the series see end of this volume 
 G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, NEW YORK AND LONDON 
 
CHAPELLE DU CHATEAU DE VINCENNES. 
 
jlhe moi^ of tht |Jaii(ms 
 
 THE STORY 
 
 Medieval France 
 
 FROM THE REIGN OF HUGUES CAPET 
 TO THE BEGINNING OF THE 
 EIGHTEENTH CENTURY • 
 
 KY 
 
 GUSTAVE MASSON, B.A. 
 
 UNIV. GALLIC, OFFICIER d'aCAD^MIE, MEMBER OF THE SOCI^T^ DE l'hISTOIRK 
 DE FRANCE, ASSISTANT MASTER AND LIBRARIAN OF HARROW SCHOOL 
 
 NOV 28 \m 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 
 
 LONDON : T. FISHER UNWIN 
 
 isas 
 
y 
 
 Copyright 
 By G. p. Putnam's Sons 
 
 1888 
 
 Entered at Stationers' Hall, London 
 
 By T. Fisher Unwin 
 
 Press of 
 
 G. P. Putnam's Sons 
 
 New York 
 
MY FRIEND AND COLLEAGUE, 
 
 M. GUSTAVE RUAULT, 
 
 THE FOLLOWING VOLUME IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED, 
 
 GUSTAVE MASSON. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 '' The story of a nation," we conceive, is read, 
 not only in its political annals, in the records of the 
 battle-field, and the details of treaties of peace ; but 
 in its social life, in the development of commerce, 
 industry, literature, and the fine arts. Accordingly, 
 whilst attempting throughout the following pages to 
 give the history of Mediaeval France, we have allowed 
 a large share to what may be called the intellectual 
 side of the subject, more especially to the formation 
 and progress of national literature. Without pre- 
 tending to exhaust the topic, we have illustrated it by 
 extracts from several authors, accompanied, whenever 
 necessary, by a translation in English. The reader 
 will thus be able to follow at the same time the 
 development of the language ; and the glossary at 
 the end of the volume will help him to understand 
 the archaisms used in the original passages quoted in 
 the text. 
 
 We have consulted the best sources for the prepa- 
 ration of this work, especially the histories of Messrs. 
 Michelet, Duruy, Bordier and Charton, Demolins, and 
 
X 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Cheruel (" Dictionnaire des institutions, moeurs et 
 coutumes de la France "), and we trust that it may 
 nut be found unworthy of the series of which it forms 
 
 a part. 
 
 GUSTAVE MASSON. 
 
 Harrow-on-the-Hill, 
 Marc/i, 1888. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Chronological Table 
 
 PAGE 
 
 xxii 
 
 Sources to Consult on the History of 
 France from Hugues Capet to Louis XII. 
 
 XXXI 
 
 Chronological List of all the Chancellors 
 OF France from the Beginning of the 
 Capetian Dynasty to the Reign of 
 Louis XII. 
 
 XXXV 
 
 Genealogy of the Capetian Kings of France 
 
 to the Reign of Louis XII, . • . xxxviii 
 
 Genealogy of the Capetian Kings of France 
 
 xl 
 
 A Tabular View of the States- General 
 FROM their Commencement to the Reign 
 OF Louis XII. inclusive . , . . 
 
 xlii 
 
xii CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 I- 
 
 The First Four Capetian Kings (987-1108). 1-21 
 
 The society of the sixth century, 3 — Feudal system, 5 — Feu- 
 dal fortresses, 7 — Feudal dues, 9— Vassals and serfs, II — 
 Warlike prelates, 13 — The Church, 15 — Attitude of the serfs, 
 17 — Robert of Normandy; Foulques Nerra, 19 — Philip I., 21. 
 
 II- 
 
 Pilgrimages to the Holy Land — The Cru- 
 sades — Chivalry ..... 22-46 
 
 Council of Clermont, 23- The Crusaders in Asia, 27 — " Assi 
 ses de Jerusalem," 29— Results of the Crusades, 31 — Chivalry, 
 ^;^ — Heraldry, 35— Early French literature, 38— Subjects 
 treated by poets, 39 — Chanson de Gestes, 40 — Sirventes, 41 
 — ^ Bertram de Born, 42 — Robeit Wace, 43 — "Roman de 
 Rou, ' 44 — Richard the Pilgrim, 45— Philip I., 46. 
 
 ITT. 
 
 LouLS VI. — Louis VI I. — The Communal 
 
 Movement — Scholasticism (1108-1180) . 47-68 
 
 The communal movement, 49 — Commune de Beauvais, 51 — 
 France and England, 55 — France and the Papacy, 57 — 
 Second Crusade, 59 — Suger, 61 — Guild of Paris merchants, 
 63 — University of Paris, 65— Louis VI., 66 — Abelard, 67. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Philip Augustus — The Crusades — The Albi- 
 
 genses— Louis VIIL (1180-1226) . 69-89 
 
 Richard Coeur de Lion, 71 — Battle of Bouvines, 73^75 — Foul- 
 ques of Neuilly, 77— Conquest of Constantinople, 81 — Philip 
 Augustus, 82 — Crusade against the Albigenses, 83 — Heretics 
 and infidels, 85 — France under interdict, 87. 
 
CONTENTS. xiii 
 
 V. 
 
 Saint Louis, to his Return from his First 
 
 Crusade (1226-1254) .... 90-ioJ 
 
 Louis IX., 91 — Joinville, 93 — The English in France, 95 
 — Louis IX. and the Crusade, 97 — ^Joinville and Villehar- 
 douin, 99 — Battle of Mansurah, 100 — The plague, loi — The 
 Queen of France, 102 — The French leave Egypt, 104 — Death 
 of Blanche of Castile, 105 — The Pastoureaux, 106 — The 
 Master of Hungary, 107. 
 
 vr. 
 
 Saint Louis; End of the Reign — Litera- 
 ture, Arts, and Sciences during the 
 Thirteenth Century (1254-1270) . . 109-132 
 
 Law reforms, no, in— St. Louis as a judge, 113 — Roads; 
 Coinage, 114 — Trade and industry, 115, 116 — Administration 
 and government, 117 — Foundations created by Saint Louis, 
 118 — Saint Louis starts for another crusade, ng — Literature, 
 120—" Chansons de Geste," 121 — "Roman de la Rose," 122 
 — Ratebeaf ; Marie de France, 123 — The drama, 124 — Thi- 
 baut de Champagne, 125 — Pulpit eloquence, 126 — Church 
 architecture, 127 — The fine arts, 130- Music, 131 — Industrial 
 arts, 132. 
 
 VII. 
 
 Philip IIL— Philip IV. (1270-1314) . . 133-152 
 
 Philip III. ; Charles d'Anjou, 134 — The Sicilian Vespers, 135 
 — Philip III. makes war with Spain, 136 — Pierre de la Brosse, 
 137 — Mary of Brabant, 138 — Philip IV., 139 — Low state of 
 the exchequer, 140 — Philip IV. and the English, 141 — Philip 
 IV. and the Flemings, 142— Battle of Courtrai, 143 — Philip 
 IV. and the Church, 144 — Arrest of Bernard Saisset, 145- Bull 
 " Ausculta, Fili," 146 — Guillaume de Nogaret, 147 — Popes 
 Boniface VIII. and Benedict XI , 148— The Knights-Temp- 
 
XIV CONTENTS. 
 
 lar, 149 — " Roman de Fauvel," 150 — States-General of 1302, 
 151 — Fifty-four knights burnt to death, 152. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Philip the Fair — Louis X. — Philip V. — ■ 
 
 Charles IV. — Philip VI. (1314-1328) . 153-170 
 
 The Paris Parliament, 154 — ^Jean Buridan, 155 — Louis X., le 
 Hutin, 156 — Enguerrand de Marigny, 157 — The Salic law, 
 158 — Reform of the aristocracy, 159 — ^Jews and Lepers, 160 — 
 Charles le Bel, 161 — Severity of the Paris Parliament, 162 — 
 The Hundred Years' War, 163 — Rebellion in Planders, 164 — 
 Battle of Cassel, 165 — Defeat of the Flemings, 166 — Froissart, 
 167-9 — Sir John Bourchier on history, 170. 
 
 IX. 
 
 Philip VI. (concluded) — The Hundred 
 
 Years' War (1328-1350) . . 171-187 
 
 The Brewer Arteveldt, 172 — The Duchy of Brittany, 173 — 
 Charles of Blois, 174 — Siege of Hennebon, 175 — 'I'ruce of 
 1346, 176 — Death of Clisson, 177 — The English in France, 178 
 — Battle of Cressy, 179 — The Genoese archers, 180 — Death of 
 the King of Bohemia, 181 — Siege of Calais, 182 — Eustachede 
 Saint Pierre, 183 — Calais an English colony, 184 — The black 
 death, 185 — Philip's home administration, 186 — Territorial 
 acquisitions, 187. 
 
 John II. — The Hundred Years' War (con- 
 tinued) — El ienne Marcel — The Jac- 
 querie (1350-1364) ..... 188-209 
 
 Charles le Mauvais, 189 — The States-General, 190 — Financial 
 measures, 191 — Battle of Poitiers, 192 — Errors nnd bravery of 
 the king, 193 — King John surrenders, 194 — The French king 
 
CONTENTiS. XV 
 
 in England, 196 — Travels to Windsor, 197 — Marcel and 
 Lecoq, 198 — "La grande ordonnance," 199 — Revolution in 
 Paris, 200^Reaction in the provinces, 201 — Jacques Bon- 
 homme, 202 — Marcel and Charles le Mauvais, 203 — Murder 
 of Etienne Marcel, 204 — State of France, 205 — Le Grand 
 Ferre, 206 — The English at Longueil, 207 — Peace of Bretigny, 
 208 — Death of the king, 209, 
 
 XL 
 
 Charles V. the Wise, and First Part of 
 
 THE Reign of Charles VI. (1364-1392) . 210-233 
 
 Authorities for the reign of Charles V. , 2 1 1 — Battles of Cocherel 
 and Auray, 213 — The " grandes compagnies," 215 — English 
 and French, 217 — Duguesclin, 218 — Budget of Charles V., 
 220— Political writings, 221 — The Duke d'Anjou, 222 — 
 Council of regency, 223 — Charles VLin Paris, 224 — The Duke 
 d Anjou, 225^The Maillotins, 226 — General rising of the peo- 
 ple, 227 — Battle of Roosebeke, 228 — The Maillotins, 229 — 
 The Marmousets, 230 — Attempt upon Clisson, 232 — Charles 
 VL struck with madness, 233. 
 
 XIL 
 
 Second Part of the Reign of Charles VI. 
 
 (1392-1422) 234-253 
 
 Isabelle of Bavaria, 235— Murder of the Duke d'Orleans, 236 
 —Death of Valentine Visconti, 237 — Eustache Deschamps, 
 238 — Alain Chartier ; Christine de Pisan, 239— Burgundians 
 and Armagnacs, 240 — Battle of Azincourt, 242 — Severe losses 
 of the French, 243— Fresh massacres in Paris, 244 — Capitula- 
 tion of Rouen, 245— The Duke of Burgundy murdered, 246— 
 Treaty of Troyes, 247— The Dauphin retires behind the Loire, 
 248— Death of Henry V. and Charles VL, 249— Affairs of the 
 Church, 250— Pierre d'Ailly, 251— " Apparition de Maistre 
 Jehan de Meung," 252— Nicolas de Clemangis, 253. 
 
Xvi CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 XIII. 
 
 Charles VIL— End of the Hundred Years' 
 
 War (1422-1461) ..... 254-280 
 
 Battles of Cravant and of Verneuil, 255 — Strengthening the 
 power of Charles VIL, 256 — Siege of Montargis, 257 — Siege of 
 Orleans, 258 — "Battle of the Herrings," 260 — ^Joan of Arc, 
 - 262-5 — Battle of Patay, 266 — Capture of Joan of Arc, 267 — 
 Coronation of Henry VI., 268 — Conference at Arras, 269 — 
 Richemont enters Paris, 270 — Character of Charles VII., 271 
 — End of the war, 272 — The " Pragiierie," 273 — "Ordon- 
 nance d'Orleans,' 274 — The "Francs-archers," 275 — Financial 
 reforms, 277— Deaih of Charles VIL, 278 — Jacques Coeur, 
 279. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 Louis XI. (1461-1483) . . . . . 281-3C3 
 
 Louis XL and feudalism, 2S4— Character of Louis XL, 285 — 
 Coronation of Louis XL, 286 — League of the common weal, 
 287 — Battle of Montlhery, 288 -France and Burgundy, 290 — 
 Louis XL at Peronne, 291 — Cardinal Balue, 292 — Charles the 
 " Bold invades Picardy, 293 — Death of the Duke de Guienne, 
 294 — Jeanne Hachette, 295 — The baronial houses give 
 way, 298 — Breaking up of the feudal system, 299 — Battle of 
 Guinegate, 300— Death of Louis XL, 301 — Non-poHtical re- 
 forms, 302 — Progr-iss uf France under Louis XL, 303. 
 
 XV. 
 Charles VIII. (1483-1498) — Louis XIL 
 
 (1498--1515) • • • • • • 304-325 
 
 " La Grande Dame," 305— The Duke d'Orleans, 306— Rebel- 
 lion against Anne de Beaujeu, 307— Battle of Saint Aubin du 
 Cormier, 308 — Charles VIIL, 309 — Situation of Italy, 310 — 
 Charles VIII. invades Italy, 31 [ — Battle of Fornovo, 312 — 
 Death of Charles VIIL, 314 — Character of Louis XIL, 315 — 
 Lodovico il Moro, 316 — Battle of Garigliano, 317 — League 
 against France, 319 — Battle of Rarenna, 320 — Death of Louis 
 XIL, 322 — Administration, 323 — "The Father of the Peo- 
 ple," 324— Georges Cardinal d'Amboise, 325. 
 
CONTENTS, xvii 
 
 PAGE 
 XVI. 
 
 Intellectual Life of the Fifteenth Cen- 
 tury — Literature, The Drama, Industry 
 — Concluding Remarks .... 326-342 
 
 Poetry; Rutebeuf, Villon, 327 — Historians; Monstrelet, 328 
 — Chastellain ; Basin, 329 — Commines, 330 — Louis XI. and 
 Commines, 331 — Tales; " Les cent nouvelles nouvelles," 
 332 — The drama,, 333 — The Basoche ; " Enfants sans souci," 
 334 — ^Pierre Gringore, 335 — Art of printing, 336 — Architec- 
 ture, 337 — Painting, 338 — Playing cards, 339 — Industry and 
 commerce, 340 — The Renaissance, 341 — The Reformation, 
 342. 
 
 Glossary of Medieval Words . . . 343 
 
 Index . . 347 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 CHAPELLE DU CHATEAU DE VINCENNES . Frontispiece 
 
 CHATEAU OF MONTLHERY 8 
 
 A KNIGHT OF MEDIAEVAL FRANCE . . . . lO 
 
 GODFREY OF BOULOGNE IN THE MOVING TOWER . 25 
 
 KING OF THE TENTH CENTURY 32 
 
 KNIGHT AND ARMS 34 
 
 TOURNAMENT 37 
 
 SEAL OF LOUIS VI. . 47 
 
 CATHEDRAL OF NOYON 50 
 
 SEAL OF TOULOUSE COMMUNE (OBVERSE AND REVERSE) 53 
 
 FIGURE OF SUGER IN CHURCH WINDOW . . . 60 
 
 SEAL OF ST. BERNARD 78 
 
 THE VOWING OF A CHURCH 79 
 
 SEAL OF SIMON DE MONTFORT 84 
 
 PARIS UNDER PHILIPPE AUGUSTE 87 
 
 WALLS OF CARCASSONNE -89 
 
XX LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 SAINT LOUIS 92 
 
 SAINT LOUIS STARTS FOR THE CRUSADE . . . 98 
 
 SAINT LOUIS IN PRISON I03 
 
 SAINT LOUIS RENDERS JUSTICE 112 
 
 SEAL OF LOUIS IX II7 
 
 TROUBADOURS 122 
 
 SAINT VVULFRAN, A ABBEVILLE . . . . . I28 
 
 NOTRE DAME OF PARIS .129 
 
 FROISSART 169 
 
 FRONT ENTRANCE OF NOTRE DAME, AT POITIERS . . I95 
 
 CORONATION OF CHARLES V 212 
 
 STATUE OF DUGUESCLIN 214 
 
 TOMB OF DUGUESCLIN 2l6 
 
 VIEW OF THE BASTILE . . c . . . . 219 
 
 CHARLES VI. . . 231 
 
 HEAD-DRESS OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY ^ . . 24I 
 
 BATTLE OF AZIN COURT . . . . . . . 243 
 
 CAPTURE OF TROYES . . . . . . . .246 
 
 THE OLD LOUVRE . . . . . . . . 248 
 
 SIEGE OF ORLEANS 259 
 
 STATUE OF JOAN OF ARC . . . . . .261 
 
 MEDAL OF JOAN OF ARC . . . . . . 265 
 
 STATUE OF JOAN OF ARC . . . . . . 268 
 
 PORTRAIT OF JACQUES CCEUR 27.6 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. XXI 
 
 PACE 
 
 KING RENi 282 
 
 JEANNE DE LAVAL 283 
 
 PHILIP THE GOOD AND CHARLES THE BOLD . . 289 
 
 GATE OF THE PALACE, NANCY 297 
 
 CATHEDRAL OF REIMS 299 
 
 BATTLE OF FORNOVO . . . . . . • 313 
 
 CHEVALIER BAYARD 318 
 
 MOUNT ST. MICHAEL 32 1 
 
 PHILIP DE COMMINES . . . . . . . 330 
 
xxu 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE, 
 
 Q 
 < 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 ■Xi 
 
 CZ4 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 •<i 
 
 o 
 
 (U 
 
 JD 
 
 o 
 
 ^ 
 
 <A 
 
 < 
 
 ^ 
 
 c" 
 
 ^ 
 
 o 
 
 (U 
 
 E 
 
 J3 
 O 
 
 < Qi: 
 
 00 
 
 OJ 
 
 o 
 
 H 
 
 
 o 
 
 3 
 
 Q I 
 -d Si 
 
 .S C 
 ,35 ? 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 <: 
 
 
 
 o 
 £ 
 
 Si 
 
 ■V 
 
 U 
 
 a 
 
 s 
 
 "tj *-> 
 
 *-> 
 
 < 
 
 u 
 
 ^ c3 
 
 <A 
 
 u 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 t— ( 
 
 K 
 
 § = 
 
 5 
 
 o 
 
 H 
 
 o 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 U 
 
 
 vA 
 
 
 tN \0 
 
 lO 
 
 
 00 as 
 
 0\ 
 
 o 
 
 
 ON o\ 
 
 o 
 
 :z; 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 rd 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 H 
 
 Z 
 
 > 
 
 <« ^i 
 
 ^-. (U 0) 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 
 £! (U 
 
 a a. 
 
 C3 Uj ^ 
 
 u u 
 
 to U3 
 
 M bo 
 
 i-h" !=! 
 
 o S 
 
 03 _ 
 
 oj O 
 
 o u tn 
 Q ^ WH 
 
 O S 
 (U (J 
 
 •- "^^ "^ 
 
 - C X c 
 >- O 3 fe 
 
 3 
 
 a 
 
 c 
 
 3 o5 
 oi ^ 
 
 - I 
 
 ^(3 
 
 '^ c 
 
 
 T3 
 
 3 
 o: 
 
 S 
 
 in 3 
 
 O 03 
 
 > b5 
 
 C &n 
 
 3 
 
 D 
 
 ?^ -^^ 
 
 o 
 
 a 
 
 >, 3 
 (U 3 
 
 w 
 ll 
 
 -o 
 
 c/i 
 
 3 
 
 u 
 
 i> 
 
 3 
 ■fcj r-r. 
 
 3 
 
 3" 
 
 o 
 
 . < 
 
 o o 
 
 a, 3 
 
 o 5 
 
 h 3 
 O 
 
 fe 
 
 <u 
 
 g ^ 
 
 b/) .5 
 o3 c3 
 
 • 3 3 
 
 > (X H 
 
 '3 C 
 
 ox3opcray;^a;'d— c° :tirt3 oj^bjoscg 
 
 00 a^^-)0^0^0^0^0 O ih 
 O^O^OOOOOl-lHH 
 
 CO tv 00 C^v O 
 -^ tT -^ Ti- IT) 
 
 M H H H M 
 
 H H M 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. xxiii 
 
 c3 
 
 ^4 
 
 M 
 (U 
 
 o 
 
 a 
 
 -9 "^^ 
 
 q j3 
 
 
 .a 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 a 
 
 •<i 
 
 to 
 
 0) 
 
 •S 
 
 c 
 
 *> 
 
 be 
 
 2 
 
 a 
 ex 
 
 £ 
 
 £ 
 
 <u 
 
 S 
 
 -o 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 U 
 
 ^ 
 
 (U 
 
 _o 
 
 •o 
 
 '3 
 
 
 O 
 
 3 
 
 
 rt 
 
 %i 
 
 ^ 
 
 •-^ 
 
 
 r*5> 
 
 2 
 H 
 
 ^ 
 
 M 
 
 fO 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 (N 
 
 (N 
 
 
 •a 
 
 > 
 
 
 iJ 
 
 'S 
 
 
 2 
 
 D 
 
 
 o 
 
 CD 
 
 CO 
 
 
 in 
 
 'S 
 
 
 C 
 
 CS 
 
 
 O 
 
 u 
 
 cu 
 
 
 tn 
 
 o 
 
 
 s 
 
 
 ^j 
 
 'S 
 
 
 C 
 
 OJ 
 
 > 
 
 
 («_ 
 
 'h/1 
 
 *3 
 
 o 
 
 w*J 
 
 o 
 
 
 to 
 
 1 
 
 j3 
 
 13 
 
 "3 
 1 
 
 (U 
 
 s: 
 
 
 ? 
 
 
 c^ 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 s 
 
 — ' 
 
 c 
 
 'to 
 
 
 "^ 
 
 o 
 
 >^ 
 
 o 
 
 
 u 
 
 Xi 
 
 
 o 
 O 
 
 c 
 
 to 
 
 a 
 
 oi 
 a; 
 S 
 
 CO 
 
 < 
 
 O 
 
 > -^ ^ to S-° 
 
 -d C C3 ^ 1) 
 
 !U 3 P X) 
 
 2 rt r^ ^ "^ 
 
 o 
 
 c 
 
 bjo 
 
 bo 
 
 < 
 
 < 
 
 Vw 
 
 
 O 
 
 , 
 
 
 D 
 
 T) 
 
 O 
 
 c 
 
 c 
 
 ni 
 
 03 
 
 
 i-( 
 
 1/5 
 
 P:^ 
 
 _g 
 
 -a 
 
 CO 
 
 a 
 
 :3 
 
 cS 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 M 
 
 ^ c 5 £ "S; 
 
 
 £3 flnlf' tM egg 
 
 S- t gfsl 2 2 1 "3 1 a 
 
 
 -^> i;co a 't:fe°« c/2^ 
 
 « I ml it 1 1 1^ I i 
 
 • Tn hD-^ S§KV,;^a;S,^5a;Sbfl£Kw) SCQ 
 
 H M 
 H M 
 
 ON O tN 00 o 
 
 C^ 00 CO OO 0\ 
 
 ji 
 
 ^ 
 
 3 
 
 ri 
 
 rt 
 
 O 
 
 CQ 
 
 CQ 
 
 J 
 
 CO 
 
 ^ 
 
 lO 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
 « 
 
 « 
 
 M 
 
XXIV 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE, 
 
 "^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Si 
 
 d 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Q 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 'S 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 _c 
 
 
 O 
 
 
 T3 
 
 
 J 
 
 p 
 
 c 
 
 ■d 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 0) 
 
 0) 
 > 
 
 2 
 
 
 ■> 
 
 0) 
 
 J3 
 
 U 
 
 c/l 
 
 
 
 
 
 o s 
 
 "o 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 73 
 
 Oh 
 
 13 
 a; 
 
 
 :3 
 o 
 U 
 
 
 
 U 
 
 \-> 
 
 tn 
 
 a3 
 
 
 0) 
 
 <4- 
 
 £3^ 
 
 
 
 
 s c 
 
 (U 
 
 c 
 
 Q- 
 
 >. 
 
 
 O 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 ^ — ' 
 
 O 
 
 0) 
 
 o 
 
 '5 
 
 
 -a 
 
 •2 
 IS 
 o 
 
 > 
 
 15 
 
 1 
 
 
 .2 
 
 1 
 CL, 
 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 
 12^ 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 00 
 
 
 
 
 
 vO 
 
 
 t^ 
 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 
 CI 
 
 
 en 
 
 
 « 
 
 
 
 (M 
 
 
 
 
 
 (N 
 
 
 CJ 
 
 
 V 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 as 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 M 
 
 »<> 
 
 "§ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 t/3 
 
 (0 
 
 1^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 O 
 
 K 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 (U 
 
 pj 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 (U 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 £ 
 
 a! 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ct 
 
 < 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 2. 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 Th 
 
 lO 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 VC' 
 
 N 
 
 « 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 (M 
 
 H 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 o 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 -a 
 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 O 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 OJ 
 
 c 
 
 3 
 
 rt 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 _rt 
 
 tin 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 c 
 .2 
 
 o 
 
 c 
 
 
 c 
 
 •b 
 
 Oj 
 
 a ^ ^ ^ 
 
 g G To ^ O .5 
 
 »0 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 < 
 
 
 z 
 w 
 > 
 W 
 
 o 
 
 O 
 
 '55 
 
 > 
 ^^ 
 
 M 
 
 c 
 o 
 
 £ 
 
 c75 
 
 bjO 
 
 3 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 . <« 
 
 
 OJ 
 
 4J 
 
 
 
 i^ S 
 
 
 
 *j ^^ kj 
 
 
 ;-i 
 
 
 o3 
 
 Coun 
 ngof 
 
 CO 
 
 to 
 
 
 U 
 
 1-1 
 
 a! 
 
 >-• . 
 
 
 
 £ 
 
 -2 S X 
 
 a; 
 
 
 c 
 
 oj 
 
 d 
 
 g tn t/j 
 
 to 
 
 >-v"3 '3 
 rt 
 
 pq 
 
 "3 
 
 
 Di J J 
 
 
 J 
 
 (N ro 
 
 
 Tt- 
 
 (N N 
 
 
 CO 
 
 <N (M OJ 
 
 
 N 
 
 ^ e rt 
 
 U 
 
 c 
 
 . r3 0) 
 ■5 ^ •£ 
 
 0) t3 >- - i <" 
 OJ ^ C3 3 "-^ _5J 
 
 o 2 ja ti *S 
 
 PL, 
 
 oj t« C iSi 
 
 rt tuo oj ^ 
 H 
 
 Co (U 
 
 ■5 s 
 
 d s ^ I ^ >< 
 
 i^ .2 -s .2 0) •£ .2 
 
 ti 3 B 3 ,ci (7j 3 
 
 ct3 O o3 O ♦^ 1^ O 
 
 PQ J Q hJ Q J 
 
 (N 00 O O 
 -t -1- -1- LO 
 O P) 0) f) 
 
 
 o 
 
 00 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXV 
 
 -^ s 
 
 
 as 
 
 
 \) t3 
 
 
 "^ < 
 
 
 l^ 
 
 
 . "^ 
 
 ^' 
 
 
 t/) 
 
 « o 
 
 'c3 
 
 
 > 
 
 ^ 8 ij 
 
 cS 
 
 
 
 Ni - C^ 
 
 0) 
 
 '^ -"^ ffi 
 
 •T3 
 
 "^ 
 
 
 s <^ 
 
 G 
 
 ?0 S Ql 
 
 
 ^^'^'O 
 
 C 
 
 ^ 
 
 > 
 
 (N 
 
 Tl- 
 
 ^ 
 
 vO 
 
 <N 
 
 (M 
 
 
 
 (U a; 
 
 
 
 
 y -= 
 
 
 
 
 c *-• 
 
 
 
 
 rt ^ 
 
 
 
 
 ,1- -a 
 
 
 
 
 fc fl 
 
 
 
 
 0(3 
 
 
 
 
 <M 
 
 
 
 t/5 
 
 O hh' 
 
 
 
 "C 
 
 
 
 
 rt 
 
 tuo •"' 
 
 
 
 (X 
 
 ■S t^ 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 
 T3 
 
 
 
 
 Q. 
 
 . ^ 
 
 
 
 M 
 
 ifi ^ 
 
 
 
 W (U 
 
 
 
 
 OS := 
 
 J « 
 
 
 ^i 
 
 HJ 
 
 
 
 
 oi 
 
 C 
 
 2 
 
 d 
 
 T3 m 
 
 ^ 3 
 
 ^ s 
 
 to 
 
 <u <u 
 
 
 ■5 
 
 
 liS 
 
 m 
 
 
 J 
 
 Oh ; 
 
 S" 
 
 
 
 
 00 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 IN 
 
 cn 00 
 
 <N 
 
 
 
 
 (M (N 
 
 
 X ^ 
 
 X 
 
 -a 
 S 
 
 c3 
 
 tJ 
 
 E 
 
 OJ 
 
 rt 
 
 J= 
 
 >^ 
 
 (/3 
 
 3- 
 
 '^ 
 
 
 Xi 
 
 >, 
 
 rt 
 
 c 
 
 ;/3 
 
 rt 
 
 o; 
 
 cx 
 
 
 E 
 
 -55 
 
 
 
 VJ 
 
 U 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 Q 
 
 OJ 
 
 J3 
 
 ^5 
 
 H 
 
 
 fO 
 
 
 
 
 
 CO 
 
 
 X^ O.S ^.'S . 
 
 ii i^O;^ 
 
 ^ i ^ > -• 
 
 ^ o C3 •" X3 -? (>; 
 .52 ^ o E a; rt ^ ^ ^ ^ ., 
 
 ^ Eciu-^o^b^T^ij ■" 
 
 00(j!=!C-,c55JW c 
 
 ' (0075 Ort'-t^g-,, JJ 
 
 PQa. H 0Qpa<cu 
 
 ooo\ o 0000 M 
 
 •IM H MMMH Jy 
 
 C w E b/3,-,"* 
 
 
 ^ ^ o 
 
 T3 
 
 c c ii ^ ^ "^ ■" 
 
 ^ 2i '^ tJ " -a > 
 
 f^ £ => "^ t?5 c ;^ 
 
 ■ ^ Oh ^ c rt cd 
 
 lOIN mNcO-^OOt*- 
 
 COCTn OOOOOm 
 
 c>)iN mmcoroco'-o 
 
XXVI 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 ■t: be 
 bjj to 
 
 .s 
 
 'S 
 "5 *e 
 
 ^3 
 
 Q 
 
 u 
 
 z 
 
 o 
 
 •>3 
 
 fc 
 
 
 
 O 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 -o _o 
 
 in 
 
 
 fe 
 
 £ 
 
 — < S 
 
 s^ 
 
 a 
 
 c3 9, 
 
 rt 
 
 
 O '-^ 
 
 A 
 
 i 
 
 H 
 
 
 t>. 
 
 '^h 
 
 
 V 
 
 >cn 
 
 
 co 
 
 o 
 
 U 
 
 >, e! 0) c t^ a, 
 
 (U O ;=! 03 j^ o 
 
 ^ '-' L_| 3 [/J tn 
 
 13 
 
 in "0 
 
 _o CU ^ *=< 
 
 G = § - 
 « ^ S I ^ o 
 
 H 
 
 M 
 
 CO 
 
 Z 
 
 W 
 < 
 
 o 
 
 !^ biJ 
 
 < ^ -D 
 
 O 13 
 
 ri 
 
 (^ (U oJ 
 
 V ■4-> U 
 
 72 'o bJD 
 
 S ^ 
 
 a 
 o 
 'S 
 S 
 
 ^ -c ^ 
 
 a 
 
 
 bJD 
 
 oi 
 
 -a 
 
 o 
 
 u 
 
 G 
 
 G ;i3 a; 
 
 "5 HH -^ 
 t« , 
 
 bJOTJ 
 
 •S ^ 
 
 G ^ 
 
 
 ffi 
 
 tn t"' 
 t, 'bJO 
 
 (U 
 
 be ri ^ 
 
 "5 S T3 .G J3 
 
 ^ E '^ 
 
 oi -G 
 
 CO ^ 
 (N CO 
 
 CO CO 
 
 
 t>. o 
 
 m CO 
 
 
 
 -a 
 
 G 
 
 0) 
 
 G 
 
 (U 
 
 H '^ 
 
 CO CO 
 
 o TJ U *-^ 
 
 - !=!<*- <^ 
 
 oJ ^ O o 
 
 ^ bJ5 aj .. 
 
 I' G -rn 
 
 (U Vi 
 
 3 o 
 
 CI, ou 
 
 ■ _a 
 
 G 
 
 p ^ 
 
 bJD 
 
 o 
 
 03 
 
 ffl (A! 
 CO CO 
 
 bcPQ 
 
 W 
 
 G 
 o! 
 
 (/: -G 
 
 G <V 
 
 G '-' 
 
 <3J> |i| 
 
 00 ON 
 
 co CO 
 
 M H 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE, 
 
 XXVll 
 
 .^ 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 ■g 
 
 
 < 
 
 *« . 
 
 .t-j 
 
 
 4-> 
 
 ^1 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 <u 
 
 <2 
 
 5" "S 
 
 '>5 - 
 
 '^' 
 
 "53 
 
 1^ 
 
 •^ ^ 
 
 
 :-: 
 
 g-S 
 
 
 
 t-^ 
 
 1^ 
 
 75. 
 
 3 
 
 '2 
 
 3 
 
 : 
 
 > 
 
 m 
 
 < 
 
 H 
 
 « 
 
 o 
 
 ■* 
 
 lO 
 
 in 
 
 vO 
 
 VO 
 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 
 M 
 
 H 
 
 M 
 
 H 
 
 ^. 
 
 
 rt 
 
 
 '?: .£ 
 
 5U 
 
 
 
 '^ 
 
 'B 
 
 "^ 
 
 ^; 
 
 b/) 
 
 
 s 
 
 
 o 
 
 a 
 
 E 
 o 
 o 
 
 
 -^ 
 
 c3 
 
 ■^ 
 
 
 f 
 
 -^ 
 
 
 o 
 
 ^ 
 
 o 
 
 i3 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^3 
 
 " JS ~ w S <:'::: <" 
 
 •r : ;^ : W : 
 
 00 O M O (N IT) 
 
 t^ 00 00 On On 0\ 
 
 CO CO CO cn cn ro 
 
 > 
 
 o 
 
 CO 
 
 J3 
 
 .s y S 
 
 O w 
 
 (3 
 
 W 
 
 w 
 
 "o H 
 
 fe 
 
 o 13 
 
 ^ o s o 
 
 "o 
 
 fa c3 
 
 c3 
 
 b/3 
 
 O <; 
 
 <U oj 
 
 :i ^ ^ > 
 
 o 
 
 OS 
 
 T3 
 
 C 
 
 C m 
 
 ^ -a 
 
 oH '^* i:^' .s * 
 
 •r: -^ 
 
 S >- ^^« ^ a 
 
 ^ ^ 
 
 o 
 
 CG h ^ CQ CQ W a 
 
 <o 
 
 VO 
 
 VO 
 
 
 c3 
 
 lU 
 
 
 r^i! 
 
 U 
 
 0) 
 
 
 <u 
 
 
 1/3 
 
 ^r" 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 _C 
 
 ftj 
 
 o 
 
 <^ 
 
 !/3 
 
 o 
 
 (U 
 
 
 3 
 
 4J 
 
 5P 
 
 ^J 
 
 3 
 
 d 
 
 C 
 
 CQ 
 
 u 
 
 ^N 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 
 
XXVlll CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE, 
 
 a 
 < 
 u 
 
 3 
 
 73 
 
 
 e « 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 £ ha 
 
 
 
 i-s 
 
 
 ffi 
 
 8:4 
 
 
 u 
 
 >< 
 
 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 a -^ 
 
 • 
 
 u 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 Zi If) 
 
 c 
 
 
 a; 
 (U lA 
 
 x: " 
 
 OS 
 
 Si 
 
 
 
 
 1^ 
 
 Xi 
 
 
 <3 
 
 NU 
 
 
 <-) 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 J^ 
 
 O 
 
 
 \i 
 
 c 
 o 
 
 •<i 
 
 -S . 
 
 £ 
 
 a; 
 
 
 c^ 
 
 JC 
 
 ^ o 
 
 -a 
 
 
 ^ OJ 
 
 c 
 
 05 
 
 
 
 3 
 O 
 
 H 
 
 
 c 
 
 < 
 
 ii 
 
 
 
 O 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 Tj- 
 
 lO 
 
 •<i- 
 
 Tf 
 
 Th 
 
 
 da 
 
 !^ "^s^r^l -bbi -si ^.^ °, 5 d iJi 
 
 < rt rt ^ 3 ^ S </ a ;= -• cs ^ t: ^ "3 >■ S ?^ S c 
 
 S S , ^ < i\^ . t 2 ^ V^ 1 Q 2 ^- 5 I S ?,H ^ £ .^ 
 
 coo u-)000 Oi-i(N COCO ON wLOvOt^ OtJ-OnO 
 
 Om mwih 0(N(N (NO (N rOCOcnrO Th'<^TfiO 
 
 l-!M MHW MMI-I HIM M HMMM l_/i-l-.M 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE, 
 
 XXIX 
 
 -^ 
 
 
 8 
 
 ^ 
 
 .'i 
 
 (U 
 
 •2 
 
 i^ 
 
 v> 
 
 
 g 
 
 § 
 
 ■^ 
 
 'P 
 
 i5> 
 
 a 
 
 ^i 
 
 P 
 
 
 cr 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 Ȥ 
 
 
 !^ 
 
 _ 
 
 V 
 
 " ov 
 
 "§ 
 
 ^ 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 «« 
 
 
 *• 
 
 
 o\ 
 
 
 lO 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 73 o 
 
 (U 
 
 a 
 
 ^ 
 
 C3 
 
 o 
 
 S 
 
 ^~^ 
 
 ;-■ 
 
 Oj 
 
 O 
 
 
 <4-l 
 
 
 l-l 
 
 *-) 
 
 1) 
 
 R 
 
 a. 
 
 « 
 
 
 •fsi 
 
 u 
 
 i=^ 
 
 'S 
 
 <i 
 
 ^ 
 
 <-5 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 s 
 
 D 
 
 ;J 
 
 x: 
 
 tfl 
 
 H 
 
 
 vo 
 
 
 tr^ 
 
 
 ■<*• 
 
 
 13 
 
 XI 
 a 
 DC 
 
 ^ 
 
 W) 
 
 
 
 "v 
 
 ^ 
 
 o 
 
 '3 
 
 •)-> 
 
 > 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 V 
 
 'i 
 
 X) 
 
 (/3 
 
 OJ 
 
 (U 
 
 
 -a 
 
 
 .S 
 
 3 
 
 
 ?f 
 
 
 L- 
 
 1) 
 
 rt 
 
 ^S 
 
 H 
 
 N 
 
 o 
 
 0\ 
 
 Tj- 
 
 •^ 
 
 u 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 rt 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 'v 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 i-< 
 
 o 
 
 <u 
 
 c 
 
 
 Cj 
 
 
 X! 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 o 
 
 i 
 
 > 
 
 o 
 
 Li 
 
 a 
 
 
 o 
 
 "o 
 
 a 
 
 
 d 
 
 t/: 
 
 p.. 
 
 0) 
 
 13 
 
 Q 
 
 OJ 
 
 
 b/3 
 
 to 
 
 
 J3 
 
 o 
 
 ■« 
 
 < 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 
 IT) 
 
 
 
 
 
 t^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 '^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 X 
 
 c3 
 
 
 
 
 
 M 
 
 . t— 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 ^ 
 
 s5 
 
 Ti 3 
 
 £ 
 
 
 
 
 ^ G 
 
 G C 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 to 
 
 - -a 
 
 3 <u 
 
 3 
 
 OJ 
 
 
 
 W if 
 o J 
 
 
 G 
 
 
 
 ^ S 
 
 OJ <*- 
 
 (U 
 
 G 
 
 
 
 •S Oj 
 
 ,S o 
 
 rt 
 
 <U 
 
 
 
 
 3 (/J 
 
 3 
 
 '3 
 
 
 
 ^ S 
 
 P C 
 
 o 
 > 
 
 O 
 
 _G 
 
 
 
 St G 
 •2J O 
 
 ° -5 
 
 ^ 
 
 G 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 ►tg 
 
 
 o ^ 
 
 G 
 
 E 
 
 CJ 
 
 U 
 
 xn 
 
 cr 
 a 
 
 1 — 1 
 
 X 
 
 tf) 
 
 'B 
 o 
 
 "§ o 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 J 
 
 z b' CU Cii 
 
 M 
 
 
 vO 
 
 H 
 
 T^ lo 
 
 tN 00 
 
 ID 
 
 
 VO 
 
 VO 
 
 ^O VO 
 
 o \o 
 
 '^ 
 
 
 -r 
 
 't 
 
 ^ Ti- 
 
 r^ -^ 
 
 
 x; 
 U 
 
 O 
 
 G 
 
 :2: 
 
 G 
 
 •a 
 
 G 
 
 bXi 
 
 CQ 
 
 OJ 
 G 
 
 "3 ' 
 O 
 
 3 
 O 
 
 ^ i 
 
 rt G 
 
 3 OJ ^ 
 
 0) <; 
 
 G 
 
 o-s 
 
 l-l "^ 
 
 VO 
 
 G 
 
 o X rt ■© 
 Q ^ ^ ^ ^' 
 0) ti '3 OJ S 
 
 -G oJ O ^ c3 
 
 H CQ J h 03 
 
 tv Ov fO •^ 00 
 
 r^ tv 00 00 CO 
 
 -^ Tl- "i- »*- rt- 
 
 U > 
 
 Si -2 G 
 S rt ^ 
 
 *- 
 
 j-j 
 
 Q 
 
 G 
 
 
 X 
 
 o 
 
 OJ 
 
 c 
 bJ3 
 
 P- 
 
 > 
 
 o 
 
 G 
 
 Q 
 
 G 
 
 l—H 
 
 13 
 
 OJ 
 
 1 
 
 'c 
 
 S 
 
 ^ 
 
 > 
 
 
 > 
 
 c 
 
 3 
 
 CJ 
 
 o 
 
 
 > 
 t/1 
 
 1/3 
 
 C 
 rt 
 
 G 
 li 
 
 ♦J 
 
 G 
 
 in 
 
 oJ 
 
 G 
 
 m 
 
 1^ 
 
 m 
 
 
 U 
 
 i 
 
 a\ a\ a\ 
 
 CO CTs 
 Ov On 
 
XXX CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 
 
 - . 
 
 
 - s. 
 
 
 
 
 
 s; 
 
 
 ^ £■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 .<^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 H 
 < 
 
 
 ? 
 ^ 
 
 
 0^ S 
 
 
 
 ^i 
 
 Q 
 
 
 ■^ 
 
 
 
 H 
 
 Q 
 2 
 
 O 
 
 1 
 
 en 
 
 CL, 
 
 1 c 
 w > 
 
 < 
 
 tn 
 
 0) 
 G 
 
 S 
 S 
 
 "Si. 
 
 O 
 >-> 
 
 S 
 
 < 
 
 1/5 
 
 O 
 
 2 
 
 
 <u 
 
 
 11 
 
 o 
 U 
 
 
 s 
 
 O 
 
 
 a. 
 
 dS 
 
 -a 
 
 
 CO 
 
 t> 
 
 
 ON 
 
 
 CO 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 LO 
 
 lO 
 
 
 lO 
 
 
 lO 
 
 P4 
 
 
 
 
 T3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1— J 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ►— 1 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 rt 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 tf) 
 
 S 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 G 
 
 U 
 
 
 
 
 0} 
 < 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 (d 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 •— > 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 OJ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 <u 
 
 H 
 
 
 0) 
 OJ 
 
 
 a. 
 o 
 
 H 
 
 bJO 
 
 Se 
 
 2^ 
 
 a. 
 
 
 
 
 
 a, 
 
 CO 
 
 M 
 
 vo 
 
 H 
 
 i 
 
 > 
 
 
 z 
 
 in 
 Z 
 > 
 
 C 
 
 C 
 
 1/5 
 D 
 
 .S OJ 
 
 i| 
 
 c/: 
 
 0) 
 
 
 
 ^i 
 
 C -G 
 
 PlH 
 
 < 
 
 -5 
 
 o 
 
 'c 
 a, 
 
 C/2 
 
 § Si 
 
 G 
 
 ■3 
 
 X5 
 
 "a; 
 
 ■T3 
 
 '0 
 
 J2 
 
 c 
 
 G 
 
 
 H 
 
 ^-1 
 
 o 
 
 E 
 
 T3 
 
 ■5 Ji 
 
 G 
 1) 
 
 S 
 
 n 
 U 
 
 
 
 C 
 
 a 
 
 > 
 
 
 
 .2 
 
 o 
 u 
 
 o 
 15 
 
 G 
 
 o 
 
 C 
 
 <4-l 
 
 tn 
 OJ £ 
 
 0) 
 
 aj 
 
 0) 
 
 bio<; 
 rt 
 
 0) .S 
 
 OS 
 OJ 
 
 T3 -n 
 1 ° 
 
 ^ 0) 
 (U G 
 
 
 t/5 
 
 J3 
 
 1-1 
 
 "5 c^ 
 
 
 
 G 
 
 
 '2 
 
 T3 
 
 5 
 
 
 C 
 
 
 rt — 
 
 S-i 
 
 (^ 
 
 rt 
 
 OJ 
 
 rt 
 
 JS G 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 pq 
 
 H 
 
 H CQ U CQ h < 
 
 
 o 
 
 M 
 
 
 CO 
 
 ■^ 
 
 00 
 
 Os 
 
 
 
 (N 
 
 CO ri- 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 M 
 
 i-i i-i 
 
 
 lO 
 
 LO 
 
 
 vo 
 
 in 
 
 ir, 
 
 10 
 
 1J^ 
 
 lO 
 
 to LO 
 
 
 H 
 
 M 
 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
 Ht 
 
 H 
 
 M 
 
 M M 
 
SOURCES TO CONSULT ON THE HISTORY OF 
 FRANCE FROM HUGUES CAPET 
 
 TO LOUIS xn. 
 
 THE CAPETIANS, 
 
 I Glaber (Raoul), d. about 1046. His chronicle extends from 900 
 
 to 1044. 
 I Richer, loth century. " Richeri Historiarum,'' IV. hbri, 888—995. 
 
 Invaluable for the history of that time. 
 I Helgaud, d. 1048? "Epitome vitse Roberti regis," 997 — 1031. 
 Written in a detestable style, and too much as a panegyric ; 
 but interesting. 
 I Adalberon, Bishop of Laon, d. 1030? 103 t ? Satirica' poem in- 
 scribed to the king. 
 I Eudes, monk of the Abbey of St. Maur des Fosses. Life of Bou- 
 chard (Burckhardt), Count of Melun and Corbeil, 950 — 1058. 
 1 Hugues de Sainte Marie, monk of Fleury (St. Benoit-sur-Loire), 
 
 nth century. " Chronicon Floriacense," — 1108. 
 I Hugues de Poitiers, 12th century. " Histoire du Monastere de 
 
 Vezelai," Books ii. — iv., 1140— 1167. Interesting details. 
 I Guibert de Nogent, 1053— 1 124. " Gesta Dei per Francos " (His- 
 tory of the First Crusade) ; " de vita sua." One of the best of 
 mediceval chronicles. 
 1 Guillaume de St. Thierry. ) 
 
 I Arnaud de Bonneval. ^'^^ ^^ St. Bernard, abbot of Clair- 
 
 1 Geoffroide Clairvaux. ' ^^^^' logi-nSS- 
 
 I Rigord, ^. 1207? " Life of Philip Augustus," T165— 1208. For the 
 history of the first thirty years of the reign this work is incom- 
 parably the best. 
 I Guillaume le Breton (Gz^/zV/^/z?/^ Brifo), 1150? — 1226. Continua- 
 tion of the previous work, 1208 —1223, " Philippidos," hbri 
 xii., an historical poem of great interest. 
 I Nicolas de Bray, 1160 ? — 1230 ? " Gesta Ludovici VIII." Historical 
 poem. 
 
XXXU SOURCES FOR HISTORY OF FRANCE. 
 
 1,2 Guillaume de Nangis. "Chronicon," from the creation of the 
 
 world to 1301, continued by other monks of Saint Denis to 1368. 
 I Pierre de Vaulx-Cernay, 13th century. Chronicle of the war 
 
 against the Albigensas. 
 I Guillaume de Puy Laurens, 1210? — 1295. Chronicle of the war 
 
 against the Albigenses. 
 1 Simon de Montfort. Under that name a chronicle exists called 
 
 '' Des gestes glorieux des Francais, ' 1202 — 131 1. 
 1 Guillaume de Tyr, 1130? — 1190? "Historic des Croisades," 
 
 1095 — 1 184. Most interesting. 
 1,2 Emoul and Bernard le tresorier. Chronicle, 1201 — 1231. 
 I Albert (or Alberic) d'Aix, 12th century. ''Chronicon Hieroso- 
 
 lymitanum," 1095 — 1120. 
 I Raimond dAgiles. Interesting account of the First Crusade, 1096 
 
 — 1 100. 
 I Jacques de Vitry, d. 1240. " Historia Orientalis, Historia Occi- 
 
 dentahs.'' 
 I Raoul de Caen, 12th century. " Gesta Tancredi," — 1105. (First 
 
 Crusade.) 
 I Robert le Moine, 1055— 1122. "Historia Hierosolymitana." 
 
 (First Crusade.) 
 I Foulcher de Chartres. " History of the Crusades," 1095 — 1127. 
 I Odon de Dueil, d. 1162. Wrote a history of the expedition of 
 
 Louis VII. in Palestine, 1146 — 1148. 
 1,2 Orderic Vital, 1075 — 1142. His ecclesiastical history abounds in 
 
 interesting details on the state of society in the nth and 12th 
 
 centuries. 
 I Guillaume de Jumieges, nth century. " Historia Norman- 
 
 norum," 850—1137. 
 I Guillaume de Poitiers, nth century. "Gesta Gulielmei Ducis " 
 
 (VViUiam the Conqueror), — 1070. 
 3 Guillaume Anelier. History of the war in Navarre, 1276, 77. 
 Pud- 
 
 seta- I " Grandes Chroniques de France," 376 — 1381. 
 rately. ) 
 2,4,5,6 Geoflroi de Villehardouin, 1155?— 1213. " La Conqueste de Con- 
 stantinoble." The earliest chronicle written in French, 1198 — 
 1207. 
 4,6 Henry de Valenciennes. Continues Villehardouin's chronicle. 
 3 Cuvelier, 14th century. A metrical history of Duguesclin. 
 6 " Chronique Metrique de Saint Alagloire, 1223 — 1292. 
 6 " Chronique Metrique d'Adam de la Halle,'' 1282? 
 6 Guillaume Guiard, 13th century. " La Branche des royaux 
 
 Lignages.'" A rhymed chronicle, 1165 — 1306. 
 6 Godefroi de Paris. " Chronique Metrique de Philippe le Bel," 
 1300 — 1316. 
 
FROM HUGUES CAPET TO LOUIS XII. xxxni 
 
 2,4.5 Le Sire de Joinville, 1224 — 1319- " Vie de Saint Louis. " Charming 
 by its style, its grace, and its simplicity. 
 2,6 Jean Froissart, 1337 — 1410. Chronique, 1326 — 1400. The 
 chronicler J>ar excellence. 
 
 The Valois 
 
 2,4,5 Christine de Pisan, 1363? — 143 1. " Le Livre des faits et bonnes 
 moeurs du sage roy Charles (V.)." Authentic and interesting, 
 but too pompous in style, 1336 — 1380. 
 
 2 " La Chronique du bon Due Louis de Bourbon," 1360 — 1410. 
 
 4.5 " Le livre des faicts dubon Messire Jean le Maingre, dit Mareschal 
 
 de Boucicaut," 1368 — 1421. 
 
 3 " Chronique du Religieux de Saint Denis," 1380 — 1422. 
 
 4 Jean Juvenal des Ursins, 1388 — 1473. " Histoire de Charles VI., 
 
 roi de France," 1380— 1422. 
 
 2.6 Enguerrand de Alonstrelet, 1390? — 1453. Chronique, 1400 — 144}.. 
 
 Tedious when compared to Froissart, but valuable for its 
 accuracy and completeness. 
 2,6 Lefevre de Saint Remy, 1394— 146S. Memoires, 1407 — 1435. 
 
 2.4.5 Pierre de Fenins. Memoires, 1408 — 1425. 
 
 4 "Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris sous le regne de Charles VL" 
 
 1408 — 1422. 
 7 Guillaume Cousinot. " Chronique de la Pucelle,'' 1422 — 1429. 
 7 Pierre Cochon, — 1443. " Chronique Xormande," 11 18 — 1430. 
 7 Jean Chartier, — 1462. " Chronique de Charles VJL", 1422 — 
 
 1461. 
 4,5 Th. Godefroi. " Histoire d'Artns IIL, Due de Bretaigne, Comte 
 
 de Richemont, et connetable de France," 1413 — 1457- 
 
 4.5 Th. Godefroi. " Memoires relatifs a Florent, Sire d'llliers.'' 
 
 4.6 "Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris sous le regne de Charles \T I," 
 
 1422 -1449. 
 4,5 Olivier de la Marche, 1426 — 1502. Memoires, ler et 2nd livres, 
 1435— 1488. 
 
 4.5 Olivier de la Marche. " S'ensuyt I'etat de la maison du Due 
 
 Charles de Bourgogne, dit le Hardi, 1474. 
 
 4.5.6 Jacques du Clercq, 1420 — , seigneur de Beauvoir en Ternois. 
 
 Memoires, 1448 — 1467. 
 
 2.6 Mathieu d'Escouchy (or de Courcy). Chronique, 1444 — 1461. 
 
 Continuator of Alonstrelet. 
 2,4,5 Philippe de Commines, 1445- 1509. Memoires, 1464 — 1498. The 
 first French author who has written history with the depth and 
 sagacity of a man accustomed to political life. 
 4,5 " Chronique Scandaleuse," 1460 — 1483. On the life of Louis XI. 
 Does not deserve the title under which it is known. 
 2 Thomas Basin, 1412 — 1491. "Histoire de Charles VH., et de 
 Louis XL" Written in Latin ; most valuable. 
 
XXxiv SOURCES FOR HISTORY OF FRANCE. 
 
 3 Jean Masselin, — 1500. "Journal des etats generaux de 1484." 
 4,5 Guillaume de Villeneuve. Memoires, 1494— 1497. Very curious 
 
 memoirs. 
 4,5 Jean Boucher, 1476— 1550? " Panegyrique du Chevalier sans 
 
 reproche," 1460— 1525. 
 
 2.4 " Le Loyal Serviteur." Tres joyeuse, plaisante, et recreative 
 
 histoire du bon chevalier sans paour et sans reproche, 1476 — 
 
 1520. A masterpiece. 
 6 George Chastellain, 1403— 1475. " Chronique du bon chevalier 
 
 Jacques de Lalaing," 1430 — 1453- 
 6 George Chastellain. "Declaration de tons les hautz faitz et 
 
 glorieuses adventures du due Philippe de Bourgogne," 1464 — 
 
 1470. 
 5 Jean Molinet, — 1507. Chronique, 1470 — 1506. 
 
 The Valois-Orl£;ans. 
 
 4.5 Robert de la Marck, seigneur de Fleuranges, 1491 — 1537. "His- 
 
 toire des choses memorables advenures du reigne de Louis XIL 
 et Francois I.,'' 1499 — 1521. Interesting memoirs, but 
 written too much in a./an/aro?i style. 
 
 The foregoing list comprises the p7-incipaL chronicles and memoirs 
 published in the collections edited by : — i. M. Guizot. 2. Le SocidU de 
 r histoire de France. 3 The French Government (" Documents inddits"). 
 4 MM. Michaud and Poujoulat. 5 MM. Petitot and Monmerqu^. 
 6 M. Buchon. 7 M. Jannet ("Bibliotheque Elzevirienne "). 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF ALL THE CHAN- 
 CELLORS OF FRANCE FROM THE BEGIN- 
 NING OF THE CAPETIAN DYNASTY TO 
 THE REIGN OF LOUIS XII. 
 
 HuGUEs Capet. 
 
 Robert. 
 
 Henry T. 
 
 Louis the Fat. 
 
 Louis the Young. 
 
 Philip Augustus. 
 
 Louis VIIL 
 Louis IX, 
 
 Adalb^ron, Archbishop of Reims — Gerbert, Archbis- 
 hop of Reims — Reginald, Bishop of Paris — Rotger, 
 Bishop of Beauvais, 
 
 Abbo, Bishop — Francon, Bishop of Paris — Arnulphus, 
 Archbishop of Reims — Baldwin —Fulbert of Char- 
 tres.* 
 
 Gervais, Archbishop of Reims (1059, 1065) — Baldwin 
 (1061 — 1067) — Peter, Abbot of Saint Germain 
 (1067 — 71) — Guillaume (1073)— God frid (^075^92) 
 — Roger of Beauvais (1070, 1080, 1105) — Ursion 
 of Senlis (1090) — Hubert (1091, 92) — Hambaud 
 (1095) — Arnulphus (1097) — Gislebert (1095, 1105) 
 — Etienne (1106, 1108). 
 
 Etienne (the same as above, iioB — 11 16 — Etienne de 
 Garlande (1116, 1125, 1133) — Fulchrade (11 19)— 
 Simon (1125, 1133) — Hugues (1129) — Algrin (1134, 
 
 37)- 
 
 Algrin (the same as above, 11 50)— Noel, Abbot of 
 Rebais (1139, 40) — Cadurc (1140 — 1147) — Lideric 
 (1142) — Barthelemy (1147) — Baudouin (1147) — 
 Simon (1150, 1153) — Hugues de Champfueri, Bis- 
 hop of Soissons (1150, 51, 69, 72) — Roger (1154) — 
 Hugues de Puiseaux (1178, 79). 
 
 Hugues de Puiseaux (as above, to ii'S) — Hugues de 
 Bethisy (1185, 86). 
 
 Guerin (1186 — 1226). 
 
 Guerin (abdicates in 1227, then a vacancy occurs — 
 Philip d'Antogny — Jean Allegrin (1240? vacancy 
 in 1248) — Nicolas de Canis (1249)— Gilles, Archbis- 
 hop of Tyre (i258)^eanle Court d'Aubergenville, 
 
XXXvi LIHT OF CHANCELLORS OF FRANCE. 
 
 Philip III. 
 
 Philip IV. 
 
 Louis le Hutin. 
 Philip V. 
 
 Charles IV. 
 Philip VI. 
 
 John II. 
 
 Charlp:s V. 
 Charles VI. 
 
 Charles VII. 
 
 Bishop of Evreux (1258, 1260, vacancy in 1259) — 
 Simon de Brie (^Pope under the name of Martin IV. 
 1261) — Philippe de Caturc (1269) — Mathieu de Ven- 
 tiome, Abbot of Saint Denis — Simon de Clermont. 
 
 Pierre Barbet, Archbishop of Reims (1270, vacancy in 
 1271, 73, 74, 79) — Henry de Vezelay {1279) — Pierre 
 de Challon (1281—83). 
 
 Jean de Vassaigne (1292, died in 1300) — Etienne de 
 Sousy (1292, 1302, 1304) — Guillaume de Crespy 
 (1293, 96) — Pierre Flotte (1300—1302) — Pierre de 
 Belle- Perche, Bishop of Auxerre (1306, 1307) — 
 Pierre de Gres — Guillaume de Nogaret (1307) — 
 Gilles Aycelin, Archbishop of Narbonne (1309 — 
 1313) — Pierre de Latilly (1313 — 14). 
 
 Etienne de Mornai (1314— 16). 
 
 Pierre d'Arablai (1316, 17) — Pierre de Chappes (1321) 
 — Jean de Cherchemont (1320). 
 
 Pierre Rodier (1320 — 23) — Jean de Cherchemont 
 (1323—28). 
 
 Mathieu Ferrand (1328)— Jean de Marigny, Arch- 
 bishop of Rouen (1329) — Guillaume de Sainte 
 Maure (1329 — 34) — Pierre Rogert (since Clement 
 VI, , 1334)— Guy Baudet, Bishop of Langres (1334 
 —38)— Etienne de Vissac (1338)- Guillaume Flotte 
 (1339—47) — Firmin Coquerel, Bishop of Noyon 
 (1347)— Pierre de la For^t, Cardinal (1349—57). 
 
 Pierre de la Foret (1359)- Fouquet Bardoul— Gilles 
 Aycelin de Montagu (1357, 1360) — Jean de Dor- 
 mans, Bishop of Beauvais (1361). 
 
 Jean de Dormans (till 1317)— Guillaume de Dormans 
 (1371)— Pierre d'Orgemont (1380). 
 
 Milon de Dormans, Bishop of Beauvais (1383) — 
 Pierre de Giac (1388)— Arnaud de Corbie (dismissed 
 in 1398, reinstated 1400— 1405 ; dismissed again, 
 reinstated, exercises 1409 ; abdicates in 1412) — 
 Hier de Martreuil (?)— Nicolas du Bois, Bishop of 
 Bayeux (1398— 1400)— Jean de Montagu, Arch- 
 bishop of Sens (1405 -1409)- Henri de Laistre 
 (1413, 1418—20)— Henri le Lorgne de Marie (1413 
 — 1418)— Jean le Clerc (1420—25). 
 
 Louis de Luxembourg (1424— 1435, named by Henrv 
 VI. as well as the «^.r/)— Thomas Hoo (1436—39) — 
 Robert Ig Ma9on {named by the Datiphin, 1418, 
 1419-21)— Martin Gouges de Charpaigne, Bishop 
 of Clermont (1421—38)— Renaud de Chartres, 
 Archbishop of Reims (March 28, August 6, 1424, 
 
LIST OF CHANCELLORS OF FRANCE. XXXVU 
 
 1428 — 45) — Guillaurae Juvenal des Ursins (1445 — 
 
 1461). 
 Louis XI. Pierre de Morvillier (1461 — 1465) — Guillaume Juvenal 
 
 de Ursins (1472) — Pierre d'Oriole (1483). 
 Charles VIII. Guillaume de Rochefort (1492)— Adam Fumee (1494) 
 
 — Robert Bri^onnet, Archbishop of Reims (1495 — 
 
 97)— Gui de Rochefort. 
 Louis XII. Gui de Rochefort (as above till 1507)— Jean de Gannay 
 
 (1512) — Etienne Poncher (1515). 
 
 Judicial functions — belonged 
 to the Parliament proper, 
 divided into three Courts 
 
 THE PARLIAMENT. 
 
 The Supreme Court of Law in France held its sittings, first at intervals, 
 afterwards (reign of Charles V.) permanently ; was re-organized by Phihpthe 
 Fair (edict of 1302), and subdivided according to the nature oi the duties it 
 had to discharge. 
 
 I. Political functions — belonged to the Council of State {Conseil d'etat, 
 Grand Conseil, Conseil Etroit). 
 
 ja. Chambre des requites, tried cases 
 brought directly before the Par- 
 liament. 
 b. Chambre des enquetes, tried cases 
 about which appeal had been 
 made to Parliament. 
 Grand' Chatnbre or Chambre des 
 plaidoiries, decided cases ex- 
 amined in the firsi instance by 
 the Chambre des enquetes. 
 3. Financial functions — belonged to the Chambre des comptes. 
 
 Number of persons composing the Parliament under the reigns of 
 Charles VII., Louis XL, Charles VIII., and Louis XII. : — 
 
 1. Twelve Peers of France. 
 
 2. Eight Masters {Maih-es des requetes). 
 
 3. Eighty Councillors, both laymen and ecclesiastics. 
 
 PROVINCIAL PARLIAMENTS. 
 
 Toulouse created in 1302 
 
 Dijon created in 1477 
 
 Grenoble ,, ,, 1453 
 
 Rouen ,, ,, 1499 
 
 Bordeaux ,, ,, 1462 
 
 Aix „ ,, 1501 
 
XXXVlll 
 
 GENEALOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 H 
 
 O 
 
 H 
 
 a 
 
 <! 
 
 O HH 
 
 O 
 ^^ 
 
 ^^ 
 
 H 
 O 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 a 
 .s cq 
 
 ^ 
 
 0) 
 
 Q 
 
 i> ;^ ON 
 
 U 
 
 PL, 
 
 W 
 
 Pi; 
 
 O"^ 
 
 ■T3 f^ 
 
 PL, ri 
 
 ^ ^ 
 
 O 
 
 pi CO 
 
 la P5 
 
 t: < 
 
 Q 
 Pi 
 
 o 
 
 m 
 O 
 
 ON 
 
 o\ 
 
 00 
 ON 
 
 o 
 
 
 03 
 
 O 
 
 U 
 
 
 Q 
 
 ON 
 
 td 
 
 P-i 
 < 
 
 u 
 
 I 
 
 m 
 
 I o 
 
 o 
 
 "^ 
 
 vO 
 
 ON 
 ON 
 
 o- 
 
 ON 
 
 W 
 
 -o 
 
 o 
 
 en 
 O 
 
 
 a! 
 -2 
 
 o 
 
 ^ 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 Q 
 .2 
 
 < 
 Pi 
 
 O 
 
 o 
 
 en ■»» 
 
 % ^ 
 
 „ "^ 
 
 Oi '^ 
 
 o s 
 
 td 
 
 tn ~ 
 td S^ 
 
 -O Si 
 1—1 "^ 
 
 >«i 
 
 o 2 
 
 ^ o 
 
 P-I ^ 
 
 
 CO 
 
 OO 
 
 o 
 
 -ce 
 
 ON 
 
 o 
 
 a; 
 > 
 
 o 
 U 
 
 00 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 Pi 
 
 O 
 
 p-1 
 
 ID 
 
 h-3 
 
 ^ Si 
 
 Pi 
 
 Q o 
 2>: 
 
 'fO 
 
 O r'=i 
 
 S 
 Q 
 
 U^ 
 
 <4-l 
 
 ^ '^ 
 
 o 
 
 H-S 
 
 Cd 
 
 Pi ^ 
 
 O 
 
 «V 
 
 Pi 
 
 m '=> 
 
 ^ vo 
 
 O 2* 
 
 K fO 
 
 ^ ^ 
 
 ►J N 
 
 C*5 
 
 M i-< 
 
 
 0~^ 
 
 3 
 "S o 
 
 .^00 
 
 Z w fd 
 D . « 
 &; ►i^ — <; 
 
 (U 
 
 1-5 •'^ hH 
 
 
 o 
 
 en N 
 
 5^ 
 
 
GENEALOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 XXXIX 
 
 
 <u 
 
 
 ffi 
 
 K o 
 PlhU 
 
 
 -I-' vD 
 
 u 
 
 K 
 u 
 
 pqo^ 
 
 
 <« 
 
 2 t^ 
 
 -O w 
 
 o >Si.s 
 
 C (U 
 
 S3 O 
 
 o c 
 
 ,> o 
 
 in s-i 
 
 S o 
 
 ^1 
 
 _Pi=yG 
 
 
 ..^ aJ „ 
 
 n C If 
 
 «^ fe o r' 
 
 ^ S 2 
 
 CAl 3 'J 
 
 ^ C -^ 
 
 ? p- o 
 
 f^ r ) 
 
 H ^ 
 
 p^ "2 S 
 . w "o -s 
 
 P5 ^ .<a 
 
 o 
 
 Pi 
 
 < 
 
 CK- 
 
 l-H U 
 
 Pi c 
 
 < 
 
 OJ ^ 
 
 C -^ O 
 
 5^ w <N 
 
 >^ 
 
 ■ ' 
 
 ,_:^ 
 
 vO 
 
 C/3 
 
 X 
 
 «N 
 
 
 3 
 
 N 
 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 ' ' 
 
 U 
 . 1 
 
 h^; 
 
 
 (3 
 O 
 
 Pi ^ 
 
 O 
 
 3 ^ 
 O d 
 
 ° ° r^ 
 
 ►- 3 M 
 
 O •-" 
 
 §^00 
 
 
 (/3 
 > 
 
 <^ 
 I— >o 
 
 d a -> 
 
 < cj N 
 
 'Jrpq 
 
 O w 
 
 W O >2 
 P3 tJD 
 
 I— I M *^ 
 
 h- 1 -^i ^ 
 
 Ph 3-1 <i 
 
 o ;§ 
 
 O <a 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 > . 
 
 KtU 
 
 '^ 
 
 00 ^ 
 
 vO 00 
 
 ■<i 
 
 <v 
 
 
 :2 ° 
 
 > - 
 
 
 
 
 
 P4 lY-iZ 
 
 < O < ^ 
 row j^ 
 
 ."^ 
 
 
 
 
 •< J C ro 
 
 ffi w £ - 
 
 UPqf3H 
 S • , ON 
 
 ' <U O oj 
 
 O'z: . fo 
 
 1^ u- vo 
 
 r C '^ CO 
 p^ U .^ •« 
 
 hJ IT '-I <^ 
 
 P^ 2 --l^; 
 
 td ^.TS HH U 
 
 o § 2^ ^. 
 
 ^ 3 Oc>i '-' hS o 
 
 § pq a^^ U K -^ 
 
 ,— ^ HH <U ."-HH 
 
 HH M-i . -HJ N O 
 
 ^ 00 
 
 tJ) ro 
 
 C HH 
 
 
 Vh t^ <U O 
 O o y -L 
 
 o; 
 
 M (2; w 
 
 = ^ 
 
xl 
 
 GENEALOGICAL TABLE, 
 
 < - 
 0"§ 
 
 O 
 
 l-H 
 
 O 
 
 c 
 o 
 
 O M 
 
 IV! -< 
 
 O -^ 
 
 ^ 00 
 
 
 ^ o 
 
 >"<^ 
 
 m 
 
 O 
 
 
 c 
 o o 
 
 >o 
 
 SB- 
 
 w^ 
 
 < 
 
 X 
 
 u 
 
 r « 
 
 o 
 
 > 
 
 
 J S '^ 
 
 0000 
 rf as 
 
 S > 
 
 
 > « 
 
 ^ ° .. 
 
 Ij ^ N 
 
 PlhU ""^ 
 On 
 
 On 
 CD 
 
 O 
 
 bJD ^ 
 
 3 
 
 ,^3 
 
 3 
 
 Q 
 
 §^ 
 
 <; o 
 
 o >-< 
 c -^' 
 o ^ 
 
 • ON 1 
 
 
 ■"I aj t<. S 
 
 h-' 3 "t^ 
 
 £0^ 
 
 U 
 
 a; 
 g " 2 
 
 
 bJO 
 
 W) 
 
 oj o 
 
 > 3 
 
 rO 
 
 C 
 ^ c 
 
 o 
 
 -< 
 
 CO g '=^ 
 
 "-I QJ uT '"' 
 
 OPm 
 
 - C) o 
 o 
 
 3 
 
 Is:?:: 
 
 td pq vqs* -^ 
 
 > 
 
 .Cd 
 
 Ci; W •- .- . 
 <; C; r^ '^ O 
 ^ <fi rOM3 00 
 CD ro ^o 
 
 r^ ^^ K. « « 
 
 -<j ■<*: ■^" 
 
 '— > o 
 U 
 
 Qi -i-l 
 
 w § 
 
 S o 
 
 <: 5 
 W o 
 
 V 
 
 So 
 
 1—1 
 
 
 o 
 i-j t^ 
 
 < • 
 
 00 ^ 
 
 
 '^cg 
 
 W 00 
 
 '-''-' CO 
 
 PS ^ M 
 
 t3 G QliVO 
 
 I-l < 
 
 S "S 7^ 2" 
 o 1^^ 
 
 O ^ N 
 
 -OS . M G 
 
 M l-H 0/} 
 
 u 
 
 bjo 
 
 G . c4 
 
 SS 
 § °^ 
 
 ^ o 
 
 OS P 
 
 12; 
 
 w N 
 
 
 M 00 
 
 Q 
 
 i; CO rd- 
 ^ 3 --I IX 
 
 _i> G - 
 
 n a; ^ 
 •^ c CL "^ 
 ^- G 3 ^ 
 ;i4 !> rt On 
 
 -^-^ CO 
 
 iQ :? 
 
 :^' 
 
 s; 
 
GENEALOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 xli 
 
 •X} 
 
 c 
 o 
 
 S 
 
 13 
 
 'So 
 c 
 
 
 ■^ 
 
 H 
 
 Q 
 
 > 
 
 Pi 
 
 «- 
 
 c 
 'So 
 
 G 
 
 > 
 Pj 
 
 i-i o 
 
 ■Ln "^ 
 
 ^ o O 
 
 13 • 
 3 2 
 
 w^ 
 
 en O 
 
 erf 3 
 < o 
 XO 
 U 
 
 I! 
 
 w ^ '^ 
 
 U 
 
 ri o 
 
 (^ rt « M 
 
 crf . < . 
 
 0-- JJ.S 
 c •- -i-> 
 
 'qOX Ph- 
 
 ^ M o cq a^ *-• 
 
 c 
 o 
 
 03; 
 
 CO 
 
 O 
 10 
 
 1— 1 
 
 
 
 '"' 
 
 erf 
 
 13 
 
 -^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 W 
 
 h4 
 
 
 pH 
 
 
 
 w •- p^ C li-) 
 Z N c3 flJ„ -I 
 
 
 « 
 
 c3 
 P 
 
 t>00 
 
 c 
 
 m 
 
 w 
 
 1-1 
 
 2 
 Z 
 
 "^ 
 
 < 
 
 
 ll 
 fcd 
 
 
 I-' 
 
 00 
 
 
 CTv 
 
 <1 
 
 'i- 
 
 ta 
 
 
 to 
 
 
 <<'^ 
 
 M vOOO 
 x •* '^f ■'I- 
 
 O 
 l-J 
 
 -^ "^ 
 
 CX) 
 
 hJ o 
 
 u 
 
 <: 
 
 U 
 
 c 
 -So 
 
 
 M3 >, 
 
 i-< <u 
 
 ►^ 
 
 c_) '^ ^- 
 
 rH C >-' 
 
 G S <U . 
 
 tin -j: bJ) .^ 
 
 ^ PQ 3 vo 
 
 WO ^2^ 
 
 ^ f£l >< . 
 
 Z gr Oi ►<i 
 
 p< 
 
 O 
 ) 
 
 > 
 
 O 
 
 ^<S 
 
 
 C3 _^ <^ 
 U „^ "^ 
 
 Ph 
 
 G 
 
 o 
 
 C 
 
 
 Wo 
 
 ,, <U CJ 
 
 'P s 
 
 t-) 
 
xiii 
 
 TABLE OF THE STATES-GENERAL. 
 
 r^ 
 
 
 u 
 
 
 2: 
 
 
 fc=^ 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 % 
 
 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 
 
 > 
 
 w 
 
 
 n^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 H 
 
 J 
 
 
 
 
 g 
 
 iz; 
 
 
 
 »— 1 
 
 p^ 
 
 1— H 
 
 ^ 
 
 h- 1 
 
 
 X 
 
 hJ 
 
 
 < 
 
 1— 1 
 
 c^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 hJ 
 
 tq 
 
 
 
 
 p^ 
 
 1 
 
 C/2 
 
 
 
 tq 
 
 
 H 
 
 :z; 
 
 <1 
 
 
 
 C/5 
 
 
 
 p^ 
 
 P^ 
 
 
 
 r . 
 
 O 
 W 
 
 D 
 
 < 
 
 U 
 Z 
 
 5 
 (1, 
 
 £§ 
 
 e 
 S 
 
 CD 
 
 d ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 3 .2 
 
 S 
 
 
 QJ 
 
 Cj 
 
 t-l 
 
 
 
 ^1 
 
 c 
 
 tn 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 xs 
 
 bp 
 
 OJ 
 
 '5 
 
 u. 
 
 ^ 
 
 i4 
 
 "o 
 
 Q .S 
 
 10 o 
 
 c3 be 
 ■ C 
 
 1 J cti 
 
 O ^ 
 
 
 .£5 iJ 
 
 03 ^ 
 
 a 
 o 
 
 PL, 
 
 03 
 biO 
 
 u 
 
 T3 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 f y:: b/) 
 
 C>0 tj "S 
 (U ^ > 
 
 ^ 8 Ci- 
 
 >, 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 rt 
 
 O 
 
 bjo 
 
 c 
 05 
 
 i <v 
 
 :s a 
 
 E s 
 '^ ^ 
 
 C '-I 
 
 •r; o 
 
 g he 
 
 s -^ 
 
 n o3 
 
 QJ tu3 
 CI, ^ 
 "OJ 
 ^3 
 
 
 (U 
 
 1 
 
 X 
 
 
 <D 
 
 to 
 
 x 
 
 S 
 
 03 
 
 
 > 
 
 <2 
 
 ■*-' 
 
 -!-• 
 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 (-t^ 
 
 
 
 o3 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 03 
 tn 
 
 •is 
 
 5-5 
 
 x; 
 
 "bi 
 
 2 
 
 IS 
 
 CO 
 
 03 
 
 
 X 
 rt 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 (U 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 ,. 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 0! 
 
 73 
 
 
 2 
 
 0) 
 X! 
 
 h 
 
 
 (D 
 
 
 
 to 
 
 
 ^s 
 
 0) 
 
 P3 
 
 to 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 bo 
 
 m 
 
 to 
 
 
 
 o3 
 
 a; 
 
 to 
 
 [0 
 
 ,__! 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 (U 
 
 *'"' 
 
 o3 
 
 3 
 
 bi) 
 
 j3 
 
 Xi 
 
 Si 
 
 (U 
 
 
 S 
 
 
 a 
 
 «i 
 
 c 
 
 bJD ^ 
 
 "sH **- 
 
 0) D 
 
 X to 
 
 to -C 
 
 D -^ 
 
 > <*- 
 
 OJ O 
 
 ii '^ 
 
 X 72 
 
 73 o 
 
 :: s 
 
 .^ c S G 
 
 (V 
 
 3 
 
 o 
 
 03 
 C/2 
 
 to c 
 
 C/2 ■£ 
 Xi 
 
 03 
 
 V2 J^ 
 
 C O 
 
 •- OJ 
 
 ^ Q 
 
 -a 03 
 
 o c 
 
 (O 03 
 
 i5 ^ 
 Y o 
 0) o 
 
 S ^ 
 
 O D 
 
 i ° 
 
 aj ''-i 
 
 "S- 2 
 
 C X 
 o3 bfl 
 
 ra "> ij 
 
 S to .ti 
 
 ■^ 1^ _ . 
 
 (U tn (U X 
 
 
 M .:2 
 
 a 
 
 -a 
 
 "X o3 
 
 to -C 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 "to 
 to 
 
 .bJO 
 
 to 
 
 
 
 
 
 t3 
 
 CX "'^ 
 
 Q, JS 
 
 ^z 
 
 to tS 
 (U 
 
 OJ to 
 !-, to 
 
 OS V 
 to 
 
 -a i5 -^ 
 
 c >-. ■>- 
 
 •rj to ±; 
 
 c s ■£ 
 
 S 13 o 
 
 ^ 
 
 ;> 
 
 < 
 
 12: 
 
 P 
 
 x: 
 CU 
 
 o 
 
 < 
 
 a 
 
 X! 
 
 CL, 
 
 o 
 
 00 it::^ t^ oJ 
 
 __ L^ TC >-* 03 t-Ti 
 
 rou.roj_ cos- coi; 
 
 H<CHjDlHXlH(-ii 
 
 o. 0) oj <; 
 
 m 03 
 
TABLE OF THE STATES-GENERAL, 
 
 xliii 
 
 I OJ ^' D t/j "rr !-i • *-• 
 
 O (u O c Q,u <l^ai*^ 
 S^.iS =« 3 § 
 
 « S .S oj Q 
 *-• rs -J u- "^ 
 
 o 
 
 }^ 'Ti a *-< 
 
 .S T3 
 
 d 
 
 
 03 
 
 (U 
 
 W 
 
 S- o 
 
 O OJ 
 
 o -5 
 
 3i o ^ 
 
 oj w c 
 
 2 -2 -c -^ 5 
 
 « o! C ^ Q 
 
 >^ ^ ":: c 
 
 ■s o u H 
 
 c 
 
 0) <U T3 
 
 0) 
 
 O ^ 
 
 o ° S "^ 
 
 
 V ^ ^ -[^ 
 
 ^ 2 fc/3 S 
 
 rT" rt -p ^ 
 
 
 
 -J 3 t" 
 
 Oj r^ 01 
 
 m 
 
 3 
 .H2 C 
 
 3 O 
 
 bid 
 03 
 
 ^ 03 
 3 ^ 
 O 03 
 
 53 ^ 
 
 ZI o 
 
 3 
 
 i-i ^j i~i 
 
 S c i^ =" 'S -^ 
 
 t_i 3 3 
 
 
 3 
 C/2 
 
 a^^S^g£2-Sc/5§ 
 
 
 b/D 
 
 c ^ 
 F +-> 
 
 bJ3 3 --:r 
 
 « 2 ■£ 
 
 !>^ W) ^ 
 
 rt ^ fe 
 
 a; .s XI 
 
 h3 S 
 
 3 ^ O 
 
 b/) 3 (U 
 
 (U 3 >- 
 
 ' s ^ 
 
 oi o 
 
 CO *j 
 
 o 
 
 
 S -o 
 
 
 -a ^/D ^ 
 
 r^ ^ -a 
 
 >. (U 
 
 -♦-» r* -t-» 
 <^ 3 C 
 
 3 O g 
 
 g •— ' bXI 
 
 o3 b/3 oi 
 
 ^ C dJ 
 
 El -Q 
 3 
 C/2 
 
 3 
 O 
 o 
 
 ~bD 
 a 
 
 0) 
 
 h 
 
 TJ 
 
 3 
 o! 
 
 "bi) 
 c 
 
 W 
 
 C 
 
 oj 
 
 ID 
 O 
 
 3 
 03 
 
 3 
 OJ 
 OJ 
 
 <u 
 
 0) 
 
 <u 
 
 3 
 O 
 
 3 
 
 .2 
 
 p 
 
 bb 
 
 U3 
 
 "3 
 
 o 
 
 12 o rt 
 
 c^ -S <„ 
 -^ o 
 
 in 
 
 0) 
 ^ XI 
 
 30^ 
 
 0) (u a; 
 ^3 .2 -5 
 
 DO bi 
 
 X CU C 3 
 
 <:^ 1^ ° '^ 
 
 t; ^ ^ 2 
 "S -§ -s 
 
 <^ --3 a 2 
 
 .— a, 
 
 3 '=0 o 
 
 O . ^ 1^ 
 
 bJD I ^« 
 
 a; -n -5S ^ 
 
 o -* '•- "B 
 
 bi) 5 (u -§ lJ^ 
 
 03 ^ cu -^ O x 
 <u (D r. ^ 
 
 o 
 
 3 OJ '- "C b^ *^ 
 
 3^,<K*"u-^-S:<^ 
 
 3*^ti'S 3a;^ 3 
 I -§ ^ I § -^ 1 § 
 
 X! 
 H 
 
 X! 
 
 '-' '•^^ ^ 
 
 r-J +-» Oj 
 
 c 
 
 bxi 
 
 *a 
 
 E 
 o 
 U 
 
 03 
 P4 
 
 Oh 
 
 c 
 
 s 
 
 o 
 U 
 
 
 ^ i3 
 
 (S3 
 
 X! 
 
 u 
 
 C^ o3 
 
 l>-7= 
 
 10 3 
 
 10 G 
 
 CO i- 
 
 CO 0) 
 
 M ^ 
 
 H > 
 
 V 
 
 
 
 Ph 
 
 Z-, 
 
 03 00 >% 
 I 13 LTj o! 
 
 o >^ <^ -5 -9 
 
 u^ 03 o S 3 
 
 H -^ M ^ g 
 
 " — o D 
 
 CO 03 CO »^ 
 
 -^ ^ H 
 
 ^ 3 
 
Xliv TABLE OF THE STATES-GENERAL. 
 
 
 3 u-^;£ .iJ-bJ3rtt>c -^-a 
 
 3 .g" I III I . S S s I « » . ■« g I 
 
 ^^ Z. ri^-ga Kc«io£^.a)3a,.-^^g,'^rt SB'S 
 C/30c3 (^.S^-rt nJoiiift ort--=i ^-w-O .-« 
 
 
 H < 
 
 o 
 
 ■z o 
 
 h Z h ^ H OH ^ 
 
 
 a:s 
 
 fa "-^ 0) o 
 
 o c/^ S 
 
 
 > 
 
 6 
 
 t/3 
 
 z 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 ;5 
 
 
 
 x: 
 
 
 U 
 
 £ r-S <U 
 
 I I I 
 
 Xi > X 
 
 x: 
 
 U U 
 
 
 W n Z CO b' 00 n ^~ u-jSonS'So'g oo:7:rt-3 '-'n!^^ 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 o 
 
 S-r 
 
 CO 
 
 o 
 
 (U 
 
 N 
 
 Tt-xi 
 
 Tf 
 
 H 
 
 a 
 
 H 
 
 
 1 
 
 On D 
 
 X3 
 
 o 
 
 
 00 
 
 — 
 
 rt- 
 
 b 
 
 cd 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 00 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 1 — 1 
 
 O 
 
 > 
 o 
 
 H 
 
 <u 
 73 
 
 M 
 
 H 
 
 
MEDIEVAL FRANCE. 
 
 I. 
 
 THE FIRST FOUR CAPETIAN KINGS. 
 987-1108.) 
 
 The story of ancient France can scarcely be said 
 to begin before Hugues Capet ; during the Merovingian 
 dynasty it is the story of the Celts, the Romans, the 
 Greeks, and the Teutons ; under Charlemagne and his 
 successors it is closely interwoven with that of Ger- 
 many. When, in 987, the Duke of France decided 
 upon assuming the title of king, the large and fertile 
 country included between the Rhine, the Pyrenees, and 
 the Atlantic Ocean could scarcely indeed be regarded as 
 forming one political community, but the various ele- 
 ments of which it consisted were gradually becoming 
 welded together, and all the inhabitants of that region, 
 whether north or south of the Loire, claimed the name 
 of FrencJnnen. Let us take a glance at that series of 
 duchies, baronies, countships, and other quasi-indepen- 
 dent states of which Hugues Capet was the nominal 
 king. Brittany strikes us first as the district which 
 
2 THE FIRST FOUR CAPET I AN KINGS, 
 
 was the last to lose the originality of its laws, its cus- 
 toms, its language, and its literature ; as far back as 
 the fourth century the league or association of the 
 Armorican cities, governed by independent chieftains, 
 set at defiance both the Roman legions and the hordes 
 of Barbarians, who from the further side of the Rhine 
 overran the whole of Gaul. They maintained their 
 freedom against the Northmen on the one side, and 
 the Angevins on the other. After 982, however, they 
 ceased to form a separate state and became part of 
 France. If we travel southwards, starting from the 
 banks of the Rhine, we find the provinces of Flanders, 
 Vermandois, Picardy ; and, going towards the east, 
 Lorraine. Champagne owes its name {Campania in 
 Gregorius Turonensis) to the fertility of its soil, and 
 to its general appearance ; it was originally governed 
 by princes of the Vermandois family. The Counts of 
 Anjouwere undoubtedly the most powerful amongst the 
 vassals of Hugues Capet ; they played a conspicuous 
 part in the history of the Middle Ages, and were closely 
 mixed up with the political life, not only of France, 
 but of England. Burgundy and Franche Comte must 
 not be forgotten, and in the course of this "story " we 
 shall often have the opportunity of recording the events 
 which brought the rulers of these provinces into col- 
 lision with the kings of France. And now we come 
 to the banks of the Loire, on the southern side of which 
 the large districts of Septimania, Toulouse, Gascony, 
 Provence, and Guienne (corrupted from Aquitania) are 
 occupied by a population which still betrays its Latin 
 origin, and is decidedly the most intellectual and most 
 refined part of France. There is the home of the 
 
THE SOCIETY OF THE SIXTH CENTURY. 3 
 
 Trotibadours ; there flourishes the Langue d'oc, which 
 has produced so many brilliant monuments of elegant 
 literature. 
 
 We have thus given a short view of the principal 
 territorial elements of which the French family con- 
 sists ; we shall now describe as briefly, and yet as 
 completely as we can, the constitution of the family 
 itself and the political structure which prevailed during 
 the period known as the Middle Ages. 
 
 Three different categories made up society in the 
 Gaul of the sixth century ; namely, the Gallo-Roman, 
 the Church, and the Barbarian. When Hugues Capet 
 came to the throne, this threefold division still 
 existed, but under different names : the lords held the 
 position occupied previously by the Gallo-Romans, 
 and whilst the Church retained its position, the serfs 
 represented the lowest stratum of society, barbarians 
 in point of fact, if not by express designation. The 
 bonds which connected these three orders with each 
 other may be said to have arisen from two edicts or 
 enactments which consecrated a revolution of ancient 
 date, and resulting from the very nature and constitu- 
 tion of society. In times of political disturbances, 
 when the most elementary notions of order seem for- 
 gotten and cast aside, it is a matter of course that the 
 weak should endeavour to secure the protection of the 
 strong, and to obtain, if possible, the conditions of 
 peaceful life and of undisturbed labour. Now, in 847 
 an edict given at Mersen contained the following 
 clause : " Every free man shall be allowed to select 
 for himself a lord, either the king or one of the king's 
 vassals ; and no vassal of the crown shall be obliged 
 
4 THE FIRST FOUR CAPETIAN KINGS, 
 
 to follow the king to war, except against foreign 
 enemies." The force of this enactment will be obvious. 
 We must bear in mind that at the time of his accession, 
 Hugues Capet was no more than the equal of most 
 of the lords between whom the territory of France was 
 divided, and even inferior in power to some of them. 
 Nor was this a solitary case, and as his subjects could 
 thus make their obedience a matter of bargain, the 
 sovereign would frequently find himself helpless in 
 times of civil war, and being equally unable to enforce 
 submission upon the lords, and to protect the common 
 class of his subjects, these would naturally group them- 
 selves around the more powerful barons. 
 
 As the edict of Mersen affected the question of 
 secui'ity, so that of Kiersy told upon the status of 
 propei'ty. Under the Carlovingian dynasty property 
 was of two kinds ; the holders of allodial lands {allodial 
 from all, and the old Teutonic substantive od^ goods, 
 property) enjoyed them absolutely and independently. 
 On the other hand, benefices or fiefs (from the Anglo- 
 Saxon feof, cattle, money) were granted by a lord to 
 a person who, in return for that grant, and for the 
 protection it insured on the part of the baron, obliged 
 himself to do military service, to render pecuniary 
 assistance, &c. Now it would frequently happen that 
 the owner of allodial property, isolated amongst all his 
 independence, found it impossible to live securely and 
 comfortably in the vicinity of barons stronger or more 
 powerful than himself. He would then select one of 
 these barons or feudal lords, recommend himself to 
 him, as the saying was, make over to him by a 
 kind of feigned cession his allodial property, and 
 
FEUDAL SYSTEM, 5 
 
 then receive it back again as a benefice^ together with 
 all the duties, obligations, and burdens belonging to it. 
 As a matter of course, beneficiary property soon formed 
 the rule, except south of the Loire, and there was no 
 landed property which did not depend upon another 
 property, no man who was not the vassal or dependant 
 of another man. The hereditary transmission of landed 
 property and of all charges, offices, and positions of 
 trust was sanctioned by the edict of Kiersy i^Jj). 
 
 We thus see that every great lord or landowner, 
 enjoying the same rights and privileges as the king 
 himself, there existed throughout the length and 
 breadth of France as many sovereigns as there were 
 dukes, counts, viscounts, &c. When Hugues Capet 
 came to the throne, he found a hundred and fifty 
 barons owning the right of legislating, coining, ad- 
 ministering justice, making war, and concluding 
 treaties with their neighbours. The king, therefore, 
 had no real power as such, but only so far as he 
 possessed some important fief, whether dukedom or 
 countship. Before the accession of the Capetian 
 dynasty the royal domain consisted of the city of 
 Laon and a few insignificant villas ; after the year 987 
 it comprised the whole duchy of France, and Hugues 
 Capet was thus, in point of real power, the equal of his 
 vassals. 
 
 It should not be forgotten that a real hierarchy bound 
 together all owners of fiefs, and in this complicated 
 system the same individual could be at the same time 
 suzerain and vassal. The King of France, for instance, 
 was vassal of the Abbot of Saint Denis, and the Duke 
 of Burgundy held the same position towards the 
 
6 THE FIRST FOUR CAPETIAN KINGS. 
 
 Bishop of Langres ; thirty-two knights-bannerets owed 
 service and homage to the Viscount of Thouars, who, 
 in his turn, was a vassal of the Count of Anjou, him- 
 self a vassal of the King of France. Our readers will 
 see at once that every count was not necessarily 
 superior to a viscount and inferior to a duke. The 
 Count of Anjou, for example, had nothing to do, 
 hierarchically, with the Duke of Burgundy, and the 
 only point these two lords had in common was their 
 position as vassals of the King of France. 
 
 Three principal ceremonies characterized the feudal 
 relations between the lord and his vassal. The latter, 
 when doing homage to the former, knelt before him, 
 and placing his hand in that of his future suzerain, 
 declared that he would become /lis man, and as such 
 acknowledged himself bound to defend his life and his 
 honour. He then took the oath of faith or fidelity, 
 having previously removed his sword and his spurs. 
 This was called honimage-lige, and bound the vassal to 
 military service for an unlimited time, and on what- 
 soever territory the lord thought fit to lead his depen- 
 dants. For circumstances and at epochs when war was 
 permanent, or nearly so, the hommage-lige prevailed ; 
 thus in the code of laws known by the name of "Assises 
 de Jerusalem," drawn up after the taking of the Holy 
 City by the Crusaders in 1099, it is regarded as the rule. 
 The hojHviage simple ov franc W2is of a less stringent 
 character ; it implied military service only for the space 
 of forty days yearly, within the limits of the fief, and 
 with the permission of performing that service by 
 deputy. The vassal did homage standing, wearing 
 his sword and spurs, and placing one hand on a copy 
 
FEUDAL FORTRESSES. 7 
 
 of the Gospels. The ceremony once over, the tie 
 between the lord and his vassal is complete, and an 
 interchange of duties, services, and obligations must 
 be the necessary result. We can imagine the scene 
 taking place in the hall of one of those imposing 
 castles, the ruins of which add even at the present time 
 so much picturesqueness to the landscapes in France, 
 Germany, England, Italy, and Spain. 
 
 Just as the republics of antiquity had their /oruj/i and 
 their agora^ just as the France of Louis XIV. boasted 
 of its Versailles, just as modern England possessed 
 its court of Parliament, so did the feudal system 
 raise its castles and its strongholds as the centre of 
 authority and the symbol and the abiding place of 
 power. The edifice is generally built upon a height ; 
 its architecture is massive, but without any particular 
 beauty. A series of towers, either round or square, 
 connected together by formidable walls, and pierced 
 here and there with loop-holes form the structure. 
 At Montlhery there were no less than five concentric 
 enclosures commanding each other, and giving ad- 
 ditional security to the chateau. You arrive ; the 
 entrance-gate, flanked by small towers and sur- 
 mounted by a guard-room, presents itself before you. 
 Three moats, three drawbridges must be crossed. 
 At every step you take, a challenge meets you, and if 
 admittance is granted, you find yourself before the 
 keep (donjon), a strongly fortified building which con- 
 tains the family records and the family treasure. 
 The lodgings, farmhouses, stables, and other de- 
 pendencies are scattered about to the right and to 
 the left, and an underground passage leaves an 
 
CHATEAU OF M0NTLH£RY. 
 
FEUDAL DUES. g 
 
 exit from within to the plain or to the neighbouring 
 forest. 
 
 There is not a single feature in these splendid 
 castles which does not remind us that war is the 
 constant occupation of those who dwell within, and 
 that military service is the chief obligation which the 
 \assal owes to his lord. We have said the c/ii^J\ 
 not the only one. The help of ^-ise counsel and of 
 wholesome advice is also frequently needed ; it may 
 likewise happen that the lord is retained prisoner in 
 foreign lands ; the vassals must then club together to 
 pay his ransom. When he gives his eldest daughter 
 in marriage, when his eldest son is made knight, or 
 is about to start for the Crusades, pecuniar}' aids are 
 also expected as a matter of course. Estates might, 
 and did often, change hands ; others were con- 
 fiscated or left without owners, on account of the 
 death of the heir: hence fresh and hea\y duties paid 
 over to the lord. If the vassal was a minor, the 
 suzerain became his guardian, and as such received 
 the income till his ward had attained his majorit}-. 
 The daughters of the vassal were obliged to receive 
 husbands at the hand of the lord, unless they pre- 
 ferred forfeitinsT a considerable sum of monev. It 
 will be easily imagined that under such a system fiefs 
 were .multiplied as much as possible, because ever}^ 
 fief meant military- service — a thing of the utmost 
 importance in those days — and money, which at all 
 times is a matter of great consequence. The right of 
 hunting, of fishing, of crossing a river, of escorting 
 merchants and other persons of the same description 
 had to be purchased. The vassals were compelled to 
 
A KNIGHT OF MEDIEVAL FRANCE. 
 
VASSALS AND SERFS, II 
 
 bake their bread in the seigniorial ovens, to grind 
 their corn in the seigniorial mill, to make their wine 
 in the seigniorial wine-press, paying certain sums for 
 the use of conveniences which they were obliged to 
 avail themselves of {banalites). 
 
 All the vassals of the same lord were considered as 
 pairs or equals, and they formed in their capacity a 
 kind of court of justice from which appeals were 
 allowed to the lord himself. Whenever in discussions 
 or differences agreement was impossible, the case 
 was decided by a duel or appeal to arms. The right 
 of private warfare was thus not only tolerated, but 
 sanctioned as a matter of necessity. All lords had the 
 right of pronouncing judicial sentences, but that right 
 was not the same in all cases. Only barons enjoying 
 the privilege of high justice (haute justice) could con- 
 demn to death, and accordingly erect the gallows in 
 the neighbourhood of their castles. The middle and 
 loiv justice (moyenne justice, basse justice) only ap- 
 plied to minor cases, which were punished by fines. 
 
 Lower than the vassals came the serfs who had no 
 rights — a whole army of wretched creatures who, 
 under their threefold designations of serfs properly 
 so called, mainmortables, and vilaiiis, nianants or 
 rotiiriers^ were more or less under the absolute de- 
 pendence of the feudal baron. Of the serfs, an old 
 legist has said that the baron might take from them 
 whatever they had, and that he might either right- 
 fully or wrongfully keep them in prison whenever and 
 as long as he liked, being accountable to God alone. 
 The mainmortables were better off ; if they paid regu- 
 larly their rents, dues, reliefs, &c., the lord could not 
 
12 THE FIRST FOUR CAPETIAN KINGS. 
 
 exact anything more from them, unless as a punish- 
 ment for some misdeed ; but they could not marry 
 except with the permission of the lord, and, at their 
 death, all their property reverted to him. The 
 nianants or roturiers enjoyed their freedom, at any 
 rate, and could transmit their property to their 
 children, but still they had to put up with certain 
 obligations which often rendered their peace and their 
 condition, in general, extremely precarious. The 
 vassals had, as we have seen, to pay to the baron 
 certain fines, reliefs, dues, &c. ; we need hardly say 
 that the serfs and vilains were treated in a far more 
 arbitrary fashion still. Besides contributions in kind 
 and in money, they found themselves compelled to 
 give away their time and their labour without the 
 slightest compensation. When a road had to be 
 made on the manorial estate, a building to be erected 
 or repaired, furniture or agricultural implements to be 
 provided, the serfs were set to work as part of the 
 obligations to which they were bound. In fact, the 
 serfs were made to feel constantly that they had no 
 free action, and that they could dispose neither of 
 their service nor of their labour. 
 
 What was the Church doing in the meanwhile, and 
 what part did it play in the general progress of social 
 institutions? There is no doubt that the influence 
 exercised by it was a beneficial one as a whole, but it 
 had become part and parcel of the feudal system, and 
 the archbishops, bishops, and abbots exercised tem- 
 poral power as well as spiritual authority. We are 
 at first inclined to wonder perhaps when we read that 
 during the Middle Ages the Church possessed, in 
 
WARLIKE PRELATES. I3 
 
 France as well as in England, more than one-fifth 
 of the whole territory ; but we must remember that 
 whilst, on the one hand, the threat of excommuni- 
 cation prevented many otherwise unscrupulous 
 persons from tampering with Church property, the zeal 
 and the piety of the great majority of the rich faithful 
 resulted, on the other, in grants of land and other 
 substantial donations to churches, abbeys, and monas- 
 teries. Despite the character which ordination had 
 stamped upon them, ecclesiastical dignitaries retained 
 much of those fighting qualities so essentially be- 
 longing to feudalism. In his history of France 
 (vol. ii.), Michelet mentions several amusing in- 
 stances of this fact. As early as Charlemagne the 
 bishops are indignant when a peaceful mule is brought 
 round to them if they wish to ride ; what they want 
 is a charger; they jump upon it unaided ; they hunt, 
 they fight ; the blows they deal with their swords are 
 their style of blessing ; the penances they impose are 
 the heavy and formidable strokes of their battle-axes. 
 We hear of a bishop deposed by the whole episcopal 
 bench as pacific and not sufficiently courageous ; the 
 barons became clergymen, the clergymen barons. 
 
 Such, in brief, was the state of French society when 
 Hugues Capet ascended the throne. And here the 
 question arises : Who was Hugues Capet ? What 
 do we know about his origin ? There exists a chanson 
 de geste (romance of chivalry) which bears the name 
 of that king, and where occurs the following passage : 
 
 " Pour ce vous lyray la vie d'un guerrier 
 De coy on doit I'istore et loer et prisier, 
 Et le grant hardement que Dieux ly fist querquer 
 
14 THE FIRST FOUR CAPETIAN KINGS, 
 
 Pour soustenir droiture et honneur exauchier. 
 
 Ce fu Huez Capez c'on apelle bouchier : 
 
 Ce fu voirs, mais moult space en savoit du mestier.'* 
 
 *' Therefore I shall read you the life of a warrior, 
 Whose history should be praised and valued, 
 And the great courage which God led him to seek 
 To uphold right and exalt courage. 
 This was Hugues Capet, whom they called a butcher : 
 This was true, but he knew very little of the trade." 
 
 Hugues Capet, a butcher (the nephew of a butcher 
 as the song says elsewhere) ; this statement is odd 
 enough, but what is more singular still, the same origin 
 is ascribed to the first Capetian king by Dante 
 (" Purgatorio "), the chronicler of Saint Bertin, Villon 
 (" Ballade de I'appel "), and Cornelius Agrippa (" De 
 vanitate scientiarum "). We know, indeed, that the 
 great Italian poet was animated by a spirit of hostility 
 when he ascribed to Hugues Capet so low an origin ; 
 we are also aware that the author of the chronicle of 
 Saint Bertin quotes the legend only to contradict it ; 
 but what motive can Villon and others have had to 
 give it credence, if it was not the wish to flatter the 
 bourgeoisie by identifying with it a brave soldier, or, 
 on the other hand, to represent Hugues Capet as a 
 mere usurper? 
 
 By opposition to this hypothesis some chroniclers 
 have endeavoured, with more ingenuity than success, 
 to find a family connection between the Duke of 
 France and the Carlovingians, just as at an earlier 
 period a fanciful genealogical tree had been devised, 
 showing that Pepin the Short could trace back his 
 origin to the Merovingian dynasty. Be the result 
 what it may, Hugues Capet ruled over France for 
 
THE CHURCH, 1 5 
 
 the space of nine years, and died in 996, at the com- 
 paratively early age of fifty-four. When his son 
 Robert ascended the throne, France, as well as the 
 rest of Europe, was under the impression of extreme 
 terror. It was a general belief that the end of the 
 world would take place in the year 1 000, and a 
 society so disorganized as feudalism still was, could 
 not but be much struck by that idea, unwarranted as 
 it might be. One good result came out of it in the 
 shape of great moral improvement ; and if the Church 
 profited through the liberality of the faithful, in the 
 shape of donations, legacies, &c., it is only fair to say 
 that the ecclesiastical dignitaries, the clergy, both 
 secular and regular, did their utmost to enforce disci- 
 pline, to put down abuses, and to check the ambition 
 and wanton disposition of the barons and lords. 
 Robert has left behind him the reputation of one of 
 the most pious kings who ever occupied the French 
 throne. " More of a monk than of a sovereign," says 
 some historian ; and the poets and chroniclers con- 
 tinually allude to the " times of good King Robert." 
 He got into trouble with the Pope for having married 
 a distant relative, Bertha, daughter of Conrad the 
 Peaceful, King of Aries, and widow of Eudes I., Count 
 of Blois. In spite of the threats of the Court of 
 Rome, notwithstanding the express decision of a 
 council, Robert persisted in retaining his wife, and 
 it was only in 1006 that he repudiated her, and mar- 
 ried Constance, daughter of William Taillefer, Count 
 of Toulouse. The appearance of the Southerners in 
 Paris seems to have created not only astonishment, 
 but disgust. " Conceited men," says the chronicler, 
 
1 6 THE FIRST FOUR CAPET I AN KINGS. 
 
 Radulph Glaber, " of light character and dissolute, 
 life ; their dress, the very trappings of their horses 
 are odd and fantastic ; they are close-shaved like 
 stage-performers, their hair is cut short, their buskins 
 are absurdly long ; they jump rather than walk ; 
 they have an utter disregard for their word, and no 
 one dare trust them." The contrast between Robert's 
 kindly disposition and the haughtiness of his queen 
 is repeatedly dwelt upon by the historians, who illus- 
 trate it by characteristic anecdotes. "Constance never 
 jokes," says the monk Helgand. She incited to 
 rebellion, first, Robert's eldest son, Hugues, who died 
 in 1025 ; and, secondly, his third son, Henry. The 
 peaceful reign of the second Capetian monarch was 
 marked, however, by events of considerable import- 
 ance. He was offered the crown of Italy and the 
 dukedom of Lorraine ; conscious, no doubt, of his 
 own weakness he refused both, and if he acted rightly 
 in declining the former presentation, we must own 
 that he was not well-advised when he refused the 
 latter; after a war which lasted sixteen years he 
 obtained possession of the dukedom of Burgundy, 
 which, however, was lost temporarily to the crown by 
 Henry the next king. 
 
 Another important fact, which we must not leave 
 unmentioned, is the insurrection of the Normandy 
 peasants in 997. The insolence and tyranny of the 
 barons was felt in that part of France more than any- 
 where else, for the simple reason that the serfs and 
 the commoners constituted the chief part of the 
 original population, whilst the aristocracy belonged 
 to the invaders who had scarcely for a century settled 
 
ATTITUDE OF THE SERFS. ly 
 
 down in Neustria. Why should authority be in the 
 hands of comparative strangers, especially when it was 
 so brutally misused ? 
 
 Fellowship in suffering knit together all the victims 
 of feudal tyranny ; after the work of the day was over 
 the inhabitants of the same neighbourhood used to 
 assemble together, and discuss the long tale of their 
 grievances, the duties they had to pay, the corvees to 
 which they were subjected, the labour for which they 
 received no compensation. 
 
 *' Les paysans et les vilains, 
 Ceux du bocage et ceux des plaines, 
 Par vingt, par trente, par centaines, 
 Ont tenu plusieurs parlemiints ; 
 Que jamais, par leur volonte 
 N'aront seingneur ni avoe." 
 
 " The peasants and the vilains, 
 Those of the woods and those of the plains, 
 By twenties, by thirties, by hundreds, 
 Have held several parliaments 
 (To the effect) that never with their consent 
 Shall they have lord or champion." 
 
 The chronicler, William of Jumieges, gives us an 
 interesting account of the origin and development of 
 a vast association, having its ramifications throughout 
 the length and breadth of the duchy, and the object 
 of which was nothing else but the destruction of the 
 feudal system. Unfortunately the plot was discovered, 
 and the members of the central committee, if we may 
 use such a name, were seized by a body of soldiers 
 under the orders of the Count of Evreux, uncle of the 
 then Duke of Normandy, Richard II. They were all 
 frightfully maltreated, and those who survived were 
 
l8 THE FIRST FOUR CAPETIAN KINGS. 
 
 sent back to their villages with the view of inspiring 
 terror and submission to the rest of the population. 
 
 A system of persecution organized against the 
 Jews must also be noted, the cause of this being, as 
 was then alleged, the destruction of the Church of the 
 Holy Sepulchre by the Fatimite Caliph of Egypt. 
 The first public execution of heretics likewise took 
 place about that time ; thirteen were burned at Or- 
 leans, in 1022; Toulouse and other places witnessed 
 similar executions. One of the unfortunate persons 
 thus sentenced to death had been confessor to Queen 
 Constance ; as he passed by her side on his way to 
 the place of execution, she put out one of his eyes 
 with a wand she held in her right hand. 
 
 Death surprised Robert whilst he was busy copy- 
 ing the obituary register of the Church of Melun 
 (103 1). His third son, Henry I., succeeded him, the 
 first being dead, and the second incapacitated by 
 weakness of mind. Constance would have wished 
 her fourth son, Robert, to obtain the crown ; but this 
 could not be, and Henry had to satisfy the ambi- 
 tion of Robert by giving over to him the duchy of 
 Burgundy. 
 
 During the early part of the Middle Ages several 
 cases took place of marriages annulled by the Pope, be- 
 cause they had been brought about between persons con- 
 nected together by relationship, at degrees condemned 
 by the Church. Henry L, determined to avoid such 
 a difficulty, sought and obtained the hand of Anne, 
 daughter of the Grand Duke of Russia. It was 
 reported that she descended, on her mother's side, 
 from Philip, King of Macedon. 
 
ROBERT OF NORMANDY — FOULQUES NERRA. ig 
 
 If the first Capetians were naturally of a timid 
 disposition, and better fit for the quiet seclusion of a 
 monastery than for the turmoil of political life, the 
 surrounding lords, on the contrary, obtained an un- 
 desirable reputation by their crimes and their ambi- 
 tion. Robert, Duke of Normandy, was one of them; 
 nicknamed t/te Magnificent by his barons, he ap- 
 pears to have rather deserved the sobriquet of tJie 
 Devil, which the common people bestowed upon him. 
 His first step in public life was a crime, for he usurped 
 the Duchy of Normandy by poisoning the lawful 
 ruler, Richard III., his brother, and the chief barons. 
 He then interfered with all his neighbours, and, 
 finally, having endeavoured to atone for his wicked- 
 ness by a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, he died in Asia 
 Minor on his way home. His son, who was destined 
 to be so famous under the name of William the Con- 
 queror, after having succeeded in reducing, with the 
 help of the King of France, his turbulent vassals to 
 obedience, ended by turning against Henry, and de- 
 feating the royal forces in several encounters, more 
 particularly at Mortemer, in 1054. 
 
 Foulques Nerra (the black). Count of Anjou, was 
 also a good specimen of the mediaeval baron. When 
 a man undertakes no less than three pilgrimages to 
 the Holy Land, we are justified in believing that the 
 catalogue of his sins was particularly heavy ; such 
 was certainly the case with Foulques Nerra. Con- 
 stance, Robert's queen, was his niece. She com- 
 plained to him one day of a favourite of her husband. 
 The Count of Anjou immediately sent for twelve 
 knights, and ordered them to start in search of the 
 
20 THE FIRST FOUR CAPETIAN KINGS. 
 
 favourite, and stab him wherever they might find him. 
 Foulques Nerra had two wives ; according to one 
 version, he ordered the former one to be burned alive ; 
 according to another, he had her thrown down a 
 precipice, and as she contrived to escape, he stabbed 
 her himself He ill-used his second wife so much 
 that she was obliged to retire to the Holy Land. We 
 are not much astonished at learning that, overcome 
 by remorse, Foulques Nerra caused himself to be 
 fastened to a hurdle, and thus dragged through the 
 streets of Jerusalem, whilst two of his servants 
 scourged him with all their might, and he kept re- 
 peating, " Have pity, O Lord, on the traitor, the per- 
 jured Foulques ! " He died (1040) on his way home, 
 leaving the countship of Anjou to his son Geoffrey 
 Martel, as warlike as he had been himself, and who 
 was a powerful ally of the King of France against the 
 Duke of Normandy. 
 
 We thus see that the feudal system was bearing 
 already its fruit in a plentiful crop of acts charac- 
 terized by cruelty, abuse of power, and unbridled 
 ambition. At this point (1041) the Church stepped 
 in, and resolved upon mitigating, if ever so little, the 
 distress from which the lower classes of society were 
 suffering. Accordingly an edict was published, 
 couched pretty nearly in the following terms : " From 
 the Wednesday evening to the Monday morning in 
 every week, on high festivals, and during the whole 
 of Advent and of Lent, all deeds of warfare are ex- 
 pressly forbidden. It shall be the truce of God. 
 Whosoever violates it shall compound for his life, or 
 be banished from the country." As we may suppose, 
 
PHILIP J. 21 
 
 whilst this new law gave the greatest satisfaction to 
 the mass of the population, it was vigorously resisted 
 by barons such as the Count of Anjou and the Duke 
 of Normandy ; but they were finally obliged to 
 acquiesce in a decision which was so beneficial to 
 society at large. 
 
 Philip I. was only seven years old when he suc- 
 ceeded his father. Indolent and feeble, he saw the 
 whole of Western Europe rushing in various direc- 
 tions, carried away by the love of adventure, without 
 feeling the slightest desire to follow their example. 
 Considering his inert disposition, it is a wonder that 
 Philip, for the sake of joke, should have exposed him- 
 self to the fury of such a man as William the Con- 
 queror. " When will that fat fellow be confined ? " 
 said he, alluding to the King of England's stoutness. 
 " I shall go and be churched in Paris, with ten thou- 
 sand lances instead of wax tapers." William nearly 
 kept his word ; marched into the domains of the King 
 of France, destroying everything, burning towns and 
 villages, and putting the inhabitants to the sword. 
 The city of Mantes was reduced to a heap of ruins, 
 and only death arrested the progress of the infuriated 
 William. He expired at Rouen from the results of 
 a wound he had received at the sacking of Mantes. 
 
 Philip carried on, with the same indolence, against 
 William Rufus the policy of antagonism which he 
 had displayed in his relations with the Conqueror, and 
 helped to swell the list of French monarchs excom- 
 municated by the Pope for illegal marriage. He died 
 in 1108. 
 
11. 
 
 PILGRIMAGES TO THE HOLY LAND — THE 
 CRUSADES — CHIVALRY. 
 
 An old writer belonging to the seventh century, 
 named Marculphus, has left under the title of 
 forjjtulcB, a series of enactments or decisions on points 
 of law. Amongst these documents is the following 
 curious piece of which we give a translation : " Be it 
 known unto you, holy fathers, bishops, abbots and 
 abbesses, dukes, counts, vicars, and all people 
 believing in God and fearing Him, that the pil- 
 grim , a native of , has come to us and 
 
 asked our advice, because, incited by the great 
 
 enemy of mankind, he has killed his own son or 
 
 his nephew ; for this reason, and in accordance 
 
 with custom and canon law, we have pronounced that 
 the aforesaid should devote — years to a pil- 
 grimage. When, therefore, presents himself before 
 
 you, kindly give him lodging, accommodation, and 
 fire, bread and water, and allow him to repair at once 
 to the holy places." This kind of passport shown 
 that even as far back as the Merovingian dynasty pil- 
 grimages to Jerusalem and to the Holy Land in 
 expiation of some notorious crime or act of wicked- 
 
Chichester 
 
 I Canterbury 
 Hastings 
 
 ^^r^ 
 
 i=ft3V^^ 
 
 C. of Bcm tegfne- 
 
 f=± 
 
 Lonavill iers 
 
 h£lx}itu^ijj\ 
 
 ^t'i^"^^J^ 
 
 Rouer» o^^ 
 
 "gtnmpiF-^ ^ 
 
 ± A1 Evreux .' X 
 
 c.oF .' '-^....^-r' <x L 
 
 ^-' C. qf^'Vq 
 
 Chartres 
 
 Ren 
 
 ^^ 
 
 51" w. 
 
 /■Ma I k^E \ %\ , 
 
 -Vanne's 
 
 of 
 
 v> 
 
 
 C. OF P O T O 
 
 -o- 
 
 ^ A — / 0-F- 
 
 ifrrfe 
 
 '-^^-Ov, 
 
 ^'Ang'oule 
 
 "J^- ^ 
 
 >M A R 
 
 v+O-Limoj 
 
 -mJ 
 
 cC; 
 
 44 
 
 O^ ■■ Turenr 
 
 /?. Dor dlj'J''T 
 
 ^ IC.OF AG EN •'^ S> 
 
 'J' 
 
 D^ ..Duchy . 
 
 M — - Marquisate 
 
 '^ King- ofNavarRE 
 
 V ,C. ^.ViscDuntsMp 
 
 B . .^.^^...i.. Bishopric ^ 
 
 "i Bishopric or Monastery 
 
 C.OF W9 \ 
 
 fie REN 8 AC*' °*-kJ^ 
 
 ■' A 
 
 ^'-^yxc 
 
 'ATfltf 
 
 4 ft 
 
 4 G 
 
 O ti 
 
 C-OF 
 
8' 
 
 i^ /'^\ r'f. Liege 
 
 ■j"c. of j!>'^/-. _:-/>" 
 
 Arras./' o* -h?^ o'^ 0|Dinant 
 
 <3^.--.---V'-|'l''&ranapres .;*V..^ • '-„ i 
 
 oSfB^s '\V i Rgi^s° "pMontfau"?5.n—*-y- ■--.1 ., 
 
 5 SeuK^.T?oWs^\ •( .-9 \ \ *^' L 
 
 F RANGE 
 
 Before the Crusades 
 
 English Miles 
 
 5° 
 
 loo 
 
 ^1 <^' 
 
 Strasshurg" 
 
 1 'p 
 
 48 
 
 ;ans 
 
 K.-V 
 
 -^•T-^; 
 
 
 Nevers 
 
 .<^■-"^ 
 
 /^ "l^ JS- ^ ^ I • 
 
 i^'"' 
 
 
 JQC 
 
 / 
 
 ••-ir;fi'Q£ 
 
 OF S( 
 
 '■.A 
 
 \QfyieriheC...A-' T 
 
 . \ ? *B-'Grerioble 
 
 i V t L'^ i^i~-yp- F A L B o N 
 
 O-Turin 
 
 Nimes 
 
 R S 
 
 to P/sa-> 
 
COUNCIL OF CLERMONT. 23 
 
 ness were of frequent occurrence. The culprit had 
 often to wear around his neck, his waist, and his 
 wrists, chains forged out of his own armour, thus bear- 
 ing about him both the memorials of his social 
 position and their marks of his misdeeds. The pil- 
 grims started on their long and dangerous voyage, and 
 those of them who were fortunate enough to return 
 home after a protracted absence, brought back mar- 
 vellous tales respecting the sacred relics which the 
 Holy City offered to the veneration of the faithful, 
 and heart-rendering stories of the sufferings which the 
 Europeans had to bear from the combined Jews and 
 Mahometans. 
 
 It was natural that in course of time pilgrimages of 
 this kind should lead to military interventions ; the 
 earliest appeal to arms proceeded from a Frenchman, 
 Gerbert of Aurillac, who became Pope under the 
 name of Sylvester II. (1002) ; and the powerful 
 eloquence of another Frenchman, Peter the Hermit, 
 a native of Picardy, led to the departure of the first 
 Crusading army. Well might the Chronicler Guibert 
 de Nogent speak of these expeditions as G^s^a Dei 
 per Francos. 
 
 A general council had been announced as about to 
 meet at Clermont on the i8th of November, 1095. 
 An immense concourse of people gathered together, 
 and in their midst appeared a man, wretched to look 
 at, small in stature, bare arms and bare feet ; his 
 dress was a species of woollen tunic and a cloak of 
 coarse cloth. That was Peter the Hermit ; his pierc- 
 ing eye seemed to penetrate into the hearer's heart, 
 and no one could resist the earnestness of his preach- 
 
24 PILGRIMAGES TO THE HOLY LAND. 
 
 ing ; he had just arrived from Italy where he had 
 persuaded Pope Urban II. to summon the people to 
 arms on behalf of the Christian faith. The answer to 
 his discourse was unanimous : " Diex el volt ! Diex el 
 volt!" ("God wills it") resounded on all sides, and several 
 thousands of men, fastening to their garments, as a 
 rallying sign, a cross cut out of red cloth, expressed 
 their determination of starting at once for the Holy 
 Land. The army was indeed a motley assemblage, 
 and the van-guard made up for their want of dis- 
 cipline by their enthusiasm and their simple faith. A 
 nobleman from Burgundy bearing the significant 
 name of Gautier sans avoir (Walter the Penniless), 
 went first, leading a host of fifteen thousand men ; 
 then came Peter the Hermit at the head of one 
 hundred thousand pilgrims ; finally a German priest, 
 Gotteschalck, followed by fifteen thousand more, 
 formed the rear. The disorders committed by all 
 that rabble were so great that the inhabitants of the 
 countries through which they passed rose up against 
 them, and made a fearful slaughter of them. The 
 handful which succeeded in reaching the shores of 
 Asia Minor fell under the sword of the Turks in the 
 plains of Nics^a, all but three thousand men and 
 Peter the Hermit. 
 
 In the meanwhile the real warriors of the ex- 
 pedition were preparing and mustering to the number 
 of six hundred thousand foot soldiers and one hun- 
 dred thousand cavalry. They, too, formed three 
 divisions. The first, consisting of men from the 
 northern districts (Lorraine and the banks of the 
 Rhine), went through the basin of the Danube ; they 
 
GODFREY OF BOULOGNE IN THE MOVING TOWER. 
 
26 PILGRIMAGES TO THE HOLY LAND. 
 
 were commanded by Godefroi de Bouillon (Godfrey of 
 Boulogne), Duke of Lower Lorraine, a descendant of 
 Charlemagne, and particularly distinguished by his 
 courage, his loyalty, and his genuine piety. The 
 next corps, consisting of the Crusaders belonging to 
 the central provinces (Normandy, France, and Bur- 
 gundy), under the orders of Hugues, Count of Ver- 
 mandois, Robert, Duke of Normandy, and Stephen, 
 Count of Blois, went to embark in the seaports of the 
 kingdom of Naples. Raymond of Saint Gilles, 
 Count of Toulouse, and the Bishop of Le Puy, were 
 at the head of the third division, chiefly composed of 
 men from Southern France. They marched through 
 the Alps, and afterwards through Friuli and Dalmatia. 
 The general rendezvous was Constantinople. 
 
 The opposition of character between the Franks, 
 rough, warlike, and uncultivated on the one hand, and 
 the effeminate, astute, plausible and servile Byzantines 
 on the other, led to disagreeables and to collisions, 
 which it required all the diplomatic skill of the 
 Emperor Alexis to minimize and to smooth away. 
 He contrived to exact from the chiefs of the expedi- 
 tion the promise that they would do him homage for 
 whatever territories they might happen to conquer 
 in Asia Minor, and he felt considerable relief when 
 the last soldier of the army had left Europe. The 
 Crusaders started at the beginning of the spring of 
 1097, and on the 15th of May they laid siege to 
 Nicaea. There as well as at Dorylaeum they signally 
 defeated the Turks, and arrived before Antioch on the 
 1 8th of October. By this time the invading army 
 was very much reduced, for on their way they were 
 
THE CRUSADERS IN ASIA. 27 
 
 naturally obliged to leave garrisons at all the points 
 most liable to be attacked, without taking any ac- 
 count of the results of famine, sickness, and other 
 such causes. The capture of Antioch after a siege of 
 six months proved to be another serious calamity, 
 inasmuch as the Crusaders, in order to indemnify 
 themselves, so to say, for the hardships and toils of 
 the journey, indulged in excesses which rendered 
 them peculiarly liable to be attacked by pestilential 
 diseases. The wisest course would have been to march 
 straight towards Jerusalem, instead of which they 
 lingered for six months in Antioch, and a consider- 
 able proportion of them were struck down by the 
 plague. The remainder, fifty thousand in number, 
 skirting as closely as possible the Mediterranean 
 seashore in order to keep in communication with the 
 Genoese, on whom they depended for provisions, 
 arrived at last in view of the Holy City. The 
 assault took place on the 14th of July, 1099, at break 
 of day. Tancred de Hauteville and Godefroi de 
 Bouillon were the first to penetrate into the city. 
 The struggle was terrible ; the Mahometans occupied 
 the mosque of Omar, where they vigorously defended 
 them.selves ; fighting went on from street to street ; 
 one chronicler tells us that the horses waded in blood, 
 and it is certain that acts of unparalleled cruelty were 
 committed. When the work of actual conquest was 
 over, and the next thing was to organize the new 
 empire, the enthusiasm of the Crusaders sobered 
 down, and the thoughts of many went homewards. 
 Godefroi and Tancred gradually saw their companions 
 forsake them and return to Europe ; only three hun- 
 
28 PILGRIMAGES TO THE HOLY LAND. 
 
 dred knights remained faithful to the cause which 
 they had embraced. Fifty years elapsed before a 
 fresh Crusade was attempted. 
 
 It is interesting to see the feudal system introduced 
 in the East amongst Biblical associations ; fiefs were 
 established on exactly the same plan as those in 
 Europe ; the principalities of Antioch and of Edessa 
 were governed respectively by Bohemond and Bald- 
 win ; to them were added later on the countship 
 of Tripoli and the marquisate of Tyre. There were 
 lordships and feudal tenures at Tiberias, Ramlah, 
 Jaffa. A code of laws was indispensable for the 
 proper government of the European colony; Godefroi 
 de Bouillon, now King of Jerusalem, caused it to be 
 compiled under the title of "Assises de Jerusalem," 
 "a precious monument," says Gibbon, "of feudal juris- 
 prudence. The new code, attested by the seals of the 
 King, the Patriarch, and the Viscount of Jerusalem, 
 was deposited in the Holy Sepulchre, enriched with 
 the improvements of succeeding times, and respect- 
 fully consulted as often as any question arose in the 
 Tribunals of Palestine. With the kingdom and city 
 all was lost ; the fragments of the written law were 
 preserved by jealous traditions and variable practice 
 till the middle of the thirteenth century ; the code 
 was restored by the pen of John d'Ibelin, Count of 
 Jaffa, one of the principal feudatories ; and the final 
 revision was accomplished in the year 1 369, for the use 
 of the Latin kingdom of Cyprus." ^ Although the text 
 of the Assises in the form we have it now is not by far 
 of so old a date as was at first supposed, yet it is about 
 
 ^ Gibbon, "Decline and Fall," chap. Iviii. 
 
"ASSISES DE JERUSALEM.'' 29 
 
 sixty years older than the Coutiimiers, or law compila- 
 tions used in Europe, and has therefore consider- 
 able interest ; it is one of the fullest and most 
 trustworthy sources of information respecting the 
 feudal system. It is noteworthy that the Assises, 
 from the political point of view, establish the 
 sovereignty of the nation as represented by the 
 aristocracy and the bourgeoisie. " The justice and 
 freedom of the constitution," we still quote Gibbon, 
 " were maintained by two tribunals of unequal dig- 
 nity. . . - The king, in person, presided in the upper 
 court, the court of the barons. Of these the four most 
 conspicuous were the Prince of Galilee, the Lord of 
 Sidon and Caesarea, and the Counts of Jaffa and Tri- 
 poli, who, perhaps, with the constable and marshal, were 
 in a special manner the compeers and judges of each 
 other. But all the nobles who held their lands im- 
 mediately of the crown were entitled and bound to 
 attend the king's court; and each baron exercised a 
 similar jurisdiction in the subordinate assemblies of 
 his own feudatories. The connection of lord and 
 vassal was honourable and voluntary ; reverence was 
 due to the benefactor, protection to the dependant ; but 
 they mutually pledged their faith to each other, and 
 the obligation on either side might be suspended by 
 neglect, or dissolved by injury." It is not too much 
 to say that, with the " Assises de Jerusalem" a model of 
 political liberty was introduced in Asia, the first and 
 indispensable condition of these laws being the assent 
 of those whose obedience they required, and for whose 
 benefit they were designed. 
 
 The share which the French took in the Crusades 
 
30 PILGRIMAGES TO THE HOLY LAND. 
 
 makes of that event an important part In their 
 national history. The first, as we have just seen, was 
 nearly exclusively their work ; they divided the 
 second (1147) with the Germans, the third (1190) 
 with the English, the fourth (1202) with the Venetians. 
 The fifth (12 17) and the sixth (1228) hardly deserve 
 to be noticed ; the seventh (1248) and the eighth 
 (1270) were solely and entirely French. The move- 
 ment of expansion which led, at an interval of fifteen 
 centuries, the inhabitants of ancient Gaul to break 
 through their frontiers and visit foreign climes is 
 worth noting. They crossed the Pyrenees, as the 
 Celtiberians had done ; the British Channel, as the 
 Belgae and the Kymri ; the Alps, as the Boii and the 
 Insubres ; the Rhine and the Danube, as those tribes 
 who went to set Alexander at defiance, plundered 
 Delphi, and struck Asia with fear. In all these cases 
 the courage and daring displayed were the same, but 
 in that of the Crusades the moving power was totally 
 different. Formerly the French emigrated in quest 
 of fortune and of material prosperity ; when they 
 took up the badge of the cross and marched towards 
 Jerusalem, they were actuated by a moral principle 
 which doubled their energy and sanctified their 
 actions. M. Cox (" Epochs of History") has summed 
 up as follows the chief results of the Crusades : — 
 
 " We must not forget that by rolling back the tide 
 of Mahometan conquest from Constantinople for 
 upwards of four centuries, they probably saved 
 Europe from horrors the recital of which might 
 even now make our ears tingle ; that by weaken- 
 ing the resources and power of the barons they 
 
 ^ 
 
RESULTS OF THE CRUSADES. 3 1 
 
 strengthened the authority of the kings acting in 
 alliance with the citizens of the great towns ; that 
 this alliance broke up the feudal system, gradually 
 abolished serfdom, and substituted the authority of a 
 common law for the arbitrary will of chiefs, who for 
 real or supposed affronts rushed to the arbitrament of 
 private war. . . . These enterprises have affected the 
 commonwealth of Europe in ways of which the 
 promoters never dreamed. They left a wider gulf 
 between the Greek and the Latin Churches, between 
 the subjects of the Eastern Empire and the nations 
 of Western Europe ; but by the mere fact of throwing 
 East and West together they led gradually to that 
 interchange of thought and that awakening of the 
 human intellect to which we owe all that distinguishes 
 our modern civilization from the religious and political 
 systems of the Middle Ages." We must not forget 
 trade, commerce, and manufactures, which received 
 from the Crusades a wonderful development ; in the 
 first place, the necessity of providing the armies of the 
 Crusaders with arms, clothing, harness, horses, &c., led 
 to an increase of industry which has never stopped 
 since ; in the second place, the markets of Europe 
 being now supplied with the produce of Asia, a new 
 source of financial prosperity was opened, and soon 
 became most popular. 
 
 The foundation of religious orders of knighthood 
 was another result of the Crusades ; thus, in iioo, a 
 Provencal gentleman, Gerard de Martigues formed 
 the Order of the Knights Hospitallers, subsequently 
 known as the Knights of Rhodes, and then as the 
 Knights of Malta. The Knights of the Temple, 
 
KING OF THE TENTH CENTURY. 
 
CHIVALRY. 33 
 
 established (iii8) by the Frenchman Hugues des 
 Payens, soon became formidable opponents of the 
 Hopitallers^ and whilst carrying on against each other 
 a very bitter feud, they were both equally suspected 
 by the Church and dreaded by the kings of the 
 various countries to which they belonged. 
 
 Chivalry is an institution which both affected the 
 character of the Crusades, and received from them 
 in return a powerful impulse ; it was another means 
 by which the nobles separated themselves from the 
 people, for no one might be a knight but a man of 
 high birth. At the early age of seven he was re- 
 moved from the care of women, and placed in the 
 household of some lord or baron, who was supposed 
 to give him the example of all chivalrous virtues. 
 As page, varlet, or dainoiseau, the lad accompanied 
 the lord and lady of the manor on their rides, 
 their excursions, their hawking parties, &c., and thus 
 trained himself to the fatigues of war. At fifteen 
 the page or varlet passed on to the higher rank of an 
 eciiyer (Squire) ; he might be an eciiyei^ d'honneur or 
 eciiyer de corps in personal attendance upon his master 
 or mistress ; as ecuyer tranchant he carved for them in 
 thC' dining-hall ; as ecuyer darrnes he carried the 
 baron's lance and the various parts of his armour, and 
 whatever rank he occupied, he endeavoured, by some 
 act of courage, to merit the coveted honour of re- 
 ceiving, at the age of twenty-one, the order of 
 knighthood. 
 
 " At last the day came which was to hold so im- 
 portant a place in the young man's life. He prepared 
 himself for the initiation by symbolic ceremonies. A 
 
34 
 
 PILGRIMAGES TO THE HOLY LAND. 
 
 bath, signifying the purity both of the body and of 
 the soul, the night-watch, confession often made aloud, 
 the holy communion, preceded the reception of the 
 young knight. Clothed in vestments of white linen, 
 another symbol of moral purity, he was led to the 
 altar by two discreet men of tried courage and ex- 
 perience, who acted as his military sponsors. A priest 
 
 KNIGHT AND ARMS. 
 
 celebrated mass and consecrated the sword. The 
 baron, whose business it was to arm the new cham- 
 pion, struck him on the shoulder with the sword- 
 blade, saying to him, ' I make thee a knight in the 
 name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the 
 Holy Ghost.' He then bade him swear to em- 
 ploy his weapons in defence of the weak and the 
 oppressed, embraced him, and girt him with his sword. 
 
HERALDRY. 35 
 
 The ceremony often concluded with a tournament. 
 Chivalry conferred privileges and imposed duties. 
 Formed in associations, and bound together by a 
 sentiment of honour and of fraternity, the knights 
 defended each other, and if one of them behaved in 
 a disloyal or dishonourable manner, he was solemnly 
 disgraced and condemned to death. Courtesy and 
 respect for the weaker sex were virtues always ex- 
 pected from a knight. "^ 
 
 Chivalry was, to all intents and purposes, a kind of 
 family, and as a natural result of that idea sprang up the 
 science of heraldry and the habit of armorial bearings. 
 The warriors of antiquity, it is true, caused to be 
 painted on their shields their banners, and their arms, 
 the devices, colours and emblems by which they 
 might be distinguished from a distance ; but these 
 symbols were essentially personal and peculiar to 
 the individuals who wore them. Mediaeval heraldry 
 was a totally different thing ; armorial bearings 
 formed a family distinction, the more important in 
 proportion as it could be traced further back. 
 
 " N'i a riche home ne Baron, 
 Ki n'ait lez li son gonfanon, 
 U gonfanon u altre enseigne, " 
 
 " There is no rich man nor Baron 
 Who has not his banner near him, 
 Either banner or other standard." 
 
 Thus says Robert Wace in his "Roman de Rou," and, 
 of course, the standard or pennon was characterized 
 by a distinctive cognizance of some kind. The habit 
 
 ^ Cheruel, " Dictionnaire des Institutions," &c. 
 
36 PILGRIMAGES TO THE HOLY LAND. 
 
 soon spread of reproducing the armorial bearings, not 
 only on the shield, but on the helmet, the trappings of 
 the horses, the castle gates, the furniture, the dresses 
 of the ladies — on everything, in fact, which belonged 
 to the family. Colleges of heralds were instituted, 
 with laws, rules, and a procedure of their own ; 
 corporations, guilds, confraternities of every kind had 
 their devices, their mottoes, and their crests. Raymond 
 de Saint Gilles, Count of Toulouse (1047-1105), is 
 supposed to have been the first baron who boasted of 
 real armorial bearings, and the leopards which appear 
 on the royal standard of England are thought to 
 have originated from the animals painted in gold, 
 which ornamented the shield of Geoffrey Plantagenet 
 (about 1 1 27). 
 
 To the creation of chivalry we must also ascribe 
 the origin of family names. Till then names had 
 merely been personal, each man only bearing the 
 one which he had received at his baptism ; this, how- 
 ever, was soon found insufficient ; some then added to 
 their own names that of their fathers ; others adopted 
 familiar sobriquets, such as /e Blanc, le Bon, Droitnrier^ 
 Tardif, &c., or designations borrowed from their pro- 
 fession {Le Ma ire, Prevot, Le Boutei/iier, &c.), or trade 
 {BoucJier, Charpentier, Flechier, &c.). Many were 
 satisfied with adding the designation of their native 
 place, or some other local peculiarity, such as Guil- 
 laume de Lorris, Bernard de Ventadour, Jean de la 
 Vigne, &c. 
 
 As it might naturally be expected, the literature 
 and fine arts in France, as well as in all the countries 
 throughout Europe, were powerfully influenced by 
 
38 EARLY FRENCH LITERATURE. 
 
 the two movements we have just described — chivalry 
 and the Crusades. Up to the eleventh century, the 
 Church had enjoyed, if we may so say, the monopoly 
 of intellectual culture, and illustrious as are Hincmar, 
 Roscelin, and Berenger,we can hardly call them French 
 writers ; the earliest specimens of the national litera- 
 ture of France, with the exception of the famous 
 " Strasburg Oaths," belong to the tenth century ; they 
 are the cantileney or song of Sainte Eulalie, a poem 
 on the Passion, a life of St. Leger, and a poem on 
 Boethius. 
 
 The River Loire, which runs through France from 
 the south-east to the west, divides the country into 
 two unequal parts, each of which had during the 
 Middle Ages a legislation, a language, and a litera- 
 ture of its own. South of the Loire was the country 
 of Langue d'oc, so called because the term indicating 
 affirmation in that language was oc (L. hoc). This 
 region included necessarily a considerable number of 
 dialects which together with many grammatical 
 peculiarities had one common feature : " The general 
 language was distinguished from Northern French by 
 the survival to a greater degree of the vowel cha- 
 racter of Latin. The vocabulary was less dissolved 
 and corroded by foreign influence, and the inflections 
 remained more distinct. The result, as in Spanish 
 and Italian, was a language more harmonious, softer, 
 and more cunningly cadenced than Northern French, 
 but endowed with far less vigour, variety, and 
 freshness." ^ 
 
 North of the Loire we find the Langue d'oil (L. 
 
 ^ Saintsbury, "History of French Literature." 
 
SUBJECTS TREATED BY POETS. 39 
 
 Hoc illiid), which, after a series of important modifica- 
 tions, was destined to survive its rival, and to become 
 the language of modern France. 
 
 Poetry was here, as in all countries, the earliest 
 form of literature, and when a twelfth-century poet 
 wanted to exercise his skill and his imaginative 
 powers on some subject or person worthy of being 
 celebrated, he had his choice out of three classes of 
 topics equally well calculated to interest his hearers : 
 (i) Classical antiquity offered to his genius or his 
 talent many a noble and inspiriting theme (Alex- 
 ander the Great and his campaigns, the siege of Troy, 
 &c., &c.) ; (2) National history teemed with glorious 
 names which might well kindle enthusiasm within 
 the breast of a true poet (Charlemagne, Roland, 
 Doon of Mentz, Hugh Capet, &c.) ; (3) The wonder- 
 ful exploits of King Arthur and the Knights of the 
 Round Table, the magic powers of Merh'n the En- 
 chanter, the Quest of the Holy Grail, were a source 
 of composition not less abundant, nor less interesting, 
 than the two others.^ A native of Arras, Jean Bodel, 
 himself the author of one of the chief mediaeval epics, 
 " La Chanson des Saxons," has described with much 
 accuracy, in the following lines, the difference which 
 separates these three categories of poems from each 
 other — 
 
 Ne sont que trois matieres a nul home entandant: 
 
 De France, et de Bretaigne, et de Rome la grant : 
 
 Et de ces trois matieres n'i a nule semblant {resemblance) ; 
 
 Li conte de Bretaigne sont si vain {frivolous) et plaisant ; 
 
 Cil {those) de Rome sont sage et de san {sense^ reason) aprenant, 
 
 Cil de France de voir {tj^ziih) chaque jor apparant." 
 
40 CHANSON DE GESTES. 
 
 •"There are only three subjects for a clever man : 
 France, Brittany, and Rome the great : 
 And there is no similarity between these three subjects ; 
 The tales of Brittany are frivolous and pleasing, 
 Those of Rome are v\nse and sensible ; 
 Those of France tell us the truth every day. " 
 
 The compositions borrowed either from classical 
 antiquity or from national traditions {Chansoti de 
 Roland^ Doon de Mayence, Aliscans^ Ogier le Danois) 
 bore the common name of chafisons de geste, because 
 they treated of the high deeds (L. gestd) of the heroes 
 of ancient time. As we are not writing here a history 
 of French literature, we shall not enter into any 
 further details about these works ; we need only say 
 that in describing the lives and actions of men long 
 gone by, poets of the twelfth century could not help 
 ascribing to Charlemagne's contemporaries or even to 
 the companions of the King of Macedon, the manners 
 and customs amidst which they themselves lived ; 
 and so it is that the most complete and minute his- 
 tory of chivalry in all its details and particulars is to be 
 found in the works of the Trouveres [Troubadours in 
 Langued'oc) recited or sung by them and by their ^t- 
 tending JO Hg/eurs in the palaces of the feudal lords, or 
 in the cours d'avwur of Provence and Aquitaine. We 
 may say in concluding this part of our subject, that 
 the literature of Southern France does not boast of 
 any chanson de geste, so far as we know, except the 
 Girartz de Rossilko, and an epic on Alexander the 
 Great by Auberi of Besangon, the first hundred lines 
 of which have alone been handed down to us. 
 
 The Crusades could not but infuse fresh vigour 
 into literature, either by stirring up the zeal of those 
 
SIRVENTES. 
 
 41 
 
 who had already been moved by the eloquence of 
 popular preachers, or by denouncing to universal con- 
 tempt the cowards who refused to join the expedi- 
 tions. Irony and faith on this occasion combined 
 their forces, and what sermons often failed to do was 
 accomplished by those short satirical pieces to which 
 the name of sirvente has been given (from servir, 
 says Dietz, because it is composed by a retainer in 
 the service of his master) — 
 
 " Or s'en iront cil vaillant bacheler 
 Ki aiment Dieu et I'onour de cest mont, 
 *• Ki sagenient voelent a Dieu aller, 
 
 Et li morveus, li cendreus demourront." 
 
 "Now the valiant bachelors will go 
 Who love God and the honour of this world, 
 Who wisely wish to go to God, 
 And the cowards, the base, will remain." 
 
 Thus said the King of Navarre ; we can under- 
 stand, however, that before leaving, a knight such as 
 Guillaume de Poitiers would turn many a time 
 towards the family castle, and exclaim, his eyes full 
 of tears — 
 
 " Aissi lais tot quant amer suelh (L. solehaui) 
 Cavalairia et orguelh ! 
 Li departir de la doulce contree 
 Oil la belle est, m'a mis en grant tristor. 
 
 Laissier m'estuest {mefaut) la riens {chose, L. revi) qu'ai plus amee 
 For Dom le Dieu servir, mon criator." 
 
 " I leave here all that I used to ove, 
 Tournaments and magnificence. 
 The fact of quitting the pleasant country, 
 Where is my lady-love, has plunged me in great sorrow. 
 I must leave what I have most loved, 
 In order to serve the Lord God my creator." 
 
42 BERTRAM DE BORN. 
 
 Often a faint-hearted knight, having quieted his 
 conscience by an insignificant expedition, tried to 
 come back stealthily to his baronial halls ; the 
 sirvente immediately seized upon him, and denounced 
 him to public contempt, adding in cutting invective 
 to the curses of the Church — 
 
 " Marques, li monges {inoines) de Clunhic, 
 Veuilh que fasson de vos capdel, 
 
 siatz abbas de Cystilh, 
 
 Pus le cor avetz tan mendic {pauvre) 
 
 Que mais {mieux) amatz dos buous et un araire, 
 
 A Montferiat qu'alors estr' emperuieur." 
 
 " Marquis, the monks of Cluny, 
 
 1 wish that they may make of you their captain, 
 Or that you may be abbot of Citeaux, 
 
 Since you have a heart so base 
 
 As to prefer two oxen and a plough 
 
 At Montfernat, than to be emperor elsewhere. " 
 
 One of the most formidable amongst these fighting 
 troubadours was Bertram de Born,"*a Provengal 
 nobleman, who spent his life in warring against his 
 neighbours, destroying their castles, plundering their 
 domains, and then slandering them in his sirventes. 
 Dante has given him a place of honour in his 
 " Inferno," where- he represents him (canto xxviii.) 
 carrying his head in his hands — 
 
 " And so that thou may carry news of me, 
 Know that Bertram de Born am I, the same 
 Who gave to the young king (Richard of England) the evil comfort." 
 
 Bertram de Born called severely to task Philip 
 Augustus and Richard Cceur-de-Lion, the latter of 
 whom he ironically nick- named j/^<^ and nay ^ in order 
 to taunt him for his irresolution. He urged them both 
 
ROBERT WAGE, 43 
 
 to go to the Holy Land ; then when the moment came 
 for starting, he, for his own part, remained at home, 
 and set his conscience at ease by composing a sirvente 
 against himself Thus it is that in the case of France 
 as well as of other countries, the popular literature of 
 the day throws almost as much light upon the politi- 
 cal state of the country as professed chronicles and 
 histories ; but besides the fabliaux, the sirventes, 
 the tensons, and the pastourelles of the troubadours 
 and trotiveres, there are several poetical compositions 
 which, under the name of roinans, are nothing more 
 or less than historical compositions, possessing a cer- 
 tain amount of authenticity, and compiled from Latin 
 originals. Thus we may name the "Roman de Rou " 
 and the "Roman de Brut," by Robert Wace (1162- 
 1182), of whom a distinguished modern historian, 
 Mr. Freeman, has said, "The name of Wace I can 
 never utter without thankfulness, as that of one who 
 has preserved to us the most minute and, as I fully 
 believe, next to the contemporary sketch-work, the 
 most trustworthy narrative of the central scene of my 
 history." Respecting the word roman itself, we must 
 be careful to observe that it had by no means in the 
 Middle Ages the signification applied to it by modern 
 usage. It denoted then a narrative containing a 
 greater or smaller proportion of real fact, and re- 
 cording the deeds of historical characters. We shall 
 say nothing about the " Roman de Brut," which refers 
 to the history of England ; but the " Roman de Rou" 
 is strictly and closely connected with France, and 
 deserves a mention here. The following lines fix 
 the date of its composition — - 
 
44 ^' ROMAN DE ROU.'' 
 
 " Mil et cent et soixante ans eut de temps et d'espace 
 Puis que Diex en la Vierge descendi par sa grace : . 
 Quand un Clerc de Caen, qui et nom Maistre Wace, 
 S'entremist de I'istoire de Rou et de sa race." 
 
 *' One thousand one hundred and sixty years had elapsed, 
 Since God, by His grace, came into the Virgin, 
 When a Clerk of Caen, by name Wace, - 
 Wrote the history of Rollo, and of his race." 
 
 The poem we are now describing consists of seven- 
 teen thousand Hnes ; the first part of it gives the 
 biography of the early Dukes of Normandy ; Rollo 
 (Rou, hence the title of the work), William Longue- 
 Epee, and Richard I. ; it is the least valuable portion, 
 from the historical point of view ; the second division, 
 on the contrary, based upon the chronicle of a cer- 
 tain William of Jumieges, is extremely precious for 
 the information it contains. The Benedictine scholars, 
 Montfaucon and Lancelot, used it as a kind of com- 
 mentary on the celebrated Bayeux Tapestry, which 
 gives, as all readers know, a pictorial view of the 
 Battle of Hastings, and the events which immediately 
 preceded it The entire " Roman de Rou " takes 
 us as far as the reign of Henry I. (iio6), and Robert 
 Wace was rewarded by the King of England with 
 a canonry in the church of Bayeux. The annalist 
 found a somewhat formidable rival in Benoit de 
 Sainte Maure, who, by the express command of 
 Henry H., wrote a history of the Dukes of Nor- 
 mandy, beginning with the invasions of the Northmen 
 under Hastings, and ending with the reign of William 
 the Conqueror. This chronicle, extending to twenty- 
 three thousand lines, is of second-rate historical merit. 
 
 The Crusades had their historians, as we may well 
 
RICHARD THE PILGRIM. 45 
 
 suppose, the principal being Tudebod, Robert the 
 Monk, and especially William of Tyre. Out of the 
 materials supplied by these Latin chroniclers, a cer- 
 tain trouvere named Richard the Pilgrim, composed a 
 poem entitled " La Chanson d'Antioche," which was 
 revised and almost re-written during the thirteenth 
 century by Graindor, a native of Douai. 
 
 Richard the Pilgrim accompanied Godefroi de 
 Bouillon to Palestine ; he is supposed to have been 
 one of the retainers of the Count of Flanders, and he 
 appears to have died before the capture of Jerusalem. 
 The work which has immoralized his name is of equal 
 value if we consider it as a specimen of literary com- 
 position and a faithful record of the events which 
 marked the first Crusade. " Every page of his narra- 
 tive bears evidence to the fact that he was an eye-wit- 
 ness of the incidents he relates, even in the most indif- 
 ferent and casual circumstances. Talking, for instance, 
 of three knights who refused to do their duty, he says : 
 ' I know well who they are, but I shall not name 
 them.' Thoroughly conscientious, Richard the Pilgrim 
 describes faithfully all the episodes of the Crusade^ 
 and analyses with much impartiality the characters of 
 the various le^ders, the motives of their actions, and 
 the feelings by which they were moved. Thus Bohe- 
 mond is represented more than once as trembling, and 
 needing to be reminded of his duty. The Duke of 
 Normandy appears, exactly as the local historian 
 describes him, to have been, brave, but light-hearted, 
 impetuous, easily put out of temper, and allowing 
 himself too often to be prejudiced. A native of Nor- 
 thern France, our trouvere very naturally dwells more 
 
46 PHILIP I, 
 
 especially upon the heroism of his compatriotes. The 
 warriors of Flanders, Artois, and Picardy are those in 
 whom he feels chiefly interested." ^ We shall have, 
 later on, to dwell in greater detail upon the real 
 literary historians of the Crusades ; but it would have 
 been unfair to leave out in this chapter the early 
 chroniclers of these important events. 
 
 France was gradually waking up from the kind of 
 moral slumber which had weighed over it for upwards 
 of four centuries ; the whole nation, bursting through 
 its frontiers, had rushed off to Jerusalem, to Italy, to 
 Germany, to England ; the spirit of adventure and of 
 conquest had taken possession of every heart, and 
 yet the indolent king, Philip I., seemed to share 
 nothing of the enthusiasm and the energy so universal 
 around him. Steeped in luxury and sensuality, he 
 heeded little the progress of feudalism, the gradual 
 destruction of the royal power, the sufferings of the 
 lower classes, and the condition of the Church. Was 
 that state of reckless self-indulgence and neglect of duty 
 to last } No ! Philip, indeed, satisfied himself with 
 spending in tardy exercises of penance the last years 
 of his reign ; he died in i io8 in Melun, after a reign of 
 more than forty-seven years ; but his 3on, Louis VI. 
 was destined to retrieve by his energy and his activity 
 the faults of half a century, and to strike the first blow 
 at the power of the aristocracy. 
 
 ^ Masson, " Mediaeval Chronicles of France." 
 
III. 
 
 LOUIS VI. — LOUIS VIL — THE COMMUNAL MOVE- 
 MENT. — SCHOLASTICISM. 
 
 (1IO8-I180.) 
 
 When Louis VI. ascended the throne the royal 
 power was very much diminished, if we compare it to 
 what it had been in the time of Hugues Capet. The 
 
 SEAL OF LOUIS VT. 
 
 countships of Paris, Sens, Orleans, and Melun consti- 
 tuted the whole of the royal domains ; but even within 
 these comparatively small limits the movements of 
 
48 LOUIS VI. — LOUIS VII. 
 
 the king were by no means free. For instance, be- 
 tween Paris and Etampes stood the fortress of the 
 lord of Montlhery ; between Paris and Melun the 
 Count of Corbeil exercised almost absolute authority, 
 and even at one time hoped to be at the head of a 
 fourth dynasty ; between Paris and Or eans the frown- 
 ing walls of Puiset were a constant source of anxiety 
 to the Crown, and it required a three years' war to 
 reduce it to submission. In whatever direction the 
 eye might turn, it met the domains of feudal lords, 
 whose power and influence equalled, in every respect, 
 that of the king, and who, paying no attention to the 
 royal safe-conducts, plundered the pilgrims, levied 
 illegal and exorbitant fines upon travelling mer- 
 chants, and acted in every respect as the most un- 
 scrupulous highwaymen. The king was thus, if we 
 may so say, hemmed in on all sides by that terrible 
 and compact organization of feudalism which, having 
 long since cast aside the ideal from which it originated, 
 now only represented the principle of brute force 
 against that of justice, order, and national unity. 
 
 The time had come for a revolution to take place ; 
 iniquity could not prevail for ever, and in the move- 
 ment we are about to describe, the Crown and the 
 lower classes acted as allies to each other. The prin- 
 ciple of association was at the bottom of the feudal 
 system ; it formed likewise the starting-point of the re- 
 volution which ultimately destroyed that system. If 
 we trace back to its beginnings the history of indus- 
 try, trade, and commerce, we find guilds and corpo- 
 rations rising everywhere, and imparting stability and 
 the elements of success to professions which could 
 
THE COMMUNAL MOVEMENT. 49 
 
 have produced nothing if left to isolated action and 
 individual effort. In like manner the old institution 
 of serfdom having gradually disappeared, and the 
 labourers and vilains having obtained the right of 
 inheriting the land, or portion of the land, which they 
 formerly tilled for their masters, associations of families 
 were formed, hence the organization of parishes, and 
 their grouping together for purposes of mutual pro- 
 tection. In the South of PVance, where traces of the 
 old municipal institutions of the Romans were even 
 then to be found, a still more decisive element of anti- 
 feudalism existed, and speedily manifested itself. 
 
 The communal movement broke out almost simul- 
 taneously in various parts of the country ; Le Mans 
 (1066), Cambrai (1076;, were followed by Noyon, 
 Beauvais, Saint Ouentin, Laon, Amiens and Soissons. 
 The following extracts from the charters of a Beauvais 
 commune, will give a sufficient idea of all the others : 
 
 " All the men residing within the walls of the city 
 and its suburbs, to whatever lord they may belong, the 
 land which they occupy, shall swear the commune. 
 Within the whole enclosure of the town, each one 
 shall assist his neighbours loyally and according to 
 his ability, 
 
 " The peers of the com'^nu7ie shall swear to favour 
 no one for friendship's sake, to injure no one on the 
 ground of private enmity ; they shall in every case 
 give, according to their power, an equitable decision. 
 All others shall swear to obey the decisions of the 
 peers, and to assist in seeing that they are carried out. 
 
 "Whenever any man has done injury to a person 
 who has sworn the comm2ine, on a complaint of the 
 
CATHEDRAL OF NOYOiN. 
 
COMMUNE OF BEAUVAIS. 51 
 
 same being made, the peers of the commune shall 
 punish the delinquent, either in his person or in his 
 goods, deliberation having been held on the subject. 
 
 "If the culprit takes refuge in some castle, the 
 peers of the commune shall refer to the lord of the 
 castle or his representative, and if, according to their 
 opinion, satisfaction is done to them against the 
 enemy of the commu7ie, it will be enough ; but if the 
 lord refuses satisfaction, they shall do justice to them- 
 selves on the lord's property or on his retainers. 
 
 " If some foreign merchant comes to Beauvais for 
 trading purposes, and if any one does wrong or injury 
 to him within the municipal limits {banlieue), if a com- 
 plaint is entered before the peers, and if the merchant 
 can discover the malefactor in the town, the peers 
 shall punish him, unless the merchant should be an 
 enemy of the commune. 
 
 "No member of the commune shall give or lend 
 his money to the enemies of the commune so long as 
 war exists between them, for if he does so he has 
 perjured himself ; and if any man stands convicted 
 of having lent or trusted any thing to them, he shall 
 be punished according to the decision of the peers. 
 
 " If it happens that the whole commune marches out 
 of the town against its enemies, no one shall hold 
 parley with the enemies, except by the leave of the 
 peers. 
 
 "If any peer of the commuyie, having trusted his 
 money to a resident of the town, that resident takes 
 refuge in some castle, the lord of that castle, on com- 
 plaint having been made to him, shall either return 
 the money or drive the debtor out of his castle ; but 
 
52 LOUIS VI. — LOUIS VII. 
 
 should he do neither of these things, justice shall be 
 taken against the men of that castle at the discretion 
 of the peers." 
 
 It is needless to observe that the comuninal move- 
 ment was a source of great sorrow and irritation to 
 the nobles both clerical and secular. " Coiiwmjte" 
 says Guibert of Nogent (twelfth century), " is a new 
 and detestable name. This is what is meant by'it — 
 Persons now only pay once a year to their lords what 
 they owe them. If they commit some crimes, they 
 have merely to submit to a fine legally fixed." 
 
 It is only fair to say that not a few amongst the 
 prelates, understanding the real nature and the 
 beneficial character of the communal movement, gave 
 to it the sanction of their name and their high 
 ecclesiastical position. Such was Baudri de Sarchain- 
 ville, Bishop of Noyon (1098), and it is interesting 
 to read the document by which he established (1108) 
 the comimtne in the chief town of his diocese. 
 
 " Baudri, by the grace of God Bishop of Noyon 
 to all those who do persevere and go on in the faith. 
 
 " Most dear brethren, we learn by the example and 
 words of the holy Fathers that all good things ought 
 to be committed to writing, for fear lest hereafter they 
 come to be forgotten. Know then all Christians present 
 and to come, that I have formed at Noyon a com- 
 mune, constituted by the counsel and in an assembly 
 of clergy, knights, and burghers ; that I have con- 
 firmed it by oath, by pontifical authority, and by 
 the bond of anathema, and that I have prevailed 
 upon our lord King Louis to grant this commune and 
 corroborate it with the king's seal. This establish- 
 
54 LOUIS VI. — LOUIS VII, 
 
 ment formed by me, sworn to by a great number of 
 persons, and granted by the king, let none be so 
 bold as to destroy or alter. I give warning thereof, 
 on behalf of God and myself, and I forbid it in the 
 name of pontifical authority. Whoever shall trans- 
 gress or violate the present law be subjected to ex- 
 communication ; and whosoever, on the contrary, 
 shall faithfully keep it, be preserved for ever amongst 
 those who dwell in the house of the Lord." 
 
 The communal revolution, like most popular move- 
 ments, was unfortunately stained in several places 
 with deeds of violence, and the history of the com- 
 nmne of Laon is unquestionably one of the most 
 dramatic episodes in the whole development of the 
 Middle Ages. Gaudri, bishop of that town, had, 
 on condition of a sum of money, allowed the in- 
 habitants the permission of instituting an elective 
 magistracy on the pattern of that of Noyon (1109). 
 Three years later, repenting of the concessions he 
 had made, he persuaded the king, whom he had 
 invited to spend the Easter festivities at Laon (11 12), 
 to cancel the communal charter, promising him in 
 return a sum of 700 silver livres. The news of this 
 piece of treachery was soon spread abroad, and not- 
 withstanding the protection given to Gaudri by a 
 powerful body of knights, the episcopal palace was 
 set on fire and the unfortunate bishop put to death. 
 
 It was the evident interest of the King of France 
 to encourage and favour the communal movement ; 
 he thus secured for himself powerful allies against 
 the barons who scorned his authority, and in his 
 endeavours to restore order throughout his dominions 
 
FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 55 
 
 he was assisted in the most efficient manner by the 
 parish militias and the citizens of the various towns ; 
 whereas the knights and men-at-arms either forsook 
 him entirely or gave him very little assistance in his 
 efforts to restore peace and order throughout the 
 kingdom, he found, on the contrary, the greatest 
 assistance in the armed bands raised by the Church 
 and the towns. We must add, to tell the whole 
 truth, that Louis VI. so eager to favour the com- 
 munal movement in the domains of the barons, did 
 not tolerate a single one in his own ; he wanted to 
 be absolute master at home till the time when he 
 might become master also over his turbulent vassals. 
 The relations between England and France were 
 always those of two deadly enemies. With the view 
 of checking the power of his rival, Louis VL took up 
 the cause of William Cliton, son of Robert, Duke of 
 Normandy, who, defeated by his brother Plenry at 
 the battle of Tinchebrai (1106), had been kept as a 
 prisoner in Cardiff Castle. This scheme would have 
 materially strengthened the position of the King of 
 France ; unfortunately, the tide of war turned against 
 Louis VL, who experienced a defeat at Brenneville 
 (1119). We must remember at the same time that 
 the English monarch was vassal of Louis as Duke of 
 Normandy, and therefore he dare not push on the 
 war to its last extremities. A series of events, how- 
 ever, contributed to favour the progress of the power 
 of England in France. The terrible episode of the 
 B/a/ic/ie-ne/\e(t Henry with one child only, Mathilda; 
 he married her to Geoffrey Plantagenet, eldest son of 
 Foulques V., Count of Anjou, and thus the support 
 
56 LOUIS VI. — LOUIS VII. 
 
 which Louis had hitherto found in the Angevin 
 princes against Normandy was henceforth lost. Later 
 on the marriage of Mathilda's son with Eleanora of 
 Guienne extended the power of England as far as 
 the Pyrenees. 
 
 The murder of Charles the Good, Count of Flan- 
 ders, by the rebellious serfs and citizens of Ghent, 
 furnished Louis VL with another occasion of ex- 
 ercising his rights as a suzerain lord, and of trying 
 to extend his authority. Accompanied by William 
 Cliton, to whom he promised the Countship of Flan- 
 ders, he invaded the land, and obtained at first some 
 slight success ; but the cities of Furnes, Lille, Ghent, 
 and Alost rose against the invaders and called to the 
 supreme power Thierry of Elsass. Cliton died in 1128 
 of a wound he had received before Alost. 
 
 The firm resolution entertained by the King of 
 France of re-establishing order in his dominions was 
 felt even south of the Loire, where the Count of 
 Auvergne and the Duke of Aquitaine learnt at 
 their own cost that deeds of violence would no 
 longer be tolerated. Amongst the king's last acts 
 was a signal and energetic measure in the same direc- 
 tion. One cf the most unprincipled and savage 
 banditti-lords of the day, Thomas de Marie, who had 
 played an important part in the rising at Laon, was 
 carrying on a system of brigandage on a thoroughly 
 extensive scale. He had locked up in the dungeon 
 of his castle a company of innocent traders, stripped 
 of their goods and their money by his men on the 
 high roads, notwithstanding the royal safe-conduct, 
 and he declined to let them depart unless they paid 
 
FRANCE AND THE PAPACY. 57 
 
 him a considerable ransom. He had as his motto the 
 proud couplet : 
 
 " Je ne suis roy ne comie aussy, 
 Je suis le Sire de Coucy, " 
 
 and he fancied himself in safety behind the walls of 
 his castle of Coucy, one of the strongest baronial re- 
 sidences north of the Seine. The king, nevertheless, 
 marched against him at the head of his troops, and 
 Thomas de Marie, who had sallied forth with the 
 intention of laying an ambush, was wounded, made a 
 prisoner, and taken to Laon, where he died. 
 
 Louis VI. was incidentally led to perform a part in 
 the quarrel between the Papacy and the Empire, for 
 three popes, Gelasius II., Calixtus II., and Innocent 
 II., sought a refuge in France against the Imperial 
 forces. In the year 1130 the king summoned at 
 Etampes a council which, on the proposition of the 
 celebrated Saint Bernard, declared Innocent II. to be 
 the rightful successor of Saint Peter. Twelve months 
 afterwards another council assembled at Reims, was 
 attended by thirteen archbishops and two hundred 
 and sixty-three bishops. Louis VI. appeared in per- 
 son, and Innocent II. availed himself of the oppor- 
 tunity of crowning the monarch's son, Louis, ten 
 years old. Louis VI. died of an attack of dysentery 
 on the 1st of August, 1137. He had been nicknamed 
 /e gros (the fat) on account of his corpulency. 
 
 The clever and enlightened course of policy 
 adopted by Louis VI. was carried on by his son, but 
 it led, in one of its applications, to an event which the 
 new king had scarcely anticipated. The Pope had 
 named to the archbishopric of Bourges his own 
 
58 LOUIS VI. — LOUIS VII. 
 
 nephew, regardless of the right of presentation which 
 belonged to the Crown. Louis compelled the new 
 prelate to vacate the see, whereupon the Count of 
 Champagne offered a refuge to the disappointed eccle- 
 siastic. The king had already some motives of 
 complaint against the count. He resolved, therefore, 
 upon punishing him, entered his domain, and burnt 
 down the small town of Vitry ; thirteen hundred 
 persons who had taken refuge in the church perished. 
 So wholesale a destruction weighed upon the king's 
 existence ; seized by remorse, he organized a Crusade, 
 and found an apology and justification of his design 
 in the state of affairs in the Holy Land. The Sultan 
 of Aleppo had taken- Edessa, and driven the Chris- 
 tians from one of their most important possessions. 
 Would the kingdom of Jerusalem itself be safe ? and 
 was it not to be feared that the infidels, encouraged 
 by their success, might in a very short time destroy a 
 work which had cost so much blood and so much 
 money ? Pressing appeals were made to all the 
 princes of Western Europe, and Saint Bernard 
 became the apostle of the second Crusade (1144). 
 We cannot dwell here upon the life and character of 
 that truly remarkable man ; sufficient to say that he 
 was one of the most distinguished representatives of 
 the mediaeval clergy, and that, by his learning no less 
 than by his earnest piety, he fully deserved the title 
 of *' The Last Father of the Church," which some 
 historians have bestowed upon him. A monk, of the 
 Order of Citeaux, famed for the strictness of its 
 discipline, he had himself founded in 1 1 1 5 an establish- 
 ment — an off-shoot of the original monastery at a 
 
SECOND CRUSADE. 59 
 
 place called " The Valley of Wormwood," so desig- 
 nated either from the fact that the soil abounded with 
 that plant, or because the locality was infested with 
 robbers. Subsequently to the foundation of the new 
 monastery the valley assumed the more propitious 
 name of Clairvaux (Lat. clara vallis). Bernard was 
 abbot at the time of the preaching of the Crusade; 
 he placed himself at the head of the movement with 
 his wonted energy, but a great change had taken 
 place in public feeling, and instead of the spontaneous 
 elan which seized all classes of society in the days of 
 Peter the Hermit, it was necessary to levy a kind of 
 Crusade tax throughout the kingdom, independently 
 of rank and condition. Riots followed, and the king 
 started for his expedition, says a chronicler, .in the 
 midst of curses and* imprecations. The second 
 Crusade was nothing else but a series of failures ; the 
 want of discipline of the soldiers and the stupidity of 
 the leaders brought about a first disaster. The only 
 anxiety which possessed the King of France was to 
 reach Jerusalem and to pray at the Holy Sepulchre. 
 This he contrived to do, and then the Crusaders, 
 deeming that it would be disgraceful for them to leave 
 Palestine without accomplishing at least one feat of 
 arms, determined upon attacking Damascus. Here, 
 again, their own imprudence led to a discomfiture. 
 Who should be prince of Damascus if the town zvas 
 taken ? The Count of Flanders, said some ; this 
 selection met with a great deal of opposition, but, as 
 the siege had to be raised, it did not so much signify, 
 and a very small number of the Crusaders returned to 
 Europe to tell the tale of the expedition. 
 
6o 
 
 LOUIS VI. — LOUIS VII. 
 
 Saint Bernard's reputation suffered considerably 
 from this untoward episode. " He had confidently 
 predicted its success, and was even said to have 
 wrought miracles in attestation of his mission. The 
 complaints against him were loud, bitter, and uni- 
 versal ; and he himself acknowledged his confusion at 
 this inexplicable visitation of Divine Providence. He 
 attributed it to the scandalous vices of the Crusaders, 
 comparing them to the Jews of old, to whom God's 
 
 FIGURE OF SUGER IN CHITRCH WINDOW, 
 
 prophet had solemnly promised the enjoyment of the 
 Land of Canaan, but who were nevertheless ' over- 
 thrown in the wilderness' on account of their sins and 
 unbelief" Saint Bernard died in 1 1 53, and was 
 canonized by Pope Alexander 111. in 1174. 
 
 In contrast with the first Abbot of Clairvaux 
 stands Suger, the great statesman, " the Father of his 
 country," as his grateful contemporaries loved to call 
 him. Born of poor parents in the neighbourhood of 
 
SUGER. 6l 
 
 Saint Omer, Suger was indebted for his early training 
 to the monks of the abbey of Saint Denis, who re- 
 ceived him in their midst, and soon discovered his 
 ability and his high moral qualities. Louis VI., his 
 fellow-student at Saint Denis, conceived for him a 
 friendship which Louis VI L continued, and having 
 been elected abbot during his absence at Rome, he 
 rose to be invested with the highest powers in the 
 state. Named regent whilst the king was engaged in 
 the Crusade, he governed prudently and discreetly, 
 maintained order, and displayed the greatest talent as 
 a financier. He had alwa}'s been opposed to the 
 Crusade, and urged upon the king the duty of " not 
 abandoning his flock to the rapacity of the wolves." 
 
 On his return to France, Louis VII. repudiated his 
 wife Eleanor for alleged misconduct. This step, jus- 
 tified, no doubt, from the point of view of morality, 
 was a political mistake, because the ex-queen, heiress, 
 as we have seen, of the duchy of Guienne, transferred 
 her vast domain to Henry Plantagenet, Count of 
 Anjou, Duke of Normandy, and heir-presumptive to 
 the crown of England (1152). The power of this 
 country, thus immensely increased, was still more so 
 when, two years later, Henry obtained for his sons 
 the hand of the Count of Brittany's only daughter. 
 Thus irritated by the rapid and constantly-increasing 
 power of his rival, Louis VII. avenged himself by en- 
 couraging the rebellious conduct of Henry's four sons. 
 The murder of Thomas a Becket (1170) is another 
 incident which helped him in his designs against 
 England. Having insisted with the Pope that the 
 blood of the archbishop should be avenged, he ob- 
 
62 LOUIS VI. — LOUIS VII. 
 
 tained satisfaction. With the view of escaping from 
 a sentence of excommunication, Henry submitted to 
 all the humiliations which were imposed upon him, 
 and spent the last years of his reign in wars against 
 his own sons, his subjects, and the King of France. 
 
 The tragic death of Thomas a Becket belongs im- 
 mediately and directly to the history of England ; 
 but it affected, more or less, the whole of Christen- 
 dom, and therefore we are not astonished at finding it 
 described by a French writer : 
 
 " Since now and at so late a time (in the history of 
 the world) a new martyr is given to you, Garnier the 
 Clerk, a native of Pont Saint Maxence, thinks it right 
 to tell you the date of this event : it took place full 
 eleven hundred and seventy years after the incarna- 
 tion." The chronicle we are now alluding to, written 
 in Alexandrine verses, is founded upon the well-known 
 " Historia Ouadripartita," compiled under the direc- 
 tion of Pope Gregory XL from materials supplied by 
 John of Salisbury, Herbert of Bosham, William of 
 Canterbury, and Alan, Abbot of Tewkesbury. The 
 poem is remarkably accurate in point of historical 
 detail ; Garnier has spared neither time nor trouble in 
 collecting information from the most trustworthy 
 quarters : 
 
 " I have spent at least four years in making and 
 perfecting it (the poem), retrenching, adding, without 
 taking any account of my trouble." Further on, he 
 tells us " he went to Canterbury for the purpose of 
 getting the truth from the friends of Saint Thomas, and 
 those who had served him ever since he was a child." 
 
 Impartiality is his chief object : " Truth and inte- 
 
GUILD OF PARIS MERCHANTS. 63 
 
 grityyoii may expect here, for I would not depart from 
 the truth for any damages or death I might endure." 
 
 The views of Garnier respecting the murder of 
 Thomas a Becket are those which might be antici- 
 pated from a Churchman and a Frenchman ; his 
 opinion is that of the clergy during the twelfth cen- 
 tury "The prelates," he remarks, "are the ser- 
 vants of God ; and princes, therefore, ought to cherish 
 them ; they are above kings, who should bend under 
 them." 
 
 The communal movement continued during the 
 reign of Louis VII. His father had granted or con- 
 firmed eight charters ; his own name appears on 
 twenty-five such documents ; the population of the 
 towns increased, barren tracts of land were cultivated, 
 forests disappeared, and substantial encouragement 
 was given to trade and industry. Louis VII. con- 
 firmed the privileges of the Hmise or guild of Paris 
 merchants, which under the collective name of 
 marcJiands de Veau de Paris, had succeeded to the 
 corporation of the naiitcE Parisienses. This company 
 or association, the most powerful of all those then 
 existing, enjoyed the monopoly of carrying goods 
 from the bridge of Le Pecq, near Saint Germain on 
 Laye, to the higher part of the river. They levied 
 a toll on all provisions brought into Paris ; their 
 armorial device was a ship, which subsequently 
 became that of the metropolis, with the motto Fluctuat 
 nee mergitiir. The foundation stone of the Cathedral 
 of Notre Dame was laid in 1168 by Pope Alexander 
 III. We have already said that Louis VII. caused his 
 son and heir to be consecrated during his own life- 
 
64 LOUIS VI. — LOUIS VII. 
 
 time ; he further directed that the ceremony should 
 always take place at Paris. 
 
 We cannot close our account of the reign of Louis 
 Yll. without giving a sketch, if ever so slight, of the 
 intellectual movement which was going on in France, 
 during the administration of the first Capetian monarchs. 
 
 Under the name of Schola Palatii Charlemagne 
 had established in connection with every cathedral 
 church (circular of 789), schools for the elementary 
 teaching of children, and, besides, seminaries where 
 the higher branches of the sciences were studied, under 
 the supervision of competent teachers. Tours, Metz, 
 Fontenelle in Normandy, Ferrieres near Montargis, 
 and Aniane in Languedoc, thus became centres of 
 intellectual progress : the curriculum of learning was 
 called the trivium and the quadrivium, and embraced 
 the seven liberal sciences, as enumerated in the follow- 
 ing distich : 
 
 " Gramm{aticd) loquitur ; Dia[lectica) vera docet ; Rhcf{onca) verba 
 
 colorat ; 
 i\Iiis[ica) canit ; Ar{itJii)ietica) numeral; Geo{metria) ponderat; 
 
 As{tronomia) colii astra." 
 
 There was of course a school attached to the 
 metropolitan church of Paris, and thus it happened 
 that the foundation of the University of Paris came 
 to be ascribed to Charlemagne, although the real 
 founder of it, as a matter of fact, was Philip Augustus. 
 A vestige of the old tradition is still preserved in the 
 circumstance that the annual festival of the University 
 of France takes place on the day of Saint Charlemagne. 
 The University of Paris was really an association of 
 guilds of schools, on the pattern of the other corpora- 
 
UNIVERSITY OF PARIS. 65 
 
 tions, and its headquarters were on the south bank of 
 the Seine, at and near the Montagne Sainte Genevieve, 
 still regarded as the centre of what is called /e quartier 
 Latin. The importance of the various schools belong- 
 ing to the University of Paris may be gathered from 
 merely naming a few of the distinguished men who 
 there taught and were there educated. Thus Ulger, 
 Bishop of Angers, Alberic de Reims, Archbishop of 
 Bourges, Gauthier de Mortagne, Bishop of Laon, 
 Michel de Corbeil, Dean of Saint Denis, who, after 
 having refused the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, was 
 consecrated Archbishop of Sens. Some of the most 
 distinguished members of the University of Paris 
 were foreigners, and to mention only a {^^m English- 
 men out of a list which might easily be extended, 
 we shall quote almost at random, Adam de Parvo 
 Ponte^ Bishop of Saint Asaph, Robert de Bethune, 
 Bishop of Hereford, Cardinal Robert Pulleyn, and 
 finally Nicolas Breakspeare, who was elected to the 
 Papacy under the name of Adrian IV. 
 
 Of all the schools comprising the University of 
 Paris during the Middle Ages, that of Saint Victor 
 has remained the most illustrious ; it was founded by 
 Guillaume de Champeaux, in 1108. "Whilst it 
 endeavoured," says Canon Robertson, " to reconcile 
 the scholastic method of inquiry with practical piety, 
 it was especially opposed to the dialectical subtleties 
 which were now in fashion, and was itself inclined to 
 mysticism. The most famous teachers of this school 
 were Hugues — a Saxon, according to some writers, 
 while others suppose him a native of Ypres — who 
 died in 1141 ; Richard, a Scotchman, who died in 
 
66 LOUIS VI. 
 
 1170; and Gauthier, who, in 1174, wrote against 'the 
 four Labyrinths of Gaul,' under which names he 
 denounced Abelard, Gilbert de la Porree, Peter 
 Lombard, and his disciple, Peter de Poitiers." ^ 
 
 Hincmar, Alcuin, Eginhard, and Scot Erigena, to 
 name only these, had given to the Carlovingian 
 dynasty a kind of intellectual character, and the 
 great theological disputes of the mediaeval epoch were 
 anticipated by the sharp controversy, in which were 
 engaged, on the one side, the Monk Gotteschalck, and, 
 on the other, Rabanus Maurus, Bishop of Mentz. 
 Theology and philosophy at that time were identical 
 expressions, and arguments on points of doctrine 
 often meant nothing less than efforts to assert the 
 right of intellectual freedom against the claims of 
 authority. Condemned by two councils for having 
 stated that the doctrine of predestination is to be 
 found in the writings of Saint Augustine, Gottes- 
 chalck had refused to retract, and had been shut up 
 for life by Hincmarin a cloister ; ScotErigena,Berenger, 
 and Roscelin suffered persecution in various l^orms for 
 the boldness of their ideas, and when the dispute 
 between the Realists and the Nominalists broke out, 
 the tide of theological bitterness was at its height. 
 
 When we talk of universal ideas, we may suppose 
 either that they are mere ideas, or real existences, 
 just as real as, for instance, an individual horse, 
 tree, or man. The latter view had been the one 
 acknowledged as orthodox, and it had on its side 
 the authorit}^ of Plato and of Saint Augustine ; 
 the former was sanctioned by Aristotle. Roscelin, 
 
 ^ " History of the Christian Church," 
 
ABELARD. 67 
 
 Canon of Compiegne, stood up on the side of 
 Nominalism, and having boldly applied his tenets 
 to an explanation of the doctrine of the Trinity 
 he was accused of Tritheism, and compelled to 
 retract. He had to leave France, and fled to England, 
 where he further excited great dissatisfaction by 
 maintaining that the sons of clergymen could not 
 legally receive ordination. He then returned to France, 
 found a kind and sympathetic friend in Yves de 
 Chartres, was through his mediation reconciled to the 
 Church, and appointed a canon of the church of Saint 
 Martin at Tours. 
 
 The philosopher, however, whose name has become 
 the most illustrious in the history of the times, was 
 Abelard, a pupil of Roscelin, and subsequently of 
 Guillaume de Champeaux. The romantic story of 
 his love with Heloise, has chiefly made his name 
 known to the public, but he was equally distinguished 
 as a theologian and a teacher. Born in 1079, ^^ ^ 
 village near Nantes, he became extremely popular as 
 soon as he began lecturing, and his excessive vanity 
 led him into difficulties from which he never extricated 
 himself. Saint Bernard, always on the watch against 
 heretical doctrines, had not much trouble in discover- 
 ing the dangerous propositions maintained by 
 Abelard in his *' Introduction to Theology," and he 
 brought forth against him the charge of sharing the 
 errors of Nestorius, Pelagius, and Arius. The 
 councils of Soissons (1121), Sens (i 140), condemned 
 him, and the doctors assembled on the former of 
 these occasions obliged him to burn with his own 
 hands the dangerous treatise. Prohibited from teach- 
 
68 
 
 LOUIS VI. 
 
 ing, and ordered to be confined for life, Abelard 
 repaired to the Abbey of Cluny, where he was most 
 kindly received by Peter the Venerable. He there 
 spent two years in study and devotional exercises, 
 and having been removed to the priory of Saint 
 Marcel, near Chalon-sur Saone, he died there in the 
 sixty-third year of his age, April 21, 1142. 
 
 We must not suppose that the endless discussion 
 carried on by the schoolmen of the Middle Ages 
 derive their importance fi'cm the fact that they cleared 
 a few theological difficulties, about which no one 
 really cared. The great, the ever-momentous 
 question at issue then was liberty of tJiought, and the 
 right of examining and dissenting from, the tenets 
 propounded by the Church of Rome. In this long 
 quarrel, the Realists represented the principle of 
 freedom, and the Nowiftalists that of submission. 
 
IV. 
 
 PHILIP AUGUSTUS— THE CRUSADES — THE ALBI- 
 
 GENSES — LOUIS Vlil. 
 
 (ll 80-1 226.) 
 
 Louis VII, whose reig-n we have just been de- 
 scribing, was the eldest of six sons : three had taken 
 orders ; Robert was the head of the house of Dreux 
 and Pierre founded that of Courtenay, which still 
 exists in England Philip II., surnamed Augustus 
 because he was born in the month of August (1165), 
 ascended the throne at the early age of fifteen. His 
 reign marks an important epoch in the history of 
 France ; it coincides with the beginning of a revolution 
 which destroyed the feudal system and placed in the 
 hands of the king all the powers of the country. The 
 vigilance and energy of the new king baffled the 
 activity of the barons who still attempted to rule 
 independently of their liege lord. As a result of the 
 wars he had to undertake, we must name the acqui- 
 sition of the countships of Amiens, Valois, and Ver- 
 mandois (1183J ; in 1191 he obtained by right of 
 inheritance the important province of Artois, and 
 thus the immediate domains of the Crown were 
 extended as far as Flanders. He reduced to obedience 
 
70 PHILIP AUGUSTUS— THE CRUSADES. 
 
 the Duke of Burgundy, the Lord of Beaujeu, and the 
 Count of Chalons ; he persecuted the Jews (1182) ; 
 with the help of the communal militia he stamped out 
 an insurrection attempted by the Cottereaux — a band of 
 robbers who infested the central provinces of France. 
 The rivalry between France and England found 
 fresh fuel in the events which marked the third Cru- 
 sade (1190-1191). Jerusalem had fallen into the 
 power of the infidels (1187). Since the accession of 
 Godefroi de Bouillon, eight European kings, all French, 
 had reigned in the Holy City, and the last, Guy de 
 Lusignan, defeated at the battle of Tiberias, had now 
 become the prisoner of Saladin. A vigorous effort was 
 made throughout Christendom to improve a situation 
 which had grown very serious ; the emperor, Frederick 
 Barbarossa, took the initiative ; Richard Cceur de 
 Lion followed, accompanied by Philip Augustus. The 
 expedition arrived at Saint Jean d'Acre, which was 
 retaken by the Crusaders. The " lion-hearted " soon 
 made his personality felt in the most decided manner, 
 and earned by his reckless courage, his determination, 
 and his perseverance, a reputation which extended 
 even to the Mohammedan population of the country. 
 If we may beliex-e an Eastern historian, his fellow 
 countrymen used to rebuke their startled horses by 
 uttering his dreadful name. " Do you think," said 
 they, '' that King Richard is on the track, that you 
 stray so wildly from it ? " He directed from the first 
 the chief operations of the siege, and acquired over his 
 fellow Crusaders, over Philip especially, an ascendency 
 which could not be but very galling to a man so 
 impatient of control as the King of France. 
 
RICHARD CCEUR DE LION. 71 
 
 " We laud and honour the courage and high achieve- 
 ments of the King of England, but we feel aggrieved 
 that he should, on all occasions, seize and maintain a 
 precedence and superiority over us, which it becomes 
 not independent princes to submit to. Much we might 
 yield of our free-will to his bravery, his wealth, his 
 zeal, and his power ; but he who snatches all as a 
 matter of right, and leaves nothing to grant as a 
 matter of courtesy and favour, degrades us from allies 
 into retainers and vassals, and sullies, in the eyes of 
 our soldiers and subjects, the lustre of our authority, 
 which is no longer independently exercised." 
 
 7'his speech of the Grand Master of the Templars, 
 in Sir Walter Scott's "Talisman," exactly represents 
 the feelings of Philip Augustus in his relations towards 
 the King of England. Acre having once surrendered, 
 he resolved upon leaving the Holy Land immediately, 
 for the express purpose of destroying the power of 
 Richard. Before starting, he renewed, indeed, the 
 engagements which bound him to respect the terri- 
 tories, the interests, and the rights of the English 
 monarch ; but he tried during his stay at Rome to ob- 
 tain from Pope Celestine III. a deed releasing him 
 from this engagement. This being useless, he deter- 
 mined upon releasing himself by force, and sought the 
 alliance of Prince John, who had long been plotting 
 to supplant his brother, and who consented to do 
 homage to the King of France, not only for Normandy 
 and the other English possessions on the Continent, 
 but for England itself. In the meanwhile Richard 
 contrived to escape from a captivity in which the 
 Emperor of Germany had unjustly kept him (1194); 
 
72 PHILIP AUGUSTUS — THE CRUSADES. 
 
 he arrived in Normandy at the head of a powerful 
 army, and defeated the French at Frettival. As for 
 John, whose baseness was only equalled by his cruelty, 
 he sought to propitiate his brother by putting to the 
 sword three hundred French soldiers whom he had 
 invited to a banquet at Evreux. Pope Innocent, then 
 interfering, obliged the rival monarchs to sign a five 
 years' truce (January, 1199 . Two months afterwards 
 Richard was killed before the castic of Chalus, in 
 Limousin. 
 
 John Lackland, now having become king, had as an 
 enemy the prince whose alliance he had so recently 
 sought, and who was only anxious for a pretext to 
 renew hostilities. The murder of young Arthur, which 
 occurred then (1204), seemed to justify the ambitious 
 projects of Philip Augustus. He had made up his 
 mind to vindicate the rights of John's nephew to the 
 throne of England, on consideration of homage for the 
 possessions of the English Crown in France ; he now 
 summoned the murderer to appear in person before 
 the court of the twelve peers (chief vassals of the 
 Crown), and, having received a refusal, he marched 
 into Normandy, took possession of the chief towns in 
 the duchy, including Rouen, and, following his career 
 of success, re-annexed Poitou, Anjou, and Touraine 
 to the royal domains. Vainly did Pope Innocent III. 
 endeavour to bind down the two monarchs by a peace. 
 
 Not even so cowardly a man as John could submit 
 to such humiliations, and he formed a league with the 
 Emperor of Germany, Otho IV., the Counts of Flan- 
 ders^and Boulogne, and all the princes of the Nether- 
 lands. They were to invade P>ance by the northern 
 
BATTLE OF BO U VINES, 73 
 
 frontier, whilst he, with an English army, attacked it 
 by the south-west. Louis, the eldest son of the king, 
 marched into Poitou against John, whilst Philip, with 
 a large body of knights and the communal militia, 
 took the road to the north. He met the enemy at 
 the bridge of Bouvines, between Lille and Tournai 
 (July 27, 1 2 14). The Flemings felt so confident of 
 victory that they had already divided the country be- 
 tween themselves. Philip Augustus ordered a mass 
 to be celebrated ; he then commanded bread and 
 wine to be brought, and having had some slices 
 {soiipes, Slips, sops) cut, he ate one, and addressing the 
 men who were near him, he said, " I request all my 
 good friends to eat together with me in remembrance 
 of the twelve apostles who ate and drank together 
 with our Lord ; and if there shall be any one of you 
 who entertains thoughts of evil or of treachery, let 
 him not draw near." Then came forward my Lord 
 Enguerrand de Coucy and took the first sop ; Count 
 Gauthier de Saint Pol took the second, and said to the 
 king, " Sire, it will be seen to-day whether I am a 
 traitor!" This he said because the king suspected 
 him on account of certain bad reports. The Count 
 of Sancerre took the ihird sop, and then the other 
 barons, and the.crowd was so great that all could not 
 reach the table {buffet) on which the sops were placed. 
 This seeing, the king was very joyous, and he ex- 
 claimed to the barons : " My lords, you are all my 
 men, and I am your king, w^hatever I may be, and I 
 have loved you all very much. . . . Therefore, I be- 
 seech you, maintain on this day my honour and yours, 
 and if you see that the crown is better on the head of 
 
74 PHILIP AUGUSTUS — THE CRUSADES. 
 
 one of you than on mine, I shall willingly part with 
 it." When the barons heard him thus speak, they 
 began to shed tears, saying : " Sire, thanks, for God's 
 sake ! We will have no other king but you ! Now ride 
 boldly against your enemies, and we are prepared to 
 die with you ! " 
 
 The two armies remained for some time at a short 
 distance from each other without daring to begin the 
 action, and the French were retiring by the bridge of 
 Bouvines to march in the direction of Hainault, when 
 the enemy, by attacking the rear, obliged them to turn 
 round. 
 
 " Philip," says his chaplain, Guillaume le Breton, 
 who was present during the action, " was resting then 
 under a tree, near a chapel, with his armour unfastened. 
 At the first noise of the fight, he entered the chapel to 
 make a short prayer, armed himself quickly, and 
 jumped upon his charger with as much joy as if he 
 was going to a wedding or a festival. Then shouting 
 out, ' To arms ! warriors, to arms !' he rushed forwards? 
 without waiting for his banner. A valiant man. Gallon 
 de Montigni, carried on that day the oriflamme of 
 Saint Denis, a standard of bright red silk. The bis- 
 hop-elect of Senlis, Guerin, arranged the batailles in 
 such a manner that the French had the sun at their 
 back, whilst the enemy had it in their eyes. Three 
 hundred burghers of Soissons, vassals of the Abbot 
 of Saint Medard, and who fought on horseback, began 
 the action at the right wing by charging audaciously 
 the knights of Flanders. These hesitated for some 
 time to try their courage against commoners. How- 
 ever, the cry of ' Death to the French ! ' raised by one 
 
BATTLE OF BO U VINES. 75 
 
 of them, animated them, and the Bourguignons, led 
 by their duke, having reinforced the people of Soissons, 
 the meUe became furious. Count Ferrand was fighting 
 on that side of the army." 
 
 " When the action began the communal militias were 
 already beyond Bouvines ; they recrossed the bridge 
 in all haste, ran in the direction of the royal standard, 
 and came to place themselves in the centre, in front 
 of the king and of his bataille. The German knights, 
 in the midst of whom was the Emperor Otho, charged 
 these brave men, and riding through them endeavoured 
 to reach the King of France ; but the most renowned 
 amongst Philip's men-at-arms threw themselves in 
 front of them and stopped them. During this melee 
 the German infantry passed behind the cavalry, and 
 arrived at the place where stood Philip. They dragged 
 him from his horse, and, when he was on the ground, 
 they endeavoured to kill him. Montigni waved the 
 oriflamme as if to ask for assistance. A few knights 
 and the men of the communes ran up, delivered the 
 king, and replaced him upon his horse ; he imme- 
 diately rushed back into the thick of the fight. It 
 was the emperor's turn to feel in danger of being 
 taken. Guillaume de§ Barres, the bravest and the 
 strongest man in the whole army, the happy adversary 
 of Richard Cceur de Lion, whom he had twice over- 
 come, already held Otho, and was striking him vio- 
 lently, when a crowd of Germans rushed upon him. 
 They killed his horse, but though dismounted, he ex- 
 tricated himself, and with sword and dagger cleared 
 the ground around him. Otho thus managed to 
 escape." 
 
"J^ PHILIP AUGUSTUS — TITE CRUSADES. 
 
 " On the right wing Ferrand, Count of Flanders, had 
 fallen into the hands of the French ; at the centre, the 
 emperor and the Germans were in full flight ; but, on 
 the left, Renaud de Bourgogne and the English held 
 their ground. They had driven before them the 
 militias of Dreux, Perche, Ponthieu, and Vimeu. ' At 
 this sight,' writes a chronicler, ' Philippe de Dreux, 
 Bishop of Beauvais, was distressed, and as he happened 
 to hold a club in his hand^ forgetting his episcopal 
 dignity, he struck the leader of the English, knocked 
 him down and many others with him, breaking limbs 
 but shedding no blood. He recommended those who 
 surrounded him to declare that this great slaughter 
 was their work, for he feared lest he should be accused 
 of having violated the canons and committed a deed 
 unlawful for a bishop. The English were soon in 
 full rout except Renaud, who had arranged a company 
 of sergeants on foot in the shape of a double circle 
 bristling with long spears. From the centre of this 
 circle he rushed forth as from a fortress, taking refuge 
 within it at times to take rest. At last, his horse 
 being wounded, he fell and was made prisoner. Five 
 other counts and twenty-five knights-bannerets had 
 already been captured." 
 
 The above description of the battle of Bouvines, 
 translated from M. Duruy's " History of France," is 
 given here in detail on account of the extreme im- 
 portance belonging to the event. The immediate 
 results, indeed, if we consider territorial aggrandise- 
 ment, were null for the French king, but he had re- 
 pelled a formidable invasion, defeated an emperor and 
 a king, and proved to some of his ambitious vassals 
 
FOULQUES OF NEUILLY, 77 
 
 that any sinister intention they might have against the 
 crown would be both promptly and signally defeated. 
 To quote M. Guizot, " The battle of Bouvines was not 
 the victory of Philip Augustus alone over a coalition 
 of foreign princes ; the victory was the work of king 
 and people, barons, knights, burghers, and peasants of 
 Ile-de-France, of Orleanais, of Picardy, of Normandy, 
 of Champagne, and of Burgundy. And this union of 
 different classes and of different populations in a 
 sentiment, a contest, and a triumph shared in common, 
 was a decisive step in the organization and unity of 
 France. The victory of Bouvines marked the com- 
 mencement of the time at which men might speak, and 
 indeed did speak, by one single name of the Fixnch. 
 The nation in France and the kingship in France on 
 that day rose out and above the feudal system." We 
 do not wonder, therefore, to find that the return of 
 Philip Augustus to Paris had all the features of a 
 triumphal march ; rejoicings were universal, and the 
 enthusiasm of the people displayed itself in every 
 possible manner. Crowds collected to see the Count 
 of Flanders, so powerful lately, but now wounded and 
 disabled, borne about in a litter where he was manacled 
 and loaded with fetters. "There you are, Ferrand," 
 they exclaimed, "bound and fettered ; you can no 
 longer kick and lift your stick against your master ! " 
 He remained for the space of thirteen years a prisoner 
 at the Louvre (1227), a commemorative church called 
 Vabbaye de la victoirey was built near Sen lis to cele- 
 brate the event. 
 
 Foulques, priest of Neuilly-sur-Marne, undertook at 
 that time the missions which had previously been per- 
 
y8 PHILIP AUGUSTUS — THE CRUSADES. 
 
 formed with such success by Peter the Hermit and 
 with comparative failure by Saint Bernard. At the 
 suggestion of Pope Innocent III. he preached a 
 Crusade. Jerusalem was beginning to excite very little 
 interest, and the princes of Western Europe were too 
 much engrossed by their feuds at home to think of 
 the Holy Land, the Saracens, and the empire founded 
 by Godefroi de Bouillon. It is quite true that the elo- 
 quence of the Abbot of Clairvaux had kindled the 
 utmost enthusiasm at first in the breast of his hearers, 
 
 SEAL OF ST. BERNARD. 
 
 and the shouts of " Diex el volt ! Diex el volt ! " had 
 re-echoed in answer to his appeals ; but, as we have 
 seen above, the excitement proved very short-lived, 
 and artificial means were absolutely necessary to 
 render the Crusade possible. It was very much the 
 same in the present case. However, the expedition 
 having been resolved upon, the question of itinerary 
 remained to be settled. The general opinion decided 
 against an over-land journey, and a deputation was 
 sent to hire ships from the Venetians, The sum asked 
 

 "W 
 
 -n — 5^ 
 
 i2^^ A,.,^v^ / J 
 
 
 j^^«. 
 
8o PHILIP AUGUSTUS — THE CRUSADES. 
 
 by the Republic was 85,000 silver merks, besides half 
 the conquests made by the Crusaders. So large a 
 sum could not be paid down at once, so the Venetians 
 granted a delay provided the invaders would help 
 them to take possession of Zara in Dalmatia. Consent 
 was given. Further, by the advice of their Italian 
 friends, they determined to make Constantinople the 
 basis of their operations, and having thus settled the 
 preliminary difficulties, they started. 
 
 It is interesting that the first French prose writer 
 worthy of that name should have been the historian of 
 the fourth Crusade ; we mean Geoffroi de Villehardouin, 
 who took a part in it himself and related, so to say, his 
 own experiences. Born about the year 1167, Ville- 
 hardouin was a member of one of the most distin- 
 guished families in Champagne, and had filled with 
 distinction the important post of marshal of that pro- 
 vince, when, in 1199, he was prevailed upon by Count 
 Thibault to join the Crusade. One of his companions, 
 Geoffroi de Joinville, had for his nephew the celebrated 
 friend and biographer of Saint Louis. Villehardouin 
 was one of those who went to negotiate with the 
 Venetians about the conveyance of the troops to the 
 Holy Land. After the taking of Constantinople he 
 received as a reward for his services the Marquisate 
 de Montferrat with the gift of a fief in Thessaly, and he 
 died there about the year 12 13. The work in which 
 Villehardouin gives us the account of the Crusade is 
 entitled " La Conqueste de Constantinoble," and with 
 all its shortcomings in the way of accuracy and histo- 
 rical fidelity, it is a most interesting work. The events it 
 describes are those comprised between 1198 and 1207. 
 
CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 8 1 
 
 The Crusading Princes having resolved upon going 
 to Constantinople, the young Prince Alexios offered 
 to be their guide on condition that they should restore 
 to the throne his father, Isaac Angelos, whose power 
 had been usurped (1203). Villehardouin describes in 
 a very picturesque manner the effect produced upon 
 the Crusaders by the first view of Constantinople. 
 "Those who had never seen it did not believe that 
 there could be so rich a city in the whole world. When 
 they beheld those lofty walls and rich towers by which 
 it was surrounded, and those rich palaces and lofty 
 churches of which there were so many that no one 
 could believe it who had not seen them with his own 
 eyes ; and when they saw the length and the breadth 
 of the city, which was the sovereign of all other cities, 
 know ye that there was not a man whose flesh did 
 not tremble, nor was it great wonder if they w^ere 
 moved, for never since the creation of the world was 
 so high a deed undertaken by any nation." 
 
 Constantinople was defended by an army of 60,000 
 men, but they gave way most ignominiously, the city 
 was taken by storm (July 18, 1203), and the old em- 
 peror, released irom captivity, was reinstated upon his 
 throne. This unfortunate monarch had made to the 
 Cru=:aders promises which he could fulfil only by 
 grinding down his subjects with taxes. A fresh revo- 
 lution was the result. Alexios was strangled, and 
 Murtzulph, who usurped the power, ordered the gates 
 of the city to be closed against the Christians. Another 
 siege was the result (March, 1204), disgraced on the 
 part of the Crusaders by the most horrible excesses. 
 The establishment of a Prankish empire at Constant!- 
 
82 PHILIP AUGUSTUS. 
 
 nople prevented the expedition to the Holy Land. 
 Baldwin IV., Count of Flanders, was elected Emperor ; 
 the Marquis de Montferrat received the title of King of 
 Macedon ; there were Dukes of Athens and of Naxos, 
 Counts of Cephalonia, Lords of Thebes and of 
 Corinth. The Venetians retained for themselves a 
 whole district of Constantinople, together with all the 
 seaports and islands belonging to the empire. But 
 this new organization had no elements of stability ; it 
 would have required a greater amount of military force 
 than was available, and the collapse took place in 1261, 
 when the Greeks recovered Constantinople. " For 
 thirteen years the Emperor Baldwin bore about with 
 him an empty title which won for him the commisera- 
 tion or the contempt of thousands who could not be 
 brought to stir hand or foot in his service. His pre- 
 tensions were maintained by his son Philip, and 
 through his grand-daughter Catherine passed to her 
 husband, Charles de Valois, brother of Philip the 
 Fair of France." ^ 
 
 The next event we have to describe in connection 
 with the reign of Philip Augustus is the one which 
 illustrates in the saddest manner the spirit of intoler- 
 ance which characterized the Middle Ages. We allude 
 to the crusade against the Albigenses. We have said 
 elsewhere that the river Loire separated as a broad 
 line of demarcation, two forms of civilization essen- 
 tially different from each other. In the north {pays 
 de Langue d'oil) the Teutonic element prevailed ; 
 manners were rough, commerce in a most rudimentary 
 state, literature imperfect, luxury, comparatively un- 
 
 ^ Cox, " The Crusades." 
 
CRUSADE AGAINST THE ALBIGENSES. 83 
 
 known, and peace a very rare exception. In the south 
 (paj/s de Langue d'oc), on the other hand, hterature 
 had reached a high state of perfection, commerce had 
 introduced ease and luxury, and the administration of 
 the towns gave all the conditions of peace and 
 material prosperity. But an over-refined state of 
 civilization often leads to a loose state of morality, and 
 later on libertinism is almost as a rule associated 
 with free thinking. Such was the case south of the 
 Loire. Heresies and sects rapidly multiplied, the best 
 known being that of the Albigenses, thus named 
 because their headquarters were in the town of Albi. 
 They held the philosophical doctrines of the Mani- 
 chaians, that is to say, they admitted two Gods, 
 identified respectively with the principles of good and 
 evil, some of them believing further that the creator 
 of evil had himself been created by the good deity, 
 and had fallen from his first estate by rebellion. Be 
 it as it may, Raymond V., Count of Toulouse, sent in 
 1 177 a formal complaint against the heretics to the 
 abbot and community of Citeaux ; and it is further 
 supposed that he urged the Kings of France and 
 England to agree upon certain strong measures for 
 the suppression of the heterodox doctrines. Innocent 
 III., on his part, was fully alive to the danger which 
 threatened the Church, but his first efforts met with 
 no success. In 1203, however, he appointed .two 
 legates, of whom Pierre de Castelnau is the best 
 known, for the exclusive purpose of putting down 
 heresy in the province of Languedoc ; and these 
 monks proceeded at once to the discharge of their 
 task, powerfully assisted by a Spanish priest, Dominic 
 
84 PHILIP AUGUSTUS. 
 
 de Guzman, belonging to the diocese of Osma. In 
 the meanwhile the Count of Toulouse had died, and 
 his successor Raymond VI. was suspected of favouring 
 the Albigenses. Everything was done to frighten 
 him into orthodoxy ; but even a sentence of excom- 
 munication had no effect ; and finally a gentleman of 
 his household murdered the legate, Pierre deCastelnau, 
 
 SEAL OF SIMON DE MONTFORT. 
 
 near Saint Gilles (January 15, 1208). This tragedy 
 led to the preaching of a crusade, in which the Pope 
 offered to those who would join it the advantages 
 enjoyed by the faithful who went to defend the Holy 
 Land. The war soon assumed the character of an 
 international rather than a religious contest. Under 
 the leadership of Simon de Montfort, the whole of 
 
HERETICS AND INFIDELS. 85 
 
 Langued'oil invaded Languedoc, and the result was 
 the destruction of southern civiHzation and of the £-ai 
 savoir. The greatest ferocity marked all the incidents 
 of the war : thus fifteen thousand persons were 
 slaughtered at the siege of Beziers ; the powerful 
 Counts of Toulouse, the Viscounts of Narbonne and 
 Beziers were dispossessed, and the King of Arragon, 
 who had come to their assistance, fell at the battle 
 of Muret (1213). 
 
 Simon de Montfort profited by the disaster which 
 had thus visited the south, for the Papal legate gave 
 over to him the domains of the Languedoc barons ; 
 but he was killed under the walls of Toulouse ; and 
 his son Amaury, unable to face the universal repro- 
 bation of the conquered populations, offered his 
 domains to the King of France. This proposition, 
 declined at first, was finally accepted. 
 
 It is interesting to find how the barbarity exercised 
 against heretics and infidels is reflected in the popular 
 literature of the time, and recognized as a matter of 
 course, and as the distinctive mark of all really Chris- 
 tian governments. Thus in the romance entitled 
 " Floire et Blanceflor " we find a curious example of 
 religious zeal carried on to painful extremities. 
 Floire, the hero, son of a heathen prince, becomes a 
 convert to Christianity, and no sooner is he received 
 within the fold of the Church than he compells all his 
 subjects to follow his example : 
 
 " Qui le baptesme refusoit, 
 Ne en Diu croire ne voloit, 
 Floire les faisoit escorchier, 
 Ardoir en fu ou destrenchier." 
 
86 PHILIP AUGUSTUS. 
 
 " Those who refused baptism, 
 And who would not beheve in God, 
 Fl( ire caused them to be flayed alive, 
 Burnt in the fire, or beheaded." 
 
 The compulsory baptism of the Saxons by Charle- 
 magne was a case which the trouvere might adduce, 
 but the question still remains whether the stake and 
 the sword have ever made real converts, and the 
 history of the Albigenses is there to supply a negative 
 answer. The only good result of the crusade was the 
 unity of France, and the fusing, the welding together 
 of two races into one nationality, capable henceforth 
 of holding its own against all foreign enemies, whether 
 German, Italian, or English. 
 
 We must now say a few words about the relations 
 of Philip Augustus with the Papacy. They were not 
 of a very amicable character. On one occasion the 
 king was decidedly wrong, on the other he was right. 
 His first wife, Isabella of Hainault, having died, he 
 married Ingelburge, daughter of the King of Den- 
 mark ; but, strange to say, he at once conceived a 
 strong aversion towards her, repudiated her almost 
 immediately after the marriage, and obtained a 
 sentence of nullity from a council summoned at Com- 
 piegne. This step was followed by his espousing 
 Agnes de Meranie, the beautiful daughter of the 
 Count of Istria. So gross a violation of all the laws 
 of morality and of decency could not remain un- 
 punished, and after vain efforts to bring Philip Augustus 
 to reason, Innocent III. placed the kingdom under a 
 sentence of interdict, which meant the entire cessation 
 of all religious services, except the administration of 
 
FRANCE UNDER INTERDICT. 8y 
 
 baptism to new-born infants and of extreme unction 
 to the dying. This melancholy state of things lasted 
 eight months. In vain did the king deprive of their 
 sees the prelates who observed the interdict ; in vain 
 did he imprison Ingelburge. He was at last com- 
 pelled to yield, and taking back the Danish princess, 
 he separated from Agnes, who died broken-hearted in 
 1213. 
 
 The second occasion on which Philip Augustus 
 
 ^>^- 
 
 PARIS UNDER PHILIPPE AUGUSTE. 
 
 resisted the Pope was when, despite the threats of 
 Innocent III., he took possession of the fiefs which 
 John Lackland had lost by his felony. Here he was 
 perfectly right, and he brought his undertaking to a 
 prosperous issue. 
 
 Philip Augustus did much for the administration 
 and police of the kingdom, the beautifying of the 
 city of Paris, and the extension of commerce and 
 
88 PHILIP AUGUSTUS. 
 
 industry. We have already said that the earliest 
 statutes of the Paris University were his work. He 
 took the greatest pains with the administration of 
 justice, established an improved fiscal system, and 
 was the author of a most valuable institution, named 
 La Quarantaine-le-roi. By virtue of this enactment, 
 whenever any crime or injury had been committed, all 
 private wars which would have resulted from it were 
 strictly prohibited for a period of forty days, in the 
 meanwhile the King had the offender arrested and 
 punished. 
 
 Philip Augustus died in 1223, and was succeeded 
 by his son Louis, of whom all that can be said is that 
 he was the son and the father of two great monarchs. 
 Oi his mother's side (Isabella of Hainault) he de- 
 scended from Charlemagne, so that by a fortunate 
 coincidence he united in his own person the rights both 
 of the Carlovingians and of the Capetians. He 
 conquered over the English part of Poitou, Aunis, 
 La Rochelle, Limoges, and Perigueux. Continuing 
 the war against the Albigenses, he took possession of 
 Avignon, obtained the submission of the entire south- 
 vv'est of the Rhone, with the exception of Toulouse 
 and Guienne, thus carrying on the work of territorial 
 unity. Royal seneschals and bailiffs were appointed, 
 at Beziers, Beaucaire, and Carcassonne. Louis VHI. 
 was only 39 years old when he died, on the 8th 
 of November, 1226. 
 
WALLS OF CARCASSONNE, 
 
V. 
 
 SAINT LOUIS, TO HIS RETURN FROM HIS FIRST 
 
 CRUSADE. 
 (1226— 1254.) 
 
 Louis VIII. had married Blanche of Castile, a 
 princess remarkable both for her personal attractions 
 and for her moral and intellectual qualities. She com- 
 bined with deep religious views and earnest piety the 
 greatest firmness of character and political skill of no 
 mean order. She had four sons — Louis, who succeeded 
 to the throne, Robert, Count of Artois, Alphonse, 
 Count of Poitou, and Charles, Count of Anjou and of 
 Maine. The crown was on the head of a mere child, 
 only eleven years old, and the regent was both a 
 woman and a foreigner. The barons thought the 
 occasion an excellent one to recover their lost au- 
 thority, and accordingly they made an alliance against 
 Queen Blanche. She proved, however, too clever for 
 them, and the confederacy utterly failed. Amongst 
 the rebellious barons the most powerful was Thibaut, 
 Count of Champagne, who, not satisfied with the 
 accomplishments of a knight and a soldier, aimed 
 also at being considered a lover of literature, and even 
 wrote poetry. Whether the beauty of Blanche cap- 
 
LOUIS IX, 91 
 
 tivated him, or her remonstrances put him to shame, 
 it would be difficult to decide now, although the pro- 
 bability is that both causes had a share in influencing 
 him on the side of loyalty ; at any rate, he separated 
 himself from his former confederates, and became the 
 staunchest champion of the regency. The queen, in 
 her turn, defended Thibaut from the attacks of the re- 
 bellious nobles, and he having, through an inheritance, 
 become King of Navarre, made over to the Crown the 
 countships of Blois, Chartres, and Sancerre. Two other 
 barons held out obstinately for a long time, namely, 
 Philip Hurepel, the late king's half-brother, who was 
 irritated at having his supposed claims to the regency 
 set aside in favour of a foreign woman, and Mauclerc, 
 Count of Brittany. The death of the former of these 
 noblemen and the submission of the latter came 
 opportunely to strengthen the power of the Crown. 
 A treaty signed in 1229 secured to one of the king's 
 brothers the domains of the Count of Toulouse, and a 
 marriage between another prince of the royal family 
 and the heiress of Provence, further enlarged the 
 kingdom of France. Thus the reign began most 
 auspiciously, and even when the majority of the king 
 was proclaimed (1230), Blanche of Castile retained all 
 her influence and her share in the management of 
 affairs. 
 
 The treaty of 1229 just alluded to put an end to 
 the Albigensian difficulties and brought about thepaci- 
 fication of Southern France ; but in order to prevent 
 the recurrence of heretical opinions, an ecclesiastical 
 court 'was established at Toulouse by virtue of a 
 council held that same year. It was styled t/ie hi- 
 
92 
 
 LOUIS IX. 
 
 qidsition, and its members were selected from the 
 order of Dominicans. The baneful influence exercised 
 by the tribunal of the inquisition over Christendom 
 has often been described, and need not be more than 
 alluded to again. Suffice it to say, that it was the 
 
 SAINT LOUIS. 
 
 most formidable engine of ecclesiastical despotism 
 the world ever saw. 
 
 Under the careful and judicious training of his 
 mother, Louis IX. became a model king, a pattern of 
 all the virtues which most befit the ruler of a great 
 nation, especially if we consider the troublous times 
 
yOINVILLE. 93 
 
 during which he had to live. Let us quote on that 
 subject a few extracts from the nai've and beautiful 
 memoir for which we are indebted to his friend and 
 confidential adviser, Jean, Sire de Joinville. 
 
 " The holy king loved truth so much that even to 
 the Saracens and infidels, although they were his 
 enemies, he would never lie, nor break his word in 
 anything he had promised them. 
 
 " In his conversation he was remarkably chaste ; 
 for I never heard him, at any time, utter an indecent 
 word, nor make use of the devil's name, which, how- 
 ever, is now very commonly uttered by every one, but 
 which, I firmly believe, is so far from being agreeable 
 to God that it is highly displeasing to Him. 
 
 " My good lord the king asked me if I should wish 
 to be honoured in this world, and afterwards to gain 
 paradise ; to which I answered that I wished it were 
 so. ' Then,' replied he, ' be careful never knowingly 
 to do or say anything disgraceful, that, should it 
 become public, you may not have to blush and be 
 ashamed to say, " I have done this," or " I have said 
 that." ' In like manner he told me never to give the 
 lie, or contradict rudely whatever might be said in my 
 presence, unless it should be sinful or disgraceful to 
 suffer it, for oftentimes contradiction causes coarse 
 replies and harsh words, that bring on quarrels, which 
 create bloodshed, and are the means of the deaths of 
 thousands." 
 
 It is very amusing to see, every now and then, 
 honest Joinville scandalizing the pious king by the 
 frankness of his answers, which were not strictly 
 orthodox. 
 
94 LOUIS IX. 
 
 " The good king, once calling me to him, said he 
 wanted to talk with me on account of the quickness 
 of understanding he knew I possessed. In the presence 
 of several persons he added : ' I have called these two 
 monks, and before them ask you this question respect- 
 ing God. Seneschal, what is God?' ' Sire,' replied 
 I, ' He is so supremely good nothing can exceed 
 Him.' 'In truth,' answered the king, 'that is well 
 said, for your answer is written in the little book I 
 have in my hand. I will put another question to 
 you, whether you had rather be a leper, or have com- 
 mitted, or be about to commit, a mortal sin ? ' But I, 
 who would not tell a lie, replied that I would rather 
 have committed thirty deadly sins than be a leper." 
 
 " When the two friars were gone away he called me 
 to him alone, making me sit at his feet, and said : 
 ' How could you dare to make the answer you did 
 to my last question ? ' When I replied, ' Were I to 
 answer it again I should repeat the same thing,' he 
 instantly said : ' Ah ! foolish idiot, you are deceived ; 
 for you must know that there can be no leprosy so 
 filthy as mortal sin, and the soul that is guilty of such 
 
 is like the devil in hell I therefore entreat of 
 
 you, first for the love of God, and next for the affec- 
 tion you bear me, that you retain in your heart what 
 I have said, and that you would much rather prefer 
 having your body covered with the most filthy 
 leprosy than suffer your soul to commit a single deadly 
 sin, which is of all things the most infamous." 
 
 Passages such as those we have just quoted, and 
 many others which might be adduced, give us a true 
 insight into the character of Louis IX., scrupulously 
 
THE ENGLISH IN FRANCE. 95 
 
 honest, high-minded, influenced throughout his life by 
 the principles of Christianity, the incarnation of 
 justice, adherence to duty, and patience in long-suf- 
 fering. His defects were a certain deficiency of clear 
 ideas in carrying out his designs, a want of firmness 
 in his resolves, and a certain inability to exercise 
 stern authority. This appeared most in the Crusades, 
 to which we shall have occasion to refer by and by 
 at greater length. 
 
 The English were still endeavouring to secure a 
 footing in France by exciting the barons to revolt. 
 Defeated at Taillebourg and at Saintes, they would 
 probably have been entirely driven out of the king- 
 dom, had it not been for the scruples of the king. 
 Here again his innate honesty appeared in all its 
 force, in what others would have called unnecessary 
 strictness. The royal domains had been extended to 
 three times their original dimensions by the acquisi- 
 tions made during the last fifty years. Louis objected 
 to what was the result of two confiscations. By virtue, 
 therefore, of a treaty which was signed only in 1259, 
 he left to the King of England the duchies of Guienne 
 and Gascogne, on condition that he should do homage 
 for them to the French Crown ; he also obliged those 
 lords who held fiefs from both crowns to choose be- 
 tween the two suzerains. 
 
 Driven out of Italy by the emperor, Frederick H., 
 Pope Innocent IV. took refuge in France, and held 
 (1245) at Lyons a council, in the course of which he 
 preached another Crusade. The popularity of these 
 expeditions had waned to a considerable extent, and 
 thoughtful people, instead of being led to take the 
 
g6 LOUIS IX. 
 
 cross in a moment of enthusiasm, now coolly discussed 
 the results to be obtained from a war against the 
 infidels. 
 
 *' Horn puet bien en cest payx 
 
 Gaaingnier Dieu sens grant damage ; 
 
 Je di que cil est foux nayx 
 
 Qui se mest en autrui servages, 
 
 Quant Dieu peut gaaingnier sayx 
 
 Et vivre de son heritage. . . . 
 
 Je ne faz nul tort a nul home 
 
 N'uns horn de moi ne fait clamour, 
 
 Je cuiche tost et tien grand soume 
 
 Et tieng mes voisins a amour. . . 
 
 Je vueil entre mes voisins estre 
 
 Et moi deduire et solacier. . . . 
 
 Distes le Soudant vostre maistre 
 
 Que je prispone son menacier : 
 
 S'il vient de9a, mal me vit naistre 
 
 Mais lui ne I'irrai pas chacier. . . . 
 
 Sermoneiz ces hauz coroneiz, 
 
 Ces gran doiens et ces prelaz. ... 
 
 Clerc et prelat doivent vengier 
 
 La honte Dieu, qu'il ont ces rentes. . . . 
 
 lis ont a boire et a mengier. . .. 
 
 Cil vont a Dieu par telle sente, 
 
 Fol sont s'il la vuelent changier, 
 
 Car c'est de toutes la plus gente. . . . 
 
 Hom dit : ce que tu tiens, si tiens, 
 
 Ci'ost bien mot de bone escole. . . • 
 - Si crois par S. Pierre de Rome 
 
 Qu'il me vaut miex que je demour." 
 
 A man can very well in this country 
 
 Obtain God without running much risk; 
 
 I maintain that he is a born fool 
 
 Who places himself under the dependence of others, 
 
 When he can secure God, 
 
 And, withal, live in his inheritance. . . . 
 
 I do wrong to no man, 
 
 And no man complains of me. 
 
LOUIS IX. AND THE CRUSADE. 97 
 
 I go to bed early and sleep soundly, 
 
 And I love my neighbours. . . . 
 
 I wish to live amongst my neighbours, 
 
 And enjoy and solace myself. . . . 
 
 Tell the Sultan, your master, 
 
 That I don't care for his threats. 
 
 If he should come here so much the worse for me ; 
 
 But I shall not go in pursuit of him. , . . 
 
 Preach to those high-crowned princes, 
 
 Those great deans and prelates. ... 
 
 Clerks and prelates should avenge 
 
 The shame cast upon God, for He bestows upon them 
 
 their incomes. . . . 
 They have plenty to eat and to drink. . . . 
 If they can go to God by such a path 
 It would be foolish in them to change it ; 
 For of all it is the pleasantest. . . . 
 Some one says : ' Lord, part what thou hast.' 
 This is certainly a sound thought. 
 I believe, by the name of S. Peter of Rome, 
 That is better for me to stay here." 
 
 Thus said the trouvere Rutebeuf in his " Desputizon 
 du Croise et du Decroise," and .he was only expressing 
 the opinion of all sensible men ; but Saint Louis who, 
 struck down by a severe illness (1244), had made a 
 vow to go to the Holy Land, thought that the time 
 had come for him to carry out his intention. After 
 making the necessary preparations, he took ship at 
 the harbour of Aigues-Mortes (1248), at the head of 
 a considerable army, leaving his mother, Blanche, for 
 this time also, regent of the kingdom. Some of the 
 Crusaders embarked at Marseilles, and, amongst 
 others (somewhat reluctantly), the brave Seneschal of 
 Champagne, Jean, Sire de Joinville. 
 
 ** It was the month of August in this same year 
 (we quote the honest chronicler's own story) that we 
 
yOINVILLE AND VILLEHARDOUIN. gg 
 
 embarked at the rock of Marseilles, and the ports of the 
 vessel were opened to allow the horses we intended 
 carrying with us to enter. When we were all on 
 board, the port was caulked and stopped up as close 
 as a large tun of wine, because, when the vessel was 
 at sea, the port was under water. Shortly after, the 
 captain of the ship called out to its people on the 
 prow, * Is your work done ? are we ready ? ' They 
 replied, * Yes, in truth, we are.' " 
 
 " When the priests and clerks embarked, the 
 captain made them mount to the castle of the ship, 
 and chant psalms in praise of God, that He might be 
 pleased to grant us a prosperous voyage. They all, 
 with a loud voice, sang the beautiful hymn of ' Vcn'i 
 Creator,' from the beginning to the end ; and while 
 they were singing, the mariners set their sails in the 
 name of God. Instantly after, a breeze of wind filled 
 our sails, and soon made us lose sight of the land, so 
 that we only saw sea and sky, and each day we were 
 at a farther distance from the place from which we 
 had set out." 
 
 " I must say here, that he is a great fool who shall 
 put himself in such danger, having wronged any one 
 or having any mortal sins on his conscience ; for when 
 he goes to sleep in the evening, he knows not if in the 
 morning he may not find himself under the sea." 
 
 This extract, taken from Joinville's " Life of Saint 
 Louis," is a good specimen of one of the best models 
 of French mediaeval literature. The friend of Saint 
 Louis possesses all the picturesque qualities of Ville- 
 hardouin, together with a tenderness, a pathos which 
 we do not find in the " Conqueste de Constantinoble." 
 
100 BATTLE OF MAN SURAH, 
 
 The flotilla forming the expedition arrived safely to 
 the Egyptian shores, and the city of Damietta was 
 taken on the 7th of July, 1249. Unfortunately, the 
 Crusaders wasted much valuable time before con- 
 tinuing their journey towards Cairo, and the Mame- 
 lukes, cheered by the hesitations of their enemies, 
 defeated them at Mansurah (February, 1250). One 
 passage from Joinville's account of the battle may 
 appropriately be given here : 
 
 " After some little time, the Count Peter of Brittany 
 came to us who were guarding the small bridge from 
 Mansurah, having had a most furious skirmish. He 
 was so badly wounded in the face that the blood came 
 out of his mouth as if it had been full of water, and 
 he vomited it forth. The Count was mounted on a 
 short, thick, but strong horse, and the reins and the 
 pommel of his saddle were cut and destroyed, so 
 that he was forced to hold himself by his two hands 
 round the horse's neck, for fear the Turks, who were 
 close behind him, should make him fall off. He did 
 not, however, seem much afraid of them, for he fre- 
 quently turned round, and gave them many abusive 
 words, by way of mockery." 
 
 The battle of Mansurah cost the life of many a 
 noble and stalwart knight, amongst others one of the 
 king's brothers, the Count d'Artois. 
 
 " Thus," says Joinville, " as we were riding together. 
 Father Henry, prior of the hospital of Ronnay, who 
 had crossed the river, came to him (Saint Louis) and 
 kissed his hand, fully armed, and asked if he had 
 heard any news of his brother, the Count d'Artois. 
 ' Yes,' replied the king, ' I have heard all : ' that is to 
 
THE PLAGUE, lOI 
 
 say, that he knew well he was now in Paradise. The 
 prior, thinking to comfort him for the death of his 
 brother, continued : * Sire, no King of France has 
 ever reaped such honour as you have done ; for with 
 great intrepidity have you and your army crossed a 
 dangerous river to combat your enemies ; and have 
 been so very successful that you have put them to 
 flight and gained the field, together with their warlike 
 engines, with which they had wonderfully annoyed 
 you ; and concluded the affair by taking possession 
 this day of their camp and quarters.' " 
 
 " The good king replied that God should be adored 
 for all the good H^ had granted him ; and then heavy 
 tears began to fall down his cheeks, which many great 
 persons noticing were oppressed with anguish and 
 compassion on seeing him thus weep, praising the 
 name of God, who had enabled him to gain the 
 victory." 
 
 Not only was the Crusading army surrounded by 
 the enemies, it had also to suffer from the plague, 
 which did sad havoc amongst the troops, striking 
 down Joinville himself and his chaplain. 
 
 " My poor friend," we continue our quotations, 
 " was as ill as myself ; and one day when he was 
 singing mass before me as I lay in my bed, at the 
 moment of the elevation of the host, I saw him so 
 exceedingly weak that he was near fainting ; but 
 when I perceived that he was on the point of falling 
 to the ground, I flung myself out of bed, sick as I 
 was, and taking my coat, embraced him, and bade 
 him be at his ease, and take courage from Him 
 whom he held in his hands. He recovered some 
 
102 THE QUEEN OF FRANCE. 
 
 little ; but I never quitted him till he had finished 
 the mass, which he completed, and this was the last, 
 for he never after celebrated another, but died. God 
 receive his soul ! " 
 
 Louis IX. had married, in 1234, Marguerite, 
 daughter of Raymond Berenger IV., Count of Pro- 
 vence. She insisted upon accompanying her husband 
 on the expedition, and shared with the greatest forti- 
 tude and devotedness all the dangers to which the 
 king was exposed. Whilst in France, she had had 
 much to suffer from Blanche of Castile, who, not- 
 withstanding all her brilliant qualities, was imperious, 
 jealous, and exacting. Removed from her influence, 
 Marguerite gave herself up exclusively to the duty of 
 cheering her husband, encouraging him amidst all his 
 difficulties, and bearing her full share of the dangers 
 attending the unfortunate expedition. 
 
 " You must know, also, that the good queen was 
 not without her share [of miseries], and very bitter to 
 her heart, as you shall soon hear. Three days before 
 she was brought to bed, she was informed that the 
 good king, her husband, had been made prisoner, 
 which so troubled her mind, that she seemed con- 
 tinually to see her chamber filled with Saracens ready 
 to slay her ; and she kept incessantly crying out, 
 ' Help ! help ! ' when there was not a soul near her. For 
 fear her child should perish, she made a knight watch 
 at the foot of her bed without sleeping. This knight 
 was very old, not less than eighty years, or perhaps 
 more ; and every time she screamed he held her 
 hands and said, ' Madam, do not be thus alarmed ; I 
 am with you, quit these fears.' " 
 
104 THE FRENCH LEAVE EGYPT. 
 
 " Before the good lady was brought to bed, she 
 ordered every person to leave her chamber except the 
 ancient knight ; she then cast herself out of bed 
 on her knees before him, and requested that he would 
 grant her a boon. The knight, with an oath, pro- 
 mised compliance. The Queen then said, ' Sir 
 Knight, I request on the oath you have sworn, that 
 should the Saracens storm this town and take it, you 
 will cut off my head before they seize my person/ 
 The knight repHed that he would cheerfully so do, 
 and that he had before thought of it, in case such an 
 event should happen." 
 
 The European knights were finally compelled to 
 yield themselves prisoners, together with the king, 
 whose spirit and lofty bearing inspired the Sara- 
 cens with respect. The price required previous to the 
 conclusion of a treaty and the release of Louis IX. 
 was a very heavy one, viz., the surrender of Damietta 
 and of several fortresses which the Christians still 
 held in Palestine, besides a sum of 500,000 livres 
 (^,408, 280 of modern English money). The King of 
 France flatly refused to comply with the second clause 
 of the proposition, declaring that he had no power to 
 give up what w^as not his own, but the property of the 
 other Christian princes and religious orders. Finally, 
 the Sultan agreed to the terms named by Louis, the 
 giving up of Damietta and the sum we have just 
 mentioned : he was even astonished that the king had 
 not objected to the payment of so great a ransom. 
 " By my faith," said he, " the Frank is liberal not to 
 have haggled about the money. Go tell him that I 
 will give him 100,000 livres towards it." 
 
DEATH OF BLANCHE OF CASTILE. I05 
 
 On the 7th of May, 1250, the Crusaders left the 
 shores of Egypt, and on the 14th they reached 
 Palestine, and landed at St. Jean d'Acre. 
 
 Louis IX. remained in the Holy Land for the space 
 of four more years, visiting all the towns still held 
 by the Christians, repairing the fortifications wher- 
 ever necessary, and endeavouring to put down the 
 private feuds which had broken out in several quar- 
 ters between certain barons. Of all the men who 
 had embarked with him at Aigues-Mortes the great 
 majority returned to France ; his two brothers were 
 of the number, and when a discussion took place on 
 the advisability of a prolonged stay of the army in 
 the East, an overwhelming majority voted against it. 
 The very few Crusaders who chose to remain with 
 Saint Louis would have been utterly unable to attempt 
 the conquest of Jerusalem, and the king, to whom the 
 Sultan of Damascus offered every facility if he wanted 
 to make a pilgrimage to the Holy City, refused the 
 courteous proposition. He would not go there except 
 as a victor and by force of arms. He was at Sidon 
 at the beginning of 1253, when the news reached 
 him that Queen Blanche of Castile, his mother, had 
 died in Paris on the 27th of November, 1252. 
 
 " This information," says Joinville, " caused him 
 such grief that he was two days in Ms chamber with- 
 out suffering any one to see him. On the third, he 
 sent one of his valets to seek me ; c nd on my pre- 
 senting myself he extended his arms, and said, ' Ah! 
 Seneschal, I have lost my mother ! ' " 
 
 " * Sir,' replied I, * I am not surprised at it, for you 
 know there must come a time for her death ; but I 
 
I06 THE PASTOUREAUX, 
 
 am indeed greatly so, that you, who are considered so 
 great a prince, should so outrageously grieve ; for you 
 know,' continued I, ' that the wise man says, what- 
 ever grief the valiant man suffers in his mind, he 
 ought not to show it in his countenance, nor let it be 
 publicly known, for he that does so gives pleasure to 
 his enemies and sorrow to his friends.' " 
 
 The death of the Queen Dowager created, as may be 
 supposed, great sensation throughout France ; nume- 
 rous letters reached Saint Louis begging for his speedy 
 return. Therefore, leaving Geoffroi de Sargines at 
 the head of one hundred knights to protect the Chris- 
 tians in Syria, he started on the 24th of April, 1254, 
 from St. Jean d'Acre, arrived at Hyeres on the 8th of 
 July, and reached Paris on the 7th of September. 
 
 During the absence of the king several scandalous 
 instances of abuse of authority had taken place on the 
 part of the clergy, which led to seditions of a serious 
 character. The most important was the revolt of the 
 Pastoiireatix (L. /^j-/<?;r.y=^shepherds), caused, in the 
 first instance, by the cruelty of the Chapter of Notre 
 Dame of Paris. The peasants of the village of Chastenai, 
 having refused to pay the taxes, a great many of them 
 were shut up in prison, and, notwithstanding the 
 entreaties of the Queen Regent, their wives and chil- 
 dren shared the same fate. Other abuses of the like 
 description led to a general outbreak, and in 1254 the 
 revolt of the Pastoureaiix took place. The chronicler, 
 Guillaume de Nangis, tells us that " some chiefs of 
 banditti, in order to deceive simple folk and excite 
 the people to a Crusade, announced by inventions full 
 of deceit, that they had had visions of angels ; the 
 
THE MASTER OF HUNGARY. IO7 
 
 holy Virgin Mary, they added, had appeared unto 
 them, commanding them to take the cross and to 
 assemble an army of shepherds and the most common 
 people, chosen by the Lord, for the purpose of deli- 
 vering the Holy Land and the King of France, who 
 was a prisoner in that country. They represented the 
 circumstances of their visions painted on banners, 
 which they caused to be raised aloft before them." 
 
 The rebellion broke out, first, in Flanders and 
 Picardy, the leader being an unknown man called the 
 Master of Hungary — eloquent, of a commanding ap- 
 pearance, and speaking fluently several languages. 
 He assumed the priestly rights, administered the 
 sacraments, celebrated marriages, and the populace, 
 excited by his appeals to rebellion, put to death the 
 clergymen, whether regular or secular, who were im- 
 prudent enough to wander through the rural districts. 
 Queen Blanche began by taking the Pastoureaux under 
 her protection, and even held a conference with the 
 Master of Hungary ; but this mistaken kindness did 
 not last long, and the terrible scenes which occurred 
 at Orleans opened her eyes to the necessity of dealing 
 severely with the rebels. The master had been holding 
 forth to a large assembly, when a student of the uni- 
 versity interrupted him, saying that he was a heretic 
 and a deceiver ; a tumult immediately arose, the 
 student was killed, and a general melee took place ; the 
 bishop interdicted the city. The Pastoureanx then 
 continued their march southwards ; at Bourges they 
 met with the first severe check they had encountered, 
 and were driven out of the city by the infuriated 
 inhabitants. The Master of Hungary was pursued 
 
I08 THE PASTOUREAUX. 
 
 and put to death. The extraordinar}^ enthusiasm 
 which they had excited in the first instance subsided 
 almost as suddenly. The fact is that the clergy 
 spread abroad a report to the effect that the Pas- 
 toureaux were paid by the Sultan of Babylon to 
 slaughter as manv Christians as thev could ; on the 
 other hand, it was asserted, with perhaps more truth, 
 that the revolutionists were Albigenses, and that a 
 fresh effort was being made to revive a damnable 
 heresy. At any rate, the collapse was complete ; a 
 number who had made their way as far as Bordeaux 
 had to retire under the threats of Simon de Montfort, 
 Earl of Leicester, who governed there in the name of 
 the King of England ; others went to ^Marseilles, and 
 then dispersed, not without leaving some of their adhe- 
 rents in the power of the common hangman, who 
 made them pay for the rest 
 
 The rebellion of the Pastoureaiix helped to hasten 
 the return of Saint Louis from Palestine. On arriving 
 in Paris he promised to devote the remainder of his 
 reign to the better administration of justice, and to 
 the reforms which the state of the kingdom rendered 
 absolutely necessar}-. 
 
 
VI. 
 
 SAINT LOUIS ; END OF THE REIGN — LITERATURE, 
 ARTS, AND SCIENCES DURING THE THIRTEENTH 
 CENTURY. 
 
 (1254-1270.) 
 
 The reforms made by Louis IX. were of so impor- 
 tant a character and led to such weighty consequences 
 that they require to be examined a Httle in detail. 
 Let us notice, in the first place, the suppression of 
 judicial duels — a strange institution which placed 
 right at the mercy of skill and physical strength ; 
 this was merely an extension of Z^ Quarantaine-le-roi, 
 and it was universally welcome. Another most note- 
 worthy change must be mentioned. According to 
 the rules of feudal society, every lord and baron ad- 
 ministered justice within the limits of his own domains, 
 appeal being allowable to the suzerain : (i) If the 
 baron refused to render justice {defaiit de droit) ; (2) 
 when the condemned person thought the sentence 
 unfair {poiu^ faux jugenienf). Louis IX. encouraged 
 appeals made directly to the Crown, and then gradually 
 the baronial courts became subordinate to that of the 
 king. The cour du roi, or parliament, under various 
 names existed in France from the earliest days of the 
 
no LAW REFORMS, 
 
 monarchy. It was presided over by the king, and 
 consisted of the peers or feudatories of the Crown. 
 Gradually the chief officers of the Crown {^iiinisteriales 
 dommi regis), such as the chancellor, the bread-bearer 
 {panetier), the butler {boiiteiller), the chamberlain, 
 were required to sit with the peers, notwithstanding 
 the complaints made by these. The substitution of 
 written evidence instead of trial by combat was a 
 further reform, and lawyers had to take an important 
 part in the work done by the cour dii roi ; the chief 
 amongst these were Pierre des Fontaines and Philippe 
 de Beaumanoir. It is natural to suppose that the im- 
 portance thus given to written texts led to a revival 
 of the study of law ; already in the eleventh and 
 twelfth centuries some Italian cities, Bologna in par- 
 ticular, had become celebrated by the teaching of cer- 
 tain lecturers deeply versed in the mysteries of Roman 
 jurisprudence, and Irnerius saw crowds of pupils 
 attend his lessons. Justinian was translated into 
 French during the reign of Philip Augustus, and law 
 schools were opened at Montpellier, Orleans, and 
 Angers. Thus science joined effectually in the war 
 against feudalism, and Saint Louis authorized in Lan- 
 guedoc and in other places the use of the Roman law 
 by preference to the old customs and traditions of 
 the Franks, the Visigoths, and the Burgundians. 
 
 In order to make quite sure that his commands 
 and enactments were duly carried out, Louis IX. was 
 in the habit of sending through the various provinces 
 visitors who, like Charlemagne's missi dominici, had to 
 report on the cases of injustice, infringement of the 
 laws, &c. High social position, rank, and dignity were 
 
LAW REFORMS. Ill 
 
 ineffectual to shield an offender from deserved punish- 
 ment M. Cheruel (" Dictionnaire des Institutions") 
 mentions two remarkable cases which illustrate this 
 fact. Charles d'Anjou, the king's own brother, had 
 taken possession of a piece of land against the will 
 of the original owner, prorhising to pay the full value. 
 He was obliged to restore it. The Sire de Coucy had 
 caused three young men to be hanged for poaching. 
 Notwithstanding the intervention of the whole baron- 
 age of France, he was condemned to a very heavy 
 fine. It was only in the case of Jews and heretics 
 that Louis IX. was unrelentingly severe. "No one," 
 said he, " should discuss v.^ith Jews unless he is a great 
 clerk and a perfect theologian ; but when a layman 
 hears the Christian faith evil spoken of, he should 
 defend it not only with words, but with a sharp- 
 cutting sword, which he should thrust through the 
 miscreant's body as far as it will go." 
 
 The work of Joinville contains two passages which 
 have become classical, and which we shall quote here 
 as illustrating most admirably the personal part which 
 the king took in the administration of justice: 
 
 " The king had his task arranged in such manner 
 that My Lord de Nesle and the good Count of 
 Soissons, together with us all who were around him, 
 after attending mass, used to go and hear cases tried 
 at the court of requests. And on returning from 
 church. His Majesty would sit at the foot of his bed, 
 then made us all sit around him, and asked us whether 
 there was any case to be settled which could not be 
 settled'without him ; we accordingly named them to 
 him, whereupon he sent for the contending parties 
 
ST. LOUIS AS A yUDGE. II3 
 
 and said to them : * Why do you not take what our 
 men offer to you ? ' Then they answered : ' Sire, it is 
 because they offer too Httle.' Then he said : ' You 
 ought to take that from him who would make it over 
 to you.' And the holy man thus worked with all his 
 might to keep them in a proper and peaceful way," 
 
 And further on : 
 
 " Many a time it happened that in summer he 
 would go and sit in the forest of Vincennes after mass, 
 lean against an oak, and bid us sit around him. Then 
 those who had business to transact came to speak to 
 him, without being hindered by ushers or any other 
 people. He then asked with his own lips : ' Is there 
 any one here who has a suit .'' ' Then those who had, 
 rose, and he said : * Be silent, all of you, and you shall 
 be heard one after another.' Then he called my Lord 
 Pierre de Fontaine and my Lord Geofifroi de Villette, 
 and said to one of them : ' Despatch me that case.' 
 And when he saw aught to amend in the words of 
 those who spoke for him, or in the words of those 
 who spoke on behalf of others, he himself corrected it 
 with his own lips. In order to despatch the cases, I 
 have often seen him come into the Paris gardens 
 dressed in a camlet coat with an overcoat of woollen 
 stuff without sleeves, a cloak of black taffetas fastened 
 round his neck, neatly combed, having no cap, but 
 merely a hat with white peacock's feathers on his 
 head. He had carpets spread out for us to sit upon, 
 and all those who had business for him to settle stood 
 around him, and he heard the various cases according 
 to the fashion I have mentioned above in the wood of 
 Vincennes." 
 
114 ROADS — COINAGE, 
 
 It will seem astonishing, perhaps, that in this long 
 account of French jurisprudence during the reign of 
 Louis IX., we have said nothing of the code of laws 
 known by the name of " Etablissements de Saint 
 Louis." The fact is that this document, important 
 as it may be from a certain point of view, has no 
 character of authenticity, and the anonymous person 
 or persons who compiled it gave it the designation by 
 which it is known, merely to secure for it as much 
 popularity as possible. Many reasons might be 
 adduced to prove that it does not belong to the reign 
 of Louis IX., and the date assigned to it (1269) is 
 amply sufficient to show the mistake of historians who 
 still consider it as a monument of the holy king's 
 legislative talents. It is not likely that, on the eve of 
 starting for the Crusade, he could have found leisure 
 enough to discuss matters of jurisprudence which are 
 both complicated and difficult to settle. 
 
 The high roads had become much safer in conse- 
 quence of the abolition of private warfare, and also 
 because every person was made responsible for the 
 police of the highways within the limits of his domains. 
 In Paris the king instituted a special body of armed 
 police (1254), called the ^2ie^ rqy a/, and consisting of 
 twenty foot and twenty horse sergeants. It was com- 
 manded by an officer styled the chevalier du guet 
 (Lat. miles gtieti). 
 
 The first general rule on the French coinage was 
 established in 1265. The king asserted his right of 
 allowing the royal currency to circulate throughout the 
 realm, and he prohibited the barons from coining gold 
 pieces. This decree favoured in a notable way the 
 
TRADE AND INDUSTRY, II5 
 
 development of commerce and industry, for the reason 
 that the king's money being of the right weight and 
 value, it soon superseded the baronial coinage. The 
 nomination of Estienne Boisleve (or Boileau) as Pro- 
 vost of Paris, turned out to be also an excellent 
 measure. He drew up under the title of " Livre des 
 metiers " the statutes and laws which had at various 
 times been fixed by the guilds or corporations of 
 tradesmen and artificers, and he did so in order that 
 in case of lawsuits and discussions there might be a 
 text-book to which the contending parties could 
 appeal. From that curious document we know what 
 the professions and trades were which during the 
 thirteenth century gave employment to the greatest 
 number of hands. Armourers, of course, held the 
 foremost rank ; some workmen exclusively forged the 
 spurs ; others devoted themselves to adorn with 
 heraldic devices the various parts of the dress, trap- 
 pings, &c. The heaumiers^ flechiers^ and arbalestriers 
 dealt respectively in helmets, arrows, and cross-bows ; 
 then there was the more peaceful but highly fashion- 
 able guild of merchant-furriers, whose wares excited 
 an admiration bordering upon madness : " Pelles 
 castorum {beavers) et marturum {martins) quai nos 
 admiratione sui dementes faciunt." Each corporation 
 had its appointed shops or stalls in the market-places, 
 and the general aspect produced a picturesque and 
 varied sight. A contemporary poet describes to us 
 in the following lively manner his walk through one 
 of these gatherings of tradesmen and artisans : 
 
 " Au bout par deca regratiers 
 Trouve barbiers et cervoisiers, 
 
Il6 TRADE AND INDUSTRY. 
 
 Taverniers et puis tapissiers ; 
 Assez pres d'eux sont les merciers. 
 A la c6te du grand chemin 
 Est la foire du parchemin ; 
 Et apres trouvai les pourpoints. . . . 
 Puis la grande pelleterie. . . . 
 Puis m'en revins en une plaine, 
 La ou Ton vend cuirs crus et luine ; 
 M'en vins par la feronerie ; 
 Apres trouv5.i la baterie, 
 Cordouaniers et boureliers, 
 Selliers et fremiers et cordiers." 
 
 " At the end, beyond the (stalls of) the retail grocers 
 I found the barbers and dealer in beer, 
 The eating-houses and upholsterers' shops ; 
 Near them are the mercers. 
 By the highway side ^ 
 
 Is the parchment fair ; 
 
 Then I found the jackets (jacket-makers, tailors), 
 Then the dealers in furs. . . . 
 Then I returned by a plain. 
 Where is sold raw leather and wool ; 
 I came next the quarters of the ironmongers ; 
 Then I found the coppersmiths. 
 Shoemakers, and dealers in horse-hair, 
 Saddle-makers, farmers, and rope-makers." 
 
 It would take us too long to go through the whole 
 list. Fairs played, of course, a great part in the 
 history of mediaeval commerce. The principal French 
 ones were those held at Falaisse {/aire de Guibray) 
 in Champagne, and at Saint Denis, near Paris {foire 
 du Landit, or Lendit). The origin of this last name is 
 as follows: in 1109 a supposed fragment of the true 
 cross having been brought to Paris, the bishop of the 
 diocese ordered a meeting {indicium, hence Lindit, and 
 by corruption Landit) to be held in the plain of 
 Saint Denis, so that the people might come to look 
 
ADMINISTRATION AND GOVERNMENT, II7 
 
 at the relic. In course of time the indictitm became 
 an annual fair, which lasted several days, and led to so 
 much disorder, owing to the presence of the scholars 
 belonging to the Paris University, that in Jean de 
 Meung's continuation of the " Roman de la Rose," we 
 
 SEAL OF LOUIS IX. 
 
 find the substantive Landit used in the sense of a 
 drunken bout. 
 
 To conclude these remarks on the administration 
 of Louis IX., and the general character of his govern- 
 ment, we would say that the accession of the third 
 
Il8 FOUNDATIONS CREATED BY SAJNT LOUIS, 
 
 estate to power dates from his reign. He granted, it 
 is true, a few communal charters, but municipal inde- 
 pendence pleased him as little as feudalism, and he 
 encouraged as much as he could the transformation of 
 the communes into " royal cities," which depended 
 upon the Crown, whilst they were governed by mayors, 
 councillors, and other magistrates elected by the 
 burghers. Thanks to this interference of the king, 
 France escaped the danger of falling into the anarchy 
 which was for so many centuries the curse of Italy, 
 leaving it a prey to the ambition and intrigues of the 
 Emperors of Germany. 
 
 Saint Louis endowed Paris with several foundations* 
 some of which still subsist, and have rendered much 
 service ; we shall name only two here, viz., the Hos- 
 pital of the Quinze-vingts and the Sorbonne. The 
 former of these establishments was created in 1254, 
 for the reception of three hundred gentlemen (15 x 20) 
 who had lost their eyes during the Crusade through 
 the cruelty of the Saracens ; it is now one of the best 
 known hospitals in Paris. 
 
 With reference to the Sorbonne, it was one of the 
 earliest colleges connected with the University of 
 Paris, having been founded in 1202 by the king's 
 confessor, Robert Sorbon or de Sorbonne, thus called 
 from the village of Sorbonne, his native place. It 
 became in course of time an exclusively' theological 
 school, and obtained such reputation that the historian 
 Mezeray, who flourished during the seventeenth 
 century, styles it Le concile perinajtent des Gaules. 
 
 The firm attitude which Saint Louis preserved to- 
 wards the Papacy has caused him to be regarded as 
 
SAINT LOUIS STARTS FOR ANOTHER CRUSADE. II9 
 
 the author of a deed called the P vagina tiquesanction^ 
 which asserts the liberties of the Gallican Church, and 
 guarantees the free election within the limits of the 
 realm of France of all bishops, archdeacons, preben- 
 daries, canons, and other dignitaries of the Church. 
 The authenticity, however, of this document is now 
 generally discarded, and only ignorance or prejudice 
 can ascribe the slightest weight tq it. 
 
 The good king, in the midst of all his administra- 
 tive reforms, had never forgotten the claims of the 
 Christians in the East on the sympathy of their 
 Prankish brethren, and in 1270 he determined to 
 start for another Crusade. On this occasion the 
 Seneschal of Champagne flatly refused to follow him. 
 " Those who advised him to start," says Joinville, 
 " committed a great sin, considering the extreme 
 weakness of his body, for he could bear neither the 
 motion .of a vehicle nor that of a horse. His weak- 
 ness was so great that he allowed me to carry him 
 in my arms from the hotel of the Count of Auxerre, 
 where I took leave of him, to the convent of the 
 Franciscan friars {Cordeliers)^ and, weak as he was, if 
 he had only remained in France, he might have lived 
 long enough and done many good works. About' his 
 voyage to Tunis I shall neither say nor relate any- 
 thing, for, thank God, I was not there, and I will not 
 say or write in my book anything of which I am not 
 certain." Saint Louis died under the walls of Tunis 
 on the 25th of August, 1270, and after an interval of 
 twenty years the Crusaders had to retire from the 
 Holy Land. 
 
 Whilst these things were going on in Egypt and in 
 
I20 LITERATURE, 
 
 Palestine, Charles of Anjou, brother to the King of 
 France, had accepted from Pope Urban IV., as a fief, 
 the kingdom of Sicily (Naples and Sicily), which 
 Manfred had usurped, to the prejudice of his nephew 
 Conradin still young. He marched into Italy at the 
 head of an army of French and Provencal knights, 
 was crowned king at Rome on the 6th of January, 
 1266, and gained, on the 26th of February following, 
 the Battle of Beneventum. To this expedition can 
 be traced the pretentions raised from time to time 
 by the French Crown to the kingdom of two Sicilies. 
 The progress of literature and the fine arts during 
 the thirteenth century must now engage our atten- 
 tion, and we find there, as well as in questions of 
 politics, results which deserve to be described some- 
 what in detail. If we turn, first, to literature properly 
 called, the two names of Villehardouin and Join- 
 ville stand pre-eminent amongst prose writers, and the 
 merits of him who wrote " Conqueste de Constanti- 
 noble " appear the more conspicuous if we compare him 
 with his dull continuator Henri de Valenciennes. In 
 the walks of poetry we have to notice a period of 
 decay so far as the romances of chivalry [chansons de 
 geste) are concerned ; the age of enthusiasm is gone, 
 and the trouveres have lost their originality. In a 
 previous chapter we have attempted a classification of 
 the principal subjects treated by the poets who aimed 
 at describing the high deeds of ancient heroes ; we 
 shall now consider separately the cycle of CJiaideinagne 
 which is the most decidedly French of the three. 
 For the sake of clearness it may be subdivided into 
 three miwox geste s. i. Gcste dii Roi, where the glory of 
 
*' CHANSONS DE GESTE:' 121 
 
 Roland casts into the shade even that of Charlemas[-ne. 
 2. Geste de Garin de Montglane, the hero of which is 
 Guillaume au Cort-nez, who won the Battle of Alis- 
 camps. 3. The geste de Doon de May e nee, taken up by 
 the exploits of Renaud de Montauban and Ogicr le 
 Danois. Besides these three great branches or series 
 of poems, we must not forget several srasWtr gestes^ 
 such as the eycle de la Croisade [Chajison d'Antioche), 
 the geste des Lorrains ( Gariji le Loherain), the geste de 
 Blaives {Amis et Amile), &c., &c. The peculiarity of 
 the trouveres of the thirteenth century was that, instead 
 of composing original poems, they were satisfied for 
 the most part with remodelling old compositions and 
 clothing them with new dresses. Thus Graindor of 
 Douai, taking Richard the Pilgrim as his pattern, 
 recast the " Chanson d'Antloche ; " thus, again, Jean 
 Bodel wrote " Chanson des Saisnes " (Saxons) or 
 " Guiteclin (Witikind) de Sassoigne " (Saxony) from 
 an old poem ; Adenes le roi, so called because he was 
 " King of the Minstrels," modernized also " Berthe aus 
 grands pies," " Beuves de Comarchis," and " Les en- 
 fances Ogier." Amongst what may be called the ori- 
 ginal romances of the thirteenth century we may 
 name Jacques Forest's " Roman de Jules Cesar," the 
 "Roman du bel ecu," or " Fregus et Galienne" by 
 Guillaume de Normandie, Pyram's " Parthenopex de 
 Blois, Gilbert de Montreuil's " Roman de la Violette " 
 imitated by Boccaccio and from which Shakespeare 
 borrowed the story of Cymbeline; Adenes le roi wrote 
 the romaunt of" Cleomades," and, to complete this long 
 list, we may mention " Floire et Blanceflor," the work 
 of an author whose name is not exactly known. 
 
122 
 
 ''ROMAN DE LA ROSE.'* 
 
 The poem, however, with which the thirteenth 
 century in its decHne must ever be chiefly associated 
 is the famous "Roman de la Rose," begun by Guillaume 
 de Lorris about 1262, and finished by Jean de Meung 
 about 1305. The former part of the work is an ex- 
 traordinary association of mystic tenderness and of 
 coarse sensuahty, of chivahous gallantry and of scho- 
 lastic subtlety ; the latter half breathes the spirit of 
 keen satire together with longings after a reformation 
 which, if Jean Meung had had his way, would have 
 been of the most sweeping character. 
 
 TROUBADOURS. 
 
 The voice of the troubadour no longer resounded ; 
 Tonsons, Sirventes, planJis, auhades \\'ere gone for 
 ever, and at the time immediately preceding the reign 
 of Louis IX. the principal monument of Languedoc 
 literature was a long-rhymed chronicle which has 
 lately been published, and which was the work of two 
 distinct poets ; the first part, composed between 12 10 
 and 1 2 13, is directed against the Albigenses ; the 
 second, to which the date of 12 18 or 1219 can be 
 assigned, is inspired, on the contrary, by intense 
 
RUTEBEUF — MARIE DE FRANCE. I23 
 
 hatred of the Crusaders, and is fairly entitled to be 
 called a poem. 
 
 If we were to enumerate all the trouveres who 
 flourished during the reign of Saint Louis we should be 
 drawn far beyond the limits of this chapter. Rute- 
 beuf, the genuine precursor of Villon, must be named, 
 however, amongst the most distinguished ; his style is 
 elegant and natural, full of imagination, pathos, and 
 genuine sentiment. The lays and fabliaux, whether 
 anonymous or assignable to well-known authors, may 
 be defined as miniature romaunts or tales characterized 
 chiefly by the spirit of satire, and not unfrequently by 
 a vis comica bordering upon coarseness ; the name of 
 Marie de France must ever be associated with these 
 compositions, and if she had written nothing but the 
 " Lay du Frene " (containing the germ of the touching 
 story o^ Griselidis) and the " Ysopet " (a collection of 
 fables imitated from classical antiquity), she would still 
 deserve not to be forgotten. The pretty story of " Au- 
 cassinandNicolette"isoneofthegemsofthirteenth-cen- 
 tury literature, but thebest known of all the compositions 
 belonging to that time is undoubtedly the " Roman de 
 Renart," which is claimed by Germany and the Nether- 
 lands as well as by France, and which with its nume- 
 rous branches and subdivisions is the embodiment of 
 the satirical tendency of the Middle Ages. The days 
 of chivalry are gone, and instead of Charlemagne, 
 Turpin, Oliver and Roland, Ogier, Naime, and Huon, 
 we find ourselves summoned before an assembly of 
 animals, where the chief parts are taken by the lion 
 {Noble), the fox (Renard), the woli {Ysengr in), the bear 
 {Brim), the wild boar {Beaucent), &c. The triumph 
 
124 ^^^ DRAMA. 
 
 of cunning over brute force and of hypocrisy over 
 violence forms the subject-matter of the " Roman de 
 Renart;" it runs through the works of Gauthier de 
 Coinsy and the innumerable Bibles, castoienieiits^ and 
 dits which the erudite authorities of the " Histoire 
 Litteraire de la France " have so carefully analysed. 
 
 Suppose now we take one of the poems just enu- 
 merated, suppose, instead of a consecutive narrative, 
 we introduce each of the dramatis personcE, telling his 
 story and expressing his own opinions, we have im- 
 mediately the drama under its twofold manifestations 
 of sacred {inysteres and nioralites) and secular {farces). 
 The mysteries were dramatized episodes of the Bible 
 and of the legends of the saints, the principal, besides 
 the " Mystere de la Passion," being that of Saint Nicolas 
 by Jean Bodel, a native of Arras, whom we have already 
 mentioned ; the earhest comedy or farce deserving to 
 be named is the " Jeu de la feuillie," and the earliest 
 comic opera, if we may use such a name, is the " Jeu 
 de Robin et de Marion," both works being by another 
 native of Arras, Adam de la Halle, surnamed the 
 hunchback no one knows wh}% and who distinctly 
 repudiated a sobriquet for which, as it seems, his 
 personal appearance did not give the slightest pre- 
 text : " On m'apele bochu^' said he, " mes je ne le sui 
 mie." 
 
 Between the essentially lyric poetry of the trouba- 
 dours and the decidedly satirical strain of the troiivh^es, 
 we find, as a transition, Thibaut, Count of Champagne. 
 Himself a pupil of the troubadours, and like them an 
 Epicurean by taste, notorious for the laxity of his 
 morals and the scandal of his life ; he shared also 
 
THIBAUT DE CHAMPAGNE. 1 25 
 
 their freedom of thinking, and their spirit of opposi- 
 tion to the Church. Bound by his oath, he was com- 
 pelled to take a part in the crusade against the 
 Albigenses, and to fight Raymond, Count of Tou- 
 louse ; but the following lines prove that his sympa- 
 pathies were really on the side of the southern 
 knights, and it would be difficult to find, even in 
 Jean de Meung's bold poetry, a more bitter de- 
 nunciation of the Holy See than in Thibaut de 
 Champagne's sixty- fifth song. 
 
 " Ce est des clers qui ont laisser sermons 
 Pour guerroier et pour tuer les gens, 
 Jamais en Dieu ne fuit tels horns creans. 
 Nostra chief fait tous les membres doloir. 
 
 Papelars font li siecle chanceler 
 
 lis ont tolu joie, et solas et pais, 
 Sen porteront en enfer le grant fais." 
 
 *' There are clerks who have forsaken sermons 
 In order to fight and to kill people. 
 Such men never did believe in God. 
 Our head (Innocent III.) makes all the limbs suffer. 
 The followers of the Pope cause the world to totter, 
 They have carried away joy, and solace, and peace, 
 Therefore they shall carry to hell the great burden (of their misdeeds)." 
 
 We cannot believe that so strict a king as St. Louis 
 approved all the sentiments of the poets who were 
 his contemporaries ; at the same time* he granted 
 valuable privileges to the minstrels, jugglers, and 
 other members of the brotherhood, and particularly 
 exempted them from paying toll at the bridges. The 
 minstrels in lieu thereof might treat the collector to a 
 tune or a song, and the juggler might make his mon- 
 
126 PULPIT ELOQUENCE. 
 
 key cut a caper or two. The well-known French 
 proverb, " Payer en monnaie de singe " {--^ to deceive 
 a person by false promises), has arisen from that 
 ancient custom. 
 
 The various branches of literature we have thus 
 been considering are French exclusively — French by 
 the form in which they are expressed, and by the 
 inspiration under which they were written. If we 
 now come to a more serious topic, to pulpit eloquence, 
 we still find the vernacular language used, although 
 monuments are very scarce and very imperfect. It 
 was natural that preachers should retain in their 
 sermons what may be called the ecclesiastical idiom, 
 and that they should bestow upon Latin discourses 
 most of their care and attention ; but they remem- 
 bered that if often they had to preach ad cleros, their 
 audiences consisted more frequently still of common 
 and illiterate people, who could not have understood 
 them if they had used the language of the Church ; 
 we are therefore led to adopt the opinion arrived at 
 by several learned historians, to wit (i) that all the 
 sermons addressed to the faithful, even those written 
 in Latin, were preached entirely in French ; (2) that 
 the sermons intended for the clergy were, generally, 
 preached in Latin. Maurice de Sully, Bishop of 
 Paris, who died in 1196, composed a set of sermons 
 intended to be a manual or guide for the priests of 
 his diocese ; it is written in Latin, being in the first 
 instance meant as a kind of authorized book, to be 
 employed by those who had no talent or leisure for 
 original composition ; but, at the same time, the pre- 
 late expressly directed that these sermons should be 
 
CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. I27 
 
 addressed to the whole congregation of faithful, and 
 accordingly, as the final clauses of two MSS. expressly 
 state, they were to be read in French. We have the 
 authority of the chronicler, Humbert de Romans, to 
 state that the early Dominican friars, even those of 
 German origin, preached in that language, and one 
 of them, Jourdain of Saxony, holding forth to a 
 congregation of knights in Palestine, after having 
 apologized for his imperfect knowledge of French, 
 made frequent use of German words and phrases. 
 The custom of thus intermixing the vernacular idioms 
 with Latin gradually gained ground, and led in course 
 of time to the macaronic style which characterizes the 
 sermons of Michel Menot and Olivier Maillard. 
 
 The transition from pulpit eloquence to church 
 architecture is a natural one, and we are thus led to 
 consider the state of the fine arts during the reign of 
 Louis IX. It may be said that the renovation of 
 church architecture took place shortly after the year 
 1000. Up to that time, in the construction of sacred 
 buildings, nothing more was aimed at but the imitation 
 of the ancient basilica. No sooner was the Christian 
 world delivered from the terrors of the day of judg- 
 ment, which so many had proclaimed as about to be 
 ushered in with the eleventh century, than, as \{ it had 
 been through a desire of expressing substantial grati- 
 tude to the Deity, the whole population set about 
 erecting cathedrals, parish churches, abbeys, and 
 monasteries. From the school of Cluny, and other 
 similar establishments, came forth architects of the 
 greatest merit, and the Gothic style of construction 
 made its first appearance. The principal cathedrals 
 
[if- 
 
 SAINT WULFRAN, X. ABBEVILLE. 
 
iNOTRE DAME OF PARIS. 
 
 Ik 
 
130 THE FINE ARTS. 
 
 belonging to that epoch are those of Chartres, Bourges, 
 Amiens, Paris, and Rouen ; nor must we forget the 
 Sainte Chapelle, one of the most elegant specimens 
 of Gothic architecture which the metropolis of France 
 can boast of. 
 
 It has often been noticed that what may be called 
 /av or secular architecture followed closely the same 
 type as the one adopted for the erection of churches; 
 the reason for this is twofold. In the first place, 
 religious establishments held the foremost rank in the 
 social order ; and, secondly, the monks alone being 
 architects, painters, sculptors, and decorators, they 
 could scarcely help introducing in the economy of 
 secular buildings the usual way they had of drawing 
 a plan, and carrying out its execution. The art of 
 sculpture and that of painting made considerable 
 progress in France during the thirteenth century. 
 M. Viollet le Due tells us that so far as drawing is 
 concerned, together with the correct observation of 
 movement, composition, and even expression, the 
 French artists cast off the trammels of conven- 
 tionalism long before the Italian ones. " The paint- 
 ings and vignettes which the thirteenth century has 
 bequeathed to us are the proof of that fact, and fifty 
 years previous to Giotto, we had amongst us painters 
 who had already realized the progress ascribed to the 
 pupil of Cimabue. From the twelfth century to the 
 fifteenth drawing becomes modified ; fettered at first 
 by the traditions of Byzantine art, it begins by shaking 
 off those rules of a particular school; without abandon- 
 ing style, it looks for principles derived from the 
 observation of nature. The study of gesture soon 
 
MUSIC, 
 
 131 
 
 attains to a rare delicacy, then comes a search after 
 what is called expression. . . . As early as the second 
 half of the thirteenth century we recognize striking 
 efforts of composition ; the dramatic idea finds its 
 place, and some of the scenes betray powerful energy." 
 Mural and decorative painting had more difficulties 
 to contend with, but they also showed decided pro- 
 gress. 
 
 The influence of the Church could not but be much 
 felt in music, and when we speak of that art, as it 
 flourished during the Middle Ages, we must be under- 
 stood to refer to plain chant, motets, hymns, and in 
 general to psalmody. Modern music may be said to 
 have sprung into existence when Gothic architecture 
 had attained its perfection ; and it would have been 
 strange if Saint Louis, so anxious to have Divine ser- 
 vice celebrated with all possible perfection, had not 
 given his attention to music. The names of several 
 organists have been handed down to us, and the 
 cathedral church of Notre Dame in Paris claims the 
 most celebrated amongst them ; Leonin, for instance, 
 and Perotin. The king did not care for secular 
 music, and whilst most of the high barons had 
 minstrels as part of their household, Louis IX. had 
 none. When Marguerite de Provence came to 
 Sens on her coronation, her father brought with 
 him a minstrel and six troubadours ; these did 
 not remain at Court, but at the same time they 
 were handsomely remunerated, and on the state- 
 ment of expenses made for the occasion, we find 
 112 livres, 20 sols, and 12 deniers for the minstrels, 
 together with 10 livres paid to the minstrel of the 
 
132 INDUSTRIAL ARTS. 
 
 Count de Provence. The list of musical instruments 
 in use during the Middle Ages was a long one ; be- 
 sides the organ, the lyre, and the harp, we find 
 the violin (vze//e, rote, rebec), the guitar or guiterne, 
 the doulcemer {dulcimer), the trumpet, the sackbut, 
 the drum, &c. ^\\q. nacawe or naqiiaire, mentioned by 
 Joinville, seems to have been a kind of cymbal, and 
 the dulcimer very like our piano. 
 
 The industrial arts claim also a mention here, and 
 as a matter of course the improvements of every kind 
 introduced into church architecture and decoration, 
 told upon carpentering, carving, the " craft and 
 mystery " of joiners, goldsmiths, silversmiths, and 
 blacksmiths. Tombs, relic-cases, stalls, lecterns, 
 fonts, incense-boxes, candelabra, crucifixes — in fact, 
 all the articles used for ecclesiastical purposes, all 
 the monuments belonging to the church were exe- 
 cuted with a degree of perfection and of taste which 
 has never been surpassed. 
 
 In conclusion, the thirteenth century marks the 
 most brilliant epoch of the Middle Ages, and in that 
 epoch the reign of Saint Louis forms, so to say, 
 the central point. After the death of that glorious 
 monarch, decay sets in, the old order of things falls 
 gradually to pieces, and to the prevalence of honour, 
 courage, loyalty, and self-sacrifice succeeds the 
 triumph of insolence, cowardice, treachery, avarice, 
 and selfishness. 
 
VII. 
 
 PHILIP III.— PHILIP IV. 
 
 (1 270-1 3 14.) 
 
 Why Philip III. should have been surnamed "the 
 Bold " [le hardi) it would be difficult to say. He had 
 inherited the meekness and the piety of his father, but 
 none of his other virtues, and the contemporary 
 chronicles have very little to say about him. Charles 
 de Valois was the French prince who occupies the 
 stage of history during the last ^^"^ years of the 
 thirteenth century, and around him is gathered all 
 the interest which belongs to the country of the 
 fleurs-de-lys. It is even still a matter of doubt 
 whether Philip knew how to write ; at any rate, his 
 mind absolutely lacked culture. During his reign, 
 however, the royal power went on acquiring strength, 
 and fresh provinces were added to the kingdom ; in 
 fact, he inherited from almost every member of his 
 family. The death of his brother, Jean Tristan, 
 brought to him the province of Valois ; his uncle 
 Alphonso left to him nearly the whole of Southern 
 France : Poitou, Auvergne, Toulouse, Rouergue, 
 Albigeois, Quercy, Agenois, Comtat Venaissin ; 
 finally he got possession of Navarre by marrying hi^ 
 
134 PHILIP III. — CHARLES D'ANJOU, 
 
 son Philip to the daughter of the Count of Cham- 
 pagne, who was also king of that fertile province. It 
 is true that Agenois was restored to England, and the 
 Comtat to the Pope, but still the authority of the new 
 monarch extended over nearly all the country com- 
 prised between the Loire and the Pyrenees, and a few 
 attempts of resistance having taken place, they were 
 speedily put down. 
 
 Charles d'Anjou, as we have already said, was at 
 that time the real French king. Count of Florence, 
 King of Naples and Sicily, a Roman senator, imperial 
 vicar in Tuscany, lord of most of the cities in Northern 
 Italy, he might have been satisfied with the immense 
 power then concentrated in his hands. The political 
 state of Europe had singularly favoured his ambitious 
 plans. Germany was without an emperor ; Italy was 
 rent asunder by the feuds between the Guelphs and 
 Ghibelines ; a dispute on points of doctrine had 
 separated the Eastern from the Western Church ; and 
 the empire of Constantinople was threatened as the 
 focus of a dangerous schism. Charles d'Anjou took 
 advantage of this state of things ; he aimed, not only 
 at being Emperor of the East, but at taking posses- 
 sion of Jerusalem and of Egypt. Such exorbitant 
 pretensions could not be tolerated, and even Pope 
 Gregory X. saw the necessity of stemming the torrent. 
 He contrived to bring about a reconciliation between 
 the conflicting factions in Italy, secured the election 
 of Rodolph of Hapsburg to the throne of Germany, 
 and put an end to the schism at the council of Lyons. 
 When he died Nicolas III., his successor, adopted the 
 same policy. The danger thus minimized was entirely 
 
THE SICILIAN VESPERS. I35 
 
 removed in consequence of the event which is known 
 as the Sicilian Vespers. A Calabrian physician, lord of 
 the island of Procida, had been for some time travel- 
 ling about for the purpose of stirring up enemies 
 against Charles d'Anjou. Having secured the active 
 co-operation of Don Pedro, King of Arragon, he 
 organized a conspiracy, and selected Sicily as the spot 
 where the rising was to take place. That island, 
 ground down by the tyranny of Charles, drained of 
 its financial resources, subjected to the most iniquitous 
 system of taxation, was treated with insolence by 
 the French, who took every opportunity of asserting 
 their superiority over the wretched inhabitants. " On 
 Easter Monday (March 30, 1282) the population of 
 Palermo, according to custom, had gathered together 
 for the purpose of attending vespers on the hill of 
 Monreale. A young lady of noble birth was in the 
 crowd, accompanied by her betrothed lover \ a 
 Frenchman approaches her, charges her with having 
 weapons concealed under her clothes, and attempts 
 to search her in the most indecent manner. He is 
 immediately killed, and his death becomes the signal 
 of a universal massacre. Measures to that effect had 
 been taken beforehand, the houses inhabited by the 
 French, for instance, were all marked with a peculiar 
 sign during the previous night. No one escaped who 
 could not pronounce the letter c in the Italian 
 fashion. The whole of Sicily followed the example of 
 Palermo." ' In the meanwhile Don Pedro, accompanied 
 by Procida, started for Sicily, at the head of a powerful 
 fleet, which took possession of the Straits of Messina. 
 ^ Bordier and Charton, " Histoire de France." 
 
136 PHILIP III, MAKES WAR WITH SPAIN, 
 
 Charles d'Anjou did not repose much confidence in 
 his own sailors ; he raised the siege of Messina which 
 he had been blockading, and crossed over to Italyj 
 having to suffer the humiliation of seeing his ships 
 destroyed. It is said that he kept biting his sceptre 
 out of sheer rage. Finding that fortune was aban- 
 doning him, he exclaimed, " Grant, O my God, that 
 the descent may take place by slow steps and gently." 
 After several prolonged and unhappy efforts tocontinue 
 the struggle Charles d'Anjou died on the 7th of Jan- 
 uary, I285,declaringthat "hehad undertaken theenter- 
 prise of the kingdom of Sicily rather for the benefit of 
 the Holy Church than for his own private advantage." 
 His uncle now dead, Philip HI. had to bear the 
 brunt of the war against Spain, and to avenge the 
 honour of the Valois family. A crusade was preached 
 against Spain, and the King of France crossed the 
 Pyrenees at the head of a splendid army, which some 
 historians estimate at twenty thousand cavalry and 
 eighty thousand infantry ; a powerful fleet coasting 
 along the shore was to keep this large force amply 
 supplied, as well as to assist it in case of need. The 
 town of Elne taken after a desperate resistance, 
 seemed to be the prelude of great things ; but the 
 French lost two months in besieging Gerona, and 
 when that place had capitulated, the invaders were so 
 reduced by the climate, the heat and pestilential 
 diseases, that they were obliged to retrace their steps 
 and to return home. Philip had just time to reach 
 Perpignan before he died (October 5, 1285). His fleet 
 had been defeated, and a week after the death of the 
 King of France, Don Pedro occupied Gerona. 
 
PIERRE DE LA BROSSE. ^ 137 
 
 Amongst the monuments of French dramatic 
 literature during the Middle Ages there is one which 
 we shall mention here, not on account of anv merit 
 it possesses, but because it refers to an extraordinary 
 incident in the reign of Philip III. It is entitled 
 " Le Jeu de Pierre de la Broce," and is preceded by a 
 coinplainte or dirge on the same person. Now, Pierre 
 de la Brosse, belonging to a very humble family, had 
 been originally barber to Philip III. Being extremely 
 clever, ready-witted, and sharp, he contrived to gain 
 the confidence of his master, and to become Prime 
 Minister. Philip was married twice; his first wife, 
 Isabella of Arragon, died shortly before her husband 
 ascended the throne. In 1274 he took as his consort 
 Mary of Brabant, and the following year, Louis, the 
 eldest of his sons by Isabella, having died of poison, 
 as it was supposed, Pierre de la Brosse managed to 
 persuade the king, that Mary of Brabant was guilty 
 of the crime, and that she had formed the plan of 
 despatching in like manner the other children, in order 
 to secure the throne for her own offspring. Philip, 
 of course, was extremely angry, and determined upon 
 having his wife burnt alive ; but the princes of the 
 blood and the chief lords, to whom he communicated 
 his suspicions, persuaded him not to act too rashly. 
 Before he followed out his intentions he should 
 make all necessary inquiries, and consult some 
 person learned in sorcery and witchcraft. They 
 selected a nun of Nivelle, in Brabant, the dominions 
 of the queen's father, and sent to her for the purpose 
 of consultation the Bishop of Dol and a Knight- 
 Templar. " Tell from me to the king," answered the 
 
138 MARY OF BRABANT. 
 
 oracle, " that he must not believe the slanderous 
 reports circulated about his wife ; for she is good 
 and loyal both towards him and towards all his 
 family, and her heart is sincere." Some historians 
 add that the nun went on to say that the young 
 prince had been poisoned by a man who enjoyed 
 the king's confidence. No other but Pierre de la 
 Brosse was evidently meant by this designation. 
 
 Whether the last part of the story is true or not, 
 the Prime Minister became suspected in his turn, and 
 soon paid the penalty of his misdeeds. Mary of 
 Brabant was still treated as if she was guilty, and 
 confined to her apartments. The Count d'Artois, 
 who was a relation both of the king and of the 
 queen, having offered to maintain her innocence in 
 single combat, and no one accepting the challenge^ 
 she re-appeared in public. About that time a packet 
 of letters was delivered to the king, coming from 
 Spain and addressed to Pierre de la Brosse ; on 
 opening it, proof was found that the Prime Minister 
 had been carrying on a treasonable correspondence, 
 and he was immediately arrested on that charge, 
 tried in Paris, and condemned to be hanged. Thus 
 it was that Mary of Brabant was avenged of the 
 vilest and boldest accusation ever put forth ; from 
 that time she lived in perfect harmony with her 
 husband ; she had three children, one son who, prior 
 to his ascending the throne, was Count d'Evreux, and 
 two daughters. 
 
 Before taking leave of Philip the Bold, we must not 
 forget to mention two facts which are of importance 
 as illustrating the decay of feudal institutions. In the 
 
PHILIP IV. 139 
 
 first place, by granting (1272) a patent of nobility to 
 his treasurer Raoul, the king gave the earliest 
 instance on record in French history of a commoner 
 ,being admitted into the aristocracy ; secondly, leave 
 was granted for commoners to enjoy the possessions 
 of fiefs. Thus nobility ceased to be a natural quality 
 which could neither be lost nor purchased ; it was 
 reduced to a privilege conferred to this or that man 
 by the accident of his birth or the good pleasure of 
 the king, to the prejudice of his equals. Any one 
 was qualified to exercise the rights it implies, and to 
 discharge the duties resulting from it. 
 
 PhiHp IV, was seventeen years old when he 
 ascended the throne, and from the very beginning 
 of his reign it was quite evident that the power was 
 in the hand of the legists. The days of feudalism 
 had passed away for ever, and a period of transition 
 was commencing. Under the old system, as there 
 was no administration properly so called, government 
 agents did not exist , as the vassals of the Crown 
 were compelled to do military service, there was no 
 mercenary troops, no need to provide for the pay 
 of a. permanent army. Things now were totally 
 different ; the royal domain included two-thirds of 
 France instead of half a dozen towns as heretofore ; 
 hence the necessity of a host of judges, notaries, 
 provosts, seneschals, counsellors, &c. It was the same 
 in matters of war ; whereas formerly, as a general 
 rule, warlike expeditions were confined within rela- 
 tively small limits, now troops had to be moved 
 towards the Pyrenees, the Rhine, the Garonne, the 
 shores of the Mediterranean. Fleets were indispens- 
 
140 LOW STATE OF THE EXCHEQUER. 
 
 able, and the feudal militia could not suffice. Now 
 law-agents must be paid ; seneschals appointed by the 
 king will not explain the law gratis, counsellors insist 
 on being remunerated for giving advice. In like 
 manner, if the feudal militia is • not equal to the 
 exigencies of a campaign, mercenary troops must be 
 called in ; they are subjected to strict discipline, and 
 their services can always be depended upon ; but 
 they very naturally require to be paid ; and if the 
 Genoese galleys (as in the case of the war with 
 Flanders) are retained in addition to the ships from 
 Poitou and Normandy, money must be forthcoming. 
 We thus see that Philip the Fair {le bel, such was 
 his surname) was very short of money, and as the 
 expenses kept increasing whilst the national income 
 remained the same, France seemed on the eve of a 
 bankruptcy. Philip tried several means of replenish- 
 ing the exchequer, but he was very unwise in the 
 schemes he adopted, and whilst grinding down the 
 people, he did no good to the State. One of his 
 first plans was to extort money arbitrarily out of the 
 Jews and Lombards — the bankers of those days. 
 Driven from France the Jews carried their riches 
 into foreign lands, the Lombards concealed theirs, and 
 commerce came to a standstill. Now, Philip turned 
 coiner and this, of course, did not mend matters ; 
 he ordered all the old coinage to be melted, with the 
 view of altering its value ; further, under the pretence 
 of enforcing the sumptuary laws, he confiscated the 
 gold and silver plate of those persons who had not 
 a large fortune, and caused it to be cast into the 
 smelting furnace out of which it came in the shape 
 
PHILIP IV. AND THE ENGLISH. 14I 
 
 of li-ures and sons parisis^ nominally equal in value 
 to what they used to be, but really worth much less ; 
 the consequence was the ruin of industry. His 
 endeavour to raise taxes in Flanders led to a rebel- 
 lion ; his bold endeavour to get money out of the 
 Church ended in a quarrel with Pope Boniface VIII. ; 
 we shall see presently the mysterious history of the 
 Templars and the destruction of the order. 
 
 Philip the Fair was not naturally of a fighting 
 disposition ; as soon as he could, he got rid of useless 
 warfares by treaties and peaceful arrangements, and 
 set about extending his domains by marriages and 
 other quiet contrivances. His union with the heiress 
 of Navarre and Champagne procured to him two 
 important provinces ; a sentence of parliament 
 deprived the heirs of Hugh de Lusignan to the 
 profit of the French Crown, which was thus put in 
 possession of Marche and Angoumois ; finally, Philip's 
 second son took to wife the heiress of Franche Comte. 
 Remained the countship of Flanders and the duchies 
 of Guienne and Brittany. Here fighting was a matter 
 of absolute necessity, and Philip tried first what he 
 could do in Southern France. Edward I., King of 
 England, w^as at the same time Duke of Guienne, 
 and might have proved a dangerous adversary for 
 Philip had he not been entirely absorbed by the 
 affairs of Wales and of Scotland. Philip's army 
 marched into Guienne, whilst his fleet plundered 
 Dover. The Count of Flanders had sided with 
 Edward ; Philip invaded his domains and defeated 
 the Flemings at Furnes (1295). Thanks to the 
 intervention of the Pope, peace was concluded between 
 
142 PHILIP IV. AND THE FLEMINGS, 
 
 France and England, the treaty being confirmed 
 by the marriage of the daughter of PhiUp the Fair 
 with the son of the King of England. Thus it 
 happened that prospective claims to the crown of 
 France were enjoyed by England — claims which later 
 on Edward III. knew how to put forth, and to sup- 
 port by the power of his arms. Hitherto Philip had 
 sided with the Scotch ; he abandoned them to his 
 new ally, who in his turn forsook the Count of 
 Flanders. Thus deserted, this prince was struck 
 with terror ; he came in person to surrender to 
 Philip, and Flanders was annexed to the kingdom 
 of France. 
 
 Common sense should have suggested to Philip 
 the advisability of treating the Flemings with kind- 
 ness, or, at any rate, with a certain amount of courtesy. 
 Unfortunately he adopted a totally different course, 
 and sent amongst them as a governor, Jacques de 
 Chatillon, who thought that he had nothing to do 
 but to get as much money as he could out of a rich 
 and thriving population, and to convince them that 
 ^ their riches would avail them nothing against the 
 power of the fleurs-de-lys. He began by depriving 
 the citizens of their municipal elections, and of the 
 right of managing their own affairs. This ill-judged 
 measure alienated the upper classes. His next act 
 was to oblige the workmen to pay to the Crown one 
 fourth of their daily salary. This irritated the poor. 
 An amount of agitation took place which Chatillon 
 did not anticipate, although the ill-will of the 
 Flemings had manifested itself on the very first day 
 of the French occupation. The centre of the move- 
 
BATTLE OF COURTRAL I43 
 
 ment was at Bruges, which Chatillon had visited 
 with his wrath ; he had confiscated the privileges 
 of the town, dismantled it, and was constructing 
 a citadel with the view of keeping the citizens in 
 order. A massacre of the French took place on 
 May 17, 1302, and precautions were taken by the 
 inhabitants to prev^ent the foreign knights from 
 retaliating. Chains were drawn across the streets, 
 and all the available bridles and saddles seized by 
 the magistrates for the purposes of furnishing an 
 improvised body of cavalry. The report that the 
 King of France was advancing at the head of an 
 army of sixty thousand men only served to exaspe- 
 rate the people of Bruges, who were nearly the only 
 part of the population which seemed determined to 
 fight. "Attacked before Courtrai, they coolly awaited 
 the French, having taken up their position at the 
 back of a semi-circular ditch, concealed both by 
 branches of trees and by the bulrushes which filled the 
 marshes. A priest celebrated mass, and at the moment 
 of the devotion, each man taking up a little earth 
 raised it to his lips, thus showing that he joined in 
 the communion with his fellow- citizens. The French 
 were full of confidence ; in order to have the whole 
 honour of the victory, they pushed aside the Italian 
 archers who formed a kind of auxiliary force. They 
 had the advantage at first ; but the Count d'Artois 
 having crossed the ditch was killed close to the 
 banner of Flanders, and the horsemen who followed 
 him stumbled upon one another in utter confusion. 
 Thus disabled and helpless, they became the easy 
 victims of their enemies, who made of them a terrible 
 
144 PHILIP IV. AND THE CHURCH, 
 
 slaughter. Twelve thousand sergeants-at-arms were 
 then killed in a marsh, which subsequently received 
 the name of the Blood Marsh. We are told that on 
 the field of battle the gold spurs of the knights were 
 measured by the bushel " ^ 
 
 We may imagine how joyfully the news of Philip's 
 defeat was received at Rome, Florence, Toulouse, and 
 Bordeaux. It is true that the French avenged their 
 honour at Mons-en-Puelle (1304), but the king having 
 besieged Lille, a general rising of the whole of 
 Flanders took place, and Philip drew back ; he 
 obtained Douai, Lille, Bethune, Orchies, and the whole 
 of French Flanders situated between the Lys and 
 the Scheldt, and as a kind of compensation he gave 
 back to the Flemings their count, who did him 
 feudal homage for his domains. Thoroughly ruined 
 by the war, he returned to his kingdom, and found 
 there great irritation caused by the famine, the altera- 
 tion of the coinage, and the other financial measures 
 which he had so injudiciously forced upon the people. 
 He now turned his attention towards the Pope, and 
 thought he would replenish his exchequer at the 
 expense of the Church. 
 
 As early as 1296 differences had arisen between 
 Boniface VIII. and Philip the Fair, on account of 
 certain taxes which the king wished to levy on 
 ecclesiastical property. " Between the famished king," 
 says M. Michelet, "and the hungry starved to death, 
 there was some one rich, and that some one was the 
 Church, archbishops and bishops, canons and monks 
 — monks ancient, belonging to the order of Saint 
 
 ^ Bordier and Charton. 
 
ARREST OF BERNARD SAISSET. 145 
 
 Benedict ; monks modern, styled mendicant friars — 
 they were all rich, and vied with each other in point 
 of opulence. All that tonsured society throve on 
 the blessings of heaven and the fat of the land. 
 It was a small and happy community, obese and 
 shining, in the midst of the great famished people, 
 which was beginning to look at them with an 
 unfavourable eye." 
 
 Concord seemed however to be re-established for a 
 short time, and Boniface VIII., as an earnest of good 
 will, pronounced the canonization of Louis IX. This 
 was only a brief respite, and the proud interference 
 of the Pope in the home policy of France made 
 things worse than ever. One of the Papal legates, 
 Bernard Saisset, an ambitious and violent man, 
 Bishop of Pamiers, used on a certain occasion offen- 
 sive and even treasonable language towards the King 
 of France, and what was more, in the king's own 
 presence. Philip could not brook such insolence ; he 
 caused Bernard Saisset to be arrested, and requested 
 the Archbishop of Narbonne, his metropolitan, to 
 pronounce his canonical degradation. The arch- 
 bishop having referred to the Pope, Boniface VIII. 
 by way of answer, fulminated the famous Bull 
 Ausculta^ fili^ which resulted in his being shamefully 
 treated, and in his meeting finally with a pitiable 
 death. The whole of this affair was characterized 
 on both sides by acts of violence which would have 
 marred the best cause, and which did equal injury to 
 the King of France and to the Pope. The drift of 
 the Bull will be seen from the following quotation : 
 
 " God has set me, though unworthy, above kings 
 
146 'bull '' ausculta, fill'' 
 
 and kingdoms, having imposed upon me the yoke of 
 apostoHc servitude, to root out and to pull down, to 
 destroy and to throw down, to build and to plant, in 
 His name. Wherefore let no man persuade you that 
 you have no superior, or that you are not subject to 
 the supreme head of the ecclesiastical hierarchy. He 
 who thinks so is a madman, and if he persists in his 
 error, is convicted as an infidel. 
 
 "Although it is certain that the nomination to all 
 benefices belongs to the Pope, and that you have no 
 right to any such patronage without the consent of 
 the Holy See, you oppose our collations, and claim 
 to act as judge in your own cause. You drag before 
 your tribunals the bishops and other clergy of your 
 kingdom, both regular and secular, even for matters 
 concerning property which they do not hold from 
 you in fief You exact from them tenths and other 
 imposts, although laymen have no authority what- 
 ever over the clergy. You hinder the bishops from 
 employing the spiritual sword against offenders, and 
 from exercising their jurisdiction over conventual 
 houses. You observe no moderation in disposing of 
 the revenues of vacant episcopal sees which you call 
 by an abuse, ' Droit de regale! You squander tliese 
 revenues, and turn into plunder what was a means of 
 preserving them intact." 
 
 The Bull Aiiscidta, fili^ accompanied by the one 
 known as Salvator mundi^ and by three others, was 
 issued on the 3rd of December, 1301 : it had been 
 preceded by the Bulls Ineffabilis amoris (February 
 7, 1297) and Clericis laicos (February 24, 1296). 
 Whilst denouncing the bad administration of Philip 
 
GUILLAUME DE NOGARET. 147 
 
 the Fair, and the iniquitous taxes which he im- 
 posed upon his subjects, Boniface VIII. was perfectly 
 right, and he was well aware that the tax called 
 inaltote (L. male tolta^wxvidXxXy raised), exacted from 
 certain large towns had caused rebellions, at Rouen, 
 for instance (1292); but, on the other hand, he formed 
 on the power of the Papacy ideas which were no 
 longer admissible. The days of Gregory VII. had 
 gone never to return, and the lawyers who really 
 governed the kingdom under the name of Philip, 
 endeavoured to establish the rule of Roman law 
 which gives to the king absolute power, including 
 that of interfering in the administration of the 
 diocese. Hence a deplorable quarrel. Supported by 
 the unanimous vote of the States-General (1302), 
 Philip threatened Boniface with a council, before 
 which he meant to summons him ; the Pope in his 
 turn prepared a Bull for the deposition of the king. 
 This was too much ; one of the agents of Philip the 
 Fair, Guillaume de Nogaret, was in Italy, at Anagni, 
 the birthplace of Boniface VI I L, who -had himself 
 repaired there from Rome. Nogaret had contrived to 
 gain the support of the inhabitants, and was accom- 
 panied by Sciarra Colonna, a nobleman of Roman 
 origin, and a mortal enemy of the Pope. We should 
 remark that Nogaret's grandfather had been formerly 
 burnt alive as belonging to the sect of Albigenses ; 
 he could not, therefore, feel very favourably disposed 
 towards the Holy See. He entered Anagni at the 
 head of four hundred men, and marched towards 
 the palace amidst the cries of " Death to the Pope ! 
 Long live the King of France 1 " Boniface was 
 
148 POPES BONIFACE VIII, AND BENEDICT XL 
 
 sitting on his throne, arrayed in his pontifical vest- 
 ments, with the tiara on his head, holding a cross 
 in one hand, and the keys of St. Peter in the other. 
 Being ordered to abdicate, he said, "Here is my neck, 
 here is my head ; betrayed like Jesus Christ, if I must 
 die as He did, at any rate, I shall die a Pope." 
 Thereupon Sciarra Colonna tore him from his throne, 
 struck him in the face with his iron gauntlet, and 
 would have killed him on the spot, had not Guillaume 
 de Nogaret interfered. Addressing Boniface, the 
 Frenchman said : " O thou wretched Pope, consider 
 and' behold the kindness of my lord the King of 
 France who, for ever so distant as his realms are 
 from thine, by me protects and defends thee." 
 
 The people of Anagni, however, recovered at last 
 from the stupor i . which they had been plunged by 
 the arrival of the French ; they rose, drove away the 
 invaders, set the Pope at liberty, and conducted him 
 back to Rome. He died shortly after of shame and 
 anger at the affronts to which he had been submitted. 
 Benedict XI„ who succeeded Boniface on the siege of 
 St. Peter, wanted to avenge him by excommunicating 
 Nogaret, Colonna, and all those who had assisted 
 them. The sentence virtually reached the king ; one 
 month after the Bull was fulminated the new Pope 
 died, most probably of poison. 
 
 Philip the Fair now contrived to secure the tiara 
 for an ecclesiastic of his own choice, and who would 
 not hesitate to accept any terms the French monarch 
 might think fit to make. This was Bertrand de Got, 
 Archbishop of Bordeaux ; he assumed the name of 
 Clement V., was consecrated at Lyons, and abandon- 
 
THE KNIGHTS-TEMPLAR, 149 
 
 ing- Rome, came to settle at Avignon (1308), where 
 he was at the disposal and under the thumb, so to 
 say, of the king. Then commenced what has been 
 called the second Babylonish captivity ; the successors 
 of Clement V. remained in Avignon till the year 1376. 
 The scandalous bargain thus made between the 
 Pope and Philip has been characterized in three 
 doggrel lines, which we find quoted by Walsinghafn : 
 
 *' Ecclesise navis titubat, regni quia clavis 
 Errat. Rex, Papa, facti sunt unica cappa. 
 Hoc faciunt dodes, Pilatus hec, alter Herodes." 
 
 One of the conditions imposed by the king upon the 
 Pope was the destruction of the Order of the Temple. 
 Why should those warrior-monks be so rich? In the 
 time of the Crusades they might have given as an 
 excuse that they spent their money in levying troops 
 for the delivery of the Holy Land ; but now that 
 these expeditions were abandoned, there seemed no 
 need for the knights to have in their treasure-house 
 150,000 gold florins, besides silver and precious cups, 
 vases, and other specimens of goldsmith's work. Then 
 was not the order a standing menace against the 
 power of the king? They numbered 15,000 knights, 
 in addition to an immense number of retainers ; they 
 possessed throughout the whole extent of Christendom 
 upwards of 10,000 manorial re idences, to say nothing 
 of fortresses which could set at defiance the united 
 forces of Europe. Finally, their orthodoxy was more 
 than doubtful, and they constituted a standing 
 scandal to the Church. They worshipped the devil 
 under the shape of a cat, they were Mahometans in 
 
150 ''ROMAN DE FAUVEL.*' 
 
 disguise, they held mysteries which no profane eye 
 was allowed to see, and to which no outsider was 
 admitted, &c., &c. It would be perhaps rash to deny 
 that the Templars were not uniformly blameless from 
 the point of view of morality, and that their religious 
 opinions were not strictly orthodox ; but confessions 
 obtained under the influence of torture are unworthy 
 of belief, and it is only too clear now that the sup- 
 pression of the Order of the Temple was the result of 
 Philip the Fair's covetousness and love of money. 
 By a clever stroke of policy he thought of associating 
 the nation with him in his design, and summoned 
 the States-General at Tours. In the meanwhile 
 popular opinion instigated by Philip the Fair had 
 been excited against the Papacy, and satirical litera- 
 ture was brought in to take the king's part and to 
 further his designs. The most signal instance of this 
 rather unscrupulous attack is to be found in the 
 " Roman de Fauvel," composed by Frangois dc Rues. 
 Fauve/, an imaginary being, half-man and half-horse, 
 is represented as a kind of idol before which popes, 
 cardinals, princes, bishops, monks, are prostrated. 
 Every one claims the privilege of torcJier Fairoel 
 (aressing Fauvel), and the expression torcher Fauvel, 
 coined at that epoch, has remained as the synonym 
 of to cabal, to intrigue, to act iinscmpiilously. Fauvel is 
 the embodiment of falsehood, pride, and sensuality. 
 
 *' De Fauvel descent Flaterie, 
 Qui du monde a la seigneurie, 
 Et puis en descent avarice, 
 Qui de torcher Fauvel n'est nice, 
 
 Vilenie et vanite, 
 Et puis envi et fausete." 
 
STATES-GENERAL OF I302. 151 
 
 *' From Fauvel proceeds flattery, 
 Which exercises the lordship in this world ; 
 Thence proceeds also avarice 
 Which has no scruple in caressing Fauvel, 
 
 Vileness and vanity, 
 And then envy and falsehood." 
 
 Of the condemned Templars the poet says : 
 
 *' Helas ! Helas ! c'est bien raison ; 
 Car ils ont, trop longue saison, 
 Cette orde vie demenee ; 
 Si regnassent plus longuement, 
 Crestiente certenement 
 S'en fust partout envenimee. " 
 
 ** Alas ! alas ! it is quite right (that they should be 
 condemned); 
 For they have too long 
 Led this disgraceful life ; 
 If they had reigned for a longer period, 
 Christendom certainly 
 Would have been thoroughly poisoned.'* 
 
 Thus excited, the deputies to the States-General 
 pronounced unanimously the condemnation of the 
 unfortunate Templars, and gave to the unscrupulous 
 despot the full sanction to seize upon the rich prey 
 which he had so long been coveting (May, 1307). 
 All the towns of any importance were represented at 
 Tours as well as all the prelates and the great 
 majority of the nobility. Thus it might be said with 
 a certain amount of plausibility that the entire nation 
 believed in the guilt of the knights, though at the 
 same time the accusation brought against them was 
 utterly false and calumnious. But Philip the Fair 
 was accustomed to such procedure, and already, five 
 years before, when the States-General of 1302 pro- 
 
152 FIFTY-FOUR KNIGHTS BURNT TO DEATH. 
 
 nounced the deposition of Boniface VIII., they had 
 falsified the Papal bull in the most scandalous 
 manner with the view of finding a ground for their 
 accusations. 
 
 Fifty-four Templars were burnt alive in one day at 
 Paris alone, and similar executions took place in all 
 the principal provincial towns. The Pope, at the 
 council of Vienne (13 12), pronounced the suppression 
 of the order throughout Christendom ; their riches 
 were to be handed over to the Knights Hospitallers, 
 but we need scarcely say that Philip the Fair 
 managed to secure a large portion of the spoil. He 
 obtained all the coin found in the chief house of 
 the order, besides t\vo-thirds of the furniture and of 
 the money owing to them, and a considerable amount 
 of landed property. 
 
VIII. 
 
 PHILIP THE FAIR— LOUIS X.— PHILIP V.— CHARLES 
 
 IV. — PHILIP VI. 
 
 (1314-1328.) 
 
 The reign of Philip the Fair was marked, as we have 
 already seen, by events of the most extraordinary, and, 
 we may almost say, the most revolutionary character. 
 The administration of France furnished the king 
 with an opportunity of carrying out his scheme of 
 reforms, and we are bound to say that although his 
 laws were stamped with the mark of despotism, 
 some of them, many of them, we should say, mani- 
 fested a true idea of the principles of government. 
 
 The Paris parliament existed in an elementary 
 form under the reign of Philip Augustus and Saint 
 Louis, but it was reserved for Philip the Fair to give 
 to it a regular constitution, and make of it a real 
 court of justice. By his decree of 1302, he separated 
 the functions of the parliament into three classes, 
 according as they were of a political, judicial, or 
 financial nature. The first belonged to the Council of 
 State {Grand Conseil ox Conseil EU'oii) ; the second fell 
 under the cognizance of the Parliament properly 
 so called ; the third pertained to the Court of Ac- 
 
154 THE PARIS PARLIAMENT. 
 
 counts (Co^ir des comptes). With reference to the 
 parliament, it was definitely constituted by virtue 
 of the ordinances of 1291 and 1302, and comprised 
 three distinct courts {chainbres) :— i. The CJiaiiibre des 
 requetes judged the cases immediately brought before 
 the parliament. 2. The Chambre des enqiietes decided 
 upon the cases -about which an appeal had been 
 made to the parliament. 3. The Grand' Chambre, or 
 Chambre des plaidoiries judged the cases which had 
 been previously examined in the Chambre des enquetes. 
 In addition to the Paris parliament, Philip the 
 Fair had also thought of establishing a special one 
 at Toulouse for the trial of cases amenable to Roman 
 law ; but the resistance which he encountered from 
 the local authorities obliged him to give up his plan, 
 and to be satisfied with annexing to the Paris 
 parliament an additional Chambre des enquetes re- 
 served for the examination of cases which could not 
 be judged according to the principles of feudal 
 legislation. The parliament was to meet twice a 
 year for sessions of two months each, in the building 
 called Palais de la cite, and subsequently known as 
 Palais de justice. The Normandy* Exchequer was 
 retained by Philip the Fair ; founded at the time of 
 the Norman invasion, it had been, up to the four- 
 teenth century, a feudal court peculiar to the 
 province, meeting twice a year, at Easter and 
 Michaelmas, and holding its sessions alternately at 
 Rouen, and Caen. King Philip directed that the 
 sittings of the Exchequer should take place for the 
 future at Rouen exclusively, under the presidency of 
 magistrates appointed by the Crown. Finally, Philip 
 
JEAN BURIDAN. 155 
 
 IV. regularized the grands jours of Champagne held 
 at Troyes, and which used to meet for the trial of 
 cases which the ordinary tribunals were unable to deal 
 with. 
 
 We have now come to the last years of an eventful 
 reign, and it remains for us to notice two episodes 
 of a tragic character which marked its conclusion. 
 
 In his poem entitled " Le grand Testament," the 
 celebrated Villon says : 
 
 " Semblablement ou est la royne 
 Qui commanda que Buridan 
 Fut jette en ung sac en Seine." 
 
 This queen was Marguerite de Bourgogne, wife of 
 Louis le Hutin, who, being found guilty of adultery, 
 was strangled in her prison in 1 3 14, by order of the 
 king. As for Buridan, whether he was tied into 
 a sack or not and cast into the Seine, is still a matter 
 of doubt, the probability being that the whole episode 
 is nothing but an absurd tale. At any rate, he lived 
 to be one of the most distinguished professors in the 
 University of Paris. It is certain, however, that the 
 three daughters-in-law of Philip the Fair led a most 
 scandalous life, and that the Tower of Nesle in Paris 
 was the scene of their crimes. Having been found 
 out, they were arrested and sent to prison. One of 
 them, as, we have just said, was strangled, another 
 committed suicide, and the third was ultimately taken 
 back by her husband. Their accomplices, Gautier 
 and Philip d'Aunay, were flayed alive on the Place 
 de Greve. 
 
 The unfortunate Knights-Templar supply us with 
 
156 LOUIS Y., LE HUTIN. 
 
 materials for the last act of the tragedy. The 
 principal dignitaries of the order had been lingering 
 in prison for the space of six years, and seemed 
 to be forgotten. In 13 13, having been summoned 
 before a pontifical court, they were condemned to 
 seclusion for life. The Grand Master, and another 
 visitor or master, then suddenly recanted all their 
 previous confessions and avowals, says Guillaume de 
 Nangis, to the astonishment of every one. The 
 cardinals who sat on the commission delivered them 
 over to the custody of the Provost of Paris, till a 
 more serious and thorough deliberation had taken 
 place the next day ; but as soon as the noise of that 
 incident had reached the ears of the king, who 
 happened to be in his ro}'al palace, having com- 
 municated with his friends and ivitJioiit summoning 
 the clej'ks, by a prudent advice, in the evening of the 
 same day, he had both Jacques de Molay, the Grand 
 Master, and the other visitor, burnt to death on the 
 same pile in a small island of the Seine, between the 
 royal garden and the church of the Hermit friars 
 of Saint Augustine. (This island is now the place on 
 the Pont-neuf where stands the statue of Henry IV.) 
 M. Michelet, who quotes the narrative of Guillaume 
 de Nangis, adds : " This execution, done without the 
 knowledge of the judges, was evidently a murder." 
 The expression is not too strong. 
 
 Philip the Fair was only forty-six when he died, 
 November 29, 1 3 14, leaving three sons who reigned 
 successively. 
 
 Louis X., le Hutin (the quarrelsome), occupied the 
 throne only for the space of eighteen months (13 14- 
 
ENGUERRAND DE MARIGNY. 157 
 
 1 3 16), and his tenure of office was marked, in the 
 first place, by an abortive expedition against Flanders, 
 and in the second by a feudal reaction which very 
 nearly destroyed the work of Philip the Fair. The 
 barons were particularly anxious to ruin the a//er 
 ego of the late king, Enguerrand de Marigny ; he 
 was accused on the most futile charges, by Charles 
 de Valois, brother of the late king, a violent and 
 meddlesome prince, who put himself forward as the 
 champion of the barons and the avenger of tottering 
 feudalism. It would not have been difficult for 
 Marigny to defend himself, had he been allowed to 
 do so ; but his death was a matter determined upon 
 beforehand, so they brought forward against him 
 a charge from which there was no escape — that of 
 sorcery, and he was hanged in Paris at Monfaucon. 
 His only crime was that of having been Philip the 
 Fair's confidential adviser. Pierre de Latilly, Chan- 
 cellor of France, and Raoul de Presle, Advocate- 
 General, were put to the torture ; Nogaret was ruined. 
 This was the last effort of the feudal system ; it died 
 hard, it died fighting, but its days were over. 
 
 Louis X. left only one daughter : five months after 
 his death, his widow, Clemence of Hungary, had a 
 son, John, who only lived eight days. Was the 
 Princess Jeanne to succeed to the throne ? No, said 
 the Salic law, and accordingly the States-General pro- 
 claimed as king Philip, brother of " the quarrelsome " 
 monarch, who thus became Philip V., surnamed le 
 Long. He was called to the throne in 13 16, after 
 a regency of five or six months. It is curious that 
 whereas the right of inheriting fiefs was recognized 
 
158 THE SALIC LAW. 
 
 by feudal law for women, it was distinctly forbidden 
 in the case of Salic domains, and the question has 
 arisen whether this measure was a wise one or not. 
 M. Duruy remarks (" Histoire de France," voL i. p. 
 382), that several royal houses, that of Austria, for 
 instance, owed their greatness to the opposite principle. 
 The Salic law, excellent as it was to insure the in- 
 dependence of a small state, was less necessary for 
 a powerful monarchy. France was too important 
 to be absorbed by any power, and if we suppose a 
 foreign prince acquiring it by virtue of a marriage, 
 he would have, on the contrary, extended it, by the 
 addition of his own domains. What would have 
 happened, for instance, if Edward III. of England 
 had come to the throne of France, instead of PhiHp 
 V. — Edward, essentially French by his mother, his 
 habits, his language, and part of his possessions, since 
 he was Duke of Guienne, and Count of Ponthieu ? 
 The consequence would have been that, instead of 
 the mere countship of Valois, Guienne, Ponthieu, 
 and, for a time, England, would have become part 
 of the royal domains. A few French barons might 
 have had to yield to English ones, but France would 
 have been spared the hundred years' war. England 
 has never had but foreign kings — Saxons, Danes, 
 Normans, Angevines, Welsh, Scotch, Dutch, Ger- 
 mans ; she is none the worse for that. 
 
 The reigns of Philip V. (13 16-1322), and of Charles 
 IV. (i 322-1328), were not remarkable for military 
 exploits, but for administrative measures of the 
 greatest importance. Laws for the organization 
 of the Court of Accounts, for the improvement of 
 
REFORM OF THE ARISTOCRACY. 159 
 
 trade and commerce, &c., were enacted. Philip V. 
 even planned a scheme for the reform of the monetary 
 system, and the unity of weights and measures. By 
 granting to commoners patents of nobility, Philip 
 v., following the example of Philip the Bold, re- 
 newed the aristocratic element of the nation, en- 
 sured its duration, but, at the same time, destroyed 
 its spirit. Under the feudal regime^ nobility was 
 one of the attributes of military fiefs; when it sunk, as 
 we have already said, to the humiliating condition 
 of a commodity which might be obtained for ready 
 money, its original and distinctive quality completely 
 disappeared. 
 
 At an epoch like the one of which we are treating, 
 when the whole of society seems in a state of transform- 
 ation, it is natural that a great amount of anxiety 
 should manifest itself, and that deeds of violence 
 should frequently occur. The Jews and the lepers 
 fell under suspicion, and crimes were ascribed to 
 them which, utterly groundless as they were, became 
 a reality in the minds of ignorant and prejudiced 
 people. It is easy to understand why the disorder of 
 the finances, the debased character of the coinage, 
 and the various fiscal measures introduced by Philip the 
 Fair should have irritated the nation against the Jews. 
 Nor is it more astonishing that the terrible mortality 
 resulting from misery and imperfect sanitary rules 
 should have made the unfortunate lepers suspected 
 of contemplating the destruction of the population. 
 A plot formed between the Jews and the lepers was 
 seriously supposed to exist ; the Jews were the 
 instigators and the lepers their agents. The Lord 
 
100 ;jfEWS AND LEPERS. 
 
 of Parthenay, says a chronicler, wrote to the king 
 that a certain tall leper, seized on his estates, had 
 confessed having received from a rich Jew some 
 money and some drugs. These were composed of 
 human blood, urine, and consecrated wafers. The 
 whole, thoroughly mixed up, dried and pounded, 
 was placed in small bags, fastened to weights, and 
 thrown into wells and fountains. The same chronicler 
 reports having seen one of these bags ; a leper 
 woman who was passing by, fearing to be caught, 
 threw behind her a bag tied with a string, which 
 was immediately brought before a judge. Being 
 opened, it was found to contain the head of a snake, 
 the feet of a toad, and some woman's hair saturated 
 with a black and stinking liquor. The whole, cast 
 into the fire, did not burn — a sure proof that it was 
 some deadly poison. Excited by such terrible 
 stories, the people rose against the Jews and the 
 lepers, and a great many of them were put to 
 death. 
 
 Nor must we forget a fresh rising of the Pastouremix 
 (1320). As in the days of Saint Louis a number of 
 poor people, shepherds, peasants, assembled them- 
 selves together with the intention, they asserted, of 
 going to the Holy Land, and recovering it from the 
 infidels. Led by an unfrocked priest and a monk 
 they marched into Paris, committing on their way 
 all kinds of violence. At the Chatelet the provost 
 wanted to prevent them from entering ; they threw 
 him headlong from the top of the stairs ; they went off 
 then to the Pre-aux-clercs, where they drew them- 
 selves in battle array. Marching, finally, out of Paris, 
 
CHARLES LE BEL. l6l 
 
 they proceeded southwards till they came to Toulouse. 
 There they were put to flight ; batches of twenty or 
 thirty were sent to the gallows at a time ; the others 
 dispersed and gave up their vain attempt. 
 
 Philip the Fair was carried off by death at the early 
 age of forty-six ; Louis le Hutin at twenty-seven ; 
 Philip the Long at twenty-eight ; Charles the Fair at 
 thirty-four — all in the prime of life. Was this a 
 visitation from heaven on the family of the remorse- 
 less king who had insulted Boniface VI I L, perhaps 
 poisoned Benedict XL, and burnt the Templars 
 alive ? The common people thought so, and saw 
 with a kind of satisfaction the end of a line of kings 
 whose latest representatives had brought such scandal 
 upon the Crown of France. 
 
 About Charles IV. himself (Charles le Bel, 1322- 
 1328) there is little to be said. The great object of 
 his life was to get money, and with this aim in view 
 he had recourse to all sorts of tricks and con- 
 trivances ; the coinage was debased, the Jews were 
 plundered, and on the faith of his promise to organize 
 a Crusade, he obtained from the clergy the equivalent 
 of four years' tithes. Export duties were levied on 
 all goods, public offices were put up for sale, and 
 those who had received gratuitously their appoint- 
 ment to certain posts, that, for instance, of keeper 
 of the seals, were obliged either to give them up or 
 to pay a specified sum fixed by the king. Philip V 
 had issued a decree strictly forbidding the alienation 
 of Crown lands. Charles IV. compelled the owners 
 of such lands to restore not only the value of these 
 lands, but the interest dating from the time of 
 
l62 SEVERITY OF THE PARIS PARLIAMENT. 
 
 purchase. A poem, composed about that time, and 
 called '' Baudouin de Sebourc," shows what the 
 general feeling was about money and the lust of 
 riches. " What is money " {argent), says the author, 
 " and why was it thus named } " The answer does 
 not show a deep acquaintance with etymology, but 
 it is an amusing proof of the irritation then existing 
 against misers and the precursors of Shylock. 
 
 " Un deable d'enfer le fist argent nomme ; 
 Car il art tout le monde, si Ions qu'en set aller, 
 N'est si petit enfes, c'est legier a prouver, 
 S'on li donne un denier, qui n'en laist le plourer." 
 
 " A clerk from hell caused it to be named money, 
 
 For it consumes (L. ardere) the whole world, so far as you can go ; 
 
 And there is not so small a child (this is easily proved) 
 
 Who does not leave off crying, provided you give him a penny." 
 
 Strange to say, the Paris Parliament was no 
 respecter of persons, but sent to the gallows barons 
 as if they were mere commoners. This was the case 
 with Jourdain de Lille, lord of Casaubon, who, 
 although guilty of eighteen capital crimes, had been 
 forgiven by the king. Persisting in his career of 
 wickedness, he was summoned to appear before the 
 court of Parliament. He began by killing the 
 official who delivered the message to him, and then 
 entered Paris with an escort of nobles and lords 
 from Aquitaine. Notwithstanding this piece of im- 
 pertinence, meant to strike the government with awe, 
 Jourdain de Lille was seized, dragged to the gallows 
 at a horses tail, and despatched without further 
 ceremony ; and yet he was nephew of the Pope, and 
 
THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR, 163 
 
 Strenuous efforts had been made by the whole French 
 nobility to obtain once more his pardon. 
 
 Charles IV. favoured the revolution which in 
 England ended in the dethronement of Edward IL, 
 and he received the homage of young Edward III. 
 for the provinces of Guienne and Ponthieu ; he did 
 not live long enough, however, to profit by that 
 revolution. He died nearly at the same time as 
 the English monarch, leaving as regent of the king- 
 dom Philip de Valois, grandson of Philip the Bold. 
 The question of succession to the throne of France 
 was a difficult one to solve. Supposing that the 
 widow of Charles IV. should be confined of a 
 daughter, to whom would that succession belong — 
 to Philip de Valois, or to Edward III. of England, 
 who was grandson of Philip the Fair by his mother 
 Isabeau ? The English put forth their claims in 
 favour of Edward on the ground that if, by virtue 
 of the Salic law, Isabeau was precluded from reign- 
 ing over France, no law whatever extended that 
 prohibition to her son. The argument on the French 
 side was this : Isabeau could not transmit a right 
 which she did not herself possess ; and, besides, even 
 if the principle laid down by the English were 
 admitted, the throne would belong, not to Edward, 
 but to the son of the Duchess of Burgundy, daughter 
 of Philip V. The Hundred Years' War, as it is 
 generally called, had its origin in the difficulty of 
 solving this problem. 
 
 Philip de Valois made himself popular during his 
 regency by certain measures designed for the public 
 benefit, so that when the queen dowager had been 
 
164 REBELLION IN FLANDERS. 
 
 confined of a daughter, he ascended the throne and 
 was anointed king at Reims without much opposi- 
 tion (May 29, 1328). On the 25th of May following 
 he arrested and sent to the gallows Remy, the 
 treasurer of Charles IV. 
 
 Louis, Count of Flanders, was at that time engaged 
 in putting down a rebellion which had broken out 
 amongst the inhabitants of the western part of his 
 domains, chiefly at Bruges and in the neighbourhood. 
 He was present at the consecration of Philip de 
 Valois, and begged for his assistance against the 
 rebels. The King of France readily complied with 
 the wishes of his vassal, and the 7'endezvo2is of the 
 army was fixed at Arras on the festival of St. 
 Magdalen. Out of rivalry against Bruges, Ghent 
 sided with the count ; but sixteen thousand Flemings 
 marched upon Cassel and pitched their tents on the 
 summit of the hill where that town is situated ; they 
 had hoisted a huge banner, on which was painted a 
 cock with the motto : 
 
 ** Quand ce coq ici chantera, 
 Le roi trouve {ihe found, i.e., pretended king) ci entrera." 
 
 They occupied an unassailable position. In order 
 to compel them to leave it, Philip se.nt some forces, 
 which laid waste the territory of Bruges. The leader 
 of the rebels, named Zanekin (Johnny-kin, little 
 John), not being able to restrain the ardour of his 
 men, determined upon offering battle to the French ; 
 but he made use, in the first place, of a stratagem 
 which would enable him to judge how far they were 
 prepared, and whether the victory which the Flemings 
 
BATTLE OF CASSEL. 165 
 
 were confident of gaining would be an easy one. 
 Disguising himself as a fishmonger, he penetrated 
 into the French camp, and found the leaders and 
 barons enjoying themselves as if no danger was near 
 at hand. The Flemings took advantage of this, and 
 rushed upon the French camp. It was three o'clock 
 in the afternoon ; the knights were engaged in 
 playing at dice, and the soldiers were resting around 
 the heaps of forage, laughing and telling humorous 
 anecdotes. The king, who had just dined and was 
 enjoying his siesta, fortunately received from his 
 confessor news that the camp was being attacked. He 
 got on horseback half armed, and the knights rallied 
 around him. The niarsJials of the army were in 
 readiness ; they bore the first brunt, and gave time 
 for the main body to come up. The incidents which 
 had formerly taken place at Mons-en-Puelle were 
 now repeated. The Flemish showed exactly the 
 same hurry, and the French the same want of fore- 
 thought. 
 
 " And on a day they of the garrison of Cassel de- 
 parted out to the intent to have discomfited the king 
 and all his host. And they came privily, without any 
 noise, in three batayles well ordered ; whereof the 
 first batayle took the way to the king's tents, and it 
 was a fair grace that the king had not been taken, for 
 he was at supper, and all his company, and thought 
 nothing of them ; and the other batayle took the strait 
 way to the tents of the King of Behaygne (Bohemia)^ 
 and in manner they found him m like case ; and the 
 third batayle went to the tents of the Earl of Hainault, 
 and in likewise had near taken him. These hosts 
 
1 66 DEFEAT OF THE FLEMINGS. 
 
 came so peaceably to the tents, that with much pain 
 they of the host could awe them, whereby all the 
 lords and their people had been slain, and the more 
 grace of God had not been ; but in manner by miracle 
 of God these lords discomfited all three batayles, each 
 batayle all by itself, all in one hour. In such wise, that 
 out of sixteen thousand Flemings there escaped never 
 a person, captains and all were slain. And the king 
 and lords of France knew not one of another, nor 
 what they had done, till all was finished and atchieved ; 
 for they, in three sundry parties, one from another ; 
 but as for the Flemings, there was not one left alive, 
 but all lay dead on heaps, one upon another, in the 
 said three sundry places." ^ 
 
 The fact is, that either from prudence or pride of 
 displaying their accoutrements, the Flemings, though 
 all infantry, had taken into their heads to wear the 
 heavy armour usually worn by cavalry troops. They 
 were well protected no doubt, but could not move. 
 The Count of Flanders, on his return home, put to death 
 ten thousand more of the rebels in three days. Philip 
 de Valois came back to France followed by fifteen 
 hundred hostages. " I have worked for you," said he, 
 proudly to the Count, " I have worked at my own ex- 
 pense, and at that of my barons ; I restore to you 
 your estates conquered back and in peace ; look to it 
 that justice be kept there, and that I be not obliged to 
 return on account of any failure on your part ; for if I 
 am obliged to return, it will be your loss and my 
 profit." 
 
 These words commended themselves so thoroughly to 
 
 ^ Froissart. 
 
FROISSART. 167 
 
 the attention of the Count of Flanders that he estab- 
 lished in his dominions the reign of terror — inquests, 
 confiscations, tortures of every kind were the order of 
 the day ; the rebellious cities lost their privileges and 
 were dismantled. The military exploits of Philip VI. 
 seemed, even in the eyes of the English, to confirm his 
 pretensions as the lawful King of France. Edward 
 III. came over to Paris, did homage for the Duchy of 
 Guienne, and returned home marvelling at the high 
 state of the Court of France. Surrounded by an 
 array of kings, princes, and barons, Philip gave a series 
 of splendid entertainments, which, if they ruined the 
 country, secured for the monarch the reputation of 
 being the greatest sovereign in Christendom. 
 
 Wars and tournaments, festivities and deeds of high 
 emprise, treaties and marriages ; — what writer would be 
 found to celebrate worthily the /as^i of the decaying 
 Middle Ages? Villehardouin and Joinville had sung 
 of the Crusades, the chronicles of Saint Denis origi- 
 nated, as some suppose, by Suger, were a kind of 
 official record of events ; but it needed some poetical 
 imagination to delineate the life and civilization of the 
 fourteenth century. Froissart presented himself, and 
 has won immortality, thanks to one of the most re- 
 markable chronicles on record. Gifted with a real 
 passion for observing, knowing and relating all that 
 was worth attention, we fancy we can see him travel- 
 ling from spot to spot, making friends everywhere by 
 his agreeable manners, his liv^ely temperament, his 
 talent as a poet, and availing himself of the otiu7n 
 cum digiiitate which he enjoyed for the purpose of 
 taking notes of all the deeds of valour and chivalry 
 
l68 FROISSART. 
 
 which were performed throughout the battlefields of 
 Europe. His own declaration to that effect is quite 
 characteristic : 
 
 " Now consider you who have read my book, or 
 who read it now, or purpose reading it, or who will 
 hear it read, consider, I say, how I can have known or 
 collected so many facts of which I treat, and which I 
 propose in so many parts ; and, to inform you of the 
 truth, I began early, at the age of twenty ; I likewise 
 came into the world with high deeds and adventures ; 
 in these, also, I took more delight than in any other 
 things. ... I travelled throughout the greater part of 
 Christendom, and wherever I went I enquired of 
 ancient knights and squires who had taken part in 
 deeds of arms, and knew how to speak properly of 
 them, and also of certain trustworthy heralds, with 
 the view of verifying and justifying all these matters. 
 Thus it is that I have collected this high and noble 
 history . . . and, by the grace of God, I shall continue 
 it as long as I live ; for the more I am in it, and the 
 more I work at it, the more it pleases me ; for just as 
 the gentle knight or squire who loves arms becomes 
 perfect by persevering and continuing in the same, so 
 I become apt and I enjoy the more I work and toil, 
 on this matter." 
 
 The reader must not seek in the pages of Froissart 
 for that spirit of patriotism which imparts to history 
 its highest value, and makes it so instructive. Although 
 using the French tongue as the medium through which 
 to address the public, Froissart cannot be called a 
 French chronicler ; nay, it is almost a subject of as- 
 tonishment that he did not show greater partiality for 
 
FROISSART. 
 
 169 
 
 the English. The fact is, he was the historian of chi- 
 valry, not of one single nation, and provided he could 
 record the catastrophes of tournaments, battles, or 
 other such daring exploits, his motto was : 
 
 " Tros Rutulusve fuat, nullo discrimine habebo. " 
 
 It may further be remarked, in connection with Frois- 
 
 FROISSART. 
 
 sart, that if all the splendours of feudal society rev^ive 
 in his pages, yet they are the splendours of an order 
 of things on the verge of decay. Villehardouin and 
 Joinville described the power of chivalry ; Froissart 
 gives us its mere brilliancy, its romance, if we may say 
 so. 
 
170 SIR JOHN BOURCHIER ON HISTORY. 
 
 We shall have many an extract to quote from him 
 whom M. Michelet designates as the Walter Scott of 
 the Middle Ages. By way of conclusion to the pre- 
 sent chapter we cannot do better than transcribe a 
 paragraph from his English translator, Sir John 
 Bourchier, Lord Berners : 
 
 "The most profitable thing in the world for the 
 institution of the human life is history. The con- 
 tinual reading thereof maketh young men equal in 
 prudence to old men, and to old fathers stricken in 
 age it ministereth experience of things. More, it 
 yieldeth private persons worthy of dignity, rule, and 
 governance ; it compel leth the emperors, high rulers, 
 and governors to do noble deeds, to the end they may 
 obtain immortal glory ; it exciteth, moveth, and 
 stirreth the strong hardy warriors for the great laud 
 they have after they be dead, promptly to go in hand 
 with great and hard perils, in defence of their country; 
 and it prohibiteth reprovable persons to do mischie- 
 vous deeds, for fear of infamy and shame." 
 
 If such be the uses of history, what a fund of moral 
 instruction can be obtained from the events of that 
 tragic period which, beginning with the reign of 
 Philip VI. and ending with that of Charles VII., 
 brought France and England as bitter enemies on the 
 battle-field, and known by the name of t/ie Hundred 
 Years' Wai I 
 
IX. 
 
 PHILIP VI. (CONCLUDED) — THE HUNDRED YEARS' 
 
 WAR. 
 
 (132B-I350.) 
 
 The Hundred Years' War began, it may be said, in 
 Flanders. Philip VI., who was constantly endeavour- 
 ing to bring Edward III. into trouble, and to check 
 the power of England, had for a long time sys- 
 tematically stirred up the Scotch against the English, 
 and, so far as it was possible for him, helped them in 
 their attempt to assert their independence. After a 
 protracted contest, Edward was successful, and having 
 defeated the Scotch, he immediately set to work to 
 find an opportunity of attacking France. That oppor- 
 tunity soon presented itself. 
 
 Robert, prince of the royal blood by his marriage 
 with one of the daughters of Charles IV., claimed the 
 countship of Artois, which was retained by his aunt, 
 and after her decease, by her daughters. In order to 
 justify his pretensions, he forged certain documents, 
 and bribed false witnesses to give evidence in his 
 favour. The lawsuit resulting from this affair showed 
 that Robert had in all probability poisoned his aunt 
 and one of his cousins. Condemned bv the court of 
 
172 THE BREWER ARTEVELDT. 
 
 peers to lose his domains and to banishment for 
 life (1332), Robert sought refuge in Brabant, and 
 with the view of avenging himself, he practised cer- 
 tain incantations which were to end in the death of 
 John, the son of the King of France. This new 
 misdeed was discovered, and would have resulted in 
 a fresh trial on the ground of sorcery. Now in those 
 days a person convicted of that supposed crime was 
 invariably put to death. Thoroughly frightened, 
 Robert disguised himself, went over to England, 
 presented himself at the court of Edward III., and 
 urged him to go to war against France. 
 
 The Count of Flanders, Louis de Nevers, vassal, 
 as such, of Philip VL, had about this time managed, 
 unfortunately, to excite the animosity of his subjects 
 by extorting money out of them, depriving them 
 of their privileges, and punishing severely all those 
 who offered any resistance. Commercial interests 
 bound England and Flanders closely together, • so 
 that the policy of both countries was identical. Led 
 by a popular chief, the Brewer Arteveldt, the Flemings 
 drove away the Count Louis, and invoked the help 
 of Edward III. (1336). They would have felt some 
 scruple in revolting against their suzerain, the King of 
 France ; accordingly Arteveldt persuaded Edward to 
 assume the title which he had often himself claimed 
 as his own ; and thus in attacking Philip VL, they 
 might say they were taking up arms against a pre- 
 tender and usurper. 
 
 The war in Flanders was fruitless ; if the French 
 were ignominiously defeated in a naval engagement 
 at the Sluys, they proved more fortunate at Saint 
 
Royal Domain L 
 
 Possessions of the King of England _ 
 Feudal Possessions 
 
 y^ 
 
 
THE DUCHY OF BRITTANY, 1 73 
 
 Omer, and Edward met with a check before Tournay 
 (1340). A truce was concluded, and when hostilities 
 recommenced, it was Brittany and no longer Flanders 
 which supplied the pretext. As for Arteveldt, he came 
 to a tragic end. Seeing himself on the point of being 
 discomfited, he attempted to give the sovereignty of 
 Flanders to the young Prince of Wales, thus de- 
 frauding the Count of Flanders of his rights ; but 
 his scheme failed, and he was massacred at Ghent by 
 the populace in 1345. 
 
 The succession to the Duchy of Brittany must now 
 be described, as it led to a renewal of hostilities between 
 France and England. The Duke, John III., had died 
 childless, leaving a niece and a brother. The niece, 
 daughter of an elder brother, had married Charles of 
 Blois, a prince of the royal family of France ; she 
 claimed the Duchy as her lawful inheritance, and had 
 on her side Philip VI., and the French portion of the 
 province. The competitor, John IV. de Montfort, 
 brother of the late duke, was supported by the 
 Breton Bretonnants and the King of England. M. 
 Michelet has given us in his history of France a 
 curious portrait of Charles of Blois, the nominee of 
 Philip ; it is worth quoting here : 
 
 " He went to confession morning and evening, and 
 heard four or five masses daily. He never travelled 
 except accompanied by a chaplain, who carried about 
 with him some bread, wine, and water, in order to 
 celebrate mass on the way. If he saw a priest pass by, 
 he jumped from his horse into the mud. He several 
 times went barefooted in the snow on a pilgrimage to 
 the shrine of Saint Yves, the great saint of Brittany. He 
 
174 CHARLES OF BLOIS. 
 
 used to put pebbles In his shoes, would not allow the 
 vermin to be removed from his hair-cloth, fastened 
 round his waist three ropes with knots which entered 
 into his flesh so that it was piteous to behold. When 
 he said his prayers, he struck his breast so furiously 
 that he became pale and then as green. One day he 
 stopped within two yards of the enemy and ran a 
 great danger, because he wanted to hear mass. At the 
 siege of Ouimper, his soldiers were on the point of 
 being overtaken by the tide * If it is the will of God/ 
 said he, ' the tide can do us no harm.' The town was 
 taken bv storm, and a g^ood number of the inhabi- 
 tants put to the sword. Charles de Blois went first to 
 the cathedral to thank God. He then stopped the 
 massacre." 
 
 The city of Nantes had been besieged by the 
 French ; the Count de Montfort, made prisoner, was 
 taken to Paris, and shut up in the tower of the 
 Louvre. His wife then gave proof of an energy and 
 determination which cannot be praised too much, and 
 Froissart seems to take delight in relating her deeds 
 of courage and of daring. The episodes of the siege 
 of Rennes and of Hennebon may be appropriately 
 quoted as instances both of Jeanne de Montfort's 
 intrepidity and of the chronicler's picturesque talent. 
 
 " When the sweet season of summer approached, 
 the lords of France, and divers others, drew towards 
 Bretayne with a great host, to aid Sir Charles de 
 Blois to recover the residue of the Duchy of Bretayne. 
 They found Sir Charles de Blois in Xantes ; then 
 they determined to lay siege to Rennes ; the Countess 
 of ^lountfort had well prevented the matter, and had 
 
SIEGE OF HENNEBON. 1 75 
 
 set there for captain Sir William of Cadudall Breton. 
 The lords of France came thither, and did much 
 trouble with assaults ; howbeit they within defended 
 themselves so valiantly, that their enemies lost more 
 than they won. . . . When the city of Rennes was 
 given up, the burgesses made their homage and fealty 
 to the lord, Charles of Blois ; then he was counselled 
 to go and lay siege to Hennebon. . . . When the 
 countess and her company understood that the 
 Frenchmen were coming to lay siege to the town of 
 Hennebon, then it was commanded to sound the 
 watch-bell alarm, and every man to be armed and 
 draw to their defence. . . . The countess herself wore 
 harness on her body, and rode on a good courser from 
 street to street, desiring her people to make good de- 
 fence ; and she caused damosels and other women to 
 cut short their kyrtels, and to carr\' stones and pots 
 full of chalk to the walls to be cast down to their 
 enemies. 
 
 " This lady did then a hardy enterprise ; she 
 mounted up to the height of a tower, to see how the 
 Frenchmen were ordered without ; she saw that all the 
 lords, and all other people of the host, were all gone 
 out of their field to the assault : then she took ag^ain 
 her courser, armed as she was, and caused 300 men 
 on horseback to be ready, and she went with them to 
 another gate where there was no assault ; she issued 
 out and her company, and dashed into the French 
 lodgings, and cut down tents, and set fire to their 
 lodgings ; she found no defence there, but a certain 
 of varlets and boys, who ran awa\'. When the lords 
 of France looked behind them, and saw their lodgings 
 
176 TRUCE OF 1346. 
 
 a-fire, and heard the cry and noise there, they re- 
 turned to the field crying, ' Treason ! treason ! ' so 
 that all the assault was left. When the countess saw 
 that, she drew together her company, and when she 
 saw she could not enter again into the town without 
 great damage, she took another way, and went to the 
 castle of Brest, which was not far thence. . . . They 
 of the town (of Hennebon) wist not where the 
 countess was become, whereof they were in great 
 trouble, for it was five days or they heard any 
 tidings. The countess did so much at Brest, that she 
 got together a five hundred spears, and then about 
 midnight she separated from Brest, and by the sun 
 rising, she came along by the one side of the host, 
 and came to one of the gates of Hennebon, the which 
 was opened for her, and therein she entered, and all 
 her company, with great noise of trumpets. . . ." ^ 
 At last a succour from the English caused the siege 
 to be raised. 
 
 The Kings of France and of England were gradu- 
 ally led to take an active personal share in the war ; 
 Edward III. came to Brittany in 1342, and was 
 present at the sieges of Vannes, Rennes, and Nantes. 
 In the meanwhile John of Normandy gathered to- 
 gether an army of upwards of forty thousand men, 
 besides a large number of knights and barons. The 
 forces met at Malestroit, but the deficiency of pro- 
 visions and the inclemency of the weather had caused 
 such an amount of sickness on both sides, that the 
 Papal legates obtained (January 19, 1343) a truce 
 which was to last till Michaelmas, 1346. 
 
 ^ Book i. caps. 79, 80. 
 
DEATH OF CLISSON. 177 
 
 The treachery of which the French king was guilty 
 towards Clisson and fourteen other Breton lords 
 contributed much to strengthen Edward's cause in 
 France. Clisson had been a prisoner in England and 
 had been handsomely treated — too handsomely, per- 
 haps. It is said that the Earl of Salisbury, in order 
 to avenge himself on Edward for seducing his wife, 
 informed Philip of a secret agreement concluded 
 between his master and Clisson. The King of France 
 immediately invited the fifteen Bretons to a tourna- 
 ment, had them arrested and put to death without a 
 trial. The brother of one of them, who happened to 
 be a priest, was exposed on a scaffold and stoned to 
 death by the mob. A short time after the King of 
 France despatched in the same summary way three 
 barons of Normandy ; he tried in vain to seize upon 
 the Count d'Harcourt w^ho contrived, however, to 
 escape, and proved as useful to the English as Robert 
 d'Artois had been. 
 
 Edward resolved upon avenging the death of 
 Clisson, and the war recommenced more determinately 
 than before. The Earl of Derby landed in Guienne, 
 took possession of La Reole and Port Sainte Marie, 
 and advanced as far as Angouleme. The King of 
 England had collected a powerful fleet and wished to 
 penetrate into Southern France, but a storm drove 
 him back to the British Channel, and acting on the 
 advice of the Count d'Harcourt, he disembarked with 
 an army of upwards of thirty thousand men at La 
 Hougue Saint Vast on July 22, 1346, and after having 
 made himself master of a few small towns, he arrived 
 under the walls of Caen on the 26th of the same month. 
 
178 THE ENGLISH IN FRANCE. 
 
 "When they of the town who were ready in the 
 field saw these three batayles coming in good order, 
 with their banners and standards waving in the wind, 
 and the archers, the which they had not been accus- 
 tomed to see, they were sore afraid, and fled away 
 toward the town without any order or good array, for 
 all that the constable could do ; then the Englishmen 
 pursued them eagerly. When the constable and the 
 Earl Tankerville saw that, they took a gate at the 
 entry and saved themselves and certain with them, for 
 the Englishmen were entered into the town ; some of 
 the knights and squires of France, such as knew the 
 way to the castle went thither, and the captain there 
 received them all, for the castle was large. The 
 Englishmen in the chase slew many, for they took 
 none to mercy," ^ "" 
 
 At last the citizens took courage, defended them- 
 selves in their houses, and upwards of five hundred 
 Englishmen had been killed or wounded, when 
 Edward ordered the massacre to cease, promising 
 quarter to every one. Louviers, Pont de I'Arche, 
 Poissy, Vernon, and Saint Germain fell into the power 
 of the English who came within sight of Paris having 
 burnt Bourg la Reine and Saint Cloud. 
 
 In the meanwhile Philip had got together a large 
 army, and was marching against the enemy. Edward 
 re-crossed the Seine at Poissy, and retreated towards 
 the district of Ponthieu, wishing to put himself in 
 safety behind the Somme. All the fords of this 
 river were in the hands of the French, and the one at 
 Blanquetaque, more especially, was defended by one 
 
 ^ Froissart, chapter 124. 
 
BATTLE OF CRESSY, 179 
 
 thousand men-at-arms and five thousand Genoese 
 archers. Edward forced his way through it, but seeing 
 that he could not retreat any further, he halted, pre- 
 pared for a battle and drew up his forces on the slope 
 of a hillock near Cressy (August 27, 1346). 
 
 " The Englishmen, who were in three batayles, 
 lying on the ground to rest them, as soon as they saw 
 the Frenchmen approach, they rose upon their feet, 
 fair and easily, without any haste, and arranged their 
 batayles. . . The lords and knights of France came 
 not to the assembly together, in good order, for some 
 came before, and some came after, in such haste and 
 evil order, that one of them did trouble another. 
 When the French king saw the Englishmen, his blood 
 changed, and he said to his marshals : 'Make the 
 Genoese go before, and begin the battle in the name 
 of God and Saint Denis.' There were of the Genoese 
 cross-bows about a fifteen thousand, but they were so 
 weary of going a-foot that day, a six leagues, armed 
 with their cross-bows, that they said to their con- 
 stables : ' We be not well ordered to fight this day, 
 for we be not in the case to do any great deed of arms; 
 we have more need of rest.' Their words came to the 
 Earl of Alengon, who said : ' A man is well at ease 
 to be charged with such a sort of rascals, to be faint 
 and fail now at most need.' Also the same season 
 there fell a great rain and an eclipse, with a terrible 
 thunder, and before the rain there came flying over 
 both batayles a great number of crows, for fear of the 
 tempest coming. Then anon the air began to wax 
 clear, and the sun to shine fair and bright, the which 
 was right in the Frenchmen's eyes, and on the English- 
 
l80 THE GENOESE ARCHERS. 
 
 men's backs. . . . The English archers stepped for- 
 ward one pace, and let fly their arrows so wholly and 
 so thick, that it seemed snow.; when the Genoese 
 felt the arrows piercing through heads, arms, and 
 breasts, many of them cast down their cross-bows, and 
 did cut their strings, and returned discomfited. When 
 the French king saw them fly away, he said : ' Slay 
 these rascals, for they shall let and trouble us without 
 reason.' Then ye should have seen the men-at-arms 
 dash in among them, and killed a great number of 
 them ; and ever still the Englishmen shot where as 
 they saw thicker press. The sharp arrows ran into 
 the men-at-arms, and into their horses, and many fell, 
 horse and men, amongst the Genoese, and when they 
 were down, they could not rise again ; the press was 
 so thick that one overthrew another " (book i. chap. 
 
 130)- 
 
 The Genoese fought with considerable determina- 
 tion ; but besides the fact that they were tired out by 
 a long march, the heavy rain had utterly spoilt the 
 strings of their cross-bows, and unfitted them for ser- 
 vice. The English archers, more prudent, had 
 unfastened theirs, and concealed them in their head- 
 dresses {cJiaperons). The order given by King Philip 
 to slay the Genoese mercenaries created, as may well 
 be imagined, the greatest confusion, and the English 
 took advantage of this first incident in the day's 
 adventures. One of the most exciting episodes con- 
 nected with the battle of Cressy is the one of which 
 the old King of Bohemia was the hero: we give it here 
 as we find it in Froissart : 
 
 '' The valiant King of Bohemia, called John of 
 
DEATH OF THE KING OF BOHEMIA, l8l 
 
 Luxemburgh, son to the noble emperor Henry of 
 Luxemburgh, for all that he was nigh blind, when he 
 understood the order of the batayle, he said to them 
 about him : ' Where is the Lord Charles, my son ? ' 
 His men said : ' Sir, we cannot tell, we think he be 
 fighting ; ' then he said : * Sirs, ye are my men, my 
 companions and friends in this journey {journee) ; 
 I require you bring me so far forward, that I may 
 strike one stroke with my sword.' They said they 
 would do his commandment, and to the intent that 
 they should not lose him in the press, they tied all 
 the reins of their bridles each to other, and set the 
 king before to accomplish his desire, and so they went 
 on their enemies. The Lord Charles of Bohemia, his 
 son, who wrote himself King of Bohemia, and bore 
 the arms, he came in good order to the batayle ; but 
 when he saw that the matter went awry on their 
 party, he departed, I cannot tell you which way. The 
 king, his father, was so far forward, that he strake a 
 stroke with his sword, yea, and more than four, and 
 fought valiantly, and so did his company ; and they 
 adventured themselves so forward that they were 
 there all slain, and the next day they were found in 
 the place about the king, and all their horses tied each 
 to other " (ibid.). 
 
 Philip VI. was hurried off the field of battle after 
 having experienced a defeat such as had never been 
 heard of before. Eleven princes, eighty knights- 
 bannerets, twelve hundred knights, and thirty thousand 
 soldiers were killed. Accompanied by five gentlemen, 
 the King of France arrived during the night before 
 the castle of Broye, and knocking at the gates, ex- 
 
iSz SIEGE OF CALAIS. 
 
 claimed : "Open ! open ! It is the unfortunate King of 
 France ! " The next day the communes of Rouen and of 
 Beauvais, the retainers of the Archbishop of Rouen, and 
 the troops of the Grand Prior of France, knowing what 
 had happened, came to take part in the battle ; they 
 had lost their way. The English fell upon them and 
 put them to the sword. 
 
 Edward had resolved to carry on to a successful 
 issue the work so triumphantly begun ; he led his 
 army to Calais and besieged the town (September 3, 
 1346). The only way to take it was by famine, for the 
 walls were strong beyond the possibility of making a 
 breach in them. With the prospect of spending several 
 months, perhaps the whole winter under the fortifica- 
 tions of Calais, the English set to work to build a 
 regular town where they settled themselves most 
 comfortably, thoroughly provided with, not only the 
 necessaries, but the luxuries of life. " There was," says 
 Froissart,^ "every thing to sell, and a market place to 
 be kept every Tuesday and Saturday for flesh and fish, 
 mercery ware, houses for cloth, for bread, wine, and all 
 other things necessary, such as came out of England 
 or out of Flanders, and they might buy what they 
 list" (cap. 133). 
 
 Philip VI. of course resolved to do what he could 
 for the relief of Calais, and he set to work to collect 
 an army. Unfortunately, from different causes, the 
 mustering of the troops took a very long time, and it 
 was only in July, 1347, that they were ready ; then all 
 the approaches to the town were either impracticable 
 from the state of the ground, or occupied by the 
 English ; so that the French army had to disperse 
 
BUST ACHE DE SATNT PIERRE. 183 
 
 after having vainly displayed their banners and stan- 
 dards before the unfortunate citizens who, reduced to 
 the last extremity, saw themselves obliged to sur- 
 render at discretion. Edward required that six of 
 the leading citizens should come to his camp in their 
 shirts, with halters round their necks, bringing him 
 the keys of the castle and of the town, and imploring 
 his mercy. Eustache de Saint Pierre, and five friends 
 and relatives of his volunteered to plead on behalf of 
 their fellow citizens, and went off to tie camp under 
 the conduct of Walter de Manny. 
 
 " When Sir Walter presented these burgesses to the 
 king, they knelt down and held up their hands and 
 said : ' Gentle king, behold here we six, who were 
 burgesses of Calais, and great merchants : we have 
 brought to you the keys of the town and of the 
 castle, and we submit ourselves clearly into your will 
 and pleasure, to save the residue of the people of 
 Calais, who have suffered great pain. Sir, we beseech 
 your grace to have mercy and pity on us, through 
 your high nobleness.' Then all the earls and barons, 
 and other that were there, wept for pity. The king 
 looked felly on them, for greatly he hated the 
 people of Calais for the great damages and displea- 
 sures they had done him on the sea before. Then he 
 commanded their heads to be stricken off; then every 
 man required the king for mercy, but he would hear 
 no more in that behalf Then Sir Walter de Manny 
 said: 'Noble king, for God's sake refrain your 
 courage ; you have the name of sovereign nobleness, 
 therefore now do not a thing that should blemish 
 your renown, nor to give cause to some to speak of 
 
184 CALAIS AN ENGLISH COLONY. 
 
 you villanously. Every man will say it is a great 
 cruelty to put to death such honest persons, who 
 by their own will put themselves into your grace to 
 save their company.' Then the king uryed (turned) 
 away from him, and commanded to send for the 
 hangman ; and said : ' They of Calais have caused 
 many of my men to be slain, therefore these shall die 
 in like wise.' Then the queen, being great with 
 child, knelt down, and sore weeping, said : ' Gentle 
 sir, since I passed the sea in great peril, I have desired 
 nothing of you ; therefore now I humbly require you, 
 in the honour of the Son of the Virgin Mary, and for 
 the love of me, that ye will take mercy of these six 
 burgesses.' The king beheld the queen, and stood 
 still in a study a space, and then said : ' Dame, I 
 would you had been as now in some other place ; you 
 make such request to me that I cannot deny you ; 
 therefore I give them to you, to do your pleasure 
 with them.' Then the queen caused them to be 
 brought into her chamber, and made the halters to be 
 taken from their necks, and caused them to be new 
 clothed, and gave them their dinner at their leisure ; 
 and then she gave each of them six nobles, and made 
 them to be brought out of the host in safe-guard, and 
 set at their liberty" (cap. 146). 
 
 The Calaisians were turned out of their city except 
 a few who renounced their nationality, and preferred 
 acknowledging Edward as their king ; Calais became 
 an English colony. Edward seemed to be triumphant 
 everywhere ; the Scotch had been defeated, and 
 Charles de Blois, the ally of the King of France, had 
 been made prisoner at the siege of La Roche de 
 
THE BLACK DEATH. 1 85 
 
 Rien. In the meanwhile the two adversaries were 
 equally weary of the war ; Pope Clement VI. offered 
 his mediation, and on the 28th of September, 1347, a 
 truce was signed which was to last ten months, each 
 of the two kings retaining possession of what he 
 actually got. 
 
 The plague soon came to add its horrors to those 
 entailed by war. The black death, as it was called, 
 after having visited the greater part of Europe, 
 invaded France. In a great many places, the chroni- 
 cler tells us, out of twenty persons, as many as 
 eighteen were carried off. The mortality was such in 
 the Paris hospital (yHotel-Dieii) that for a long time 
 they transported daily five hundred corpses in carts 
 to the cemetery of the Innocents. Again on this 
 occasion the Jews were accused of poisoning the 
 public fountains, they were in many places attacked, 
 murdered, or burnt alive. One-third of the whole 
 population of Europe died of the plague, and in Paris 
 alone eighty thousand persons were fatally struck. 
 
 These dreadful calamities, according to all appear- 
 ances endless, had the natural effect of rousing the 
 people to a state of religious enthusiasm bordering 
 upon frenzy. Hence the Flagellants, who endeavoured 
 to appease the wrath of heaven by the most terrible 
 acts of self-inflicted mortifications. They bore red 
 crosses aloft ; half naked, they scourged themselves 
 with whips in which were fastened iron nails, and 
 went about singing hymns, of which the following is 
 a specimen — 
 
 "Or avant, entre nous tous freres, 
 Battons nos charognes bien fort 
 
l86 PHILIP^ S HOME ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 En remembrant la grant misere 
 
 De Dieu, et sa piteuse moi't, 
 
 Qui fut pris en la gent amere 
 
 Et vendus et trais a tort 
 
 Et bastu sa char {chair) vierge et dere {dear) 
 
 Au nom de ce battons plus fort." 
 
 The Flagellants started from Germany, went to the 
 Netherlands, and entered France by Picardy and 
 Flanders. They numbered nearly eight hundred thou- 
 sand persons at Christmas (1349). They originally 
 recruited their numbers from the peasants and the 
 common people ; later on they were joined by gen- 
 tlemen, noblemen, and even ladies. When the 
 danger was over, or thought to be so, the sense of 
 gloom and despair gave way to a frantic desire of 
 enjoying life, and a thirst for merriment of every 
 description. Nothing was seen but festivals, mar- 
 riages, and christenings. The royal family set the 
 example of such dissipation, and the old king 
 married his son's betrothed. Princess Blanche, his 
 cousin, only eighteen years of age. The young 
 prince took to wife, instead, the heiress of Auvergne 
 and Burgundy, whilst the grandson married the 
 daughter of the Duke de Bourbon. Philip de Valois 
 died soon after (1350). 
 
 If we now turn our attention to the home adminis- 
 tration of Philip VI., we find several points which 
 deserve to be mentioned here. In the first place, let 
 us notice the establishment of the salt tax {gabelle, 
 from the German gabe). By virtue of a decree dated 
 March 20, 1343, the king created for the benefit of 
 the Crown a monopoly of the sale of salt throughout 
 the kingdom. Commissioners were appointed whose 
 
TERRITORIAL ACQUISITIONS, 187 
 
 business it was to establish stores where every family 
 was obliged to supply itself with salt ; a tax was fixed 
 at the discretion of the government, and no one was 
 allowed to sell the quantity left unused after the 
 wants of the family had been fairly and honestly met. 
 The salt tax levied temporarily at first, and sup- 
 pressed for a time in 1356, was definitely reinstated 
 by Charles V., and only done away with in 1790. 
 The utter incapacity of Philip de Valois was apparent 
 from the reckless deeds to which his foolish prodi- 
 gality compelled him to have recourse. He kept 
 altering the coinage, creating fresh taxes, and he even 
 confiscated the property of the Italian merchants 
 settled in France. 
 
 Important territorial acquisitions must likewise be 
 noticed. Humbert IL, Count of Vienne, and known 
 by the title of Dauphin of Viennois, because the 
 family bore a dolphin on their coat of arms, sold his 
 domains to Philip for 120,000 florins (1349). One of 
 the conditions of the transaction was that the eldest 
 son of the King of France should ever henceforth be 
 styled Dauphin. The town of Mont pel Her was like- 
 wise purchased from the King of Majorca. 
 
X. 
 
 JOHN II. — THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR (CON- 
 TINUED) — ETIENNE MARCEL— THE JACQUERIE. 
 (1 35.0-1 364.) 
 
 The reign of King John [Jean le Bon) is one of the 
 most tragic and eventful in the whole history of Mediae- 
 val France. He was in point of character very much 
 like his father — brave but violent, lavish in his expen- 
 diture, impetuous, and reckless. '' Le Bon'' says M- 
 Michelet, " means here the trusting^ the prodigal, the 
 careless. No prince, indeed, had ever before him so 
 nobly flung away the money of the people. He went 
 along, like the man in Rabelais, eating his grapes when 
 they were still unripe, and his corn when it was grow- 
 ing. He made money of everything — wasting the 
 present, drawing upon the future. One might have 
 fancied that he did not suppose he would live long in 
 France. His great resource was the alteration of the 
 coinage ; Philip the Fair and his son, Philip de 
 Valois, had had free recourse to this form of bank- 
 ruptcy. John cast them all in the shade, and he went 
 beyond every bankruptcy, either royal or national, 
 that could ever take place." In the course of one 
 year no less than eighteen variations took place in 
 
CHARLES LE MAUVATS. 189 
 
 the value of the coinage ; in fact, the silver mark in a 
 few months varied from five livres five sols to eleven 
 livres, that is to say, at the rate of cent, for cent. 
 
 Notwithstanding all these arbitrary measures, the 
 public exchequer was empty, and, with the view of 
 procuring money, John decided upon appealing to 
 the nation. The States-General were summoned to 
 meet at Paris in 1365, but they produced no result; 
 for, although in answer to the numerous complaints 
 made by the deputies, some promises were wrung 
 from the king, yet we do not find that they came to 
 any effect. 
 
 In the meanwhile, a third competitor to the throne 
 of France appeared in the person of Charles of 
 Navarre, surnamed /e Maiivais, from his turbulence 
 and his spirit of intrigue. Grandson of Louis X. on 
 his mother's side, Charles le Mauvais might have 
 inherited the throne but for the Salic law. Till he 
 could see his hopes realized, he claimed Champagne 
 and Angoumois. This last province having been be- 
 stowed upon the king's favourite, the Constable de 
 Lacerda, Charles had him murdered ; thereupon 
 John seized the fiefs which the King of Navarre had 
 in Normandy, and Charles went over to England 
 dreading lest something worse should happen to him. 
 
 The truce between France and England had 
 expired, and Edward was only too anxious to begin 
 again a war which had procured to him such advan- 
 tages of every kind. He landed at Calais in August, 
 1355, and ravaged the province of Artois, whilst his 
 son, " The Black Prince," entered France by Bor- 
 deaux, and fared so successfully that he brought from 
 
190 THE STATES-GENERAL. 
 
 Languedoc a thousand waggon loads of booty. The 
 inactivity of the French king during the raids of the 
 English, and the inefficient manner in which he op- 
 posed their progress were scandalous, but no available 
 funds existed to carry on the government, and a fresh 
 appeal to the States-General was absolutely necessary. 
 They met on December 2, 1355. 
 
 Peter de la Forest, Chancellor of Paris and Arch- 
 bishop of Rouen, opened the sitting in the name of 
 the king, and requested the deputies to see together 
 what subsidy they could grant to the Crown, suffi- 
 cient towards defraying the expenses of the war ; and, 
 forasmuch as he had been given to understand that 
 his subjects were very much aggrieved by the altera- 
 tion of the coinage, he promised to establish a strong 
 and durable coinage, if they would only allow him 
 money enough to carry on the war. The deputies 
 selected by the States to return an answer to the king 
 were John de Craon, Archbishop of Reims ; Walter 
 VI., Count de Brienne and Duke of Athens ; and 
 Etienne Marcel, provost of the merchants of Paris, 
 — speaking respectively in the name of the clergy, the 
 nobility, and the commons. These three men in- 
 formed King John that the States would grant him an 
 army of thirty thousand men every year, of which 
 they would bear the expense ; and, in order to pro- 
 cure the necessary money, it was decided, further, that 
 a tax of eight deniers per livre should be paid by 
 all Frenchmen without distinction of rank or pro- 
 fession, besides the salt tax {gabelle) which was to be 
 levied throughout the kingdom. The yield of these 
 contributions was estimated at 5,000,000 livres. 
 
FINANCIAL MEASURES. igl 
 
 In return for these grants, the States-General, 
 actuated by what seemed then an act of extreme 
 boldness, obtained a pledge that the coinage should 
 be restored to its nominal value, that the right of 
 confiscation and seizure till then exercised by the 
 king wherever he sojourned, should be abolished, and 
 that t/iej alone (the States- General^ should have the 
 right to collect and pay the war-tax by the means of 
 agents appointed by themselves. " These measures," 
 M. Duruy observes (" Histoire de France"), " amounted 
 to a revolution, for the collecting of the taxes and the 
 care of controlling the expenses are an essential part 
 of the rights of sovereignty." 
 
 The notion of paying taxes was as hateful to the 
 nobles as it was new and unheard of, and the two 
 most conspicuous heads of the opposing party were 
 the King of Navarre and his friend Count d'Har- 
 court. The king, hearing of this, exclaimed, " I am, 
 and mean to be, the sole master in France," and 
 caused the two malcontents to be arrested at Rouen, 
 at a festival given to them and to a number of lords 
 by the Dauphin Charles. The King of Navarre was 
 thrown into prison, and the Count d'Harcourt was 
 beheaded. 
 
 In the meanwhile, the Prince of Wales had taken 
 the field at the head of two thousand men-at-arms, 
 and six thousand archers ; he had crossed the Garonne 
 and Dordogne, and laid waste the provinces of Au- 
 vergne, Rouergue, Limousin, and Berry. The King 
 of France met him near Poitiers ; he had under his 
 orders one of the most brilliant armies that France 
 had ever raised. There were, besides his four sons, 
 
192 BATTLE OF POITIERS. 
 
 twenty-six dukes and counts, one hundred and forty 
 knights-bannerets, and about fifty thousand soldiers, 
 of which a large number were horsemen lothed in 
 steel armour. John had arrived on the battlefield 
 before the Prince of Wales, and had thus cut him off 
 from the road to Bordeaux and from communications 
 with the South of France. If he had only waited 
 patiently, the English would have been starved, but 
 John thought it most knightly to force a passage 
 through the enemy. 
 
 There was only a narrow path by which to arrive at 
 the army of the Prince of Wales ; the king sent there 
 a detachment of mounted soldiers. " Then," says 
 Froissart, " the battle began on all parts . . . and 
 they set forth that were appointed to break the array 
 of the archers ; they entered a-horseback into the 
 W'dy, where the great hedges were on both sides, set 
 full of archers. As soon as the men-at-arms entered, 
 the archers began to shoot on both sides, and did 
 slay and hurt horses and knights, so that the horses 
 when they felt the sharp arrows, they would in no 
 wise go forward, but drew aback, and flung and took 
 on so fiercely that many of them fell on their masters, 
 so that for press they could not rise again, insomuch 
 that the marshal's batayle could never come at the 
 prince. Certain knights and squires that were well- 
 horsed passed through the archers, and thought to 
 approach to the prince, but they could not " (cap. 162), 
 
 The English then descended the hill. " The Lord 
 Charidos said to the prince, ' Sir, take your horse and 
 ride forth ; this journey is yours. God is this day in 
 your hands ; get in to the French king's batayle, for 
 
ERRORS AND BRAVERY OF THE KING. 1 93 
 
 there lieth all the sore of the matter. I think, verily, 
 by his valiantness, he will not fly ; I know we shall 
 have him by the grace of God and Saint George, so 
 he be well fought withal ; and, sir, I heard you say 
 that this day I should see you a good knight' The 
 Prince said, ' Let us go forth ; ye shall not see me 
 this day return back ; ' and said, ' Advance, banner, in 
 the name of God and of Saint George " {ibid}) 
 
 " When the Duke of Normandy's batayle saw the 
 prince approach, they thought to save themselves, and 
 so the duke and the king's children, the Earl of 
 Poitiers and the Earl of Touraine, who were right 
 young, believed their governors, and so departed from 
 the field, and with them more than eight hundred 
 spears that stroke no stroke that day " {ibid?) 
 
 This sudden and unlooked-for defection was terrible 
 for the French. King John had committed gross 
 blunders, first, by attacking the English prematurely ; 
 and, next, by employing cavalry in a position where 
 horses could not stand the shots of the archers; but 
 he did prodigies of valour, and Froissart bears wit- 
 ness to his personal courage. " On the French part," 
 he says, " King John was on that day a full right 
 good knight ; if the fourth part of his men had done 
 their devoirs as well as he did, the journey had been 
 his by all likelihood ; " and, further on, " King John 
 with his own hands did that day marvels in arms ; he 
 had an axe in his hands, wherewith he defended him- 
 self, and fought in the breaking of the press." By his 
 side was his son who won the surname of the bold {le 
 hardi), and who kept saying, * Father ! ware right ! 
 Father ! ware left ! ' " 
 
194 KING JOHN SURRENDERS, 
 
 The rout was complete, and lasted till the gates of 
 Poitiers. " There were many slain and many beaten 
 down, horse and man ; for they of Poitiers closed 
 their gates and would suffer none to enter ; where- 
 fore, in the street before the gate, there was horrible 
 murder, more hurt and beaten down ; the Frenchmen 
 yielded themselves as far as they might know an 
 Englishman ; there were divers English archers who 
 had four, five, or six prisoners. . . . Then there was 
 a great press to take the king, and such as knew him 
 cried, ' Sir, yield you, or else ye are but dead ! ' There 
 was a knight of Saint Omer, retained with wages with 
 the King of England, called Sir Denis of Morbecke, 
 who had served the Englishmen five years before, 
 because in his youth he had forfeited the realm of 
 France for a murder that he did at Saint Omer. It 
 happened so well for him that he was next to the 
 king, when they were about to take him ; he stepped 
 forth into the press, and, by strength of his body and 
 arms, he came to the French king and said, in good 
 P>ench, ' Sir, yield you ! ' The king beheld the knight, 
 and said, ' To whom shall I yield me ? Where is my 
 cousin the Prince of Wales .? If I might see him I 
 would speak with him.' Denis answered and said : 
 ' Sir, he is not here ; but yield you to me, and I shall 
 bring you to him.' ' Who be you ? ' quoth the king. 
 ' Sir,' quoth he, ' I am Denis of Morbecke, a knight of 
 Artois ; but I serve the King of England, because I 
 am banished the realm of France, and I have for- 
 feited all that I had there.' Then the king gave him 
 his right gauntlet, saying, ' I yield me to you.' There 
 was a great press about him, so that the king could 
 
FRONT ENTRANCE OF NOTRE DAME, AT POITIERS. 
 
196 THE FRENCH KING IN ENGLAND. 
 
 not go forwards with his young son, the Lord Philip, 
 with him because of the press " (cap. 164). 
 
 Eleven thousand Frenchmen were left dead on the 
 field of battle ; the English had only lost two thousand 
 fiAe hundred. They had three times as many prisoners 
 as there were soldiers to keep them. Thirteen counts, 
 one archbishop, seventy barons, and two thousand men- 
 at-arms, besides a large number of common soldiers 
 had surrendered, and the question now was how to 
 dispose of them. They were dismissed on giving 
 their word that they would come to Bordeaux at 
 Christmas-tide, and pay the stipulated price for their 
 ransom or remain captives. King John was treated 
 more courteously by the Prince of Wales, who felt 
 the importance of the prize which fortune had thus 
 unexpectedly placed within his hands. 
 
 " The same day of the battle, at night, the prince 
 made a supper in his lodging to the French king, and 
 to the most part of the great lords that were prisoners ; 
 . . . and always the prince served before the king as 
 humbly as he could, and would not sit at the king's 
 board, for any desire that the king could make ; but 
 he said he was not sufficient to sit at the table with 
 so great a prince as the king was ; but then he said 
 to the king : " Sir, for God's sake, make no evil nor 
 heavy cheer, though God this day did not consent to 
 follow your will ; for, sir, surely the king, my father, 
 shall bear you as much honour and friendship as he 
 may do, and shall accord with you so reasonably, that 
 you shall ever be friends together after'" (cap. 108). 
 
 The King of France was treated with the same 
 courtesy during the whole of the journey from 
 
TRAVELS TO WINDSOR. 197 
 
 Poitiers to London. " When the King of England 
 knew of their coming, he commanded them of Lon- 
 don to prepare themselves and their city to receive 
 sucJi a man as the French king was ; then they of 
 London arrayed themselves by companies, and the 
 chief masters' clothing different from the others. At 
 St. Thomas of Canterbury the French king and the 
 prince made their offerings, and there tarried a day ; 
 and then rode to Rochester, and there tarried that 
 day, and the next day to Dartford, and the fourth 
 day to London, where they were honourably received, 
 and so they were in every good town as they passed. 
 The French king rode through London on a white 
 courser, well apparelled, and the prince on a little 
 black hobby by him ; thus he was conveyed along 
 the city till he came to the Savoy, the which house 
 pertained to the heritage of the Duke of Lancaster. 
 There the French king kept his house a long season. 
 . . . xA.nd after, by the commandment of Pope Inno- 
 cent VI., there came into England the Lord Talley- 
 rand, Cardinal of Perigord, and the Lord Nicholas, 
 Cardinal d'Urgel ; they treated of a peace between 
 the two kings, but they could bring nothing to effect ; 
 but at last by good means they procured a truce 
 between the two kings and all their assisters, to 
 endure till the feast of St. John the Baptist, in the 
 year of our Lord God 1359; and out of that truce 
 was excepted the Lord Philip of Navarre and his 
 allies the Countess of Montfort, and the Duchy of 
 Bi-ittany. Anon after, the French king was removed 
 from the Savoy to the Castle of Windsor, and all his 
 household ; and went a-hunting and a-hawking there- 
 
ig8 MARCEL AND LECOQ. 
 
 about at his pleasure, and the Lord Philip, his son, 
 with him ; and all the other prisoners abode still in 
 London, and went to see the king at their pleasure, 
 and were received all only on their faiths " (cap. 
 
 173). 
 The behaviour of the nobles was beginning to 
 
 excite great dissatisfaction amongst the common 
 
 people, who accused them both of cowardice and of 
 
 spending on themselves the money raised for the 
 
 carrying on of the war. The princes of the royal 
 
 family shared this want of confidence ; the Dauphin 
 
 Charles had fled from the battle-field by his father's 
 
 order, well and good. But why did he take away 
 
 with him 800 lances ? Why did the Duke d'Orleans 
 
 move off with his entire " batayle " before they had 
 
 had the chance of fighting the enemy ? 
 
 It was in the midst of all this excitement that the 
 Dauphin Charles, young and sickly, arrived in Paris 
 on the 29th of September, took the reins of power as 
 lieutenant for the king, and called a meeting of the 
 States-General for Monday, October 17th. 
 
 Two very popular men — Etienne Marcel, Provost of 
 the merchants, and Robert Lecoq, Bishop of Laon 
 — took the lead in the opposition made by the people 
 to the government of the Dauphin. They were both 
 scandalized by the dilapidations which were going on 
 around them, and the prelate, an ambitious man, who 
 had expected to be appointed Chancellor of France, 
 hated the royal family for not taking notice of his 
 supposed claims, and made no secret of his sympathy 
 for Charles de Navarre. Marcel carried out, with the 
 Dauphin's consent, a plan for the better fortification 
 
"la GRANDE ORDONNANCE. igg 
 
 of Paris, and managed to infuse into the States- 
 General the spirit of patriotism by which he himself 
 was animated. They aimed at nothing else but the 
 direction of the government ; and when they pledged 
 themselves to furnish the money necessary for the 
 prosecution of the war, they, in their turn, imposed 
 conditions which thoroughly frightened the Dauphin. 
 Rather than find himself in subjection to the States- 
 General, he preferred going without money, and, 
 giving as a pretext the necessity in which he was of 
 consulting the emperor, he broke up the assembly, 
 and ordered the members to retire to their own homes. 
 His real object was to appeal separately to all the 
 large towns for help, and having signally failed, he is- 
 sued, before starting for Metz, where he was to meet the 
 emperor, a decree altering once more the value of the 
 coinage. The result was a general rising ; and King 
 John having annulled all that the States-General had 
 done, the rising assumed the proportions of a revolu- 
 tion. It is then that Etienne Marcel, unable to obtain 
 from the Dauphin any satisfactory answer to the 
 complaints of the people, sought the assistance of 
 Charles /e Maiivais. What has been called the great 
 edict {la grande ordonnance^ of 1357 was a remarkable 
 document, and its seventy-one articles contained plans 
 of reforms which were very much needed ; but it was 
 essentially Parisian in its origin, and as such did not 
 excite much sympathy beyond the walls of the 
 metropolis. However, Marcel was the real King of 
 France, and in the almost universal disorder he 
 seemed the only person who had any energy left. On 
 the day after the decree had been issued ordering a 
 
200 REVOLUTION IN PARIS. 
 
 fresh alteration in the coinage, he assembled all the 
 trade corporations in arms, and, accompanied by them, 
 went to the hotel where the Dauphin resided. Then 
 going up to the young prince's room, to ask him to 
 provide at last for the defence of the realm, and to 
 protect the people from the violence of the soldiery, 
 "I would readily do it," answered the Dauphin, "if I 
 could ; but the keeping of the realm should belong to 
 him who enjoys the rights and profits." Many bitter 
 words were exchanged, and, finally. Marcel said to the 
 prince, " Sir, you must not be astonished at any inci- 
 dent you shall see ; but it is necessary that the thing 
 should be done." Then, turning to some of those 
 who had followed him : " Come," said he, " do quickly 
 that for which you came here." The mob rushed 
 immediately upon the Marshals of Champagne and of 
 Normandy, the two principal advisers of the Dauphin, 
 and murdered them so close to him that his dress was 
 stained with blood. Charles, frightened, begged of 
 Marcel to spare him. The Provost assured him that 
 he ran no danger ; however he put on the Dauphin's 
 head his cap, which was red and blue — the colours of 
 the city of Paris ; and then, addressing the mob from 
 the town-hall, he told then what had been done to the 
 two marshals, those arrant traitors. The populace* 
 crowding the Place de Greve, shouted : " We own the 
 fact, and we shall stand by you ! " On his return to 
 the palace, Marcel found the Dauphin overwhelmed 
 with terror and with grief " Do not be distressed, my 
 Lord," said he ; " what has happened is the will of the 
 people." 
 
 Against this formidable movement of the Paris 
 
REACTION IN THE PROVINCES. 20I 
 
 bourgeoisie a reaction could not but take place. The 
 other towns were far from sympathizing with it, and 
 we need scarcely say that the nobles cordially hated it. 
 Under the pretext of presiding over the States of 
 Champagne held at Provins, the Dauphin left Paris, 
 and was promised the support of the barons both 
 belonging to the province and to Vermandois. He 
 managed to raise seven hundred lances, and at their 
 head laid waste the country, occupying in succession 
 Meaux, Melun, Saint Maur, the bridge of Charenton, 
 and stopping all the supplies arriving towards Paris by 
 the Upper Seine and the Marne. On his side, Marcel 
 had taken possession of the Louvre, fortified the 
 metropolis, and provided all the streets with chains, 
 which, when stretched from one side to the other, 
 could stop the progress of the troops ; he had also 
 raised an army of mercenary soldiers. 
 
 The peasants were those who had to suffer most 
 from the disturbed state of the country. The towns 
 and castles were comparatively safe from the attacks 
 of the roiitiers ; the villages, on the contrary, could 
 afford no resistance. The enemies, like a storm, passed 
 on, plundering and robbing whatever came in their 
 way ; the French troops came next ; they had to live, 
 and as payment on their part was a matter of im- 
 possibility, they accomplished the ruin of those whom 
 they were supposed to defend. The barons, too, must 
 needs indemnify themselves for the losses they had 
 sustained ; they had to pay their own ransom and 
 that of their families, to maintain a large band of 
 men - at - arms, to keep stores and provisions of 
 every kind. For all these requirements the peasants 
 
202 JACQUES BONHOMME. 
 
 were made answerable ; until one fine day, Jacques 
 Bonhomme (that was the common nickname given to 
 the French peasantry) could bear it no longer, and 
 hearing that the bourgeoisie had risen against the 
 nobles, he thought he would join in the fray. 
 
 " Cessez, cessez, gens d'armes et pietons 
 De piller et manger le Bonhomme, 
 Qui de longtemps Jacques Bonhomme 
 Se nomme." 
 
 This complaint, expressed in a rude poetical form, was 
 followed by deeds of the most brutal character. The 
 men of Beauvais, in Picardy, were the first to rise, and 
 after a while they gathered together both in Cham- 
 pagne and in Picardy to the number of one hundred 
 thousand, finding an unexpected and welcome ally in 
 Etienne Marcel, who was anxious to counteract the 
 power of the Dauphin. Taken in the first instance by 
 surprise, the nobles and barons soon recovered their 
 firmness, and began against the Jacques a war which 
 admitted of no mercy, and was relentlessly carried on. 
 In a few weeks the peasants were exterminated. 
 
 Deprived of his new allies, Marcel then tried to 
 secure the co-operation of the King of Navarre, whom 
 he had got out of prison, and for whom he had 
 obtained the title of Captain of the City of Paris. 
 But was it quite safe to trust a prince who had 
 powerfully help to slaughter the revolutionists and to 
 stamp out the Jacquerie ? Evidently no, for Charles 
 de Navarre was at the very time negotiating with the 
 Dauphin, who promised to satisfy all his claims, and, 
 further, to give him 400,000 florins if he would only 
 open to him the gates of Paris and surrender Etienne 
 
MARCEL AND CHARLES LE MAUVAIS. 203 
 
 Marcel into his hands. The Provost, driven to ex- 
 tremities, and anxious to save the revolutionarv move- 
 ment, determined upon substituting to the reigning 
 family of France the representation of the younger 
 branch, and accordingly he promised to Charles /e 
 Mauvais^ that he would allow him access to the gate 
 and bastile Saint Denis. The prince would thus 
 make himself master of Paris, put to death all his 
 enemies whose houses were specially marked with a 
 distinctive sign, and get himself proclaimed king. 
 The carrying out of the plot was fixed for the night 
 between the 31st of July and the ist of August. 
 
 " The same night that this should have been done 
 God inspired certain burgesses of the city, such as 
 were always of the Duke's party, such as John 
 Maillart, and Simon his brother, and divers others, 
 who by divine inspiration, as it ought to be sup- 
 posed, were informed that Paris should be that night 
 destroyed. They incontinent armed themselves, and 
 showed the matter in other places, to have more aid ; 
 and a little before midnight they came to the gate 
 Saint Antoine, and there they found the Provost of 
 the merchants with the keys of the gates in his hands. 
 Then John Maillart said to the Provost, calling him 
 by his name : * Stephen, what do you here at this 
 hour } ' The Provost answered and said : ' John, 
 what would ye } I am here to take heed to the town, 
 whereof I hav^e the governing.' ' By God,' said John, 
 ' ye shall not go so : ye are not here at this hour for any 
 good, and that may be seen by the keys of the gates 
 that ye have in your hands. I think it be to betray 
 the town.' Quoth the Provost, ' John, ye lie falsely.' 
 
204 MURDER OF ETIENNE MARCEL. 
 
 ' Nay,' said John ; ' Stephen, thou liest falsely like a 
 traitor,' and therewith struck at him, and said to his 
 company : ' Slay the traitors ! ' Then every man 
 struck at them ; the Provost would have fled, but 
 John Maillart gave him a blow with an axe on the 
 head, that he fell down to the earth, and yet he was 
 his gossip ; and left not till he was slain, and six of 
 them that were there with him, and the others taken 
 and put in prison. 
 
 " Then people began to stir in the streets, and John 
 Maillart, and they of his accord, went to the gate of 
 Saint Honore, and there they found certain of the 
 Provost's sect, and then they laid treason to them, 
 but their excuses availed nothing. 
 
 "There were divers taken, and sent into divers 
 places to prison, and such as would not be taken were 
 slain without mercy. The same night they went and 
 took divers in their beds, such as were culpable of the 
 treason, by the confession of such as were taken. 
 
 "The next day John Maillart assembled the most 
 part of the Commons in the market hall, and there 
 he mounted on a stage, and showed generally the 
 cause why he had slain the Provost of the merchants ; 
 and then, by the counsel of all the wise men, all such 
 as were of the sect of the Provost were judged to the 
 death, and so they were executed by divers torments 
 of death. Thus done, John Maillart, who was then 
 greatly in the grace of the Commons of Paris, and 
 other of his adherents, sent Simon Maillart and two 
 masters of the Parliament ... to the Duke of 
 Normandy, being at Charenton. They showed the 
 Duke all the matter, and desired him to come to 
 
STATE OF FRANCE. 205 
 
 Paris to aid and to counsel them of the city from 
 thenceforth, saying that all his adversaries were dead. 
 The Duke said, ' With right a good will,' and so he 
 came to Paris, and with him Sir Arnold D'Andehen, 
 the Lord of Roy, and other knights ; and he lodged 
 at the Louvre." ^ 
 
 The situation of France was terrible, disorder 
 reigned everywhere, and the usual accompaniments 
 of war — famine and pestilence — were threatening the 
 kingdom. Negotiations had been opened by King 
 John with England, but they were of so humiliating 
 a nature that the Dauphin refused to sanction them, 
 and accordingly Edward invaded France once more 
 (1359). He was himself beginning to get weary of 
 this constant fighting, and the obstinate resistance he 
 met with at every step he took, resistance made more 
 obstinate by despair, discouraged him. There was no 
 glory to be obtained, because there was no pitched 
 battles ; no plunder to expect, because everything was 
 either taken already, or concealed safely behind the 
 walls of the fortresses. 
 
 The following episode has often been quoted, but 
 it deserves to be recorded again as a touching and 
 curious illustration of the way in which the war was 
 now carried on. It is related by the chronicler^ Jean 
 de Venette. 
 
 " There is a strong place in a small village called 
 Longueil, near Compiegne. The inhabitants, seeing 
 that they would run into danger if the enemy were 
 to take possession of that place in their neighbour- 
 hood, occupied it with the permission of the Abbot of 
 
 ^ Froissart, cap. 187. 
 
2o6 LE GRAND FERRE. 
 
 Saint Corneille of Complegne, to whom it belonged, 
 and of the Regent. They provided themselves with 
 arms and victuals, selected one of themselves as cap- 
 tain, and promised to the Lord Duke that they would 
 defend their fortress to the last. Others came from 
 the neighbouring villages. The captain was a tall, 
 handsome man, by name Guillaume des Alouettes. 
 He took as his servant another peasant, quite his 
 match, a man of incredible strength of limbs, well- 
 proportioned despite his stature, full of boldness and 
 of vigour, and in his great body having a very low 
 opinion of himself He was called le grand Ferre. 
 They therefore assembled in that place, two hundred 
 in number, all agriculturists, or earning their liveli- 
 hood by manual labour. The English, who held the 
 castle of Creil, hearing what sort of men they were, 
 went to Longueil full of contempt, and without pre- 
 caution, saying : ' Let us drive away those rustics, and 
 take possession of the place.' Two hundred of them 
 had arrived unnoticed ; finding the gates open, they 
 walked boldly into the yard, when the unskilled 
 soldiers of the garrison were still upstairs, looking out 
 of the windows, and quite stupified at seeing the place 
 full of armed men. The captain descended with some 
 of his fellows, and began to strike ; but soon sur- 
 rounded by the English, he was killed. The grmid 
 Ferre and his companions said to one another : ' Let 
 us come down, and sell our lives dearly, for we have 
 no mercy to expect' They assembled in good order, 
 and sallying forth from several gates, they began to 
 knock upon the English just as if they were engaged 
 in their ordinary task of threshing the corn. The 
 
THE ENGLISH AT LONGUEIL. 207 
 
 arms rose in the air, fell down upon the English, and 
 every blow was mortal. ^\\^ grand Ferre^ brandishing 
 his heavy axe, did not touch one but he cleft his 
 heavy helmet or struck off his arms. Behold all the 
 English taking to flight ; several jumped into the 
 moat and were drowned. The grand Ferre killed 
 their standard-bearer, and told one of his followers to 
 carry the standard into the moat. His men showing 
 him a number of English still between himself and 
 the moat : ' Follow me,' said le grand, and he went for- 
 ward, plying his axe right and left till the banner had 
 been cast into the water. He had killed on that day 
 upwards of forty men. . . . On the morrow the Eng- 
 lish came in great numbers to attack Longueil ; but 
 the people of the village no longer dreaded them, and 
 they ran to meet them, the gi^and Ferre at their head. 
 Several English noblemen were taken, and would 
 have paid large ransoms if the peasants had, like the 
 nobles, offered them the option ; but they killed them 
 in order that they might do no more harm. On this 
 occasion the grand Ferre, heated by his work, drank 
 a good deal of cold water, and was seized with fever. 
 He went to the village, reached his cottage, and took 
 to his bed, not, however, without keeping by his side 
 his good iron axe, which an ordinary man could not 
 raise. Having heard that he was ill, the English sent 
 one day twelve men to kill him. His wife seeing them 
 come from a distance, ran to his bed saying : ' Ah ! 
 my Ferre, here are the English ! I really believe 
 that they are looking out for you. What is to be 
 done ? ' He immediately forgetting his illness got 
 up quickly, took his axe and went into his small yard 
 
208 PEACE OF BRETIGNY, 
 
 ^Ah! thieves!' said he; ' so you have come to take 
 me in my bed ? You have not caught me yet ! ' And 
 in his wrath he killed five of them in a moment ; the 
 other seven took to flight. The victor went to bed 
 again ; but being very hot, he drank more cold water. 
 Fever again seized him, and after a few days, the 
 grand F err e \^{\. this world, having received the sacra- 
 ments of the Church, and was buried in the village 
 cemetery." 
 
 This noble example and other similar ones did 
 more than anything else to arouse patriotism in many 
 faint hearts ; even Charles le Maitvais yielded ; he 
 made his peace with the Regent, and declared that his 
 only wish now was to prove himself a good Frenchman. 
 
 Meanwhile the negotiations which had begun came, 
 after a long time, to a satisfactory result, and peace 
 was signed at the hamlet of Bretigny, near Chartres, 
 on the 8th of May, 1360. Guienne, Poitou, Saintonge, 
 Angoumois, Limousin, Calais, Guines, Montreuil, and 
 the whole of Ponthieu were abandoned to England ; 
 the King of France had, moreover, to pay a sum of 
 3,000,000 crowns (about 250,000,000 francs). He 
 had been brought back to Calais, but recovered his 
 liberty only on disbursing a first instalment of 
 500,000 crowns, and delivering into the hands of the 
 English about one hundred hostages, including his 
 second and his third son, his brother, twenty of the 
 highest barons of France, and thirty-eight notable 
 burgesses belonging to the principal cities of the 
 kingdom. The money formed part of a sum of 
 600,000 gold florins given by Galeazzo Visconti as 
 the price of the hand of the young princess, Isabel 
 
DEATH OF THE RING. 209 
 
 of France, whom he obtained as a wife for his son 
 Giovanni Galeazzo. 
 
 It was with feehngs of the bitterest sorrow that the 
 inhabitants of the provinces ceded to England 
 received the news of their no longer being French 
 citizens, and in some places this sorrow led to de- 
 hberate acts of resistance. John, however, went 
 through France, in order to take possession of the 
 Duchy of Burgundy, which became his by right of 
 inheritance, on account of the death of Philippe de 
 Rouvres, and which he made over to his son Philip 
 the Bold. Visiting the Pope at Avignon, he had been 
 nearly persuaded by him to attempt another Crusade, 
 when he heard that one of his sons, the Duke 
 d'Anjou, had escaped from the hands of the English, 
 with whom he had been left as hostage. Resolving 
 most loyally to take his place, John returned to 
 London and spent the winter of 1343 in festivities 
 which ended by killing him. He died April 8, 1364, 
 at the early age of forty-four. He had created in 
 135 1 the first official order of knighthood, the Order 
 of the Star {VEtoik) which served as a pattern for the 
 Order of the Golden Fleece {toison d'or) instituted in 
 1439 by the Duke of Burgundy. 
 
XL 
 
 CHARLES V. THE WISE, AND FIRST PART OF THE 
 REIGN OF CHARLES VL 
 (1 364-1 392.) 
 
 Charles V. was twenty-seven years old when he 
 succeeded his father. Delicate in his constitution, 
 unable to stand any fatigue, so weak that many 
 people suspected him to have been poisoned by 
 Charles de Navarre, he seemed hardly the man to 
 cope with the difficulties of the situation in which he 
 was placed. His tastes, besides, were for study and 
 literature ; he spent his time at the castle of Vincennes, 
 or in Paris at the Hotel Saint Pol, in the company of 
 '• solemn clerks " (c/ercs solennels), astrologers, and 
 philosophers. Would such a king be able to conquer 
 France from the English, and to hoist up the 
 oriflamme 1 Fortunately a whole school of captains 
 had arisen who understood that war is a science, and 
 that, although personal courage is indispensable, the 
 knowledge of tactics and of strategy is not less so. 
 Bertrand Duguesclin and Olivier de Clisson, Marshal 
 Boucicault, Louis de Chalons, Le Begue de Vilaines, 
 the lords of Beaujeu, Pommiers et Reyneval, were the 
 most distinguished of that band of soldiers, especially 
 
AUTHORITIES FOR THE REIGN OF CHARLES V. 211 
 
 Duguesclin and Boucicault, whose high deeds have 
 been described to us in two works still reckoned 
 amongst the monuments of mediaeval literature. 
 The " Livre des faicts du mareschal de Boucicault" 
 (i 368-1421) is the interesting record of a life full of 
 adventures which read like the old chansons de geste ; 
 the " Roumant de Bertrand du Glasquin," as the title 
 sufficiently shows, must be considered less as a 
 biography than as an epic, in which imagination has a 
 large share ; and the purpose of which is to rouse up 
 the courage of the " good French knights." A third 
 work remains to be mentioned, connected with the 
 history of the reign ; we mean Christine de Pisan's 
 " Livre des faits et bonnes moeurs du Roi Charles V.," 
 which brings before us in all their curious details the 
 character, the manners, and the habits of a good and 
 wise king. 
 
 Charles de Navarre had very soon forgotten the 
 promise he had made of being 2in bo7i Francais for 
 the future, and he was once again threatening the 
 realm ; but his attitude was no justification whatever 
 of the treacherous way in which his two cities of 
 Mantes and Meulan were taken. He resolved upon 
 avenging himself signally, and announced his intention 
 of preventing the coronation of the young king at 
 Reims. With that view he had collected an army 
 composed chiefly of English and Gascon mercenaries, 
 commanded by Jean de Grailli, Captal of Buch. 
 Charles V. did not wait till the force had begun to 
 move ; he, too, collected some troops whom he placed 
 under the orders of Duguesclin, just named by him 
 Captain-General of Normandy, and on the day of his 
 
CORONATION OF CHARLES V. 
 
BATTLE OF COCHEREL AND AURAY. 213 
 
 coronation (May 19th) he learnt that the enemy had 
 been signally defeated at Cocherel, near Evreux. 
 Jean de Grailli was taken prisoner, and the Navarrese 
 compelled to come to terms, must needs remains 
 satisfied with the barony of Montpellier in exchange 
 for his Normandy fiefs. 
 
 The following portrait of Duguesclin is amusing. 
 
 *'Mais I'enfant dont je dis et dont je vais parlant, 
 Je crois qu'il not si lait de Resnes a Dinant. 
 Camus estoit et noir, malotru et massant (?) 
 Li pere et la mere si le heoient tant . . . ." 
 
 *' But the child whom I mention, and about whom I speak, 
 
 I think there never was such an ugly one from Rennes to Dinan. 
 He was flat-nosed, and black, ill-mannered, and (?) 
 His father and mother hated him so much." 
 
 Such was the hero of Charles the Fifth's reign ; 
 after having played an important part in the war 
 against Charles de Navarre, he took the command of 
 the French forces, sent to the assistance of Charles de 
 Blois, who was disputing the possession of Brittany 
 with the Count de Montfort, assisted by the famous 
 English captain, John Chandos. In a battle which 
 took place at Auray (September 29, 1364), Charles de 
 Blois was killed, and Duguesclin, made prisoner, had 
 to pay the enormous sum of 100,000 livres to recover 
 his liberty. The King of France thought it was high 
 time that a war which had lasted upwards of twenty 
 years should come to an end. He acknowledged John 
 de Montfort as Duke of Brittany, and contrived that 
 peace should be signed at Guerande between that 
 baron and the widow of Charles de Blois (April 
 12, 1365J. 
 
STATUE OF DUGUESCLIN. 
 
THE " GRANDES COMPAGNIES." 215 
 
 The next great task to which the King of France 
 applied himself was to drive out of the country the 
 numerous bands of adventurers w^hich, under the 
 name of grandes coinpagnies, were doing almost as 
 much mischief as the followers of Jacques Bonhomme. 
 It happened that about that time the Spanish prince, 
 Henry of Transtamare, was engaged in a war with 
 his brother, Don Pedro of Castile, one of the greatest 
 and most cruel tyrants of the mediaeval epoch. 
 Charles V., to whom he had applied for assistance, 
 was only too happy to find an opportunity of getting 
 rid of the grandes compagriies ; he placed them at 
 Transtamare's disposal, after having given to them as 
 a leader Duguesclin, whose ransom he generously 
 paid. Success favoured in the first instance Henry 
 of Transtamare, but Don Pedro, having obtained the 
 assistance of the Black Prince, defeated his brother, 
 and Duguesclin became once more a prisoner of the 
 English (April, 1367). 
 
 Don Pedro had promised to pay the English hand- 
 somely for the assistance they had given him, but he 
 was penniless himself, and the inhabitants of Guyenne 
 were obliged to bear all the burden of a fruitless 
 expedition. Thoroughly irritated, they felt all the 
 more the insolence of their new masters, and finally 
 entered a formal complaint against the Black Prince 
 for not observing the conditions of the treaty of 
 Bretigny. Summoned in consequence by the King 
 of France, his suzerain, to appear and justify himself 
 before the court of parliament in Paris, the prince 
 sent to prison the two messengers who had delivered 
 to him the order, and prepared for a fresh war. In 
 
ENGLISH AND FRENCH. 2iy 
 
 the meanwhile the tragic death of Pedro the Cruel, 
 stabbed by Henry of Transtamare, having put an 
 end to hostilities in the south, Charles V. felt at 
 liberty to concentrate all his energies upon the 
 struggle with the English. The taking of Limoges 
 (1370) was the Black Prince's last exploit, and it was 
 marked by incidents of unwonted cruelty. He re- 
 turned to Bordeaux, and finally died in England (i 376)- 
 
 The tide of affairs seemed beginning to turn in 
 favour of the French. Charles V. renewed the old 
 alliance with the Scotch ; he secured the friendship 
 of the Duke of Brabant and the Count of Hainault, 
 and obtained the hand of the heiress of Flanders for 
 his young brother Philip, Duke of Burgundy. It is 
 interesting to compare the state of the English army 
 with that of the French. The former had an admirable 
 infantry, excellent archers, and a body of men-at- 
 arms, who by their severe training and their know- 
 ledge of manoeuvring were as good as regular 
 cavalry. Around Charles V, was assembled a large 
 posse of noblemen extremely brave, but ignorant of 
 the most elementary rules of discipline. Under such 
 conditions pitched battles were to be avoided, but 
 small encounters might take place in the interval 
 between two expeditions, and Duguesclin, now named 
 Constable of France, distinguished himself in actions 
 of that kind. 
 
 We are told that during the Breton war (1350) 
 Robert de Beaumanoir, governor of the Castle of 
 Josselin, sent a challenge to the English captain, 
 Richard Bramborough, commanding the town of 
 Ploermel. The two champions, each accompanied 
 
2l8 DUGUESCLIM. 
 
 by twenty-nine knights, met on a heath near Josselin, 
 and engaged in a desperate battle. Beaumanoir, 
 wounded at the beginning of the fray, and very 
 thirsty in consequence, asked for something to drink. 
 " Drink your blood, Beaumanoir ! " exclaimed one of 
 his companions, Geoffrey Dubois, and went on striking 
 right and left. Four Frenchmen, nine Englishmen 
 (including Bramborough) were killed ; all the others 
 were severely wounded. The English surrendered to 
 the French. 
 
 Now this was the kind of fight that Duguesclin 
 most relished ; he defeated at Pont Vallain Robert 
 Knolles (1370), and routed another body of partisans 
 near Chizej' in Poitou (1373) ; the illustrious Chandos 
 had been killed during the first campaign, and in 
 1372 the Captal de Buch was taken prisoner near 
 Soubise. Evidently the English were losing ground 
 in France ; Poiliers and La Rochelle (1372) had been 
 wrested from them, and, thoroughly wearied, they 
 asked for a truce, which lasted till the death of 
 Edward III. in 1377. Charles V. then broke it, and) 
 having ineffectually tried to annex Brittany to the 
 Crown, he was about to fight the Bretons, assisted b}^ 
 the English, when death carried him off at Vincennes 
 (September 16, 1380). 
 
 We must now consider for a short time the King of 
 France as an administrator and a protector of litera- 
 ture. His perseverance, his economy, his probity (he 
 would not have recourse to the dangerous and immoral 
 practice of altering the coinage), procured for him the 
 " sobriquet " of t/ie wise. He rendered the parliament 
 permanent, curtailed the privileges of the nobles, and 
 
220 
 
 BUDGET OF CHARLES V, 
 
 introduced important reforms in the finances ; indirect 
 taxes {aides) were made permanent likewise, and 
 instead of allowing a salary to the members of the 
 parliament, he abandoned to them the fines they 
 might inflict upon condemned criminals and delin- 
 quents — a measure which was not calculated to 
 promote the cause of indifferent justice. 
 
 Charles V. was very fond of building ; he com- 
 menced the Bastiie, repaired and enlarged the Paris 
 walls and the Louvre, and constructed the Hotel 
 Saint Pol, the chapel of Vincennes, and the castles 
 of Beaute, Plaisance, and Melun. The idea of uniting 
 the Loire to the Seine, carried out two centuries later 
 by Henry IV., was originally his. To conclude this 
 enumeration, we shall give here the items of what 
 may be called the French budget for 1372. It is 
 taken from the great decree {prdonnance) for the same 
 year as reproduced in M. Duruy's " History of 
 France " : — 
 
 For the payment of the gensd'armes ... 
 
 For t^e gensd'armes and cross-bow men of the new 
 
 foundation ... 
 For the navy 
 For the king's hostel 
 To place in the king's coffers 
 Unforeseen expenses 
 Payment of the debt ... 
 
 FRANCS 
 
 50,000 
 
 42,000 
 
 8,000 
 
 6,000 
 
 5,000 
 
 10,000 
 
 10,000 
 
 131,000 
 
 We must note that this is a monthly statement ; the 
 yearly expenses, therefore, amounted to 1,572,000 
 francs in gold crowns (about 130,000,000 francs 
 according to the present value of French money), and 
 
POLITICAL WRITINGS. 221 
 
 out of this sum 72,000 francs, about i-22nd, went for 
 the personal expenses of the King, the Queen, and 
 the Dauphin. 
 
 ** Charles V.," says M. Michelet ("History of 
 France"), "is perhaps the first king of that nation, 
 till then so light-hearted, who knew how to prepare 
 from afar the success, and who understood the influ- 
 ence, distant and slow then, but even at that time real 
 of books over business. The prior, Honore Bonnor, 
 wrote by his order and under the odd title of ' L'arbre 
 des Batailles,' the first essay on the rights of peace 
 and of war. His advocate, Raoul de Presle, trans- 
 lated for him the Bible in the vulgar tongue. His old 
 tutor, Nicholas Oresme, translated into French the 
 other Bible of those days, namely, Aristotle. Oresme, 
 Raoul de Presles, Philip de Maizieres, worked to- 
 gether on those ponderous tomes — the ' Songe du 
 Vergier,' the * Songe du vieux Pelerin,' kinds of cyclo- 
 paedic romances, where all the questions interesting 
 at that time were discussed, and which prepared the 
 abatement of the spiritual power and the confisca- 
 tion of Church property. Similarly, during the six- 
 teenth century, Pithou, Passerat, and a few others 
 worked together on the ' Satire Menippee.'" 
 
 Another book which should not be forgotten is the 
 small political pamphlet entitled, " Le vray regime et 
 gouvernement des Bergers et Bergeres, compose par 
 le rustique Jehan de Brie, le bon Berger." It is a 
 matter of doubt whether it was not dictated in part 
 to the author by Charles V. Under an allegorical 
 form it is an appeal to concord and goodwill. Jean 
 de Brie preaches from the well-known parable of the 
 
222 THE DUKE D^ANyOU. 
 
 sheepfold, and tells that the Good Shepherd scorns 
 to imitate Charles of Navarre, who tried to enter 
 into Paris by night ; he does not sell Christendom 
 secretly, like Clement IV., nor does he, after the 
 fashion of certain cunning and deceitful clerks, take 
 possession fraudently of prebends and rich benefices. 
 
 The remonstrances and counsels of Jean de Brie 
 were reasonable during the days of Charles V. ; how 
 much more so amidst the confusion, the misgovern- 
 ment, and general distress which marked the reign of 
 Charles VI. .? 
 
 Although the eldest of the brothers of the late 
 king, Louis, Duke d'Anjou, had not been summoned 
 to wait upon him during his last moments, because 
 people dreaded his ambition, his greed, and his cove- 
 tousness. Christine de Pisan describes him as "tall and 
 of a pontifical (stately) appearance ; most handsome 
 both of body and of countenance, very courageous, 
 and much desirous of lordships and of treasures." 
 
 The Duke d'Anjou had taken care to have the bed- 
 side of Charles V. watched by trusty followers, who 
 kept him well informed of all that took place and of 
 the progress of the king's malady. The fatal moment 
 had scarcely arrived, when he came to the palace, 
 and seized upon the Crown jewels and the treasury, 
 amounting, it is said, to nineteen millions. At the 
 same time he assumed the government of the state 
 contrary to the express will of Charles V., who had 
 entrusted the regency to his two other brothers, the 
 Dukes of Burgundy and of Berry, and to his brother- 
 in-law, the Duke ot Bourbon. 
 
 The three princes above named were not in the 
 
COUNCIL OF REGENCY. 223 
 
 slightest degree willing to resign their claims, and 
 they had their partisans and friends on whose co- 
 operation they could rely in case of need. Besides, 
 if the Duke d'Anjou had the advantage of being 
 master of Paris, they had the far greater one of keep- 
 ing under their guardianship the young King Charles, 
 who was only twelve years of age, and who resided 
 with them at Melun. What was to be done ? A few 
 lords, amongst whom was the Chancellor of Franoe, 
 Peter d'Orgemont, proposed that the difference should 
 be submitted to a council composed of bishops, lords, 
 members of the parliament, of the court of accounts, 
 and burgesses of the principal towns {bomies villes). 
 
 The meeting was a very stormy one ; whilst the 
 Duke d'Anjou maintained with much eloquence his 
 rights of seniority, the Chancellor put forward the 
 will of Charles V., and his express declaration on 
 the subject of the regency. An appeal to brute force 
 was imminent, when the Advocate-General, Desmarets, 
 proposed that four arbitrators should be appointed, 
 whose decision all would be bound to accept. The 
 resolution arrived at was as follows : In the first 
 place, the young king was to be crowned immediately, 
 the Duke d'Anjou retaining the title of regent till the 
 moment of the coronation, and sharing afterwards 
 with the Dukes of Berry and Burgundy the tutelage 
 of Charles VI. till his majority, fixed by his father to 
 the age of fourteen. The Duke d'Anjou obtained 
 besides what he most coveted — the jewels, plate, and 
 money, the value of which would enable him to con- 
 quer the kingdom of Naples, to which he had been 
 called by Joan, the late queen. 
 
224 CHARLES VI. IN PARIS. 
 
 Charles VI. made a solemn entry into Reims on 
 the occasion of his coronation ; he was accompanied 
 by his four uncles, and by a large gathering of lords 
 and prelates. After the ceremony a sumptuous 
 banquet was held, during which an incident occurred 
 which threatened to disturb the harmony re-esta- 
 blished with so much difficulty. The prelates, 
 according to custom, sat on the right of the king ; 
 the Duke d'Anjou had selected the seat immediately 
 on his left, but the Duke of Burgundy insisted upon 
 occupying it, as being the premier peer of France, 
 and the other competitor had to resign his preten- 
 sions not without expressing loudly his dissatisfaction. 
 The banquet was served by the highest barons in 
 the kingdom : the Lord of Coucy, the Constable 
 Olivier de Clisson, Admiral John de Vienne, the Lord 
 de la Tremoille ; they were mounted on their chargers 
 and arrayed in cloth of gold. The festival was 
 concluded by the performance of one of those " mys- 
 teries" or miracle- plays which constitute the dramatic 
 literature of the Middle Ages. 
 
 On the return of the king to his capital, and after 
 the excitement ordinary to the first few days of a 
 new reign, the perils which threatened France became 
 more and more evident. In the first place, a feudal 
 reaction was manifesting itself against the acts of 
 Charles V. ; his friends and advisers were dismissed, 
 whilst the regents bestowed all their favour upon 
 lords and barons who had long been kept excluded 
 from the councils of the State. Then, the financial 
 condition of the people was wretched, a rising seemed 
 inevitable, and the Duke d'Anjou was reproached 
 
THE DUKE D' AN you. 22$ 
 
 for not doing away with the gabelle and other exces- 
 sive taxes which the late king had solemnly promised 
 to abolish. 
 
 Upwards of three hundred men marched towards 
 the palace to obtain an answer to their just com- 
 plaints. The Duke d'Anjou, nothing daunted, got upon 
 a table and, addressing the rioters, reminded them 
 that the city of Paris was indebted to the Crown 
 for all its privileges and its monuments ; the petitions 
 of the citizens had always been courteously attended 
 to, and on this occasion they would meet with the 
 same consideration, provided order was re-estab- 
 lished at once. 
 
 The salt tax being done away with according to 
 the declaration, it became necessary for the regents 
 to procure money by other means ; the Duke 
 d'Anjou assembled no less than seven times in the 
 course of one year (1381) the deputies of the three 
 orders with a view of obtaining from them a grant 
 of subsidies. It was all in vain ; people compared 
 the successors of Philip the Fair with what tradition 
 related about Saint Louis, the paternal nature of his 
 government and his sense of justice. " The citizens 
 of Paris," says the chronicler, Juvenal des Ursins, 
 " assumed armours and war-dresses ; they elected 
 captains of tens, fifties, and forties, laid chains through 
 the streets, and had watches placed at the gates." 
 
 The Duke d'Anjou, without taking any notice of 
 all this, resolved upon having a new tax of one- 
 twelfth denier on all provisions. It was a difficult 
 thing to find a man bold enough to announce the 
 raising of that tax ; at last one individual undertook 
 
^26 THE MAILLOT INS. 
 
 the duty, and riding in the market-place, he exclaimed, 
 in a loud voice — "The king's plate has been stolen; 
 he who brings it back shall be duly rewarded ! '* 
 Having by this announcement gathered a crowd, he 
 added, " To-morrow the tax shall be raised," then, 
 putting spur to his horse, he rode off as fast as he 
 could. 
 
 The next day. one of the collectors ventured to 
 ask one sol from an old woman who sold water- 
 cress ; he was immediately knocked down and killed. 
 So terrible was the alarm that the bishop, the 
 principal citizens, and even the provost, whose busi- 
 ness it was to maintain order, left Paris. The in- 
 furiated mob ran through the city armed with 
 new leaden mallets {inaillets) which they had taken 
 in the arsenal ; they made a frightful slaughter of 
 the tax collectors ; one of them had sought refuge 
 in the church of Saint Jacques, and clung to a statue 
 of the Virgin ; he was put to death on the very 
 altar (March i, 1382). They sacked the rich abbey 
 of Saint Germain des Pres under the pretext that 
 collectors and Jews had retired there. 
 
 From Vincennes, where they had withdrawn for 
 safety, the princes watched the progress of the riot ; as 
 soon as they saw that public feeling was declaring 
 against the excesses committed by the maillotins, they 
 applied to the university and the leading citizens, 
 requesting them to act as mediators. It was agreed 
 on both sides that the city of Paris should allow to 
 the king a grant of one hundred thousand francs ; 
 in return of this concession, Charles VL was to 
 abolish the new tax, and make a solemn entry in 
 the capital (May, 1382). 
 
GENERAL RISING OF THE PEOPLE. 227 
 
 It is not to be supposed that the sedition was 
 confined to Paris ; at Rouen, at Orleans, at Chalons, 
 and at Troyes, similar scenes occurred ; in Languedoc 
 the peasants flew to arms under the name of tuchins. 
 
 As M. Michelet remarks ('* Histoire de France," vi.) 
 it seemed as if throughout the length and breadth 
 of Europe a war was beginning, of the little against 
 the great, the pi^oletm^iate against the nobles. The 
 " white hoods " of Flanders followed a citizen of 
 Ghent; the Florentine "ciompi" had for leader a 
 wool-carder ; the people of Rouen compelled a draper 
 to assume the supreme command ; in England Wat 
 Tyler at the head of the mob obliged the king to 
 grant freedom to the serfs. 
 
 It was generally felt that this revolutionary move- 
 ment originated with the inhabitants of Ghent, who 
 had been for many years struggling for their freedom 
 against the counts of Flanders. " On the part of the 
 counts," says Mr. Taylor (preface to " Philip van 
 Arteveldt "), were Bruges, Oudenarde, Dendermonde, 
 Lille, and Tournay ; and those on the part of Ghent 
 were Damme, Ypres, Courtray, Grammont, Popering- 
 hen, and Messines — a war which in its progress 
 extended to the whole of Flanders, and excited a 
 degree of interest in all the civilized countries of 
 Europe for which the cause must be sought in the 
 state of European communities at the time. It 
 was believed that entire success on the part of Ghent 
 would bring on a general rising almost throughout 
 Christendom, of the commonalty against the feudal 
 lords and men of substance. The incorporation of 
 the citizens of Paris known by the name of "the 
 
228 BATTLE OF ROOSEBEKE. 
 
 army with mallets " {inaillothis) was, according to 
 the well-known chronicler of the period, " all by the 
 example of them of Ghent." Nicolas le Flamand 
 deterred them from pulling down the Louvre, by 
 urging the expediency of waiting to see what suc- 
 cess might attend the Flemish insurgents." 
 
 The princes were naturally anxious to crush the 
 rebellion in its principal centre, and raised an army 
 to assist the Count of Flanders in subduing the 
 inhabitants of Ghent. On the 26th of November, 
 1382, the feudal army, commanded by the young 
 king, Charles VI., and by his uncle the Duke of 
 Burgundy, met at Roosebeke the troops of the Flemish 
 communes, led by Philip van Arteveldt, son of the 
 famous brewer of whom we have already spoken. The 
 battle was fought on the next day, and in the midst 
 of a thick fog the rebels displayed such courage that 
 the French knights were driven back for a short time. 
 Constable Olivier de Clisson, however, following the 
 plan adopted by Duguesclin at Cocherel, turned 
 round the enemy, cut off their retreat and made a 
 frightful havoc of them. Arteveldt himself and 
 twenty-five thousand of his men were killed ; the loss 
 was very serious also on the side of the French. 
 
 Great was the consternation of the Parisians when 
 the news of the battle of Roosebeke reached them. 
 The royal army entered Paris as if it had been a city 
 reduced to submission. The inhabitants fancied that 
 by making a display of their strength they would 
 obtain better conditions ; they paraded at the foot 
 of Montmartre in a long array of armed men ; there 
 was a company of crossbow men, one of soldiers 
 
THE MAILLOTINS, 229 
 
 with swords and bucklers, one of maillotins ?iTno\\nt\ng 
 by itself to twenty thousand men. This exhibition 
 only served to exasperate the princes. The gates of 
 the city were torn down and trampled under foot, the 
 soldiers were billeted upon the citizens, the street- 
 chains were removed and every one was ordered to 
 give up at once all kinds of weapons. One chronicler 
 tells us that the amount of arms thus left either at 
 the palace or at the Louvre, would have sufficed for 
 an army of eight hundred thousand men. Then 
 came the executions. A kw of the ringleaders were 
 put to death. Finally, money had to be forthcoming : 
 all the rich boiirgeois were taxed so heavily that some 
 of them paid more than they really possessed. When 
 nothing more could be squeezed out of the pockets of 
 the Parisians, an edict, solemnly proclaimed, re-estab- 
 lished all the old taxes further increased. Complaint 
 was impossible ; there was no commune, no provost, no 
 magistrates, no city of Paris. Rouen, Reims, Chalons, 
 Orleans, Troyes, and Sens, were treated pretty 
 nearly in the same manner ; most of the money 
 thus iniquitously extorted went towards enriching 
 a few of the barons, and the public treasury very 
 little profited by it. 
 
 Not only did those measures produce no effect, 
 but dissensions took place even amongst the king's 
 advisers. The old trusty -councillors of Charles V. 
 remonstrated, endeavoured to enlighten the young 
 monarch on the conduct of his uncles, and advised 
 him to take the reins of government into his own 
 hands. Accordingly during the month of October, 
 1387, a great assembly of prelates and barons was 
 
230 THE MARMOUSETS. 
 
 summoned at Reims ; the Dukes of Berry and of 
 Burgundy were present ; the Duke d'Anjou had 
 recently died in Italy. Charles VI. having asked 
 the assembly to advise him as to the best way of 
 remedying the evils from which the realm was 
 suffering, Peter de Montaigu, Bishop of Laon, sup- 
 ported by the Archbishop of Reims, Olivier de 
 Clisson, and other enemies of the regents, declared 
 that his majesty being now twenty-one years old 
 could govern by himself. The Dukes of Berry and 
 Burgundy were furious ; they left the court, but they 
 made the Bishop of Laon pay for his boldness ; he 
 died of poison. 
 
 The departure of the king's uncles produced two 
 good effects ; in the first place, these princes could 
 now attend to their respective dominions, re-establish 
 order and commerce, drive away brigands and 
 suspicious characters, &c. Next, the new advisers of 
 the weak Charles VI., La Riviere, Clisson, and others, 
 were men of steady judgment, and liberal principles, 
 desirous of re-establishing the administration of 
 justice, reducing the taxes and giving up all the 
 rash and senseless undertakings planned by their 
 predecessors. They were contemptuously nicknamed 
 the Afarmoiisets, because they had sprung chiefly from 
 the people, and were of very humble extraction. 
 If they had been able to retain office they would 
 have no doubt done much for France, but a melan- 
 choly event upset all these hopes and brought fresh 
 calamities to France. 
 
 Olivier de Clisson, one of the Marmousefs, had 
 managed to incur the hatred of two powerful noble- 
 
CHARLES VI. 
 
232 ATTEMPT UPON CLISSON. 
 
 men — one being the Duke of Brittany himself, who 
 naturally was watched with suspicion by the Constable, 
 the sworn friend of the house of Anjou and Penthievre. 
 Clisson longed for the moment when he would be 
 able to drive away to England the Duke of Brittany 
 and to rid France of the Montfort family. Another 
 nobleman, but not of quite so high an origin, was 
 Peter de Craon, a despicable character, retainer of the 
 late Duke d'Anjou, whose treasury he had robbed 
 and whose death he had caused. He promised to 
 the Duke of Brittany that he would rid him of his 
 enemy, and did so accordingly. One evening, Clisson 
 had just left the king when he was attacked by a 
 band of desperadoes at the head of which was Pierre 
 de Craon himself. He was not killed, but seriously 
 wounded, and Charles VI. promised that he would 
 avenge him in the most signal manner. An army 
 was assembled and the monarch who had only just re- 
 covered from a severe attack of fever determined, con- 
 trary to the advice of the physicians, upon command- 
 ing the royal forces in person. He would march into 
 Brittany, and put to death both John de Montfort 
 and Pierre de Craon, who had taken refuge at his 
 Court. 
 
 It was in summer (August 5, 1392) when the 
 army entered the forest of Le Mans. The heat was 
 intolerable. Suddenly a man, bareheaded and 
 wretchedly clothed, rushed forward and seizing hold 
 of the reins of the king's charger, exclaimed, " King, 
 do not move one step further, but return ; you are 
 betrayed ! " The man should have been arrested ; 
 he was allowed to get away. Startled and terrified 
 
CHARLES VI. STRUCK WITH MADNESS. 233 
 
 by this strange incident, Charles VI. proceeded, when 
 the lances carried by two pages riding near him 
 happened to strike against each other, and at the 
 noise he shouted : " Death to the traitors ! " then 
 drawing his sword he rushed upon his escort, killing 
 and wounding several men, and threatening even 
 his brother. Every one fled, but at last the un- 
 fortunate monarch was seized, disarmed, and brought 
 back from Le Mans to Creil. The first thought which 
 occurred to every one was that he had been either 
 poisoned or " bewitched." The fact is that his de- 
 baucheries, his violent passions, and the intoxicating 
 influence of royal power, had predisposed his weak 
 head to an attack of madness which was now brought 
 about by sudden excitement and by a sun-stroke. 
 
XII. 
 
 SEC0I>3D PART OF THE REIGN OF CHARLES VI. 
 (1392-I422.) 
 
 Some one having remarked to the Duke de Berry 
 that the king was either " poisoned or bewitched," 
 " Yes, by bad advice," was the answer. This was the 
 death warrant of the Marmoiisets, so to say. CHsson 
 hastened to retire to Brittany, Montaigu w^ent off to 
 Avignon ; LaRiviere,Novion,andLeBeguedeVilaines 
 were sent to the Bastile. Restored to power, the 
 princes succeeded in governing France a Httle more 
 deplorably than their predecessors had done. They 
 concluded with England a truce of twenty-eight years 
 (1395), and gave a daughter of Charles VI. in mar- 
 riage to Richard II., but the death of that king 
 nullified the advantages which might have resulted 
 from the union. 
 
 The Crusade of 1396 is another rash and useless 
 deed which brought into disrepute the new adminis- 
 tration. The Turks had, during the last forty years, 
 gradually secured a footing in Europe. They had 
 crossed the Bosphorus, taken Adrianople, and con- 
 quered part of the valley of the Danube ; they were 
 now threatening Hungary. A Crusade was resolved 
 upon, and the Count de Nevers, afterwards better 
 
ISABELLE OF BAVARIA. 235 
 
 known as John the Fearless (Jean sans Peur), Duke of 
 Burgundy, took the command. He was only twenty- 
 four years old, and thought, as well as all his followers, 
 that a Crusade was a kind of pleasure trip. Despising 
 the wise advice of the King of Hungary, Sigismund, 
 they engaged the battle at Nicopolis with a total dis- 
 regard of all the rules of tactics, and were signally 
 defeated. The Sultan Bajazet ordered ten thousand 
 captives to be beheaded in his presence, excepting 
 from the massacre only the Count de Nevers and 
 twenty-four lords, who had to pay a heavy ransom. 
 
 Isabelle of Bavaria must not be forgotten amongst 
 the personages of this mournful drama. She wa^ not 
 fifteen years old when she left Germany to become 
 the bride of Charles VI. Without relatives, without a 
 guide in the most corrupt Court in Europe, she adopted 
 the manners and habits of her entourage, dLr\d indulged 
 to the full her taste for luxury and pleasures. Instead 
 of sobering her down, time merely developed her evil 
 habits. From frivolity she sank down to debauchery, 
 and made use of her authority for the exclusive pur- 
 pose of satisfying her passions and her revengeful 
 nature. 
 
 The Duke d'Orleans, husband of the beautiful and 
 accomplished Valentine Visconti, had been her lover. 
 She saw him massacred by some of the followers of 
 John the Fearless, Duke of Burgundy, who was jealous 
 of his popularity, and wished to retain the power in 
 his own hands. We have all the particulars of this 
 terrible deed. Since the attempted murder of Olivier 
 de Clisson it was quite evident that the closest verifi- 
 cation alone could guarantee that the victim was really 
 
236 MURDER OF THE DUKE D' ORLEANS, 
 
 and unmistakably dead. Accordingly a man carrying 
 a lighted wisp of straw came forward and examined 
 for himself if the intentions of the Duke of Burgundy 
 had been carried out. In this case no hesitation was 
 possible ; the corpse was literally hacked to pieces ; 
 the right arm cut through in two places, at the elbow 
 and "at the wrist ; the left wrist thrown to a distance, 
 as if from the violence of the blow ; the head open 
 from ear to ear ; the skull broken, and the brains scat- 
 tered all over the pavement. The Duke of Burgundy 
 wanted, at first, to justify his action, but thinking that 
 he might perhaps run the chance of being arrested, 
 he fled to his possessions in Flanders, from whence 
 he ordered it to be said, preached, and written, that 
 by causing the Duke d'Orleans to be murdered he 
 had merely anticipated the sinister designs of that 
 prince. He then marched (1408) against the inhabi- 
 tants of Liege who had rebelled, and defeated them 
 at Hasbain with the slaughter of twenty-five thousand 
 of their men. In the meanwhile a popular preacher, 
 Jean Petit, un<lertook to justify the foul deed of John 
 the Fearless. Mounting the pulpit he proved, by twelve 
 arguments, in honour of the twelve apostles, that the 
 Duke d'Orleans had d -served his fate. i. Because he 
 was suspected of heresy. 2. Because he armed at 
 usurping the throne. 3. Because the State would have 
 found in him a tyrant. Strengthened by this extra- 
 ordinary sermon, the Duke of Burgundy returned to 
 Paris, and succeeded in wresting from the imbecile 
 king letters of remission declaring that he, Charles VI., 
 entertained no ill-will against the duke for having " put 
 out of the world his brother, the Duke d'Orleans " 
 
DEATH OF VALENTINE VISCONTI. zy] 
 
 (Peace of Chartres, March, 1409). As for poor Valen- 
 tine Visconti, it is no exaggeration to say that her 
 husband's death killed her. She had taken as her 
 motto : " Rien ne m'est plus, plus ne m'est rien," and 
 died broken-hearted in 1408. 
 
 John the Fearless made himself extremely popular 
 by opposing the levying of fresh taxes, promising a 
 reduction of the old ones, and behaving most affably 
 to *' all sorts and conditions of men." He was espe- 
 cially courteous to the Parisians, restored to them all 
 their old privileges, and even obtained for them the 
 important right of possessing " noble fiefs," with all 
 the advantages belonging to them. It was in the 
 people of the market-place {les gens des halles), says 
 an historian, that the strength of the Bourguignon 
 faction resided in Paris. These concessions to the mob 
 increased the displeasure of the Orleanists, and of all 
 those who represented the old feudal party ; they took 
 as their leader the Count d'Armagnac, father-in-law of 
 one of the murdered duke's sons. 
 
 The situation of the kingdom was indeed deplor- 
 able; and did no protest arise, no cry of indignation, 
 no appeals to the patriotism of true Frenchmen } 
 Yes ; three eloquent voices made themselves heard, 
 three writers won their reputation by denouncing the 
 crimes of some and the cowardice or want of energy 
 of the rest. 
 
 Look at the condition of the people. Bears, lions, 
 leopards, wolves, that is to say, the nobles combined 
 to fleece the cattle. The ass, the cow, the ox, the 
 goat, the sow, come in turns to bend the knee before 
 the wild beasts of the forest'; the sheep ventures 
 timidly to say that she has been already— 
 
238 BUST ACHE DESCHAMPS. 
 
 •' Quatre fois plumee 
 Cest an-cy." 
 
 To these doleful and piteous moanings of the common 
 people a concert of sharp and threatening voices 
 answers — 
 
 " Sa, de I'argent ! Sa, de I'argent ! " 
 
 " Money ! Money ! " Such is the cry which all the 
 day long sounds in the ears of the famished people. 
 Every now and then, driven to frenzy, they rise, put 
 to death the collectors of the taxes, and then, 
 astonished at their own victory, they fall down again 
 under the yoke ; and hear the barons on one side, and 
 the king's lawyers on the other, pressing them — those, 
 sword in hand, these armed with a long piece of 
 parchment, and repeating, as before — 
 
 " Sa, de I'argent ! Sa, de I'argent ! " 
 
 Sometimes Eustache Deschamps (such was the 
 name of that patriotic songster) directs his violent 
 invective against the foreign enemies of France, the 
 victors of Cressy and Poitiers — 
 
 " Selon le Brut de I'isle des Geants 
 Qui depuis fust Albion appelee 
 Peuple mandit, tar dis {tardily) en Dieu creans. 
 Sera Tisle de tout point desolee. 
 Par leus orgueil vient la dure journee 
 
 Dont leur prophete Merlin, 
 Pronostica leur douloureux fin, 
 Quand il escript : vie perdrez et terre. 
 Lors monslrertnit estrangiers et voisin, 
 Oil, temps jadis {informer tivies) estoit cy {here was) Angleterre." 
 
 Next to Eustache Deschamps, Alain Chartier takes 
 up his parable against his fellow citizens, and in the 
 
ALAIN CHARTIER — CHRISTINE DE PISAN. 239 
 
 "Quadriloge invectif" shows that all the four orders 
 of the State are equally responsible for the grievous 
 woes which God has sent upon the country. " Where 
 is Nineveh, the great city around which it took three 
 days to walk ? What has become of Babylon, cun- 
 ningly built in order that it might last longer, and 
 which is now a dwelling for reptiles ? " Is France 
 doomed to mix her dust with that of other nations ? or 
 is this only a terrible and transitory affliction ? " I 
 have come to the conclusion that the hand of God is 
 upon us." If God punishes, the French must be 
 guilty. 
 
 We have already spoken of Christine de Pisan, that 
 true patriot who, although Italian by birth, was more 
 French at heart than many who boasted of their 
 nationality. The letter in which she reminded Isa- 
 belle of Bavaria of her duties as a queen and a mother, 
 is a monument of genuine eloquence. At every fresh 
 misfortune which visits the house of France she utters 
 a cr}' of alarm ; she styles herself " une povre voix 
 criant dans ce royaume, desireuse de paix et du 
 bien de tous." The weakest appeal may often remind 
 men of their duties — 
 
 *'Si {iherefore) ne veuillez mespriser mon ouvrage, 
 Mon redoubte seigneur, humain et saige. 
 
 Car petite clochette grant voix sonne, 
 Qui bien souvent les plus saiges reveille." 
 
 In spite of these cautions the civil war continued to 
 rage with all its violence ; the Armagnacs prevailed 
 in the west and the south, the Bourguignons in the 
 north and the east. The former wore a white scarf, 
 
240 BURGUNDIANS AND ARMAGNACS. 
 
 the latter a blue cap with the cross of Saint Andrew 
 in white, 2. fleur-de-lys in the centre, and the motto : 
 " Vive le Roy ! " 
 
 The Duke of Burgundy fortified himself in Paris, 
 armed the populace, and abandoned the power to a 
 considerable extent to the co-operation of the butchers, 
 who kept the rest of the population in awe, and had 
 for their leaders the ^d.y^xiecorcheuj') Caboche, a surgeon 
 named Jean de Troyes, and Capeluche, the common 
 hangman. The nobles and rich citizens were 
 thoroughly frightened, and more than fifteen hundred 
 of them, having the provost at their head, left Paris, 
 and retired to Melun. 
 
 The excesses committed by the Burgundians 
 brought about a reaction ; the Armagnacs returned 
 to favour, and the rival leaders seemed on the point 
 of being reconciled to each other, when news came 
 that Henry V., King of England, had landed at Har- 
 fleur (August 14, 141 5). Before entering upon a new 
 war he had endeavoured to obtain by negotiations 
 the whole of Normandy and the provinces ceded to 
 him by the treaty of Bretigny, but finding his exorbi- 
 tant pretensions indignantly refused, he besieged Har- 
 fleur, took it after a siege which lasted a whole month, 
 and cost him fifteen thousand men ; then marching into 
 Picardy, met the French army between the villages 
 of Tramecourt and Azincourt The French spent 
 on horseback the night before the battle, and when the 
 dawn came both men and horses were thoroughly 
 worn out. The English, on their side, says a chronicler, 
 sounded all night long their trumpets and different 
 kinds of musical instruments, so much so that 
 
HEAD-DRESS OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
242 BATTLE OF AZINCOURT. 
 
 the whole earth around re-echoed with the noise 
 although they were sad, weary, and suffering from 
 famine and other miseries. They made their peace 
 with God confessing their sins, weeping, and partaking 
 of our Lord's body, for they expected death the next 
 day. And, indeed, it seemed hardly probable that 
 twelve thousand Englishmen decimated by privations 
 and illness could be capable of resisting fifty thousand 
 fresh troops composed of the flower of French chivalry. 
 
 The battle began the next morning at eleven 
 o'clock. The English archers discharged upon the 
 feudal cavalry a shower of arrows which did terrible 
 effect. The spot where that cavalry stood was soft 
 and cut up by the horses, in such a manner that they 
 could hardly move. Their armour, besides, was ex- 
 tremely heavy, and they were so closely packed 
 together that they had great difficulty in moving their 
 arms to strike the enemy, except those who were at 
 the first rank. The English archers, lightly clad, 
 seeing them thus discomfited, threw away their bows 
 and arrows and seizing their swords, axes, and mallets 
 tipped with lead, rushed amidst the French. They 
 knocked them down as though they were heaps ; you 
 might have thought they were striking so many anvils ; 
 thus the noble Frenchmen fell upon the top of one 
 another ; some were smothered to death ; others 
 killed or taken prisoners. 
 
 Never was there a more complete, or more humili- 
 ating, defeat ; the proud French knights had been 
 vanquished, not by English noblemen and gentlemen, 
 but by merely archers on foot, by mercenaries five 
 imes less in numbers. Eight thousand gentils ho mines 
 
SEVERE LOSSES OF THE FRENCH. 
 
 243 
 
 remained on the battle-field, notwithstanding prodigies 
 of valour ; amongst them were the Duke of Brabant, 
 and the Count de Nevers, both brothers of the Duke 
 of Burgundy, the Duke of Bar, the Duke d'Alen^on, 
 
 and the Constable d'Albret ; the Duke d'Orleanswas 
 severely wounded and remained for a long time 
 
 amongst the dead. 
 
 The Duke of Burgundy on hearing of the disaster 
 
244 FRESH MASSACRES IN PARIS. 
 
 at Azincourt, pretended to be very indignant, and 
 marching towards Paris at the head of his army, 
 announced loudly his intention of chastising the 
 English, and of restoring the king to the full enjoy- 
 ment of his power ; in reality his only desire was to 
 reconquer his own authority. On arriving, however, 
 he found not only that Armagnac (now created Con- 
 stable of France and Superintendent-General of the 
 finances) had forestalled him, but that an express 
 order of the king prohibited him (John the Fearless) 
 from entering the capital. Nothing daunted, the 
 Duke of Burgundy issued a manifesto which secured 
 to him the good- will of several important towns such as 
 Reims, Chalons, Troyes, Auxerre, Amiens, and Rouen, 
 and having succeeded in obtaining the help of a 
 young man named Perrinet Leclerc, whose father was 
 warden of the gate of Saint Germain, he entered Paris 
 by night followed by his soldiers, and made a fresh 
 appeal to the butchers and flayers. The massacre 
 which followed was terrible ; the Constable d'Armagnac 
 the Chancellor of France, the bishops of Saintes, 
 Coutances, Evreux, Senlis, and Bayeux, the Abbot of 
 Saint Corneille at Compiegne, two presidents in the 
 Court of Parliament, and a crowd of noblemen 
 citizens, and soldiers were put to the sword ; the total 
 number of persons killed amounted to eight h undrd 
 some say to fifteen hundred. In vain did one of the 
 staunchest Bourguignons^ Villiers de ITsle Adam and 
 the Provost of Paris, endeavour to stop the fury of the 
 hangman Capeluche and of his followers. "A fig for 
 your justice and your pity !" they answered. " Cursed 
 of God may those traitors the Armagnacs be ! They 
 
CAPITULATION OF ROUEN. 245 
 
 are English, they are dogs. They had already embroi- 
 dered standards for the King of England and wanted 
 to plant them on he gates of the city. They used to 
 make us work for nothing, and when we asked what 
 was our due, they would say to us : ' Scoundrels, have 
 you not a penny wherewith to purchase a rope and 
 hang yourselves ? ' In the devil's name, plead no more 
 for them ; what you may say will be of no use." The 
 Provost of Paris dare not resist those infuriated men. 
 " Do what you please," said he, turning his head aside. 
 
 One month after these massacres, the Duke of Bur- 
 gundy and Queen Isabelle returned to Paris (July 14, 
 1418); the national party seemed hopelessly destroyed, 
 and whilst Charles, Duke of Touraine, and now 
 Dauphin, through the death of his two elder brothers, 
 had retired to Poitiers with the view of organizing 
 resistance against the English and the Bourgiiignons 
 combined, Henry V. was carrying on his triumphal 
 progress through Normandy. Favoured by the avowed 
 complicity of the Duke of Burgundy, he had taken 
 Caen, Argentan, Alen^on, Bayeux, and finally Rouen 
 which capitulated on the i8th of January, 1419, after 
 a long and stubborn resistance. 
 
 This last catastrophe led to a loud manifestation of 
 the national spirit, and John the Fearless was, so to 
 say, compelled to meet the Dauphin at a conference 
 with view to a reconciliation. Corbeil was selected as 
 the place of rendezvous^ and a second interview was 
 appointed to be held on the bridge of Montereau 
 (September 10, 141 9). Tanguy Duchatel, who 
 accompanied the Dauphin, had promised that no 
 treachery was contemplated, and that the Duke of 
 
246 THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY MURDERED. 
 
 Burgundy need entertain no suspicion ; however a cr}^ 
 of alarm was raised, and Tanguy Duchatel seizing a 
 battle-axe struck down the unfortunate duke who fell 
 on his knees and was immediately despatched. The 
 
 excitement created in Paris by this act of undoubted 
 treachery can easily be imagined ; and although the 
 followers of the Dauphin certainly represented the 
 French party, IsabcUe of Bavaria induced the new 
 
TREATY OF TROYES. 247 
 
 Duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good, to conclude with 
 Henry V. negotiations which ultimately led to the 
 infamous treaty of Troyes (May 21, 1420) which 
 handed over to England the crown of France and the 
 whole kingdom. The wretched Charles VI., utterly 
 in the power and under the control of an abandoned 
 queen, and of the Bourguignons, signed, without being 
 aware of it, the agreement which excluded his own 
 son from the throne. 
 
 Henry V. was enthusiastically received in Paris. 
 Misery had killed patriotism, and every one thought 
 that peace was at last secured. The clergy, in pro- 
 cession, came to meet the two kings, and brought 
 them the holy relics to kiss. They were then taken 
 to Notre Dame where they prayed at the high altar. 
 Charles VI. retired thence to the Hotel Saint Pol ; 
 the King of England took up his quarters in the 
 fortress of the Louvre (December, 1420). 
 
 The task was not quite finished. Some time after- 
 wards, the Duke of Burgundy and his mother appeared 
 before the King of France, presiding as judge at the 
 Hotel Saint Pol, and asked of him vengeance for the 
 " piteous death of the late Duke John of Burgundy." 
 Henry V. was sitting on the same bench as Charles 
 VI. Master Nicolas Raulin, pleading for the plaintiffs, 
 asked that Charles, styling himself Dauphin, Tanguy 
 Duchatel, and all the murderers of the late duke 
 should be led, torch in hand, through the squares of 
 Paris in a cart to make honourable amende. The king's 
 advocate spoke in the same sense, and the University 
 delegates agreed thereto. The king sanctioned the 
 prosecution, and Charles was summoned to appear 
 
24^5 THE DAUPHIN RETIRES BEHIND THE LOIRE, 
 
 within three days before the parliament. Having 
 failed to do it, he was condemned, by default, to per- 
 petual banishment, and declared to have lost all his 
 rights to the crown of France (January 3, 142 1). 
 The unfortunate prince, having retired behind the 
 
 Loire, re-organized the national party and appealed 
 to his sword. His troops defeated the English at 
 Bduge in Anjou, but could not prevent the enemy 
 from taking Meaux and several other places. 
 
 Things had come to this extremity when the 
 
DAETH OF HENRY V. AND CHARLES VT. 249 
 
 almost simultaneous death of the two kings gave 
 to the treaty of Troyes an immediate application. 
 Henry V. disappeared first (August 31, 1422). Six 
 weeks later (October 21st) it was the turn of Charles 
 VI, The poor demented monarch was attended at 
 his last moments only by his chancellor, his chief 
 chamberlain, and his confessor. No prince of the 
 blood, not even the Duke of Burgundy, accompanied 
 his remains to Saint Denis. An Englishman, the 
 Duke of Bedford, had to do the last act of courtesy 
 to the King of France. Before closing the tomb, the 
 heralds-at-arms, holding their maces reversed, cried, 
 "God grant peace to the soul of Charles VI., King of 
 France, and God give long life to Henry VI., King of 
 France and of England, our sovereign lord ! " 
 
 Intelligent and far-seeing people knew pretty well 
 that matters were not settled yet. Henry V. felt so, 
 and he is reported to have predicted that his son 
 would not retain possession of what had been so 
 wonderfully conquered. As for the nation, crushed 
 in their noblest sentiments, they began to think that 
 the affairs of this world brought nothing but trouble 
 and vexation of spirit, and that the care for our 
 salvation is the one thing needful. About 142 1 a 
 book appeared, the title of which could not fail to 
 attract notice, and which commended itself to all 
 souls driven to despair. *' L'internelle Consolation '' 
 has frequently been ascribed to Jean Charlier de 
 Gerson, Chancellor of the University of Paris, and is 
 certainly worthy of that truly excellent man. It is a 
 translation of the " De imitatione Christi " — a trans- 
 lation superior to the original by its boldness, its 
 
250 AFFAIRS OF THE CHURCH. 
 
 feeling, and its Jmman character. As for the " De 
 imitatione" itself, it is the work neither of Thomas a 
 Kempis, nor of Gerson ; it is the production of the 
 age, and if many nationalities claim it, the fact simply 
 shows that the meditations, counsels, and encourage- 
 ments it contains express the feelings of a society 
 living in the midst of the most terrible corruption. 
 
 The Dauphin Charles was at Meung-sur- Loire when 
 the news reached him of his father's death. " Great 
 sadness took possession of his heart," says the 
 Chronicler Monstrelet ; "he wept very much, and put 
 on immediately a black gown. The next day he 
 attended mass clothed in a red gown, and then was 
 raised the banner of France, and the Dauphin's 
 herald-at-arms cried loudly and distinctly : ' Long 
 life to Charles VII., King of France ! ' " 
 
 The affairs of the Church claim our attention here, 
 for Charles VI. was obliged to interfere with them, 
 and the University of Paris took an important part 
 in the wranglings, quarrels, and controversies resulting 
 from the schism. It w^as not likely that either a 
 weak-headed king or rival princes contending for 
 power would be able to restore peace to Christendom. 
 Two national councils, however, summoned at Paris, 
 and the first held under the third dynasty of kings, 
 consulted about the best means of restoring peace. 
 The only remedy was the convocation ol a general 
 council. It was held at Constance from 1414 to 
 141 8, and ended in the deposition of the two rival 
 Popes, John XXIII. and Benedict XIII., and the 
 election of Martin V. (November 11, 1417). For 
 the first time, then, and in order to prevent a new 
 
PIERRE D'AILLY. 2^1 
 
 schism, it was ruled that general councils should be 
 superior in authority to the Pope. Heretics were 
 also most severely dealt with, John Huss and 
 Jerome of Prague, for instance, being sentenced to 
 be burnt alive. Amongst the celebrated Frenchmen 
 who took an important part in the proceedings of 
 the council of Constance, we have already named 
 Gerson ; we must not forget Pierre d'Ailly, Cardinal- 
 bishop of Cambrai, author of a famous work entitled, 
 " Malleus Hsereticorum," and one of the most learned 
 divines of the day. The schism and its disastrous 
 results told even upon popular literature, and the 
 appointment of Cardinal Pietro di Luna as Pope at 
 Avignon inspired Eustache Deschamps, whom we 
 have had already occasion to mention. As a French- 
 man and a Catholic he could not restrain his indigna- 
 tion, and composed a poem entitled, " Du Schisme de 
 I'Eglise qui est aujourd'hui moult troublee par la Lune.'* 
 The pun is a wretched one, no doubt, and the joke 
 in bad taste, but it is the honest, straightforward 
 expression of a true patriot. All the planets, all 
 the powers of heaven, says Deschamps, have had their 
 turn — 
 
 " Mercure, Mars, Jupiter et Venus, 
 Et chalcun d'eux ensemble, le souleil, 
 Ont par longtemps regne, et Saturnus." 
 
 Now a fresh competitor arises, claiming absolute 
 power over the firmament ; the poet cannot conceal 
 his feelings of despair — 
 
 *'.... Tout perira : c'est mon opinion, 
 Puisque je voy vouloir regner la Lune." 
 
 The protest of Eustache Deschamps availed naught 
 
252 " APPARITION DE MAISTRE JEHAN DE MEUNG,'' 
 
 and Pietro di Luna was promoted under the name of 
 Benedict XII 1. 
 
 We all remember the ingenious way in which 
 Montesquieu and Voltaire use fiction as a convenient 
 way of lashing the vices of their contemporaries and 
 denouncing the corruption which eats up society. 
 Honore Bonnet, Prior of Salons in Provence, had 
 recourse to that style of composition, and in his 
 "Apparition de Maistre Jehan de Meung" he in- 
 troduced the character of a Turk who takes upon 
 himself to lecture Christians, even popes and car- 
 dinals. Exempt of passions and of prejudices, com- 
 pletely disinterested in the things he sees around 
 him, during the course of a trip to Western Europe, 
 the stranger deplores the results of the schism ; he 
 feels that discussions on matters of faith arouse in 
 man all his worst passions — 
 
 " Pour foy laisse pere son fils 
 Le frere son frere en peril, 
 L'ami son ami mettre a mort." 
 
 As Luther was to do later on, our Saracen visits 
 Rome, and he plainly discovers there the source of all 
 the evils which afflict the Church. A general reform 
 is needed, and h the chair of St. Peter is not filled 
 by popular election, the faithful will decline to follow 
 unworthy leaders. 
 
 " Mais je voy, le temps est venus, 
 Qu'ils ne en seront plus creus ; 
 Car li mondes voit per expres 
 Leurs oultrages et leurs exces." 
 
 One more person remains to be named in connec- 
 tion with the French expression of reform in matters 
 
NICOLAS DE CLEMANGIS. 
 
 253 
 
 ecclesiastical, and that is Nicolas de Clemangis. A 
 faithful churchman, as well as a staunch representative 
 of the University of Paris, he denounced the corrup- 
 tion of the Church in a pamphlet (" De corruptione 
 ecclesiae ") which, although written in Latin, is the 
 utterance of a true Frenchman, and which brings 
 before our eyes a faithful picture of France during 
 the fifteenth century. Nicolas de Clemangis has 
 often been regarded as a precursor of the reformers ; 
 he was really a Galilean of the school to which 
 Bossuet afterwards belonged. 
 
 We see to what low estate France had sunk ; it 
 seemed as if she stood on the brink of a precipice, 
 and the question was how she could recover her 
 liberty, her unity, and her national existence. 
 
XIII. 
 
 CHARLES VII. — END OF THE HUNDRED YEARS' 
 
 WAR. 
 (1422-1461.) 
 
 There were two kings in France when the corpse 
 of Charles VI. was lowered down into the grave at 
 Saint Denis. The one, an infant nine months old, was 
 grandson of the late monarch on his mother's side ; 
 his two uncles governed in his name, the Duke of 
 Bedford, France ; and the Duke of Gloucester, England. 
 There seemed, at first, no opposition to Henry VI. ; 
 he had been acknowledged by the parliament, the 
 university, the Duke of Burgundy, the Queen Isabelle 
 of Bavaria, and the principal members of the nobility. 
 His rule was obeyed in Paris, He de France, Picardy, 
 Artois, Flanders, Champagne, and Normandy, that is 
 to say, nearly all the provinces north of the Loire ; 
 in the South, Guienne owned his sway. 
 
 The other king, contemptuously designated as the 
 king of Bourges, because he had been proclaimed in 
 Berry, was the only surviving son of Charles VI., a 
 young man of nineteen, graceful, but of a delicate 
 constitution, a good scholar, timid, reserved, and too 
 fond of pleasure. Touraine, Orleanais, Berry, Bour- 
 
BATTLES OF CRAVANT AND OF VERNEUIL. 255 
 
 bonnais, Auvergne, Languedoc, Dauphine, and Lyon- 
 nais were the only provinces which recognized his 
 authority. The reign of Charles VII. began in a 
 most disastrous manner, and the two successive 
 defeats endured by his troops, at Cravant (1423) 
 and at Verneuil (1424) seemed to prove that France 
 must now submit definitively to English rule. 
 
 The great advantage of Charles VII. was his 
 nationality; the domination of foreigners might be 
 endured, but it was detested by the majority of 
 Frenchme-n, and the pride, the sternness with which 
 they exercised their authority became day by day 
 more hateful. A lively chansonnier^ Olivier Basselin, 
 encouraged in spirited songs his countrymen to drive 
 the enemy out of the land : 
 
 " Entre vous, genz de village, 
 Qui aimez le roy Fran9oys, 
 Prenez chacun bon courage, 
 Pour combattre les Engloys. 
 Prenez chascun une houe 
 Pour mieux les desraciner. 
 
 Ne craignez point, allez battre 
 
 Ce's, godons {G-d d-7i), panches a poys {paunches ftcll of peas). 
 
 Car ung de nous en vault quatre, 
 
 Au moins en vault-il bien troys." 
 
 Alain Chartier, another patriotic writer, exhorted 
 the clergy, the nobility, and the people to union as 
 the only resource for saving France. The Duke 
 d'Alengon made prisoner by the English , at the 
 Battle of Verneuil, refused to purchase his liberty by 
 subscribing the clauses of the Treaty of Troyes. The 
 marriage of Charles VII. with Mary of Anjou had 
 
256 STRENGTHENING THE POWER OF CHARLES VII. 
 
 attached to his cause not only that powerful family, 
 but the house of Lorraine ; the Count of Foix, 
 Governor of Languedoc, declared that his conscience 
 obliged him to recognize Charles VII. as the lawful 
 king. The sword of constable given to Arthur de 
 Richcmont had had the effect of reconciling to the 
 national cause Richemont's brother, John VI., Duke 
 of Brittany. This was a most important result, for 
 a number of valiant soldiers and distinguished captains 
 belonging to that province followed, of course, in the 
 same direction. Duguesclin's fellow-countrymen de- 
 voted to the service of France their courage and their' 
 heroism. By dismissing from his person, on Riche- 
 mont's advice, Tanguy Duchatel, and the other actors 
 in the tragedy of the Bridge of Montereau, Charles 
 VI I. was paving the way towards his reconciliation 
 with the Duke of Burgundy ; Gloucester's imprudent 
 conduct made this event more probable still. We 
 must remember that if the English had become 
 masters of Paris, and obtained the Treaty of Troyes, 
 it was entirely owing to Philip the Good. The Duke 
 of Bedford, Regent of France on behalf of Henry VI., 
 knew this perfectly well, and accordingly made a 
 point of keeping on the best terms with the Duke 
 of .Burgundy. Gloucester, on the contrary, by marry- 
 ing Jacqueline, Countess of Holland, Hainault, and 
 the neighbouring provinces, had become master of a 
 district which Philip the Good was by no means dis- 
 posed to see fall into the hands of a foreign prince. 
 
 These various circumstances all tended to strengthen 
 the power of Charles VII. The provincial towns, on 
 their part, were beginning to show signs of resistance 
 
SIEGE OF MONTARGIS. 257 
 
 to the English — Montargis, for instance, which, com- 
 manded by La Faille, stood bravely a siege of three 
 months. At the end of that time the garrison sent 
 word to the king that they had neither provisions nor 
 ammunition left. Dunois and La Hire started imme- 
 diately at the head of sixteen hundred men intending 
 to force their way into the town. As they were going 
 along La Hire met a priest from whom he requested 
 absolution. " Confess your sins, then," said the eccle- 
 siastic. " I have no time to do so," was the answer, 
 ''for I am in a hurry to fall upon the English ; besides, 
 I have done all that soldiers are wont to do." The 
 chaplain having rather hesitatingly pronounced the 
 sentence of absolution. La Hire knelt immediately by 
 the wayside, and said aloud : " God, I pray Thee to do 
 this day on La Hire's behalf what Thou wouldst that 
 La Hire should do for Thee, supposing he was God 
 and Thou wast La Hire." Having thus quieted his 
 conscience, though in a somewhat uncanonical manner, 
 he attacked the English and obliged them to raise 
 the siege of Montargis. 
 
 Orleans was the city the possession of which must 
 needs be of the highest consequence to the English, 
 as being the key to Berry, Poitou, and Bourbonnais. 
 Orleans once taken, nothing remained to " the king 
 of Bourges " except Languedoc and Dauphine. The 
 next year, therefore (1428), the Duke of Bedford de- 
 termined upon acting more vigorously than ever, and, at 
 the head of an army of ten thousand men, part of 
 whom had landed at Calais, under the command of 
 Lord Salisbury, whilst the others belonged to the garri- 
 son of Normandy, he marched towards Orleans. On 
 
258 SIEGE OF ORLEANS. 
 
 his road he took Jargeau, Janville, Meung, Thoury, 
 Beaugency, Marchenoir, and La Ferte Hubert. They 
 arrived before the place on the 12th of October, 1428, 
 and immediately set about building a series of forta- 
 lices or small basiiles, the command of which was 
 assigned to the most renowned captains, such as 
 William de la Poole, Earl of Suffolk, Lord Talbot, 
 and William Glasdale, who had sworn to put to death 
 every man, woman, and child in Orleans. The su- 
 preme direction was entrusted to the Earl of 
 Salisbury. 
 
 The city must be saved at any cost ; Charles VIL 
 appealed to the nobility and to the States-General. 
 He obtained 100,000 crowns — a large sum indeed, 
 considering the miserable condition to which France 
 was reduced. The bravest routiers, Boussac, Dunois, 
 Xaintrailles, La 'Hire placed themselves at the head 
 of the garrison. The citizens, determined upon making 
 a stout resistance, raised a municipal tax, and formed 
 themselves into thirty- four companies, each of which 
 undertook to defend one of the towers which stood 
 out from the city walls. The suburbs were destroyed 
 for fear of their getting into the power of the enemy. 
 Artillery played a conspicuous part in the siege of 
 Orleans ; that of the English was badly served, and- 
 excited the merriment of the besieged, who made fun 
 of those eighty pound cannon balls which killed no 
 one. The Orleanese, on the contrary, had excellent 
 gunners, and each piece had its special part and 
 particular duty. Some of the episodes connected 
 with the siege are amusing. Here is one : At dinner 
 time, one day, a lad, walking on the ramparts, found a 
 
< 
 ij 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
26o ''battle of the herrings." 
 
 cannon read}^ loaded, and fired it. The ball killed 
 the Earl of Salisbury, to whom William Glasdal - was 
 at that very moment saying, " My lord, you see your 
 city." The greater part of the winter thus passed. 
 In February, however, a stratagem which might have 
 saved Orleans was on the point of putting it in the 
 possession of the English. The Count of Clermont, 
 who was arriving to the assistance of the besieged 
 with a powerful reinforcement, wished to carry off a 
 convoy of herrings sent by the Duke of Bedford to 
 the besiegers for the season of Lent. He unfortu- 
 nately failed with the loss of between four and five 
 hundred men. This " Battle of the Herrings " tho- 
 roughly disheartened the French. All their chief 
 leaders gave up Orleans as hopelessly lost. The 
 Count of Clermont retired, taking away with him the 
 Chancellor, the Bishop of Orleans himself, La Hire, 
 and two thousand men. An appeal was uselessly 
 made to the Duke of Burgundy ; the Orleanese were 
 themselves beginning to debate whether it was not 
 better to live as subjects of the King of England than 
 not to live at all. It was then that Joan of Arc 
 appeared. 
 
 For some time an almost universal presentiment 
 had spread that France was to be saved by a woman. 
 The prophecies of Merlin said so, and to those 
 prophecies the superstitious part of the population 
 gave the utmost credence. Let us say a few words 
 of the wonderful person whom heaven had destined 
 to restore the nationality of France. 
 
 Joan was born at the small village of Domremy, in 
 Lorraine, on the 6th of January, 141 2. Her father's 
 
JOAN OF ARC. {Statue by Lefetivre.) 
 
262 yOAN OF ARC, 
 
 name was Jacques d'Arc, her mother's, Isabelle 
 Romee. It was a family of honest, hard-working 
 agriculturists, fearing God, and bringing up their 
 children with the utmost care. Joan grew up till the 
 age of thirteen surrounded by the best examples, at 
 spending her time in tending her father's flocks, 
 and, when indoors, in plying her distaff 
 
 One summer's day, about the hour of noon, whilst 
 she was in the garden belonging to her father's cot- 
 tage, she saw a brilliant light in the direction of the 
 church, and heard a voice saying to her, " Joan, be a 
 kind and good child ; go often to church." She was 
 thoroughly frightened. By and by she had visions ; 
 the archangel Saint Michael, Saint Margaret, and 
 Saint Catherine conversed familiarly with her, and ap- 
 peared to her accompanied by millions of angels. 
 "Joan," they said, "you must go to France." On one 
 occasion Saint Michael told her to go to the assistance 
 of the King of France, and restore to him his kingdom. 
 She answered, trembling : " My Lord, I am only a 
 poor girl, and I could neither ride nor take the com- 
 mand of men-at-arms." The voice continued :/'You 
 must go to maistre Robert de Baudricourt, captain of 
 Vaucouleurs, and he will have you taken to the king ; 
 Saint Margaret and Saint Catherine will come to your 
 assistance." 
 
 For several years Joan resisted, frightened at the 
 idea of so new a mission, and disheartened by the 
 taunts of her father, who said to her that she had lost 
 her senses. One of her uncles, at last, allowing him- 
 self to be persuaded, accompanied her to Robert de 
 Baudricourt. The news of the distress of Orleans had 
 
yOAN OF ARC. 263 
 
 reached her, and her voices kept repeating : *' Hasten ! 
 hasten ! " The captain of Vaucouleurs, in the first 
 place, laughed at her. Nothing daunted, she ex- 
 claimed : " My lord captain, know that God, for some 
 time, has made known unto me and ordered me on 
 several occasions to go to the Dauphin who ought to 
 oe, and is, the true King of France ; he is to deliver 
 unto me men-at-arms, with whom I shall raise the 
 siege of Orleans, and take the king to Reims to be 
 anointed/' Baudricourt at last yielded. He gave Joan 
 a sword and an escort, and dismissed her, without 
 having much confidence in the success of her mission, 
 saying : " Go, and happen what may ! " 
 
 On the 5th of March, 1429, about noon, Joan of 
 Arc, dressed in military attire, entered the small town 
 of Chinon, where Charles VH. happened to be. He 
 gave her audience, but in order to put her to the test, 
 ne concealed himself amongst the lords and noblemen 
 who formed his court. Led by her voices^ she went 
 straight up to him, and said : " God grant you a good 
 life, noble prince." "I am not the king," answered 
 Charles ; and, pointing to one of the lords present, 
 who was richly dressed : " Here is the king." Joan, 
 without allowing herself to be disconcerted, exclaimed : 
 " In God's name, gentle prince, it is you who for a 
 positive certainty are the king, and no one else." 
 Charles then asked her her name, and what she wanted. 
 " Gentle Dauphin," she answered, " my name is Joan 
 the Maid [La Pucelle), and the King of heaven bids me 
 tell you that you shall be anointed and crowned at 
 Reims, and that you shall be lieutenant for the King 
 of heaven, who is King of France." She then whis- 
 
264 yOAN OF ARC. 
 
 pered to him a few words, at which Charles was very 
 much astonished, and very joyous ; then, raising her 
 voice, she added : " I tell you, in God's name, that you 
 are the true heir of France, and son of the king." 
 
 Charles VII. was not yet completely satisfied, and 
 he resolved to bring Joan of Arc before a committee 
 of clergymen and theologians, who should put to her 
 a variety of questions in order to test the validity of 
 her mission, and to make quite sure of her orthodoxy. 
 This tedious and puerile examination lasted some 
 time, and having proved satisfactory, the next thing 
 was to equip the " maiden " for her venturesome ex- 
 pedition. La Hire and Xaintrailles, two of the most 
 distinguished generals on the royalist side, were to 
 accompany her to Orleans at the head of a convoy of 
 provisions and ammunition. She wanted a weapon, 
 and her voices revealed to her that in the church of 
 Saint Catherine of Fierbois there was behind the altar 
 a sword of which the hilt was marked with five crosses. 
 The indication proved perfectly correct, and from that 
 day Joan of Arc never parted with that sword, 
 although she did not use it, not willing, ^she said, to 
 kill any person. She further procured a white stan- 
 dard adorned with gold Jleiirs-de-fys ; on one side was 
 the representation of the Almighty in a cloud, at His 
 feet two angels, with the inscriptions— y/i-?/.$", Marie ; 
 the other side gave the escutcheon of France supported 
 by two angels. Another standard, of smaller size, 
 which she caused to be made at the same time, repre- 
 sented an angel offering a lily to the blessed Virgin. 
 
 Joan of Arc's small army was a perfect contrast to 
 the lawless, brutal, and fierce ecoi'cheiirs and routiers 
 
yOAN OF ARC, 265 
 
 which at that time devastated not only France, but the 
 whole of Europe. It was preceded by a group of 
 priests singing hymns ; the main body consisted of 
 adventurers and ribands whom La Pucelles influence 
 had quite transformed. No swearing was allowed, 
 
 MEDAL OF JOAN OF ARC. 
 
 and this for La Hire had all the character of a down- 
 right privation. Pitying his distress she allowed him 
 to swear " by his staff " {^par son baton). 
 
 The expedition arrived under the walls of Orleans on 
 
266 BATTLE OF PAT AY. 
 
 the 29th of April, 1429. Dunois came to meet Joan, 
 and introduced her into the town, with her convoy 
 and her men-at-arms. The inhabitants received her 
 with great demonstrations of enthusiasm. 
 
 The siege of Orleans had lasted seven months 
 alread)^ ; in ten days Joan of Arc raised it. One of 
 the English bastiles was named Rouen, another Paris, 
 and a third, London. How humiliating for the 
 besiegers to have to abandon positions bearing such 
 proud designations ! But it must needs be done. 
 Orleans once delivered, Joan of Arc went to join the 
 king at Tours, and urged him to march at once with 
 his army towards Reims, where the ceremony of con- 
 secration was to take place. " I shall not live much 
 more than one year from hence ; we must think of 
 toiling hard, for there is much to be done." A start 
 was made, and of the most brilliant kind; Jargeau, 
 Meung-sur- Loire, and Beaugency were taken from the 
 English. On the i8th of June a decisive victory was 
 won at Patay, between Orleans and Chateaudun, in 
 which Talbot and several English captains of distinc- 
 tion were taken prisoners. No serious obstacle now 
 stood in the way of Charles VI h After a two days' 
 siege Troyes was carried ; a few days later the Bishop 
 of Chalons brought to the king the keys of that city. 
 Finally, on the i6th of July, 1429, Charles entered 
 Reims, having by his side Joan of Arc, who carried 
 her standard ; the ceremony of the coronation was 
 fixed for the 17th, which happened to be a Sunday. 
 
 The situation of the Duke of Bedford had become 
 rather difficult. The national sentiment was thoroughly 
 roused in France ; not only had the English given up 
 
CAPTURE OF yOAN OF ARC. 267 
 
 all hope of conquering the districts of the centre, they 
 were beginning to lose their possessions in the northern 
 provinces ; the towns of Crecy, Provins, Coulommiers, 
 and Chateau-Thierry had driven away the foreign 
 garrisons. Encouraged by this awakening of patriotism, 
 the generals of Charles marched towards Paris, and 
 attacked the gate of St. Honore ; unsuccessful there, 
 they fell back in the direction of Compiegne, which 
 they took after a protracted siege. This was to be the 
 last step in the career of the Maid of Orleans. She 
 had lately been repeatedly warned by her voices that 
 she was to be captured before the festival of St. John, 
 but how and when she knew not. One day, after 
 hearing mass and taking the holy communion, she said 
 to those who surrounded her : " My children and dear 
 friends, I warn you that I have been sold and betrayed. 
 I shall soon be put to death ; I entreat and beseech 
 you to pray God for me." 
 
 It was during a sally headed by La Pucelle that the 
 fatal event took place. Either by mistake or by treason, 
 the drawbridge was raised before she could re-enter 
 the town, and she was seized by about twenty soldiers. 
 She surrendered to a knight of the household of the 
 Duke of Burgundy. In spite of an appeal made by 
 the University of Paris, Joan was given up to the 
 English for the sum of 10,000 livres, and a judge was 
 appointed to try her. The person selected for that 
 wretched task was a certain Pierre Cauchon, Bishop of 
 Beauvais, a great champion of the English and of the 
 Bourguignons. He had taken an active part in the 
 excesses of the Cabochians, and had caused himself 
 to be named judge to try the Armagnac clergy. For 
 
268 
 
 CORONATION OF HENRY VL 
 
 this piece of zeal he had been rewarded with a bishopric 
 by the Duke of Burgundy, and now he was resolved 
 to curry favour with the English by putting Joan of 
 Arc to death. It was, to all intents and purposes, a 
 foregone conclusion ; the trial had taken place at 
 Rouen, the sentence that the unfortunate heroine 
 should be burnt alive was carried out on the 30th of 
 May, 143 1. Twenty-four years later, at the request of 
 Charles VII., Pope Calixtus III. ordered the trial to 
 
 STATUE OF JOAN OF AUG. 
 
 be revised, and on the 7th of July, 1456, the rehabili- 
 tation of the Maid of Orleans was solemnly proclaimed. 
 The situation of the English had not improved by this 
 tragic event ; King Henry VI. was crowned indeed 
 at Paris" (December 17, 143 1), but this ceremony 
 created a great deal of dissatisfaction amongst the 
 people. Why was the officiating priest an English- 
 man, the Cardinal of Winchester, and not a French- 
 
CONFERENCE AT ARRAS, 269 
 
 man? Why did not one single French lord attend? 
 Why did not the usual acts of kindness and royal 
 generosity follow upon the coronation, such as libera- 
 tion of prisoners, remission of taxes, money gratuities? 
 Then the Duke of Burgundy was getting weary of his 
 foreign allies; he had had to put up with their haugh- 
 tiness and their pretensions. Notwithstanding the signal 
 services he had rendered them, he had never received 
 from them the slightest assistance in his times of 
 distress and of embarrassment. All these circumstances 
 were cleverly turned to use by the Constable de Riche- 
 mont, whose talents as a politician were fully equal to 
 his courage ; and the only thing which prevented Philip 
 the Good from breaking off his alliance with the Eng- 
 lish was a kind of chivalrous point d'honneur he felt 
 bound to respect. 
 
 Meanwhile a general conference took place at 
 Arras with the view of considering the terms of a 
 truce, or possibly a permanent peace. All the 
 European states sent representatives — the Pope, the 
 emperor, the kings of Navarre, Castile, Arragon, 
 Portugal, Sicily, Naples, Cyprus, Poland, Denmark ; 
 the large towns, the University of Paris had their 
 delegates. The King of France was represented by 
 Constable de Richemont and eighteen lords; the 
 King of England by the Cardinal of Winchester and 
 a large number of barons ; the Duke of Burgundy 
 appeared in person. 
 
 The English were the first to state their preten- 
 sions They wanted merely a iriice and the marriage 
 of Henry VI. with a daughter of Charles VII. The 
 French ambassadors, however, declared that their 
 
270 RICHEMONT ENTERS PARIS. 
 
 mission was expressly to conclude a peac^, and they 
 insisted upon the King of England giving up his 
 pretended rights to the French crown and to all the 
 provinces which he occupied on the Continent 
 These terms were contemptuously rejected, and on 
 the 1st of September the English delegates an- 
 nounced their intention of leaving the assembly and 
 returning to England. The Pope's envoys took the 
 opportunity of renewing their entreaties with the 
 Duke of Burgundy, and this prince, already more 
 than half disposed to give way, was determined by 
 the news he received — (i) of the death of the Duke 
 of Bedford at Chantereine, near Rouen ; (2) of the 
 approaching end of the old queen, Isabelle of 
 Bavaria. Considering himself as relieved, by this 
 twofold event, from his former engagements, he 
 signed the treaty of Arras (1436), independently of 
 the English, The conditions were both onerous 
 and humiliating for Charles VII., who had, in the 
 first place, to disown the murder of John the 
 Fearless, and to make a kind of amende honorable ; 
 and, in the next, to give over to the Duke of 
 Burgundy the countships of Auxerre, Macon, several 
 towns on the Somme, besides 400,000 gold crowns. 
 On the other hand, he now had Paris, and that was 
 an ample compensation for the rest. The citizens 
 called in the Constable de Richemont, and opened 
 to him the gates of Saint Jacques on the 29th of 
 May, 1436. Lord Willoughby and the fifteen thou- 
 sand English soldiers who defended Paris shut them- 
 selves up within the Bastile. They would have 
 been a rich booty if it had only been possible to 
 
CHARACTER OF CHARLES VII. 27 1 
 
 reach them, for the number of noblemen who com ■ 
 posed the main force of that army could not have got 
 off without paying a heavy ransom ; but Richemont 
 could not undertake the siege of the fortress for want 
 of ammunition, artillery, &c. He had therefore to 
 accept the terms offered by the enemy, to wit, that 
 they might retire with all their goods and effects, 
 accompanied by those who had cast in their lot with 
 them. On that condition they gave up the Bastile 
 to the French, left Paris by the gate of Saint 
 Antoine, embarked on the Seine, and retired to 
 Rouen. 
 
 The first part of the reign of Charles VII. may be 
 said to end here. His moral character had never 
 been particularly severe, and to the end he indulged 
 his passions very freely. His liaison with Agnes 
 Sorel is a case in point, and although this episode has 
 been ridiculousl}^ exaggerated, yet it has doubtless a 
 foundation in fact. But whereas, up to the year 
 1436, he had shown himself careless, indolent, and 
 neglectful of his duties, he now, thanks to age and 
 experience combined, really played the part of a 
 king, and sought the advice of good and trustworthy 
 councillors. His wife, Marie d'Anjou, and his mother- 
 in-law, Yolande, had always enjoyed much influence 
 over him. Jean Bureau, Master of the Artillery, the 
 banker [argentier) Jacques Coeur, Etienne Chevalier, 
 who was secretary to the king, Guillaume Cousinot, 
 Master of Requests, may be named amongst the most 
 notable of his advisers. Pierre and Jean de Breze, 
 Xaintrailles, La Hire, Chabannes, and Dunois served 
 him on the battle-field. Let us notice that all the 
 
272 END OF THE WAR. 
 
 persons we have just named belonged either to the 
 bourgeoisie or to the petite noblesse ; the Constable, 
 Count de Richemont, was the only real nobleman in the 
 king's council, and he had been equally active against 
 the monarch's favourites and against the English. 
 
 The entry of Charles VII. in Paris took place with 
 a great deal of pomp and ceremony. The king only 
 remained three weeks there, and started for the 
 southern provinces, where he had to encounter the 
 English on several occasions. He wrested from them 
 Marmande, Dax, Saint Sever, La Reole, Tartas, Blaye, 
 and received the homage of some of the principal 
 lords in Languedoc and Guienne. The previous year 
 he had made a campaign in the Eastern districts, and 
 distinguished himself at the siege of Pontoise. 
 
 The first year's truce (1444-49) had come to an 
 end, and France was in a condition to resume 
 hostilities with great chances of success. The royal 
 forces invaded Normandy, and occupied the whole of 
 that province after two campaigns, crowned by the 
 battle of Formigny (1450). Dunois then marched 
 into Guienne, and made himself master of Bordeaux 
 and Bayonne (145 i). Two years later the English, 
 willing to retrieve their disasters, made a fresh 
 attempt south of the Garonne, and succeeded at 
 first ; but the death of Talbot, killed at the battle of 
 Castillon (1453), was a fatal blow struck at the 
 invaders. Charles VII. entered Bordeaux in triumph 
 on the 19th of October, 1453. The Hundred Years' 
 War was thus finished, and the English retained in 
 France merely Calais and two small towns in the 
 neighbourhood. 
 
THE " PRAGUERIE.'' 273 
 
 The enemies thus subdued, the time had come at 
 last for introducing into France a thorough system of 
 reforms, and for reorganizing the administration of 
 the kingdom. The state of the army required the 
 king's earhest care, and the energy with which he 
 went to work proved that he felt the gravity of the 
 situation. His first attempt was made nearly twenty 
 years before the battle of Castillon, and it resulted in 
 a civil war. Charles VII. assembled the States- 
 General at Orleans in October, 1439, and obtained 
 from them a subsidy of 1,200,000 livres, which was 
 to be raised by means of a permanent tax. The 
 object of this subsidy was to pay a regular body of 
 gendarmerie, thus placing the armed forces of the 
 realm under the king's immediate authority, and 
 crippling the power of the feudal lords. So bold a 
 measure incensed, as may well be supposed, both the 
 aristocracy and also the ecorckeurs, who saw their 
 occupation entirely gone. They rose against the 
 king, and selected as their leader the Dauphin 
 Louis, who was destined to be, when on the throne, 
 the most energetic opponent of the system he now 
 undertook to support. This rebellion was called the 
 Praguerie, by allusion to the revolt of the Hussites of 
 Prague, in Germany, and it brought together, by a 
 singular contrast, both the elite of the nobility, such 
 as the Dukes of Bourbon and of Alengon, the Counts 
 of Dunois and of Vendome, on the one side, and, on 
 the other, the principal leaders of the routiers, 
 Antoine and Jacques de Chabannes, for instance, the 
 bastard of Bourbon, Jean de la Roche, and Jean 
 Sanglier. Charles VII., however, had no difficulty in 
 
274 ''ORDONNANCE D'ORLEANS. 
 
 suppressing this insurrection. He had on his side, at 
 once, all the middle classes, the bourgeoisie and 
 the common people. A few measures of severity 
 frightened the rebels, and when they saw the Count 
 de Saint Pol sewed in a sack and thrown into the 
 river, they understood that this was no joking matter. 
 The Dauphin thought better of the false step he had 
 taken, and the Duke of Burgundy felt the necessity 
 of keeping quiet. Two expeditions, the one in 
 Switzerland and the other of Lorraine, disposed of 
 the remainder of the ecorcheurs, and the king was at 
 last able to carry out the scheme of reform sketched 
 out in the Ordonnance d' Orleans. In 1445 the French 
 army was reduced to fifteen companies of one hundred 
 lances, each lance including the man-at-arms, his page^ 
 three archers, and one inferior retainer {coiitillier)^ all 
 mounted. They did garrison duty in the principal 
 towns, and the most important of them having 
 only twenty or at the outside thirty lances, the 
 citizens were numerically stronger than the soldiers, 
 and therefore able to repress any disorder which 
 might arise. Strange to say, the old routiers were 
 very anxious to belong to those coinpagnies d'ordon- 
 nance, and vacancies were immediately filled. Charles 
 VII. had thus at his disposal a body of nine thousand 
 picked cavalry, and those 7vntiers who could find no 
 occupation were compelled to return to their own 
 homes, under threat of severe punishment, if they 
 disturbed the public peace. 
 
 Three years later (1448) another royal decree pro- 
 vided for the organization of the French infantry. 
 Every one of the 16^000 parishes of which the king- 
 
THE '' FRANCS- ARCHERS.'' 275 
 
 dom consisted was bound to supply a foot soldier 
 properly armed and accoutred, who was to undergo a 
 military, training every fete-^d^y and serve the king, 
 whenever required to do so, for a pay of four francs a 
 month when on duty, besides being exempted from 
 certain of the taxes. These francs -archers could not 
 be expected to be at the outset accomplished soldiers, 
 and the witty poet Villon made great fun of them in 
 one of his amusing pieces — 
 
 " Ya-t-il homme, qui a quatre [^avec ses quatre valets) 
 Dy-je, ya-t-il quatre qui veuillent 
 
 Combatre a moy? si tost recueillent { = qu''ils relevent de suite) 
 Mon gantelet ; vela ( = voila) pour gaige ! 
 Par le sang-bieu 1 je ne crains paige, 
 S'il n'a point plus de quatorze ans. 
 J'ay autresfoys tenu les rencz, 
 Dieu mercy ! et gaigne le prix 
 Contre cinq Angloys que je pris, 
 
 Povres prisonniersdesnuez ( =^depouilUs de leiirs amies et de leurs habits) 
 Si tost que je les euz ruez {=jetiis par terre). 
 Ce fut au siege d'Alengon." 
 
 The Fj'anc-archer de Bagnolet, who boasts of having 
 made five English soldiers prisoners at the siege of 
 Alengon, and who is almost frightened to death by a 
 scare-scrow, is a kind of French Falstaff, but we need 
 not take him as a fair specimen of the body to which 
 he belonged ; in a few years he will become as brave 
 as Dunois himself, and his descendants will hold their 
 own on all the battle-fields of Europe. 
 
 Financial reforms were quite as urgent as military 
 ones. On the 25th of December, 1453, Charles VIL, 
 acting on the advice of Jacques Cceur, his argentier, or 
 Chancellor of theExchequer,introducedan order which 
 
PORTRAIT OF JACQUES CCEUR. 
 
FINANCIAL REFORMS, zyy 
 
 provided for the better management of the finances 
 (i) by submitting to a mutual control the various 
 officers and boards or committees entrusted with the 
 assessment and collecting of the taxes; and (2) bygiving 
 a permanent character to these taxes, so far at least 
 as the Langued'oil districts were concerned. Lan- 
 guedoc, Dauphine, and the provinces south of the 
 Loire continued to vote the taxes in their provincial 
 assemblies (etats), hence the name of pays d'etats 
 which they had by opposition to the pays d' election 
 where the subsidies were collected by the agents 
 ielus) of the government. This wise reform raised 
 the revenues of the state to 2,300,000 livres. 
 
 The institution of a parliament at Toulouse (1443), 
 and of another at Grenoble (1453), and the idea partly 
 carried out of compiling a code of the custom-laws 
 {coutiiines) in use throughout the kingdom, are due Hke- 
 wise to Charles VII., and must not be forgotten. In 
 the meanwhile the taking of Constantinople by the 
 Turks (1453) excited great emotion throughout 
 Christendom, and it was thought that the Duke of 
 Burgundy would take the command of a new Crusade 
 against the infidels. The days of faith and Chris- 
 tian fervour, however, had passed away. During the 
 Middle Ages fasting and penance would have been 
 deemed the only fit preparation for so serious an 
 enterprise; now, instead of fasting, there was ban- 
 queting, and instead of penance there were jousts and 
 tournaments. On second thoughts it appeared that 
 Mahomet 11. threatened only the German Empire ; 
 accordingly the idea of a Crusade which Philip the 
 Good had never seriously entertained, was given up. 
 
278 DEATH OF CHARLES VII. 
 
 The feudal system was in the last throes of agony, 
 but its turbulent representative, the Duke of Bur- 
 gundy, did his best to keep it alive and to raise up 
 enemies against Charles VII. Amongst the nobles 
 thus encouraged in their rebellious course were the 
 Duke d'Alengon and the Count d'Armagnac. They 
 were both arrested and condemned, the former to 
 prison for life, the latter to exile (1456, 1455). The 
 Dauphin Louis, sent by his father into the domains 
 which belonged to him by virtue of his title, carried 
 on his political intrigues with such energy and such 
 impudence that Charles VIL, besides sending against 
 him Antoine de Chabannes with a body of troops, 
 marched towards Lyons with a second army. 
 Frightened by this promptness, Louis fled into the 
 estates of the Duke of Burgundy, who received him 
 with every possible honour, but refused him the 
 military assistance he would fain have obtained against 
 his father. Louis, however, succeeded so thoroughly 
 in frightening Charles VIL, that the wretched King of 
 France, weakened, besides, by his indulgences and his 
 excesses, fancied that the Dauphin wanted to poison 
 him, and he starved himself to death (July 22, 1461). 
 
 The cowardly manner in which Joan of Arc was 
 given up to the English, and the condemnation of 
 the avgentier, Jacques Coeur, are two actions which 
 have done much harm to the reputation of Charles 
 VIL Jacques Coeur had originally been a simple 
 tradesman. Voyages on the further side of the Alps 
 and in the Levant had revealed to him the secret of 
 the prosperity which distinguished the great commer- 
 cial cities of Italy. Following their example, he went 
 
JACQUES CCEUR. 279 
 
 to Syria and to Egypt, brought from thence all the 
 produce of the East, and had a fleet of his own. 
 Charles VIL, who had known him at Bourges, named 
 him his ai^gentier royal, and for the space of twelve 
 years he took a prominent part in all the most impor- 
 tant affairs of the government. His motto was : ''a 
 vaillant cceur rien d'iinpossibler Distinguished above 
 all others by the clearness of his mind and his severe 
 probity, he always contrived to face the financial 
 difficulties by which he was surrounded, and drew from 
 his own resources, when the national exchequer was 
 empty. Thus he advanced to Charles VII. 200,000 
 crowns (24,000,000 francs of the present coinage) 
 wherewith to conquer Normandy. " Sire," said he, 
 " all that I possess belongs to you." , The courtiers 
 took him at his word, brought him before the judges 
 on a calumnious charge of malversation, divided his 
 fortune amongst themselves, and caused him to be 
 kept a prisoner in a convent at Beaucaire. His late 
 clerks, however, succeeded in getting him out by main 
 force, and took him to Rome where he was most 
 honourably received by the Pope (1455). He died in 
 the next year from a wound received at Chios in a 
 fight against the Turks. Another financier, Jean de 
 Xaincoings, had been, during the previous year, con- 
 demned quite as severely, and quite as unfairly. The 
 death of Charles VI I. caused throughout France a great 
 deal of sorrow. Having started from Meung-sur- Loire, 
 the royal cortege reached Paris on the 5th of August, 
 and the funereal ceremony took place on the 8th, at 
 Saint Denis. As the corpse was lowered into the 
 grave, a herald-at-arms, lowering his mace, exclaimed 
 
28o 
 
 DEATH OF CHARLES VII. 
 
 "God have in His holy keeping the soul of Charles 
 VI I. , the most victorious king"; then, after a 
 moment's silence, he added, " Long live the King ! " 
 and the crov/d shouted out : " Long live King 
 Louis ! " 
 
XIV. 
 
 LOU I S XI. 
 
 (I46I-I483.) 
 
 It seemed, at the accession of Louis XL, that the 
 day for feudaHsm had come at last. Were not all 
 the antecedents of Louis XI. a pledge that he would 
 restore to the nobility their privileges, their influence, 
 their political authority? Was he not the intimate 
 friend of the Duke of Burgundy, than whom no 
 prince was so completely identified with the feudal 
 system ? All these hopes were in the most unex- 
 pected manner doomed to be frustrated ; after having 
 lost the judicial power under Philip the Fair and his 
 sons, and the military prestige during the Hundred 
 Years' War, the nobles were now about to be shorn of 
 their political greatness. 
 
 The houses or families with which the struggle 
 must be carried on were those of Anjou, Brittany, 
 and Burgundy. The first included, besides Anjou 
 itself, Provence, Maine, and Lorraine, provinces too 
 far apart from each other to be able to undertake 
 a combined action against the king. Further, the 
 chief of that house was at that time "good King 
 Rene," a prince more engrossed by art and poetry 
 
KING REN£. 
 
JEANNE DE LAVAL. 
 
284 LOUIS XI. AND FEUDALISM. 
 
 than by politics. The population, under the rule of 
 the Duke of Brittany had the decided advantage of 
 being bound together by a community of traditions 
 and laws, but they were too poor to venture upon a 
 war which must necessarily involve a considerable 
 expenditure, even supposing the issues were favourable 
 to them. 
 
 Remained the formidable house of Burgundy, 
 formidable in appearance, and ruling over territories 
 which were as rich as they were extensive. Bur- 
 gundy, Franche Comte, Picardy, Artois, Flanders, the 
 countships of Auxerre and Macon, Bar-sur-Seine, 
 Ponthieu, Bourbonnais, the towns on the Somme and 
 all the cities of the Netherlands — such were the 
 chief constituent parts of the duchy then governed 
 by Philip the Good. 
 
 Besides those three houses we must take into 
 account the apanages granted to the younger sons, 
 and which represented distinct feudatory establish- 
 ments (Bourbon, Alengon, Courtenai, Armagnac, &c.). 
 
 There is no doubt that if the numerous provinces 
 composing the Duchy of Burgundy had been strongly 
 knit together, the task of bringing them under sub- 
 mission would have been a most severe one ; but 
 the chance of wars and of treaties had made them 
 part of the same body, not national affinities ; they 
 were not really united together, and Flanders, for 
 instance, was only awaiting a favourable opportunity 
 to recover its independence. 
 
 The King of France, who had now to cope with all 
 these forces, has been so accurately described and 
 appreciated by Commines, Sir Walter Scott, and M. 
 
CHARACTER OF LOUIS XI. 285 
 
 Victor Hugo, that rather than attempt to place before 
 our readers a fresh portrait, we feel it safer to quote 
 from the pages of one of these distinguished writers. 
 
 " Brave enough for several useful and political 
 purposes," says the author of " Quentin Durward," 
 " Louis had not a spark of that romantic valour, or of 
 the pride generally associated with it, which fought on 
 for the point of honour, when the point of utility had 
 been long gained. Calm, crafty, and profoundly 
 attentive to his own interest, he made every sacrifice, 
 both of pride and passion, which could interfere with 
 it. He was careful in disguising his real sentiments 
 and purposes from all who approached him, and 
 frequently used the expressions, ' that the king knew 
 not how to reign who knew not how to dissemble; 
 and that, for himself, if he thought his very cap knew 
 his secrets, he would throw it into the fire.' No man 
 of his own, or of any other time, better understood 
 how to avail himself of the frailties of others, and 
 when to avoid giving any advantage by the untimely 
 indulgences of his own." 
 
 " He was by nature vindictive and cruel, even to the 
 extent of finding pleasure in the frequent executions 
 which he commanded. But, as no touch of mercy ever 
 induced him to spare, when he could with safety con- 
 demn, so no sentiment of vengeance ever stimulated 
 him to a premature violence. He seldom sprung on his 
 prey till it was fairly within his grasp, and till all hope 
 of rescue was vain ; and his movements were so 
 studiously disguised, that his success was generally 
 what first announced to the world the object he had 
 been manoeuvring to attain." 
 
286 CORONATION OF LOUIS XI. 
 
 " In like manner, the avarice of Louis gave way to 
 apparent profusion, when it was necessary to bribe 
 the favourite or minister of a rival prince for averting 
 any impending attack, or to break up any alliance 
 confederated against him. He was fond of license 
 and pleasure ; but neither beauty nor the chase, 
 though both were ruling passions, ever withdrew him 
 from the most regular attendance to public business 
 and the affairs of his kingdom. His knowledge of 
 mankind was profound, and he had sought it in the 
 private walks of life, in which he often personally 
 mingled ; and, though naturally proud and haughty, 
 he hesitated not, with an inattention to the arbitrary 
 divisions of society which was then thought some- 
 thing portentously unnatural, to raise from the lowest 
 rank men whom he employed on the most important 
 duties, and knew so well how to choose them, that he 
 was rarely disappointed in their qualities." 
 
 The whole life of Louis XL was a perfect illus- 
 tration of Sir Walter Scott's portrait of him ; the 
 ceremony of his coronation which took place as usual 
 at Reims, August i8, 146 1, drew together all the 
 high barons who reckoned upon a speedy restoration 
 of the feudal system. The Duke of Burgundy, 
 surrounded by his vassals, took the lead as premier 
 peer of the realm ; but when he asked the king for- 
 giveness for all those who might have offended him 
 when he was Dauphin, Louis granted the request with 
 the exception of eight persons whose names he would 
 not let be known. 
 
 The entire administration of the state was altered; 
 the advisers of Charles VH. were dismissed, and 
 
League of the common weal. 287 
 
 replaced by men sprung from the lowest classes of 
 society ; his physician, Fumee ; his cook, Pierre des 
 Habilites ; • his barber, Olivier le Daim, nicknamed 
 Olivier le Diable; and Tristan L'Hermite, whom he 
 familiarly designated as his confrere, were the persons 
 honoured with his confidence. This measure created 
 a great deal of irritation, and several hasty and im- 
 prudent attempts at reform made about the same 
 time heightened the general discontent. The people 
 had expected a remission of taxes on account of the 
 coronation ; instead of this they were raised from 
 1,800,000 livres to 3,000,000, and a riot having taken 
 place at Reims, Louis ordered several of the bourgeois 
 to be hung, and some to have their ears cut off. The 
 university of Paris, and the Parliaments were not 
 better treated ; the power of the Church was reduced 
 and its privileges curtailed. 
 
 The nobles, equally disappointed and irritated, were 
 seeking an opportunity of making Louis XL feel 
 their power, when the important purchase of the 
 cities of the Somme made by the king from the Duke 
 of Burgundy afforded them the pretext they required. 
 The son of Philip the Good, the Count de Charolais, 
 so celebrated afterwards under the name of Charles 
 the Bold, considered this bargain as unfairly forced 
 upon an old man taken by surprise ; he, himself, had 
 private grievances against the king, and was eager to 
 try conclusions with him. Such was the origin of 
 what has been called " the league of the common 
 weal" {ligue die Bien public). Louis XL, by way of 
 counteracting it, published a manifesto addressed to 
 the citizens of the "good towns," and to all the 
 
288 BATTLE OF MONTLHERV. 
 
 kingdom ; this document was favourably received in 
 Dauphine, Auvergne, and Languedoc, and in most of 
 the large centres of population. The VdiUS,' bourgeoisie, 
 amongst others, prepared for a vigorous defence. In 
 the meanwhile, the army of the League commanded 
 by the Count of Charolais, had mustered at Saint 
 Denis ; it consisted of about fourteen hundred men-at- 
 arms, and eight thousand archers. After having taken 
 possession of some of the neighbouring villages, the 
 count made a fruitless attempt to enter the capital, 
 and finally met the king's army at Montlhery (July 
 i6, 1465). The battle was fought with much spirit 
 on both sides, but the royal troops re-entered Paris, 
 and Louis immediately began negotiations which led 
 to the treaties of Conflans (October 5th) with Charles 
 the Bold, and of Saint Maur (October 29th) with the 
 confederate princes. By virtue of these two agree- 
 ments, the king made to his enemies the most extra- 
 ordinary concessions, firmly resolved, at the same 
 time, upon setting them at nought on the very earliest 
 opportunity. This was destined to happen soon ; a 
 quarrel broke out between the Duke of Brittany and 
 the Duke of Normandy, and Louis XI. immediately 
 invaded this latter province with the view of restoring 
 it once again to the authority of the Crown. This 
 was a distinct violation of the treaty of Conflans, but 
 it was sanctioned by the States-General summoned at 
 Tours on the istof April, 1468 ; so the king, backed 
 by the nation, ventured at once to propose to the 
 King of England the invasion of Picardy, one of the 
 domains of Charles the Bold. We say Charles the 
 Bold, for Philip the Good had died suddenly, and the 
 
>a? W e^ 5v^ SbS^^Pf^ 
 
 ^ m7 
 
 es^^ 
 
 % 
 
 
 14;' J"' 
 
 PHILIP THE GOOD AND CHARLES THE BOLD. 
 
2gO FRANCE AND BURGUNDY. 
 
 dangerous task of thwarting the views and defeating 
 the intrigues of the King of France now devolved 
 upon a rash and turbulent prince, " who," to use the 
 words of Sir Walter Scott, "rushed on danger, because 
 he loved it, and on difficulties because he despised 
 them. As Louis never sacrificed his interest to his 
 passion, so Charles, on the other hand, never sacrificed 
 his passion, nor even his humour, to any other con- 
 sideration." 
 
 Meanwhile, what had been the result of the boasted 
 /i£-iie du bien public ? merely the enriching of certain 
 lords bent, as the historian Commines says, upon 
 getting out of the monarch all they could, and 
 plundering the kingdom. No wonder that Louis XL 
 wanted to have his revenge, but Charles the Bold 
 hearing of the treacherous proposal made by him to 
 the King of England, wrote to him a most impertinent 
 letter, full of threats, and lacking the simplest 
 forms of courtesy, especially taking into consideration 
 the fact that it was addressed by a vassal to his liege 
 lord. What was to be done ? Count Dammartin 
 and the rest of the officers were for violent measures. 
 " In God's name," they said, " if we are only allowed 
 to have our own way, we shall soon bring that 
 Duke of Burgundy to his senses ! The king makes 
 a sheep of himself, and bargains for his fleece and his 
 very skin, as if he had not wherewith to protect him- 
 self! 'Sdeath ! in his place we had rather venture 
 the whole kingdom than allow ourselves to be led 
 about in this fashion ! " 
 
 Louis, however, as he was wont, preferred negotiat- 
 ing, and it was settled that an interview should take 
 
LOUIS XI. AT PERONNE. 29 1 
 
 place at Peronne, a town situated on Burgundian 
 territory. Was this a snare ? Some persons thought 
 so, but the king would now allow himself to be dis- 
 suaded, and went to meet the Duke of Burgundy, 
 who received him most cordially, embraced him, and 
 led him to the castle, where lodgings had been pre- 
 pared for his reception. "Now," says Commines,"when 
 he came to Peronne, the king had forgotten that he 
 had some time before sent two ambassadors for the 
 purpose of exciting the inhabitants of Liege against 
 the duke. These ambassadors had so well succeeded 
 that a great revolt had taken place, and the Liegese 
 had already captured the city of Tongres." 
 
 The rage of the Duke of Burgundy can easily be 
 imagined ; at the very time when Louis came to treat 
 of the conditions of peace, was he thus plotting against 
 him, and sowing the seeds of rebellion amongst his 
 own subjects ? The first step he took was to make 
 quite sure that it would be impossible for his rival 
 to escape. When Louis XL, thus made prisoner, 
 began to consider that he was shut up in the same 
 tower, where in days gone by, the Count of Vermandois 
 had put to death Charles the Simple, he could not 
 help fearing lest the same destiny was in reserve for 
 him ; however, the Duke of Burgundy, though excited 
 by many of his advisers to use the most violent 
 measures against the king, was satisfied with making 
 a new treaty with him, obliging him to the humiliating 
 condition of helping to reduce the Liegese into sub- 
 mission. On these terms Louis recovered his liberty ; 
 he entered Liege wearing the cross of Saint i\ndrew 
 of Burgundy on his cap, and shouting Vive Bo2irgogne 
 
292 CARDINAL BALUE. 
 
 as loud as he could, to the great amazement of the 
 inhabitants. The whole affair having come to an 
 end, he was allowed " to depart wherever he wished 
 to go, after having spent the three most anxious 
 weeks of his life." 
 
 The Peronne incident could not fail to excite French 
 wit, and to supply food for that satirical spirit which 
 has always been such a distinguishing feature amongst 
 the Parisians ; the picture shops were full of cari- 
 catures referring to Peronne, the little children went 
 about the streets singing a complainte about Peronne ; 
 magpies, jackdaws, and other talking birds cried out 
 Peronne ! Peronne ! The magistrates had to interfere. 
 The children were whipped ; the owners of satirical 
 birds threatened with condign punishment ; finally, it 
 was forbidden under penalty of being hung, to sing 
 or compose satires, virelais, rondeaux, ballads, or 
 libels casting opprobrium upon our lord the king. 
 
 Scarcely had he returned to France than Louis XL 
 sought for a convenient opportunity of tearing to 
 shreds the treaty of Peronne. and resuming hostilities ; 
 but, in the first place, he endeavoured to win over to 
 his side the chief allies of Charles the Bold, and 
 principally his own brother, Charles, Duke de Berry. 
 These negotiations, however, had produced no result, 
 when an unforeseen circumstance proved to Louis that 
 he was betrayed by a person in whom he had placed 
 all his confidence, namely. Cardinal Balue. The 
 unfortunate prelate had to appear before the king, 
 together with the Bishop of Verdun, his accomplice ; 
 obliged to confess their secret machinations, they were 
 shut up separately in iron cages — the cardinal at 
 
CHARLES THE BOLD INVADES PICARDY. 293 
 
 Onzain, near Blois, and the bishop at the Bastile 
 Saint Antoine. They remained prisoners for more 
 than ten years. 
 
 This event hastened the reconcih'ation of Louis XI. 
 with his brother ; the latter consented to an agree- 
 ment which procured for him as an apanage Guienne, 
 Agenois, Perigord, Quercy, Saintonge, and Aunis, 
 with the title of Duke de Guienne. Charles was thus 
 relegated to the South of France, and withdrawn from 
 the influence of the Duke of Burgundy. 
 
 Urged on by the Count de Saint Pol, solemnly 
 released by the States-General from all obligation to 
 keep the treaty of Peronne, emboldened by the state 
 of England, by the strength of his own armies, and 
 his desire of vengeance; Louis now resolved upon re- 
 newing hostilities. In the first instance, he summoned 
 Charles the Bold to appear before him at Ghent ; 
 furious, disconcerted, warned besides by the Duke 
 de Bourbon, my Lord of Burgundy assembled an 
 army in all haste, and marched into Picardy ; Roye, 
 Montdidier, Amiens, Saint Quentin, were taken by 
 the French. Vainly did he write to France and to 
 England for the purpose of bribing soldiers and 
 politicians into his service. He re-crossed the Seine, 
 burnt Picquigny to the ground, failed in his endeavour 
 to take Amiens, was obliged to submit, and ended by 
 signing a truce in April, 147 1. 
 
 Charles the Bold, following the example of his 
 rival, reckoned upon the power of intrigues to make 
 up for his military failures in the north. He employed 
 all his slcill in detaching from the crown of France the 
 most influential lords of the realm, especially the 
 
294 DEATH OF THE DUKE DE GUIENNE, 
 
 Duke de Guienne. This prince had remained faith- 
 ful to his brother so long as he thought that he was 
 heir apparent to the throne ; but Louis having had a 
 son by his second wife, Charlotte of Savoy, these 
 hopes were dashed to the ground, and henceforth the 
 little court of Bordeaux became the rendezvous oi all 
 the disaffected ; the pl^n of a new league was even 
 freely discussed. Louis XL heard of it, and felt that 
 the kingdom was in the most critical position. The 
 question of dismembering the monarchy and re- 
 establishing the feudal system still pre- occupied 
 Charles the Bold. " I am so eager for the good of 
 the kingdom of France," said he, " that instead of one 
 king there, I should like to see half-a-dozen." 
 " English, Bretons, Bourguignons," exclaimed others 
 in his presence," are going to hunt the king, and if 
 he should undertake anything against the Duke de 
 Guienne, we shall set such a pack of hounds after 
 him that he won't know which way to escape." 
 
 It is not surprising that Louis XL should have been 
 accused of getting rid oi his brother by poison, so 
 timely did the death of that prince occur for the 
 king's purposes (May 24, 1472), but there is nothing 
 whatever to prove the crime, and the reputation of a 
 somewhat unscrupulous politician is, in this particular 
 case, blameless. Of course, Charles the Bold did not 
 scruple to charge the king with the crime of fratricide, 
 and he sent throughout his own domains, and to 
 several French towns, a manifesto, in which he 
 affirmed that the Duke de Guienne's death had been 
 ' procured by poison, . malefices, witchcraft, and 
 diabolical inventions." Very {(^\n people credited 
 
JEANNE HACHETTE. 295 
 
 this, and Charles the Bold made of it a pretext to 
 invade Picardy, where he committed all sorts of 
 excesses. He then marched into Normandy, where he 
 reckoned upon meeting the Duke of Brittany ; but he 
 was stopped under the walls of Beauvais by a most 
 unlooked-for resistance on the part of the inhabitants. 
 Even the women took an important share in defend- 
 ing the town ; they had as their leader a young girl, 
 Jeanne Fouquet by name, and who subsequently 
 was called Jeanne Hachette, by allusion to the weapon 
 with which she defended herself After a siege of 
 twenty-four days, Charles the Bold gave up the 
 attempt, and continued his march towards Normandy. 
 
 Louis XI. was watching closely all the movements 
 of his enemy ; he wrote to Dammartin the following 
 letter : " Keep well the city of Compiegne, it is a good 
 place ; dismantle those which cannot be held, in order 
 that the men-at-arms may not lose their time before 
 them. If it please God and our Lady, we shall soon 
 recover all. Monsieur le Grand Maitre, I request you 
 to bethink yourself of the means of striking a good 
 blow on the Duke of Burgundy, if you can advanta- 
 geously do so. I hope, on my side, to do such dili- 
 gence, that you will see that if I have stayed a long 
 time here, I have not been idle ; I believe that, please 
 God, I shall soon have done, and I mean to go and 
 help you yonder." 
 
 In spite of his wish to hold his ground in Normandy, 
 Charles the Bold was soon obliged to return to Artois 
 and Picardy, where the constable had it all his own 
 way. Louis XI. took this opportunity of proposing a 
 general truce, and negotiations were begun ; they were 
 
296 DEATH OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY. 
 
 protracted, however, for nearly a year, and it was only 
 at the end of 1473 that the rivals came to an under- 
 standing. 
 
 The Duke of Burgundy, thus free on the French 
 side, attempted new conquests in the direction of 
 Switzerland. This fresh enterprise was not attended 
 with success ; defeated at Granson (March 3, 1476), 
 and at Morat (June 22nd), he was killed in a battle 
 under the walls of Nancy (January 5, 1477). Ths 
 following quotation from Commines is interesting : 
 
 " By this every one may see into what a deplorable 
 condition this poor duke had brought himself by his 
 contempt of good counsel. Both armies being joined, 
 the Duke of Burgundy's forces having been twice 
 beaten before, and, by consequence, weak and di- 
 spirited, and ill provided besides, were quickly broken 
 and entirely defeated : many saved themselves and 
 got off; the rest were either taken or killed, and, among 
 them, the Duke of Burgundy himself was killed on the 
 spot. One Monsieur Claude, of Baurmont, captain of 
 the castle of Dier, in Lorraine, killed the Duke of 
 Burgundy. Finding his army routed, he mounted a 
 swift horse, and, endeavouring to swim a little river in 
 order to make his escape, his horse fell with him and 
 overset him : the duke cried out for quarter to this 
 gentleman who was pursuing him ; but he, being deaf, 
 and not hearing him, immediately killed and stripped 
 him, not knowing who he was, and left him naked in 
 the ditch, where his body was found the next day after 
 the battle ; which the Duke of Lorraine (to his eternal 
 honour) buried with great pomp and magnificence in 
 St. George's Church, in the old town of Nancy, him- 
 
^•TwpRuwn 
 
 GATE OF THE PALACE, NANCY. 
 
298 THE BARONIAL HOUSES GIVE WAY. 
 
 self and all his nobility, in great mourning, attending 
 the corpse to the grave. The following epitaph was 
 sometime afterwards engraved on his tomb : 
 
 ' Carolus hoc busto, Burgundae gloria gentis 
 Conditur, Europae qui fuit ante timor.'" 
 
 The death of Charles the Bold seemed the breaking 
 up of the feudal system : all the baronial houses gave 
 way in succession, and ruin struck down the proud 
 lords who had for so many years threatened the crown 
 of France. The Duke d'Alengon was amongst the 
 first. Condemned to death by Charles VII. for having 
 treated with the English, he had obtained that the 
 fatal sentence should be commuted for one of im- 
 prisonment for life. Released by Louis XL, he had then 
 joined in all the conspiracies against that monarch, and 
 rendered himself guilty of heinous crimes ; the king 
 ordered his arrest and his trial (147 3- 1474) ; he was 
 detained in prison till his death. 
 
 John v.. Count d'Armagnac, deserved capital 
 punishment far more than the Duke d'Alencon ; he 
 was murdered in 1473. The Duke de Nemours, another 
 rebel, was beheaded in 1477. The Count de Saint Pol, 
 who had aimed at creating for himself an independent 
 sovereignty, and had deceived in turns the French, the 
 English, and the Bourguignons, endeavoured to deceive 
 Louis XL ; this certainly was a bold attempt ; he paid 
 for it with his head on the Place de Greve, in Paris 
 (1475). The king's policy was to establish the pre- 
 eminence of the Crown at the expense of the aris- 
 tocracy, and by dint of patience he completely 
 succeeded. He threatened with a lawsuit the old 
 
BREAKING UP OF THE FEUDAL SYSTEM, 299 
 
 Duke de Bourbon, and admitted into his own family 
 Pierre de Beaujeu, brother and heir of that lord, by 
 bestowing upon him the hand of his daughter Anne. 
 The house of Orleans was rendered dependent of the 
 
 CATHEDRAL OF REIMS. 
 
 Crown by the marriage of Duke Louis with Joan, the 
 king's second daughter. The house of Anjou sank 
 into the same state of submission, Louis XL havmg 
 
300 BATTLE OF GUINEGATE, 
 
 wrested from the old King Rene and from his nephew 
 Charles a deed which recognized him, Louis, as heir 
 of the countships of Maine, Anjou, and Provence. 
 Brittany was kept in check, and magnificent offers 
 were made to the most powerful and influential Breton 
 noblemen. Thus Pierre de Rohan received the staff 
 of Marshal of France, Gui de Laval was appointed to 
 the important post of governor of Melun, and Pierre 
 de Laval obtained the archbishopric of Reims. 
 
 Another question sprang from the death of Charles 
 the Bold. As he had left only a daughter, Mary, what 
 was to become of all the duke's vast domains ? Suitors 
 presented themselves from different sides, and Louis XL 
 vainly tried on behalf of his son, who was then only 
 eight years old ; the accepted candidate was Maximilian 
 of Austria, and Olivier le Diable, who had been sent 
 by the King of France, under the title of Count de 
 Meulan, to enter an opposition, returned home dis- 
 comfited. The marriage, settled on the 27th of May, 
 1477, niay be considered as the origin of the desperate 
 struggle between France and Austria. 
 
 By one of those nice distinctions with which he was 
 so familiar, Louis XL invaded Hainault, and took pos- 
 session of Bouchain, Cambrai, Le Quesnoy, Avesnes, 
 Therouanne. Maximilian has assembled an army ; he 
 met the French at Guinegate, a village near Therou- 
 anne, and defeated them completely. This success, 
 however, was not of much avail to him, for he had, 
 with insufficient resources, to face the rebellion of the 
 people of Ghent and of Guelders. Under these condi- 
 tions a treaty with France could not be a difficulty ; it 
 was signed at Arras (December 23, 1482) ; Louis XL 
 
DEATH OF LOUIS XL 3OI 
 
 obtained the most favourable conditions, amongst 
 others the hand of Margaret, daughter of Maximilian, 
 for the Dauphin Charles. 
 
 The wily king was not really old, but the anxieties 
 through which he had to pass so frequently, his sus- 
 picious character, his struggles with the feudal lords, 
 had impaired his health ; he never entirely recovered 
 from an apoplectic stroke which he had in 148 1 ; the 
 idea of death continually beset him, and inspired him 
 with the most superstitious terrors. He had obtained 
 from the King of Naples for a holy man, Frangois de 
 Paule, permission to visit him at Plcssis-lez-Tours, and 
 he used frequently to kneel before him, entreating him 
 to prolong his life. Sultan Bajazet sent him some 
 relics which had been found at Constantinople ; he 
 had caused the holy ampulla to be brought from Reims 
 with the view of having his whole body anointed with 
 the consecrated oil. 
 
 All was useless, and his physician, Jacques Coitier, 
 made up his mind to inform him of what he most 
 dreaded — the approach of death. " Sire," said he to 
 him one day, " 1 must discharge a sad duty ; have no 
 longer any hope either in the holy man of Calabria 
 (Francois de Paule) or in any other remedy. It is cer- 
 tainly all over with you ; so, think of your conscience, 
 for no remedy is available." The strength of the 
 royal patient sank rapidly, and he breathed his last 
 on the 30th of August, 1483, between seven and eight 
 in the evening, repeating his habitual invocation : 
 "Our Lady of Embrun, my good mistress, have mercy 
 on me ! " 
 
 If we weigh equitably the actions of Louis XL, we 
 
302 NON-POLITICAL REFORMS. 
 
 cannot help acknowledging that he was a great king, 
 and that he did much good to France. His task was 
 to destroy a society which had served its time, and 
 was now only a hindrance to peace, order, and sound 
 government ; unfortunately the means he employed 
 were so often contrary to morality and characterized 
 by meanness, that sympathy was on the side of the 
 vanquished. The rigorous measures commanded by 
 the best interests of the country seemed inspired by 
 personal revenge, and he allowed too much for 
 treachery and underhand intrigue. 
 
 We must not forget to mention a few important 
 reforms which Louis XL introduced, and which are 
 not immediately connected with politics. The prin- 
 cipal, perhaps, is the organization of the postal service. 
 By a decree bearing date June 19, 1464, the king 
 established on all the high roads, at intervals of four 
 leagues, stations where horses of small size, properly 
 harnessed and fitted out, were kept in constant readi- 
 ness for the service of the king. The superintendents 
 or directors of these stations were known as niattres 
 tenant les chevaux coitrants pour le service du Roi. 
 They were placed under the orders of a conseiller 
 grand maitre des coureurs de France. They were 
 directed to conduct in person, without delay, all mes- 
 sengers and other persons sent by the king and pro- 
 vided with regular passports. 
 
 Louis XL created parliaments kt Grenoble, Bor- 
 deaux, and Dijon ; he multiplied the appeals made to 
 the king's court against the sentences pronounced by 
 feudal tribunals ; he retained provincial assemblies 
 where they existed already, and created them where 
 
PROGRESS OF FRANCE UNDER LOUIS XI. 303 
 
 they had not previously been formed ; he sanctioned 
 the free election of magistrates, and granted to the 
 bourgeoisie privileges which enabled them to hold their 
 own against the barons. Thus, the command of the 
 watch in the various towns belonged formerly to the 
 aristocracy ; it might now be bought by the citizens or 
 their representatives. 
 
 Commerce, industry, manufactures largely benefited 
 by the encouragement they received from Louis XI. ; 
 he had also conceived the idea of estabHshing through- 
 out the kingdom uniformity of legislation, weights and 
 measures ; and, although he was not destined to carry 
 out this wise and useful measure, yet the mere thought 
 of doing so proves his sagacity. 
 
 In conclusion, the reign of Louis XL was for France 
 an epoch of decided progress, and the political struc- 
 ture of the Middle Ages was now gone for ever. 
 
XV. 
 
 CHARLES VIII. (1483-T498)— LOUIS XIL (1498-151O. 
 
 When on his death-bed, Louis XI. sent for the lord 
 of Beaujeu, his son-in-law, and said to him, " Go to 
 Amboise and take care of the Dauphin ; I have 
 entrusted both him and the government of the king- 
 dom to the guardianship of yourself and of my 
 daughter, your wife. You know what recommenda- 
 tions I have made to him ; see that these recom- 
 mendations are strictly observed ; bid him grant 
 favour and trust to those who have served me well. 
 You likewise know who are those against whom he 
 should be on his guard, and whom you must not 
 allow to approach him." 
 
 Charles VIII. was scarcely thirteen years old, and 
 as the decree issued by Charles V. had fixed fourteen 
 as the majority for the kings of France, the adminis- 
 tration was left in the hands of the eldest daughter 
 of Louis XL, Anne de Beaujeu, aged only twenty- 
 three. The Chronicler Brantome describes her as 
 "the cleverest and ablest lady that ever was, and in 
 every respect the true image and likeness of the king, 
 Louis XL, her father." He himself was thoroughly 
 
'^ LA GRANDE DAME." 305 
 
 acquainted with the character of her whom he had 
 appointed to carry on his political system ; he used 
 to say of her : " She is the least foolish woman in the 
 world ; for there is no such person as a wise one." 
 
 Anne de Beaujeu knew full well that a reaction 
 was being organized against the old order of things, 
 and following in her father's steps, instead of offering 
 an open resistance, she applied herself to disarm the 
 malcontents by favours and promises. The Duke de 
 Bourbon, her brother-in-law, was named Constable of 
 France, and Lieutenant-general of the kingdom. 
 Louis, Duke d'Orleans, received the governorship of 
 He de France and of Champagne. Dunois was 
 appointed ruler over Dauphine. Three subaltern 
 officers were sacrificed to public hatred ; Olivier le 
 Daim and Doyac were sent to the gallows, and the 
 physician Jacques Coitier saved his head by paying 
 back fifty thousand crowns which he had received 
 from Louis XL 
 
 Difficulties soon arose, however, springing, in the 
 first place, out of the summoning of the States- 
 General, and, in the second, out of the rivalry between 
 Anne de Beaujeu and the Duke d'Orleans. This 
 nobleman hoped that by convening the States he 
 might find an opportunity of rising again into power, 
 and the princess-regent was reluctantly obliged to 
 sanction the assembly. The States met at Tours on 
 the 15th of January, 1484, in the hall of the 
 archiepiscopal palace. Never had France been so 
 thoroughly represented ; nearly three hundred 
 deputies took part in the proceedings ; the three 
 orders of the State had sent their delegates to the 
 
306 THE DUKE D' ORLEANS. 
 
 chief place of each bailliage, and even the peasants 
 had recorded their votes. 
 
 After promising in the name of the regent reforms 
 of the most satisfactory nature in every branch of 
 the pubhc service, the Chancellor of France, Guillaume 
 de Rochefort, started the question about the composi- 
 tion of the council of State. It was stated that it 
 should consist (i) of the princes of the blood royal, 
 (2) of twelve members selected from the deputies to 
 the States-General. The presidency was given to the 
 Duke d'Orleans. This last measure was, perhaps, 
 unavoidable, but created bickerings and jealousies 
 which ended by a civil war. 
 
 The chatty chronicler Brantome is worth quoting 
 here : '' I have heard say," he writes, " that from the 
 beginning Madame de Beaujeu entertained for the 
 Duke d'Orleans sentiments of affection, nay, of love ; 
 so that if M. d'Orleans had only thought fit to under- 
 stand how matters went, he might have had a large 
 share in the government of the kingdom, and I know 
 this from good authority ; but he could not restrain 
 himself, because he saw that she was too ambitious, 
 and he wanted her to yield to him, as being the first 
 prince of the royal family, and not him to her. Now 
 she desired exactly the opposite, being bent upon 
 holding the highest place and governing all. So 
 there existed between the two strivings created by 
 jealousy, love, and ambition." 
 
 Light, fickle, imprudent, but brave withal, the 
 Duke d'Orleans had to oppose a princess remarkable 
 for her sagacity, her discretion, and her cleverness ; 
 he was doomed to fail. He then issued a protest 
 
REBELLION AGAINST ANNE DE BEAUJEU. 307 
 
 addressed to the Parliament, the University, and the 
 principal cities {bonnes villes) of the realm, com- 
 plaining of Madame de Beaujeu's interference with 
 all the details of government, and pledging himself 
 to restore to the young king full freedom of action. 
 This appeal not producing the desired effect, the 
 Duke d'Orleans had recourse to conspiracy and 
 rebellion. He was joined by the Duke de Bourbon, 
 the Counts de Dunois and D'Angouleme, and 
 especially the Duke of Brittany, that last representa- 
 tive of the great feudal houses, and the determined 
 adversary of Louis XL 
 
 On her side the princess-regent had not been 
 inactive. She signed a treaty of alliance with the 
 Duke of Lorraine (September 2g, 1484), the lord of 
 Rieux, and three other powerful vassals of the Duke 
 of Brittany (October 22nd), and the three great cities 
 of Flanders, namely, Ghent, Bruges, and Ypres 
 (October 25th). She then sent a body of men-at-arms 
 to arrest the Duke d'Orleans in Paris ; but warned in 
 time, he fled to the domains of one of his supporters, 
 the Duke d'Alen^on, and from thence openly called 
 to arms all the barons of France. On the 13th of 
 December, T486, he concluded a secret alliance with 
 the Emperor Maximilian, the King of Navarre, the 
 Dukes of Bourbon and of Brittany, the Counts of 
 Narbonne, Nevers, Commines, Dunois, Angouleme, 
 Albret, the Duke of Lorraine, &c. The pretext was — 
 enforcing obedience to the resolutions passed by the 
 States-General, and putting an en J to the ambition 
 and coveteousness of the king's present advisers. On 
 the advice of Commines and of Georges d'Amboise 
 
308 BATTLE OF SAINT AUBIN DU CORMIER. 
 
 the confederates had entertained the bold thought 
 of seizing upon the king himself; but Madame de 
 Beaujeu — la grande dame^ as she was familiarly and 
 justly designated — anticipated them. In the first 
 place, she despatched a body of troops towards the 
 south of France ; they went as far as Bordeaux, and 
 reduced into submission the Count d'Angouleme, the 
 Sire d'Albret, and other powerful supporters of the 
 Duke d'Orleans. Anjou and Maine were invaded, 
 whilst La Tremoille penetrated into Brittany and 
 destroyed the castles of Ancenis and Chateaubriant 
 The two armies met at Saint Aubin du Cormier 
 (July 27, 1488), and the ultimate result was the 
 complete routing of the rebels. The Duke d'Orleans 
 fought with the utmost bravery, but he was taken 
 prisoner, and shut up first at Lusignan, and next 
 in the fortress of Bourges. 
 
 Brittany was really the centre and focus of the 
 insurrection. The duke, justly fearing the con- 
 sequences of his ill-advised resistance, sent in his 
 submission to the king, pledging himself no longer 
 to abet the designs of his enemJes, abandoning 
 certain cities as a guarantee of his sincerity, and 
 promising not to give away any of his daughters in 
 marriage except with the full consent of the King of 
 France. Shortly after he died, and the Duchy of 
 Brittany passed into the hands of the princess*Anne, 
 a child twelve years old. It w^ill be easily imagined 
 that a person thus circumstanced had plenty of 
 suitors : the most to be dreaded was the Emperor 
 Maximilian, very powerful already, and for whom 
 the possession of the Duchy of Brittany would have 
 
CHARLES VIII. . 309 
 
 been a source of influence highly prejudicial to 
 France. It was asserted that he had gone so far 
 as to form a matrimonial alliance with Anne by 
 procuration, but this was no unsurmountable obstacle, 
 and, at any rate, it must be set aside at any cost. 
 
 If we may trust contemporary historians, Charles 
 VIII. was not of a very prepossessing appearance ; 
 small in stature and badly proportioned, he had 
 a large head, a big nose, prominent lips always half- 
 open ; his utterance was full of hesitation, and a 
 nervous irritation disfigured him. Deficient both in 
 body and mind, his skill was concentrated upon 
 athletic exercises, in which he displayed great 
 proficiency. Well read, besides, in the old romances, 
 he longed for an opportunity of imitating the high 
 deeds of Charlemagne and of the mediaeval paladins, 
 and was constantly dreaming of expeditions to 
 distant countries, possibly of a fresh Crusade. 
 
 Such, in a few words, is the portrait of Charles 
 VIII. Anne of Brittany does not seem to have 
 been much more attractive ; but she had mental 
 qualities which made up for her physical drawbacks. 
 She was clever, shrewd, and her intellect had been so 
 cultivated that she understood Latin, and even some- 
 what of Greek. At any rate, the young King of 
 France gained his point, and accomplished what the 
 policy of Louis XI. most desired The marriage 
 contract was secretly signed in the Chapel of our 
 Lady at Rennes on the 19th of November, 1491, and 
 on the 1 6th of December following, the union was 
 publicly and solemnly celebrated at Langeais. Charles 
 was then one and twenty, and the bride nearly fifteen 
 
3IO . SITUATION OF ITALY. 
 
 years old. The new married couple made their official 
 entry in Paris on the 6th of February amongst a 
 large concourse of people gathered together from all 
 sides to greet them. This was the last political act 
 of Madame de Beaujeu. Her career as regent, so 
 prosperously and wisely conducted, had come to an 
 end. She retired into private life, and died in 1522. 
 
 By uniting to the Crown the domains of the house 
 of Anjou the kings of France had obtained preten- 
 tions upon the kingdom of Naples ; but was it pru- 
 dent to put forth these pretensions? Louis XI. did 
 not think so, and had never availed himself of his 
 undoubted rights. Madame de Beaujeu was of the 
 same opinion, and in her wisdom she had seen that if 
 the extension of France, and the strengthening of its 
 frontiers were needed, it should be in the direction of 
 Flanders in the north, not towards the Alps. Against 
 this opinion, maintained unanimously by Count de 
 Crevecoeur and the old advisers of the Crown, 
 Charles VIII. opposed his own strong yearning after 
 chivalrous adventures, backed by the enthusiasm of the 
 younger members of the aristocracy, whose energy, 
 cramped at home for more than thirty years, wanted 
 to spend itself on foreign battlefields. 
 
 The situation of Italy at that time was critical ; 
 monarchy, theocracy, principalities, republics, every 
 form of government was represented in the peninsula, 
 and deep-seated corruption existed under the polish 
 of art and literature. Alexander VI. in Rome, Fer- 
 dinand at Naples, Pietro di Medici at Florence, Lo- 
 dovico Sforza at Milan, were instances of what can be 
 done in the sphere of politics when vice is the moving 
 
CHARLES VIII. INVADES ITALY, 311 
 
 principle. Treachery had taken the place of courage, 
 and men, who would have not dared to fight openly 
 and to meet their enemies in a fair contest, had re- 
 course to daggers and to poison. Instead of national 
 armies were the condottieri, hired soldiers raised from 
 the scum of Europe. Italian diplomacy, says a 
 modern historian, was a school of crimes. 
 
 The temptation to invade Italy was all the stronger 
 for Charles VIII. because he was invited over by 
 some of the Italians themselves, Lodovico Sforza, the 
 Duke of Savoy, the Neapolitan nobles, Savonarola, 
 and the cardinals, enemies of the Pope Alexander VI. 
 However, before starting for this expedition certain 
 preliminaries had to be gone through which implied 
 considerable outlay of money, and negotiations with 
 powerful and ambitious neighbours. An English 
 army had landed at Calais, the Emperor Maximilian 
 was invading Artois, Ferdinand the Catholic, King of 
 Spain was preparing to cross the Pyrenees. Bent 
 upon his expedition to Italy, Charles VI 1 1, had to 
 purchase the neutrality of all these potentates. The 
 English left France (treaty of Etaples, November 3 
 1492), on the promise of 745,000 gold crowns 
 (40,000,000 francs), payable in fifteen years ; Ferdi- 
 nand the Catholic received back the provinces of 
 Cerdagne and Rcmsillon (treaty of Narbonne, January 
 19, 1493) ; the Emperor Maximilian recovered Ar- 
 tois, Franche Comte, and Charolais (treaty of Senlis, 
 May 23, 1493), which it . had cost so much to 
 Louis XL to conquer. Having thus satisfied his 
 ambitious neighbours, the King of France at last 
 started in August, 1494, at the head of an army 
 
312 BATTLE OF FORNOVA. 
 
 which Commines describes as most brilliant, but 
 " little accustomed to discipline and obedience." It 
 consisted of three thousand six hundred lances, six 
 thousand Breton archers, an equal number of cross- 
 bow men, eight hundred Gascons, eight thousand 
 Swiss pikemen, and a good proportion of volunteers. 
 The artillery struck the Italians with terror ; forty 
 siege and field pieces, and about one thousand smaller 
 ones, served by twelve thousand men, and drawn by 
 eight thousand horses. They had never seen such an 
 array, and they themselves knew absolutely nothing 
 of the working and managing of artillery. 
 
 The march of Charles VI 1 1, through the Italian 
 peninsula was like a triumphal progress ; but his 
 enemies had lost no time in the meanwhile, and 
 when he believed himself firmly established in Naples, 
 he received from Philippe de Commines the fatal 
 news : (i) that of Lodovico Sforza's treachery ; (2) 
 of an alliance against him made by the Pope, the 
 Emperor, the King of Spain, the Venetians, and the 
 Duke of Milan. There was nothing to do but to 
 return to France ; leaving his cousin, Gilbert de Bour- 
 bon, Count de Montpensier, with a force of between 
 eight and ten thousand men, to defend the kingdom 
 of Naples, Charles VIII. began his retreat, and met 
 with no obstacle till he arrived in the duchy of 
 Parma ; there he found the formidable army of the 
 Italian league, thirty thousand men strong, at least, 
 drawn up in battle array, near the village of Fornovo 
 (July 5, 1495). The French fought their way through 
 with complete success, although they were reduced to a 
 force of ten thousand men, exhausted by a long march. 
 
314 DEATH OF CHARLES VIII. 
 
 On his return to France, Charles VIII. soon heard 
 that the Count de Montpensier had been driven out 
 of Naples, and a short time after, D'Aubigny came 
 back with the remains of the army of occupation ; 
 Gilbert de Bourbon had died of the plague at Atella. 
 The young king, forgetting the vicissitudes of his 
 Italian campaign, now resolved upon accomplishing 
 in the finances, the government of the State, and the 
 administration of justice, reforms which were very 
 much required, and the necessity of which he felt 
 more than any one else. He was at Amboise, super- 
 intending some improvements carried on in the castle 
 by workmen whom he had brought with him from 
 Italy, when passing under a dark gallery he struck 
 his head against a door so violently that he died a 
 few hours afterwards (April 7, 1498). " A prince," 
 says Commines, " of indifferent ability, but so good 
 that it was impossible to find a better creature." 
 Louis XII., the new king, was the grand-nephew of 
 Charles V., and he had been obliged against his will 
 to marry Jeanne de France, daughter of Louis XI. 
 His great ambition was to take as his wife, Anne, 
 the rich heiress of the Duke of Brittany, and with 
 this view he petitioned the Pope for a divorce, on the 
 ground that his marriage with the Princess Jeanne 
 had been forced upon him. " Right," to quote the 
 words of a modern historian, " had to yield to reasons 
 of State, and as Alexander VI., the reigning Pontiff, 
 desired to advance the fortunes of Csesar, his favourite 
 son, he readily granted the required divorce. Caesar, 
 who brought the bull into France, was rewarded by 
 being made Duke of Valentinois, with a large pension, 
 
CHARACTER OF LOUIS XII. 315 
 
 a bride of the house of Albret, and ready promises of 
 support in his Italian schemes, where he aimed at 
 founding an independent principality for himself in 
 the Romagna. All obstacles, including the poor 
 Queen Jeanne, being thus easily removed, a splendid 
 marriage followed. It was a piece of scandalous and 
 cruel trafficking, but it was useful for France. Anne 
 of Brittany, according to the terms of the contract 
 with Charles VI I L, in which it was written that, if 
 the king died, she should marry his heir, now once 
 more became Queen of France by marrying Louis 
 
 XII. (1499)-"' 
 
 The King of France had scarcely ascended the 
 throne when he prepared to vindicate the rights on 
 the kingdom of Naples, which his predecessors had 
 transmitted to him, besides his own personal claims 
 on the duchy of Milan, which he held from his grand- 
 mother, Valentine Visconti. The ruler of that pro- 
 vince was still Lodovico Sforza, surnamed '' II Moro," 
 from the fact that his cognizance was a mulberry 
 tree ; he had been the first to betray the Italian 
 cause, and it was scarcely to be wondered at that he 
 should remain isolated in the midst of his native 
 country. Louis XI I. sacrificed to the reigning pas- 
 sion for foreign conquests, but did not behave with 
 the imprudence which had characterized Charles VIII. 
 Without possessing superior qualities, he was cautious, 
 considerate, and extremely kind. He began his reign 
 by diminishing the taxes, and refusing the don de 
 joyeux avenement, amounting to 300,000 livres, to 
 which every man holding an office or privilege from 
 
 ^ Kitchin, " History of France," ii. 130. 
 
3l6 LO DO VI CO IL MORO. 
 
 the Crown had to contribute at the beginning of a 
 new reign, if he would secure his continued enjoy- 
 ment of that privilege or office. He entertained no 
 grudge against La Tremoille and the other faithful 
 servants of la grande dame, who had beaten him at 
 Saint Aubin du Cormiet; but, on the contrary, said to 
 them, that the King of France had no business to 
 avenge wrongs done to the Duke d'Orleans. 
 
 The conquest of Milanese was speedily accom- 
 plished. Trivulzio, an Italian general who had joined 
 the service of Louis XIL, no sooner presented him- 
 self with an army of nine thousand cavalry and thir- 
 teen thousand foot soldiers, than " II Moro " fled, and 
 reached the Tyrol. Nothing but the maladministration 
 of Trivulzio gave him new chances ; he had been 
 expelled in October, 1499; on February 5, 1500, he 
 returned at the head of a motley band of Germans 
 and Swiss, and surprised Milan. A fresh army, 
 raised by Louis XIL, came down the Alps, and met 
 the forces of Lodovico at Novara ; the mercenaries of 
 the Duke of Milan refused to fight, and a soldier of 
 the canton of Uri gave him up to the French. He 
 was sent to France, and retained prisoner in the 
 castle of Loches, where he died, after a captivity 
 which lasted some years. The Venetian ambassador, 
 Trevisano, who saw him soon after, wrote that, " He 
 plays at tennis and at cards, and he is fatter than he 
 ever was." 
 
 Leaving Lombardy, the French army started for 
 Naples (May 26, 1501); it numbered five thousand 
 four hundred cavalry, seven thousand infantry, and 
 thirty-six cannons. Thanks to the co-operation of 
 
BATTLE OF GARIGLIANO. 317 
 
 the Pope, Alexander VI., and of the King of Spain, 
 Ferdinand the Cathohc, the beginning of the cam- 
 paign was attended with considerable success ; but 
 the treachery of Ferdinand altered the position of 
 affairs, and ruined for a time the French cause in 
 Italy. " It is the second time," said Louis, " that the 
 king of Spain has deceived me." " That's a lie," 
 impudently answered Ferdinand ; "it is the tenth." 
 
 Louis made the greatest preparations to avenge 
 himself upon Ferdinand, and to prevent the evil con- 
 sequences which might arise from his defection. 
 Three armies were sent in succession ; they all failed. 
 Gonzalvo of Cordova, who led the Spanish forces, 
 stopped the French on the banks of the Garigliano ; 
 La Tremoille was prevented by illness from com- 
 manding, and his lieutenants were, first, the Marquis 
 of ]\Iaiitua, and next, the Marquis of Saluzzo. The 
 rout of the French was complete ; artillery, baggage, 
 and a great number of prisoners fell into the hands of 
 the enemies. Bayard's heroism in defending the 
 bridge of Garigliano was the only redeeming act on 
 the part of the soldiers of Louis XII. The com- 
 mander of Venosa, too, Louis d'Ars by name, refused 
 to capitulate, and fought bravely his way back to 
 France with the remains of the garrison. 
 
 Under favour of all these wars the Venetians had 
 contrived to gain possession of Brescia, Cremona, and 
 Bergamo. Louis XII. resolved to get these towns back 
 again, and he succeeded in forming against the power- 
 ful republic, a league which was joined by the Pope, 
 the Emperor ^Maximilian, and even Ferdinand the 
 Catholic (^League of Cambrai, 1508). The two armies 
 
u 
 
 
LEAGUE AGAINST FRANCE. 319 
 
 met at Agnadello in the province of Lodi (May 14, 
 1509) ; the French were commanded by Louis XII. 
 in person, and by his two lieutenants Trivulzio and 
 La Tremoille. At the head of the Venetians were 
 Perigliano and Alviano. The king fought bravely, 
 and exposed himself without hesitation to the attack 
 of the enemy. " Let every one who is afraid," 
 exclaimed he, " place himself behind me ; a king of 
 France is not killed by cannon-shot." He did not 
 lose many soldiers ; on the side of the Venetians it 
 was estimated that between eight and ten thousand 
 men perished. The results of this battle were con- 
 siderable ; in a few days most of the towns of Upper 
 Italy opened their gates, and Louis XL recrossed the 
 Alps, firmly believing that his conquest was secure. 
 
 After the league of Cambrai another league sprang 
 up in direct opposition to it, and which was destined 
 to put an end to the domination of the French in Italy. 
 The papacy was held at that time by Julius IL, a 
 man of the most warlike disposition, who, far from 
 shrinking from the employment of force, appeared on 
 the field of battle clothed in a cuirass, and armed as 
 a knight. His aim was to turn the Barbarians out of 
 Italy, and with that view he formed a holy league 
 (October 5, 151 1) which was joined by Maximilian, 
 Henry VIII. King of England, Ferdinand the 
 Catholic, the S\viss and the Republic of Venice. The 
 Spanish general Ramon de Cardona brought to the 
 assistance of the pontifical troops twelve thousand 
 men ; ten thousand Swiss commanded by the Car- 
 dinal of Sion, Matthew Schinner, descended from the 
 Alps, and Louis XIL saw the frontiers of his kingdom 
 
320 BATTLE OF RAVENNA. 
 
 threatened on all sides. In this crisis his nephew, 
 Gaston de Foix, Duke de Nemours, a young general 
 only twenty-two years of age, took the command of 
 the French forces in Italy, and for a short time main- 
 tained in the peninsula the prestige oi \h.^ fleiir-de-lys. 
 A furious battle took place under the walls of Ravenna 
 on the nth of April, 1512. ''Since God created 
 heaven and earth," says a chronicler, " never was 
 seen a more cruel and harder fight than the one 
 which French and Spaniards engaged against each 
 other; they rested for a moment just to recover 
 breath, and then would begin again, shouting France I 
 and Spain ! at the top of their voice. The Spaniards, 
 at last, were completely routed and obliged to abandon 
 their camp, where, between two ditches, three or four 
 hundred men-at-arms were killed." The battle was 
 won when Gaston de Foix, carried away by his ar- 
 dour, rushed in pursuit of a troop of Spaniards in 
 full retreat; he had only twenty or thirty men about 
 him ; he was immediately surrounded, and after 
 defending himself, "as Roland did at Roncevaux," 
 he fell pierced with spear thrusts. 
 
 This fatal catastrophe rendered ineffectual the 
 victory of Ravenna. France was threatened, and in 
 spite of a few successes both on land and on sea, Louis 
 XII. was reduced to negotiate. The Swiss were 
 pacified with 400,000 gold crowns. Maximilian had 
 penetrated by the northern frontier together with the 
 English ; he met near Guinegate the French com- 
 manded by the Duke de Longueville, and who were 
 unaccountably panic-stricken. Bayard, Longueville, 
 and other captains were taken prisoners, and the 
 
322 DEATH OF LOUIS XII. 
 
 derisive name of "Battle of the Spurs" commemorated 
 an engagement where no fighting had really taken 
 place. Maximilian made his peace with France 
 (March, 15 14), and Louis XII. pledged himself to the 
 Pope (Leo X.), never to put forth again any claim to 
 the duchy of Milan. The English fleet, though far 
 superior in number to the French, had been defeated 
 by Herve Primoguet off the British coast, and yet it 
 became necessary for the King of France to come to 
 terms with Henry VIII. also. A separate treaty was 
 concluded in London, which secured to Henry the 
 possession of Tournay and a yearly pension of 
 100,000 crowns for the space of ten years. Louis 
 XII., whom the death of Anne of Brittany had left 
 a widower, married the Princess Mary of England, 
 scarcely sixteen years old. " For many reasons," 
 says Le Loyal Serviteiir, " the King of France did not 
 need to be married again, nor did he feel much 
 inclined to do so ; but seeing himself at war on all 
 sides, and knowing that he could not carry on these 
 wars without greatly over-taxing his people, he re- 
 sembled the pelican. After Queen Mary had made 
 her entry into Paris, entry which was very triumphant, 
 and followed by sundry jousts and tournaments which 
 lasted more than six weeks, the king, for his wife's 
 sake, altered all his way of living. Whereas he used 
 to dine at eight o'clock, he now must needs dine at 
 noon ; whereas he was wont to go to bed at six, he 
 now sat up till midnight." This new regime told 
 upon the constitution of a prince who, since his great 
 illness in 1 504, had never quite recovered. He died 
 on the 1st of January, 15 15, sincerely regretted by 
 the nation. 
 
ADMINISTRATION. 323 
 
 The administration of Louis XII., by its wise 
 character and its excellent results, stands in strong 
 and pleasing contrast with his foreign policy. He 
 made up his mind to live and maintain his household 
 within the limits of the income derived from his own 
 domains, and by so doing he was enabled to reduce 
 the taxes by nearly one-third. Gratuities, pensions, 
 ruinous festivals were suppressed, and the strictest 
 economy was established consistent with due regard 
 to the exigencies of the public service. " My 
 courtiers," he remarked one day, " may laugh at my 
 avarice ; I had far rather they should do so than that 
 the people should weep for my extravagance." A tax 
 had been raised to supply the cost for an expedition 
 against Genoa ; this war having been finished more 
 quickly and more cheaply than was anticipated, 
 Louis XII. remitted the surplus of the subsidy, re- 
 marking : " That money will bear more fruit in their 
 hands than in mine." The soldiers and adventurers 
 dare not plunder, and the peasants were protected 
 against the unruliness of marauders and highwaymen. 
 No mercy was shown to those who sought to put 
 under contribution villages and homesteads ; those 
 who were caught paid the penalty of their misdeeds 
 by being sent to the gallows. Every encouragement 
 was given to commerce, agriculture, and industry ; 
 and we have the evidence of contemporary writers to 
 show that " in twelve years' time the third part of the 
 kingdom was cultivated, and that for every large mer- 
 chant or trader who could formerly be found in Paris, 
 Lyons, or Rouen, there were fifty during the reign of 
 Louis XIL People thought much less then of 
 
324 " THE FATHER OF THE PEOPLE.'' 
 
 travelling to London, Rome, or Naples, than they did 
 in days past of going to Lyons or to Geneva." In- 
 comes of every kind rose to a wonderful amount, 
 and the collecting of the taxes and other sources of 
 the national revenues was accomplished much more 
 cheaply and easily than it had ever been before. 
 The States-General were convened once only during 
 the reign, namely, in 1506, and the deputies of the 
 bourgeoisie alone met for deliberation. One of their 
 acts was to bestow upon the king, through the 
 medium of their delegate, the glorious title of Father 
 of the People. 
 
 With the reign of Louis XII. must always be 
 associated the active, intelligent, and beneficent ad- 
 ministration of Georges, Cardinal d'Amboise, who, for 
 the space of twenty-seven years was less the king's 
 confidential minister than his friend. Belonging to a 
 powerful family, born in 1460, D'Amboise obtained 
 the see of Montauban at the early age of fourteen ; 
 he attached himself to the fortunes of the Duke 
 d'Orleans, remained his faithful adviser so long as 
 Charles VIII. was on the throne, and received after- 
 wards the promotion which he had so richly deserved 
 by his attachment and his devotedness. Appointed 
 successively to the archbishopric of Narbonne and 
 (1493) to that of Rouen, he was virtually the governor 
 of the province of Normandy, and inaugurated there 
 the reforms which, after the death of Charles VIII., 
 he carried out in the whole kingdom.. He really 
 loved the people, and in return he shared the re- 
 spectful affection which the people entertained for 
 their sovereign. He played under Louis XI I. the 
 
GEORGES CARDINAL D AMBOISE. 325 
 
 part which Suger did under Louis VII., and Sully, 
 Richelieu, and Colbert enjoyed subsequently under 
 Henry IV., Louis XIIL, and Louis XIV. There 
 is no doubt that critics might find, and have justly 
 found, many serious faults in Georges d'Amboise's 
 administration ; but, on the whole, it deserves to be 
 remembered in history as excellent, and it became a 
 proverbial expression to say : " Let Georges do what 
 he pleases {^Laissez faire a Georges)!^ Nor must we 
 forget that he was an intelligent patron of the fine 
 arts ; under his direction Roger Ango began the 
 palais de justice of Rouen, and he built the chateau 
 of Gaillon, which is a splendid monument of 
 Renaissance architecture. 
 
 The creation of two new parliaments (Provence, 
 1 501 ; Normandy, 1499), the reforms introduced into 
 the administration of justice, the extension of the 
 postal service, the compiling of the laws into one 
 statute book pursued and carried on, and various 
 other wise measures concurred to make of Louis XII. 
 one of the most beloved and popular of French kings, 
 and it is no mere formal phrase which Le Loyal 
 Serviteur used when he said that he was bttried at 
 Saint Denis in the midst of the " deep cries and 
 wailings and the profound regard of all his subjects," 
 
XVI. 
 
 INTELLECTUAL LIFE OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY 
 — LITERATURE, THE DRAMA, TRADE, INDUSTRY 
 — CONCLUDING REMARKS. 
 
 The intellectual life of the fifteenth century in 
 France could not but be very poor in the midst of the 
 terrible calamities which visited the country ; the 
 Esprit Gaulois which runs so brilliantly and so amus- 
 ingly through the old fabliaux, and the " Roman de 
 Renart " seems to have quite disappeared, and the suc- 
 cessors of the Troll veres remain silent. We have 
 already named Eustache Deschamps and Olivier 
 Bassilen amongst the French poets of the fifteenth 
 century ; we have given a word of praise to the 
 vigorous and patriotic compositions of Alain Chartier 
 and Christine de Pisan ; when we have added to our 
 list Froissart, Charles d'Orleans, and Villon, we shall 
 have exhausted the cycle of poets. Froissart is best 
 known as the mediaeval chronicler par exxeUence, but 
 he began his literary career by writing sickly and 
 sentimental ballads after the style of the " Roman de 
 la Rose ; " the " Joli buisson de Jonece" is one of his 
 best pieces. It is sad to have to acknowledge that 
 in all these pieces, and Froissart's poetical works are 
 
POETRY — KUTEBEUFy VILLON, 327 
 
 numerous, the reader seeks in vain for the accents of 
 patriotism, for an expression of honest indignation at 
 the sight of the misfortunes from which France is 
 suffering. Poetry has become merely a jeu d'esprit, 
 an agreeable pastime, so much so, in fact, that even 
 Charles d'Orleans, whose father had been murdered, 
 who had lost a tenderly beloved wife, and who was 
 himself a captive in England, seldom rises to the 
 utterance of true feeling in his otherwise graceful and 
 harmonious poetry. As Charles d'Orleans was the 
 last songster of mediaeval chivalry, so Frangois Villon 
 appears as the last representative of the popular muse. 
 Before him, Rutebeuf had given the example of a deep 
 and natural vein of poetry; he walked in his footsteps 
 but surpassed him both by the scandals of his life and 
 the excellence of his compositions. Necessity, he 
 says, had driven him to commit actions of which he 
 felt thoroughly ashamed. 
 
 " Necessite fait gens mesprendre. 
 Et faim saillir le loup dcs bois." 
 
 The excuse is a common one, and we remember how, 
 two centuries later, in Moliere's " Fourberies de Scea- 
 pin," Argante asks the impudent servant whether it is 
 any justification for a man who has committed every 
 possible crime to say that Jie has been urged on by 
 necessity. At any rate, if Villon escaped the gallows, 
 it was thanks to the personal interference of Louis 
 XL, and he lived long enough to write that charming 
 " Ballade des Dames du temps jadis," the well-known 
 refrain of which 
 
 " Mais ou sont les neiges d'antan? " {ante annum) 
 
328 HISTORIANS. — MONSTRELET, 
 
 would have done honour to the most accomplished 
 poet. 
 
 If we now turn to chroniclers, historians, and an- 
 nalists, we find ourselves face to face, on the contrary, 
 with a group of writers all more or less remarkable ; 
 and indeed the invasion of France by the English? 
 the Civil Wars, the downfall of the house of Bur- 
 gundy, are events which appealed in the most powerful 
 manner to the talent of all those who had powers of 
 observation and who could wield a pen. Enguerrand 
 deMonstrelet, the continuator of Froissart,is extremely 
 dull, we grant ; but who would not appear dull when 
 compared with the brilliant curate of Lestines ? On 
 the other hand, Monstrelet, we unhesitatingly say, is 
 exact, accurate ; he takes pains to procure the best 
 information, and a modern critic who dismisses him 
 with the contemptuous epithet of 7'egistrar (greffier)) 
 forgets that a registrar commits to paper what he 
 actually sees, which after all is the principal, the 
 indispensable quality of an historian. Froissart's 
 chronicles take us from the year 1326 to the close of 
 the fourteenth century ; Monstrelet's narrative, divided 
 into two books, describes the events which happened 
 between 1400 and 1444. 
 
 After having named the two authors to whom 
 we have just alluded, most critics go at once to 
 Philip de Commines, and leave George Chastel- 
 lain and Thomas Basin unnoticed ; and yet Chas- 
 tellain is in every way superior to Monstrelet ; a 
 thorough Boiirgiiignon by his political sympathies, 
 he aimed at combining with artistic colouring a due 
 attention to details, and the faithful description of the 
 
CHASTELLAIN— BASIN, 329 
 
 events which were going on under his eyes. His 
 principal work is the life of Philip the Good, un- 
 fortunately incomplete. If Monstrelet is tedious by 
 his dulness, Chastellain is wearisome from aiming at 
 grandiloquence. He had begun his literary career as 
 a poet, and the following lines are a fair specimen of 
 the bombast in which he was particularly fond of 
 indulging : 
 
 " Muse, en musant en ta douce musette, 
 Donne louange — et gloire celestine 
 Au dieu Phebus, a la barbe roussette." 
 
 Chastellain's chronicle is written in the same style ; 
 monotonous in poetry, it becomes intolerable in prose. 
 Thomas Basin's experiences as an historian are 
 rather singular ; he was a great friend of Charles VH. 
 and, on the contrary, he managed to draw down upon 
 himself the hatred of Louis XL, who, on three diffe- 
 rent occasions, found him thwarting his political com- 
 binations. This was a crime which the astute king 
 could not forgive, and the unfortunate Basin, Bishop 
 of Lisieux, was driven from his see, persecuted in 
 the most odious manner, and obliged to leave his 
 native country. By way of revenge he composed in 
 Latin the biographies of Charles VH. and Louis XL, 
 praising the former beyond what he deserved, and 
 painting the latter under the most repulsive colours. 
 These works, published as the production of a certain 
 Amelgard, are worth reading, because, notwithstand- 
 ing the author's gross partiality, they contain a num- 
 ber of interesting and authentic details. It is only 
 quite recently that the name of Amelgard has been 
 discovered to be a mere fiction, and that Bishop 
 
330 COM MINES. 
 
 Basin has had his claims as a biographer duly- 
 restored. 
 
 We now come to the historian of the fifteenth 
 
 century, the first really philosophic historian France 
 
 can boast of, Philip de Commines, Sire d Argenton, 
 
 PHILIP DE COMMINES. 
 
 the devoted friend and passionate admirer of Louis 
 XL Originally a servant of Charles the Bold, his 
 methodical, astute, and scheming nature was incom- 
 patible with the capricious, rash, headstrong character 
 
LOUIS XL AND COMMINES. 33 1 
 
 of the Duke of Burgundy, whereas it suited that of the 
 French monarch. Philip de Commines and Louis 
 XI. complete each other, and are the perfect embodi- 
 ment of the fifteenth century. The particular line of 
 political conduct which has since been called Machia- 
 vellian was then prevalent at the court of all the 
 European princes, and the Sire d'Argenton belonged 
 essentially to the school of Machiavel. He therefore 
 is very indulgent for the crimes of his master, and has 
 an excuse for all his tricks, provided they are cleverly 
 carried out ; nay, they seem to him more deserving of 
 praise than of blame. His ideas of right and wrong 
 were those of his contemporaries ; but he remains 
 unequalled as an interpreter of events, and a judge of 
 character ; no one has combined to a greater extent 
 common sense and cleverness. If we look upon 
 Commines as a mere writer, we find in his chronicles 
 all the marks which characterize an epoch of transi- 
 tion. The genius of the Middle Ages and that of the 
 Renaissance are blended together. A modern critic 
 has observed that he did not know the classical 
 languages, and the few Latin forms which are to be 
 met with in his style come not from the study of 
 books, but from the colloquial habits of those amongst 
 whom he lived. He thus avoided the pedantry which 
 spoils the chronicles of George Chastellain, and which 
 makes the greater part of the fifteenth-century authors 
 so painful to read. Finally, we must not forget that 
 Commines was a shrewd politician ; carrying on the 
 designs of Louis XL, he contributed to found the 
 national unity of France, and would have made of 
 Flanders a French province, if he had had his own way^ 
 
332 TALES — " LES CENT NOUVELLES NOUVELLES,'' 
 
 Besides chroniclers, a certain number of minor prose 
 writers flourished about the same epoch. The fashion 
 of meeting for the purpose of telling short stories and 
 questionable anecdotes had penetrated into France 
 from the other side of the Alps, and Boccaccio found 
 imitators at the court of the dukes of Burgundy. 
 The " Decameron " suggested the " Cent nouvelles 
 nouvelles," which have been generally ascribed to 
 Antoine de la Salle, author of a pretty little tale 
 entitled " Le Roman du Petit Jehan de Saintre et de 
 la Dame des belles cousines." It seems more probable, 
 however, that several collaborateiirs had a share in the 
 work, and that Louis XL contributed no less than 
 eleven stories to the whole collection. It was com- 
 piled between 1456 and 1461, when Louis, the Dau- 
 phin, was undergoing a voluntary exile at Dijon. 
 
 We possess abundant evidence to show that lite- 
 rature was seriously encouraged in France since the 
 reign of Charles V. Catalogues have been handed 
 down to us proving that libraries existed in a number 
 of baronial residences and the collection of the Louvre 
 numbered 11 74 works, a large amount for the four- 
 teenth century. 
 
 The origin of the French drama belongs to this 
 part of our subject. We have already glanced at it in 
 a previous chapter ; but it requires to be examined 
 here somewhat in detail. Whether we study the 
 theatre from its serious side, or consider it as a 
 humorous picture of every-day life, whether we deal 
 with tragedy or comedy, we find it persisting amidst 
 revolutions and political disturbances, dynastic changes, 
 civil and foreign warfare. In the squares and public 
 
THE DRAMA. 333 
 
 places, in churches and chapels, in princely residences 
 and baronial halls, everywhere the drama found its 
 way, grave or comic as the case might be ; and it is 
 not too much to say that the services of the Church 
 formed a kind of dramatic exhibition, combining 
 interest and edification. Without going back to the 
 days of Hroswitha, the learned nun of Gandersheim 
 who, during the tenth century composed six Latin 
 comedies after the style of Terence ; without seeking 
 the origins of the French stage in the works of Rute- 
 beuf, the "Jeu d'Aucassin et de Nicolete," and the" Dit 
 de Marcol et de Salomon," we shall name first Jean 
 Bodel and Adam de la Halle as the real fathers of the 
 French theatre. The former, in the "Jeu de Saint 
 Nicolas," gave, as we have seen, a definite and regular 
 form to the serious drama ; whilst the " Jeu de la 
 Feuillie " by the latter is nothing else but an amusing 
 comedy. Both poets belonged to the thirteenth 
 century. 
 
 The best critics have classified as follows the pro- 
 ductions of mediaeval dramatic literature : 
 
 a. The foremost rank belongs by right to the 7nj/s- 
 teries or miracle plays performed by the Confreres de la 
 Passion, a brotherhood or guild of pious artizans who 
 devoted their leisure to the edification and entertain- 
 ment of the faithful. This first attempt to organize a 
 kind of theatre was strictly prohibited by the Provost 
 of Paris in 1398, but the "brotherhood" appealed to 
 the king, and obtained on the 4th of December, 1402, 
 letters patent authorizing them to give representations 
 in the metropolis. We cannot attempt to give a list 
 of the mysteries which make up the repertoire of the 
 
334 ^^^ BASOCHE — '' ENFANTS SANS SOUCIS,'' 
 
 Confreres de la Passion ; let us name the principal — the 
 " Mystere de la Passion " by Arnoul Greban, divided 
 into t\N^w\.y jour nee s and extending to 40,000 lines. 
 
 b. The farces or pieces farcies, so called from the 
 farcita epistola in macaronic Latin, may be mentioned 
 next ; they were satirical pieces, pictures of society 
 always most amusing and not unfrequently very objec- 
 tionable. The actors who thus undertook to denounce 
 the vices, foibles and ridicules of their neighbours were 
 a set of lawyers' clerks, known by the name of Clercs 
 de la Basoche, the Basoche (Basilica ? ^d^coj dlico^ ?), 
 designating then the chief law court of Paris. The 
 fraternity of the Basoche was sanctioned by Philip 
 the Fair as a regular corporation, and they obtained in 
 J 303 the right of electing from amongst their body a 
 chief, who was styled roi de la Basoche, Their per- 
 formances contrasted most strongly with those of the 
 confreres de la Passion, and soon obtained an amount 
 of popularity which proved fatal to the serious drama. 
 The mysteries were both too edifying and too long, 
 and five hundred lines were the utmost that a 
 Parisian audience could put up with. A catalogue of 
 mediaeval farces is as impossible as one of miracle 
 plays ; the best of them is the immortal Fa ire de 
 /*<?/^//>2, the authorship of which is ascribed by some to 
 Pierre Blanchet, by others to Antpine de la Salle, 
 whom we have already named. 
 
 c. The Enfajits sans soucis remain to be described. 
 Under the direction of a leader called le prince des sots, 
 they started as a dramatic company during the reign 
 of Charles VI. and performed comic pieces named 
 sotieSy which were similar to the farces in style and 
 
PIERRE GRtNGORE. 335 
 
 character. The most distinguished amongst the 
 Prince des sots was Pierre Gringore or rather Gringon, 
 who lived during the latter part of the fifteenth century 
 and the beginning of the sixteenth. The following 
 amusing piece of poetry is a kind of advertisement 
 or appeal to the play-going public : 
 
 "Sotz lunatiques, sotz estourdis, sots sages, 
 Sotz de villes, de chasteaux, de villages, 
 Sotz rassotes, sotz nyais, sotz subtilz, 
 Sotz amoureux, sotz prives, sotz sauvages, 
 Sotz vieux, nouveaux, et sotz de toutes ages, 
 Sotz barbares, estrangers et gentilz, 
 Sotz raisonnables, sotz pervers, sotz restifz, 
 Vostre prince, sans nulles intervalles, 
 Le mardi gras, jouera ses jeux aux Halles." 
 
 After having thus given an idea of the mediaeval 
 drama, we need hardly tell our readers that at an 
 epoch and in a country where the satirical vein was 
 always tempted to go beyond proper limits, both the 
 " Clercs de la Basoche " and the " Enfants sans soucis," 
 had no scruple to turn into ridicule lords, kings, pre- 
 lates, nay, even the Pope himself. Thus Gringore's 
 '• L'H-omme obstine " was directed against Julius II., 
 the " Farce des frere Guillebert " attacked the monks. 
 We have already alluded to the "Franc-archer de 
 Bagnolet." The Basochians carried their freedom of 
 speech so far that their performances were suppressed, 
 and, in 1540, a royal edict was published threatening 
 with the gallows any person or persons bold enough 
 to venture upon any dramatic representations. 
 
 The introduction into France of the art of printing 
 is so important an event that we must dwell upon it 
 here at some length. Charles VII. had commissioned 
 
336 ART OF PRINTING. 
 
 (1458) one of the best engravers of the Pans mint, 
 Nicolas Jenson, to go and study the mysteries of 
 typography at Mentz. But whether Jenson dreaded 
 the spite of Louis XL, who persecuted the late king's 
 favourites, or from some other reason with which we 
 are not acquainted, he went to Italy and settled at 
 Venice. It was towards the end of 1469 that two 
 distinguished members of the university of Paris, 
 Guillaume Fichet and Jean Heynlin sent to Germany 
 for three printers who had served as prentices at Mentz, 
 namely, Ulrich Gering, Michael Triburger, and Martin 
 Crantz. On their arrival in Paris they were provided 
 with accommodation for themselves and their tools in 
 the very buildings of the Sorbonne where they re- 
 mained till the year 1473, when they moved to the 
 Rue Saint Jacques, at the sign of the Golden Sun. 
 They soon had many rivals in Paris, and the art of 
 printing, encouraged by Louis XL, spread quickly 
 from one end of France to the other. Presses were 
 set up at Metz (1471), Lyons (1473), Angers (1477), 
 Poitiers (1479), Caen (1480), Troyes (1483), Rennes 
 (1484), Abbeville (i486), Besangon (1487), Toulouse 
 (1488), Orleans (1490), Dijon and Angouleme (1491), 
 Nantes (1493), Limoges (1495), Tours (1496), Avignon 
 (1497), Perpignan (1500). It would be interesting to 
 know what was the first printed book written in 
 French, but this we cannot determine ; however, the 
 earliest French printed book, bearing a certain date, 
 is the " Recueil des histoires de Troye," composed by 
 Raoul le Fure, chaplain to the Duke of Burgundy, 
 Philip the Good ; we know that it was printed before 
 1467, but from what presses it was issued is a matter 
 
ARCHITECTURE, 337 
 
 of doubt. The first French book printed in Paris 
 and dated is the " Grandes Chroniques de France," 
 issued in 1476 (1477, New Style) by Paquier Bon- 
 homme. 
 
 The cultivation of fine arts, which had been so 
 splendidly carried on during the age of Saint Louis, 
 was not neglected in the fourteenth century, and a 
 number of beautiful specimens of ecclesiastical, poli- 
 tical, and civil architecture could be named testifying 
 to the skill and genius of French builders. As far as 
 churches are concerned, the fifteenth century cannot 
 boast, indeed, of many new monuments ; the energy 
 of the architects was rather reserved for the comple- 
 tion and perfecting of structures already begun, and 
 of which only the indispensable portions were available 
 for the necessities of public worship. Thus the nave 
 of the Cathedral of Troyes, the Church of Saint 
 Ouen at Rouen, the chief portal of Bayeux Cathedral, 
 the Church of Treguier, the Cathedral of Strasburg. 
 It is curious to notice how certain local influences 
 affected the erecting and ornamentation of churches, 
 chapels, &c. Thus in Guienne, the English style is 
 distinctly perceptible ; in Provence, one may note the 
 influence of the Papal Court of Avignon. 
 
 Under the general title of political architecture we 
 include town-halls, prisons, and fortresses. We have 
 seen already that the northern provinces were the 
 chief seats of municipal life ; during the fifteenth 
 century a perfect crop of guildhalls sprang, so to say, 
 from the ground at Arras, Bethune, Douai, Saint 
 Quentin, Saint Omer, Noyon, Compiegne; we are only 
 alluding, of course, to those built on French soil. Dreux, 
 
33^ PAINTING. 
 
 £vreux, Orleans, and Saumur can also be named in 
 connection with that part of our review. If we now turn 
 to the subject of prisons, it will suffice to mention the 
 famous Bastile of Paris, which has played so im- 
 portant a part in the history of France. Begun in 
 1369, by Hugues Aubriot, provost of the city, it was 
 completed in the course of twenty years, and its 
 originator, it is said, was the first person confined 
 within its walls. 
 
 Monuments of civil architecture abound : at Rouen, 
 the Hotel de Bourgtheroulde ; at Bourges, the Hotel 
 of Jacques Coeur ; at Tours, the Hotel de Brigonnet ; 
 in Paris, the Hotels de Sens and de Cluny. Most of 
 those elegant structures show us symptoms of the 
 approaching Renaissance, by the combination of the 
 severe Gothic style with a more graceful and ornate 
 system of design and embellishment. Painting in its 
 various applications to glass, wood, plaster, and MSS., 
 should not be forgotten ; Colart de Laon and Jean 
 Fouquet are two from a long list which we could 
 easily have extended. The latter was one of the 
 most accomplished miniaturists whom France could 
 boast of In the collection of the Paris National 
 Library is to be found a MS. of Josephus translated 
 into French. It was written in 1416 for the Duke de 
 Berri who caused it to. be illustrated, at the beginning 
 with three large miniatures. The volume, unfinished, 
 came into the possession of Jacques d'Armagnac, 
 Duke de Nemours, who was beheaded in 1477 by 
 order of Louis XL This lord completed the decora- 
 tions of the book by inserting eleven other paintings, 
 each of which is a masterpiece ; from the Armagnac 
 
PLAYING CARDS. 339 
 
 family, the MS. passed into that of the Dukes de 
 Bourbon, and is now the property of the State. 
 
 Playing cards may fairly be regarded as a branch 
 of illumination, and as they are connected with the 
 reign of Charles VI. we shall mention them here. In 
 an account^or memorandum of payments made up in 
 1392 by the treasurer, Charles Poupart, we find the 
 painter, Jacquemin Gringonneur, alluded to as having 
 received fifty-six sols parisis in payment for three 
 packs of cards in gold and colours with various de- 
 vices. A seventeenth-century critic, Father Menetrier, 
 has hastily concluded from that passage to the in- 
 vention of playing cards by Gringonneur ; but, in the 
 first place, it may be observed that cards are mentioned 
 in the thirteenth chapter of Antoine de la Salle's 
 "Petit Jehan de Saintre," and, in the next, the descrip- 
 tion given by Poupart of the three packs supplied to 
 King Charles VI., clearly shows that playing cards 
 were in use before the days of Gringonneur ; although 
 they may have been, and probably were, inferior in 
 make and in quality. 
 
 Nor is it more accurate to say, with the Abbe Bullet, 
 that if Gringonneur did not actually invent cards, they 
 are nevertheless of French origin (i 376-1 379), and 
 that from France they passed, in the first instance, into 
 Spain, then successively into Italy, England, and the 
 rest of Europe. The fact that fleurs-de-lys occur on 
 the costumes of the court cards, that the name of 
 Charlemagne has been given to the king of hearts, 
 and that the four knaves are called after four of the 
 most distinguished French mediaeval paladins proves 
 nothing whatever in support of Bullet's hypothesis 
 
340 INDUSTRY AND COMMERCE. 
 
 because the Parisian artist who adapted the original 
 images to the latitude of France and the court of 
 Charles VI. could easily change the names of the 
 figures and modify their costumes. 
 
 Industry and commerce rose to great prosperity 
 during the fifteenth century, and we have evidence to 
 show that articles of luxury were abundant in the 
 houses, not only of princes, but of well-to-do bourgeois- 
 Trades-guilds and corporations protected with great 
 severity the rights, privileges, and constitution of the nu- 
 merous industries which supplied at that time the wants 
 of the population, and if the institution of these guilds 
 resulted in creating privileged classes, and in excluding 
 the very poor from trades where they might otherwise 
 have exercised their skill, yet it secured perfection 
 of work, honest dealing, and the total absence of those 
 degrading frauds which result from over-competition. 
 Another most important result in the system of cor- 
 porations was that by limiting the number of trades- 
 men and mechanics, it furthered indirectly, but most 
 effectually, the cause of agriculture, as it lessened the 
 inducements which the rural populations might have 
 had to flock to towns. 
 
 In thus tracing the progress of intellectual and 
 social life during the fifteenth century, we must notice 
 that gradually a new spirit had come over European 
 civilization, and that new influences were at work 
 substituting themselves to the traditions of the Middle 
 Ages. Till then Rome had been regarded as the 
 centre of the moral world, and for the solution of the 
 manifold problems which affect the life of man all eyes 
 were turned towards the Vatican. Now, hov/ever, that 
 
THE RENAISSANCE. 34 1 
 
 by the means of war, commercial intercourse, and diplo- 
 matic arrangements, frequent and easy intercourse 
 was established between France and lta\y, the /prestige 
 which had for so many ages surrounded Roman 
 Catholicism had begun to wear away. What right, 
 some inquirers boldly said, has the Pope to put forth 
 his pretensions as the vicar of God on earth ? Why 
 should we feel bound to obey blindly the dictates of 
 men who often lead the most scandalous lives, and 
 whose conduct is actuated by the grossest ambition 
 and the most unblushing rapacity ? What intellectual 
 benefit can we derive from a teaching the outcome of 
 which is the scholastic nonsense of an Ockham or a 
 Buridan ? 
 
 The questions we have thus put are, every one must 
 acknowledge, difficult to be answered, and well calcu- 
 lated to perplex the weak and the unlearned. Then 
 the most casual observer could not help noticing that 
 the Romish Church towards the close of the fifteenth 
 century was like a house divided against itself If the 
 Popes were right, the corporations and small societies, 
 which aimed at high spiritual life and devoted them- 
 selves to the works of practical piety, were wrong. 
 Now, could this be admitted for a moment ? 
 
 Whilst the whole of Europe was tossed about by 
 uncertainty respecting the highest problems of our 
 nature, the Renaissance movement dawned upon the 
 world, and a fresh element was thus introduced into 
 the apparently insoluble difficulty. Socrates, Aristotle, 
 Plato, Epictetus, Seneca, Cicero began for the first time 
 to be studied and appreciated ; now the question would 
 naturally suggest itself — Were all these men, patterns 
 
342 THE REFORMATION, 
 
 of virtue and of wisdom, condemned to everlasting 
 destruction from the fact that they were born beyond 
 the influence of Christianity ? Further, are not the 
 principles which actuated them in their noble lives 
 quite good enough for us, and need we go to other 
 sources for direction and advice ? 
 
 The field of discussion, we notice, had thus become 
 considerably widened, and from challenging the 
 authority of the Pope, men had arrived to call in 
 question the authority of Christianity itself. It is on 
 such a state of things as this that the epoch closed 
 which we have undertaken to describe, so far as France 
 is concerned. The Middle Ages had done their work, 
 and it now remained for society to apply itself to the 
 perplexing but noble task of borrowing from the past 
 what was really worth retaining, and making of it a 
 considerable element in the new order of things. 
 
GLOSSARY OF MEDIEVAL WORDS. 
 
 Aissi and Aid are two Proven 9al 
 
 forms of ici=h.exQ ; adv. 
 Allodial from the Teutonic al, lod 
 
 (hence the Low L. allodium ; Fr. 
 
 alien), hereditary property, free 
 
 from all dues. 
 Altre, for autre (L. alter). 
 Amatz, Provenfal for aimez (L. 
 
 amatis), love. 
 Araire, L. araritim from 
 
 aratorius, a ploughed 
 
 Mod. Fr. arpent. 
 Ardoir, L. ardere, to burn. 
 Alt, he burns, consumes, 
 
 ardoir. 
 Avetz, L. habetis, you have. 
 Autrui, of other, or others. 
 
 in Old French without a preposi- 
 tion, 
 
 B. 
 
 Baterie (de cuisine), kitchen range, 
 
 utensils. 
 Bible, name given during the Middle 
 
 Ages to all compositions of an 
 
 ethical and didactic character. 
 Bochu, Picard pronounciation of 
 
 the adjective Bossu, hunchback. 
 Btiotts, Proven 9al for Bosufs, oxen ; 
 
 L. Boves. 
 
 C. 
 Capdel, capitaine, captain. Capdel 
 
 is Proven9al. 
 
 ager 
 field. 
 
 from 
 
 Used 
 
 Castoiement, chdtiment ; a\s,o castie- 
 ment in O. F. [a book of] re- 
 monstrances, reproofs. 
 
 Cavaleisia, Provencal for tourna- 
 ments. From the Low L. caballus, 
 a horse. 
 
 Cendreus, base, cowards, a serf who 
 is employed in making cinders 
 {cendres) out of burnt wood. 
 
 Cervoisiers, those who sell cej'voise, 
 a kind of beer [cervoise ; cervisia 
 in Pliny). 
 
 Chacier, chasse. To go in pursuit 
 of. 
 
 Changier, changer. 
 
 Char, chair, flesh. 
 
 Cit, celui. From the L. ecce, Hie. 
 
 Clamotir, clameur. 
 
 Cor, coeur. 
 
 Con for qti'on, whom one. 
 
 Cordoua?iiors, cordon ttiers, shoe- 
 makers ; literally, dealers in goods 
 made of Cordova leather. Eng. 
 cordwainer. 
 
 Coroniez, couronnis, crowned 
 [heads]. 
 
 Coy, qui, who ; decoy — ^^ qui, whose. 
 
 Crdans, croyant, believer ; hence, 
 mdcrdant, a miscreant. 
 
 Cuiche, couche ; je [me] cuiche, I lie 
 down. 
 
 D. 
 
 Damage, dommage. 
 
344 
 
 GLOSSARY OF MEDIEVAL WORDS, 
 
 DMuire (se), to enjoy one's self. 
 Synonym, se divertir. 
 
 Dimende, menee ; ddmetier, to lead 
 [out of the right way]. 
 
 Demour, demeure. Que je demour, 
 that I may remain. 
 
 Dere, precieuse. Eng. dear. 
 
 Desputizon, dispute, controverse. 
 
 Desiretichier, Irancher, couper, de- 
 cap iter. 
 
 Diex, Dieu. 
 
 Doloir, souffrir, from the L. dolore. 
 
 Dom, the Lord. L. Dominus. 
 
 El, le. 
 
 Emperaieur , empereur. 
 Efifh, enfant. 
 Eni7-emist, (s), undertook. 
 Estuet (m'), me faut, I must. 
 Exhauchie}', exalt. Mod. Fr. ex- 
 hausser. 
 
 Eais, faix, fardeau, burden. 
 Eaz, fais. 
 
 Fdronnerie, the place where iron- 
 mongers have their stalls or shops. 
 Foit, feu. 
 Foux, fou. 
 Premiers, fermiers. 
 
 Gaaingner, Gagner. 
 
 Gente, gentil. 
 
 GonfiiJion, also Gonfalon^ flag, stan- 
 dard. From the Old High Ger. 
 Guntfano, from Gundja, fight, 
 andy«;?c, banner. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hardement, hardiment. 
 
 Hauz, haut. 
 
 Hdoient, Haissaient. Thus Frois- 
 
 sart : " Quand it remontroit un 
 
 homme qu'il hdoUy 
 
 Horn, Home, Homo, Homme. 
 Honte [faite a] Dieu (la). 
 
 I. J. K. 
 
 /store, histoire. 
 yor, jour. 
 Ki, qui. 
 
 L. 
 
 Lais, laisse, I leave. 
 
 Laist, laisse, leave off, desist. 
 
 Lez, pres, from the L. latus, side. 
 Eng. near. Thus agam : Plessis- 
 lez-Tours, Plessis near Tours. 
 
 Li, le, les, the. 
 
 Loer, louer. 
 
 M. 
 
 Mais, mieux. L. magis. 
 
 Mandic, mendiant. 
 
 Menacier, menacer. 
 
 Mengier, manger. 
 
 Mes, mais. 
 
 Mie, point. L. 9nica, crumb. " Ne 
 
 le sui-s 7?iie " — I am not so at all. 
 Miex, mieux. 
 
 Monges, moine. L. monachus. 
 Morveus, morveux. Eng. snotty. 
 
 N. 
 
 Nacaire. Eng. cymbals. 
 Nayx, naif. L. nativus. 
 Nice, difficile. 
 Not (il), n'y eut. 
 
 O. 
 
 Orde, sale. Eng. dirty. 
 Orguelh, orgueil. 
 Ot, eut. 
 
 Panches, panse. Eng. paunch. 
 
 Payx, pays. 
 
 Pris, prix. 
 
 Prisier, priser. Eng. to esteem. 
 
GLOSSARY OF MEDIEVAL WORDS, 
 
 345 
 
 Pou, peu. 
 
 Pms, pnf, depuis. 
 
 Q. 
 
 Quant, ce que. L. quantum. Eng, 
 
 as much as. 
 Querquier, chercher. 
 
 R. 
 
 Regratiers. Eng. retail dealers. 
 Riens, chose, L. Rem. 
 
 San, sens. Eng. sense. 
 Sayx, sain? L. Sanus. 
 S'e?i, sien. S'en porteront^ThcvQ- 
 
 fore they will carry of it. 
 Sente, sentier. Eng. path. 
 Sermoneis, prechez. 
 
 Set, sait. 
 
 Si, c'est pourquoi, Eng. therefore. 
 
 Siatz (qui vous), soyez. 
 
 Solacier, donner du plaisir. Eng. 
 
 to solace. 
 Solas, plaisir. Eng. solace. 
 Soume, somme. 
 Suelh, j 'avals coutume. 
 
 Tolu, enleve. L. tollere. 
 Tot, tout. 
 Trais, trahi. 
 Tristor, tristesse. 
 
 V. 
 
 Voir, vrai. L. verum. 
 Volt, veut. L. vult. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 A. 
 
 Abelard, philosopher, 67 : con- 
 demned by councils, 67 ; death, 
 68 
 
 Acre, siege of, 70, 71 
 
 Agnes de Meranie. married to 
 ^Philip Augustus, S6 ; her death, 
 
 x\lbigenses, their origin, 83 ; cru- 
 sade against them, 82-84 ; at- 
 tacked by Louis VIII., 88 
 
 Alencon. Duke of, 298 
 
 Anjou, Counts of, their power, I ; 
 Foulques Nerra, 21 ; Geot^rey 
 Plantagenet 55 : Henry Plan- 
 tagenet, 61. Charles d\ brother 
 of Louis IX., 120; his ambi- 
 tion, 134; stopped by Gre- 
 gory X., 134 ; decline of his 
 power and death, 136. Louis, 
 Duke d' Anjou, 222 ; his struggle 
 for power, 223 ; shares the 
 Regency, 223-228 ; death, 229. 
 King Rene, 282. Power of 
 Count of Anjou destroyed by 
 Louis XL, 299 
 
 Anne de Beaujeu, regent for 
 Charles YIII., 304 : her policy, 
 305 ; meeting of the States, 305 ; 
 struggles with Duke d'Orleans, 
 306-308 ; end of regency and 
 death, 310 
 
 Architecture, its revival, 127 ; 
 Gothic, 127-130: secular, 130; 
 lil"teenth centut)^, 337, 338 
 
 Amiagnac, Count d', chosen 
 leader against Duke of Bur- 
 gundy, 237 : created Constable 
 of France, 244 ; killed in Paris, 
 244 : John v., Count of, 298 
 Armorial bearings, 35, 36 
 Armorican cities, 2 
 Arras, Treaty of, 269, 270 
 Arteveldt. Von ; rules in Flanders, 
 
 172 ; Philip von, 22S 
 Art in fourteenth century, 337 
 Art under Louis IX., 127-132; 
 
 industrial, 132 
 Assises dc Jc'rusalc-m, 31, 32 
 A^-ignon, Papal residence at, 149 
 Azincourt, battle of, 240-243 
 
 B. 
 
 Basin, Bishop of Lisieux, his- 
 torian, 329 
 
 Basoche {Clercs de la) actors, 334 
 
 Bayard, Chevalier, 317 
 
 Beauvais, siege of, 295 
 
 Becket, Thomas a, 62 
 
 Bedford, Duke of, at funeral of 
 Charles VI., 249 : regent of 
 France, 254 ; marches to Or- 
 leans, 257 ; decline of power, 
 266, 267 ; death, 270 
 
 Benedict XIII., Pope, 251, 252 
 
 Beneventum, battle of, 120 
 
 Bernard, Saint, 5S-60 ; opposes 
 Abelard, 67 
 
 Berry, Duke de, brother of Louis 
 
348 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 XI., 292, 293; opposes his 
 brother, 294 ; poisoned, 294 
 
 IJertrand de Born, 42 
 
 Blanche of Castile, wife of Louis 
 VIII., 90; her influence with 
 the barons, 91 ; regent during 
 Louis' absence, 97 ; her death, 
 
 Boniface VIII., quarrel with Philip 
 IV., 144-148 
 
 Bonnet, Ilonore, Prior of Salons, 
 252 
 
 Bouvines, battle of, 73-70 
 
 Brittany, Duchy of, dispute as to 
 the succession, 173; war in, 213; 
 John de Montfort acknowledged 
 Duke, 213; he conspires against 
 Clisson, 232. John VI., Duke 
 of, joins Charles VIL, 256. 
 Duke of, joins Duke d'Orleans 
 against Anne de Beaujeu, 307 ; 
 submits, 308. Anne of, 308 ; 
 married to Charles VIII., 309 ; 
 married to Louis XII., 315 
 
 Burgundy, Duke of. Philip the 
 Good, 247-288. Charles the 
 Bold, 288; takes Louis XI. 
 prisoner, 291 ; marches into 
 Normandy, 295 ; death, 296. 
 Mary of, marries Maximilian of 
 Austria, 300 
 
 C. 
 
 Calais, siege of, 182-184 
 
 Cards, Playing, 339 
 
 Charles IV. {k Bet), 161 ; his 
 
 exactions, 161, 162 ; his death, 
 
 163 
 Charles of Blois, 173; made 
 
 prisoner by the English, 184 ; 
 
 disputes Brittany, and is killed, 
 
 213 
 Charles of Navarre {le Mauvais) 
 
 claims throne of France, 189 ; 
 
 imprisoned by King John, 191 ; 
 
 joins with Etienne Marcel, 202 ; 
 
 rebels against Charles V., 211 
 Charles (the Dauphin), son of 
 
 John, 198 ; opposed by Etienne 
 
 Marcel, 198-200 ; leaves Paris, 
 
 201 ; succeeds his father ns 
 Charles V., 210 ; settles disputes 
 in Brittany, 213 ; renews war 
 with England, 215-218 ; death, 
 218 ; his government, 218-220 ; 
 love of literature, 221 
 
 Charles VI. succeeds his father, 
 222 ; crowned, 224 ; troubles 
 in France, 224; riots about 
 taxes, 226 ; marches into Flan- 
 ders, 228 ; returns to Paris and 
 imposes taxes, 229 ; assumes 
 sole government, 230 ; marches 
 into Brittany, 232 ; seized with 
 madness, 233 ; regency during 
 his illness, 234 ; condition of the 
 country, 237 ; civil war, 23 ) ; 
 war with English, 240; signs 
 treaty of Troyes, 247 ; death, 
 249 
 
 Charles VIT. proclaimed king, 
 250; his territory, 254; his 
 marriage, 2^5 ; increase of his 
 power, 256 ; assisted by Joan 
 of Arc, 263-266 ; coronation, 
 266 ; treaty of Arras, 270 ; 
 English leave Paris, 271 ; his 
 chief advisers, 271 ; entry into 
 Paris, 272; defeats the English, 
 272 ; his reforms, 273 ; or- 
 ganizes the army, 274; finan- 
 cial reforms, 275 ; death, 278, 
 279 
 
 Charles VIII. succeeds his father, 
 304 ; his portrait. 309 ; marries 
 Anne of Brittany, 309 ; plans 
 to invade Italy, 310 ; makes 
 treaties with England, Germany, 
 and Spain, 311 ; marches into 
 Italy, Battle of Fornovo, 312 ; 
 returns to France, 314; death, 
 
 314 . 
 Chastellain, George, historian, 328 
 Chivalry, 33 and foil. ; training of 
 a knight, 33 ; his admission, 
 34 ; his duties, 35 ; chronicled 
 by Froissart, 169 
 Church, the. in Middle Ages, 14, 
 15 ; establishments of the truce 
 of God, 21 ; favours the com- 
 munal movement, 52 ; theo- 
 
INDEX, 
 
 349 
 
 logical disputes, 66 ; architec- 
 ture, 127-130; music, 131; 
 riches of, under Philip lY. , 
 144 ; schisms and Council of 
 Constance, 250 ; need of re- 
 form, 251-253 ; power reduced 
 by Louis XL, 287 
 Church in fi teenth century, 340 
 Clemangis, Nicolas de, 253 
 Clisson, Olivier de, 210; at coro- 
 nation of Charles VI., 224 ; in 
 Flanders, 228 ; chosen as the 
 king's adviser, 230 ; attacked 
 by order of the Duke of Brit- 
 tany, 232 ; retires from court, 
 
 234 
 
 Coinage, 1 14 ; altered by Philip 
 the Fair, 140 ; debased by 
 Charles IV., 161 ; altered by 
 John, 188 
 
 Commines, Philip de, historian, 
 330 
 
 Commerce, mediaeval, 116; en- 
 couraged by Louis XL, 303 ; in 
 fifteenth century, 340 
 
 Communal movement, 48; charters, 
 49-52 ; sanctioned by bishops, 
 52 ; encouraged by the king, 
 54; increases under Louis VI L, 
 63 ; Communes support Philip 
 Augustus, y^^ 75 5 Communes 
 transformed into royal cities, 
 118 
 
 Constantinople, siege of, 81 ; 
 Frankish Empire established, 
 82, and collapses, 82 ; taken by 
 Turks, 277 
 
 Councils, Etampes, 57 ; Reims, 
 57 ; Soissons, 67 ; Sens, 67 ; 
 Lyons, 95 ; Constance, 250 
 
 Coiir du roi, 109, no 
 
 Coeur (Jacques), Chancellor of 
 Charles VIL, 275 ; his career, 
 278, 279 
 
 Cressy, battle of, 1 79-1 81 
 
 Crusade against Albigenses, 82-84 
 
 Crusade, First, preached by Peter 
 the Hermit, 25, 26 ; leaders of, 
 29 ; attack on Jerusalem, 30 ; 
 Godefroi de Bouillon made King 
 of Jerusalem, 31 ; influence on 
 
 literature, 36-38 ; troubadours, 
 40-43 ; historians, 45 
 
 Crusade, Second, 58 ; its failure, 59 
 
 Crusade, Third, 70, 71 
 
 Crusade, Fourth, preached by 
 Foulques, 77 ; siege of Con- 
 stantinople, 81 ; crusade to Holy 
 Land abandoned, 82 
 
 Crusade, tifth, preached by Inno- 
 cent IV., 95; the start, 97-99 ; 
 Damietta taken, &c., 100 ; 
 plague, loi ; crusade aban- 
 doned, 105 
 
 Crusade of St. Louis, 119 
 
 Crusade against Sultan Bajazet, 
 234 
 
 D 
 
 Dauphin, origin of title, 187 ; 
 Charles, son of John, 198-210; 
 Charles, son of Charles VI., 
 245; Louis, son of Charles VII., 
 273 ; opposes his father, 278 ; 
 his accession, 280 
 
 Deschamps, Eustache, his poems, 
 238, 251 
 
 Drama, 332-335 
 
 Duguesclin, Bertrand, 210 ; made 
 prisoner at Auray, 213 ; ran- 
 somed and sent to Spain, 215 ; 
 made Constable of France, 217 ; 
 his exploits, 218 
 
 E 
 
 Edv^^ard III. (of England) renders 
 homage, 163 ; visits Philip VI., 
 167 ; enters Flanders, 172 ; 
 comes to Brittany, 176 ; ad- 
 vances towards Paris, 178 ; in- 
 vades France again, 205 
 
 England, power of in France, 55, 
 56, 61 ; power lost under John, 
 72 ; peace between France and, 
 142 ; Hundred Years' War, 
 171, 272 
 
 English defeated at Taillebourg, 
 
 Enguerrand de Marigny, Prime 
 Minister of France, 157 
 
350 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Feudal system, 3 and following ; 
 homage, 6 ; castles, 9 ; vassals, 
 10 ; serfs, 13, 14 ; evil influ- 
 ence of, 21-48 ; established in 
 the East, 31 ; rise of the people 
 against it, 48 ; gradual decay 
 before the power of the king, 
 "jj ; judicial power of barons, 
 109 ; further decay under Philip 
 the Bold, 138 ; finally destroyed, 
 157 ; last struggles of feudal 
 lords, 273, 278, 298 ; conquered 
 by Louis XL, 298-300 
 
 Flagellants, 185 
 
 Flanders invaded by Philip Au- 
 gustus, JT) ; defeat of Count of, 
 77 ; invaded by Philip the Fair, 
 141 ; annexed to France, 142 ; 
 under a French governor, 142 ; 
 rebellion, 143 ; defeat of the 
 French, 144 ; rebellion in, 164; 
 battle at Cassel, 165, 166 ; 
 Flemings join with England 
 against Philip VI., 172; rising 
 of cities against counts, 227 ; 
 battle of Roosebeke, 228 
 
 France, districts of, in 987, I, 2 ; 
 political condition, 4, 5 ; lan- 
 guages of, 38 ; union of, under 
 Philip Augustus, 77, 86 ; further 
 enlargements, 91 ; royal terri- 
 tory increased, 187 
 
 Froissart, 167 ; his account of him- 
 self, 168 ; Chronicles, 168 and 
 following ; as a poet, 326 
 
 Gabelle established, 186 ; re- 
 moved, 225 
 Gaston de Foix at Ravenna, 320 
 Gaudri, bishop of Laon, 54 
 Geoffrey de Villehardouin, his- 
 torian of Fourth Crusade, 80 
 Georges, C irdinal d'Amboise, 324, 
 
 325 
 Gerson, Jean Charlier de, 249 ; at 
 Constance, 251 
 
 Gloucester, Duke of, In France, 
 
 256 
 Gotteschalck, monk, 66 
 Gringore (Pierre), actor, 335 
 Gtiet Royal, 114 
 Guilds, 115; in fifteenth century, 
 
 340 
 
 H. 
 
 Henry I. succeeds his father, 20 ; 
 
 his marriage, 20 ; defeated by 
 
 William of Normandy, 21 
 Henry V. (of England) lands at 
 
 Harfleur, 240 ; conquests in 
 
 Normandy, 245 ; enters Paris, 
 
 247 ; death, 249 
 Henry VI. (of England) King of 
 
 France, 254 ; crowned, 268 
 Herrings, battle of the, 260 
 Hugues Capet, his accession, i ; 
 
 origin, 15 ; death, 17 
 Hundred Years' War, 17 1 ; in 
 
 Flanders, 172 ; in Brittany, 173- 
 
 176 : truce, 176 ; war renewed, 
 
 177 ; second truce, 185 : war 
 renewed by Edward III., 189; 
 truce after Poitiers, 197 ; Ed- 
 ward enters France, 205 ; peace 
 signed at Bretigny, 208 ; war 
 renewed by Charles V., 215 ; 
 truce, 218; battle of Azincourt, 
 240-243 ; siege of Orleans, 257 ; 
 English defeated, 272 ; and 
 finally retreat, 272 ; end of the 
 Hundred Years' War, 272 
 
 Ingelburge, wife of Philip Augus- 
 tus, 86 
 
 Innocent III., Pope, interferes be- 
 tween Philip Augustus and John 
 of England, 72 ; promotes the 
 Fourth Crusade, 78 ; his efforts 
 against heresy, 83 ; lays France 
 under an interdict, 86 
 
 Innocent IV., Pope, takes refuge 
 in France, 95 
 
 Inquisition established at Tou- 
 louse, 91 
 
INDEX. 
 
 351 
 
 Isabelle of Bavaria married to 
 Charles VI., 235; returns to 
 Paris, 245 
 
 J- 
 
 Jacquerie, origin of, 202 
 
 Jeanne de Montfort, 174 ; at siege 
 of Hennebon, 175 
 
 Jeanne Fouquet (Hachette), at 
 Beauvais, 295 
 
 Jews, persecution of, 20 ; persecu- 
 tion by Philip Augustus, yo ; 
 treatment of, by Louis IX., iii; 
 banished by Philip the Fair, 140 ; 
 suspected of poisoning wells, 
 159, 160 ; plundered by Charles 
 IV., 161 ; accused of poisoning, 
 &c., 185 
 
 Joinville, Sire de, his memoirs, 
 93' 94, 97. 100, 105, III, 113, 
 119 
 
 Joan of Arc, her birth, 260 ; her 
 visions, 262 ; interview with 
 Charles VII., 263 ; goes to 
 Orleans, 264 ; raises the siege, 
 266 ; further victories, 266 ; 
 taken prisoner, 267 ; her death, 
 268 
 
 John {yean le Bon), 188 ; summons 
 the States-General, 190 ; the 
 nation taxed, 190 ; John at 
 Poitiers, 192, 196 ; enters Lon- 
 don, 197 ; returns to France, 
 208 ; cedes many provinces to 
 England, 208 ; returns to Eng- 
 land and dies, 209 
 
 John the Fearless, Duke of Bur- 
 gundy, 235 ; murders Duke 
 d'Orleans, 236 ; conduct to the 
 Parisians, 237 ; civil war, 239 ; 
 enters Paris, 244 ; treacherously 
 murdered, 246 
 
 K. 
 Kiersey, Edict of, 4 
 
 L. 
 La Hire, 257 ; at Orleans, 258 
 
 Landit, foire du, 116 
 
 Law, revival of study of, no; 
 administered by Louis IX., 1 1 1 ; 
 Etablissements de Saint Louis, 
 114; under Philip IV., 147; 
 Salic, 159 ; under Philip V,, 
 158 ; under Louis XL, 302 
 
 Literature, earliest specimens, 38 ; 
 of chivalry, 39, 40 ; of Crusades, 
 40-45 ; first prose writer, 80 ; 
 in Langued'oc, ^t, ; progress of, 
 in thirteenth century, 120-126 ; 
 sermons, 126 ; at the time of 
 Charles V., 221 ; of fifteenth 
 century, 326-332 ; dramatic 
 literature, 332 
 
 Louis VI., 47 ; struggles with the 
 nobles, 54 ; makes war with 
 England, 55 ; invades Flanders, 
 56 ; extension of his power in 
 France, 56 ; supports Pope Inno- 
 cent II., 57 ; death, 57 
 
 Louis VII., coronation of, 57 ; 
 accession, 57- ; quarrel with 
 Count of Champagne, 58 ; orga- 
 nizes a crusade, 58 ; repudiates 
 his wife, 61 ; war with Henry 
 II. of England, 61, 62 
 
 Louis VIII., 88 
 
 Louis IX. {Saint Louis) succeeds 
 Louis VIII., 90 ; majority pro- 
 claimed, 91 ; his character, 92- 
 94 ; starts for the Holy Land, 
 97 ; victory at Mansurah, 100, 
 loi ; his wife, 102 ; Louis taken 
 prisoner, 104 ; reaches the Holy 
 Land, 105 ; returns to France, 
 106 ; his reforms, 109 ; adminis- 
 tration of justice, III, 113; other 
 improvements, 114-118; starts 
 on another Crusade, 119; death, 
 119; canonization, 145 
 
 Louis X. {le Hittin), his wife, 155 ; 
 succeeds his father, 156 
 
 Louis XL, 281 ; struggles with 
 the nobles, 281-284 ; his cha- 
 racter; 285 ; coronation, 286 ; 
 general discontent, 287 ; war 
 with Count of Charolais, 288 ; 
 treaties with the nobles, 288 ; 
 invades Normandy, 288 ; strug- 
 
352 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 gles with Charles the Bold, 
 288-291, 293-296 ; establishes 
 his power over the nobles, 
 298-300 ; invades Hainault, 
 300 ; illness and death, 301 ; 
 review of his reign, 301-303 
 Louis XIL, accession, 314; 
 divorces his wife and marries 
 Anne of Brittany, 315 ; lays 
 claim to Naples, 315 ; con- 
 quers Milan, 316 ; marches 
 towards Naples, 316 ; war 
 with King of Spain, 317 ; 
 battle with the Venetians, 319 ; 
 attacked by the " Holy League," 
 319 ; forced to negotiate, 
 319-322 ; marries Mary of 
 England, 322 ; death, 322 ; 
 his home administration, 323 ; 
 called *' Father of the People," 
 324 ; various improvements, 
 325 
 
 M. 
 
 Mansurah, battle of, 100 
 
 Marcel (Etienne) sent as deputy 
 to King John, 190; opposes 
 the Dauphin Charles, 199-201 ; 
 plots with Charles of Navarre, 
 203 ; slain by John Maillart, 
 204 
 
 Marguerite, wife of Louis IX., 
 accompanies him on the Cru- 
 sade, 102 
 
 Marguerite de Bourgogne, 155 
 
 Marie de France, 123 
 
 Mersen, Edict of, 3 
 
 Monstrelet (Enguerrand de) his- 
 torian, 328 
 
 Montargis, siege of, 257 
 
 Montlhery, battle of, 288 
 
 Muret, battle of, 35 
 
 N. 
 
 Names, 36 
 
 Nominalism, 67 
 
 Normandy, insurrection in, 18 ; 
 Robert, Duke of, 21 ; William, 
 Duke of, 21-23 ; invaded by 
 
 Philip Augustus, 72 ; Normandy 
 exchequer, 154; John of, 176 
 
 O. 
 
 Orleans, siege of, 257-266 ; Duke 
 d', rivalry between him and 
 Anne de Beaujeu, 305-307 ; 
 made prisoner, 30S ; succeeds 
 Charles VIII., 314 
 
 Otto IV,, Emperor of Germany, 
 72 ; at battle of Bouvines, 75 
 
 Painting and painters, fifteenth 
 century 
 
 Paris Guild of Merchants, 63 ; 
 cathedral of Notre Dame 
 founded, 63 ; University of, 
 64 ; Estienne Boisleve, Provost 
 of, 115; endowments of St. 
 Louis, 118; Parliament of, 
 153, 154; its treatment of 
 offenders, 162; fortified, 198; 
 revolution against the Dauphin 
 Charles, 199-201 ; improve- 
 ments in, by Charles V., 220; 
 Rising of people against 
 Charles VI., 225-228; Mas- 
 sacres in, under Duke of Bur- 
 gundy, 244 
 
 Pastoureaux, revolt of, 106 ; pro- 
 gress and defeat, 107, 108; 
 another rising of, 160 
 
 Peronne, treaty of, 291 ; rupture 
 of treaty, 293 
 
 Philip I. succeeds his father, 
 23 ; attacked by William of 
 Normandy, 23 ; character and 
 death, 46 
 
 Philip Augustus, 69 ; his con- 
 quests, 69 ; relations towards 
 Richard I. of England, 71 ; 
 plots with John, 71 ; quarrels 
 with John, 72 ; John forms a 
 league against him, 72 ; Philip 
 marches into Flanders, 73 ; 
 battle of Bouvines, 73-76 ; re- 
 turns to Paris, JJ ; his three 
 wives, 86; various improve- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 353 
 
 ments introduced by him, 87, 
 88 ; death, 88 
 
 Philip III. [le Hardi), increase of 
 his power, 133 ; war with 
 Spain, 136 ; death, 136 ; story 
 ot Phih'p and Pierre de la 
 Brosse, 137, 138 
 
 Philip IV., accession, 139; great 
 changes, 139 ; establishes 
 troops and ships, 140 ; his 
 marriage, 141 ; attacks Edward 
 I. in Guienne and at Dover, 
 141 ; his daughter married to 
 the son of King of England, 
 142 ; war in Flanders, 143, 
 144; quarrel with the Pope, 
 145-148; chooses another Pope, 
 Clement V. ; his reforms, 153, 
 154; deathj 156 
 
 Philip V. {le Long), proclaimed 
 king, 157; events of his reign, 
 159-160 ; death, 161 
 
 Philip de Valois (Philip VI.) 
 appointed regent, 163 ; made 
 king, 164 ; enters Flanders, 
 164 ; end of the rebellion, 166 ; 
 takes part in war in Brittany, 
 176; treachery against Breton 
 lords, 177 ; deleated at Cressy, 
 181 ; death, 186 ; oppressive 
 acts, 187 ; increase of terri- 
 tory, 187 
 
 Philip the Good, Duke of Bar- 
 gundy, 247 ; ally of Duke of 
 Bedford, 256 ; feelings to- 
 wards the English, 269 ; at 
 Arras, 269 ; breaks with the 
 English, 270 ; his estates, 284 ; 
 sells cities to Louis XL, 287 ; 
 death, 288 
 
 Poetry, subjects for, 39 ; "Chan- 
 sons de geste," 40 ; " Chanson 
 d'Antioche," 45; " Gestes," 
 120 ; Romances of thirteenth 
 century, 121; Mysteries, 124; 
 patriotic poets, 238, 239 ; 
 poetry of fifteenth century, 
 326, 327 
 
 Poitiers, battle of, 191-196 
 
 Postal service established in 
 France, 302 
 
 Praguerie, rebellion, 273 
 Printing, introduction of, 335, 336 
 
 Q. 
 
 Quaranfaine-le-)'oi, La, 88, 109 
 Quinze-vingts, Hospital of, 118 
 
 R. 
 
 Ravenna, battle of, 320 
 Raymond V., Count of Toulouse, 
 complains against Albigenses, 
 
 83 
 Raymond VI., 84 
 Renaissance, dawn of, 341 
 Rennes, siege of, 174, 175 
 Richard the Pilgrim, 45 
 Richard, Coeur de Lion, joins 
 
 Third Crusade, 70 ; his captivity, 
 
 71; defeats the French, 72; 
 
 death, 72 
 Richemont, Arthur de, made 
 
 Constable, 256 ; at Arras, 269 ; 
 
 enters Paris, 270 
 Robert (good king), 17 ; his 
 
 marriage with Constance, 17 ; 
 
 refuses Italy and Lorraine, 18 ; 
 
 his death, 20 
 Robert d'Artois, 171, 172 
 Romance, 43 ; " Roman de la 
 
 Rose," 44, 117-122; romances 
 
 of thirteenth century ; " Roman 
 
 de Renart," 123 ; " Roman de 
 
 Fauvel," 150 
 Roscelin, Canon of Compiegne, 
 
 67 
 
 Saint Omer, battle of, 173 
 
 Schools, founded by Charlemagne, 
 64 ; school of Saint Victor, 65 
 
 Sicilian Vespers, 135 
 
 Simon de Mont fort, attacks the 
 Albigenses, 85 ; receives do- 
 mains in Languedoc, 85 
 
 Society, tenlh century, 3 
 
 Sorbonne (the), 118 
 
354 
 
 Spurs, battle of, 320-322 
 Star, Order o\, created, 209 
 Sugar, Abbot of Saint Denis, 61 
 
 Templars, Knights, 149 ; suppres- 
 sion planned by Philip the 
 Fair, 150 ; condemned by the 
 States-General, 151 ; destruc- 
 tion and final suppression, 152 ; 
 murder of the Grand Master, 
 156 
 
 Thibaut, Count of Champagne, 
 90 ; becomes King of Navarre, 
 91 ; his poetry, 124 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Troyes, treaty of, 247 
 
 U. 
 
 University of Paris, 64; noted 
 members, 65 ; interferes on 
 behalf of Joan of Arc, 267 
 
 V. 
 
 Villon, Frangois, his poetry, 327 
 
 W. 
 
 Wace, Robert, 43, 44 
 
The Story of the Nations. 
 
 Messrs. G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS take pleasure ift 
 announcing that they have in course of pubHcation a 
 series of historical studies, intended to present in a 
 graphic manner the stories of the different nations that 
 have attained prominence in history. 
 
 In the story form the current of each national life will 
 be distinctly indicated, and its picturesque and noteworthy 
 periods and episodes will be presented for the reader in 
 their philosophical relation to each other as well as to 
 universal history. 
 
 It is the plan of the writers of the different volumes 
 to enter into the real life of the peoples, and to bring 
 them before the reader as they actually lived, labored, and 
 struggled — as they studied and wrote, and as they amused 
 themselves. In carrying out this plan, the myths, with 
 which the history of all lands begins, will not be over- 
 looked, though these will be carefully distinguished from 
 the actual history, so far as the labors of the accepted 
 historical authorities have resulted in definite conclusions. 
 
 The subjects of the different volumes will be planned 
 to cover connecting and, as far as possible, consecutive 
 epochs or periods, so that the set when completed will 
 present in a comprehensive narrative the chief events in 
 the great STORY OF THE NATIONS ; but it will, of course, 
 not always prove practicable to issue the several volumes 
 in their chronological order. 
 
 The " Stories " are printed in good readable type, and 
 in handsome i2mo form. They are adequately illustrated 
 and furnished with maps and indexes. They are sold 
 separately at a price of $1.50 each. 
 
not always prove practicable to issue the several volumes 
 in their chronological order. 
 
 The *' Stories " are printed in good readable type, and 
 in handsome i2mo form. They are adequately illustrated 
 and furnished with maps and indexes. They are sold 
 separately at a price of $1.50 each. 
 
 The following is a partial list of the subjects thus far 
 determined upon : 
 
 THE STORY OF *ANCIENT EGYPT. Prof. George Rawlinson. 
 
 " *CHALDEA. Z. A. Ragozin. 
 
 " *GREECE. Prof. James A. Harrison, 
 
 Washington and Lee University. 
 
 " *ROME. Arthur Oilman. 
 
 " *THE JEWS. Prof. James K. Hosmer, 
 
 Washington University of St. Louis. 
 
 " *CARTHAGE. Prof. Alfred J. Church, 
 
 University College, London. - 
 
 " BYZANTIUM. 
 
 " *THE GOTHS. Henry Bradley. 
 
 " *THE NORMANS. Sarah O. Jewett. 
 
 " *PERSIA. S. G. W. Benjamin. 
 
 '• *SPAIN. Rev. E. E. and Susan Hale. 
 
 " *GERMANY. S. Baring-Gould. 
 " THE ITALIAN REPUBLICS. 
 
 HOLLAND. Prof. C. E. Thorold Rogers. 
 
 " *NORWAY. HjALMAR H. Boyesen. 
 
 " *THE MOORS IN SPAIN. Stanley Lane-Poole. 
 
 " *HUNGARY. Prof. A. VAmbery. 
 " THE ITALIAN KINGDOM. W. L. Alden. 
 
 " *MEDI^VAL FRANCE. Prof. Gustave Masson. 
 
 " ^ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE. Prof. J. P. Mahaffy. 
 
 " *THE HANSE TOWNS. Helen Zimmern. 
 
 " *ASSYRIA. Z. A. Ragozin. 
 
 " *THE SARACENS. Arthur Oilman. 
 
 " *TURKEY. Stanley Lane-Poole. 
 
 " PORTUGAL. H. Morse Stephens. 
 " MEXICO. Susan Hale. 
 
 " ^IRELAND. Hon. Emily Lawless. 
 
 " PHCENICIA. 
 
 " SWITZERLAND. 
 
 " RUSSIA. 
 
 " WALES. 
 
 " SCOTLAND. 
 
 " *MEDIA, BABYLON, AND PERSIA. 
 ^^ Z. A. Ragozin. 
 
 .^^ Cf 0*fQr^^ volumes starred are now ready, September, i 
 
 IJ G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 
 
 New York 
 
 27 AND 29 West Twenty-Third Street 
 
 3.) 
 
 London 
 
 27 King William Street, Strand 
 
,!7,!?!^i^'^Y OF CONGRESS 
 
 030 242 489 5 
 
 ■iiil 
 
 ii 
 
 
 iiil