Eu the motion of Mr. King, the reading of the Journal of Thursday was dispensed with. Mr. Butler rose and said : Mr. President : I rise to discharge a mournful duty, and one which involves in it considei-ations well calculated to arrest the attention of this body. It is to announce the death of my late colleague, the Hon. John Caldavell Calhoun. He died at his lodgings in this city, yesterday morning, at half-past seven o'clock. He was conscious of his approaching end, and met death with fortitude and uncommon serenity. He had many admonitions of its approach, and without doubt he had not been indiiferent to them. With his usual aversion to professions he said nothing for mere effect on the world, and his last hours were an exemplification of his life and character, truth and simplicity. Mr. Calhoun, for some years past, had been suffering under a pul- monary complaint, and under its effects could have reckoned but on a short existence. Such was his own conviction. The immediate cause of his death was an affection of the heart. A few hours before he expired, he became sensible of his situation ; and when he was unable to speak, his eye and look evinced recognition and intelligence of what was passing. One of the last directions he gave was to a dutiful son, who had been attending him, to put away some manuscripts which had been written a short time before, under his dictation. Mr. Calhoun was the least despondent man I ever knew ; and he had, in an eminent degree, the self-sustaining power of intellect. His last days, and his last remarks, are exemplifications of what I have just said. Mental determination sustained him, when all others were in despair. We saw him a few days ago in the seat near me, which he had so long and so honorably occupied ; we saw the struggle of a great mind exerting itself to sustain and overcome the weakness and infirmi- JL THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. ties of a sinking body. It was the exhibition of a wounded eagle, with his eyes turned to the heavens in which he had soared, but into which his wings could never carry him again. Mr. President, Mr. Calhoun has lived in an eventful period of our Republic, and has acted a distinguished part. I surely do not venture too much, when I say that his reputation forms a striking part of a glorious history. Since 1811, until this time, he has been responsibly connected with the Federal Government. As Representative, Senator, Cabinet Minister, and Vice President, he has been identified with the greatest events in the political history of our country. And I hope I may be permitted to say, that he has been equal to all the duties which were devolved upon him in the many critical junctures in which he was placed. Having to act a responsible part, he always acted a decided part. It would not become me to venture upon the judgment which awaits his memory. That will be formed by posterity before the impartial tribunal of history. It may be that he will have had the fate, and will have given him the judgment, that has been awarded to Chatham. I should do the memory of my friend injustice were I not to speak of his life in the spirit of history. The dignity of his whole character would rebuke any tone of remark which truth and judgment would not sanction. Mr. Calhoun was a native of South Carolina and was born in Abbe- ville district, on the 18th March, 1782. He was of an Irish family. His father, Patrick Calhoun, was born in Ireland, and at an early age came to Pennsylvania, thence moved to the western part of Virginia and after Braddock's defeat, moved to South Carolina in 1756. He and his family gave a name to what is known as the Calhoun settlement in xVbbeville district. The mother of my colleague was a Miss Cald- well, born in Charlotte county, Virginia. The character of his parents had no doubt a sensible influence on the destiny of their distinguished son. His father had energy and enterprise, combined with perse- verance and great mental determination. His mother belonged to a family of revolutionary heroes. Two of her brothers were distinguished in the Revolution. Their names and achievements are not left to tra dition, but constitute a part of the history of the times. Mr. Calhoun was born in the Revolution, and in his childhood felt the influence of its exciting traditions. He derived from the paternal stock, intellect and self-reliance, and from the Caldwells, enthusiasm and impulse. The traditions of the Revolution had a sensible influence on his temper and character. PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. 3 Mr. Calhoun, in his childhood, had but limited advantages of what is termed a literary tuition. His parents lived in a newly-settled country, and among a sparse population. This population had but a slight connection with the lower country of South Carolina, and were sustained by emigrants from Virginia and Pennsylvania. There was, of course, but limited means of instruction to children. They imbibed most of their lessons from the conversation of their parents. Mr. Calhoun has always expressed himself deeply sensible of that influ- ence. At the age of thirteen he was put under the charge of his brother-in-law. Dr. Waddell, in Columbia county, Georgia. Scarcely had he commenced his literary course before his father and sister died. His brother-in-law, Dr. Waddell devoted himself about this time to his clerical duties, and was a great deal absent from home. On his second marriage he resumed the duties of his academy; and, in his nineteenth year, Mr. Calhoun put himself under the charge of this distinguished teacher. It must not be supposed that his mind, before this, had been unemployed. He had availed himself of the advantages of a small library, and had been deeply inspired by his reading of history. It was under such influences that he entered the academy of his preceptor. His progress was rapid. He looked forward to a higher arena with eagerness and purpose. He became a student in Yale College in 1802, and graduated two years afterwards with distinction, as a young man of great ability, and with the respect and confidence of his preceptors and fellows. What they have said and thought of him would have given any man a high reputation. It is the pure fountain of a clear reputation. If the stream has met with obstructions, they were such as have only shown its beauty and majesty. After he had graduated, Mr. Calhoun studied law, and for a few years practised in the courts of South Carolina, with a reputation that has descended to the profession. He was then remarkable for some traits that have since characterized him. He was clear in his propo- sitions, and candid in his intercourse with his brethren. The truth and justice of the law inculcated themselves on his mind, and when armed with these he was a great advocate. His forensic career was, however, too limited to make a prominent part in the history of his life. He served for some years in the Legis- lature of his native State ; and his great mind made an impression on her statutes, some of which have had a great practical operation on the concerns of society. From the Legislature of his own State he was transferred to Congress ; and from that time his career has been a part of the history of the Federal Government, 4 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. JMr. Calhoun came into Congress at a time of deep and excitinp; interest — at a crisis of great magnitude. It was a crisis of peril to those who had to act in it, but of subsequent glory to the actors and the common history of the country. The invincibility of Great Britain had become a proverbial expression, and a war with her was full of terrific issues. Mr. Calhoun found himself at once in a situation of hio-h responsibility — one that required more than speaking qualities and eloquence to fulfil it. The spirit of the people required direction ; the energy and ardor of youth were to be employed in aifairs requiring the maturer qualities of a statesman. The part which Mr. Calhoun acted at this time has been approved and applauded by cotemporaries, and now forms a part of the glorious history of those times. The names of Clay, Calhoun, Cheves, and Lowndes, Grundy, Porter, and others, carried associations with them that reached the heart oj the nation. Their clarion notes penetrated the army,* they animated the people, and sustained the Administration of the Govern- ment. With such actors, and in such scenes — the most eventful of our history — to say that Mr. Calhoun did not perform a second part, is no common praise. In debate he was equal with Randolph, and in council he commanded the respect and confidence of Madison. At this period of his life he had the quality of Themistocles — to inspire confidence — which, after all, is the highest of earthly qualities in a public man ; it is a mystical something which is felt, but cannot be desci'ibed. The events of the war were brilliant and honorable to both statesmen and soldiers, and their history may be read with enthusiasm and delight. The war terminated with honor ; but the measures which had to be taken, in a transition to a peace establishment, were full of diffi- culty and embarrassment. This distinguished Statesman, with his usual intrepidity, did not hesitate to take a responsible and leading part. Under the influence of a broad patriotism, he acted with an uncalculating -liberality to all the interests that were involved, and which were brought under review of Congress. His personal adversary at this time, in his admiration for his genius, paid Mr. Calhoun a beautiful compliment for his noble and national sentiments, and views of policy. The gentleman to whom I refer is Mr. Grosveuor, of New York, who used the following language in debate : "He had heard with peculiar satisfaction the able, manly, and eon- * Governor Dodge, (now a Senator on this floor,) who was at that time a gal- lant officer of the army, informs me that tbe speeches of Calhoun and Clay were publicly read to the army, and exerted a most decided influence on the spirits of the men. PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES O stitutional speech of the gentleman from South Carolina. (Here Mr. Grosvenor recurring in his own mind to a personal difference with Mr. Calhoun, which arose out of the warm party discussions during the war, paused for a moment, and then proceeded.) " Mr. Speaker, I will not be restrained. No barrier shall exist which I will not leap over, for the purpose of offering to that gentleman my thanks for the judicious, independent and national course which he , has pursued in this House for the last two years, and particularly on the subject now before us. Let the honorable gentleman continue with the same manly independence, aloof from party views and local preju- dices, to pursue the great interests of his country, and to fulfil the high destiny for which it is manifest he was born. The buzz of popular applause may not cheer him on his way, but he will inevitably arrive at a high and bappy elevation in the view of his -country and the world." At the termination of Mr. Madisou's administration, Mr. Calhoun had acquired a commanding reputation ; he was regarded as one of the sages of the Republic. In 1817, Mr. Monroe invited him to a place in his Cabinet. Mr. Calhoun's friends doubted the propriety of his accepting it, and some of them thought he would put a high reputation at hazard in this new sphere of action. Perhaps these suggestions fired his high and gifted intellect; he accepted the place, and went into the War Department under circumstances that might have appalled other men. His success has been acknowledged. What was complex and confused, he reduced to simplicity and order. His organization of the War Department, and his administration of its undefined duties, have made the impression of an author, having the interest of origi- nality, and the sanction of trial. To appHcants for office, Mr. Calhoun made few promises, and hence he was not accused of delusion and deception. When a public trust was involved, he would not compromise with duplicity or temporary expediency. At the expiration of Mr. Monroe's administration, Mr. Calhoun's name became connected with the Presidency; and from that time to his death he had to share the fate of all others who occupy prominent situations. The remarkable canvass for the President to succeed Mr. Monroe, terminated in returning three distinguished men to the House of Repre- sentatives, from whom one was to be elected. Mr. Calhoun was elected Vice President by a large majority. He took his seat in the Senate as Vice President on the 4th of March, 1825, having remained in the War Department over seven years. 6 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. While he was Vice President, he was placed in some of the most ' trying scenes of any man's life. I do not now choose to refer to any- thing that can have the elements of controversy ; but I hope I may be permitted to speak of my friend and colleague in a character in which all will join in paying him sincere respect. As a presiding officer of this body, he had the undivided respect of its members. He was ^puncturd, methodical and im'partial, and had a high regard for the dignity of the Senate, which, as a presiding officer, he endeavored to preserve and maintain. He looked upon debate as an honorable contest of intellect for truth. Such a strife has its incidents and its trials j but Mr. Calhoun had, in an eminent degree, a regard for parliameu- tary dignity and propriety. Upon General Hayne's leaving the Senate to become Governor of South Carolina, Mr. Calhoun resigned the Vice Presidency, and was elected in his place. All will now agree, that such a position was environed with difficulties and dangers. His own State was under the ban, and he was in the national Senate to do her justice under his constitutional obligations. That part of his life posterity will review, and I am confident will do it full and impartial justice. After his senatorial term had expired, he went into retirement by his own consent. The death of Mr. Upshur — so full of melancholy associations — made a vacancy in the State Department ; and it was by the common consent of all parties that Mr. Calhoun was called to fill it. This was a tribute of which any public man might well be proud. It was a tribute to truth, ability and experience. Under Mr. Cal- houn's counsels Texas was brought into the Union. His name is associated with one of the most remarkable events of history — that of one republic being annexed to another by the voluntary consent of both. He was the happy agent to bring about this fraternal associa- tion. It is a conjunction under the sanction of his name, and by an influence exerted through his great and intrepid mind. 3Ir. Calhoun's connection with the Executive department of the Government termi- nated with Mr. Tyler's administration. As a Secretary of State, he won the confidence and respect of foreign ambassadoi's, and his dis- patches were characterized by clearness, sagacity and boldness. He was not allowed to remain in retirement long. For the last five years he has been a member of this body, and has been engaged in discussions that have deeply excited and agitated the country. He h died amidst them. I had never had any particuliar association with Mr. Calhoun, until I became his colleague in this body. I had looked on his fame as others had done, and had admired his character. PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. 7 There are those here who know more of hiui than I do. I shall not pronounce any such judgment as may be subject to a controversial criticism. But I will say, as a matter of justice, from my own personal knowledge, that I never knew a fairer man in argument, or a juster man in purpose. His intensity allowed of little compromise. While he did not qualify his own positions to suit the temper of the times, he appreciated the unmasked propositions of others. As a Senator, he commanded the respect of the ablest men of the body of which he was a member; and I believe I may say, that where there was no political bias to influence the judgment he had the confidence of his brethren. As a statesman, Mr. Calhoun's reputation belongs to the history of the country, and I commit it to his countrymen and posterity. In my opinion, Mr. Calhoun deserves to occupy the first rank as a parliamentary speaker. He had always before him the dignity of pur- pose, and he spoke to an end. From a full mind, fired by genius, he expressed his ideas with clearness, simplicity and force; and in language that seemed to be the vehicle of his thoughts and emotions. His thoughts leaped from his mind like arrows from a well-drawn bow. They had both the aim and force of a skillful archer. He seemed to have have had little regard for ornament; and when he used figures of speech, they were only for illustration. His manner and countenance were his best language ; and in these there was an exemplification of what is meant by Action in that term of the great Athenian orator and statesman, whom, in so many respects, he so closely resembled. They served to exhibit the moral elevation of the man. In speaking of Mr. Calhoun as man and neighbor, I am sure I may speak of him in a sphere in which all will love to contemplate him. Whilst he was a gentleman of striking deportment, he was a man of primitive taste and simple manners. He had the hardy virtues and simple tastes of a republican citizen. No one disliked ostentation and exhibition more than he did. When I say he was a good neighhor, I imply more than I have expressed. It is summed up under the word justice. I will venture to say that no one in his private relations could ever say that Mr. Calhoun treated him with injustice, or that he deceived him by professions or concealments. His private character was illustrated by a beautiful propriety, and was the exemplification of truth, justice, temperance, and fidelity to all his engagements. I will venture another remark. Mr. Calhoun was fierce in his con- tests with political adversaries. He did not stop in the fight to count losses or bestow favors. But he forgot resentments, and forgave injuries inflicted by rivals, with signal magnanimity. Whilst he spoke freely 8 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. of their faults, he could with justice appreciate the merits of all the public meu of whom I have heard him speak. He was sincerely attached to the institutions of this country, and desired to preserve them pure and make them perpetual. By the death of Mr. Calhoun, one of the brightest luminaries has been extinguished in the political firmament. It is an event which will produce a deep sensation throughout this broad land and the civilized woi'ld. I have forborne to speak of his domestic relations. They make a sacred circle, and I will not invade it. Mr. Butler then offered the following resolutions : Resolved unanimously, That a committee be appointe* by the Vice President to take order for superintending the funeral of the Hon. John Cildwell Calhoun, which will take place to-morrow, at 12 o'clock meridian, and that the Senate will attend the same. Resolved unanimously, That the members of the Senate, from a sin- cere desire of showing every mark of respect due to the memory of the Hon. John Caldwell Calhoun, deceased, late a member thereof, will go into mourning for him for one month, by the usual mode of wearing crape on the left arm. Resolved unanimously. That, as an additional mark of respect to the memory of the deceased, the Senate do now adjourn. Mr. Clay. — Mr. President : Prompted by my own feelings of pro- found regret, and by the intimations of some highly esteemed friends, I wish, in rising to second the resolutions which have been offered, and which have just been read, to add a few words to what has been so well and so justly said by the surviving colleague of the illustrious deceased. My personal acquaintance with him, Mr. President, commenced upwards of thirty-eight years ago. We entered at the same time, toother, the House of Representatives, at the other end of this build- ino-. The Congress of which we thus became members was thaf amongst whose deliberations and acts was the declaration of war against the most powerful nation, as it respects us, in the world. During the preliminary discussions which arose in the preparation for that great event, as well as during those which took place when the resolution was finally adopted, no member displayed a more lively and patriotic sensibility to the wrongs which led to that momentous event than the deceased whose death we all now so much deplore. Ever active, ardent, able, no one was in advance of him in denouncing the foreign injustice which compelled us to appeal to arms. Of all the Congresses with PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. 9 which I have had any acquaintance since my entry into the service of the Federal Government, in none, in my humble opinion, has been assembled such a galaxy of eminent and able men as were in the House of Representatives of that Congress which declared the war, and in that immediately following the peace ; and, amongst that splendid con- stellation, none shone more bright and brilliant than the star which is now set. It was my happiness, sir, during a large part of the life of the departed, to concur with him on all great questions of national policy. And, at a later period, when it was my fortune to differ from him as to measures of domestic policy, I had the happiness to agree with him o-enerally, as to those which concerned our foreign relations, and espe- cially as to the preservation of the peace of the country. During the long session at which the war was declared, we were messmates, as were other distinguished members of Congress from his own patriotic State. I was afforded, by the intercourse, which resulted from that fact, as well as the subsequent intimacy and intercourse which arose between us, an opportunity to form an estimate, not merely of his public, but of' his private, life ; and no man with whom I have ever been acquainted, exceeded him in habits of temperance and regularity, and in all the freedom, frankness, and affability of social intercourse, and in all the tenderness, and respect, and affection, which he manifested towards that lady who now mourns more than any other, the sad event which has just occurred. Such, Mr, President was the high estimate I formed of his transcendent talents, that if, at the end of his service in the Executive Department, under Mr. Monroe's administration, the dvities of which he performed with such signal ability, he had been called to the highest ofl&ce in the Grovernment, I should have felt per- fectly assured that under his auspices, the honor, the prosperity, and the glory of our country would have been safely placed. Sir, he has gone ! No more shall we witness from yonder seat the flashes of that keen and penetrating eye of his, darting through this chamber. No more shall we be thrilled by that torrent of clear, con- cise, compact logic, poured out from his lips, which, if it did not always carry conviction to our judgment, always commanded our great admiration. Those eyes and lips are closed forever ! And when, Mr. President, will that great vacancy which has been created by the event to which we are now alluding, when will it be filled by an equal amount of ability, patriotism, and devotion to what he conceived to be the best interests of his country ? Sir, this is not the appropriate occasion, nor would I be the appro- 10 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. priate person, to attempt a deliaeatioii of his character, or the powers of his enlightened mind. I will only say, in a few words, that he possessed au elevated genius of the highest order; that in felicity of genei'alization of the subjects of which his mind treated, I have seen him surpassed by no one ; and the charm and captivating influence of his colloquial powers have been felt by all who have conversed with him. I was his S3nior, Mr. President, in years — in nothing else. A.ccording to the course of nature, I ought to have preceded him. It has been decreed otherwise ; but I know that I shall linger here only a short time, and shall soon follow him. And how brief, how short is the period of human existence allotted even to the youngest amongst us ? Sir, ought we not to profit by the contemplation of this melancholy occasion ? Ought we not to draw from it the conclusion how unwise it is to indulge in the acerbity of unbridled debate ? How uuwnse to yield ourselves to the sway of the animosities of party feeling ? How wrong it .is to indulge in those unhappy and hot strifes which too often exasperate our feelings and mislead our judgments in the discharge of the high and responsible duties which we are called to perform ? How unbecoming, if not pre- sumptuous, it is in us, who are the tenants of an hour in this earthly abode, to wrestle and struggle together with a violence which would not be justifiable if it were our perpetual home ! In conclusion, sir, while I beg leave to express my cordial sympathies and sentiments of the deepest condolence towards all who stand in near relation to him, I trust we shall all be instructed by the eminent virtues and merits of his exalted character, and be taught by his bright ex- ample to fulfil our great public duties by the lights of our own judgment and the dictates of our own consciences, as he did, according to his honest and best comprehensions of those duties, faithfully and to the last. Mr. Webster. — I hope the Senate will indulge me in adding a very few words to what has been said. My apology for this presumption is the very long acquaintance which has subsisted between Mr. Calhoun and myself. We are of the same age. I made my first entrance into the House of Representatives in May, 1813, and there found Mr. Calhoun. He had already been in that body for two or three years. I found him then an active and efficient member of the assembly to which he belonged, taking a decided part, and exercising a decided influence, in all its deliberations. From that day to the day of his death, amidst all the strifes of party PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. 11 and politics, tliere has subsisted between us, always, and without inter- ruption, a great degree of personal kindness. Differing widely on many great questions respecting the institutions and government of the country, those differences never interrupted our personal and social intercourse. I have been present at most of the distiuo-uished instances of the exhibition of his talents in debate. I have always heard him with pleasure, often with much instruction, not unfrequently with the highest degree of admiration. Mr. Calhoun was calculated to be a leader in whatsoever association of political friends he was thrown. He was a man of undoubted genius and of commanding talent. All the country and the world admit that. His mind was both perceptive and vigorous. It was clear, quick, and strong. Sir, the eloquence of Mr. Calhoun, or the manner of his exhibition of his sentiments in public bodies, was part of his intellectual character. It "Tew out of the nualities of his mind. It was plain, strong, terse, condensed, concise; sometimes impassioned, still always severe. Re- jecting ornament, not often seeking far for illustration, his power con- sisted in the plainness of his propositions, in the closeness of his logic, and in the earnestness and energy of his manner. These are the qualities, as I think, which have enabled him, through such a long course of years, to speak often, and yet always command attention. His demeanor as a Senator is known to us all — is appreciated, vene- rated by us all. No man was more respectful to others; no man carried himself with greater decorum, no man with superior dignity. I think there is not one of us but felt, when he last addressed us from his seat in the Senate, his form still erect, with a voice by no means indicating such a degree of physical weakness as did, in fact, possess him, with clear tones, and an impressive, and, I may say, an imposing manner, who did not feel that he might imagine that we saw before us a Senator of Rome, when Rome survived. Sir, I have not in public nor in private life known a more assiduous person in the discharge of his appropriate duties. I have known no man who wasted less of life in what is called recreation, or employed less of it in any pursuits not connected with the immediate discharge of his duty. He seemed to have no recreation but the pleasure of con- versation with his friends. Out of the chambers of Congress, he was either devoting himself to the acquisition of knowledge pertaining to the immediate subject of the duty before him, or else he was indulging in those social interviews in which he so much delighted. My honorable friend from Kentucky has spoken in just terms of his 12 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. colloquial talents. They certainly were singular and eminent. There was a charm in his conversation not often found. He delighted espe- cially in conversation and intercourse with young men. I suppose that there has been no man among us who had more winning manners, in such an intercourse and conversation with men comparatively young, than Mr. Calhoun. I believe one great power of his character, in genei-al, was his conversational talent. I believe it is that, as well as a consciousness of his high integrity, and the greatest reverence for his intellect and ability, that has made him so endeared an object to the people of the State to which he belonged. Mr. President, he had the basis, the indispensable basis, of all high character; and that was, unspotted integrity — unimpeached honor and character. If he had aspirations, they were high, honorable and noble. There was nothing groveling, or low, or meanly selfish, that came near the head or the heart of Mr. Calhoun. Firm in his purpose, perfectly patriotic and honest, as I am sure he was, in the principles that he espoused, and in the measures that he defended, aside from that large regard for that species of distinction that conducted him to eminent stations for the benefit of the republic, I do not believe he had a selfish motive, or selfish feeling. However, sir, he may have differed from others of us in his political opinions, or his political principles, those principles and those opinions will now descend to posterity under the sanction of a great name. He has lived long enough, he has done enough, and he has done it so well, so successfully, so honorably, as to connect himself for all time with the records of his country. He is now a historical character. Those of us who have known him here, will find that he has left upon our minds and our hearts a strong and lasting impression of his person, his char- acter, and his public performances, which, while we live, will never be obliterated. We shall, hereafter, I am sure, indulge in it as a grateful recollection that we have lived in his age, that we have been his cotemporaries, that we have seen him, and heard him, and known hii^^- We shall delight to speak of him to those who are rising up to fill our places. And, when the time shall come when we ourselves shall go, one after another, in succession, to our graves, we shall carry with us a deep sense of his genius and character, his honor and integrity, his amiable deportment in private life, and the purity of his exalted patriotism. Mr. Rusk. — Mr. President : I hope it will not be considered in- appropriate for me to say a word upon this solemn occasion. Being a PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. 18 native of the same State with the distinguished Souator whose death has cast such a gloom upon this Senate and the audience here assembled, I had the good fortvine, at an early period of my life, to make liis acquaintance. At that time he was just entering on that bright career wliich has now terminated. I was then a boy, with prospects anything but flattering. To him, at that period, I was indebted for words of kindness and encouragement j and often since, in the most critical positions in which I have been placed, a recurrence to those words of encouragement has inspired me with resolution to meet difficulties that beset my path. Four years ago, I had the pleasure of renewing that acquaintance, after an absence of some fifteen years; and this took place after he had taken an active part in the question of annexing Texas to the United States, adding a new sense of obligation to my feeling of gratitude. In the stirring questions that have agitated the country, it was my misfortune sometimes to differ from him, but it is a matter of heartfelt gratification for me to know that our personal relations remained unal- tered. And, sir, it will be a source of pleasant though sad reflection to me, throughout life, to remember, that on that last day on which he occupied his seat in this chamber, his body worn down by disease, but his mind as vigorous as ever, we held a somewhat extended conversation on the exciting topics of the day, in which the same kind feelings, which had so strongly impressed me in youth, were still mainifested toward me by the veteran statesman. But, sir, he is gone from among us; his voice will never again be heard in this chamber; his active and vigorous mind will participate no more in our councils ; his spirit has left a world of trouble, care, and anxiety, to join the spirits of those patriots and statesmen who have preceded him to a brighter and better world. If, as many believe, the spirits of the departed hover around the places they have left, I earnestly pray that his may soon be permit- ted to look back upon our country, which he has left in excitement, confusion, and apprehension, restored to calmness, security, and frater- nal feeling, as broad as the bounds of our Union, and as fixed as the eternal principles of justice in which our Government has its foundation. Mr. Clemens. — I do not expect, Mr. President, to add anything to what has already been said of the illustrious man, whose death we all so deeply deplore; but silence upon an occasion likg this, would by no means meet the expectations of those whose representative I am. To borrow a figure from the Senator from Kentucky, the brightest star in the brilliant galaxy of the Union has gone out, and Alabama claims a 14 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. place among the chief mourners over the event. DiflFeriug often from the great Southern statesman on questions of public policy, she has yet always accorded due homage to his genius, and still more to that blame- less purity of life which entitles him to the highest and the noblest epitaph which can be graven upon a mortal tomb. For more than forty years an active participant in all the fierce struggles of party, and svir- rounded by those corrupting influences to which the politician is so often subjected, his personal character remained not only untarnished, but unsuspected. He walked through the flames, and even the hem of his garment was unscorched. It is no part of my purpose to enter into a recital of the public acts of John C. Calhoun. It has already been partly done by his colleague; but, even that, in my judgment, was unnecessary. Years after the cele- brated battle of Thermopylae, a traveller, on visiting the spot, found a monument with the simple inscription, " Stranger, go tell at Lacedae- mon, that we died in obedience to her laws." " Why is it," he asked, "that the names of those who fell here are not inscribed on the stone?" " Because/' was the proud reply, " it is impossible that any Greek should ever foi'get them." Even so it is with him of whom I speak. His acts are graven on the hearts of his countrymen, and time has no power to obliterate the characters. Throughout this broad land "The meanest rill, the miplitiest river, Rolls ming'ing with his fame forever." Living, sir, in an age distinguished above all others for its intelli- gence, surrounded throughout his whole career by men, any one of whom would have marked an era in the world's history, and stamped the time in which he lived with immortality, Mr. Calhoun yet won an intellectual eminence, and commanded an admiration not only unsur- passed but unequalled, in all its parts, by any of his giant compeers. That great light is now extinguished ; a place in this Senate is made vacant which cannot be filled. The sad tidings have been borne upon the lightning's wing to the remotest corners of the Republic, and mil- lions of freemen are now mourning with us over all that is left of one who was scarcely " lower than the angels." I may be permitted, Mr. President, to express my gratification at what we have heard and witnessed this day. Kentucky has been heard through the lips o^one who is not only her greatest statesman, but the world's greatest living orator. The great expounder of the constitution, whose massive intellect seems to comprehend and give clearness to all things beneath the sun, has spoken for the Commonwealth of Massa- PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. 15 chusetts. From every quarter the voice of mourning; is mingled with notes of the highest admiration. These crowded galleries, the distin- guished gentlemen who fill this floor, all indicate that here have '* Bards, art'sts, sages, revprently met, Tn waive each separating plea Of si^ct, clime, party, au'l degree. All hon rii'g him on whom nature all honor shed." The resolutions were then unanimously adopted. Tuesday, April 2, 1850. The remains of the deceased were brought into the Senate at 12 o'clock, attended by the Committee of Arrangements and the Pall- bearers. Committee of Arrangements. Mr. Mason, Mr. Dodge, of Wisconsin, Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, Mr. Dickinson, Mr. Atchison, Mr. GtReene. Pall- Bearers. Mr. Mangum, , Mr. Cass, Mr. Clay, Mr. King, Mr. Webster, Mr. Berrien. The funeral cortege left the Senate chamber for the Congressional Burial-Ground, where the body was temporarily deposited, in the fol- lowing order : The Chaplains of both Houses of Congress. Physicians who attended the deceased. Committee of Arrangements. Pall-Bearers. The family and friends of the deceased. The Senator and Representatives from the State of South Carolina, as mourners. The Serseant-at-Arms. of the Senate of the United States. The Senate of the United States, preceded by the Vice President of the United States and their Secretary. The Sergeant-at-Arms of the House of Representatives. The House of Representatives, preceded by their Speaker and Clerk. The President of the United States. 16 IHE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. The Heads of Departments. The Chief Justice and Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States and its officers. The Diplomatic Corps. Judges of the United States. Officers of the Executive Departments. Officers of the Army and Navy. The Mayor and Councils of Washington. Citizens and Strangers. BUTLER'S SERMON. A Sermon preached in the Senate Chamber, April 2, 1850, at the Funeral of the Hon. John C. Calhoun, Senator of the United States from South Carolina. By the Rev. C. M. Butler, D. D., Chaplain of the Senate. I have said ye are gods, and all of you are children of the Most High ; but ye shall die like men, and fall like one of the princes. — Psalm Ixxxii : 6-7. One of the princes is fallen ! A prince in intellect; a prince in his sway over human hearts and minds ; a prince in the wealth of his own generous affections, and in the rich revenues of admiring love poured into his heart ; a prince in the dignity of his demeanor — this prince has fallen — fallen! And ye all, his friends and peers, illustrious statesmen, orators, and warriors — " I have said ye are gods, and all of you are children of the Most High; hut ye shall die like men, and fall like this one of the princes !" The praises of the honored dead have been, here and elsewhere, fitly spoken. The beautifully blended benignity, dignity, simplicity and purity of the husband, the father, and the friend; the integrity, sagacity, and energy of the statesman ; the compressed intenseness, the direct and rapid logic of the orator; all these have been vividly por- trayed by those who themselves illustrate what they describe. There seem still to linofcr around this hall echoes of the voices which have so faithfully sketched the life, so happily discriminated the powers, and so affectionately eulogized the virtues of the departed, that the muse of history will note down the words, as the outline of her future lofty narrative, her nice analysis, and her glowing praise. But the echo of those eulogies dies away. All that was mortal of their honored object lies here unconscious in the theatre of his glory. ''Lord of the lion heart and eagle eye," — there he lies! that strong heart still, that bright eye dim ! Another voice claims your ear. The minister of Grod, standing over the dead, is sent to say — "Ye are gods, and all of you are children of the Most High; but ye shall die like men, and fall like one of the princes." He is sent to remind you that there are those here, not visible to the eye of sense, who are greater 9 18 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. than the greatest of ye all — even Death, and Death's Lord and Master. Death is here. I see him stand over his prostrate victim, and grimly smile, and shake at us liis unsated spear, and bid us all attend this day on him. He is King to-day, and leads us all captive in his train, to swell his triumph and proclaim his power. And there is no visitant that can stand before the soul of man, with such claims on his awed, intent, and teachable attention. When, as on a day, and in a scene like this, he holds us in his presence and bids us hear him — who can dare to disregard his mandate ? Oh, there is no thought or fact, having reference to this brief scene of things, however it may come with a port and tone of dignity and power, which does not dwindle into meanness, in the presence of that great thought, that great fact, which has entered and darkened the Capitol to-day — Death ! To make us see that by a law perfectly inevitable and irresistible, soul and body are soon to sepa- rate; that this busy scene of earth is to be suddenly and forever left; that this human heart is to break through the circle of warm, con- genial, familiar and fostering sympathies and associations, and to put off, all alone, into the silent dark — this is the object of the dread message to us of death. And as that message is spoken to a soul which is conscious of sin ; which knows that it has not within itself resources for self-purification, and self-sustaining peace and joy; which realizes, in the very core of its conscience, retribution as amoral law; it comes fraught with the unrest, which causes it to be at once dismissed, or which lodges it in the soul, a visitant whose first coming is gloom, but whose continued presence shall be glory. Then the anxious spirit, peering out with inteuse earnestness in the dark unknown, may, in vain, question earth of the destiny of the soul, and lift to heaven the passionate invocation : "Answer me, burning stai'S of night, Where hath the spirit gone ; Which, past the reach of mortal sight, E'en as a breeze hath flown?" And the stars answer him, *' We roll In pomp and power on high; But of the never dying soul. Ask things that cannot die!" "Things that cannot die!" God only can tell us of the spirit- world. He assures us, by his Son, that death is the child of sin. He tells us what is the power of this king of terrors. He shows us that in sinuiu- "Adam all die." He declares to us that, sinful by nature PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. 19 and by practice, we are condemned to death; that we are consigned to woe; that we are unfit for Heaven; that the condition of the soul which remains thus condemned and unchanged, is far drearier and more dreadful beyond, than this side, the grave. No wonder that men shrink from converse with death; for all his messages are woful and appalling. But, thanks be to Clod ! though death be here, so also is death's Lord and Master. "As in Adam all die, even so in Christ shall all be made alive." That Saviour, Christ, assures us that all who repent, and forsake their sins, and believe in him, and live to him, shall rise to a life glorious and eternal, with Him, and His, in Heaven. He tells us that if we are his, those sharp shafts which death rattles in our ears to-day, shall but transfix, and only for a season, the garment of our mortality; and that the emancipated spirits of the righteous shall be borne, on angel wings, to that peaceful paradise where they shall enjoy perpetual rest and felicity. Then it need not be a gloomy message which we deliver to you to-day, that "ye shall die as men and fall like one of the princes;" for it tells us that the humblest of men may be made equal to the angels, and that earth's princes may become "kings and priests unto Grod I" In the presence of these simplest yet grandest truths; with these thoughts of death, and the conqueror of death ; with this splendid trophy of his power proudly held up to our view by death, I need utter to you no common-place on the vanity of our mortal life, the inevitable- ness of its termination, and the solemnities of our after-being. Here and now, on this theme, the silent dead is preaching to you more im- pressively than could the most eloquent of the living. You feel now, in your inmost heart, that that great upper range of things with which you are connected as immortals; that moral administration of God, who stretches over the infinite of existence ; that magnificent system of ordered governments, to whose lower circle we now belong, which consists of thrones, dominions, principalities, and powers, which rise, "Orb o'er orb, and height o'er height," to the enthroned Supreme; you feel that this, your high relation to the Infinite and Eternal, makes jjoor and low the most august and imposing scenes and dignities of earth, which flit, like shadows, through your three-score years and ten. Oh, happy will it be, if the vivid sentiment of the hour become the actuating conviction of the life ! Happy will it be, if it take its place in the centre of the soul, and inform all its thoughts, feelings, principles, and aims ! Then shall this lower system 20 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. of human things be consciously linked to, and become part of, and take glory from that spiritual sphere, which, all unseen, encloses tis, whose actoi-s and heroes are "angels and archangels, and all the company of Heaven." Then would that be permanently and habitually felt by all, which was here, and in the other chamber yesterday so eloquently ex- pressed, that "vain are the personal strifes and party contests in which you daily eng-age, in view of the great account which you may all so soon be called upon to render;"* and that it is unbecoming and pre- sumptuous in those who are "the tenants of an hour in this earthly abode, to wrestle and struggle together with a violence which would not be justifiable if it were yoiir perpetual home."f Then, as we see to-day, the sister States, by their Representatives, linked hand in hand, in mournful attitude, around the bier of one in whose fame they all claim a share, we should look upon you as engaged in a sacrament of religious patriotism, whose spontaneous, unpremeditated vow, springing consentient from all your hearts, and going up unitedly to Heaven, would be — "Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable!" But I must no longer detain you. May we all " So live, that when our summons comes to join The innumerable caravan, that moves To that mysterious realm, where each shall take His chamber in the silent halls of death. We go not like the quarry-slave at night Scourged to his dungeon, but, sustained and soothed Cy an unfaltering trust, approach our grave Like one who wraps the drapery of his couch About him, and lies down to pleasant dreams." * Mr. Winthrop's speech in the House of Representatives, f Mr. Clay's speech in the Senate. proceedings in the senate of the united states. 21 In the Senate of the United States, April 3, 1850. Resolved, As a mark of the respect entertained by the Senate for the memory of the late John Caldwell Calhoun, a Senator from South Carolina, and for his long and distinguished service in the Public Councils, that his remains be moved at the pleasure of his sur- viving family, in charge of the Sergeant-at-Arms, and attended by a committee of the Senate, to the place designated for their interment, in the bosom of his native State; and that such committee, to consist of six Senators, be appointed by the President of the Senate, who shall have full power to carry the foregoing resolution into effect. (Attest.) ASBURY DICKINS, Secretary. In the Senate op the United States, April 4, 1850. In pursuance of the foregoing resolution, Mr. Mason, Mr. Webster, Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, Mr. Dickinson, and Mr. Berrien, Mr. Dodge, of Iowa, were appointed the committee. (Attest.) ASBURY DICKINS, Secretary. In the Senate op the United States, . April 9, 1850. Mr. Webster having been, on his motion, excused from serving on the committee to attend the remains of the late John C. Calhoun to the State of South Carolina : On motion by Mr. Mason, Ordered, That a member be appointed by the Vice President to supply the vacancy, and Mr. Clarke was appointed. (Attest.) ASBUBY DICKINS, Secretary. In the Senate of the United States, April 3, 1850. Resolved, That the Vice President be requested to communicate to the Executive of the State of South Carolina, information of the death of the Hon. John C. Calhoun, late a Senator from the said State. (Attest.) ASBURY DICKINS, Secretary. 22 the carolina tribute to calhoun. Senate Chamber, April 3, 1850. Sir : In pursviance of a resolution of the Senate, a copy of which is enclosed, it becomes my duty to communicate to you the painful intel- lio-ence of the decease of the Hon. John Caldwell Calhoun, late a Senator of the United States from the State of South Carolina, who died in this city, the 31st ultimo. I have the honor to be, sir, Your obedient servant, MILLAKD FILLMORE, Vice. President of the United States, and President of the Senate. His Excellency , Governor of the State of South Carolina, Cohimhia. Senate of the United States, Washington City, April 4, 1850. To His Excellency, Whitemarsh B. Seahrooh, Governor of South Carolina. Sir : I have the honor to make known to you, that a committee of the Senate has been appointed to attend the remains of their late honored associate, Mr. Calhoun, to the place that may be designated for his interment in his native State, when the surviving family shall express a wish for their removal. It is desirable to the committee to know whether this removal is con- templated by them ; and should it be, that they be informed as soon as may be (but entirely at the convenience of the family) when they may desire it. Knowing the deep interest that will be taken by the State of South Carolina in the matter spoken of, I take the liberty, by this note, of asking that you will at proper time learn what may be necessary to answer the foregoing inquiry, and apprise me, as Chairman of the Com- mittee, a few days in advance. With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c. &e. &c, J. M. MASON. PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. 23 Washington, April 16, 1850. His Excellency^ Whifemarsh B. Seahrook, Governor- of South Carolina. Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 11th inst., handed to me by Mr. llavenel ; and on behalf of my associates on the committee of the Senate and of myself, to accept the hospitalities you have kindly proffered to us on behalf of the State, on (tur arrival in South Carolina. We are directed, by the order of the Senate, to attend the remains of Mr. Calhoun "to the place designated for their interment in his na- tive State" — a duty we expect strictly to discharge, and are gratified to find by your communication, that it will be in accordance with the wishes of your fellow citizens of Carolina. Mr. Ravenel, of the committee of South Carolina, will have apprized you of the time of our probable arrival in Charleston, which we learn will be on Thursday, the 25th of this month. With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c. &c. &c. J. M. MASON, Chair. Com. Senate. PROCEEDINGS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. In the House op Representatives, Washington, April 1, 1850. Mr. Vinton, rising, said that tlie House might soon expect to receive the usual message from the Senate, announcing the melancholy event occurring yesterday, (the death of the honorable Senator Cal- houn.) Instead of proceeding with the ordinary business of legislation, he would therefore move the suspension of the rules, that the House might take a recess until the Senate were ready to make that commu- nication. The question on this motion being put, it was unanimously agreed to. So the House then took a recess until one o'clock and ten minutes, p. m., at which hour the Secretary of the Senate, Mr. Dickins, appear- ing at the bar, The Speaker called the House to order. The Secretary of the Senate then announced that he had been directed to communicate to the House information of the death of John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, late a Senator from the State of South Carolina, and delivered the resolutions adopted by the Senate on the occasion. Mr. Holmes, of South Carolina, rose and addressed the House as follows : It becomes, Mr. Speaker, my solemn duty to announce to this House the decease of the honorable John C Calhoun, a Senator of the State of South Carolina. He expired at his lodgings in this city yesterday morning, at seven o'clock. He lives no longer among the living; he sleeps the sleep of a long night which knows no dawning. The sun which rose so brightly on this morning, brought to him no healing in its beams. We, the Representatives of our State, come to sorrow over the dead j but the virtue and the life and the services of the deceased, were not confined by metes and bounds ; but standing on the broad expanse of this Confederacy, he gave his genius to the States, and his heart to his PROCEEDINGS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 25 entire country. Carolina will not, therefore, be suffered to mourn her honored son in secret cells and solitary shades ; but her sister States will gather around her in this palace of the nation, and bending over that bier, weep as she weeps, and mourn with the deep, afflictive mourning of her heart. Yes, sir, her honored son — honored in the associations of his birth, which occurred when the echoes and the shouts of freedom had not yet died along his native hills, born of parents who had partaken of the toils, been affected by the struggles, and fought in the battles for liberty — seemed as if he were baptized in the very fount of freedom. Reared amid the hardy scenery of nature, and amid the stern, pious, and reserved population, unseduced yet by the temptations, and unnerved by the luxuries of life, he gathered from surrounding objects and from the people of his association, that peculiar hue and coloring which so transcendently marked his life. Unfettered by the restraints of the school house, he wandered in those regions which surrounded his dwelling, unmolested, and indulged those solitary thoughts, in rambling through her mighty forests, which gave that peculiar cast of thinking and reflection to his mighty soul. He was among a people who knew but few books, and over whose minds learn- ing had not yet thrown its effulgence. But they had the Bible ; and with his pious parents, he gathered rich lore, which surpasses that of Greek or Roman story. At an age when youths are generally prepared to scan the classics, he was yet uninitiated in their rudiments. Under the tuition of the venerable Doctor Waddel, his relative and friend, he quickly acquired what that gentleman was able to impart, and even then began to develop those mighty powers of clear perception, rapid analysis, quick comprehension, vast generalization, for which he was subsequently so eminently distinguished. He remained but a very short time at his school, and returned again to his rustic employments. But the spirit had been awakened — the inspiration had come like to a spirit from on high ; and he felt that within him were found treasures that learning was essential to unfold. He gathered up his patrimony, he hastened to the College of Yale, and there, under the tuition of that accomplished scholar and profound theologian, Rev. Dr. Dwight, he became in a short period, the first among the foremost, indulging not in the enjoyments, in the luxuries, and the dissipations of a college life, but with toil severe, with energy unbending, with devotion to his studies, he became (to use the language of a contemporary) "a man among boys." In a conflict intellectual with his great master, the keen eye of Dr. Dwight discerned the great qualifications which marked the man, and prophe- sied the honors that have fallen in his pathway. He was solitary, and 26 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. associated not much witli his class. He indulged his propensity to soli- tude; he walked among the elms that surround that ancient college j and in the cells, in the secret shades of that institution, he felt that dawning on his mind which was to precede the brighter and the greater day; and raising himself from the materiality around him, he soared on the wings of contemplation to heights sublime, and wending his flight along the zodiac, raised his head among the stars. The honors of the college became his meed, and departing thence with the blessings and the benedictions of his venerable instructor, he repaired for a short period to the school of Litchfield, and there imbibed those principles of the common law, based upon the rights of man, and throwing a cordou around the British and the American citizen. He left, and upon his return home was greeted by the glowing presence of his friends, who had heard from a distance the glad tidings of his studies and his suc- cess. He took at once his position among his neighbors. He was sent by them to the councils of the State; and there, amid the glittering array of lofty intellects and ennobled characters, he became first among the first. But that sphere was too limited for the expansibility of a mind which seemed to know no limit but the good of all mankind. At the age of twenty-eight, he was transferred to this hall. He came not, sir, to a bower of ease; he came not in the moment of a sunshine of tran- quillity; he came when the country was disturbed by dissension from within, and pressed out by the great powers of Europe, then contend- ing for the mastery of the world, and uniting and harmonizing in this, and this alone — the destruction of American institutions, the annihila- tion of American trade. The whole country (boy as I then was, I well remember,) seemed as if covered with an eternal gloom. The spirits of the best men seemed crushed amid that pressure, and the eye of hope scarce found consolation in any prospect of the future. But he had not been long in these halls, before he took the guage and measurement of the depth of these calamities, and the compass of its breadth. He applied himself most vigorously to the application of the remedies to so vital a disease. He found that mistaken policy had added to the calamities on the ocean, that still further calamity of fet- tering, with a restrictive system, the very motions and energies of the people. He looked down and saw that there was a mighty pressure, a o-reat weight upon the resources of this country, which time had gradu- ally increased, and he resolved at once — with that resolution which characterized him — with that energy which impelled him direct to his purpose — to advise what was considered a remedy too great almost for PROCEEDTXfIS IN THE HOUSE OE REPRESENTATIVES. 27 the advice of any other — once, weak as we were in numbers, unprepared as we were in arms, diminished as were our resources, to bid defiance to Britain, and assume the attitude of a conflicting nation for its rights. Fortunately for the country that advice was taken, and then the great spirit of America, released from her shackles, burst up and made her leave her incumbent, prostrate condition, and stand erect before the people of the world, and shake her spear in bold defiance. In that war, his counsels contributed as much, I am informed, as those of any man, to its final success. At a period when our troops on the frontier, under the command of the Grovernor of New York, were about to retire from the line, and that Grovernor had written to Mr. Madison that he had exhausted his own credit, and the credit of all those whose resources he could command, and his means were exhausted, and, unless in a short period money was sent on to invigorate the troops, the war must end, and our country bow down to a victoi'ious foe ; sir, upon that occasion, Mr. Madison became so disheartened, that he assembled his counsellors, and asked for advice and aid, but advice and aid they had not to give. At length Mr. Dallas, the Secretary of the Treasury, said to Mr, Madison — you are sick; retire to your chamber; leave the rest to us. I will send to the Capitol for the youthful Hercules, who hitherto has borne the war upon his shoulders, and he will counsel us a remedy. Mr. Calhoun came. He advised an appeal to the States for the loan of their credit. It seemed as if a new light had burst upon the Cabi- net. His advice was taken. The States generously responded to the appeal. These were times of fearful import. We were engaged in war with a nation whose resources were ample, while ours were crippled. Our ships-of-war, few in number, were compelled to go forth on the broad bosom of the deep, to encounter those fleets which had signalized themselves at the battles of Aboukir and Trafalgar, and annihilated the combined navies of France and Spain. But there was an inward strength — there was an undying confidence — in the hearts of a free people; and they went forth to battle and to conquest. Sir, the clang of arms and the shouts of victory had scarcely died along the dark waters of the Niagara — the war upon the plains of Orleans had just gone out with a blaze of glory — when all eyes were instinctively turned to this youthful patriot, who had rescued his country in the dark hour of her peril. Mr. Monroe transferred him to his Cabinet ; and upon that occasion, so confused was the Department of War, so complicated and disordered, that Mr. Wm. Lowndes, a friend to Mr. Calhoun, advised him against risking the high honors 28 THK CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. he had achieved upon this floor, for the uncertain victories of an Ex- ecutive position. But no man had pondered more thoroughly the depths of his own mind and the purposes of his own heart — none knew so well the undaunted resolution and energy that always charac- terized him ; and he resolved to accept, and did. He related to me what was extremely characteristic; he went into the Department, but became not of it for awhile. He gave no directions — he let the ma- chinery move on by its own impetus. In the meantime he gathered, with that minuteness which characterized him, all the facts connected with the working of the machinery — with that power of generalization which was so remarkable, combined together in one system all the detached parts, instituted the bureaus, imparting individual responsi- bility to each, and requiring from them that responsibility in turn, but uniting them all in beautiful harmony, and creating in the workings a perfect unity. And so complete did that work come from his hands, that at this time there has been no change material in this department. It has passed through the ordeal of another war, and it still remains fresh, and without symptoms of decay. He knew that if we were to have wars, we should have the science to conduct them ; and he there- fore directed his attention to West Point, which, fostered by his care, became the great school of tactics and of military discipline, the benefits of which have so lately been experienced in the Mexican campaign. But, sir, having finished this work, his mind instinctively looked for some other great object on which to exercise its powers. He beheld the Indian tribes, broken down by the pressure and the ad- vances of civilization, wasting away before the vices, and acquiring none of the virtues, of the white man. His heart expanded with a philanthropy as extensive as t/ie human race. He immediately con- ceived the project of collecting them into one nation, of transferring them to the other side of the great river, and freeing them at once from the temptations and the cupidity of the Christian man. Sir, he did not remain in office to accomplish this great object. But he had laid its foundation so deep, he had spread out his plans so broad, that he has reared to himself, in the establishment of that people, a brighter monument, more glorious trophies, than can be plucked upon the plains of war. The triumphs of war are marked by desolated towns and conflagrated fields ; his triumphs will be seen in the collection of the Indian tribes, constituting a confederation among themselves, in the school-houses in the valleys, in the churches that rise with their spires from the hill-top, in the clear sunshine of Heaven. PROCEEDINGS IN THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES. 20 The music of that triumph is not heard in the clangor of the trumpet, and the rolling of the drum, but swells from the clang of the anvil, and the tones of the water-wheel, and the cadence of the mill-stream, that rolls down for the benefit of the poor red man. Sir, he paused not in his career of usefulness; he was transferred, by the votes of a grateful people, to the chair of the second ofiice of the government. There he presided with a firmness, an impartiality, with a gentleness, with a dignity, that all admired. And yet it is not given unto man to pass unscathed the fiery furnace of this world. While presiding over that body of ambassadors from sovereign States, while regulating their councils, the tongue of calumny assailed him, and accused him of official corruption in the Riprap contract. Indignantly he left the chair, demanded of the Senators an immediate investigation by a committee, and came out of the fire like gold refined in the furnace. From that time to the day that terminated his life, no man dared to breathe aught against the spotless purity of his character. But while in that chair, Mr. Calhoun perceived that there was arising a great and mighty influence to overshadow a portion of this land. From a patriotic devotion to his country, he consented on this floor, in 1816, upon the reduction of the war duties, to a gradual dimi- nution of the burdens, and thus saved the manufacturers from annihila- tion. But that interest, then a mere stripling, weak, and requiring nurture, fostered by this aliment, soon increased in strength, and became potent, growing with a giant's growth, and attained a giant's might, and was inclined tyrannously to use it as a giant. He at once resigned his seat, gave up his dignified position, mingled in the strifes of the arena, sounded the tocsin of alarm, waked up the attention of the South, himself no less active than those whom he thus aroused, and at length advised his own State, heedless of danger, to throw herself into the breach for the protection of that sacred Constitution, whose every precept he had imbibed, whose every condition he had admired. Sir, although hostile fleets floated in our waters, and armies threatened our cities, he quailed not; and at length the pleasing realization came to him and to the country, like balm to the wounded feelings, and by a generous compromise on all parts, the people of the South were freed from onerous taxation, and the North yet left to enjoy the fruits of her industry, and to progress in her glorious advancement in all that is virtuous in industry and elevafed in sentiment. But he limited not his scope to our domestic horizon. He looked abroad at our relations with the nations. He saw our increase of strength. He measured our resources, and was willing at once to settle 80 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. all our difficulties with foreign powers on a permanent basis. With Britain we had causes of contention, of deep and long standing. He resolved, if the powers of his intellect could avail ought before he de- parted hence, that these questions should be settled for a nation's honor and a nation's safety. He faltered not. I know (for I was present) that when the Ashburton treaty was about to be made — when there were apprehensions in the cabinet that it would not be sanctioned by the Senate — a member of that cabinet called to consult Mr. Calhoun, and to ask if he would give it his generous support. The reply of Mr. Calhoun at that moment was eminently satisfactory, and its annunci- ation to the cabinet gave assurance to the distinguished Secretary of State, who so eminently had conducted this important negotiation. He at once considered the work as finished; for it is the union of action in the intellectual, as in the physical world, that moves the spheres into harmony. When the treaty was before the Senate, it was considered in secret session ; and I never shall forget, that sitting upon yonder side of the House, the colleague of Mr. Calhoun — who at that time was not on social terms with him — my friend, the honorable Mr. Preston, whose heart throbbed with an enthusiastic love of all that is elevated — left his seat in the Senate, and came to my seat in the House, saying " I must give vent to my feelings : Mr. Calhoun has made a speech which has settled the question of the Northeastern boundary. All his friends — nay, all the Senators — have collected around to congratulate him, and I have come out to express my emotions, and declare that he has covered himself with a mantle of glory." Sir, after a while, he retired from Congress ; but the unfortunate accident on board the Princeton, which deprived Virginia of two of her most gifted sons, members of the cabinet, immediately suggested the recall of Mr. Calhoun from his retirement in private life, and the shades of his own domicil, to aid the country in a great exigency. His nomination as Secretary of State was sent to the Senate, and, without reference to a committee, was unanimously confirmed. Sir, when he arrived here, he perceived that the Southern country was in imminent peril, and that the arts and intrigues of Great Britain were about to wrest from us that imperial territory which is now the State of Texas. By his wisdom, and the exercise of his great administrative talents, the intrigues of Great Britain were defeated, and that portion of the sunny South was soon annexed to this Republic. With the commencement of Mr. Polk's administration, lie retired once more from public life, but he retired voluntarily. Mr. Buchanan PROCEEDINGS IN THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES. 31 •(for I might as well relate the fact) called upon me, took me to the em- brasure of one of those windows, and said : " I am to be Secretary of State ; the President appreciates the high talents of Mr. Calhoun, and considers the country now encircled by danger iipon the Oregon question. Go to Mr. Calhoun, and tender to him the mission to the Court of St. James — special or general, as he may determine — with a traijgfer of the Oregon question entirely to his charge." Never can I forget how the muscles of his face became tense, how his great eye rolled, as he received the terms of the proposal. " No, sir — no, (he replied. ) If the embassies of all Europe were clustered into one, I would not take it at this time ; my country is in danger ; here ought to be the negotiation, and here will I stand." Sir, he re- tired to his farm; but the President in his inaugural, had indicated so strongly his assertion of the entirety of the Oregon treaty ; had inspir- ited the people of the West almost to madness, and in like manner had dispirited the merchaDts''of the East, and of the North and South, that a presentiment of great dangers stole over the hearts of the people, and a war seemed' inevitable, with the greatest naval power of the earth. Impelled by their apprehensions, the merchants sent a message to Mr. Calhoun, and begged him again to return to the councils of the nation. His predecessor generously resigned. He came, and when he came, though late, he beheld dismay on the countenances of all. There was a triumphant majority in both parts of this Capitol of the Democratic party, who, with a few exceptions, were for carrying oixt the measures of Mr. Polk. The AVhigs, finding that they were too few to stem the current, refused to breast themselves to the shock. But when Mr. Calhoun announced on the floor of the Senate, the day after his arrival, his firm determination to resist and save from the madness of the hour, this great country, they immediately rallied, and soon his friends in this House and in the Senate gathered around him, and the country was safe. Reason triumphed, and the republic was relieved of the calami- ties of a war. This was the last great work he ever consummated. But he saw other evils; he beheld this republic about to lose its poise from a derangement of its weights and levers; he was anxious to adjust the balance, and to restore the equilibrium; he exercised his mind for that purpose ; he loved this Union, for I have often heard him breathe out that love ; he loved the equality of the States, because he knew that upon that equality rested the stability of the government ; he admired that compact — the Constitution of our fathers — and esteemed it as a p-reat covenant between sovereign States, which if properly observed, would make us the chosen people of the world. 32 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. At length the acting of the spirit chafed the frail tenement of mor- • tality, and to the eye of his friends, the tide of life began to ebb ; but, sir with an undying confidence in his powers — with a consciousness of the dangers which encircled his physical nature, but without regard to his own sufferings, in the solitudes of disease, unable in the midst of disease even to hold a pen, he dictated his last great speech. That speech has gone forth to the world, and the judgment of that world .will now impartially be stamped upon it. Sir, when his health began gradually to recover, his spirit impelled him, against the advice of his friends, into the Senate Chamber ; and there, with a manliness of purpose, with a decision of tone, with a clear- ness of argument, with a rapidity of thought, he met and overthrew his antagonists one by one, as they came up to the attack. But weakened by the strife, although he retired victorious and encircled with a laurel wreath, he fell exhausted by his own efforts, and soon expired on the plains. And now where is he ? Dead, dead, sir ; lost to his country and his friends. "For hira no more the blazing hearth shall burn, Nor wife nor children more shall he behold," nor sacred home. But he shall shortly rest amid his own native hills, with no dirge but the rude music of the winds, and after awhile, no tears to moisten his gi-ave but the dews of Heaven. But though dead, he still liveth ; he liveth in the hearts of his friends, in the memory of his services, in the respect of the States, in the affections, the devoted affections, of that house-hold he cherished. He will live in the tomes of time, as ifkey shall unfold their pages, rich with virtues, to the eyes of the yet unborn. He lives, and will continue to live, for countless ages, in the advance of that science to which, by his intellect, he so much contributed, in the disinthrallment of man from the restric- tions of government, in the freedom of intercourse of nations, and kind- reds, and tongues, which makes our common mother earth throw from her lap her bounteous plenty unto all children. And it may be, that with. the example set to other nations, there shall arise a union of thought and sentiment, and that the strong ties of interest, and the silken cords of love, may unite the hearts of all, until from the conti- nents and the isles of the sea, there will come up the gratulations of voices, that shall mingle with the choral song of the angelic host — ''Peace on earth; good will to all mankind." £^^C:) Z 1^,% f ,.,--« i ,'■ ^■■■i^^ Q ^;-^t^-*^"^i^^ PROCEEDINGS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. dO with which he was so peculiarly identified, no stranger tongue may ven- ture to attempt words of adequate consolation. But let us hope that the event may not be without a wholesome and healing influence upon the troubles of the times. Let us heed the voice, which comes to us all, both as individuals and as public officers, in so solemn and signal a provi- dence of God. Let us remember that, whatever happens to the Republic, we must die ! Let us reflect how vain are the personal strifes and par- tisan contests in which we daily engage, in view of the great account which we may so soon be called on to render I As Cicero exclaimed, in considering the death of Crassus : " fallacem hominum sjjem, Jixujl- lem que fortunam, et inanes nostras coiitentiones." Finally, sir, let us find fresh bonds of brotherhood and of union in the cherished memories of those who have gone before us; and let us resolve that, so far as in us lies, the day shall never come when New England men may not speak of the great names of the South, whether among the dead or among the living, as of Americans and fellow- countrymen ! Mr. Venable rose and said : Mr. Speaker, in responding to the announcement just made by the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Holmes,) I perform a sad and melancholy office. Did I consult my feelings alone, I would be silent. In the other end of this building we have just heard the touching eloquence of two venerable and distin- guished Senators, his cotemporaries and compatriots. Their names belong to their country as well as his ; and I thought, while each was speaking, of the valiant warrior, clothed in armor, who, when passing the grave of one with whom he had broken lances and crossed weapons, dropped a tear upon his dust, and gave testimony to his skill, his valor, and his honor. He whose spirit has fled needs no efi'ort of mine to place his name on the bright page of history, nor would any eulogy which I might pronounce swell the vast tide of praises which will flow perennially from a nation's gratitude. The great American statesman who has fallen by the stroke of death, has left the impress of his mind upon the genei'ations among whom he lived — has given to posterity the mines of his recorded thouahts to reward their labor with intellectual wealth — has left an example of purity and patriotism on which the wearied eye may rest, "And gaze upou the great, Where neither guilty glory glows, Nor despicable state." 36 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. For more than forty years his name is conspicuous in our history. Born at the close of the revokxtionary war, he was in full maturity to guide the councils of his country in our second contest with England. Never unmindful of her claims upon him, he has devoted a long life to her service, and has closed it, like a gallant warrior, with his armor buckled on him. " Death made no conquest of this conqueror; for now he lives in fame, though not in life." The only fame, sir, which he ever coveted — an impulse to great and honorable deeds — a fame which none can despise who have not renounced the virtues which deserve it. It is at least some relief to our hearts, now heaving with sighs at this dispensation of Heaven, that he now belongs to bright, to enduring his- tory; for his was one of "the few, the immortal names that were not born to die." Of his early history the gentleman who preceded me has spoken ; of his illustrious life, I need not speak ; it is known to mil. lions now living, and will be familiar to the world in after times. But, sir, I propose to say something of him in his last days. Early in the winter of 1848-9 his failing health gave uneasiness to his friends. A severe attack of bronchitis, complicated with an affection of the heart, disqualified him for the performance of his senatorial duties with the punctuality which always distinguished him. It was then that I became intimately acquainted with his mind, and, above all, with his heart. Watching by his bedside, and during his recovery, I ceased to be astonished at the power which his master-mind and eleva- ted moral feelings had always exerted upon those who were included within the circle of his social intercourse. It was a tribute paid spon- taneously to wisdom, genius, truth. Patriotism, honesty of purpose, and purity of motive, rendered active by the energies of such an intel- lect as hardly ever falls to any man, gathered around him sincere admirers and devoted friends. That many have failed to appreciate the value of the great truths which he uttered, or to listen to the warnings which he gave, is nothing new in the history of great minds. Bacon wrote for posterity, and men of profound sagacity always think in advance of their generation. His body was sinking under the invasion of disease before I formed his acquaintance, and he was passing from among us before I was honored with his friendship. I witnessed with astonishment the influence of his mighty mind over his weak physical structure. Like a powerful steam engine on a frail bark, every revolu- tion of the wheel tried its capacity for endurance to the utmost. But yet his mind moved on, and, as if insensible to the decay of bodily strength, put forth, without stint, his unequalled powers of thought and analysis, until nature well-nigh sunk under the imposition. His intel- PROCEEDINGS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 37 lect preserved its vigor while his body was sinking to decay. The menstruum retained its powers of solution, while the frail crucible which contained it was crumbling to atoms. During his late illness, which, with a short intermission, has continued since the commencement of this session of Congress, there was no abatement of his intellectual labors. They were directed as well to the momentous questions now agitating the public mind, as to the completion of a work which em- bodies his thoughts on the subject of government in general and our own Constitution in particular ; thus distinguishing his last days by the greatest effort of his mind, and bequeathing it as his richest legacy to posterity. Cheerful in a sick chamber, none of the gloom which usually attends the progress of disease annoyed him; severe in ascertaining the truth of conclusions, because unwilling to be deceived himself, he scorned to deceive others; skilful in appreciating the past, and impartial in his judgment of the present, he looked to the future as dependent on exist- ing causes, and fearlessly gave utterance to his opinions of its nature and character; the philosopher and the statesman, he discarded expe- dients by which men " construe the times to their necessities." He loved the truth for the truth's sake, and believed that to temporize is but to increase the evil which we seek to remove. The approach of death brought no indication of impatience — no cloud upon his intellect. To a friend who spoke of the time and manner in which it was best to meet death, he remarked: "I have but little concern about either; I desire to die in the discharge of my duty; I have an unshaken reliance upon the providence of God." I saw him four days after his last appearance in the Senate chamber, gradually sinking under the power of his malady, without one murmur at his affliction, always anxious for the interest of his country, deeply absorbed in the great question which agitates the public mind, and earnestly desiring its honorable adjustment, unchanged in the opinions which he had held and uttered for many years, the ardent friend of the Union and the Constitution, and seeking the perpetuity of our institu- tions, by inculcating the practice of justice and the duties of patriotism. Aggravated symptoms, on the day before his death, gave notice of his approaching end. I left him late at night, with but faint hopes of amendment; and, on being summoned early the next morning, I found him sinking in the cold embrace of death; calm, collected, and con- scious of his situation, but without any symptom of alarm, his face beaming with intelligence, without one indication of suffering or of pain. I watched his countenance, and the lustre of that bright eye 38 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. remained unclianged, until the silvei' cord was broken, and then it went out in instantaneous eclipse. When I removed my hand from closing his eyes he seemed as one who had fallen into a sweet and refreshing slumber. Thus, sir, closed the days of John Caldwell Calhoun, the illustrious American statesman. His life and services shall speak of the greatness of by-gone days with undying testimony. Another jewel has fallen from our crown; an inscrutable Providence has removed from among us one of the great lights of the age. But it is not extin- / guished. From a height to which the shafts of malice or the darts of [ detraction never reach, to which envy cannot crawl, or jealousy ap- proach, it will shine brighter and more gloriously, sending its rays over a more extended horizon, and blessing mankind by its illumination. The friend of constitutional liberty will go to his writings for truth, and to his life for a model. We, too, should be instructed by his experi- ence, while his presages for the future should infuse caution into our counsels, and prudence into our actions. His voice, now no more heard in the Senate, will speak most potentially from the grave. Personal opposition has died with his death. The aspiring cannot fear him, nor the ambitious dread his elevation. His life has become history, and his thoughts the property of his countrymen. Sir, while we weep over his grave, let us be consoled by the assur- ance that "honor decks the turf that wraps his clay." He was our own, and his fame is also ours. Let us imitate his great example, in preferring truth and duty to the approbation of men, or the triumphs - of party. Be willing to stand alone for the right, nor surrender inde- pendence for any inducement. He was brought up in the society of the men of the Revolution, saw the work of our Constitution since its for- mation, was profoundly skilled in construing its meaning, and sought by his wisdom and integrity to give permanency to the Government which it created. If such high purposes be ours, then our sun, like his, will go down serenely, and we shall have secured "a peace above all earthly dignities, a still and quiet conscience." The question was then taken on the resolutions offered by Mr, Holmes, and they were unanimously agreed to. And thereupon the House adjourned, REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF TWENTY-FIVE. Charleston, May 24, 1850. His Excellency, Whitemarsh B. Seahrook, Gover::or of the State of South Carolina. Dear Sir : I have received your Excellency's note of the 29th ultimo, addressed to me, as Chairman of the Committee of Twenty-five, ou the removal of the remains of the Hon. John C. Calhoun; and desiring of me, "as early as my convenience may permit, a narrative of the occurrences on the way, fi'om the day of our leaving Charleston, to the time when the body was surrendered to you." Your note has been laid before the committee, and, with their con- currence, the following report is respectfully submitted. The committee was appointed by your Excellency, under the second resolution of the meeting held in this city, on the evening of the 2d ultimo, to give expression to the public sorrow, on the death of the Hon. John C. Calhoun. We were desired " to proceed to Washing- ton, to procure and bring home his remains, and to co-operate in all other measures for their final disposition." On the 5th ult., the day the committee met to organize, our news- papers announced the appointment, by the Senate of the United States, of a committee of six members of that distinguished body, to take charge of the remains of Mr. Calhoun, and to attend them to their final resting place in his native State, This high honor modified the duty which had been assigned to us. It had become the office of the Senators, to convey and deliver the remains; ours, in manifestation of the respect of our people, to attend them as mourners. A general understanding in reference to the melancholy duty to be performed, was held by correspondence, between the Hon. James M. Mason, the chairman of the committee of the Senate, and the chairman of this committee; and, under a resolution of the latter, three of our number were requested to proceed to Washington, to confer with the committee of the Senate, and keep our authorities and committee at home advised of their arrangements. The chairman being one of this 40 THE CAROEINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. sub-committee, H. A. DeSaussure, Esq., was appointed cliairman pro tempore of the committee of twenty-five. The departure of the sub-committee, however, was to be deferred until Mrs. Calhoun should have been consulted, and her desires ascer- tained respecting the removal and ultimate disposition of the remains. This object having been effected, and her acquiescence in the measures proposed by your Excellency received, the sub-committee, consisting of the chairman, and Messrs. A. Huger and C. Gr. Memminger, proceeded to Washington, and arrived there on the 13th and 14th April. Mr. Mason, the chairman of the Senate's committee, had been called by business from Washington. He returned on the 15th, and on the next morning his committee met, and appointed Monday, the 22d April, as the day of departure with their solemn charge. Communica- tions by telegraph to the committee, through Mr. DeSaussure, the chairman p)^'o tern., gave information of this arrangement, and of our expectation that the cortege would arrive in Charleston on Thursday morning, the 25th April. On the arrival of the sub-committee in Washington, they found all the public buildings draped with emblems of mourning, by order of the President of the United States; and their reception by the committee of the Senate, and by other distinguished citizens, manifested the deep interest felt in the purpose of their visit. On the morning of the IGth April, Robert Beale, Esq., Sergeant-at- Arms of the Senate, called on the sub-committee by direction of the committee of the Senate, to express their desire that we should consider ourselves guests, during our stay in Washington; informed us that apartments had been provided for our accommodation, and requested us to appoint an hour to receive the committee, who would call and conduct us to the hotel they had selected. We accordingly named an hour, at which they called with carriages, and conducted us to the City Hotel, introduced us to a private parlour and comfortable rooms, informed us that instructions had been given to meet our directions in all respects, and that a carriage would be in waiting subject to our orders. The invitation was extended to our associates of the committee of twenty-five, to consider themselves guests on their an-ival, with infor- mation that like arrangements would be made for their comfort and convenience. Of the twenty-five gentlemen originally named on the committee, four were deprived, by circumstances, of the privilege of uniting in the duties of our appointment, viz : Messrs. Henry W. Conner, Arthur P. Hayne, A. G. Magrath and James Gadsden; .and, in their stead, REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF " TWENTY-FIVE. 41 Messrs. George S. Bryan, Matthew I. Keith, P. H. Seabrook and J. E. Leland, joined us by your Excellency's request. Twenty members of the committee arrived in Washington on Satur- day, the 20th April, and were met at the landing by the Sergeant-at- Arms with carriages, and conducted to the lodgings provided for them. These gentlemen had been expected on the previous day, and the Sergeant-at-Arms was at the landing to receive them. But their pas- sage from Charleston had been boisterous, and they arrived at Wilming- ton after the cars had left it. It thus became necessary for them to remain in Wilmington till the next day. They were immediately re- quested to consider themselves the guests of the city; and enjoyed the kindest attentions from the authorities and citizens. These attentions were acknowledged by the committee, in resolutions adopted at Wil- mington, and communicated by Mr. DeSaussure, the chairman pro tern: All of our committee were now in Washington, excepting two, the Hon. Wm. Aiken, who was unexpectedly detained, and John E. Carew, Esq., who accompanied his colleagues as far as Richmond, where he received information by telegraph of the sudden illness of his father, which obliged him to return. We were joined on our way homeward, at Wilmington, by Mr. Aiken, and at the wharf in Charleston, by Mr. Carew. Our number therefore was complete dui'ing the ceremonies in Charleston. Two of the sons of Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Andrew Pickens Calhoun, and Maj. Patrick Calhoun, of the United States Army, accompanied the committee of twenty-five from Charleston to Washington, and were received by the committee of the Senate as guests. Their pre- sence at all the ceremonies incident to our mournful duty, deepened their solemnity. To the Sergeant-at-Arms, the immediate charge of the remains, from the vault in Washington to their delivery in South Carolina, had been committed by the Senators. To six respectable attendants, selected by him, had been assigned the duty of bearing them whenever removed during the journey. The remains were enclosed in an iron coffin, fur- nished with six handles, which rendered the transfer from one convey- ance to another, safe and convenient. In accordance with a programme issued by the Hon. Chairman of the Senate committee, the remains were brought to the eastern front of the Capitol at 8 o'clock, on Monday morning, the 22d April, in charge of the Sergeant-at-Arms and his attendants, all in full suits of black. The committee of the Senate, with the two sons of the deceased, the Hon. Mr. Venable, of North Carolina, and the Hon. Mr. Holmes, of South 42 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. Carolina, Members of the House of Representatives, invited by the Senate's committee to join the escort; the committee of South Carolina, and many distinguished citizens, were in attendance. These, in a long- train of carriages, followed the hearse in slow procession from the steps of the Capitol, along the south side of Capitol Hill and down the Mary- land Avenue, and thence to the wharf on the Potomac, where the steamer Baltimore awaited us. The steamer bore appropriate insignia of the melancholy service she was to perform, both the exterior and interior being shrouded in mourning. The body was carried on board and placed in the upper saloon, which had been prepared for its recep- tion, and for the accommodation of the committees and friends. Immediately after this, the corpse of a young gentleman recently ap- pointed a Cadet at West Point, a son of the Hon. H. W. Hilliard, of Alabama, a member of the House of Representatives, was brought in and placed by that of Mr. Calhoun. The afflicted parents were in attendance, and a general sympathy with their deep private grief was added to the public sorrow. We were now ready to leave the city of Washington. Of the com- mittee of the Senate, five were present, viz : the Hon. James M. Mason, of Virginia, Chairman; the Hon. Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York, the Hon. John H. Clarke, of Rhode Island, the Hon. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, and the Hon. Augustus C. Dodge, of Iowa. The Hon. John M. Berrien, of Georgia, had been called to Savannah by the illness of a member of his family, but we are gratified to say, that he was enabled to meet his colleagues on their arrival in Charleston, and there to unite with them in the solemnities of the occasion. Among the attendants on the solemn offices just commenced, were the Hon. William Seaton, the Mayor of Washington, and Lieut. Thomas B. Huger, of South Carolina, appointed by Commodore Parker, of the Home Squadron, in expression of his respect, to accompany the remains as his flag officer. These gentlemen attended us officially to the landing on the territory of Virginia. Mr. Clarke Mills, the artist, of this city, now employed at Washington in completing the equestrian statue of Jackson, accompanied the committee of South Cai'olina by invitation. The public are indebted to Mr. Mills for having prepared himself for perpetuating not only the head and countenance of Mr. Calhoun, but his manly form. A study of his manner in the Senate and in private, with other advantages which he has secured, will enable him to apply his genius to a representation in statuary of this distinguished son of Carolina, of which we may confidently anticipate the highest value. The Hon. Mr. Webster, one of the six Senators first appointed on the REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF TWENTY-FIVE. 43 committee of that body, wlio found it necessary to ask to be excused from the duty whicli the appointment involved, was nevertheless desir- ous of paying a last tribute of respect to the memory of Mr. Calhoun, by accompanying us to the landing in Virginia. The state of his health preventing him, it is due to the occasion to transmit with this report his two notes, communicating his intention, and his reasons for relinquish- ing it. Crowds of persons had collected to witness the mournful departure ; but an unbroken silence prevailed as our boat moved from her moorings. On approaching Alexandria, we found the flags of the shipping, and flags displayed from the public buildings, at half mast, and in mourning. No incident of special interest occurred on our further progress down the Potomac, except the passing of Mount Vernon. As we drew near, the speed of our boat was moderated. Moving slowly on, we paused, as it were, in silent respect. Mount Vernon belongs to history. It commands the attention of every traveller. It associates, throughout the world, the dignity of worth in private life with all that is rational in civil liberty, with all that is wise in government, with all that is pure in the service of country. To us it is sacred ground, impressing every mind with awe ; filling every heart with gratitude — an unseen presence is there ; and no unhallowed thought finds place. Every packet that passes tolls its bell in honor of the Father of his Country. On this occasion, the customary answer of the heart was wrought into high emotion. We bore what was mortal of one illustrious man, by all that is mortal of the great type of illustrious men. No bosom was unmoved; scarcely an eye was tearless. ''Deep called unto deep," as the muffled knell of our boat paid its passing tribute. Arrived at Acquia Creek, we found in readiness a special train, pro- vided by the Richmond and Acquia Creek Railroad Company ; and depu- tations of distinguished citizens from Richmond and from Fredericks- burg, together with a military escort from the latter city, awaiting our arrival. The deputation from Fredericksburg were a joint committee of officers of the corporation and citizens, and consisted of the Hon. R. B. Semple, Mayor, B. S. Herndon, Recorder, John Minor, member of Council, Thomas B. Barton, Commonwealth's Attorney, John J. Chew, Clerk, and Col. Hugh Mercer and Eustace Conway, Esq., citizens. The military escort consisted of the Fredericksburg Guards, under com- mand of Captain Wm. S. Barton. The deputation from Richmond were the Hon. John Y. Mason, J. Lyons, G. A. Myers, and Wm. F. Ritchie, Esquires; and were accom- 44 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. panied by Edward Robinson, Esq., the President of the Richmond and Acquia Railroad Company. The remains were landed on the shores of Virginia, and received with honors by the deputations and by the military. During a solemn dirge by the Band of the Fredericksburg Guards, the remains were conveyed to a car prepared for them, and for the special attendants. The com- mittees of the Senate and of South Carolina, the Sons, and others in attendance with the deputations, were conducted to another car ; and the Fredericksburg Guards preceeded them in a third. Our approach to Fredericksburg was announced by minute guns — our passage by the city honored by the tolling of bells and solemn music. We stopped a short time to interchange courtesies with the citizens, when we proceeded to Milford, at which place we were invited to partake of a collation, and here the deputation from Fredericksburg took leave of us. Resuming our journey, we arrived at Richmond at half-past 4 o'clock, P. M., and were met at the boundary of the city by marshals on horseback, and by assemblages which indicated a reception of no ordinary character. Mili- tary and civic honors, public and private tributes, were harmoniously combined. A hearse, prepared for the occasion, with solemn decorations, and drawn by four black horses appropriately clad, each led by a groom in mourning; a splendid military escort; a large procession of citizens; and an array of equipages, to receive the committee, deputations and public officers, were the manifestations of the general desire in the capi- tal of Virginia to honor the departed, and to show respect to those who accompanied his remains. The silence was not once broken by the immense throng of spectators. The stores and places of business were closed — the bells were tolled — the procession moved onward to mournful dirges until it reached the Capitol. Here the military were placed in open order, and the body, borne by the attendants, the several commit- tees and deputations, the Governor, public officers, and citizens uncov- ered, passed through them, entered the Capitol, and were conducted to the hall of the House of Delegates, where the remains were deposited for the night, under a military guard, appointed by his Excellency, Gov, Floyd. The solemnity was closed by a short address and prayer from the Rev. Stephen Taylor. This simple, touching, ceremony over, the committees and their friends were conducted in carriages to apartments provided for us at the Exchange Hotel, as the guests of the city ; at half past 7 o'clock, the escort (with the exception of the sons of Mr. Calhoun, to whom a private parlor had been assigned) were conducted to dinner. The Hon. John Y. Mason, the chairman of the committee of citizens, presided, assisted by J. Lyons, Esq. His Excellency the REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OP TWENTY-FIVE. 40 Grovernor and Council, the Mayor and City Council of Richmond, and the gentlemen composing the deputations from other parts of the State, being present. After dinner, Judge Mason rose, and delicately intima- ting his unwillingness, under the circumstances which had brought us together, to encroach upon the liberty of their guests to retire at pleasure, addressed the meeting as follows, viz : " The gentlemen, whom it is our happiness to entertain as the hon- ored guests of the city of Richmond, are engaged in the melancholy duty of conveying the lifeless remains of an illustrious citizen from the scene of his public service, where he has fallen in the discharge of his duty, to their final resting place, in the bosom of his native State. On this mournful occasion, the interchange of sentiment common in festive entertainments, would not be appropriate ; but before we separate, there is one sentiment which I venture to propose — a sentiment to which the people of Virginia would cordially respond, and in which, I am sure, all present will take pleasure in uniting. " Honored be the memory of John Caldwell Calhoun, the be- loved and lamented son of South Carolina ; a son worthy of the utmost love of an adoring mother." The delicate compliment of the Chairman to the guests, and the respect to our State and Tier lamented son, expressed in the sentiment, were acknowledged by the Chairman of the committee, in a reply, to the following efi"ect, viz : " Mr. Chairman : You have said rightly, that the present is not an occasion for the interchange of sentiment common to festive entertain- ments. We have met under mournful circumstances. But the senti- ment you have been pleased to oifer, accords with the solemnity of the occasion ; and an acknowledgment in the same spirit, will not be deemed inappropriate. Indeed, I should fail to do justice to my own feelings, and, I am very sure, to the feelings of my colleagues, were I not to embrace the opportunity, to express our deep sense of the respect shown to our State and to her lamented dead, not only in the sentiment just ofi"ered, and in its reception, but in the impressive ceremonies through which we have this day passed. It is impossible, sir, to dissociate them. They came together, and fill our hearts. Allow me, then, for these noble and generous tributes, to tender our cordial thanks. "Our whole country has made its offerings of honor to the departed; and we would not indicate any insidious distinction among these spon- taneous expressions of public feeling. They are all acceptable; all valued. But under circumstances like the present, I may be permitted, 46 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. without the risk of such an imputation, to ask from what quarter of our wide-spread country, can sympathy and honor be more gratifying, than from the Commonwealth of Virginia ? Virginia, the eldest in this sisterhood of States ! Virginia, nurtured in the principles of a sound, rational, regulated liberty I Virginia, which has at all times furnished so ample a contingent of talent and worth to the service of our common country ! Virginia, whose soil entombs the Father of his Country ! Associations such as these, impart their character to her tributes, and add to the power and comfort of her sympathy. " I have said, Mr. Chairman, that the soil of your State entombs the Father of his Country. This privilege has conferred upon her a distinction which all lands would be proud to possess. But let me add, in reference to a sentiment I am about to propose, that she enjoys a higher and nobler distinction — she educated Washington. Washington was a Providential man ; reared up by Grod for Providential purposes ; purposes not confined to one country, but comprehending in their results the civil interests of the world ; not limited to the age, but destined to influence ages to come. And Washington was the son of Virginia. Born and nurtured within her borders, his character was formed, and his mind developed under her influences. He derived from her, and gave to her, his first energies. It was through her confidence, and in her service, that he was prepared for his more enlarged relations; for his high destiny ; his great mission. In accordance with these views, Mr. Chairman, I ofi"er, "The land that nurtured Washington." Both sentiments were drunk standing, and in silence ; and after the last, the company retired. The tAvo committees and their friends enjoyed every possible comfort and attention at the hotel ; and in accordance with arrangements for resuming our journey, we were conducted in carriages at 10 o'clock, on Tuesday morning, to the Capitol. Gov. Floyd was present, to receive us, and to re-deliver to the committee of the Senate the charge he had taken for the night. On this occasion His Excellency made the follow- ing address, viz : " Gentlemen of the Committees of Congress, and of Citizens of South Carolina : " I deliver to your hands the precious charge which, as the Grovernor of Virginia, was deposited with me for the night. Virginia has per- formed the last sad office within her power of reverence and respect to the remains of the honored dead. And I can say for her citizens, that no sad and sorrowful duty could have been executed by them with a more melancholy interest. REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF TWENTY-FIVE. 47 " The spontaneous outpouring of our population, which you witnessed yesterday, is but -a slight manifestation of the exalted admii-ation which beats strong in the bosom of the Commonwealth for the virtues and the genius of the departed statesman. " His virtues were enough to redeem this generation ; his genius sufficiently great to enrich the empire. But this is not the time for eulogy. In your sorrows and bereavement we offer you all we have, and all you can receive, our deep and heart-felt sympathy. Virginia will mingle freely her tears with those of Carolina over the fresh earth which is so shortly to cover all that can ever perish of the illustrious dead. " I take a mournful pleasure in officiating personally in these cere- monies. I knew him well, and esteemed him for those virtues which won the hearts of the nation ; and admired him for that intellect which secured to him the admiration of the world." Mr. James M. Mason, the Chairman of the Senate committee, rose and said : " Grovernor Floyd : — The committee of the Senate of the United States receive back at your hands from the State of Virginia, the re- mains of their late colleague, the illustrious Calhoun. The solemn and imposing reception which awaited them yesterday, at the confines of this city, by the citizens and the civil authorities of the City of Richmond, and their honored repose during the past night in the halls of their Capitol, under the safe-guard of the State, most touchingly evince the deep sense entertained by Virginia of the pure and lofty patriotism which ever guided him in life, and will remain a proud memorial to future ages. In discharge of the trust confided to us by the Senate, we shall pursue our melancholy way, sir, to the final resting place allotted for his remains, in his native State, bearing with us a grateful sense of the tribute paid to his memory at the capital of Vii'- ginia, by these imposing solemnities, and of the generous hospitalities which have been extended to the entire escort, by the City of Richmond. Before taking leave, however, you will allow me to refer to the com- mittee of citizens of the State of South Carolina, who have been deputed to repair to Washington, and to unite on this sad occasion, in rendering merited honor to the memory of her illustrious dead ; a deputation of her most grave and valued citizens, whose pi'esence here most feelingly manifests their own profound respect for the statesman who is no more, whilst it testifies how deeply Carolina mourns the loss of her patriot son — the gifted sage — the virtuous man, John Caldwell Calhoun." 48 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. The Chairman of our committee then said : " Governor Floyd : — I am at a loss for words to express, for myself and my associates from South Carolina, the feelings excited by this solemn occasion ; and in the attempt to give them utterance, the sin- cerity of the heart must supply the place of set forms of speech. " We are deeply affected by the honors with which the remains of the lamented dead were yesterday received at the border of Virginia ; by the manifestations of respect during our progress ; by the touching ceremonies of the reception here ; by those through which we are now passing ; and by the kindness shown to all who have been deputed to the melancholy offices in which we are engaged. These generous testi- monials on the part of Virginia, to the worth of this cherished son of South Carolina, will find a cordial answer from every heart within his native State. " Senates and assemblies of the people and distinguished individuals, have recorded their sense of the merits of the departed statesman and of the public loss. These valued tributes will impress the country. But those of Virginia are enhanced by her sympathy, so manifest at every stage of our passage through her territory. " And, sir, her offerings are full of associations of the highest interest. They recall the talent and worth which Virginia herself has given to the country. She is the mother of great men. Her sons walk by the light of a galaxy of her own. She has a right to praise, and we feel the value of her tributes. " Your Excellency, and the Hon. Chairman of the committee of Senators, have both been pleased to refer, in strong and grateful terms, to the pure and elevated character of Mr. Calhoun. Of all the grounds of public favor, this is the most gratifying. It is the recognition of high moral worth that gives to all public honors their chief value. Wisdom may command, eloquence may win, and station influence ; but it is virtue only that consecrates our powers. " Power to do good," said Lord Bacon, " is the true and lawful end of all aspiring." Am- bition, to be virtuous, must be virtuously directed ; and moral worth is an essential element in any just standard of public character. These ceremonies, then, are no mere pageant. They are the testimony of public opinion to high virtue, guiding high intellect. They will fix the attention of the young on the true grounds of all desirable distinction. Let our young men be incited to virtuous distinction ; let them emulate virtuous example ; let them draw their fires from the altars of a pure devotion, and our country must be safe. " In taking leave, permit me to offer our thanks for the part which REPORT OF TllK COMMIT FKK OF TWKNTY-ilVE. 49 you have taken personally in these mournful honors ; and to express my regret that the feelings appropriate to an occasion so imposing, have received from me so inadequate an expression." A most touching and solemn offering to the Tliruiie of Grace, by the Rev. Mr. Reed, concluded the ceremonies iu the Capitol. The remains were then conveyed to the hearse, and the procession being formed, we went in carriages, as on the preceding day, to the sound of solemn music and the tolling of bells, to the Railroad depot. We were received • in cars specially provided and prepared for us, and proceeded to Peters- burg. We were accompanied from Richmond to the boundary of the State, by a deputation appointed by his Excellency, Gov. Floyd, and consisting of T. T. Giles, G. M. Carriugton, B. B. Minor, and H. C. Cabell, Esqrs. We arrived at Petersburg about noon, and were met by his Honor, Mr. Corling, the ]Mayor, the entire magistracy and Com- mon Council, and by the venerable Judge May, the Chairman, and his committee of citizens, with a large military detachment. The v/hole cortege were accompanied in private carriages, followed by a numerous procession of citizens, to St. Paul's Church, on AValnut street. We found the church hung throughout in mourning. Here the remains were deposited, on a bier in charge of the military, to await our de- parture, with the regular train of that evening, for Wilmington. During the procession every store was closed, and some of the houses exhibited badges of moui'ning. The church was tilled with ladies and gentlemen, to witness the silent but impressive ceremony. The committees, with all associated with them, and the deputation from Richmond, were conducted from the church to the hotel at the Petersburg and Roanoke Railroad depot, where we were received as guests of the city. Here a sumptuous dinner awaited us, after receiving the visits and courtesies of the citizens : The Hon. Judge May, Daniel Lyon, and Thomas Wallace, Esqrs. represent- ing the city at dinner. At 8 o'clock that evening, we proceeded on our way to Weldon, and travelled all night. At about 2 o'clock on the morning of Wednesday, we reached Weldon, whither a detachment from four uniform companies of Petersburg, under the command of Lieut. Allfriend, had accompanied us. Here they were to take leave. The detachment was formed into line, and the Chairman of the Senate and South Carolina committees addressed to them appropriate acknow- ledgments. To these, Lieut. Allfriend replied, assuring us that '* how- ever mournful the occasion, the part they had taken was deemed by them a duty and a privilege." At the distance of about 40 miles from Wilmington, we were met by 4 flO THE CAROLINA TKIBUTp: TO CALHOUN. it deputation of teu gentlemen from that city, consisting of Dr. De Rossett, Sen., (a gentleman 83 years of age,) Chairman, and Messrs. J. F, McCrea, Sen., P. R. Dickinson, W. C. Bettencaurt, James Owen, Thos. H. AVright, John Walker, and Thomas Loring, of Wilmington, and F. J. Hill, of Brunswick, and James Iredell, of Ealeigh. These gentlemen tendered to us the hospitalities of Wilmington. We reached that city at 1 o'clock. A gun was fired on our arrival as a signal, at which the flags of the public buildings and the shipping were struck at half mast ; the bells began to toll and the military to fire minute guns. We were now informed that arrangements had been made for the re- ception of the whole company at the hotel, as guests of the city ; but that it having been suggested to them that delay in leaving Wilmington might interfere with the ceremonies of the reception in Charleston the next day, they requested that their desires should not interfere with our arrangements. This delicate and considerate course left us at liberty to embark without delay. To this end, the body was placed on a heai-se, appropriately decorated for the occasion, drawn by a white horse, Avith coverings of black, and a procession formed from the cars to the steamer. The citizens were arranged in a long double line, and stood uncovered, whilst the procession passed through them to solemn miisic. The cere- mony was deeply impressive. The body was placed on board the steamer Nina, which had been prepared and sent by your Excellency to receive it, with the committees in attendance. AVe were here met by Capt. William Blanding, who had been requested by the City Council to proceed to Wilmington in the Nina, as Master of Ceremonies. The Wilmington and Raleigh Railroad Company had also in waiting one of their boats, the Wilmington, the use of which had been kindly tendered to and accepted by our city authorities. A part of the company in attendance went in each boat; and by this arrangement, the comfort of all was greatly promoted. We were accompanied to Charleston by a deputation of sixteen citizens of Wilmington, of whom Dr. De Rossett, the elder, was Chairman ; and also by a deputation of four from the Board of Directors of the Wilmington and Raleigh Railroad Company, of whom Gen. James Owen was Chairman. The two steamers left Wilmington together about 3 o'clock, P. M., for Charleston. On the details thus given of the honors paid to the memory of Mr. Calhoun, it may be remarked, that at each of the cities through which we passed, the ceremonies had some appropriate peculiarity. The simple and silent movement from the Capitol at AVashington, where the elo- quence of public and individual sorrow had so recently been heard ; the emblems of respect at Alexandria ; the honors to our sad procession as REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF TWENTY-FIVE. Ol it moved slowly through Fredericksburg, with the military and civic escort of that city; the more elaborate arrangements at Richiiiond for the reception and charge of the remains for the night, and their re- delivery the next day, with the kind attention to the comfort of the committees; the full and imposing procession through Petersburg, the church draped in crape, and the informal courtesies of the citizens ; the numerous array of private citizens at Wilmington, through whom the procession passed to the boat, all exhibited the common purpose in these several communities, with variety in the modes of manifesting their respect to the memory of the dead, and their kindness to the living. To these more formal tributes wore added other testimonials less imposing, but not less touching. At several small places along the road, the discharge of cannon was the manifestation of respect. As we passed a farm near AVilmington, North Carolina, the owner, an elderly man, stood at the road-side, uncovered, his right hand resting on a small pine, hung with emblems of mourning, with his two servants standing behind him, also uncovered. And a short time befoi'e this, a distant bell had sounded the modest tribute of a rural neighborhood, where no assemblage was seen. It ought also to be remembered that at every place, all who composed the cortege were received as guests ; that through the entire line of travel, conveyances had been tendered, and were provided without charge ; and that the Wilmington and Raleigh Railroad Company would permit no charge to the South Carolina Com- mittee on their way to Washington. And whilst the committee of twenty-five thus report the distinguished honors paid to the memory of the lamented Calhoun, they gratefully recall the respect and kindness shown to themselves, for their work's sake. To the Honorable the committee of the Senate of the United States, to the citizens of Washington, Fredericksburgh, Richmond, Petersburgh and Wilmington, and especially to the authorities and committees of the several cities, their thanks are due, and they would thus record their acknowledgments. Vie entered the harbor of Charleston at 9 o'clock on Thursday morn- ing, the 25th April. A fog made the city indistinct to view, until we had approached quite near to it, when we observed that the houses were hung with emblems of mourning. The tone of deep feeling produced by the silent eloquence of these tokens, was made deeper by the Sabbath-like stillness of the city. On our approaching the revenue cutter Crawford in the roads, she commenced the firinir of minute auns. The Nina took her in tow, and a procession of boats was formed, con- 52 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. sisting of the Nina and Wilmington, the revenue cutter and the steamers Metamora and Pilot; the two latter with citizens on board. These vessels, all displaying emblems of mourning, arranged with re- markable care and taste, moved slowly several times along the entire line of the city, from the Southern point of the Battery to the landing place at Smith's wharf, until the hour appointed for the landing. This novel procession was felt by all to increase the deep solemnity of the occasion. At 12 o'clock, the body of J. C. Calhoun was landed on the soil of his native State, to receive the honors of his own sorrowing people. The description of these honors belongs to others. In conclusion, the committee would remark, that the manifestations of respect to the memory of our lamented fellow-citizen, were tributes both to distinguished talents and services, and to moral excellence uni- versally felt and acknowledged. With the public tributes were com- bined the most gratifying private recognitions of the purity and elevation of purpose exhibited throughout his life. Mr. Calhoun was indeed in the vale of years ; venerable for ripe knowledge and long service ; but the bond between his country and himself, amid the conflicts of opinion, and the asperities of parties, was this moral element, which adorned not only the evening of his life, but its morning and noon. This, joined to great powers, made up the man, whose memory the country deems it a privilege to honor. Let us trust, then, that the regrets and the honors which have fol- lowed him to the tomb, will impress upon the young men of our country, the value of high character and virtuous purposes. With these, the useful employment of talent is limited to no one period of life; *' for honorable age is not that which standeth in length of time, nor that is measured by number of years ; but wisdom is the gray hair unto men, and an unspotted life is old age." I have the honor to be, Very respectfully. Your obedient servant, DANIEL RAVENEL, Chairman Cora, of Twenty-five. REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF TWENTY-FIVE. 53 The Committee of Twenty-five Daniel Ravenel, C. Gr. Memminger, Alfred Huger, H. A. DeSaussure, James Rose, Henry Gourdin, G. A. Trenholm, Chas. Edmondston, Col. J. A. Leland, S. Y. TUPPER, Mm. M. Martin, P. C. Gaillard, Wm. Aiken, consisted of the following gentlemen John E. Carew, Chas. T. Lowndes, P. Della Torre, Thomas Leiire, Col. James Legare, Col. E. M. Seabrook, Geo. N. Reynolds, John Russell, Col. M. I. Keith, A. Moise, Jr., Geo. S. Bryan, Paul H. Seabrook. PAPERS ACCOMPANYING THE PRECEDING REPORT. PROGRAMME OF PROCEEDINGS IN WASHINGTON. The remains of Mr. Calhoun will be brought to the Capitol in a hearse, by 8 o'clock, A. M., in the morning of Monday, the 22d inst., in charge of the Sergeant-at-Arms, and will so remain in his charge, and with those assistants present who are to accompany it to the South. They will be at the Eastern front. Carriages will be sent for the committee of the Senate and Mr. Venable and Mr. Holmes, of S. C, their guests, and for the committee from South Carolina, to their respective lodgings, to be there punctually at half -past sevev. They will rendezvous at the Eastern front of the Capitol; and at 8 o'clock punctually, a baggage-wagon, in charge of a messenger, will convey the baggage of the South Carolina committee, and have it on board before the procession arrives. The body, in charge of the Sergeant-at-Arms, with his assistants, and the committee, will leave the Capitol at 8 o'clock, punctually, and proceed to the mail boat — passing on the southern side of Capitol Hill, and along Maryland Avenue. The Sergeant-at-Arms will communicate a copy of this to Paniel Ravenel, Esq., Chairman of the committee for South Carolina, and to jNIr, Venable and Mr. Holmes. (Signed) JAMES M. MASON. PASSAGE THROUGH FREDERICKSBURG, VIRGINIA, The following information has been kindly furnished by the Hon. B, B. Semple, Mayor of Fredericksburg, in compliance with a request from the Chairman of the committee, Names of the individuals who participated in the demonstratipns of REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF TWENTY-FIVE. 00 respect to the remains of Mr. Calhoux on their passage through Fredericksburg : . Officers of the Corporation : R. B. Semple, ]Mayor, Dr. B. 11. Hernddx, Hecorder, John Minor, Couucihuau, Thomas B. Barton, Commonweahh's Attorney, ^, ,,, T T n /n 1 V TT X- ri X V Committee John J. Chew, Clerk ot Hustings Court. Citizens : Col. Hugh Mercer, Eustace Conway. Militnri/ : Capt. William S. Barton, of Fredericksburg Guards. First Lieut. Jas. H. Lawrence, " " Second Lieut. J. L. Jones, " " Third Lieut. Wm. A. Metcalf, " " Fourth Lieut. C. B. White. " '« Ban J : Capt. John W. Adams, and tweh'e others, The following orders were issued on the occasion : 1st. A committee, consisting of the Mayor, Recorder, Col, Hugh Mercer, (only surviving son of Gfen. Hugh Mercer,) and Messrs. Barton, Conway, Chew, and Minor, to meet the remains at the Creek, and accompany them to town, 2d. That the Fredericksburg Guards, accompanied by their Band, attend the committee to the Creek, and perform such evolutions as may be suitable to the occasion. 3d. That a heai'se be prepared to carry the remains through the principal streets of the town. 4th. That minute guns be fired from 10 o'clock, A. M., to 3 o'clock, P. M. 5th. That the bells of the town be tolled from 10 o'clock, A. M,, to 3 o'clock, P. M. All these orders were fully executed, save the third, which, the com- mittee were informed by the Richmond committee, would interfere with previous arrangements, and therefore could not be carried out. The Mayor concludes his communication with the following remarks. " Upon no occasion, have we seen the people of this town more dis- 56 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. posed to pay honor to the memory of one, for whose transcendent abili- ties, and undimmed virtues, however they may have differed with him politically, they entertained the utmost reverence. And personally, it gives me great pleasure to say, that upon no occasion in the course of my official duties, have I been more conscious of discharging a duty, than in these offices to the memory of one of the greatest patriots and purest men this country has produced." RESOLUTIONS OF "THE COUNCIL OF THE CITY OF RICH- MOND." At a meeting of the Council of the City of Richmond, called by the President, and held on Thursday, the 18th day of April, 1850. Present, Gustavus A. Myers, President; William C. Allen, James Bosher, Joseph M. Carrington, Samuel D. Denoon, Simon Cullen, Wellington Goddin, Conway Robinson, David J. Saunders, James M. Talbott, Richard 0. Haskins, and Lewis W. Chamberlayne. The following preamble and resolutions were unanimously adopted by the Council — Whereas, it is understood that the remains of John C. Calhoun, late a Senator from our sister State of South Carolina, will be brought to this city on ]Monday afternoon, in charge of a joint committee from his native State, and from the House of Representatives and Senate of the United States ; and this Council, being desirous, on the part of the citizens of Richmond, of manifesting every respect to the memory of a man not less distinguished for the purity of his private life than illustri-. ous as a statesman and patriot. Resolved, That Messrs. Haskins, Chamberlayne and Allen, be a com- mittee on the part of the Council ; and Messrs. Loftin, N. Ellett, George E. Sadler, George M. Carrington, James H. Poindexter, James Win- ston, Hugh Riliegh, Richard B. Hasall, William F. Ritchie, Thomas R. Price, Col. John Rutherford, Nicholas ^lills. Judge John S. (^askie, William H. IMacfarland, William Rutherford, Mann S. Valentine, Robert G. Scott, and Joseph Mayo, a committee of the citizens of Rich- mond, to co-operate with any committee that may be appointed by the Executive of this CommouAvealth, in making suitable arrangements for the reception of the remains of the late John C. Calhoun, on their an-ival in this city. And that the committee, on behalf of the Council and citizens, be requested to invite the joint committee and all others REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF TWENTY-FIVE. 57 attending the remains, to consider themselves as the guests of this city. Resolved, Tliat the said committee of the Council and citizens inform the joint committee thereof, and make the necessary arrangements for their accommodation. On motion of Mr. Chamberlayne, Ordered, That the President be added to the committee on the part of the Council. And then the Council adjourned. A copy from the journal of the Council. WM. P. SHEPPARD, C. C. R. His Excellency, Gov. Floyd, also appointed a Committee to act with the committee of the citizens. At a meeting of the joint committees, a sub-committee of arrangements was appointed, of which the Hon. John Y. Mason was named the Chairman, and the Hon. John Y. Mason, Grustavus A. Myers, James liyons, and William E. Ritchie, Esquires, were requested to proceed to the Potomac River, and receive those in charge of the remains at the border of the State. At the request of the Governor, deputations were in attendance from other parts of the State. The following programme of the arrangements was published in the Richmond papers of Monday moi-ning, 22d April, viz : ORDER OF PROCESSION, To be observed on reception of the remains of the late Hon. John C. Calhoun, Monday afternoon, the 22d inst. : Military Escort. The Hearse. Relations and friends of the deceased, with committees of Congress and South Carolina in charge of the remains. The Joint Committee of Arrangements, appointed by the Governor, Council and Citizens of Richmond. The Clergy. The Governor, Council, and Officers of the State. The Judges of the State and Federal Courts. Officers of the Army and Navy of the United States. The Mayor, Recorder and Aldermen and Common Council of the City of Richmond. The Different Societies of the City. The Citizens. 58 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. The procession will be formed at 4 o'clock, at a point near tlic entrance to Buchanan's Spring ; its right upon the left of the Military. The following named gentlemen are appointed as Assistant Marshals : Col. John A. Meredith, Col. Henry W. Quarles, Col. George ^Y. IMiin- ford. Col. (leorge N. Johnson, Col. J. W. Spaulding, Major Thomas H. Ellis, Major H. C. Cabell, Capt. 11. (}. Scott, Jr., Capt. Thomas J. Evans, B. B. Elinor, J>. C. liaudolph, and Thomas J. Deane, Esqi's. The Marshals are requested to meet at the Chamberlain's Office at 10 o'clock, on Monday morning. BEX J. SHEPPARD, Chief Marshal. The Governor requests the following named gentlemen to act as pall- bearers at the funeral ceremonies of the late Mr. John C. Calhoun : Messrs. John Y. Mason, James J), Halyburton, William Daniel, John M. Patton, B. W. S. Cabell, J. B, Harvie, William H. Richardson, and John A. Meredith, PROCEEDINGS AT PETERSBl^RGH, VIRGINIA, From information afforded by the Hon. Charles Corling, Mayor: Programme of Arrangements, from the Petcrshiirgh Papera of 28,om, after the adoption of his report by the committee, the IIou. Alfred linger was requested to take the Chair. A. Moise, Jr., Esq., then rose, and solicited for a short time the attention of the committee, as this jieeting would, in all probability, be its last. It had been charged with duties the most sacred and respon- sible. The mission upon which it had been sent by South Carolina, was perhaps the most solemn, delicate, and interesting, which she had ever delegated to her sous. That mission had now become a subject of deep historic interest, and the touching incidents associated with it, would not soon fade from the public mind ana heart. It was indeed vividly impressed upon both. It was an event in which not only South ( 'arolina, but the whole nation, had manifested an intense interest, and yielded a universal and spontaneous sympathy. Mr. Moise said that much of the difficulty and responsibility which the duties of the committee involved, had necessarily fallen upon its Chairman, Daniel Ravencl, Esq. ; and he would avail of the temporary absence of that gentleman to submit what he felt assured would meet u prompt and cordial response. Mr. Moise then offered the following resolutions : Remlcrd, That the committee appointed by his Excellency the Grovernor, to convey to South Carolina the remains of the Hon. John C. Calhoun, desire to place on record their high appreciation of the services of their Chairman, Daniel Ravenel, Esq. The entire propriety, and delicacy of sentiment, conspicuous in the discharge of his varied duties, have not failed deeply to impress his colleagues ; and the un- affected modesty which graced his whole deportment, while it has increased their estimation of the successful service he has rendered, admonishes them to say no more on the present occasion. Less, they could not say, in justice to themselves. Resolved, That the acknowledgments of the committee are also due the Hon. Henry A. DeSaussure, for the zeal, urbanity, and dignity, with which he conducted the duties of Chair, during the necessary absence of the Chairman. Resolved, That a copy of these proceedings be sent by the Secretary to the Hon. Alfred Huger, with the rc(|ue8t that they be transmitted to his J]xcellency the Governor for publication, with the report of Daniel Ravenel, Esq. The resolutions were seconded by Col. P. Delia Torre, and unani- mously adopted. SAMUEL Y. TUPPER, Secretary. Charleston, May, 1850. 64 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. Charleston, June 1, 1850. Dear Sir : At the last meeting of the Committee of Twenty-five, the preamble and resolutions herewith enclosed, were, during the tem- porary absence of Mr. Ravenel, unanimously adopted. The committee have instructed me to request that these resolutions be appended to the " Nari'ative " of our mournful mission ; a document which is submitted to your Excellency by your own desire. I have the honor to be, With great respect, Your obedient servant, ALFRED HUGER. His Excellency, Gov. Seahrook. NAraiATlYE OF THE FUNERAL HONORS PAID TO THE HON. J. C. CALHOUN, AT CHARLESTON, S. C. On the evening of the yist March, 1850, telegraphic dispatches from Washington announced the death of the Hon. J. C. Calhoun, at the seat of Government. The next day, when the intelligence became generally known, the dejection that dwelt upon the countenances of all, revealed the public sense of the deep calamity that had fallen upon the country ; a settled gloom rested upon the city of Charleston ; the busy operations of life were suspended, and the heart of the whole community seemed for awhile to stand still. The bells of St. Michael's Church were tolled throughout the day, and the shipping in harbor displayed their colors at half mast ; the melancholy truth was apparent that Calhoun was no more ! All that now remained for an aiBicted people, was to endeavor to clothe the public sentiment of love and veneration for his memory, with those external demonstrations of respect to all that was mortal, com- mensurate with his exalted virtue and public service. The City Council immediately convened, when the sad intelligence was officially communicated by the Mayor, and the following resolutions unanimously adopted : ^^ Resolved, That Council have heard with feelings of deep emotion, the death of the Hon. J. C. Calhoun, in whose decease the country has lost a patriot, distinguished by long and illustrious service, and the State a cherished and devoted son. ^'Resolved, That in token of respect to the eminent abilities and elevated virtues of the deceased, a suitable monument be forthwith erected to his memory in the centre of the city square, and that a com- mittee of Council, of which his Honor the Mayor shall be Chairman, be appointed to carry out the intention of this resolution. ^^ Resolved, That a committee of Council be also appointed to co- operate, if desired, with any committee of citizens that may be appointed to-morrow evening, in making all proper and necessary arrangements for the reception of the body of the deceased, as well as in paying other suitable marks of reapect to his memory. 66 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. ^'Resolved, That the Mayor be requested to communicate these reso- lutions to the family of the deceased, tendering to them the sympathies of Council in this, their afflicting bereavement." The next evening, the 2d April, pursuant to a call at the desire of the citizens, a public meeting was held at the City Hall. Long before the appointed hour, a dense crowd, i-epresenting all classes and interests, thronged the hall. The meeting was organized by the call of the Hon. T. L. Hutchinson, Mayor of the city, to the chair, and the appointment of F. P. Porcher and H. P. Walker, Esqrs., Secretaries. The Chair- man[[thus announced the object of the meeting : "Fellow Citizens: The occasion that draws us together is the saddest that has ever darkened the hearts of Carolinians. A great affliction has befallen the land ; an especial calamity has overshadowed us. A nation mourns, but ours is the peculiar grief. Calhoun is no more ! The foremost spirit of the time has been quenched forever. The incorruptible patriot, the statesman without guile j the orator upon whose accents Senates hung in silence; the honest politician, whose love of country taught him to forget the love of self; the public man who, with every incentive and every opportunity for personal aggrandizement, scorned all ways as unsanctified, that swerved one hair's breadth from truth and rectitude ; who devoted a life of forty years to the service of his country, moving in an independent sphere, for it may justly be said, that he was allied to no political sect, but held himself aloof, to stand forth when duty called him to sway by his reason and his judgment, the impulses of the hour to the right course; and amid the perils and contentions of forty years, the strife of party and the asperity of pre- judice, has left a spotless fame, and a career that makes ambition virtue. '' He was the defender of Southern right, the guardian of the Con- stitution, an ardent lover of the Union; his searching foresight first detected in their remotest depths those evils which he foretold would arise to endanger the political bands that secure this Confederacy — and whose shadows now darkening around and above us, have endowed him with a prophet's vision; whose dying words, spoken as if from the tomb, have pointed the means whereby these dangers may be averted, and the peace and harmony of the country restored — his last legacy to the people and the Union he loved so well. "The death of Mr. Calhoun is an affliction that comes directly home to 'men's business and bosoms;' at this particular period, when the eyes of all men were upon him, and the hopes of the South rested in him, as an ark amid the political blackness lowering around, this dis- pensation of Providence comes with stunning effect. He has left his REPORT OF THE MAYOR OF CHARLESTON. 67 life as a model, his precepts as our guide. High as is the estimate of his ability and public service, he stands too near us to permit his intel- lect and its effects upon the age, to be viewed in all its noble propor- tions — time will place future generations in the proper position to survey him with just admiration. He belongs to posterity; but even now, since death has veiled the mortal man, he appears to the mental eye like some great statue of antiquity — classic in outline, dignified in pos- ture, majestic and serene — his purity gleaming from the lustre of the marble, and standing in bold relief against the blue of heaven. ''He has taken his place among the master spirits of the universe, sent for some wise end, whose mission is to be achieved. 'Thouo-h dead he yet speaketh.' The work allotted to him by his Divine master may be left unfinished, but the foundation is traced, the structure de- signed, the influence of his mind and its deep-seated wisdom remaius^ — the future will confirm that he is one of "The dead but scepter'd sovereigns, wlio still rule Our spirits from their urns." " The annuls uf his country, for nearly a half century, are his bio- graphy. His proper eulogy belongs to the historian, who has only to recount with truthfulness the actions of his life, in their public and private relations, to shew to the worid the excellence of the gift be- stowed by God, and the reasonableness of a nation's grief that dej^lores his loss. "The object of the present meeting is to give expression to the bereavement felt by this community, and to adopt such measures of respect to his memory as the occasion demands." The Hon. F. H. Elmore, laboring under severe indisposition, ad- dressed himself briefly to the subject of the meeting, and moved the adoption of the following Preamble and Resolutions. The citizens of Charleston, in common with the people of the whole State of South Carolina, feel that an irreparable misfortune has befallen us in the death of our SeiKitor John Caldwell Calhoun. He has been endeared to us by more than forty years of faithful services, first in our State Legislature, and afterward in the Federal Government. In all that time, and on all occasions of public need, when his State or his country called (and on no great emergency did they faifto do so) he put every object of personal or selfish advantage aside, and surrendered himself wholly to the public good. To us, to South Carolina, we all know he gave the unlimited devotioji of his pure heart. To us, and to his whole country, in common, he 68 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN, yielded, with prodigality, all the capacities of his mighty mind ; a wisdom gained in the deepest study of our Constitution and system of government, and ripened by his own long experience and reflections on its administration ; a knowledge of national and State afftilrs, and of their relations with great measures and interests, unsurpassed ; abilities pre-eminent in every department of governmental science, and our in- ternal policy; and a statesmanship and sagacity far-seeing, profound, comprehensive and patriotic. Honesty, candor and truthfulness, imparted to these great and shining qualities, a higher power and wider influence over the opinions of his countrymen and the policy of their government, than even his brilliant genius and commanding intellect. And this power and influence so honorably acquired, was ever as usefully employed, on all domestic questions, in the side of justice, moderation and constitutional right ; and in our relations with Foreign Powers, for the maintenance of our national honor, and the preservation of peace with all nations of the world. By the use he made of his great capacities, Mr. Calhoun has run up a heavy debt on his country, and on mankind — a debt which will be more and more felt and acknowledged in the progress of future times. The lessons of his wisdom and the lights of his knowledge cannot now be lost. They will guide, not only our own and other times, but our own and other nations. Although he has gone from us forever, these and his example remain — a great example of forty years in the affairs of life — forty eventful and trying years, in which, while discharging many high public trusts, and fuliilling the duties of the home circle, as the father of a family, friend and neighbor, there is not a blot or stain upon his purity or uprightness as a public man or private citizen; no reproach for backwardness or doubt in assuming the position of duty, or of slackness or want of firmness or fidelity in maintaining it. In all that long period, he was ever in the advanced front of every great national question, and maintained openly and manfully, on all occasions, what he deemed right, with a courage that was never subdued or gave way. In his private life, he was deserving of all commendation for the simplicity and frugality of his style of living ; for his modest and hearty hospitality; for his constant and active industry. He was no less deserving of admiration in public affairs, for his high resolve and unconquerable spirit. And above all others, in this last act, which is just finished, has he, at a moment and iu a cause where such an ex- ample has inappreciable value, given us a lesson of patriotism and of exalted courage, far more heroic than a thousand deaths in the field of REPORT OF THE MAYOR OF CHARLESTON. 69 battle, in calmly and I'esolutely surrendering his life, througli the slow process of months and laonths of wasting disease, rather than abandon the post where the call of duty stationed him. Be it therefore Resolved, That we, the citizens of Charleston, deplore the death of our Senator, John Caldwell Calhoun, as a heavy and irreparable public misfortune. Resolved, That we concur in the arrangements made by the City Council for the reception of the body of Mr. Calhoun, and that his Excellency, the Grovernor, be requested to appoint a committee, to con- sist of twenty-five persons, to proceed to Washington, to procure and bring his remains to Charleston, and to co-operate in all other measures for their final disposition. Resolved, That this meeting also highly apjirove the resolution of the City Council to erect a monument to his memory in the city square, as a fitting tribute to a faithful and illustrious public servant. Resolved, That the City Council of Charleston be requested to select some fit and proper person to prepare and deliver an eulogy and funeral oration on the life, character, and services of Mr. Calhoun. Resolved, That this meeting recommend that the usual badge of mourning be worn by all for thirty days. Resolved, That this meeting deeply sympathise with the family of Mr. Calhoun in their affliction and loss; and that the Chairman of this meeting be requested to forward them copies of these proceedings. His Excellency Governor Whitemarsh B. Seabrook, in seconding the motion of the Hon. F. H. Elmore, feelingly alluded to the loss the State had sustained. The meeting was then eloquently addressed by the Hon. B. F. Porter and Col. Arthur P. Hayne, when the question was taken, and the pre- amble and resolutions were unanimously adopted. 0. A. Andrews, Esq., rose, and felicitously alluded to the assiduous attention paid by the Hon. Mr. Venable, of North Carolina, and other friends, to our deceased Senator, during his last illness, and moved the adoption of the following resolution : Resolved, That the devoted attention and active sympathy whicli marked the course of the Hon. Mr. Venable, of North Carolina, and other friends, to our deceased Senator, have excited our profound sensi- bility. We feel that in ministering to him, they have also ministered to us. We will cherish these offices of kindness to our departed states- man in grateful recollection. Which was also unanimously adopted. In accordance with the second resolution adopted at the public meet- ing, his Excellency, the Governor, appointed the following (^ommittee of Twentv-five : Daniel Eavenel, Chairman. John E. Carew, H. W. Conner, Col. James Gadsden, 70 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTK TO CALHOUN. H. A. DeSaussure, C. G. Memminger, Col. James Legare, Chas. T. Lowndes, Col. E. M. Seabrook, P. Della Torre, James Rose, Thomas Lehre, Henry Gourdin, Col. A. P. Hayne, Alfred Huger, Chas. Edmondston, S. Y. TuppER, A. G. Magrath, Mm. M. Martin, A. Moise, Jr., P. C. Gaillard, Geo. N. Reynolds, Wm. Aiken, John Russell.* G. A. Trenholm, On the 5tli April, the City Council again assembled, and in con- formity with the fourth resolution, adopted at the public meeting of citi- zens, appointed General Hammond to deliver the funeral oration on the life, character and services of Mr. Calhoun. The following communi- cation was then read : Charleston, April 5, 1850. To the Honorable the Mayor and Aldermen : Gentlemen : At a meeting, held this day, of the Committee of Twenty-five, appointed by his Excellency, the Governor, to proceed to Washington to receive and bring home the remains of the Hon. J. C Calhoun, the following resolution was adopted, which is respectfully submitted for the consideration and action of your honorable body : Jiesolved, That as it has been communicated to this committee that the Senate of the United States has made a special deputation to attend the body of Mr. Calhoun to the State of South Carolina, the Chairman of this committee be requested to communicate this information to the Mayor and Aldermen of the city of Charleston ; and that in consequence of this information, it be respectfully suggested to the City Council to appoint a committee from the parishes of St. Philip and St. Michael, to co-operate with the committee of Council, in reference to such arrange- ments as may be necessary in connection with the expected arrival of the body of Mr. Calhoun. DANIEL RAVENEL, Chairman. Whereupon the following resolution was adopted : Resolved, That the Mayor appoint a committee of forty citizens of the parishes of St. Philip and St. Michael, to co-operate with the com- mittee from Council, in making all necessary arrangements for the re- ception of the remains of Mr. Calhoun. *The duties assigned to tliis committee, and the completeness with -which they were performed, are detailed in the interesting report of the Chairman of the Committee. REPORT OF THE MAYOR OF CHARLESTON. 71 The following resolutions were also severally moved and adopted : Resolved, That in the opinion of Council, the city of Charleston, the chief metropolis of the State, may, with propriety, ask for herself the distinction of being selected as the final resting place of the illustrious Calhoun; and that the Mayor, in behalf of Council and the citizens of Charleston, be requested to communicate with the family of the deceased, and earnestly entreat that the remains of him we loved so well should be permitted to repose among us. Resolved, That the Mayor be further requested to communicate with his Excellency, the Governor of the State, and respectfully solicit his co-operation in this matter. Resolved, That his Honor, the Mayor, by proclamation, request the citizens of Charleston to suspend all business on the day of the arrival of the remains of our late Senator, John C. Calhoun, in order that every citizen may be able to pay a last tribute of respect to him who served us so long, so faithfully, and so well. In conformity with the resolutions adopted by the City Council, the following committee of citizens was appointed to co-operate with the committee from Council in making arrangements incident to the occa- sion : Chancellor B. P. DuNKiN, Hon. E. Frost, Hon. J. S. Ashe, Hon. W. D. Porter, Hon. W. J. Grayson, N. Heyward, James Simons, D. E. HuGER, junr. Nelson Mitchell, F. D. Richardson, W. H. Houston, J. L. Petigru, F. Lanneau, I. W. Hayne, W. B. Prinqle, W. C. Dukes, John Rutledge, Gen. Schnierle, T. TUPPER, Robert Adger, G. N. Reynolds, W. M. Lawton, E. Sebring, Robert Martin, David Lopez, Dr. Bellinger, J. H. Ladson, And. McDowall, A. J. White, W. J. Bennett, R. N. GOURDIN, J. F. Blacklock, M. C. Mordecai, Wm. Lloyd, Wm. Middleton, S. J. Wagner, Wm. Bird, Dr. T. Y. Simons, G. S. Bryan, R. W. Hare, Alex. Gordon, Dr. HORLBECK, E. L. Kerrison, Charles Brennan. 72 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. The committee on the part of the City Council were Aldermen Banks, Gilliland, Porcher, McNellage, and Drummond. The committee at once entered upon the varied duties assigned them — they divided themselves into sub-committees, each charged with its specific duty. The magnitude of the arrangements, the short period of time allowed for their completion, and the ultimate success that crowned the whole when put into action, attest the energy, zeal, and correct taste exercised on the occasion. A Chief Marshal, A. G. Magrath, Esq., twelve Marshals and twelve Assistant Marshals, were appointed to prepare and arrange the order of Procession. A special Guard of Honor, Col. A. 0. Andrews, Chairman, was nominatpd, charged with the duty of being in constant attendance on the remains, to render all necessary aid in their removal, from the time of their arrival to their deposit in the City Hall. A committee, consisting of two hundred of some of the most respected citizens, the venerable Jacob Bond Ton, Chairman, was also appointed to serve as an Honorary Guard over the remains while they lay in state in the City Hall, and to distribute themselves into separntc watches during the night. In various parts of the State, public meetings were held expressive of the general grief, and deputations appointed to repair to Charleston to participate in the funeral ceremonies — to these deputations the hospi- talities of the city of Charleston were tendered, through the municipal authorities, and committees appointed to meet them on their arrival, and provide for their comfort. The Directors of the Wilmington and Raleigh Railroad tendered a free passage along their line, and the Steamers of the Company, to the committee appointed by the Executive of South Carolina — the friends and relatives of the deceased, and the funeral cortege that should accompany the remains — the States through which the body was to pass on its homeward way seemed with one accord to rise up and do reverence to his memory. The boom of the signal gun over the waters of Charleston harbor, on the morning of the 25th of April, announced that the mortal remains of Carolina's great Statesman were approaching their native shores to receive the last honors of a mourning people. At 12 M., the steamer Nina, bearing the Body, touched Smith's wharf — on board were the committee of the United States Senate and House of Representatives, the Sergeant-at-Arms of the Senate, the committee of citizens from Wilmington, Sovih. Carolina, the committee of twenty-five from South Carolina, and the sub-committee of arrangements. The revenue cutter Gallatin, the steamers Metamora and Pilot, acting as an escort, with REPORT OF THE MAYOR OF CHARLESTON. 73 colors at half mast and draped in mourning, lay in lier wake. Profound silence reigned around — 'Uo idle spectator loitered on the spot — the curiosity incident to the hour was merged into a deep feeling of respect, that evinced itself by being present only where that sentiment could with most propriety be displayed. The solemn minute gun — the wail of the distant bell, the far off spires shrouded in the drapery of grief — ■ the hearse and its attendant mourners waiting on the spot, alone bore witness that the pulse of life still beat within the city — that a whole people in voiceless woe were about to receive and consign to earth all that was mortal of a great and good citizen. The arrangements for landing having been made, the committee of reception advanced, and through its Chairman tendei-ed a welcome, and the hospitalities of the city, to the committee of citizens from Wilmington, North Carolina, to v/hich the Chairman of that committee feelingly responded. The body, enclosed in an iron case, partially shaped to the form, was then borne by the Guard of Honor (clad in deep mourning, with white silk scarfs across the shoulder,) from the boat to the magnificent funeral Car drawn up to receive it ; the pall prepared of black velvet, edged with heavy silk fringe, and enflounced in silver, with the escutcheon of the State of South Carolina in the centre and four corners, was spread over it. The Pall Bearers, composed of twelve Ex-Governors and Lieut-Governors of the State, arranged themselves at the sides of the Car, the procession advanced, preceded by a military escort of threo companies, the German Fusiliers, Washington Light Infantry, and Marion Artillery, under the command of Captain ]\Lanigault. The various committees and family of the deceased followed in carriages, the drivers and footmen clad in mourning, with hatbands and scarf's of white crape. In this order the funeral train slowly moved forward to the sound of muffled drums to the Citadel square, the place assigned in the arrangements made where the committee from the Senate of the United States would surrender the remains under their charge to the Executive of South Carolina, and the funeral procession proceed to the City Hall. At the Citadel a most imposing spectacle was presented. The entire front and battlements were draped in mourning, and its wide portal heavily hung with black — the spacious area on the South was densely filled with the whole military force of the city drawn up in proper array ; at different points, respectfully assigned them, stood the various orders of Free Masons, the Independent Order of Odd Fellows, the Sons of Temperance, the Order of Reehabites, in their rich regalia, the different Fire Companies in i;niform, the various Societies and Associations — the 74 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. pupils of public aud private schools with their tutors, bearing banners inscribed with the names of the several States of the confederacy, their arms and mottoes. The Seamen, with their Pastor, Rev. Mr. Yates, bearing a banner with this inscription, "The Children of Old Ocean mourn for him " — and citizens on horse and foot. The most perfect order prevailed ; no sound was heard, but the subdued murmer of the collected thousands. At the appointed hour the funeral Car slowly entered the grounds from the East, and halted before the gates of the Citadel; the hush of death brooded over all as the hea'rse, towering aloft, its mournful curtains waving in air, revealed to the assembled multitude the sarcophagus reposing within. In the centre of the square, and directly fronting the gates of the Citadel, stood the Governor of the State, attended by the members of the Senate and House of Representatives and the Delegates from dif- ferent sections of the State. On the right the Mayor and Aldermen of the city, habited in deep mourning, their wands of office bound with crape ; on the left, the Rev. the Clergy of all denominations. In front of the funeral Car were arranged the various committees who had at- tended the removal of the remains from the seat of Government; at the proper moment they slowly advanced with heads uncovered, preceded by the Sergeant-at-Arms of the U. S. Senate, with his golden rod, to the spot occupied by the Governor and Suite. Alderman Banks, Chairman of the committee of Reception, stood forth, and announced to the Governor the presence of the Hon. Mr. Mason, Chairman of the Senate's committee, who, with a manner deeply solemn and impressive, thus surrendered his sacred trust : " Governor Seah^'ook : " The Senate of the United States, by its order, has deputed a com- mittee of six Senators, to bring back the remains of their colleague, your illustrious statesman, John Caldwell Calhoun, to his native State. He fell in the fullness of his fame, without stain or blot, without fear and without reproach, a martyr to the great and holy cause to which his life had been devoted, the safety and equality of the Southern States in their federal alliance. It is no disparagement to your State or her people, to say their loss is irreparable, for Calhoun was a man of a century ; but to the entire South, the absence of his counsels can scarcely be supplied : with a judgment stern, with decided and indomitable purpose, there was united a political and moral purity, that threw around him an atmostphere which nothing unholy could breathe and yet live. But, sir, I am not sent here to eulogize your honored dead ; that has been already done REPORT OP THE MAYOR OF CHxiRLESTON. 75 in the Senate House, with the memories of his recent triumphs there clustering around us, and by those far abler than I. It is our melan- choly duty only, which I have performed on behalf of the committee of the Senate, to surrender all that remains of him on earth to the State of South Carolina, and having done this, our mission is ended. We shall return to our duties in the Senate, and those performed, to our separate and distant homes, bearing with us the treasured memory of his exalted worth and the great example of his devoted and patriotic life."" Mr Mason having concluded. Governor Seabrook responded : " I receive, Mr. Chairman, with the deepest emotions, the mortal remains of him for whom South Carolina entertained an unbounded affection. Implicitly relying on the faithful exercise of his great moral and intellectual endowments, on no occasion, for a period of about forty years, which constituted indeed his whole political life, did her confi- dence in him suffer the slightest abatement. Although the spirit that animated its tenement of clay now inhabits another and a purer mansion, yet the name of John Caldwell Calhoun will live while time shall be permitted to endure. That name is printed in indelible characters on the hearts of those whose feelings and opinions he so truly reflected, and will forever be fondly cherished, not only by his own coiintrymen, but by every human bei^g who is capable of appreciating the influence of a gigantic intellect, unceasingly incited by the dictates of wisdom, virtue, and patriotism. ** In the name of the people of the State he so dearly loved, I tender, through you, to the Senate of the United States, their warmest acknow- ledgments for the honors conferred by that distinguished body on the memory of our illustrious statesman ; and, by this committee, I ask their acceptance of their heartfelt gratitude for the very kind and con- siderate manner in which, gentlemen, the melancholy yet honorable task assigned you has been executed. "The first of April, 1850, exhibited a scene in the halls of the Federal Congress remarkable for its moral sublimity. On that day, the North and the South, the East and the West, together harmoniously met at the altar consecrated to the noblest affections of our nature, and moved by a common impulse, portrayed in strains of fervid eloquence, before the assembled wisdom of the land, the character and services of him around whose bier we are assembled. To everv member of the Senate and House of Representatives, whose voice was heard on that solemn occasion. South Carolina proffers the right hand of fellowship. "I trust it will not be considered a departure from the .strictest rules 75 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. of propriety, to say to an honorable member of Congress before me, that the Palmetto State owes him a debt of gratitude which, at her bidding, and in obedience to my own feelings, I am imperatively summoned at this time to liquidate in part. From the first day of Mr. Calhoun's protracted illness, to the moment when death achieved his victory, you, Mr. Venable, were rarely absent from his bed-side. With the anxious solicitude of a devoted friend, you ministered to his wants, and watched the reflux of that noble stream whose fertilizing powers were about to be buried in the great ocean of eternity. For services so disinterested, spontaneously bestowed by a stranger, I offer the tribute of thanks, warm, from overflowing hearts." Mr. Venable replied : "The manner in which your Excellency has been pleased to refer to the attention which I was enabled to bestow on our illustrious friend, has deeply afi"ected my heart. It is but the repeated expression of the feelings of the people of Charleston, on the same subject, contained in a resolution which has reached me, and for which manifestation of kind- ness, I now return to you and to them my most sincere and heartfelt thanks. Nothing has so fully convinced me of the extended popularity, I should rather say, feeling of veneration, towards the statesman, whose death has called us together to-day, as the high estimate which you and your people have placed upon the services of an humble friend. Sir, the impulses of humanity would have demanded nothing less, and that man is more than rewarded who is permitted to soothe the pain or alle- viate the suffering of a philosopher, sage, patriot, and statesman, so exalted above his cotemporaries, that were we not admonished by his subjection to the invasion of disease and death, we might well doubt whether he did not belong to a superior race. To be even casually as- sociated with his memory, in the gratitude of a State, is more than a reward for any services which I could render him. Sir, as his life was a chronicle of instructive events, so his death but furnished a commen- tary on that life. It is said of Hampden, when in the agonies of death, rendered most painful by the nature of his wound, that he ex- claimed : ' God of my fathers, save, save my country !' thus breath- ina: the desire of his soul on earth into the vestibule of the court of heaven. So our illustrious friend, but a few hours before his departure, employed the last effort in which he was enable to utter more than a single sentence, saying, ' If I had my health and strength to devote one hour to my country in the Senate, I could do more than in my whole life.' He is gone ! and when, in my passage here, I saw the manifestations of deep feeling, of heartfelt veneration, in Virginia and REPORT OF THE MAYOR OP CHARLESTON. 77 my own Caroliua, I felt as oue making a pilgrimage to the tomb of his father, whose sad heart was cheered by spontaneous testimonials of the merits of the one he loved and honored. But when, with this morn- ing's dawn, I approached your harbor and saw the city in the peaceful rest of the Sabbath, heard not the stroke of a hammer or the hum of voices engaged in the business of life; when, from the deck of the steamei", in the midst of your harbor, I could descry the habiliments of mourning which consecrated your houses — the stillness — the solemn stillness spoke a language that went to my heart. But when, added to this, I behold this vast multitude of mourners, I exclaim : ' A people's tears water the dust of one who loved and served them.' No military fame was his; he never set a squadron in the field. The death of the civilian and patriot who loved his country, and his whole country, gave rise to this s'reat demonstration of sorrow and regard. Permit me again to assure your Excellency and the people of Charleston, and of South Carolina, that I shall ever cherish, as one of the dearest recol- lections of my life, the expressions of kindness which have been made to me as the friend and the companion in the sick chamber of John C. Calhoun. His society and his friendship were more than a compen- sation for any attentions which any man could bestow. Such were his gifts, that whether in sickness or in health, no man retired from a con- versation with him wht) was not greatly his debtor. By the courtesies of this day and the association of my name with his, I am both his debtor and yours; the sincere acknowledgment of which, I tender to your Excellency, requesting that it may be received by you, both for yourself and the people whose sovereignty you represent." Governor Seabrook now turned to the Hon. T. Leger Hutchinson, Mayor of the city, and said : "Mr. Mayor: I commit to your care these precious remains. After the solemn ceremonies of the day, I request that you put over them a Guard of Honor, until the hour shall arrive to consign them to their temporary resting-place." To which the Mayor replied : "Gov. Seabrook : As the organ of the corporation of the city of Charleston, I receive from you, with profound emotion, the mortal remains of John Caldwell Calhoun — a sacred trust, confided to us, to be retained until the desire of the people of South Carolina, ex- pressed through their constituted authorities, shall be declared respecting their final resting-place." The ceremony of the reception of the body from the hands of the Senatorial committee by the Executive of the State being over, the 78 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. members constituting the civic and military portions of the solemn pageant were, with consummate skill, arranged in their respective posi- tions by the Chief Marshal and his assistants. With order and pre- cision each department fell into its allotted place, and the whole mass moved onward, a vast machine, obeying with perfect motion, the impulse given by the directing power. The gates opening from the Citadel square upon Bou.. ^ary street, (the name since changed to Calhoun street,) through which the procession passed, were supported on each side by Palmetto trees, draped in mourning; from the branches which over-arched the gate-way hung the escutcheon of the State ; between the folds of funeral cloth, in which it was enveloped, appeared the inscription: "Carolina mourns." The following was the order and route of procession as laid down in the programme of Marshals : JMarshal. Music. Cavalry. Detachment of United States Troops from Fort Moultrie, under Col. Irwin. Troops of the 4th Brigade. Marshal. Sub-Committee of Ten. Mayor and Aldermen of the City, Funeral Car with the Body. OQ ^ a> a> t— '• ^ £- ^ O td IS CD t-i P &- >S <-t CO O w o p s ;-! o a o a 02 «tH ^ o ^3 pq S 1 O "S 1 f^ CS • r-* o 03 P^ 02 Family of the deceased. Senate Committee, and Committee of the House of Representatives. Committee of Twenty-five. Committee of Pendleton. Committee of Forty, and other Committees in attendance on the Body. REPORT OF THE MAYOR OP CHARLESTON. 79 Marshal. Music. His Excellency tlie Governor, and Suite. Foreign Consuls. Civil and Military Officers of the United States. Civil and Military Officers of the State of South Carolina. Men ' >.is of the Senate and House of Representatives. lievolutionary Officers and Soldiers. Survivino- Officers and members of Palmetto Rcsriment. Committees and Delegates from South Carolina, and other States. Marshal. Music. Fire Department. Marshal. Music. Professors and Students of the Colleges of the State and City. Teachers and Scholars of High Schools, and of private Academics and Schools. Teachers and Scholars of Free Schools. Instructors and children of the Orphan House. Marshal. St. Andrew's Society. St. George's Society. South Carolina Society. Charleston Library Society. Fellowship Society. German Friendly Society. The Cincinnati. The '76 Association. St. Patrick's Benevolent Society. New England Society. Charleston Port Society. Hibernian Society. Medical Society. Hebrew Orphan Society. Mechanics' Society. Charleston Marine Society. Typographical Society. Charleston Chamber of Commerce. Hebrew Benevolent Society. 80 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. French Benevolent Society. South Carolina Mechanics Association. JMethodist Benevolent Society. The Bible Society. Fourth of July Association. The Irish Mutual Benevolent Society. Marshal. Music. Order of Ancient Free Masons. Independent Order of Odd Fellows. Order of the Sons of Temperance. Independent Order of Rechabites. Marshal. Temperance Societies. IMarshal. Music. Captains of Vessels. Seamen in Port. Marshal. Citizens of the State, and adjoining States. Marshal. Citizens on Horseback. The procession moved from tlie Citadel square down Boundary to King Street, down King Street to Hasell, through Hasell to Meeting Street, down Meeting to South Bay Battery, along the Battery to East Bay, up East Bay to Broad Street to the City Hall. Along the streets through which the procession passed, the public and private buildings and temples of worship were draped with mourn- ing, the windows and doors of the houses were closed, and no one was seen to gaze upon the spectacle ; it seemed that those who did not par- ticipate directly in the obsequies, were mourning within. When the head of the escort reached the City Hall, it halted ; the troops formed into line on the South side of Broad Street, facing the City Hall. The funeral car, drawn by six horses, caparisoned in mourning trappings that touched the ground, each horse attended by a groom clad in black, slowly moved along the line until it reached the front steps of the City Hall. The division composing the procession then passed through the space intervening between the body and the military, with heads uncovered ; the Marshals having the respective divisions in charge, dismounted, and leading their horses, proceeded to the points where the divisions were to be dismissed. When the last REPORT OF THE MAYOR OF CHARLESTON. 81 division had passed througli, the body was then removed from the fu- neral car by the Guard of Honor, borne up the steps, and received at the threshold of the City Hall by the Mayor and Aldermen; it was then deposited within the magnificent catafiilque prepared for its reception. Here the body remained in state until the next day, under the special charge of the Honorary Guard of two hundred citizens, who kept watch at intervals dui-ing the day and night. Thousands of citizens and strangers of all sexes, ages and conditions in life, repaired to the City Hall to pay their tribute of respect to the illustrious dead ; the most perfect propriety and decorum prevailed; the incessant stream of visiters entered by the main doors, passed upward to the catafalque, ascended, gazed upon the sarcophagus resting within, and in silence retired through the passage in the rear. The iron case that enshrined the body, and the tomb-shaped structure upon which it lay, were covered with flowers, the offerings of that gentler sex, who in sorrow had lingered around its precincts. The ceremonies of the day completed, the various deputations and committees of this and other States, who had repaired to the city in performance of the mournful duties assigned them, were invited to the Council Chamber, where the hospitalities of the city were tendered by the municipal authorities ; they were afterwards escorted to the lodg- ings provided for them by the committees appointed for the purpose. The committee from the Senate and House of Eepresentatives of the United States repaired to the head quarters of his Excellency, Gov. Seabrook, where they were received and entertained as the guests of South Carolina during their stay. The next day, the 26th of April, was appointed for the removal of the remains to the tomb- At early dawn the bells resumed their toll, business remained suspended, and all the evidences of public mourning- were continued. At 10 o'clock, a civic procession, under the direction of the Marshals, having been formed, the body was then removed from the catafiilque in the City Hall, and borne on a bier by the guard of honor to St. Philip's Church ; on reaching the church, which was draped in deepest mourn- ing, the cortege proceeded up the centre aisle to a stand covered with black velvet, upon which the bier was deposited. After an anthem sung by a full choir, the Eight Rev. Dr. Gadsden, Bishop of the Diocese, with great feeling and solemnity read the burial service, to which succeeded an eloquent funeral discourse by the llev. Mr. Miles. The holy rites ended, the body was again borne by the guard of honor to the western cemetery of the church, to the tomb erected for its tem- 6 82 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. porary abode, a solid structure of masonry raised above the surface, and lined with cedar wood. Near by, pendent from the tall spar that sup- ported it, drooped the flag of the Union, its folds mournfully sweeping the verge of the tomb, as swayed by the passing wind. Wrapped in the pall that first covered it on reaching the shores of Carolina, the iron coffin, with its sacred trust, was lowered to its resting-place, and the massive marble slab, simply inscribed with the name of '' Calhoun," adjusted to its position. The lingering multitude then slowly passed from the burial ground — e' " And we left him alone with his glory." The last offices of respect and veueiiition, such as no man ever received from the hearts and hands of Carolinians, had been rendered, but it was felt by all that no monument could be raised too high for his excellence, no record too enduring for his virtue. "Tanto nomini nullum par elogium," For many weeks after the interment, the marble that covered the tomb was daily strewn with roses and other fragrant flowers, and vases containing such, and filled with water freshly renewed, were placed around, the spontaneous offerings of the people. An oak, the emblem of his strength of character, was planted at the foot, and a willow, whose branches soon drooped over the grave, became a type of the general sorrow. T. L. HUTCHINSON, Mayor of Charleston. RESOLUTIONS OF THE CITY COUNCIL OF CHARLESTON, IN RELATION TO THE DISPOSAL OF THE BODY OP MR. CALHOUN. Council Chamber, April 5, 1850. The following resolutions were unanimously adopted : Resolved, That in the opinion of Council, the city of Charleston — the chief metropolis of the State — may, with propriety, ask for herself the distinction of being selected as the final resting-place of the illus- trious Calhoun. And that his Honor, the Mayor, in behalf of Council RESOLUTIONS, LETTERS, ETC. 83 and the citizens of Charleston, be requested to communicate with the family of the deceased, and earnestly entreat that the remains of him whom we loved so well should be permitted to repose amongst us. ResoUed, That the Mayor be further requested to communicate with his Excellency, the Governor of the State, and respectfully solicit his co-operation in this matter. From the minutes. JAMES C. NORRIS, Clerk of Council. To his Excelleiu-^/, Governor SeaLroo/c. TO T. L. HUTCHINSON, IN RELATION TO THE TEMPO- RARY DEPOSIT OF MR. CALHOUN'S REMAINS. Executive Department, Edisto Island, April 15, 1850. Hon. T. Leger Hutchinson, Sir: In my letter to you, of the 10th inst., I stated my resolution concerning the disposal of the remains of Mr. Calhoun, on their arrival in this State. Mr. Grourdin, on the part of the citizens of Charleston, and Mr. Banks, of the City Council, having called on me to reiterate the ardent desire of the people of your city, that the body of our illustrious states- man should temporarily be deposited in the metropolis, there to await the final action of the Legislature, it is only necessary for me to assure you, that to the wish of the sons of Mr. Calhoun, now, I believe, in Charleston, I shall most cheerfully assent. To them, therefore, I re-refer the delicate matter, in the firm persuasion that their decision will meet with universal approval. As germain to the subject, it is proper 1 should repeat what I per- sonally said to you, that whatever arrangements may be made by the people and authorities of Charleston, will be acceptable to me, without any interference on my part. I submit the mode and manner of accom- plishing the object in view to their judgment. Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, WHITEMARSH B. SEABROOK. 84 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. FROM LIEUT. W. G. DeSAUSSURE, TENDERING THE SER- VICES OF THE WASHINGTON ARTILLERY TO GUARD THE REMAINS OF MR. CALHOUN ON THEIR ARRIVAL IN CHARLESTON. Charleston, April 15, 1850, To his Excellency, W. B. Seahrook, Governor of the State of South Carolina : Sir : Understanding that in the reception of the remains of Mr. Calhoun, the military of this place will be called upon to participate in the solemn ceremonies, I beg leave respectfully to tender to you as a Guard of Honor, during the night that the remains will rest in Charles- ton, the "Washington Artillery. I remain, sir, very respectfully. Your Excellency's obedient servant, WILMOT G. DeSAUSSURE, Lieut. Comd'y. Washington Artillery. Charleston, May 6, 1850. Dear Sir : At a meeting of the congregation of St. Philip's Church, held yesterday, the 5th inst., the following resolution was unanimously adopted, which I take great pleasure in sending to you : ^^ Resolved, That the Vestry are hereby authorized to grant to the State the lot or square of land in our cemetery now occupied by the tomb of Mr. Calhoun, if it be determined upon as his burial place; and are requested to make no charge for its occupation temporarily for the deposit of his remains, should they be removed. I am, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, THOMAS G. PRIOLEAU. Chairman of the Vestry of St. Philip's Church. To Robert N. Gourdin, Chairman Sub- Committee, &c. RESOLUTIONS, LETTERS, ETC. 85 RESOLUTIONS OF THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVA- NIA, IN RELATION TO THE DEATH OF MR. CALHOUN. Executive Chamber, Harrisburg, April 22, 1850. His Excellency, Whitemarsh B. Seahrook, Governor of the State of South Carolina. Dear Sir: The accompanying Resolutions of the Legislature of this State have been presented to nie for transmission to your Excel- lency, with a request that the same be communicated to the Legislature of South Carolina. In performing this duty, allow me to express my personal regard for the social and public virtues of the illustrious deceased, and my deep sense of the great loss which this dispensation of Providence has in- flicted upon the American Nation. I have the honor to be, Very respectfully, yours, etc., WM. F. JOHNSTON. RESOLUTIONS OF THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVA- NIA RELATIVE TO THE DEATH OF THE HON. JOHN C. CALHOUN. Whereas, it has pleased an all-wise Providence to remove from the scenes of earth, one of America's most distinguished sons, whose name has been associated with her history during the last forty years, and whose distinguished talent, private virtues, and purity of character, have shed lustre on her name. And whereas, it is becoming and proper that society, whilst humbly bowing to the dispensations of infinite wisdom, should, in such cases, testify its sense of the worth and exalted character of the illustrious deceased, by appropriate tributes of respect to his memory, forgetting all points of difference, and cherishing the recollection only of his virtues. Be it therefore resolved unanimously by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met, and it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same. That this General Assembly has heard with profound sensibility and heartfelt sorrow, of the death of the Hon. John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, for whom, in his long and distinguished public career, whilst often differing from his views and policy, we have ever entertained the most profound respect ; and in whose private virtues, and personal character, there has been everything to win admiration, and conciliate affection. 86 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. Resolved, That as a further testimony of respect for the memory of the deceased, au extract from the Journal of each House, to be signed by the Speakers, be communicated to the Grovernor, with a request that he forward the same to the Widow and Family of the deceased, with a letter of condolence, expressing the sincere sympathy of this General Assembly with them in this, their afflicting bereavement. Resolved, That the Governor be further requested to forward a copy of the foregoing resolutions to the Governor of South Carolina, with a request that he communicate the same to the Legislature of said Com- monwealth. J. S. McCALMONT, Speaker of the House of Representatives. V. BEST, Speaker of the Senate. Approved the sixth day of April, one thousand eight hundred and fifty. WM. F. JOHNSTON, NEW YORK LEGISLATURE. Senate — Tuesday. — The Governor transmitted the following com- munication : State of New York, Executive Department, Albany, April 2, 1850. To the Legislature : We learn from the public journals, that the Hon. John C. Calhoun died at AVashington, on the moi'ning of Sunday last. His death is an event of interest, and a source of grief to all sections of the country, iu whose service nearly the whole of his active life has been spent, I believe, therefore, that I consult the public sense of propriety, not less than my own feelings, in giving you this official information of his decease. Mr. Calhoun became connected with the Federal Government at an early age, and died in its service. He has been a member of the House of Representatives, Seci'etary of State, Secretary of War, Senator iu Congress, and Vice President of the United States. In each of these stations he has been distinguished for ability, in- tegrity, and independence. He has taken a prominent part in every great question which has agitated the country during the last forty RESOLUTIONS, LETTERS, ETC. 87 years, and has exerted a commanding influence upon the whole course of our public policy. In his death the nation has lost a statesman of consummate ability, and of unsullied character. It is fitting that this State should evince sorrow at his death, by such action as her Representatives may deem appropriate. HAMILTON FISH. Mr. Morgan offered the following resolution : That a select committee of three be appointed on the part of the Senate, to meet with a committee on the part of the Assembly, to report resolutions expressive of the sense of the Legislature, relative to the death of the Hon. John C. Calhoun, and that the Senate will meet at 4 o'clock this afternoon, to hear the report of said committee. The resolution was unanimously adopted. The Select Committee on the part of the Senate on the Calhoun resolutions, are Messrs. Morgan, Man, and Babcock. Assemhh/. The Governor transmitted to the House a Message announcing the death of Mr. Calhoun. The proceedings of the Senate on this subject were read, designating a committee on the part of the Senate, and requesting a like committee on the part of the House. Mr. Ford, after a few appropriate_remarks, moved a concurrence in the resolution of the Senate. Mr. Raymond concurred in the motion, and paid a brief tribute to the memory of the deceased, as a citizen and a statesman. Mr. Bacon followed, conceding to Mr. Calhoun great intellect and virtue. Messrs. Monroe and Varnum also sustained the motion. The resolutions were unanimously adopted, and the chair named Messrs. Ford, Monroe, Godard, Raymond, and Church, as the committee on the part of the House. Recess to 4. Evening Session. Mr. Morgan, from the Joint Select committee appointed on the Message of the Governor, announcing the death of the Hon. John C. Calhoun, offered the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted : Resolved, That the Legislature of the State of New York have heard with deep regret, of the death of the Hon. John C. Calhoun, United 88 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. States Senator from South Carolina ; that they entertain sentiments of profound respect for the pre-eminent ability, the unsullied character, and the high-minded independence which, throughout his life, distin- guished his devotion to the public service ; and that they unite with their fellow-citizens throughout the Union, in deploring his death as a public calamity. Resolved, That the Governor of this State be requested to transmit a copy of these resolutions to the President of the Senate of the United States, with a request that the same be entered on their journal ; and a copy to the Governor of the State of South Carolina, with a request that he transmit the same to the family of the deceased. Resolved, That as a token of respect to the memory of the deceased, the public offices be closed, and the flag at the Capitol be displayed at half mast for twenty-four hours, and that the Senate do now adjourn. The same resolutions were passed by the Assembly, which also ad- journed. PROCEEDINGS OF THE NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY ON THE OCCASION OF THE DEATH OF MR. CALHOUN. At a stated meeting of the New York Historical Society, held at its rooms in the New York University, on Tuesday evening, the 2nd day of April, 1850, the Hon. Luther Bradish, President, presiding. Dr. Alexander H. Stephens announced the death of the Hon. John C. Calhoun, in the following words : Mr. President : This is a time of gloom. Yesterday, over our public edificies, the national flag, half hoisted, drooped heavily — its stars obscured. A public calamity was indicated. It was the death of Mr. Calhoun. His home, sir, was nearly one thousand miles distant. Who will so far forget the Roman maxim, as to despair of the Republic when there is such sympathy between its remote members ? It is an evidence of unity, and every expression of it is a new bond of union. I have risen, Mr. President, to move that the death of John Cald- well Calhoun be entered upon your journal, with the expression of the profound veneration entertained by this Society for his' high char- acter, his unsurpassed abilities, and his pre-eminent public services. The name of Calhoun is historical ; it is mete that an historical society should mark its estimate of his character. His was a beacon light to a wide-spread region : lofty, pure, and brilliant. Long the guide of anxious patriotism, it will be seen no more forever. RESOLUTIONS, LETTERS, ETC. 89 Let it be permitted even to me, sir, to mingle private grief with uni- versal public mourning. While yet a stripling at Yale, I hung upon the first lispings of his young eloquence, and marked with admiration the intellectual vigor of the new grown Hercules. In after life, College recollections were a cord of friendship between us, no strand of which was ever broken. We are told by his friend, Mr. Holmes, that he early read the Bible. Your venerable predecessor, the illustrious Gal- latin, was also early brought up in the study of that sacred volume, and lived to know its value. He declared to me, and charged me to say to Gen. Taylor, that he rejoiced in his election, that he occupied a position on which all patriots, all good men, all christian men, could rally around and support him. The facts I state go to show the value of the early study of the Bible as a means of intellectual culture. Gallatin, tracing his ancestry some centuries back, to a Syndic of Geneva, loved to speak of his maternal parentage; so too, Calhoun referred with pride to the Caldwell stock, to which his mother belonged. Who does not remember the mother of the Gracchi, and of Napoleon ? Sir, if we would improve our race, we should develope the moral and intellectual faculties of our daughters. The affection of Mr. Calhoun for his family, his friends, his State, and his section, was so warm as to become, perhaps, too exclusive. Distant friends so thought, and blamed him ; they did not know the temptations to which he yielded. In heart, Mr. Calhoun was a Kaphael, in mind, a Michael Angelo. As an orator and a Cabinet Minister, his most marked features were his power of condensation and of organization. In the first, he had no equal ; in the last, since the days of Hamilton, our country has not seen his superior. When he entered the War Department, where he passed the most useful lustrum of his life, order came out of chaos. The incidents of his death suggest a comparison with Chatham. They were alike self-reliant, fearless, incorruptible. But Calhoun sought only results, Chatham sometimes studied display. One looked only to the matter in hand, the other also to himself. In manner and diction, Calhoun was ever severely plain. Chatham, in style, was often ornate — in manner, gorgeous. Chatham's inconsistency was in senti- ment and action, and it was palpable. Calhoun, ever consistent in action, was only over refined and subtle in argument. More uniformly than Chatham, he prized true greatness above the ti'appings of office and of title. In other points of view, Calhoun was like only unto himself. Had he been forced to act more and thiidc less, the world would have seen in him a more useful, perhaps an unequalled, man. 90 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. As a medical man, I am so presumptuous as to suggest this opinion : Mr. Calhoun's death (I speak not of the occasion, but the cause of it,) was an intellectual death. An overworked mind dwelling too long on its one object — on its one thought — his country. The rapid current, ever running in one narrow channel, deepened its bed, until the banks caved in, and a scene of desolation succeeded to the fair landscape. What a lesson to intense thinkers ! But other landscapes in the skies shall be formed by its waters, and they shall descend again and purify the air. Even so may his fall purify the political atmosphere. I offer the following resolution : Resolved, That the death of John Caldwell Calhoun be entered upon the journal of this Society, with the expression of the profound veneration entertained by it for his high character, his unsurpassed abilities, and his pre-eminent public services. The resolution, seconded by J. DePeyster Ogden, lilsq., and responded to by the Rev. Dr. DeWitt, was passed unanimously ; and The Society then adjourned. Extract from the minutes. ANDREW WARNER, Recording Secretary. GOVERNOR SEABROOK TO HON. R. BARNWELL RHETT. Executive Department, Charleston, April 11, 1850. Dear Sir : Your intimate relations with Mr. Calhoun, thorough knowledge of his history, and ability to discharge the honorable trust, have induced me to request that you will, before the Legislature, at its next session, on a day convenient to yourself, deliver an oration on the life, character and public services of the deceased. With sentiments of respect, I remain your obedient servant, WHITEMARSH B. SEABROOK. R. Barnwell Rliett, Esq. HON. R. B. RHETT TO GOVERNOR SEABROOK. The Oaks, April 18, 1850. Dear Sir : I received by the last mail the request of your Excellency, that I would deliver, before the Legislature of the State at its next sit- RESOLUTIONS, LETTERS, ETC. 91 ting, au oration on the life, character and services of Mr. Calhoun. After the able and eloquent pens which have been and will be employed on this distinguished theme, I may not be able to produce anything novel or interesting, beyond what the theme itself will naturally occa- sion. But your object is to do honor on the part of the State to the illustrious dead. Heartily sympathizing with this object, I will co- operate with your Excellency to the extent of my ability, and accept the appointment. Believe me, dear sir. Your most humble, and obedient servant, R. B. RHETT. To his Excellency, Governor Seahrook. BARNWELL'S SERMON. A Caution against Human Dependence. A Sermon delivered in St. Peter's Church, Charleston, on Sunday, the 7th of April 1850, by Wm. II. Barnwell, Rector of St. Peter's ; on the occasion of the death of the Hon. John C. Calhoun. Published by Request. Isaiah, 2-22. — " Cease ye from man, whose breath is in Jiis nostrils ; for wherein is he to he ac- counted of?" The name of this Prophet, Isaiah, literally the Salvation of God, expresses the chief topics of his predictions — the coming of the Messiah, and the deliverance it was to accomplish. His disclosures of the birth, person, sufferings, and glory of the Redeemer, are so vivid and full, as to entitle him to the name of the Evangelic Seer. His vision overleaps time and space, and places before himself and his hearers, events to occur in periods and countries exceedingly remote. The general scope of his writings, was to rebuke the sins, not only of Judah, but of the ten tribes of Israel and the Gentiles ; to invite persons of every rank and nation to repentance, by promises of pardon and peace ; and to comfort the truly pious (in the midst of all the calamities and judgments denounced against the wicked) with prophetic assurances of the true Messiah, which in their distinctness seem almost to anticipate the Gospel History. The particular prophetic discourse from which the text is taken, includes the second, third, and fourth chapters of this Sacred writer ; and while the kingdom of the Messiah, and the conversion of the Gentiles are foreshown in the former part of it, the punishment of the unbelieving Jews, for their idolatrous practice, their confidence in their own strength, and distrust of God's protection ; the destruction of idolatry consequent to the coming of Christ ; the calamities of the Babylonian invasion and captivity; together with an amplification of the distress of the proud and luxurious daughters of Zion, would form a picture utterly appalling, but for the promises, with which it closes, to the remnant who shall have escaped, of a future restoration to the favor and protection of God. It is in the midst of the minatory part of these prophetic announce- ments, that the inspired bard, in the peculiarly parabolic style of Barnwell's sermon. 93 Hebrew poetry, which under images taken from things natural, artificial, religious, and historical, exhibits things divine, spiritual, moral, and political, utters one of the most striking descriptions of the abasement of human pride before the majesty of Jehovah, that the mind of man has ever conceived and given expression to. ^^ Enter into the Rock! and hide thee in the dust, For fear of the Lord, and for the glory of his Majesty. The lofty looks of man shall be humbled, And the haughtiness of men shall be bowed down. And the Lord alone, shall be exalted in that day. For the day of the Lord of Hosts shall be Upon every one that is proud and lofty. And upon every one that is lifted up, and he shall be brought low ; And upon all the cedars of Lebanon, that are high and lifted up, A7id upon all the oaks of Bashan, And upon all the high mountains, And upon all the hills that are lifted up. And upon every high tower. And upon every fenced wall. And uj)on all the ships of Tarshish, And upon all pleasant pictures. And the loftiness of man shall be boived doivn, And the haughtiness of man shall be made low ; And the Lord alone shall be exalted in that day. And the idols He shall utterly abolish. And they shall go into the holes of the rocks, And into the caves of the earth. For fear of the Lord, and for the glory of His Majesty, When He ariseth to shake terribly the earth. In that day, a man shall cast his idols of silver and his idols of gold, Which they made, each one for himself to ivorship, To the moles and to the bats ; To go into the clefts of the rocks, And into the tops of Ihe ragged rocks, For the fear of the Lord, and for the glory of His Majesty, When he ariseth to shake terribly the earth." Then, as if to intimate that God's judgment was provoked by an idolatrous dependence upon human means, he cautions them against this, in the words before us : " Cease ye from man, whose breath is in his nostrils ; For ivherein is he to be accounted of?^' We have here then, a solemn remonstrance against undue reliance 94 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. upon man, based upon his mortality and insufficiency. And the use to be made of it is, I presume, anticipated ])y you. The nation seems to feel afflicted, and our commonwealth mourns over her departed statesman, like a mother over an only son. What- ever prejudices may have prevailed against him during his life, are apparently dispersed by the stroke of that Divine hand which has re- moved him from earth ; and those who, in the discharge of their public duties, had felt themselves constrained to differ from him most widely, have seemed to take a mournful satisfaction in proffering their prompt and decided testimony to the purity of his character, and the greatness of his abilities. You will not, of course, expect me, either to touch upon party politics, or to attempt anything like a eulogy of the illustrious dead. The pulpit is certainly not the appropriate place for political discussions ; nor is there any disposition on my part to interfere at present with the allotted province of others, by obtruding upon you my own views, either of the great questions which have agitated the nation, since this distinguished statesman entered upon public life, or of the course he has pursued in reference to them. My object is, only as your Minister, to improve to your spiritual good, a striking event in the Providence of God, which has probably occupied more of your thoughts and conversation, since last we met, than any other subject, unconnected with your personal concerns. One who is set as a watchman upon the Towers of Zion, ought not to be an unobservant or uninterested spectator of events which engross the public mind. Hoping to influence for God, as it is his province to do, so far as he may, the wills of his hearers ; and expecting to accomplish this pious end by appeals to their understandings and their hearts ; it is important that he should not only be familiar with the intellectual and emotional nature of man in general ; but that for the timely incul- cation of Divine Truth, he should avail himself of any insight he may obtain into the particular state of mind and feeling which passing- occurrences produce, either in his own congregation or in the com- munity at large. " A word spoken in due season, how good is it." That there is needed at present, throughout our Union, a solemn remonstrance against an undue reliance upon human abilities, whether to devise plans for the better government of mankind, or to can-y them into operation, can scarcely be (questioned ; and if the death of one whose profound political sagacity was universally acknowledged, and whose noble, devoted patriotism has been signally evinced for so long a period, shall have the eiFect of turning the confidence of the people from BARiN well's sermon. 95 man, whose breath is in his nostrils, and who in his highest and best developments of mental power is but little to be accounted of, to God who liveth forever, and who only is a j)rcsen< heJj-) in every time of need ; the loss, which not only our native State, but the civilized world, has sustained in this afflictive event, will be more than compensated. The Jews, to whom Isaiah's warning was delivered, M^ere prone to rely upon their alliances with the surrounding heathen nations, the Egyptians, Syrians, and Assyrians, instead of confiding in their own covenant God ; and His jealously, which is represented in Scripture as one of His chief though most terrible attributes, is thus incessantly exasperated against them. " Tlie Egi/ptianfi," saith He, in a woe de- nounced against this practice, through this same Prophet, Isaiah, " The Egyptians, are men, and not God; and their horses Jlesh, and not spirit. When the Lord shall stretch out His hand, both he that hfilpeth shall fall, and he that is holpen shall fall down; ajtd they shall all fail together." It can scarcely be charged upon the people of these United States that they are inclined to rely upon any foreign power for aid ; or that they are tempted to forget God, by entanglements with the affairs of other nations. In this respect, the counsel of him who has justly been called the Father of his Country, has been in general complied with ; though a political philosopher who should attempt to trace our last war with Great Britain to its hidden springs, may perhaps discover some of them in the sympathies by which the two great parties that divided the country had become respectively attached to France and England, the chief belligerents of the day. But whether as a nation we are not withdrawn from a proper depen- dence upon the Almighty, by an extravagant estimate of ourselves, is a question which, it is to be feared, even the most overweening admirer of our country would be constrained to settle against us. Nor is there reason to hope that the jealousy of the Great Sovereign of the Universe, will be less provoked by an estrangement from Him, which results out of an undue dependence upon talent, education, attainment, experience, skill, popular opinion, aud our Federal and State Constitutions, than by those Heathenish alliances which were the great source of idolatry on the part of the Jews. Not that these things are unimportant in their place ; or are not to be oftentimes regarded as the grounds for devout gratitude to God. Who that contemplates with the most sober consideration, that innate force of the human mind, which inclines it spontaneously to the easy acquisition of knowledge, or the successful execution of practical affairs, but must admire its mysterious power ? And who that witnesses the 96 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. steady but almost miraculous results of education, applying as it were a vegetative principle to the mental foculties, and causing them to grow, bud, blossom, and bear fruit, can fail to appreciate it highly, as a most efficient instrumentality ? Or who can reflect upon the immense power derived from knowledge ; putting one man in possession of the experi- ence of ages — or who can turn his thoughts to the vast advantages of experience 5 judging of men and things, not upon the vague basis of conjecture, but upon the certain conclusions of one who has tried them — or who can observe the consummate eftects of skill, marshalling and arranging the substances of matter, or the principles of nature, or the thoughts of the mind, nay, and often the purposes and actions of men in a wonderful manner ? Who can take such a view of these advan- tages, without being thankful that the Kuler of the Universe has be- stowed them so largely upon our fellow-countrymen ? Or who can notice withovit awe, the insensible, yet tremendous agency of popular opinion, heaving like some billow, from shore to shore ? Or who can examine the admirably contrived and beautifully balanced system of our great Federal Republic, without regarding it as a model for all men capable of self-government, and desiring not only its perpetuity here, but its extension everywhere ? Yet to one of spiritual discernment, all of these blessings with which we have been so highly favored by a beneficent Providence, may clearly appear to have become idols ; and it may be justly said — not only of the more worldly and sensual, but of the more refined and intellectual and virtuous and patriotic — ' ' They icorship the luork of their ow7i hunds, That which their 02cn fingers have made." In the history of nations, as of individuals, there occur critical periods, when the most important consequences hang upon particular acts, which impart to the future its cast and color. That such a crisis is at hand in our national afiairs, seems to be the general apprehension ; and that one, who of all others was the best qualified in talent, education, knowledge, experience, skill, control over popular opinion, and familiarity with the principles of the Confederacy, to give direction to affairs, should be struck down in his sphere of high and responsible duty, just at the time when his services were most needed, and when, too, according to his own calm judgment, as expressed but the evening before his death, he could accomplish more good, by an hour's speech, than he had ever done befoi'e, seems a forcible illustration of the Prophet's warning to cease relying upon man, whose breath is in his nostrils. Barnwell's sermon. 97 Nor is it probable that had his valuable life beeu prolonged, and health been restored to hiiu, he would have beeu able to produce the effect he desired and toiled for. It seems incidental to the very nature of llepublican governments, that public men of extraordinary ability and sterling integrity, should be viewed with jealousy, not only by those whose political views and interests differ from theirs, but by those who in the main agree with them. Hence, statesmen of the first order have been frequently superseded by persons far inferior, but from circum- stances more popular. It cannot be doubted that the deceased was regarded with the more jealousy out of his native State, on account of the unbounded influence which for so long a time he had enjoyed within it. By both of the political parties he was looked upon as one \ who would not hesitate, in any public emergency that seemed to demand ) it, to act an independent part. By both of the sections. North and South, he was regarded as standing somewhat in the way of some present] or prospective favorite candidate for the Chief Magistracy of the Union. 1 So that even of him, who had made Grovernment, especially our own Constitutional Grovernment, his ardent and laborious study ; who had filled, with the most signal success and spotless purity, most of the highest offices of that government; who carried habitually into every duty that he undertook, a lofty enthusiasm, a comprehensive forecast, an intrepid purpose, and an indefatigable assiduity,, even of him so pro- found, so experienced, so honored, and so efficient, thei'e is reason to think that many who could not but admire him, were beginning to say with the Prophet, '■'■ iclierein is he to he accounted of ? " The reciprocal attachment between himself and his native State — one of the most remarkable features of his character and circumstances of his life — should impress with peculiar force upon her citizens the necessity of ceasing from man. True, he never forsook, never betrayed her. Never ceased to watch over her political welfare with a sleepless vigilance — never failed to warn her of even distant danger — never hesitated to front every foe that assailed her, and to sacrifice freely in her cause every high hope of personal ambition. If ever there was a statesman, who in that stern and hazardous, yet necessary warfare of politics, where so many of the greatest talents and experience have suffered themselves to be frightened from their steadfastness, or corrupted from their integrity, or enticed from their devotion — if ever there was a statesman who could claim from his constituents entire confidence, the voice of South Carolina, not sobbing as it now is over his loss, but in the firm and unaltered tones of more than forty years' proud and affectionate reliance, proclaims 98 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. — this was lie. And yet see the vanity of making man our stay I His breath flickers from his nostrils, when most needed to make his last appeal in her cause ; and into that hall which had been to liim the field of so many intellectual battles — less bloody it is true, but not less severe and uallino- than those of the sword — he is brought forth like a slain, but unconquered hero, stretched upon his bier. If there be no impropriety in so applying the touching passage of Scripture, it seems to me our beloved commonwealth might be per- sonified as the Koyal Minstrel of Israel uttering that pathetic lamenta- tion over his best earthly friend. •' How are the viighl>i fallen in the midst of the battle! Jonathan ! thou wast slain in thine high places, 1 am distressed for thee my brother Jonathan : Very jjleasant has thou been unto me. Thv love to me was wonderful, Passing the love of women, How are the mighty fallen. And the weapons of ivar perished .'" He does not seem to me to have studied profoundly either the nature of man, or the characteristics of the age, who is not ready to acknow- ledge the vast ascendency of energy over numbers, of mind over matter, of virtue over everything else ; and glancing back upon the history of our common country for the last forty years, and inquiring into the causes of that immense influence which our great Statesman exerted, we shall discover an illustration of these truths, so important, not only to the political and social, but to the moral welfare, both of the public and of individuals. Had he been the citizen of a large and populous State, whose votes in the Electoral College might have settled almost any Presidential question ; or had he been possessed of great wealth, which, with shame be it spoken, exercises but too potent a sway over the people ; or had he condescended to those arts of chicanery, by which popularity is too often obtained ; we might the less wonder at the almost ma<'ical power which for so long a time he wielded. But his native State was comparatively small and feeble — bright, it is true, in the waning prestige of Revolutionary glory, and in the character of many of her living sons ; but yet gradually losing her rank in the scale of con- federated constellations, as State after State emerged from the horizon and ascended above her. His private means were always limited ; pro- bably, never more than enough to sustain and educate his family. His lofty scorn of everything mean and debasing, kept him aloof from the BARNWELL'S SERMON. 99 petty intrigues of personal and party politics. Yet what a vast place has he filled in the public history of his generation, and what a strong impulse has his genius given to the spirit of his age — that invisible, impalpable, but mighty influence which pervades and moulds, and in the end, controls aifairs. Whence was this ? Even his enemies will be now ready to ascribe it to his mind, his energy, his virtue. And when they say this, they not only place his character upon the firmest and loftiest human pedestal, but they render, involuntarily perhaps, a high homage to the Deity while they add force and emphasis to the Prophet's warning : " Cease ye from man, icliose breath is in hisnostriU; fur wherein is he to he accounted of ?" It would be treason to natural as well as revealed religion not to maintain the legitimate supremacy of intellect, will, and benevolence. Fame would be worthless, nay, would be pernicious, if accorded to one who could lay no claim to these. But God and man concur in this ; that without a mind to discern duty, and without a purpose to perform it, and above all, without a heart disinterestedly to desire its perform- ance, none can be fully qualified for that proper fulfilment of high and responsible ofiices which in all ages and nations entitles one to the confidence of his contemporaries and the praises of posterity. You need not be informed that God is the author and preserver of every clear and vigorous mind, of every firm and energetic will, and of every virtuous and benevolent emotion. The student of Scripture, and the mere observer of human conduct, however they differ in other things, probably agree in ascribing ultimately to the Deity not only many of the results of human actions, but much that contributes to the formation of individual character. Nor can any but an Atheist contemplate such a life as that we are noticing, without perceiving what the deceased himself believed in, the controlling influence of a Divine mind, and a particular Providence fulfilling all events, and shaping all characters according to an infinitely wise and good and fore-ordained plan. To conceive of a mind like that of the deceased, being instituted by chance ; or to conceive of his purposes, fraught as they have been with momen- tous consequences, being determined without God ; or to conceive of his virtuous principles being formed, and his kind emotions being exercised without any control whatever from Him in " whose hands arc the hearts of all men as streams ofioater ;" would be as contrary to the deductions of sound philosophy as to the teachings of Scripture. If, in any piece of complicated machinery, you should perceive a combination of powers directed with force to one end, and that end a useful one, would you not laugh to scorn the impertinence, whether learned or simple, which 100 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. should attempt to convince yoU; that natural laws merely, and not mind — accident, and not design — curiosity, and not the desire of usefulness — had wrought such an instrument ? If you beheld a body of troops, composed of the various kinds of the service, performing with mechani- cal, almost noiseless precision, a great variety of military evolutions 5 would you not smile at the childlike simplicity which would surmise that each weapon, and each war-horse, and each rank, and each man, was moved by some magical or some independent influence ; and not that there was one commanding mind, who had settled it all at his council board, and was reviewing his machinery to see how it worked '/ And if you saw a terrible yet grand mass of living Valor like this, glow- ing to evince its skill, not on mere fields of sport, but on the bloody arena of battle, against those who were conceived to be enemies ; should you see a large, well disciplined, well officered army, red hot for war, restrained in the desired work of destruction or invasion, and reserved only for purposes of peace and usefulness, you would wonder at the perverseness which ascribed so beneficial and humane and philanthropic a result, to any but a good motive on the part of him who originated it. The wisdom, the energy, the humanity, which would be conspicu- ous in one who, deeming an efficient ai'my necessary for the safety of his country, prepares one, and then, when it had been prepared, advocates peace wovild command forever the woi'ld's admiration. It will be for the eulogist of this departed son of South Carolina — with the blood of revolutionary heroes in his veins — born and living among scenes teem- ing with traditions of British cruelty — bred in habits of hardy indepen- dence, which looked only at the end, and despised intervening obstacles — entering upon public life at a time when the women of our country glowed at the insults which the haughty cross of St. George, dominant on every wave, inflicted upon the Eagle ; and when " Free Trade and Sailors Riylits" was the watch-word of our very boys — having carried by his immense influence, against an old and talented, and most respec- table party, the party of Washington himself, the party of the leading minds in his own native State, measures preliminary to the declaration of war with England — having conducted with triumphant executive ability, in the face of immense difficulties, the hostilities to a prosperous close — having re-organized the War Department with wonderful method and efficiency — having contributed to develope all the resources of the country even at the expense of the General Revenue, and at the sacrifice of some of his cherished political theories — having previously favoi'ed the acquisition of new territory — and having just completed the annexa- tion of Texas, through his jealousy of British interference — it will be Barnwell's sermon. 101 for the eulogist of Mr. Calhoun to say liow mvich credit he ouglit to receive ou the score of philanthropy, when thus descended, thus trained, thus stimulated to war with England by all the associations of the past, and perhaps all the prospects of personal elevation for the future — he stood forth in the Senate Chamber — on the Oregon Question — and against his party, advocated peace. But I refer to the subject now, not so much to excite in your minds admiration for the dead — though trusting as I do, that the time will come, referred to by Isaiah in the very chapter before us, when " Men shall beat their svonh into ploughshares. And their spears into pruning hooks, When nation shall not lift up sword against nation, Neither shall they learn war any inore." I doubt not this instance of wise and strong and humane forbearance will beam forth among the brightest of history. I refer to it, however, for the purpose of awakening gratitude to God, and cautioning you not to rely upon man, but upon Him concerning whom the Psalmist has declared, " The s^iields of the earth belong unto God ; He is greatly exalted." To admire the character and conduct of the human instru- ment, who under such circumstances served to protect our country and Great Britain, nay, our common humanity from such a war, and yet to withhold admiration from that exalted Being, upon whom that instru- ment professedly relied, and who, unquestionably, had both prepared him for that crisis, and that crisis for him would be as illogical as irreligious. I do not say that we have any right to withhold from the man, the praise which is justly due to him for his foresight and firmness and enlarged benevolence. What, as God's minister, I claim, is, that the Chief Supreme Honor of making the man what he was, and enabling him to act as he did, be ascribed to Him — and what I entreat of you is, be persuaded by the very case before us, to cease from man, for wherein is he to he accounted of ? Lauded as the humanity of our Statesman was, for acting so nobly as a " shield " against war with England, and for attempting to prevent, and bring to a close that with Mexico, still, when after a life spent, not in the service of the South, but of the whole Union — with a frame broken down by Senatorial toils, and burnt out by the workings of its ardent and patriotic spirit — with a foresight acknowledged to be almost prophetic, he implores — with confessions of weakness, which coming fi'om such a source, ought to have proved overpowering — one section of his country to forbear from aggressions 102 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. upon the chartered Institutions of the other — Institutions among which many of our noblest and best men had grown up, had lived and died — Institutions which, he had proved to demonstration, were essential to the very existence of the inferior race subject to theu^., and Avithout which, he had conclusively shown, that the prosperity of the whole country, and the cause of civilization would be thrown back — when, with almost dying lips, nay, through the lips of another, for his own were too feeble for the utterance of his last weighty charge, he solemnly implored forbearance and the preservation of constitutional efi[uality, he is censured even by some of his political friends, and his enlarged humanity and conservative wisdom, misconstrued into self-interest and sectional prejudice, by the most generous of his opponents. " Cmseye then from man, whose hreafh h in hix noxfn'/s ; for vherrhi is he to hr accovntcd of ?" The infinite disparity which exists between the mind, will, and ex- cellence of man, even in his highest condition, and those of God, should impress upon all the admonition of the text. The human mind is, unquestionably, an object of great interest, and a source of immense power. When originally large and strong, and fully developed and disciplined, it sets man upon an eminence only little lower than the angels. It looks intuitively not only into the nature of things around, but into its own nature, and aspires to know somewhat of the nature of God. It analyses, not only material, but immaterial objects. It investigates, not only the laws which regulate matter, and ascertains and establishes the principles of natural science, but it searches with deep and earnest scrutiny those still more hidden laws which govern the political state, and forms and arranges the diffi- cult science of government. None of the pursuits of the human mind ought to be discouraged or despised. But next to Theology, the science of the soul, and Metaphysics, the science of the mind. Government is entitled to be regarded as the most noble and dignified study, whether we view the materials upon which it works, the mental powers it de- mands, or the momentous results that flow from it. While the Na- turalist is classifying the physical world ; informing us of the nature and habits and qualities of objects animate and inanimate which belong to our globe ; the Political Philosopher contemplates the History of Nations, diving down into the fundamental principles xipon which generations of the human race have been governed, and determining the conditions upon which rational and intelligent beings, having emerged from the savage state, have been enabled to live together in harmony, and prosper in political union. Barnwell's sermon. 108 When a mind of high order, qualified by nature and education and experience for sucli a study, puts forth its powers in close application, it is engaged in a work that tasks it to the utmost, and the conclusions to which it comes must be regarded with great deference, so long as man continues to be the subject of Grovernment. The welfare of the remotest nations, that important welfare which consists in good govern- ment, may be affected by its labors. In the judgment of mankind, those minds which have toiled successfully in these pursuits, have ranked among the highest and noblest. Their abstractions and theories sway multitudes, long after they are departed. But compare with the greatest of these, the Divine mind, and how infinite the disparity ! Conceive, as far as you can, of this Mind of Minds — Original — Omniscient — One — enthroned in Eternity ; and planning in the counsel of the mysterious Trinity in Unity, the Constitution and (jrovernmeut not of all mankind only, but of Angels and Arch-Angels — nay, arranging with infallible precision how fallen men are to be redeemed, and revolted spirits to be controlled — how innumerable myriads of rational, free, responsible beings, in Heaven, on earth, and under the earth, are to be so swayed and directed forever, as to bring most glory to Grod, and most good to His elect ! Follow the movements of this inconceivable Mind ; see it inspiring the Prophets, raising up Judges, and Rulers, and Teachers of Righteous- ness — see it preparing those who were to build up and destroy Heathen Kingdoms — making use of Philosophers, Orators, Poets, and Lawgivers — wielding to its purposes the swords of conquerors, the enterprise of voyagers, the ingenuity of inventors, the genius of artists, and the policy of cabinets — nay, pervading, informing, and governing every other mind in the whole Moral Dominion ! Think of this, and say whether such a mind may not justly warn you to cease from all dependence upon created intelligences, and to trust implicitly upon its wisdom and counsel. But the measureless superiority of Grod's power over all human energy, should conduct us to the same conclusion. Not that in the conduct of human affairs, that hidden force, that power of will is to be despised, which, when it has an end to accom- plish, turns the very elements into its servants, and converts obstacles into the means of success. Invested with executive power, this energy of purpose achieves results almost supernatural. Order is educed out of confusion, promptness supplants delay, vigor expels inertness, pros- perity overspreads the gloomy face of everything, and that cheerful confidence, so essential to success, and which grows out of a mutual 104 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. consciousuess of power, fills every bosom. Such is the effect which a strong and active will, guided by an intelligent mind, exerts almost instantaneously upon human affairs. But how can we compare this with the Almighty power and irresis- tible energy of God ? Unseen except in its results — Omnipresent, filling all snace at one and the same time — cominsr into contact with every being, and every object, every instant; and giving to all not only their motive powers, their inherent forces, but their very existence — entering insensibly into the very spirits of men and Angels, and impart- ing their impulses — riding upon the wings of the winds — sweeping onward in the flames of fire — breathing in the storm — 'teemiug in the vegetative principle — 'Working in the laws of gravitation — flashing in the electric fluid — operating in every way that can be conceived of — Avhat limit is there to the power of God ? How entire, then, should be our dependence upon him ! How singular to rely upon man, whose breath is in his nostrils, and whose energy, if not wasted by disease or indolence, is utterly extinguished by death ! How strange the infatua- tion to trust in man, and not in God, whose power is infinite, incompre- hensible, irresistible, universal, perpetual. But the Divine goodness, as compared with that of the best of men, renders still more impressive the warning of the text. It is not neces- sary to deny to many, whose souls do not seem to be spiritually renewed, a natural benevolence and kindness, and an enlarged philanthropy, which prompt them not only to fulfil the offices of affection to their friends and families, but to seek to promote the happiness and welfare of the world at large. Sacrifices of time, and thought, and ease, and comfort, and even of influence and personal aggrandizement, are thus often made for the service, not of one's self, but of others, strangers it may be, or enemies. The beneficent fruits of human kindness are chiefly to be seen and felt in the donaestic and friendly circle ; but they are not confined there. There is often in minds of the highest order and greatest energy, a strong and earnest desire to promote the happiness of all ; and in public measures which are suspected of being set on foot chiefly for personal or party purposes, there is often a broad and deep under-current of good feeling and wholesome benevolence, which coming from God, and benefiting man, ought not to be disparaged. Indeed, without some degree of goodness and benevolence, a character is exceed- ingly defective, and unworthy of confidence. Philanthropy — true, intelligent, considerate, warm, yet sober philanthropy — lies at the foun- dation of both public and private virtue. Kindness, genuine kindness, is the social bond of nations and communities, as well as families. Love, Barnwell's sermon. 105 pure, fervent love, is the badge of Christian diseipleship. And thanks be to God, our earth and our country are still blessed and adorned with many examples of these beneficent emotions. But contrast with them all, not only that now are, but that have ever been, the goodness and loving kindness of God ! Is it necessary that I shall dwell upon these ? Need I do more than simply advert to them ? Are you not as familiar with my views and feelings on this grand and inspiring, yet melting theme, as with the names of your friends and children ? What has my ministry been among you, from the first time it began, until this day ? What is it now ? What is it hereafter to be, but an attempt, earnest, sincere, yet too often fruitless attempt, to exhibit to you the wondorful love of God as evinced in the gift of His Son ? What theme has been brought to your notice so constantly as the amazing goodness of God, which beams forth from the doctrine of a Crucified Eedeemer — a Messiah, coming to conquer not by the sword, but by suifering — a Prince of Peace — preserving and restoring harmony between God and His Moral Intelligencies — not by intrigue, not by deception, not by a surrender of any of the Majesty of the Godhead, or of any of the moral and intellectual privileges of man, but by a Mediation based upon his own sacrificial death, and perfect obedience — a King of Kings — reigning not over the mere persons and property, but over the hearts of his people — a Comforter of the aflilicted — teaching them not to forget their sorrows or drown them in dissipation and business, but to cast them upon him — a Friend to sinners — assuring them of forgiveness, if they repent and trust in Him — a Helper to the poor and needy, and despised and injured, pointing them to his own earthly condition, who, fhonr/h rich, became poor, that they through his povcrtt/ miijlit he made rich; and promising them, if faithful, a seat and crown at His side ou His glorious Throne. If all that, as God's minister, and your servant for Christ's sake, I have said to you upon the warranty of the Holy Scriptures, of the Divine Goodness and Love in Christ, has not satisfied you of its all- sufficiency as a foundation for your reliance — let me then, this day, entreat you, in all the emergencies and perplexities, whether political, ecclesiastical, social or personal, that may arise and annoy you, listen to the voice of God through the Prophet — " Cease ye from man, vhosr breath is in his itostri/s ; Jbr wherein is he to he accoimtcd of P " Whether as a judgment for our public and private transgressions, God in his Providence means to shake in our hitherto happy and united country the political heavens and earth, as He has done in Europe, and abase before His Majesty here, as he has done there, the high per- 106 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. sonages and offices wliicli have been lifting up their heads against hiui — it is not for us to know. At least, let us bear in mind that in such distressing agitations, the Rock that we are to get into is the Rock of Ages, based upon the eternal counsel of Grod, and sheltering all who resort to it, by the covenanted Wisdom, Power, and Love of the one only and true God, the Holy, Blessed, and Glorious Trinity ! That the family of the deceased, and all in our native State, and our whole country, who lament his removal from earth, may be led to trust in his Great and Adorable Being, is my fervent prayer. THOllNWELL'S SERMON. Thoughts suited to the Present Crisis: A Sermon, on occasion of the Death of Hon. John C. Calhoun, preached in the Chapel of the South Carolina College, April 21, 1850. By James H. Tiiornwell, Professor of Sacred Literature and the Evidences of Christianity. (Published by the Students.) '•Be wise now, therefore, ye kings; be Instructed, ye judges of the Earth ; serve the Lord with fear and rejoice with trembling." — Psalm ii : 10-11. Three weeks ago this day, as the first bell was giving us the signal to prepare for assembling ourselves in the house of Clod, for the pur- pose of rendering our morning homage to the Father of all mercies, a spirit endeared to us by many ties was winging its flight to the eternal world. That bell which summoned us to prayer seems to have kept time with his expiring breath — and before we had gathered ourselves in this hall, or assumed the devout posture of worshippers, South Caro- lina's honored son, and one of America's distinguished statesmen, was numbered with the dead. On the wings of lightning the sad in- telligence was borne to us. The feeling of every heart was that a great man had fallen — and, perhaps, few were so hardened as not to acknow- ledge, at least for the moment, that in this death there was a message of Grod to the people, the councils and rulers of this land. Death, it is true, is no rare visitor in this world of sin — and a refined skepticism might suggest that, as there was nothing extraordinary in the case before us, of an old man, enfeebled by disease and wasted by intellec- tual toil, sinking beneath the burden of infirmity and care — nothing extraordinary in the nature or operations of the malady which brought him to his end, that we should undertake to make nothing of it but the natural operation of natural causes. Some may complacently tell us that a great man has sickened — a great man has died — a star has been struck from the firmament — and its light is lost. We may speculate upon the probable eff"ects of the phenomenon — as we speculate upon any other important event — but it is the weakness of superstition and credulity to find in it any immediate interposition of God. Fortified as this species of skepticism may be by a shallow philoso- phy, there is something in the time and circumstances of the death we have assembled to contemplate, and the position and relations of the 108 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. distinguished victim, that will make the heart play truant to the head, and extort the confession of the Egyptian Magicians, that the finger of God is here. Behold the time ! Never in the annals of our confede- racy has there been a more critical period than this. Never has a Congress met under circumstances so full of moment and responsibility. Never has the Senate of these United States been called to deliberate on questions so solemn and eventful as those which were before it when our Senator received the mandate that his work was done. To my mind nothing less than the problem of national existence is involved in the issues before the councils of our country. Shall this Union, conse- crated by patriot blood — founded on principles of political wisdom which the world has wondered at and admired — and which has con- ducted us to a pitch of elevation and of influence, which have made us a study among the philosophers of Europe, shall this ITnion — which in all our past history has been our glory and defence, be broken up — and the confederated States of this republic left to float upon the wide sea of political agitation and disorder ? The magnitude of this catastrophe depends not at all upon t^e shock which it would give to our most cherished sentiments — upon breaking up the continuity of our national recollections and interrupting the current of patriotic emotion — though this deserves to be seriously considered. But there are deeper, more awful consequences involved. To suppose that this confederacy can be dissolved without cruel, bloody, ferocious war, terminating in a hatred more intense than any which ever yet disgraced the annals of any people — is to set at defiance all the lessons of history ; and to suppose that in the present state of the world — when the bottomless pit seems to have been opened, anc" every pestilential vapour tainting the atmos- phere — when a false philosophy has impregnated the whole mass of the people abroad with absurd and extravagant notions of the very nature and organization of society and the true ends of government — to sup- pose that amid this chaos of opinion, which has cursed the recent revolutions of Europe — we could enter upon the experiment of framing new constitutions without danger, is to arrogate a wisdom to ourselves to which the progress of events, in some sections of the land, shows we are not entitled. I cannot disguise the conviction that the dissolution of this Union — as a political question — is the naost momentous whicli can be proposed in the present condition of the world. Consider the position and influence of these United States. To say that this vast republic is, under God, the arbiter of the destinies of this whole conti- nent, that it is for us to shape the character of all America — that our laws — our institutions — our manners, must tell upon the degenerate thornm^ell's sermon. 109 nations of the South, and sooner or later absorb the hardier sons of the North, is to take too contracted a view of the subject. AVith the Pacific on the one side and the Atlantic on the other — we seem to hold the nations in our hands. With one arm on Europe and the other on Asia, it is for us to determine the political condition of the race for ages yet to come. Our geographical position, in connection with the inventions of modern science and the improvements of modern enter- prize, makes us the very heart of the world. Our life must be pro- pelled by the oceans which engirdle our shores through every country on the globe — the beating of our pulse must be felt in every nation of the earth. We stand, indeed, in reference to free institutions and the progress of civilization, in the momentous capacity of the federal repre- sentatives of the human race. But the accomplishment of the lofty destiny to which our position evidently calls us, depends upon union as well as progression. Our glory has departed — the spell is broken — whenever we become divided among ourselves. Ichabod may then be written upon our walls, and the clock of the world will be put back for generations and centuries. What a question, therefore, is that — whether we shall go forward in that career on which we have so auspiciously entered, and accomplish the destiny to which the providence of God seems conspicuously to have called us — or suffer the hopes of humanity to be crushed, and freedom to be buried in eternal night. It is not extravagant to fancy that we can see the unborn millions of our own descendants uniting with countless multitudes of the friends of liberty in all climes, in fervent supplications to the American Congress for the salvation of the x\merican Union. The liberty of the world is at stake. The American Congress is now deliberating upon the civil destinies of mankind. But the interests of freedom are not the only ones involved. The interests of religion are deeply at stake. To Britain and America, Protestant Christianity looks for her surest friends, and her most zealous and persevering propagators. With the dissolution of this Union, all our schemes of Christian benevolence and duty — our efforts to convert the world— to spread the knowledge of Christianity among all people, and to translate the Bible into all lang-uages, must be suddenly and vio- lently interrupted. It would be the extinction of that light which is beginning to dawn upon the millions of China— the total eclipse of that star of hope which is beginning to rise upon the isles of the sea. The consequences, civil, political, religious, which would result, not simply to us, but to mankind, from the destruction of this glorious confederacy, cannot be contemplated without horror — and make the present, beyond 110 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. all controversy, the most important and solemn crisis that has ever been presented in the history of our country. Such was the time. Behold now the man! He was precisely the individual to whom in such a crisis his own State would have most cheerfully confided her destiny. With an understanding distinguished for perspicacity — -a firmness equal to any emergency — a perseverance absolutely indomitable — with a masterly intellect and a true and faithful heart, the South looked to him for defence, for protection, for guidance. He is permitted to mingle in the councils of the nation — utter his voice with one foot in the grave — and then he is withdrawn forever — withdrawn, too, when he feels his head clearer and his prospect of usefulness brighter than it had ever been before. Why at this time is his voice stilled in death ? Why was he not permitted to utter those last words which lay upon his heart ? Why, when the highest of all sublunary interests was at stake, was one of our purest and brightest statesmen refused permission to continue in the conflict ? Surely this was the finger of God. It was no casualty — it was no accident of fortune — it was no decree of destiny — it was the act of the Almighty. No temper is more constantly commended in the Scriptures thau devout contemplation of the events of Providence. The atheism which disregards the works is as severely condemned as the stupidity which despises the word of Grod. They are said to be wise, who ob- serve and ponder the operation of His hands — who mark His goings forth and contemplate His paths as the gi*eat Moral Kuler of the universe. They are wise who perceive in Providence its wonderful analogies to grace — who feel that the plans and purposes and principles of the Divine government are stamped to some extent upon all the Divine proceedings — that the moral, natural and physical, all harmonize with the spiritual and eternal, and that the events which are constantly taking place ai'ound them, give emphasis and illustration to the truths of revelation. Beside what may be styled the natural history of the universe, its stability and order, its uniformity and proportion, beside the operation of general laws and the connections and dependencies of a systematic whole, there is a secret lore which the good man gathers from the phenomena of nature — a recognition of (xod in His moral character, dealing with His moral and responsible ci'eatures. Death, as a uatui'al event, is one thing — as a moral phenomenon another. In the one aspect we may speculate upon its causes, its symptoms, its eff"ects. We may discuss fevers and coughs and agues — talk about the vital organs, and make a consistent theory of physiology. But the whole train of natural events which physiology discusses and which I thornwell's sermon. Ill terminates in the dissolution of the frame, must be viewed in subordi- nation to the moral government of God, in order to be properly under- stood and duly appreciated. It is in this aspect that the contemplation of Providence becomes a matter of religious wisdom, and yields lessons for the improvement of the heart as well as the instruction of the head. To deny the agency of God, because events are brought about in a natural order, which is to make the uniformity of nature a plea for atheism, is a stupidity as absurd as it is deplorably common. Who, we may ask, established this natural order? Who keeps it in continuance ? Who brings into being each successive link in the chain of sequences? And who has arranged the whole series so that every thing occurs at the appointed time and in the proper place ? But while philosophy and religion conspire in teaching that the hand of God must be devoutly recognized in all the operations of Providence, the investigation of final causes is circumscribed within narrow limits. We can only study them in relation to ourselves. To scrutinize the purposes which God means certainly to accomplish, and explore the ultimate reasons of His visitations to the children of men— to say pre- cisely what was the design of the Almighty in such and such a pro- ceeding, were beyond the limits of mortal penetration. He worketh all things according to the counsel of His own will. The hidden springs which move that will— the ends which God actually intends to achieve, we are not competent to discover. But the relations of these events to us — their tendencies and adaptations are obvious and patent and these tendencies are so many expressions of the Divine pleasure so many intimations of what God would have us to do or forbear. His Providence often carries lessons on its face which it is criminal stupid- ity not to perceive, and criminal insensibility not to feel. His visita- tions are often messages to men, as palpable and clear as if the heavens were opened and an angel commissioned to speak from the skies. That there are events brought about in the regular operation of secondary causes, which from their importance and their juncture, have all the eifect of a miracle, in rousing attention and extorting the con- fession of the presence of God, requires only to be stated in order to be owned. Though no encroachments upon the established order of sub- lunary things, they are invasio7is upon the dull uniformity of thought — they disturb the tranquillity which sees nothing in the world but a suc;- cession of antecedents and consequents, which appear and disappear, exciting no other feeling than that they are a matter of course— they break the slumbers of a practical Atheism and provoke the acknowledge- ment that there is a God in the heavens — who has done whatsoever He 112 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. pleased — that tlicre are watchers and a Holy one who rule in the kinji- doiu of heaven and distribute dynasties and thrones with sovereign authority. There are events in which the natural is lost in something which is felt not to be a matter of course — we pause before them — we spontaneously give heed to them ^s having a special significance — we interrogate them as strange and unexpected visitors — and through them, if we are wise, we shall learn lessons that it was worthy of a miracle to teach. Precisely of this character is the event which has hung our own Commonwealth in mourning — has struck the nation with awe — has roused the attention of all classes in the community, and has elicited public expressions of sorrow and lamentation from societies, clubs, schools, colleges, districts, towns, cities and legislative assemblies. This spontaneous expression of grief — every where — from all parties — from every portion of the land — from the pulpit and the press — the intense interest the death of our illustrious Senator has excited — place it be- yond all question in the category of those events in which God solemnly announces His own sovereignty and communicates a message to the children of men as if by a legate from the skies. Upon occasions of this sort, it has been justly remarked by one, who of all others knew best how to improve them, '' the greatest difficulty a speaker has to surmount is already obviated — attention is awake — an interest is excited, and all that remains is to lead the mind, already suf- ficiently susceptible, to objects of permanent utility — he originates nothing — it is not so much he that speaks as the events which speak for themselves — he only presumes to interpret the language and to guide the confused emotions of a sorrowful and swollen heart into the chan- nels of piety." It is not the office of the pvilpit, however, to praise the dead or flatter the living. As it surveys departed greatness with a different eye from the eye of sense, it can bring no offerings to the altar of human glory, nor erect a monument to the achievements of human genius. The preacher, in common with other men, may drop a tear at the urn of the patriot, and dwell with delight upon those rare gifts which the Supreme Disposer of all things has conferred upon a mighty statesman. He, too, is a man and a citizen — and in these relations he may feel and weep as others weep at the extinction of a great light. But as the ancient prophets were required, in the proclamation of their messages, to sup- press the voice of nature and to speak with a dignity and majesty be- fitting the oracles of Grod, so the pulpit must stand aloof from the lan- guage of panegyric, know neither friendship nor hatred, and seek to extract from the dispensations of Providence only those l6ssous of the thornwell's sermon. llo Divine word, they are suited to illustrate and enforce. As we bury our dead this day, and as men, patriots and citizens, mourn that the delight^ of our eyes and pride of our hearts has been removed from us at a stroke, let us recognize the hand of the Almighty and inquire, with solemnity and reverence, what the instructions are which the judge of all truth is imparting to the country by this dark visitation. A Senator has fallen — a statesman has perished — a man lias died. In these aspects, the mournful occurrence may be regarded as the voice of God, teaching a litting lesson to the councils, rulers and people of the land. I. A Senator has fallen ! There is a message here to those who arc entrusted with the cares of government and the business of legislation- The introduction of death, in a form so awful and astounding, into the Senate of the United States, was a proclamation from heaven to all who are called to deliberate upon the affairs of the country, that their ways are before the eyes of the Lord, and that He pondereth all their goings. Whatever may be the cause, it is impossible to contemplate death in our own species as a merely natural event. We may endeavor by a shallow philosophy to pei'suade ourselves that it was the original lot of our race — that we were designed, like the beasts that perish, to appear and disappear in succession — to fret and strut our hour upon the stage, and then be seen no more — tliat like drink and food and sleep, it constitutes an element of our destined course — and is no more remark- able than any other phenomenon of our being. But no philosophy can impress these sentiments upon the heart — our moral nature rises in rebellion against them, and the instinctive feeling of mankind is that it is a dread and awful thing to die. Having sprung, as we are informed by the sure word of prophecy, from a moral cause — being a judicial. vis- itation of Grod — how natural soever the instruments may be by which it is brought about — the fixed associations of the mind connect it Avith moral retribution — and every conscience responds to the declaration of the apostle — that it is appointed unto men once to die — and after death the judgment. You cannot behold a corpse — you cannot stand by a grave — without feeling that though the body is there, the soul is gone to receive its final award. The very language in which the event is familiarly described, indicates the instinctive belief that the man is still in being in all the mystery of his identity — and that he has taken a journey to a world from which he is to depart no more. We say that he is gone — gone to his final home — to his fixed and everlasting abode. His being is not extinguished. He has laid aside the habiliments of mortality — the robes and decorations of a sublunary state — to stand in the nakedness of his moral nature before the bar of God. The man — 8 114 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. what was simply the man — that upon which the law pressed — the in- tellectual life — 'is unclothed, that naked, as it came to run its career of probation, naked it may return to give an account of the deeds done in the body. Hence the awful solemnity of death — it is the precurser of judgment. God's minister to summon God's creatures to God's tre- mendous bar. It is accordingly a great thing to die. The keys of deatli and hell are in the hands of Him who sitteth upon the throne — and it is a solemn act of mediatorial government to open the doors of the invisible world and consign a deathless spirit to its destined position. We say that such and such an one is dead. The very sound is ominous and its portentous meaning has been fearfully portrayed — "an immortal spirit has finished its earthly career — has passed the barriers of the in- visible world — to appear before its maker, in order to receive that sen- tence which will fix its irrecoverable doom, according to the deeds done in the body. An event has taken place which has no parallel in the revolutions of time, the consequences of which have not room to expand themselves within a narrower sphere than an endless duration. An event has occurred the issues of which must ever bafile and elude all finite comprehensions, by concealing themselves in the depths of that abyss, that eternity, which is the dwelling place of Deity, where there is sufiicient space for the destiny of "each, among the innumerable mil- lions of the human race, to develope itself, and without interference or confusion, to sustain and carryforward its separate infinity of interest." This is true of the departure of the meanest individual to the world of spirits. But the familiarity of the scene and the small degree of interest which attaches to the humble and obscure — the narrow circle within which that dissolution is mourned as a calamity, or deplored as a loss, prevents the impressions which death as a judicial visitation is suited to 'make upon the mind from exerting their full and appropriate eff"ect. "In the private departments of life, the distressing incidents which occur are confined to a narrow circle. The hope of an individual is crushed — the happiness of a family is destroyed — but the social system is unimpaired and its movements experience no impediment and sustain no sensible injury. The arrow passes through the air which soon closes over it and all is tranquil. But when the great lights and ornaments of the world, placed aloft to conduct its inferior movements, are extin- guished, such an event resembles the Apocalyptic vial, poured into that element which changes its whole temperature and is the presage of fearful commotions — of thunders, lightnings and tempests." Such an event reveals the presence of God — and summons imagination and thought to the contemplation of those august realities which await the thornwell's sermon. ■ 115 revelation of the last hour. Such an event brings eternity before us with all its dread and tremendous retributions and presses upon the soul the burden of an awful and oppressive responsibility. It makes us feel the magnitude of our being — and the stoutest heart is roused for a mo- ment and startled at the summons — prepare to meet thy Grod. The lesson of responsibility, of course, tells with more direct and powerful eft'ect upon those who are intimately associated in pursuit — friendship — or profession with the victim of the destroyer. He being dead speaks pre-eminently to them. Through his grave they are invited to contemplate eternity, and his departed spirit reminds them of the hour in which they too shall be called to lay aside the vestments of mortality. It tells them to do their work as in the eye of God — to think and act and deliberate and feel, in full view of the account which they must render at last. It tells them that a moral character attaches alike to their persons and their deeds — and that the comj^lexion of their destiny depends upon the spirit in which they discharge the duties of their station. When consigning a body to the tomb, or witnessing the last gasp of a dying friend- — we seem to stand upon the very borders of the unseen world — to be walking on the shore of that boundless ocean — in which all the streams of time are swallowed up — we almost hear the thunder of its billows — and feel tlie heavings of its vaves — and a sense of immortality nishes upon the soul which at once oppresses and ex- pands. We feel like rising and shaking ourselves from the dust — and the resolution is involuntarily adopted — though in the vast majority of cases too speedily forgotton — to do with our might whatsoever our hands find to do — since the night cometh when no man can work. No lesson could be more seasonable, in the present crisis of our national affairs, than the responsibility of rulere and legislators to GojJ the judge of all. That this doctrine is inadequately apprehended, the history of legislation in this and every other country is a mournful proof. There are two errors — widely prevalent — which have a direct and necessaiy tendency to despoil it of its fvdl and just proportions — one is, that national responsibility is limited in its operation and effects to the dispensations of Providence in the present world — and the other is, that where there exists not, as there should exist no where, a national establishment of religion, the distinctive sanctions of religion cannot be introduced. The effect of both errors is the same in relation to the retributions of a future world. And although one appears to be widely removed from the other, in that it acknowledges the fact of na- tional responsibility, yet its mistake in limiting the Divine visitations to our present and sublunary state, divests the doctrine of all its awful 116 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. and commandiug majesty. It invests the iVlmighty, as the ruler of nations, with limited power and with temporary judgments — it places at His disposal the plague, pestilence and famine — war, earthquakes and tornadoes — ^but it robs Him of that thunder which holds individuals in check — -of that vengeance which makes the future so terrible to the workers of iniquity. He may ride upon the whirlwind and direct the storm — he may grind the nations as the small dust of the balance — he may extinguish their lights — throw them back into barbarism — but for their national sins he cannot visit them in the world of spirits. As the ordinary course of affairs affords but slight indications of any marked visitation for national iniquities — as communities seem to be dealt with upon very much the same principle as private individuals — one event happening alike to all, this defective theory of national re- sponsibility amounts in practice to a total destruction of any effective sense of responsibility at all. Seed time and harvest — commerce and trade — the various elements of national prosperity, seem to be so largely within the compass of human calculation and foresight, that where ap- pearances, according to the established connections of antecedents and consequents, promise Avell for the future, these anticipations will be adopted as the real guide of conduct rather than any apprehensions of sudden and violent interpositions of Divine justice. Men judge of the future by the indications of the present, or the experience of the past — and if they have nothing to deter them from evil but the prospect of immediate calamity, they will seldom find reason to be alarmed. The consequence upon statesmen and legislators is very much the same with the natural effects of the doctrine of universal salvation upon other in- dividuals. The conclusion which they cannot but draw from the facts of Providence would be as unfavorable to moral distinctions and the rectitude of the Divine administration as if they reasoned from the fortunes of individuals. They could not but believe, either that God was indifferent to the moral conduct of organized communities — or that if He punished, it was so seldom — so irregularly, and except in rare and extraordinary cases, so imperceptibly, that no serious estimate should be made of His pleasure or displeasure in settling any great question of national policy. The final result would be a practical atheism which would completely exclude Him from the councils of the country. The other error conducts to this result directly and immediately. It maintains that as a nation, in its organic capacity, cannot make a pro- fession of religion — cannot worship Grod nor believe the Grospel of His grace — therefore it is exempt from His control, and bound to have no special respect to His laws. This doctrine confounds the national obli- tiiornavell's sermon. 117 gations of religion with the existence of a national churcli. And as the establishment of any sect, or any jjarticular species of religion, is an encroachment upon the rights of conscience, it is concluded that all religion must be excluded from halls of legislation, courts of judicature or seats of power. The impression prevails, to a melancholy extent, that the administration of the country is an aflfair in which God has no interest, and should, by no means, be consulted, and in conformity with this impression many look for it as a matter of course that all the mea- sures of the State shall be independent of any relations to religion. There are those who would exclude it from public institutions of learn- ing — from the army, the navy, — as well as from the halls of Congress. In both errors the fallacy is committed of overlooking one of the most obvious and fundamental principles of moral philosophy. All responsibility, in the last analysis, is personal and individual. The re- sponsibility of a nation is not the responsibility of an organic whole considered as such, but of all the individuals who collectively compose it. The State is a compendious expression for certain relations in which moral and responsible persons exist towards each other — the duties of the State are all the duties of individuals — the crimes of the State are the crimes of individuals — the sins of the State are the sins of individuals, and the prosperity and the glory of the State are the prosperity and glory of individuals. The State is nothing apart from the men who constitute it. They exist in society, with recipi'ocal rights and obligations, and the company of individuals so existing is the State. To protect and defend these rights — to maintain the supremacy of jus- tice — to give each individual the scope for the development, without interference or collision, of his separate and distinct personality, with a similar privilege to others, is the primary end of government — which must still be conducted by individuals and carries along with it only individual responsibility. In all the relations, in all the employments, in all the departments of the State, every one who is called to act is still onlv a man — and he brings to his labors all the measures of re- sponsibility which appertains to his capacities and knowledge considered simply as a man. He is every where — in every office — in every trust, an immortal being, under the law of God — and the sanctions of that law extend as clearly and completely to his political conduct as to any other actions of his life. That law knows no manner of distinction betwixt the statesman and the man — the statesman is only the man, in new relations, involving new applications of the eternal principles of right. An honest man and a corrupt politician are a contradiction in terms. lis THE CAROLINA TRIBLTE TO CALHOUN. It is hence obvious how the obligations and sanctions of religion press upon communities and nations. A State is bound to be religious, in the sense that every man in it is bound to fear God and to work righteousness. A State is bound to reverence the Gospel, in the sense that all its members are obliged, on pain of the second death, to believe in the Lord Jesus Christ — and a State is required to glorify God, in the sense that all its citizens — whether in private stations or posts of dignity and trust — are required, in whatever they do, to seek the glory of His great name. When a legislature passes a law, it is done by the votes of individuah — and these individuals are all responsible as such, for the votes that they give. If any man has lent his sanction, in his public and ofl&cial relations, to aught that transgresses the law of God, or slights the institutions of the Gospel, it is sin upon his soul to be visited and punished as any other wickedness of his life. God treats him as an individual, in such and such relations, with such and such duties growing out of them. His responsibilities, therefore, as a ruler — a legislator — a judge, are precisely of the same fundamental nature — have precisely the same fundamental character — svith his responsibilities in the private walks of life. He is summoned as a man to God's bar — and the scratiny is made into all that the man has done, in the various relations which he has been called to sustain — and he is just as liable to be sent to hell for a corrupt vote — a political intrigue — or a political fraud, as for lymg, ■Eypocrisy or treachery in the private walks of life. The law of God as completely bound him in one position as in another — and, in every position, a man should recognize himself as God's subject who must o-ive an account at God's bar of all that he has done in all the relations in which God's Providence has placed him. This is the doctrine of the Scriptures as well as the plain dictate of unsophisticated reason. The mandate of the text is given to kings and judges, as individuals, or men occupying high posts of power or renown. "Be wise now therefore ye kings, be instructed ye judges of the earth — serve the Lord with fear and rejoice with trembling — kiss the Son lest He be angry and ye perish from the way when His wrath is kindled but a little." If this doctrine could be impressed upon our public men and upon the heart of the nation, it would soon give us, in our national councils, what the present crisis so eminently demands — statesmen instead of jobbers and politicians. There is not and cannot be a more painful spectacle, than to see the interests of a great people tossed to and fro bv the schemes and intrigues and chicane of men, who have neither thornwell's sermon, 119 the fear of God before their eyes nor the love of their country in their hearts. We cannot but dread some impending calamity when we see the honor and prosperity and glory of a nation made the sport ''of the party tactics and the little selfish schemes of little men, who by the visitation of God, happen to have some control over a great subject and some influence in a great commonwealth." It is a lamentation and shall be for a lamentation — that the most momentous interests, requir- ing for their adjustment amplitude of mind, integrity of puq^ose — simplicity of aim — broad and general considerations of truth and justice — should so often be the sacrifice of dwarfish politicians — who are unable to extend their vision beyond the domain of self — or the almost equally narrow circle of section, party, or clique — that in affairs which call for the counsels of MEN — of men who are, in some degree, sensible of what it is to be a man — who have God's smile or frown before them — that, in such aftairs, we should be dependent on the guidance of pigmies — yea, of worse than pigmies — of beings who profess to be immortal — to be working out a destiny for eternity, and yet who can rise to no loftier ends than the flesh pots of Egypt. A statesman is a sublime character — a jobbing politician too little for contempt. Aristotle, in designating the points of correspondence between a pure democracy and a despotism — the ethical characters of which he makes the same — has noted the affinity between the parasite of a court and a popular demagogue. "They are not unfrequently" — says he — "the same identical men — and always bear a close analogy." The dis- tinguishing characteristic of each is an utter destitution of elevated principle, arising from the absence of any just sense of moral respon- sibility. The schemes of each are only contrivances for personal ag- grandizement. The most momentous interests of the nation are viewed as the occasions or instruments of private or party ends. Every thing proceeds from selfish and sordid calculation, while the supremacy of right and the authoritative voice of duty, the highest policy of a true statesman, are little reverenced by these pests of the Commonwealth The parasite of a court is designated in Greek by a term which con- denses the very essence of the meanness contained in flattery, hypocrisy ! and fawning. The cure of such eruptions upon the surface of political society is a pervading sense of personal responsibility. Impregnated with this sentiment — none would assume duties which they were iucom-; potent to discharge — because none would be willing to jeopard the interests of salvation for the brief importance of an hour. Who would wear a crown steeped in poison or occupy a throne with a drawn sword 120 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. above his head ? The solemnities of eternity would be made to protect the interests of time. For the purpose of teaching this lesson — the lesson of personal re- sponsibility for the manner and spirit in which they have discharged the duties of their trust, the event which we this day contemplate, may have been permitted to take place. The bar of God, the tribunal of eternal justice, was reared in the halls of legislation. A signal ex- ample was given of one who, in the midst of his duties, was called to his final account. Each survivor was reminded of what soon would be true of hiui. The scene was touching and solemn beyond description, when the dead body of our departed Senator, in the scene of his greatest glory, was made a monitor of Cod, eternity and retribution to those who were deliberating upon the greatest question that has ever arisen in the history of any people. From the tomb he seemed to say — remember. Senators, that you must give an account of your stewardship. The eyes of God are on you — '■'■ raise your conceptions to the magnitude and importance of the duties that devolve upon you," — 'Met your comprehension be as broad as the country for which you act — your aspirations as high as its certain destiny" — deliberate, vote — decide — as if the next moment you were to be with me in the world of spirits — at the bar of God — in a changeless state. Remember that you occupy a sublime position — a spectacle to the Deity, to angels and to men. The civil destinies of the world hang on your decision. Rise to the dignity and grandeur of yoiir calling as immortal beings, and instead of seeking to conciliate a section — to promote a party — or to aggrandize yourselves — instead of contracting your views to the idle and ephemeral applauses of earth, aim at the approbation of angels, and of God. This was the language in which he, being dead, yet spoke to his companions and brethren in the Senate — and his voice we trust has not been wholly unheard. The noble eulogy of Webster — the touching tribute of Clay — the tone imparted to the Senate, lead to the hope that, notwithstanding recent and flagrant outrages, there exists in that august assembly a sense of responsibility, which wisely directed may, under God, prove the salvation of the country. But whether regarded or disregarded, it is the office of the pulpit to proclaim to our rulers that God will bring them into judgment for their public and official conduct — that however they may overlook every thing but the success of their selfish schemes or the commendation of their persons, God demands of them a supreme regard for justice, truth and religion — it is the office of the preacher to tell them, that if they say or do aught contrary to the principles of eternal rectitude, they say or do it at the peril of their thornwell's sermon. 121 souls — and to remind them from tlie memorable example of Herod that, though an infatuated mob may shout in its blindness, it is the voice of God and not of man — the judgments of heaven may consign their souls to the lowest hell. Lightly and carelessly as it is sought, the office of a legislator is a solemn trust. It is wicked to aspire to it without being prepared for its duties — and when it is bought or secured by the corruption of the people, it is the wages of inicjuity which God will surely turn into a curse. How can that man entertain any adequate conviction of his responsibility to God, in discharging the functions of a place into which he was introduced by an open contempt of the Deity ? I confess frankly, that I tremble for my country when I contemplate the deplora- ble extent to which politics are turned into a trade — when I see the shocking separation in the national mind betwixt the candidate and the man — ^the politician and the citizen. To counteract this tendency, to impress upon all, the individual and personal nature of responsibility — to inculcate the supremacy of right every where, in all relations, is an end worthy of the extinction of the brightest lights of the land. To make us feel the all-pervading authority of the moi-al law and of the Christian faith — to bring us to the recognition of the truth, that in all the diversified scenes to which the Providence of God allots the chil- dren of men — they are still to be regarded as Christians and as men — developing the character and manifesting the principles upon which their eternal destiny depends, is a consummation cheaply purchased by events, which in the figured language of the Scriptures, are compared to the eclipse of suns — the destruction of the stars and the convolution of the heavens. And if the death of our illustrious Senator shall con- tribute to inspire the breasts of our Senators and Representatives with the sentiments which befit their station, it will be his lotto have served his country as gloriously in death as in life. II. The lesson which this event, considered as the death of a states- man, is suited to impart, is addressed to the people at large, and comes with pointed emphasis, in the present crisis of affairs, to the people of the South, and particularly to us in South Carolina. It is better tu trust in the Lord than to put confidence in man — it is better to trust in the Lord than to put confidence in princes. In Clod is my salvation and glory — the I'ock of my strength and my refuge is in God — trust in Him, at all times, ye people, pour out your heart before Him — God is a refuge for us — surely men of low degree are vanity and men of high degree are a lie — to be laid in the balance they are altogether lighter than vanity. Thus saith the Lord — " cursed be the man that trusteth in 122 THE CAROLINA TIII15UTE TO CALHOUN. man and niaketh flesh his arm — whose heax't departeth fi'om the Lord. For he shall be like the heath in the desert and shall not see when good cometh." Woe to the rebellious children, saith the Lord, that take counsel, but not of me — that cover with a covering, but not of my spirit, that they may add sin to sin — that walk to go down into Egypt, and have not asked at my mouth, to strengthen themselves in the strength of Pharaoh and to trust in the shadow of Egypt. The lesson which the Providence of Orod was continually inculcating upon the heathen nations, whose afi'airs are incidentally mentioned in the Scriptures, is that the Most High ruletli in the kingdoms of men — and accomplishes His pleasure among the armies of heaven and the in- habitants of earth. The dominion of Jesus Christ, as Mediator, extends to nations as well as individuals — States and governments are the instru- ments of God, ordained in their respective departments, to execute His schemes — and the Divine Redeemer bears written upon his vesture and thigh a name which indicates univei'sal sovereignty — Lord of Lords and King of Kings. They are a part of that series of Providential arrange- ments by which the moral purposes of Grod, in reference to the race, are conducted to their issue — and as much the appointments of His will as the family, or the Chui'ch. There is not the same direct interposi- tion in the organizatien of civil and political communities as in the con- stitution of the Church — but the necessity of the State is founded in the nature of man — springs from the moral relations of individuals — grows with the growth and strengthens with the strength of human society. It is the spontaneous offspring of a social state — and in the same sense the creature of God, that the society from which it springs and from which it cannot be severed is the Divine ordination. There never was an absurder, and I may add, a more mischievous fiction, than that political communities are conventional arrangements, suggested by the inconveniences of a natural state of personal independence, and de- riving their authority from the free consent of those who are embraced in them. Political societies are not artificial combinations to which; men have been impelled by chance or choice, but the ordinance of God, through the growth and propagation of the species, for the perfection and education of the race. The first State, according to the Scriptures, was not distinct from the family. But as households were multiplied, though the tie of consanguinity was still the ground upon which authority was recognized, and natural affection and habitual association combined to invest the patriarch with the highest jurisdiction, a class of ideas began to expand themselves which rested upon other principles than those of blood. IVIoral relations — more extensive and commanding thornwell's sermon. 12;> than that of father, husband, wife or child, the relations of man to man — of reciprocal rights and reciprocal obligations, were brought into view and the patriarch became a magistrate — the representative of jus- tice, as well as a father — the representative of funnily affection. That the distinctive boundaries of these distinct relations were at once under- stood — that they are even now adequately apprehended where the nearest approximations to primitive society obtain, is by no means affirmed. It was only in the progress of a long, slow, providential education that the real natui-e of the commonwealth as contradistinguished from other communities, began to be unfolded. The State was developed with the progress of society — and as the necessity of its existence is laid in man's nature — as the supremacy of its claims — its high and awful sovereignty, is nothing but the supremacy of justice and of right, among moral and responsible agents, the State, through whatever organic arrangements its power may be expressed, is the creature of God, the sacred ordi nance of heaven. It is not a thing which can be made or unmade, it i^s part and parcel of the constitution of our nature as at once social an responsible. This view of the State connects it at once with the moral purposes of the Deity — and the whole history of the world shows that its develop- ment, which is the progress of liberty, depends upon the providential disposition of events over which the agency of man has no direct con- trol. All solid governments and all permanent liberty have grown much more out of circumstances than out of fixed and definite purposes of man. A nation of slaves cannot establish a free government — it is a thing for which Grod must have prepared the way, and all efi^brts to rise suddenly froni a condition of despotism into that of freedom have been attended with licentiousness, anarchy and crime. True liberty is a thing of growth — there is first a stock of acknowledged rights which are transmitted in the way of inheritance — the progress of society en- larges it with fresh and fresh additions — there is a conglomeration of the new and the old — a connecting link betwixt the past and the pres- ent — and the consolidation of inheritance and acquisition is the security of liberty. Hence from the very nature of man and the very nature of the State, and the very nature of liberty, political communities must receive their shape and direction from the circumstances in which the great Disposer of events has placed any people. The doctrine of de- pendence upon God is, accordingly, intertwined in the very fibres of the commonwealth. The State is a school in which the Deity is conducting a great process of education, and providential circumstances determine alike the lessons to be taught and the capacity of the scholars to learn 124 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. tliem. The dangers, as in all schools, are those which spring from in- docility of temper — or from rashness and impetuosity, which would out- strip the leadings of Providence. Each indicates a spirit of indepen- dence of God — and each is apt to be rebuked with expressions of His displeasure. The difficulty with communities that have been long accustomed to the reign of despotism is, that they are too dull to learn — they are backward to follow the intimations of circumstances — they stag- nate in their corruptions ; and the outbreaks of revolutions are some- times necessary to rouse the people and put them in the attitude of progress. They distrust the Almighty and refuse to move until they are driven. The difficulty with free and growing communities is, that in the con- sciousness of imaginary wisdom and strength, they anticipate the slow progress of events, and casting off their dependence upon God, under- take to accomplish their destiny by their own skill and resources. They rely partly upon principles — partly upon men — partly upon both. Over- looking the concurrence of Providence, which is essential to the success of political combinations and arrangements, they vainly imagine that they can create the circumstances upon which they are dependent. There is a magic in their doctrines, or a charm in their schemes, or a power in their champions, which can subdue the elements and accom- plish the work of Him whose prerogative alone it is to speak, and it is done — to command and it stands fast. But the lesson of the Bible and of experience is ''that in the midst of all our preparations, we shall, if we are wise, repose our chief confidence in Him who has every element at His disposal — who can easily disconcert the wisest counsels, confound the mightiest projects, and save, when He pleases, by many or by few. While the vanity of such a pretended reliance on Providence as super- cedes the use of means is readily confessed, it, is to be feared we are not sufficiently careful to guard against a contrary extreme, in its ultimate effects not less dangerous. If to depend on the interposition of Provi- dence without human exertion be to tempt God } to confide in an arm of flesh when seeking His aid is to deny Him ; the former is to be pitied for its weakness — the latter to be censured for its impiety, nor is it easy to say which affords the worst omen of success." That this lesson is eminently seasonable in the present crisis of the nation, none can be tempted to doubt. It is possible that our confi- dence in the great statesman, whose death a nation has lamented, may have been such as to provoke the jealousy of that God who will not give His glory to another. We may have relied more upon his power of argument — his energy of persuasion — his integrity of character — his tiiornwell's sermon. 125 public and private influence, than upon the secret operations of that Spirit who controls the movements of kings, and turns the hearts of the children of men as the rivers of water are turned. It is evident that what is needed at the present crisis is a spirit of patriotism — of justice and of loyalty to God. It is the temper of the people and of the rulers upon which, under God, the salvation of the country depends. If the whole nation could be animated with a single purpose to do what is right — if factions and parties and local and temporary interests could be forgotten — if the presiding genius in our halls of legislation were the sublime and heroic principle of justice — if every member there could be brought to feel that he was the representative of the whole nation, bound to promote, cherish and defend the interests of all, in conformity with the spirit and provisions of the constitution — if fanaticism could be rebuked and selfishness suppressed, and power awed into a sense of responsibility — who doubts but that all our difficulties would be speedily adjusted — that the clouds which threaten us would be rolled away, and the sun of union and liberty burst out again in meridian refulgence ? The production of this temper is not within the compass of man. To change the current of established associations — to dissolve the charms of prejudice — to break the fetters of interest — to enlighten the blindness of fanaticism and make power obedient to right — these are not the feats of argument or skill — they require the finger of God. It is He alone who can give the spirit of a sound mind. He alone has direct access to the souls of men — and in the removal of him, whom we were tempted to make our stay and our prop — He is exhorting us to trust only in Himself. Well will it be for us if we can learn the lesson. It becomes us, however, to remember that a people can trust in God only when they are seeking- the ends of righteousness and truth. Our dependence upon Him should teach us the lesson that righteousness exalteth a nation and sin is a reproach to any people. We cannot ex- pect the patronage of heaven to schemes of injustice and of wrong. The State is an element of God's moral administration — and to secure His favor it must sedulously endeavor to maintain the supremacy of right. He may overrule the wickedness of the people for good — He may even permit unrighteous kingdoms to flourish notwithstanding their iniquity — but as the habitation of His throne is justice and truth, it will be found, in regard to communities, as well as individuals, that Godliness is profit- able for all things, having the promise of the life that now is and of that which is to come. " There is in the bosom of all human societies a desire and a power of ceaseless progress. It is struggling now — it will struggle to the end. Many failures have passed — many are still to 126 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. come. Not until men clearly see the real and the only security for their threat dcvelopement, will these failures cease. If they will put their hands in the great hand of God, He will lead them firmly in the way. What is just, what is right, what is good, let them do these and they will fail no more — what is wrong, what is unju.st, what is evil, let them do these, under whatever pretext of political necessity and they cannot but suffer and fail — renew the struggle, and suffer and fail again — it is this great lesson which an open Bible and free institutions are teaching the human race." Freedom must degenerate into licentiousness unless the supremacy of right is maintained. We must co-operate in our spirit/ and temper and aims with the great moral ends for which the State was instituted, if we would reach the highest point of national excellenc^ and prosperity. The idtiniate purpose of Grod is that the dominion of Jesus should be universally acknowledged — and that nation only will finally and permanently prosper, whose people have caught the spirit and habitually obey the precepts of the Gospel. Every weapon that is formed against Him must be broken ; and the people that will not sub- mit to His authority must be crushed by His power. Why do the heathen rage and the people imaginge a vain thing? The kings of the earth set themselves and the rulers take counsel together against the Lord and against His anointed, saying — let us break their bands asunder and cast away their cords from us. He that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh — the Lord shall have them in derision. Then shall He speak unto them in His wrath and vex them in His sore displeasure. Yet have I set my king upon my holy hill of Zion — I will declare the decree. The Lord hath said unto me — thou art my Son — this day have I begotten thee. Ask of me and I shall give the heathen for thine in- heritance and the uttermost parts of the earth for thy possession. Thou shalt break them with a rod of iron — thou shalt dash them in pieces like a potter's vessel. Be wise, now, therefore, ye kings, be instructed ye judges of the earth — serve the Lord with fear and rejoice with trembling — kiss the Son lest he be angry and ye perish from the way when His wrath is kindled but a little. If the accounts, which the Scriptures give, of the exaltation and universal dominion of Jesus, are to be relied on, there can be no doubt but that Christianity lies at the foundation of national prosperity. Peo- ple and rulers must be imbued with the spirit and observe the institu- tions of the Gospel. We insist upon no national establishment of religion — upon no human encroachments on the rights of conscience, but we do insist upon the individual and personal obligations of every man, throughout the broad extent of the country, to be a Christian, and THORNWELL S SERMON. 127 the corresponding obligation to act as a Christian in all the departments of life, whether public or private. As Christianity is the presiding spirit of all modern civilization, it is the only defence of nations against barbarism, rudeness, anarchy and crime. Let Jesus be enthroned in every heart — and the nation that is made up of Christian men will soon be a jjraise and a joy in every land. But where the people and rulers know not the mediatorial King, whom God has set upon the Holy hill of Ziou — where His Sabbaths are profaned, His temples deserted, His grace despised — His favor must be withdrawn — the fountains of national virtue must dry up — and that lind must ultimately be given to wasting and desolation. The strongest security within which the institutions of this country can be entrenched, is the prevalence of the Christian religion. The State is an ordinance of God as God is in Christ reconciling the world unto Himself; and to those who have considered the bearings of the mediatorial government upon the prosperity of States, there is nothing surprising in the present darkness which overshadows the land. It is the rebuke of ungodliness and infidelity. From the highest to the lowest gradations in Society — from the chair of State, the halls of legislation, the courts of justice, the popular assemblies of the land, the cry of blasphemy, profaneness and atheism, has gone to heaven. God's Sabbaths are polluted for the pur- poses of gain — licentious and unprincipled demagogues make it a busi- ness to cheat the people with flatteries and adulations which are alike dangerous and blasphemous — offices are sought by open chicanery and corruption ; and amid scenes of revelry and riot — more befitting the orgies of Bacchus than the deliberations of a free people, the greatest questions of the nation are discussed. The debauchery of the people, and the triumph of demagogues, has always been attended with the worst form of slavery — that bondage of the soul in which every man is afx-aid to entertain an opinion of his own — in which the individual is merged in the mass ; and when this result is reached, the moral economy of the State being defeated, we can look for nothing but the righteous judgments of God. The reign of licentiousness is the prelude of national dissolution. The people that will not have Jesus to reign over them, must be slain before Him. He is exalted at God's right hand, above all principality and power and dominion, and we must submit to his sceptre, or perish from the way when his wrath is kindled but a little. III. But this event may be finally considered as the death simply of a man, and in this aspect of the case, the pulpit, it seems to me, would but inadequately discharge its duty, if it failed to inculcate the distinc- 128 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. tive provisions of the Gospel, as the only means of securing a triumph over this last enemy. There are many who admire the morality and praise the spirit of Christianity, but who are content to form no higher conception of its power than that of a moral institute, distinguished from the philosophical systems of men, by the larger compass of its views, and the more commanding influence of its sanctions. This is particularly the case with the educated men of the coijntry. It is pain- ful to witness the fact that so many of this class — to which it will be your distinction to belong — while professing, from the superficial atten- tion they have given to the subject, to believe that there is something ill the Gospel ; yet either from a lurking skepticism, or the absorbing influence of other cares and pursuits, are, for the most part, profoundly ignorant of what constitutes its essence and its glory. They view it from a distance — or detect nothing in it but an authoritative statement of the principles and tenets of natural religion. But ask them the ques- tion — what a sinner must do to be saved ? and the nakedness of their answers will evince too clearly that the great problem of redemption has never been earnestly considered. The difficulty is that they have never felt the malignity of sin. They have never experienced the sen- tence of condemnation in their own souls ; and the consequence is that, however they may respect the voice of Jesus as a teacher, they cannot be brought to submit to Him as a Saviour. The characteristic distinc- tion of the Gospel, is that it is the religion of a sinner. It is a grand dispensation of Providence and grace to rescue man from the condem- nation and ruin into which the whole race has been plunged by rebel- lion against God. The necessity of its arrangements is laid in the very nature of moral distinctions — from which it results that sin cannot be pardoned by an act of authoritative mercy. Without the shedding of blood there is no remission, and he alone can be properly denominated a Christian, he alone is entitled to the rewards and blessings of Chris- tianity — who, from a deep consciousness of guilt and ruin, has fled for refuge to the hope set before him in the Gospel. The calumniated doctrines of grace are the life and soul of our religion. Personal union with Jesus by the indwelling of the Holy Spirit is indispensable to a real participation in the benefits of redemption. Through faith in the Divine Redeemer, death, the last enemy is conquered, subdued, de- stroyed. It becomes a gloi-ious thing to die — it is only a birth into a new and everlasting state of blessedness and glory. It is the preroga- tive of the faithful, and of them alone, to depart from the world in trivimph. There is no case on record — it has never happened in the experience of man — that death was welcomed — hailed with rapture and thornwell's sermon. 129 delight — by any but those for whom its sting had been extracted by the blood of the great Mediator. Still we must guard against the delusion that the condition of peace or consternation, in which a man expires, is any certain indication of hi? future state. The riyhteous, through the temporary darkness of unbelief, through ignorance, or doubt of their acceptance in the beloved, or as a just visitation for past neglect, may be permitted to pass from the world in apprehension and alarm ; while the impenitent and wicked may be bolstered, in their last hours, with the same fatal props which have deceived them through life. The errors which have shaped their conduct may cling to them until the veil is withdrawn and eternity has become a matter of experience. It is no uncommon thing, it is true, for conscience, in the final struggle, to assert her supremacy — especially in the case of those whose unbelief and disobedience have been a conflict with reason and judgment. They are permitted, yet further, to look into futurity, and to read something of the fearful scroll which will be produced against them at the bar of God ; and they shrink back, with shudder and dismay, from the awful catastrophe that awaits them. Stung by remorse, and enlightened by the Scriptures, they feel that it is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God. Death is, indeed, a terrible object — the very king of terrors — they writhe and agonize and straggle against his encroach- ments. Clinging to life with the tenacity of despair, compelled and yet afraid to die — they curse the day and the hour in which it was said that a man child was born into the world. "In that dread moment, how the frantic soul Raves round the walls of her clay tenement; Runs to each avenue and shrieks for help, But shrieks in vain ! How wishfully she looks On all she's leaving, now no longer her's ! A little longer, yet a little longer, Oh! might she stay to wash away her stains, And fit her for her passage. Mournful sight! Her very eyes weep blood; and every groan She heaves is big with horrors. But the foe, Like a staunch murderer, steady to his purpose, Pursues her close through every lane of life, Nor misses once the track, but presses on ; , Till forced at last to the tremendous verge, At once she sinks to everlasting ruin." Such is the end of an awakened sinner ! There are others who depart from life with as much insensibility as 9 130 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. they eat or drink or sleep. Such men are pre-eminently sensual. They have never risen to any just conceptions of themselves — of moral re- sponsibility — of final retribution — of an immortal being. They have never felt that life was an earnest or serious reality — it has been to them merely a routine of mechanical observances, and as they have lived like beasts, they die like dogs. There are others, of a nobler mould, who reconcile themselves to dis- solution by the considerations of a stoical philosophy. They look upon death as an appointment of nature — an inevitable event, and they en- deavour to prepare themselves to submit to it with dignity and grace, since resistance is vain and escape impossible. They meet it, therefore, with the fortitude and courage with which they would encounter any other calamity. But still it is a calamity — it is not a messenger to be greeted — not an object of congratulation, of triumph and of joy. To this attainment paganism was competent before life and immortality were brought to light in the Gospel. The philosophers of the ancient world, by their dim and misty speculations, were nerved to die like heroes, though none could die like conquerors. But to be content with submission when victory is within our reach is heroism no longer. To endure when we might subdue is a low ambition. How different is the death of a Christian ! I am now ready to be offered, says the apostle, and the time of my departure is at hand — I have fought a good fight — I have finished my course — I have kept the faith. Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous Judge, shall give me at that day, and not to me only, but unto all them also that love his appearing. We are conquerors and more than conquerors through him that loved us. Through death He has destroyed him that had the power of death, that is the devil, and delivered them who, through fear of death were all their life-time sub- ject to bondage. It is the glory of Christianity to erect its trophies upon the tomb. Death and hell were alike led in triumph at the chariot wheels of Christ, and those who are in Him can sing the song of exaltation and of victory amid the agonies of their dissolving clay. Let me beg you, my young friends, however you may be tempted by the examples of the great, not to be contented with distant, partial, defective views of the economy of God's grace. It is not the greatness of their intellects which keeps them at a distance from Christ — it is not that they have discovered religion to be a cheat — not that they have weighed its evidences in the balances and found them wanting — it is simply because they have never examined the subject. From the natural alienation of the heart from God, the influence of early preju- thornvvell's sermon. 131 dice, the distractions of business — the turmoil of ambition — the ab- sorbing power of their pursuits — they have kept aloof from this inquiry — and though they have won for themselves a name which pos- terity will not willingly let die — the very qualities of mind by which they have been enabled to do so, would lead them, if properly directed, to condemn their inattention to religion as an act of folly, of distrac- tion and of madness. Deceive not yourselves with vain hopes — Jesu.s is the only Saviour — in the day of final retribution there will be no respect of persons. On that great day shall be seen " no badge of State, no mark of age, or rank or national attire — or robe professional or air of trade." As in the grave whither we are all hastening, the rich and the poor are promiscuously mingled together, the distinc- tions of honour and of wealth vanish away as coloixrs disappear in the dark, so in the last day none can be found to claim the titles which were only concurrent upon earth. It will then be only "a congregation vast of men — of unappeudaged and unvarnished men — of all but moral character bereaved." The virtues or the crimes which appertain to each are all that he can carry to the bar of the Judge. All else will be left in the tomb — as the worthless badges of mortal and not immortal men. There is a distinction, however, that shall never fade away — the dis- tinction created among men by the possession of the Spirit and a per- sonal union with Christ. In the great day to which we have referred, when Grod shall arise to shake terribly the earth, and the destinies of all the race shall be irrevocably fixed — our right to life will depend entirely on the witness of the Holy Ghost. None can sustain their title as sons, but those whom He has sealed unto the day of redemption. To appear without His signet on our foreheads and His impress upon our hearts is to awake to shame and everlasting contempt. It will not be a question whether we have been gi-eat or mean, honoured or de- spised — rich or poor — it will avail nothing that Senates hung in rapture on our lips and nations bowed obedient to our nod — but it will be a question — the question — the turning-point of destiny — whether we have the Spirit of God's Son. If we have been among the miserable skeptics — who have not so much as heard whether there be a Holy Ghost — if our Christianity has been nothing more than a baptized paganism — if we have despised evangelical religion under the name of fanaticism — and laughed at pretensions to grace as the eff"ervescence of enthusiasm — if, from any cause, we have failed to be born again and to become new creatures, in Christ Jesus, however admiring multitudes may have chauuted our requiem and shook the very arches of heaven 132 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. with their plaudits — unlimited duration will be the period assigned us to lament our folly and bewail the consequences of our terrible delu- sion. My young friends be not deceived — an endless duration is your destiny — feel its greatness — look above the earth — look to your home in the skies — -seek for glory, honour, immortality — but seek them only in the Grospel of God's grace. Resolve first to lay hold upon eternal life — and then you shall never need any good thing on earth. What stronger proof could you demand of the undying nature of the soul than that which is furnished in the last moments of our departed Sena- tor ? What sti'onger proof that our real existence begins only at the point of death ? Prepare for that existence — and your life here will be glorious — your death triumphant — and your end everlasting peace. ALLSTON'S EULOGY. Eulogy on John C. Calhoun, pronounced at the request of the Citizens of Georgetown District, on Tuesday, 23rd April, 1850. By Robert F. W. Allstox. To pronounce, acceptably, a Eulogy on Mr. Calhoun, whose merits weigh on every mind, whose praises are on every tongue, is no easy task; yet, to decline the essay would be to decline a labor of love, an honor, and a precious privilege conferred by you. Should my essay come short of public expectation, (as it must on so great a subject,) you will be pleased to accept the good will with which it is freely offered, in place of a better performance. Whilst giving me your attention on this interesting occasion, I invite you each to lend me your spirit-thoughts, to animate and to amplify my poor language, in recording some of the virtuous traits of his bigh character, some incidents of his stirring and eventful life, some excerpts from the political philosophy of his lofty genius. We all did love him for the purity of his private life, the engaging simplicity of his blame- less character, the devotion of himself to us and our interests. We all did prize him for his matchless services in the public councils, his rare sagacity in discovering truth, and the transcendent power with which he elucidated it; his undying attachment to his native State, and his untiring efforts to vindicate her rights, and promote her welfare. It is meet, therefore, that we assemble together, after the first poignancy of grief, to commemorate the virtues of so valued a citizen. That we should unite our hearts in utterance of the universal feeling which now pervades this community. The occasion itself — the abstraction from business — the intense interest of the people — these, constitute the eulo- gium indeed — expressive, brief and true. So far as words can go, the impulsive testimony of his great cotem- poraries, Mr. Clay and Mr. Webster, constitute the highest eulogy. The reflective, touching, well-measured, yet pregnant praise of the great Western Orator — the free, spontaneous, unmeasured and intelligent tribute of the pre-eminent Law-giver of the East, constitute together the most complete, the most enviable commentary upon human clinrac- 134 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. ter and conduct — the character and conduct of an American, untitled, untravelled and self-sustained. ( When we reflect that that American was one of us — a Carolinian — by birth, affection and true service ; the breast of every citizen glows with honest pride, and the heart of the Christian is ready to overflow with gratitude to the Author of our being and our destinies. Mr. Clay, 3Ir. Webster, and Mr. Calhoun, were universally ac- knowledged to be the three great luminaries in the political sphere of the Federal Republic. Entering the House of Ilepresentatives within two years of each other, some forty years ago, they have been identified, sometimes in conjunction, more often in opposition, with all the great questions of their day; the discussions of which are all stamped with the impressions of their superior intellects. 3Iost of all, it has been the lot of Mr. Calhoun to bear the brunt of the powerful, skilful, sustained antagonism of both his great compeers — of Mr. Clay, for in- stance, on the subject of the Restrictive System and the Currency — of Mr. Webster, on the Federal Constitution, relating to the powers of the (leneral Grovernment, State Rights and Remedies. Recently, on the grave and momentous question which now agitates the country, and is about to shake this Union to its centre, he encountered both together; though both were less determined in their opposition, and both ex- pressed a willingness to promote conciliatory counsels. Mr. Calhoun's health being broken and feeble, his speech on this occasion, by unani- mous consent of the Senate, was read by Mr. Mason, of Virginia. There is no citizen of South Carolina intent on his duty to the State, and to posterity, who can soon forget the profound sentiments of that memorable speech. There is no Southern man, unless he be pre-deter- mined to yield to partizanship, the talents due to his country, who can read that speech attentively, and still withhold his aid in promoting a "Union of the South for the sake of the Union." A spectator of the scene says, "when this speech was concluded, the veteran trio met in front of the Vice-President's chair, and joined hands. What a moment ^ for the artist ! How as each scanned the worn features of the other, their minds reverted back to the scenes through which they had passed, and forward to the future — the eventful future I No three living men ever so completely enlisted the aff"eetions of their friends, or wielded so much influence upon the nation at large." The youngest, alas! of this most remarkable trio, is no more. The surviving Senators both declaimed over his bier — their recollections of him constitute a portion of his history. Hear, first, the great Orator of his age, his distinguished competitor allston's eulogy. 135 iu many an ai'duous, well-contested debate: ''Ever active, ardent, able, no one was in advance of him in advocating the cause of the country, and in denouncing the injustice which compelled that country to appeal to arms. Of all the Congresses with which I have had an acquaintance, since my entry into the service of the Federal Government, in none, in my opinion, have been assembled such a galaxy of eminent and able men as were iu those Congresses which declared the war, and which immediately followed the peace. In that splendid assemblage, the star which has just set stood bright and brilliant. It was my happiness, during a great portion of the time, to concur with him upon all great questions of national policy. During the session at which the war was declared we were messmates, as were other distinguished members of Congress from his own patriotic State. I was afforded, by the inter- course which resulted from that fact, as well as from subsequent in- timacy and intercoui'se which arose between us, an opportunity to form an estimate, not merely of his public but his private life; and no man with whom I have ever been acquainted exceeded him in habits of temperance, in all the simplicity of social intercourse, and in the ten- derness, and affection and respect, which he extended towards that lady, who now mourns moi'e than any other the event which has happened." * * * * "■ 1 will say, in few words, that he possessed a lofty genius, that in his powers of generalization of those subjects of which his mind treated, I have seen him surpassed by no man, and the charms and captivating influence of his colloquial powers have been felt by all who have ever witnessed them. I am his senior, Mr. President, iu years, and in nothing else." * ''"' * * '' I trust that we shall all profit by the singular merits of his character, and learn, relying upon our own judgments and the dictates of our own conscience, to discharge our duties as he did, according to his best con- ception of them, faithfully and to the last." Hear also, the Eastern Orator, Mr. Webster, pre-eminent now for gigantic intellect, colloquial powers, and constitutional law: "Differing widely on many great questions connected with the institutions and good of the country, these differences never interrupted our personal and social intercourse. I have been present at most of the distinguished instances of the exhibition of his talents in debate. I have always heard him with pleasure, often with much instruction, not unfrequently with the highest degree of admiration. Mr. Calhoun was calculated to be a leader in whatever association of political friends he was thrown. He was a man of undoubted genius, and of commanding talent. All the Qountry admit that his mind was perceptive and vigorous: it was clear, V.iij THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. quick, and stroug. Sir, the eloquence of Mr. CJalhoun, or the manner of his exhibition of his sentiments in public bodies, tVas part of his intel- lectual character. It grew out of the qualities of his mind. It was plain, stroug, terse, condensed, concise, sometimes impassioned, still always severe. Rejecting ornament, not often seeking far for illustrations, his power consisted in the felicitousness of his espi'ession, in the closeness of his logic, and in the earnestness and energy of his manner. These are qualities, as I think, that had enabled him, through such a long course of years, to speak often, and yet always command attention. His demeanor, as a Senator is known to us all, is appreciated, venerated by us. No man was more respectful to others. No man conducted himself witli greater decorum, and no man with greater dignity. I think there is not one of us that felt nut, when he last addressed us from his seat in the Senate, with a form still erect, with a voice by no means showing such a degree of physical weakness as did in ftict possess him, with clear tones, and impressive and most imposing manner — there is none of us, I think, who did not imagine that Ave saw before us a Senator of Rome, when Rome survived. Sir, I have not, in public or private life, known a person more assiduous in the discharge of his appropriate duties. I have known no man who wasted less of life in what is called recreation, or employed less of life in any pursuits not connected with the imme- diate discharge of his duty. He seemed to have no recreation but in the pleasure of conversation with his friends. Out of the chambers of Congress he was either devoting himself to the acquisition of know- ledge, pertaining to the immediate subject of the duty before him, or else he was indulging in those social interviews in which he so much delighted. My honorable friend from Kentucky has spoken in just terms, of his colloquial talents. They certainly were singular and emi- nent. Thei'e was a charm in his conversation, and he delighted espe- cially in colloquial intercourse with young men. * * * * Mr. President, he had the basis, the indispensable basis, of all high character, and that was i;nspotted integrity — unimpeached honor and character. If he had aspirations they were high, and honorable, and noble. There was nothing grovelling, or low, or meanly selfish, that came near the head or heart of Mr. Calhoun. Firm in his pur- pose, perfectly patriotic and honest, lis I am quite sure he was, in the principles that he espoused, and in the measiares he defended, aside from that large regard for that species of distinction that conducted him to eminent stations for the benefit of the public, I do not believe he had a selfish motive or selfish feeling. However, sir, he may have dif- fered from others of us in his political opinions, or his political principles, AM.STON's EULO(iV. ]87 those iDi-ineipIes, and those opinions will descend to posterity under the sanction of a great name. lie had lived lono- enouo-h, he had done enouo-h, < - CD ^ O " and done so well, so successfully, so liouorably, as to connect himself for all time, with, the records of his country. He is now a historical character. Those of us who have known him here, will find that he has left upon us, upon our minds and hearts, an impression of his person, his character, his performances, that v/iiile we live will never be obliterated. We shall, hereafter, I am sure, indulge in it as a grateful recollection, that we have lived in his day; that we have been his co- temporaries; that we have seen and heard and knovvn him. We shall delight to speak of him to those who are to come after us. When the time shall come that we ourselves shall go, one after another, in succes- sion, to our graves, we shall carry with us a deep sense of his genius and character; his honor and integrity; his amiable deportment in private life, and the purity of his exalted patriotism." More can scarcely be said of mortal man by experienced Senators, gentlemen whose command of language is complete ; who know well, and weigh the meaning of every line, of every word they utter. When a great public man has passed away, leaving a void in society which he alone could fill ; each one who had enjoyed the privilege of his acquaintance, or had become deeply interested in his views of public policy, his character and services, is apt to appropriate to himself the misfortune ; and to feel tliat he individually has sustained a grievous loss. Even among the enemies of his cause, the chivalrous champion will feel that a gallant spirit, necessary in some sort to his own hio-h distinction, is missing — that a noble foe has fallen — one worthy of the brightest and the stoutest lance, yet unscathed by his. How much then, how M'idely must the object of our thoughts be missed from the high sphere which he adorned, with the brilliancy of his sparkling intellect, with the native charm — the simplicity of genius. Born (1782) at the close of the war for independence, in the begin- ning of which his native State had gallantly espoused the cause of Massachusetts against the Mother Country. He died (1850) in the midst of a contest for " Equality or Independence," nobly contending to the last for the rights of his native State, in common with the Southern States, against the grasping cupidity and unjust aggressions of a Northern majority. Reared under the tender assiduities of an affable, sensible, virtuous mother, and the sterling uncompromising principles of an industrious, thinking, whig sire, he lived (to the age of sixty-eight), illustrating in the excellent haiiiKiny of his character the blending of his parents' best qualities. 13s THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. It affords us a melancholy pleasure to dwell on those admirable ciual- ities of sovil, that elevated yet accessible nature, accessible to the most unpretending citizen as to the most exalted, the even and benign tem- per, the calm philosophy, the high moral courage and firm purpose, the indomitable energy and patient industry, the invincible powers of reason- ing, which so distinguished him. The power of his miud was prodi- gious — no man i-easoned more rapidly, clearly and concisely, bringing cause and effect together in one view, and arriving at results which startled all about him, even those in whose deep design they may have been arranged. His sagacity and forecast were most remarkable, amongst many remarkable statesmen of his day. His perception and penetration, so quick and sure, seemed to be intuitive. His enunciation, though rapid, was clear and distinct. His style of speaking may be described as that of one who thinks aloud. Add to these, a republican simplicity of habit, with courteous demeanor, chaste conversation, with blameless purity of life — striking originality of thought, with a profound wisdom founded on observation and reflection — where shall we look to lind his like again? The anxious inquiry is echoed and re-echoed from every mountain and hillside of his bereaved State. Some short time since we might have looked to the able bench of jurists in this State — there toas one there. Alas! he has gone before, to render his great account of the talents entrusted to him. South Carolina has, within a few years, lost this valued citizen, so like him in purity of motive, in simplicity of character, in love of truth, of justice, of virtue ; that my miud reverts to him with irresistible, pleasing and grateful remembrance. In the character of the late William Harper, who was associated with Mr. Calhoun, intimately and heartily, in the service of the State, when the State most needed wise counsels and true service, were combined all — the fearlessness and firmness of a spiritual nature, the gentleness, and candor, and fruitful invention of true genius, the discretion and wisdom of experience, learning, and reflection, so needed for the occasion which developed them. His was the worth most modest in his own estimation— the simplicity and beautiful truth of soul, most endearing to his friends — the unselfish devotion to his cause and country, most valuable to his constituents, and prized by all who enjoyed the privilege of serving with, and knowing him. His heart was in the right place — -it always glowed with generous ardor, and burst forth with uncalculating power, in defence of a righteous and noble cause. Next to the paramount influences of his mother home in Abbeville, the States of Georgia and Connecticut both contributed towards the ALLSTON S EULOGY. 139 training and the storino- of his capacious mind. The social ties thus formed, out of his native State, together with his enlarged benevolence, and expansive range of thought, rendered him, in mature life, essen- tially liberal in his views of public policy, and in his intercourse with public men. His whole country was embraced in his comiH-ehensive good-will, his ardent attachment, his ever watchful devotion. His theory was — that to preserve and perpetuate the Federal system in its "^ singular beauty and power, it is indispensable to preserve also the integ- rity and relative power of its component parts, the States. No writer who has ever treated the subject, has thrown so much light, as Mr. Oalhoun has, on the true construction of this part of the Federal Con- stitution. Regarding it as "in words plain and intelligible, it is meant for the home-bred, unsophisticated understandings" of men; and so he ex- pounded it. " Justice is the end of all law." " Where there is no law, there is no rational freedom." The Constitution is the fundamental law, duly adopted, and sanctioned for the government of the United States— binding upon all alike, as well in the limitations it imposes, as in the authority it confers. The Constitution is the result of a compact between the States as States, instituted and agreed to by the people thereof; " in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, in- sure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." Mr. CALHor.M has demonstrated, irresistibly, to minds unprejudiced and candid, that, by this Constitution, the States, each sovereign and independent before its adoption, have parted with no more of their sovereignty than is embraced in the powers expressly granted thereby, and those incident to, and necessary for carrying into elfect the granted powers. That an act passed by a majority in the Congress of the United States, not in accordance with the specific pow- ers granted by the terms of the Constitution, and in contravention of its spirit, is, in fact, no law, because it is inconsistent with, and in viola- tion of the fundamental law, which can only be altered or amended by the constitutional majority of three-fourths of the States. That the allegiance of the citizen is due to the State in which he resides, and by ' authority thereof (expressed by the Constitution) his obedience is due to the Government of the United States. That to insure domestic tranquillity, and to secure the blessings of liberty and a good govern- ment, it is incumbent on the several departments of the General Gov- ernment, the Legislative, the Judiciary, and the Executive, (each so prone to assume,) to exercise no doubtful power, but to keep strictly 140 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. witliiu the bounds of their legitimate authority assigned by the Consti- tution itself. With the view to neutralize Mr. Calhoun's influence, and mar the effect of his argument against prohibitary duties, it has not unfrequently been urged that he favored and sustained the first '' Tariff of Protection." It is true that he and Mr. Lowndes did vote for the Tariff of 1816, but they were actuated by public-spirited and generous motives, which the mere politician is incapable of appreciating. The second war with Great Britain, memorable for the achievements of our gallant little Navy, and untutored Army, and crowned with the signal and decisive victory at New Orleans, left our country embarrassed with a heavy debt ; to meet the interest and installments of which, a revenue was necessary. It was proposed to raise this revenue by im- posts, or duties upon foreign importations, both for the sake of the revenue to be derived from this source, and for the purpose of sheltering fi'om the ruinous competition which awaited them, (on opening the ports to peaceful commerce,) the infant manufactures of various kinds, to which the necessities of the people and of the government during the war, had given rise. To abandon these establishments at the close of the war, when there was no further need of them, was not deemed sound policy in the opinion of considerate statesmen. Accordingly, Mr. Wm. Lowndes and :\Ir. Calhoun both voted for the Tariff of 1816, which imposed a duty of 25 percent, upon foreign importations, to be reduced to 20 per cent, in the year 1820. This is called the '' First Tariff of Protection." The year after its passage Mr. Calhoun left the House of Representatives, and assumed the duties of the War Depart- ment, under President Monroe ; a post which he filled with distin- guished ability, until he was elected Vice President of the United States, (1825). When the year 1820 rolled round, the capitalists en- gaged in manufactures, having enjoyed the benefits of protection for a season, were loath to relinquish them. So far from being willing to svibmit to a reduction of duties, as was contemplated by the Act of 1816, they arranged a plan to have them increased, and to establish per- manently the policy of Protection. Mr. Lowndes soon perceived the tendency of their scheme to monopoly, the unfavorable effect its opera- tion would have upon the Southern planting interest, and the conflict of the design with the spirit of the Constitution. He at once took a decided stand against it; as, in all pi'obability, his former colleague would have done, had he retained his seat in the House. Grreatly encouraged by success in this instance, the manufacturers prepared to carry their design still further. The value of the monopoly allston's eulogy. 141 gained for the system rapid popularity : now called " The xlmerican System ;" it acquired proselytes wherever was to be found a water privilege for motive power in the Northern and Eastern States. By ingeniously connecting it with a splendid system of Internal Improve- ments, under the authority of the General Government, the material support of the Western Representatives was obtained, and thus a per- manent majority in favor of a high tariff was secured in both Houses. lu the years 1824, 1828, and 1832, successively, the duties were raised higher, and the tax on Commerce and Agriculture became more onerous and oppressive, until under the iniquitous feature of " minimum valuations," the duty on several articles of foreign commerce and general consumption, amounted almost to prohibition ; swelling enormously the great profits of the manufacturer, and increasing the distance, already great, between the Northern capitalist and laborer. Against these encroachments on the rights of one section of the Union, by the interested majorities of another, against this repeated abuse of power, unconstitutional, oppressive, and unjust, several of the Southern States remonstrated, but in vain. On the Journals of the United States' Senate, after the passage of the Tariff Act of 1828, the Legislatui-e of the State caused to be entered an able document in which for several reasons therein given, they do, in the name and on behalf of the good people of the Commonwealth, " solemnly protest against the system of protecting duties, lately adopted by the Federal Government." After the passage of the Tariff Act of 1832 by Congress, in defiance and disregard of the most respectful remonstrance and this formal pro- test, a Convention of the People of South Carolina, assembled in due form, at Columbia, and declared the said Acts of 1828 and 1832, to be unconstitutional, void, and not '^ binding upon this State, its officers or citizens." In adventuring on so bold an act as this, nothing that was due to our co-partners in the Union was overlooked, or left undone by the Con- vention. Addresses were published, severally, to the people of this State, and to the people of the United States, breathing sentiments of devoted patriotism ; justifying their ordinance by that very patriotism, by calm and cogent reasoning, and by their regard for principle and for duty. This act of the State, in her Sovereign capacity, incurred for her the deep displeasure of the Federal Government, then under the adminis- tration of the Hero of New Orleans — the most energetic, and far the most popular President of the present century. Threats of coercion were freely rumored at the Capitol. The Army and Navy were held 142 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. up as in terroi'. Good meu there stood aghast at the temerity of the little State, in thus braving singly and alone, the unjust Government ; which many of them deemed unrestricted as well as supreme. Con- strained to yield their admiration to the spirit of lier citizens, they tremV)led for the fate of the gallant State. It was indeed a moment of anxious suspense, of fearful, noiseless excitement. Under the ban of the Union, her public men denounced, together with all who gave them countenance ; unsustained, apparently, beyond the limits of her own territory,* relying upon a good cause, and her own resources, our honored Mother calmly marshalled those resources, gathered her children to her side, and piously invoked the justice of overruling Heaven ! Such was the aspect of our affairs when Mr. Calhoun next became an active member of Congress, to encounter, with his colleagues, almost alone, the flushed champions of the Restrictive System. The spectacle was sublime I The example is priceless ! Descending from the chair of the Senate, which be had long filled with so mucli ability, impartiality, and dignity, he resigned (1832) the second office in tlie gift of the United States, took his seat on the floor as a Senator from his native State, to vindicate her principles, justify her conduct, and plead the cause of a violated Constitution — to stand or fall with South Carolina. The important and impressive debate of that day will be referred to by statesmen of aftertimes with deep interest and with much instruc- tion. It will be admitted that his powerful arguments, full mind, and sincere convictions, produced a decided effect, in opening the eyes of many to the true reading of the Constitution, to the expediency and policy of Free Trade, and to tbe more than dangerous usurpation of the Force Bill. The same Congress, at its second Session repealed the odious acts complained of, by enacting a new law called the Compromise Tariff, (2d Marcb, 1833,) by the terms of which the duties were to be reduced gradually during a space of ten years. By this act, quiet was restored to the country, which flourished greatly under its operation — the doctrine of free trade, and the principles of political economy, having acquired many substantial friends from the preceding instructive and able dis- cussion. The act of 1838 was brought about by the influence of Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, a name and an influence which is associated with * Citizens who Avere high in authority at that time, could testify that men and means were tendered by patriotic individuals out of the State, to be placed at her service in case the Government should attempt to coerce her. allston's eulogy. 143 the most interesting events in American history during the present century. The wise feature in it by which the imposts, instead of being suddenly reduced, were to be modified by gentle gradations, covering a term of years, is due, as I understood, to Mr. Calhoun. Scarcely could a greater proof have been given at the time of the enlarged views, the high principle, and considerate wisdom of this eminent statesman. Knowing the importance of stability as a feature in the laws regulating trade, he preferred this gradual reduction to a sudden one, which would have given a shock to business, proved disastrous to many innocent persons, and which perhaps might have had the effect to renew the contest. A similar proof w^as afforded by his course, when the charter of the United States' Bank was under discussion. He was opposed to re- chartering the Bank, but was for carrying into effect the opposition considerately. Regarding the welfare of the country, and the nature of such institutions, he was in favor of extending the charter for twelve years, in order to afford the Bank abundant time to close its affairs, without pressing its numerous debtors to insolvency and ruin. Indeed, no discussion on any leading question occurred during Mr. Calhoun's continuance in the Senate, which did not receive the im- press of his master mind. As when treating a subject, he viewed it well in all its bearings, so he viewed his public duty. If, on surveying the field of duty, his judgment pointed out a particular path, he would press forward in the direction of that path Avith all the ardor of his nature ; seldom stopping short of attaining his end — and there was no such thing practicable as leading him astray by any collateral issue. It was not in the power of flattery, or sarcasm, or invective, to divert him from his steady aim — and that aim, however sectional he may have seemed at the moment, was never inconsistent with the good of his whole country — the prosperity, improvement, and happiness of America — nor with the welftire of mankind. In discussing the currency question, under Mr. Van Buren's adminis- tration ; the Ashburton treaty, under Mr. Tyler's j* and the boundary of Oregon territory, under Mr. Polk's : his reasoning was equally com- prehensive and liberal, and his conclusions just. Whether he urged immediate action, or " masterly inactivity," his counsel prevailed. * By this treaty, the dispute with Great Britain about the North-Easteru Boundary was settled. Containing, as it did, some features objectionable to Lim, Mr. C.\lhoun'.s prompt support aided materially in ratifying it. The North-Eastern Boundary is the boundary in fact of the State of Maine. Pending the negotiation, tke representatives of South Carolina unhesitatingly voted to invest the Executive with extraordinary powers to defend it in case of need. 144 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. Peace was confirmed ; Commerce expanded ; Agriculture prospered ; Manufactures flourished. America owes his memory a deep debt of gratitude. The first step towards its liquidation may be taken by doing the simple justice which, in his public capacity, he demanded with his last breath ! Justice to the South — to the Constitution — to the Union. It is well known what a chief part Mr. Calhoun took in the annexa- tion of Texas, now a shining star in the American Constellation, and comprising within her limits, territory sufficient, with variety of soil and climate to constitute four more States. The successful agency which he had in that afi'air, proved to the world how valuable to the statesman, and to his country, in the field of diplomacy, as well as legislation, were the singular qualities of heart and mind, the pure morals, the simple manners of our lamented countryman. It is known, too, that he was not an advocate of the war with Mexico. He deemed it impolitic, not only upon general principles, but he fore- saw the domestic controversy to which the acquisition of territory, a necessary consequence of the war, would give rise; he foresaw, too, with anxious apprehension, that the spirit of conquest, always aggressive, and ultimately fatal to a Republican Government, might be engendered and fostered among the people, by the success of the Federal arms ; and when they were worse engaged, he alwaj^s contributed by thought, word, and deed, to their success. Unhappily, the Mexicans themselves rendered the war inevitable. The American troops exhibited their usual prowess, under every disad- vantage. They conquered in every field. Territory of immense extent and mineral value has been acquired. The domestic controversy has resulted, and is shaking to the foundation that noble political structure, the Federal Union. This unhappy controversy, for which we are in no wise responsible, is founded on the aggressive claim of the States North of Mason and Dixon's line, to the whole of the acquired territory ; and the resistance opposed to such claim by the States South of the said line, as oppressive, unjust, and inconsistent with the faith and the bond of the Federal Union. They allege that their object is, by means of the General Government to prevent the extension of our domestic system. "Wc contend for non-intervention ; that the General Government has no power to legislate thus partially, invidiously, oppressively ; and insist upon the right of pi'operty ; the individual right to emigrate with our social institutions, and upon our rights as States, under the Constitution of the Union. They, arrogating to themselves superior purity and allston's eulogy. 145 patriotism, are for usurping tlie powers of the Union from out the Con- stitution, and consolidating- them, in the keeping of the tender con- sciences of a ruling majority of Congress — that majority being made up of their own representatives. AVe, on the other hand, avow, and will maintain for the Southern States, their " E(|uality, or Independence." In treating this controversy, in striving to prepare the way for a satisfactory, equitable, and permanent adjustment of it, Mr. Calhoun has devoted tlie latest moments of his valued existence, has exhausted the last energies of his nature. Who can forget the impression of his last great effort. The clearness and simple truthfulness of its statements — the calm philosophy of its reasoning — the elevation and dignity of its sentiment — the aspiration for united counsels — the demand for justice — the love of country which pervades the whole — the decision and firm- ness of its conclusion. The better to understand and appreciate him now, I deem it proper to recall some of the opinions relating to Government and the Federal Union, which he was known to have entertained when Vice President of the United States, and Avhich are destined to become maxims for the Republican. "That irresponsible power is inconsistent with liberty, and must corrupt those who exercise it." The two greatest dangers to our system of government, are the abuse of delegated power, and the tyranny of the greater over the lesser in- terests of society. To guard against the former, rulers must be con- trolled by constituents through elections. To guard against the latter, the Constitution must provide the necessary checks. "No Government, based on the naked principle, that the majority ought to govern, however true the maxim in its proper sense, and under proper restrictions, ever preserved its liberty, even for a single generation." An unchecked majority is a despotism. It is the purpose of a Con- stitution to impose limitations and checks upon the majority. The several sections of our country have a diversity of interests, dis- tinct and separate — each is to be duly cared for by the local govern, ment of the States. To a certain extent, we have a community of intei-est — this can be provided for only by concentrating the will and authority of the whole in one General Government, supreme in its legi- timate sphere. To draw the line between the General and State Governments: The powers of the General Government are particularly enumerated and specifically delegated; all others are reserved to the States and the 10 146 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. people. The former are intended to act uniforirdy on all the constituent parts, the latter can only operate within the limits of the State, or they may be granted by amendment of the Constitution. Our system consists of two distinct Sovereignties : 1st. The original Sovereignty of the several States, which in their separate political character, created the Federal Government. 2d. The ultimate Sovereignty — the majority of three-fourths of the States, by which alone the Constitution may be amended or changed. Congress and the Departments are but the creatures of the Constitu- tion, appointed to execute its provisions — and any attempt on the part of all or either of them, to exercise definitely any power, which in effect would alter the nature of the instrument, or change the condition of the parties to it, would be an act of the highest political usurpation. These were among his sentiments. His efforts were always directed to the preservation of the Union, not its dissolution. He never did contemplate a separation of the States until the last — perhaps the sad, the ungrateful experience of his latter days may have compelled him to dwell on the painful alternative. Even then, it was evident, such moments were unwelcome to him. His last words uttered in the Senate of the United States, indicate a strong desire on his part, to see amended the Constitution, to perpetuate the Union, as ftir as it was in his power to aid in doing so, in justice and harmony. How deeply interesting are the incidents of his last attendance, of few days, at the Capitol. How absorbing the interest Avhich he felt, the desire he expressed for united counsels among the Southern States, for the sake of the Union, if it could be saved — for their own sakes, if it could not. Behold the sage, the intrepid patriot! wasted by disease, consumed with intense reflection, and burning, prophetic thought; foreseeing evil to his loved country, and laboring to prevent it, even by the sacrifice of his life, if that would avail ; he comes from a bed of languishing, before the American Senate, to utter, aided by a friendly hand, a friendly voice, the singular wisdom of his native genius — the rich stores of a pent up, towering mind — the last solemn warning of an approved friend to his country, about to die in her service. A beacon light, which illuminated and cheered our pathway, is extin- guished — burning bright to the last, even after speech was denied to the physical man. But the light of his truth, and heaven-born genius is left, to point out to our young men the path of public virtue, and usefulness and honor. His soul exists still — exalted, I trust, through allston's eulogy. 147 the grace of God, to that sublime sphere for which his pious convictions of future accountability, and his pure life in the midst of engrossing public duties, had prepared him. The gain is his — the loss all ours. It becomes us, nevertheless, to be resigned. God is good, "His ways are past finding out;" but they are always wise, and merciful and just. "He doth not willingly afflict, or grieve the children of men." And nothing is permitted to happen under the sun, without a purpose. Let us consider. Perhaps his admiring countrymen, the citizens of this State, relying too much upon the soaring genius, the pre-eminent abilities of Mr. Calhoun, may have omitted, or neglected, the less obvious, but practically important duty of their individual parts. Perhaps; but it becomes me not to pursue this train of thought. Profit- ing by lessons of the past, let each citizen look to the responsibility of his own part, in the portentous present — and as he loves his country, as he values his birth-right and his children's, let him see that he perform that part, however humble, however exalted, faithfully and well. Mr. Calhoun was one of those extraordinai-y men, who live beyond the age in the service of which they are actively engaged, and by which, too often, they are not duly appreciated. His teachers were experience, observation, reflection. Dwelling, habitually, on the nature of his high duties and responsibilities, and aided by his remarkable gifts — penetration into the character and designs of men, generalization of ideas and arguments, and accurate, rapid deduction, he often foresaw, and announced coming events, long before they were dreamed of by those around him. It will not excite our wonder, therefore, to remember that frequently he was not under- stood by those with whom he counseled, or with whom he acted — -that sometimes he was misconstrued and misrepi*esented. The wonder might be rather, that he was not deterred from pursuing his patriotic course — that his generous and firm nature never suffered itself to relax its unap- preciated labors in the public service. Yet he was no visionary. He cultivated early and long the habit of thinking justly. He frankly, and in the simplest language, gave utterance to his thoughts. Time, and his own fruitful services will prove that his mind more nearly re- sembled in its character, the prophetic, than the visionary. Generous Spirit ! the world will yet do justice to that lofty soul, that unselfish devotion, that sincere and bold heart, which animated your attenuated frame ! Young Carolina, roused by the example of your life — your death, will send forth her hundreds of men, touched by the influence of the mantle which you have worn — each vieiug to be fore- 148 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. most, most courageous, most lionest in the patli of duty, and striving to approach that eminence of usefulness and virtue, which it vs'as your rare fortune early to have attained, and so long to have occupied ! Impartial history will decide that next to George Washington, no American has lived, who, in a long course of trying public service, and on every occasion, has so fully justified the confidence and expectation of the public whom he served. None, whose blameless and eventful, though peaceful career will reflect more true glory on the American name than John Caldwell Calhoun. Daughters of Carolina ! weep not for him now, but point your children to his illustrious example, closing a long life of public usefulness, and honor without a blemish. Foi'get not the power, the privilege, the re- sponsibility of woman's mission — not only gentle, benevolent and refining, but active, chastening, elevating. Remember, Washington was reared by a tender, pious mother, whose principles, pure as the sea-breeze and stable as the hills, formed as firm a foundation for his now venerated character, as does the mountain base of granite, for its lofty and majestic crest. Remember, that Calhoun, too, was reared by an exemplary pious mother, whose fortitude and love of truth, whose high integrity and self-reliant virtue impressed him deeply from his earliest boyhood. She thought no more of him than you do of that cherished boy, now look- ing up to you for virtuous example as well as precept. You know not but the destiny of States, the happiness of millions may, in the order of Providence, depend on the due exertion of his ripe manhood. Oh ! rest not until you have imparted to him a love of truth, justice, and benevolence; rest not till you have taught him to practice self-denial, self-control, and all the sublime precepts of the Gospel. You will thus have prepared him to digest the knowledge of the schools, and apply it to his country's service. You will thus have trained him, like our immortal countryman, to achieve that highest moral triumph — the mastery of mind over matter. COIT'S EULOGY. Eulogy on the Life, Character and Public Services of the lion. John C. Cal- houn, pronounced by appointment, befoi'c the citizens of Cheraw and its vicinity, on Wednesday, April 24, 1850, by the Rev. J. C. Coit. Published by the Town Council of Cheraw. Fellow Citizens : There are few that die who do not leave some behind to mourn. Natural affection, usefulness, dependence, or some other of the cords that bind the heart of man to man, are broken. Wo are not long in this world before we suflPer, or learn to sympathize with those who weep under this kind of bereavement. Beside this, there are public demonstrations of respect usual, when men die high in station, and where the tribute is often rather to the office, than to the character of the dead. But we have come together not only to mourn for the loss of a ''friend, a countryman, a lover;" but also, moved by higher impulses, to render honor to the memory of him to whom honor is due. In attempting to direct your attention to those principles which lie at the foundation of our political institutions, to the study and vindica- tion of which Mr. Calhoun (in the love of his soul for truth and country) devoted his youth, manhood, and old age; and in support of W'hich he died; standing, as I do, by j^our own appointment, to speak of his fame; I may, in justice, ask of your candor and forbearance, a favorable construction, should any sentiment be uttered off'ensive to the opinions of any one of you; especially, (I speak among mine own peo- ple,) when none in former days presented a more fatal opposition, (1 speak of the stake of mine own life,) to Mr. Calhoun's fundamental policy than your orator ; and when now, having for a long time been Mr. Calhoun's political disciple, I am to speak in his praise. Did I not firmly believe, (a faith obtained after many struggles, and over many and strong prejudices,) did I not firmly believe that as a political prophet, he has been a great light to the people; and that his positions are rooted in facts and truths, in justice, equity and freedom, I could never have consented to occupy this honorable place which your favor lias this day assigned me. 150 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. I believe his political principles to be true. I believe them to be fundamental, I believe them to be vital to the constitution and union of this country. I believe more ; I hold them to be the political bul- warks of our religious liberties and the pillars of a government of truth, justice, equity and law. Mr. Calhoun was born in vVbbeville District, and remained until he was about thirteen years of age with his parents on the farm. Their intelligence, conversation, example, piety and discipline, (without the help of tutors or many books,) had trained and educated him up to that period; when he left home for the school. At school he evinced great activity, energy and capacity of understanding ; an unusual thirst for learning ; and a special fondness for history. His application was so unremitting and intense that his health was soon impaired ; and he was obliged to return to his mother, with whom he remained until he was about eighteen years of age, when he again left home for the academy, resolved to pursue as extensive a course of literary and scientific study, as the institutions of our country at that day afforded. He commenced the Latin Grammar, and in two years, he entered the Junior class at Yale College. At College he was marked for independence of mind, purity of morals, fondness for debate, power in reasoning, and for a clear comprehension of the elementary principles of ethics, politics and law, and for a singular enthusiasm in those studies. At Commencement his theme was significant of his youthful aspirations. ''What are the qual- ifications for a perfect statesman :"' On leaving college, he immediately commenced the study of the law; and in about two years, the practice of that profession. He was soon elected to represent his District in the State Legislature; and continued in the practice of the law, and in the Legislature, about four years. He left a reputation at the bar, highly honorable to his personal and professional character ; and while in the Legislature of his own State, stamped the traces of his image on the Statute book, to tell that he had been there, and that he had been there for good. In 1811 he was returned for Congress. The condition of the civilized world at that juncture was appalling in the extreme. The moral and political maxims of the French revolution, as to the dignity of human nature, ''the rights of man," liberty and equality, had run their course through France; convulsed and overthrown the kingdom; fused the social elements into a burning and devouring lake of fire, and melted the foundation of the pillars that had supported all the governments of Christendom. From out of that lake of fire had arisen that awful form X)f brass and iron, whose dominion was over all Continental Europe, coit's eulogy. 151 (save the frozen North,) and who, at that moment, was contending witli Great Britain for the empire of the whole world. Far removed from the arena of conflictino- armies, our country was apparently at peace. But the minds of our countrymen were tossed and driven about by the warring winds of opposite moral and political opin- ions; and their spirits were as chaff prepared for the fire. The country was divided into two great political parties. The one, if not sympathiz- ing with Napoleon, yet with his enmity to Great Britain ; and regard- ing his mission as the cause of liberty and the people, against hereditary artistocracies, kingdoms, empires and despotisms, heartily wished well to his star; rejoiced in his triumphs, and echoed back across the Atlantic the shouts of his victories. The other party regarding him as the scourge of God upon the nations; and looking upon Great Britain as the only earthly bulwark for the salvation of the world from the heel of this inodern Attila; trembled at every rumor of his success; for they regarded him as the incarnation of enmity to truth, virtue, liberty, and religion. Most of our countrymen were at that day upon the Atlantic slope ; and though young, we were an important maritime people, our vessels navigating every sea; extensively engaged in neutral commerce with all the world at war. And it was at this moment we were in danger of becoming the prey and the spoil of all other nations. The effect of the mutual policy of British and French diplomacy, (as evinced by the Berlin and Milan decrees, and the orders in council,) was to seize our vessels, and insult, impress, or imprison our people. The thunder of our cannon had never been heard abroad amone; the nations of the earth ; and our flag carried upon the wind no spell of terror or respect; and imposed no awe in foreign parts, to check the contempt, rudeness, injustice and violence, that among barbarous people at all times, and among civilized nations in times of trouble and war, devour the property and people of a nation so tame and so weak that there is no fear of the thunderbolt of retribution. Such was the condition of the world abroad and at home, when Mr. Calhoun first stood before the American people, as one of their rulers in the House of Representatives from South Carolina. Mr. Jefferson's policy to meet the exigencies of the times, had been the defence of the turtle. lie wished to keep our people and property at home, within our own shell. It was the non-intercourse, the embargo, the gun-boat system. If he could, he would have made the waves of the Atlantic, flames of fire. He would have cut off his country and people from all intercourse Avith the old continent. Tt was the weakness 152 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. of his administration that he endeavored to do so. Mr. Jeiferson's mind was profoundly philosophic ; yet had a vicious taint of idolatry, for his own idealisms and theories. Mr. Calhoun, who bowed with reverence to the sacred supremacy of truth, justice, and honor, in dealing with men and nations, in the high concerns of international coi*respondence, polities and law, considered well the nature of the clay in his hands. He knew he was not a crea- tor, but a potter; he therefore dealt with men and human affairs as they actually were; and not like Mr. Jefferson, as tiiough they were what his philosophy taught him they ought to be. Herein differed (as I con- ceive,) these eminent statesmen. Mr. Calhoun received truths and facts as realities; and acting on them, the works of his hands stand when the winds and the storms come. Mr. Jefferson's foundation stones were too often the phantoms of his own imagination ; and there- fore the base of his works in places has caved in. Mr. Calhoun immediately took (what has always been characteristic of the man) an independent position in Congress. He never descended to be the leader of a party; and was always too high toned in honor, truth and virtue to bear the yoke. He denounced the non-intercourse system as tame and unmanly; as ruinous to the character of our country abroad, to the prosperity of our people at home ; and as palsying to their self-respect, and to a high spirit of national independence. As a people we had no fame abroad; and no marked character at home. Yet in the cradle 3Ir. Calhoun's sagacity discerned the bone, the muscle, the foot and the head, of the infant Hercules. The babe was not conscious of its powers, or its destiny; but it devolved on those whom Providence had placed as tutors and governors of this child of promise, to awake him from his terrific dreams, and sleeping convulsions; and Mr. Cal- houn was the man who blew the trumpet, put the lad on his feet, and the club in his hands. In the first speech he made for his whole country "his voice was raised for war." There are in our day dreamers, as there were in the days of Mr. Jef- ferson, who dream that wars are wrong ; though their dreams come from a different kind of imagination. Some now hold that war is in itself a moral evil ; and that any degree of insult, injustice and oppres- sion should be passively borne, rather than resort to the terrible ordeal of arms. I believe that among serious persons, this persuasion cometh from a confusion in their minds of the divine and human governments. The nature of these dominions is different and antagonistic. The one is purely spiritual; its subjects the spirits and spiritual powers, the minds coit's eulogy. 158 and the hearts, the thoughts, affections and passions of individual men. In this kingdom, where the spirit of the Lord reigns by the sceptre of his word over the soul, there love to God and man, and all the Christian graces, flourish; and all envy, wrath, malice, resentment, contentions and personal fightings among the subjects of this kingdom, are incon- sistent with its dominion. Here man has personally no rights; and his liberty consists in having an eye to see, an ear to hear, and a heart to understand and obey the word of the Lord. It is the kingdom of faith and patience, of passive, unresisting, meek obedience to the word and the providence of God. Here is a communion, through the Mediator, of Ci'eator and creature, Redeemer and redeemed, Sanctifier and sane, tified, sinner and Saviour, father and child. This is the kingdom of heaven; and though in this world is not rj/this world; and where this dominion is set up and reigns in the heart, there can be personally be- tween its subjects nothing but mutual love; fightings and wars between them are excluded. Jesus answered Pilate, "my kingdom is not of this world; if my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight, that I should not be delivered to the Jews." Here our Master intimates that it is characteristic of the kingdoms of this world that their subjects or citizens wi7/ fight, to save their king or sovereignty from captivity. And it was a doctrine held profoundly by Mr. Calhoun, that no earthly kingdom or State can maintain its proper rights of sovereignty, without there be in those to whom the sovereignty belongs, an understanding to know, a vii'tue to appreciate, and a spirit to maintain this royal prerogative, if need be by the sword. The imperial or crown rights of a State, or of her people, involve the high moral obligation to protect the lives, the property, and honor of the subject or citizen. Mr. Calhoun was appointed one of the rulers of the State or kingdom of this world. In these kingdoms, falsehood, violence, and rapacity reign among the people and among the nations : and his country was about to be made a prey and a spoil for them all. There are two forms of human government that have the Divine. sanction ; (the only true basis of moral right for the dominion of man over man,) and these two governments are the civil and domestic. The domestic government is recognized and sanctioned j,by the word of the Lord, where the father and master bears rule over the subjects in the house, especially over children and servants. Tlie temporal sanction of this law is the rod of correction. In the hands of the civil ruler of a people God hath put the sword ; not a dove, the emblem of meekness and love ; but a s^ioord, as a " terror to evil-doers, and a praise to them who do well." The State is not a benevolent society, on a r'harita])Io 154 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. foundation ; but the fundamental institute among men, for human JUSTICE. For tlie right and lawful use of this sword they who havo proper sovereign rights in kStates, arc responsible to no human tribunal, but to God only. When we consider the condition of the world in arms, our own countrymen divided in sympathies with the combatants; a large part of the Jeffcrsonian democracy for a sort of passive neutrality and non- resistance ; nearly one-half the nation opposed to war ; some few for a war with both England and France ; the dissensions and violent factions among our people ; the country without an army or navy of any ade- quate moment ', without munitions of war ; without pecuniary resources; if we ponder upon these things, and look at the young Calhoun with all the confidence that a conviction of the truth, justice, and honor of his cause could inspire ; with a zeal kindled by a supreme love of his country ; and with an unwavering reliance upon a righteous providence ; calmly beholding and scanning all the difficulties and dangers that stared them in the face; urging an instant resort to arms ; if we note the formidable power of the Federal party, and the terrible opposition of John Randolph, (^who had then been ten years in Congress) ; if we attend to all these things, and to the agency of Mr. Calhoun in pro- curing the declaration of war ; and then note the trials of that war which followed his movement ; we may understand the force of the expression of Mr. Dallas, that the young Carolinian was the Hercules who took the burden of the war on his own shoulders, and carried it triumphantly through to a glorious peace. During the war, Mr. Calhoun was chairman of the committee of Foreign Relations ; and upon him was imposed the duty to conceive the plans, and report the bills, for sustaining and carrying on the war ; and notwithstanding the unceasing and violent encounters with a most for- midable opposition in Congress, the tumults in the country, and the innumerable difficulties that encompassed his daily path ; yet he was always found equal to the day; calm, great, confident, unwavering — not in self-confidence, but reposing upon the truth, righteousness, honor, and independence of his cause ; upon the virtue, patriotism, and spirit of his countrymen ; and upon the favor of an overruling Providence ; he never, never fainted or despaired. He was not the man to " give up the ship." And now, fellow citizens, in all countries upon the face of the earth ; on every shore, in every sea, the flag of our country is for an ensign to the people, savage or civilized. It is a terror to evil-doers, and a praise to them who do well. It carries upon the wind the charm of a solid coit's eulogy. 155 protection, like a fortress of stone and cannon of iron ; it is a sure de- fence for tlic persons and the property of all who are found under the shadow of its ample and glorious folds. We hear no more of the im- pressment of our seamen, the confiscation of our property, or of insults and injuries inflicted upon our countrymen abroad. Mr. Calhoun's character as a statesman was first exhibited in the principles which he advocated, and on which he relied in the declara- tion and conduct of that war. National independence, prompt resent- ment for injuries inflicted upon the persons, liberties, or property of our citizens; an unwavering confidence in the cause of his country, because it was the cause of righteousness, truth, liberty and honor. He fully understood the lawful function of the sword of Caesar; and that every nation or State that would have their rights respected, and who would maintain their liberties and independence, must be ready (if all other means fail) to maintain them by military power. From that day to the day of his death, he has manifested his faith in this last appeal, as the sure defence of those rights of the State that are properly sovereign, against the usurpations of an overshadowing central empire. He firmly believed that the constitution and the nature of our federal government admitted of a peaceful mode of redress for these usurpations; but if that remedy failed, or was denied, and the federal government attempted to enforce their usurpations by military power; he hesitated not about the duty of a State to resist by the sword — even under circumstances the most gloomy and appalling. If Congress present to a sovereign State the dilemma of "slavery or death," he did not hesitate "which of the two to choose." He knew well that such is the nature of man, and the instincts of all human governments, that the more powerful in an intimate federal alliance, will, by a law, as constant in its operation as the law of gravitation, the more powerful will, gradually, overshadow and absorb the sovereignty of the weaker. Hence he believed that under our federal system an incessant vigilance, a sleepless jealousy, and a promptness of re.sent- ment on the part of the United States, (in every attempt at federal en- croachment) manifesting a knowledge of their rights, and a spirit wil- ling to make all sacrifices necessary to maintain them, was the only mode in which the inestimable blessings of our political constitution and federal union could be maintained, and handed down unimpaired to posterity. And I know no lesson wc can learn from his history more useful to our country, and more honorable to his memory, than to culti- vate in our own minds, and infuse into the spirits of our children, a sacred regard to the supreme law of the land, the federal constitution — 150 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. a reverence for and prompt obedience to that which is law, political and civil — and a firm and conscientious purpose of mind to resist, even unto death, at the call of the sovereign voice of the State, the reign over us of Congressional usurpation venality and injustice — a dominion that never can reign over the spirits of living men until it has first written upon their foreheads the names of the moral vices within — dis- honor, degradation, cowardice and infamy. When the question is simply one of submission or resistance to a dominion over us, which has no moral, civil, or political right; to a sheer usurpation, a naked exercise of mere arbitrary and physical power; though it may be clothed in forms of law; a free and a spirited people can never halt to choose. And freemen who have counted the cost of maintaining Federal or State sovereignty and independence, and know that in the last analysis, their bodies are its only bulwarks, and their own lives the stake, cannot forget who those prudent friends are, that, to rivet the yoke of oppression upon the neck of the weak, exhaust their eloquence in expatiating upon the horrors of war and the tremendous consequences of resistance to superior power. Such are the usual topics of persuasion and argument in the rhetoric and logic of tyrants and usurpers. But did they avail before the days of the revolution ? did they avail in the second war for our Federal Indepen- dence, the war with Britain of 1812 ? did they prevail in the days of nullification? "The race is not always to the swift nor the battle to the strong." There is a righteous Providence that overrules the affairs of men ; and the moral strength of a cause is worth more than legions of mercenaries. It was not an actual or oppressive infringement upon the personal liberties or the private property of the colonists that caused the war of the revolution. But a declaration put on record, that the Parliament had a right to tax the colonies. Our fathers re- garded this as a denial to them of the equal constitutional rights of Englishmen ; and as a political degradation. They therefore blew the trumpet and girded on the sword. The cause of the colonies was really the cause of British freedom. Who can forget the noble and indignant reply of Lord Chatham to George Grenville ? " I ask when were the colonics emancipated?" "and I desire to know," said Chatham, "when were they made slaves ?" The cause of America was nobly vindicated in the houses of Lords and Commons in Parliament. And we, my friends, if we shall ever be driven by federal usurpation, injustice and violence to stand to our arms in defence of the constitvition of our common country, and the sovereign rights of the States, shall have in our behalf the hearty sympathies and eloquence of all the Chathams in coit's eulogy. 157 the North, and in the East, and in the West; the .swords of their La- fayettes will be drawn in the ranks of our volunteers; and Ave shall have the military aid of ijome at least of our sister States. The cause uf State rights and State sovereignty will never be a desperate cause 'till the seed of revolutionary heroes is extinct in our land. Doubtless in all approaches to a iinal arbiter of a nation's indepen- dence, the horrors and calamities of war, more or less, distress the uiinds of all men. Some are greatly agitated and desponding; and there is always to be encountered a high-souled opposition more or less powerful; as brave, as patriotic, as wise as those who call for arms; and who yet do not see how the exigencies of public affairs can justify war. At such times also is to be heard "the bleating of the sheep and the lowing of the oxen," the expostulations and cries of those who are by nature timid and unresisting, and of those who are born to wear the yoke. But the body of the people, intelligent, self-sacrificing, and patriotic, with a deep and calm conviction of the moral necessity, the duty of war, look at the worst possible issue. To kill the body is all the mighty can do, and whether to save that it be right and comely to bow the neck to the yoke of the oppressor, to leave their children an inheritance of national degradation and vassalage, is an issue that every conscientious and honorable man may at times be forced to make. We have adverted to the principles upon which Mr. Calhoun justi- fied an appeal to arms in 1812, in defence of our whole country; we have glanced at the issues of that war. At its close, Mr. Calhoun stood a prominent pillar before his countrymen and before the world — the master spirit in Congress. The condition of all the affairs of the country was then depressed almost to the point of ruin. The currency was rotten, the circulating medium varying from five to thirty per cent discount. Commerce anni- hilated. Manufactures on the brink of bankruptcy. The revenue not adapted to the new condition of affairs. The army and navy demand- ing instant attention. At this juncture, Mr. Calhoun was put at the head of the committee on the currency. In a report sustained by his powerful reasoning and elocpxence he vindicated the policy at the time of a United States Bank. He carried his measure, and his policy tri- umphed over the diseases of the day. In 1817, he was called from Congress by Mr. ^lonroe to preside over the department of war; and in this office he manifested the highest order of talent in administration. AVhere he found darkness and chaos, he left light and order. He stamped the image of his own mind on the constitution and laws of that department. There are now clearness, 158 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. system, responsibility, promptness, enersy, economy in the evolutions and workings of the system — and so perfect and complete were his arrangements and rules, tho>^he ms&kinery of that department remains substantially as he left it, and moves on in harmony, fully adequate to all the exigencies of the country in peace or in war. He vindicated the policy of a small standing army, as more safe for a free people, yet organized on a plan that would admit of a quick expansion from 5 to 30,000 men. He ever maintained by his cxamj)le and influence, economy in the management of public affairs ; and yet was for a policy of liberal expenditure, that was for the good and welfare of all sections of the country. He was a fast friend of the IMilitary Academy at West Point; and his wisdom has been tested by the issues of the Mexican war. He was friendly to large expenditures, as becoming the dignity of the Federal Union, when measures of general and universal utility were proposed — such as the protection of commerce, and the public marine — ■ the improvement of harbors on the sea coast — and in outlays for light- houses, and fortifications for public defence against foreign enemies. In the department of Indian aff"airs he labored with patience, zeal, wisdom, and humanity, for the true welfare of the Aborigines. In 1824, he Avas a prominent man in the eyes of the people for the office of President. There were also other distinguished men. Jack- son, Crawford and Adams. Mr. Calhoun opposed the nomination of a candidate by a congressional caucus ; because he believed that the in- ouuibent President would have such an influence in a body so consti- tuted, that he would be able virtually to nominate his own successor — a power dangerous to the liberties of the country. Mr. Crawford re- ceived that nomination. The result was the election of Mr. iVdams as President, and Mr. Calhoun as Vice President. During the administration of Mr. Adams, a federal policy was avowed, and to a great extent adopted, which has been called ''the American System." It has met high favor with distinguished men — such as Mr. Adams, Mr. Clay, Mr. Webster, and others. It was based upon a liberal construction of the constitution, as to the powers of the federal government. Time forbids to examine the political philosophy of that system. We shall merely advert to some of its features, as they are intimately connected with a condition of public aff'airs, which that system produced, and in which Mr. Calhoun was called to act a con- spicuous part. The doctrine had become popular in certain sections, that whatever policy or measures the President and a majority of both Houses of Congress deemed to be for the general welfare of the people coit's eulogy. 150 of the United States (if not expi-essly forbidden by the letter of the constitution) the President and Congress had the constitutional power to adopt and pursue. Under some vaa;ue notions of his own ^dvcreian riohts, and of the powers of Congress ; and under the pressure of conscience of duty ; or an ambition to distinguish his administration ; the new President, in his messages to Congress, recommended and advocated enterprises, and works for public utility and eclat, upon a magnihcent and imperial scale. High tariffs, profuse expenditures for internal improvements, and a national bank, were the three sides of the triansle of the American system. Mr Calhoun perceived the monstrous iniquity and oppression that system would impose upon his section ; which was occupied by an agri- cultural people, exporting cotton, rice, and tobacco ; the produce given to foreigners in exchange for the bulk of all the imports upon which the tariffs were to be imposed. The benefits of the system were wholly appropriated to the sections east and west. It was not, therefore, for " the general welfare," (under the meaning of the constitution), but it was for sectional welfare. The high tariffs protected and fattened the immense manvifacturing interests of the east ; the large revenues which the tariffs produced, were wanted by the west to make roads, canals and other internal improver^ents for them. The South was for a spoil for both sections. The syiAem lasted long enough to prove that the west and east, by uniting on a policy for the common interests of both sec- tions (high tariffs) could fasten the burden on the country; and that the proceeds of the custom house would be permitted to cross the moun- tains, to fertilize the western wilderness. The tariff of 1828 is a monu- ment of this Congressional usurpation and injustice. Nearly the whole South were opposed to the tariff from a general conviction that it operated against the pecuniary interests and pros- perity of that section : there is an instinct in the minds of all sorts of people quick to discover such a tendency of legislation; "the ox knowetli his owner, and the ass his master's crib." But to resist the operation of laws, because of such effects, wher\? the warrant of the constitution gives validity to their enactments, is rebellion, and the oppression must be extreme to palliate the guilt of any kind of physical obstruction to their execution, and no degree of suffering could morally justify armed resistance that would not justify a fundamental revolution of the government. But 31r. Calhoun was the man who (with others) saw that the American system was a virtual abolition of the constitution itself; a 1(30 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. death-blow to the sovereign rights of the States, and a degradation of the Southern States into counties or pj-ovincial departments of the federal government. That a majority have the right to govern, became the popular cry, east and west, and of the national party everywhere ; and as that ma- jority was represented by the President, Senate, and House of llepre- sentutives in Congress, mere enactments of the federal government, ( when made without the authority of the constitution,) began to carry to the popular mind the obligations of civil and political law, and therefore of moral law. They likd the sanction of something majestic and imjierial about them ; and to call in question the legal or moral force of the federal edicts, seemed to very many of our people to have a taint of political impiety or of moral treason about it. In the mean- while the constitution itself, the immediate source of all the lawful power of Congress, was forgotten. Congressional legislation had made precedents, and precedents had made law, and such law had formed a veil which hid the constitution from the public eye ; and that veil had been well painted by the judicial decisions of the federal court. But Mr, Calhoun saw through that veil the majesty, the authority of the supreme political lawgivers ; he saw through that veil of our legal Moses, the sovereign rights and immunities of the States, the makers of the constitution, the creators and lawgivers of the federal government itself. He read in history and on the face of the constitution what was written : that this Union is a federal union of States, originally sovereign and independent ; that in and by the compact of union, (the federal consti- tution,) the States, each, gave freely (not surrendered) to the federal government a number of their sovereign powers ; and that all the rest of their inherent powers, they each respectively reserved to itself, its State government, and its own people. That the union is one of com- pact and mutual covenants ; that its foundations were the precious stones of truth, justice, equality, liberty, and honor. He perceived that the constitution must from its very nature (as a league among sovereign States) remain de Jure et per propria vigore, in its perfect symmetry and proportions, integrity, sanctity, and supremacy ; while there was among our people a regard to the faith of public covenants, or force in the sanctions of religion. That nothing can be added to it, nothing can be taken from it, but by its own force and virtue. No current of Congressional procedure or legislation, no line of decision by the supreme court. No heretical commentaries, no apostacies of its professed disciples. No expressions of the opinions of its founders, and none of all other men ; that nothing can politically, (we are not speaking coit's eulogy. 161 of its bearing on citizens as subjects of law,) that nothing can politically impair the supreme force, pre-eminent authority, and fundamental ob- ligations of that written compact and treaty^ the bond of the federal union. It was intended and is a refuge for the oppressed, a defence for the minority from the encroachments of the majority ; the strong, moral, and political fortress for the defence of the rights and sovereignty of the States and the people. If wc look to history and the constitution to learn the nature of uur federal government, our federal rights, liberties, and obligations, we shall see that they rest ultimately and fundamentally on compacts and covenants. To hccp t.cfaHh of these covenants, therefore, is the very life, truth, and bond of the federal union. The citizens of the States have two classes of rights. Federal and State r{ghts as riders; they also are under two kinds of oUhjatlon, as mbjeets of the Fedei-al and State government. This union was made for the preservation of the States, and not for their destruction. It was made for that welfare of the States which is general and common to them all, in opposition to that welfare which is local, sectional, geographical It was made for the welfare of the people of all the States, in things common to them all; the common or general wemire ; and not to promote the welfare of any favored sections. Before South Carolina entered the Union, she was a free, sovereign, and independent State; when she entered the Union it was notly compulsion. ^She (in common with the old thirteen) freely gave, and specifically, certain of her sovereign powers to the federal government. All the rest she reserved to herself. To the freemen of this State be- longed all her own citizens, subjects, and territory, all the royal and sovereign powers and prerogatives, that kings, emperors, or any other mere human rulers, ever rightfully had, or could have in civil and supreme political government and dominion. The citizens were kings and subjects, rulers and people, each sustaining in his own personal double character, that of ruler and that of subject. As rulers they were bound by the high obligations of morality and honor to help each other unto death, in maintaining their royal prerogatives and rights as sovereigns. Suppose the States, instead of having been republics, had been king- doms, and the kings, instead of the States, had made the federal consti- tution and government. Think you a king worthy of the office would have submitted to the decree of a coalition of the kings, which usurped his right to govern his own people ? or taxed them without warrant of constitutional law ? or deprived him of his title to the federal domain ? 11 « . 162 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. And if the same regal dominion and sovereignty is in citizen freemen themselves ; should they not be as jealous of their rights, honor, and independence, and as prompt to defend them as a king would have done ? If the most precious and honorable temporal inheritance is committed to the heirs themselves, surely if they are worthy of their birth-right they will not profanely sell it for a mess of pottage. If they are not capable of apprcciatiug the value of regal and sovereign prerogatives, they still need kings, or emperors, as tutors, governors, judges, and defenders ; and are as yet unht for the royal law of liberty. The rights and obligations of individuals as subjects of the general government, are the topics which have mainly engrossed the attention of the rulers and the courts of the federal union. Lawyers have studied the constitution mainly in its relations to the suljects of federal law. But statesmen like Mr. Calhoun have studied the history, genius, and principles of our federal system in reference to the rights of the States, and the people of the States as rulers ; the sovereign rights and moral and political duties of the makers of the constitution, the creators and lawgivers of Congress itself. Lawyers, by professional training, practice, and habits, are apt to take a purely legal view of the constitution ; and their reverence for precedents, their *' stare decisis," their habits of thought, reasoning, and juc'gment, veil from their eyes the truth and glory of the sovereign prerogatives which belong to the States and the people. In religion, a man of a legal spirit, who looks only to his personal re- lation to law as its subject, can never see the glory of the gospel which reveals the sovereignty, wisdom, justice, truth and mercy of the creator and lawgiver, in the person of the supreme Lord Himself, the son of man and the son of God. So in politics a man whose habits of mind are legal ; who ponders upon the subjects of law and their relations to it; cannot see the sovereignty, righteousness, and imperial dominion, which history and the constitution reveal to be in, and of right to belong to, the States, and the jjeoj^le of the States, as the lawful heirs of all the royal and imperial powers and prerogatives which king and parliament had over the colonies before the revolutionary war. We have had in the federal government, unfortunately, too many lawyers, and too much law, too many soldiers and too much military despotism, too few statesmen and political prophets like Mr. Calhoun, to preach the political gospel to the people, and to defend the perfect law of their sovereign liberties. The rights of the States can never be defended by federal or national parties. The past had proved that position to a demonstration. These coit's eulogy. 163 rights must be maintained by the States themselves, or their own people, where rights, honors, or liberties may be invaded by federal usurpation. If they do not understand or are not willing to maintain them, if need be, by the sword, they are unworthy of them; and their inheritance will be taken from them, and given to a people more worthy than they. Viewing matters in this light, Mr. Calhoun looked upon the Amer- ican System as a policy of sheer usurpation and plunder ; and upon all Congressional enactments made under its auspices, as without any war- rant of power from the federal constitution ; and as simply and abso- lutely void ; without any civil, political or moral validity ; not laws but impositions ; and that the virtue and patriotism of our citizens was manifested, in coming together in convention, and in declaring, in their royal and sovereign capacity, thcti(; truths, and in thus nullifying these pretended laws. I know it is said to bo the duty of the citizens to bow to the enact- ments of Congress, and (if their constitutional validity is questioned) to await the decision of the Supreme Court. This we admit to be true of the private citizen, and his affairs, as the suhjects of law. But we are speaking of the arm of a sovereign State, and of her citizens in conven- tion, in their capacity of sovereign rulers ; of tlieir riylit to stretch forth the arm of the State to defend her own sovereignty, which she has never granted to all Congress together, but which is usurped by a coa- lition of sectional majorities ; of the right of a State to he a State, and to defend her own people from the venality, rapacity and ambition of a ruling faction in the federal government. If there is any such attri- bute as sovereignty rightfully belonging to a State ; if there be one, a single right, in its nature sovereign ; then no other power on earth may lawfully dictate to her when and how to use it. If it be usurped or its free exercise obstructed, by the federal government (and it cannot be denied that such a thing may happen) and there be no constitutional mode for a peaceful redress, then the State has a sovereign right (re- sponsible for its exercise only to heaven) to draw the sword in her own defence; for to affirm that she has a right of an imperial sovereign nature, and no lawful mode by which to exercise such a high power, or to resist its infringement, is to deny the power itself. It is to put the State, in a matter in which she is admitted to have liberty, under the judges or governors, in that very thing wherein, if she bows to their authority, she must ipso facto renounce her own liberty. Col. Drayton, a member of the House of Representatives from South Carolina, moved in his place, to amend the preamble of the tariff law, so that it might tell the truth on its face ; he moved to declare in the 164 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. preamble the real objects of the law; that it was not merely to raise a revenue for the public service, (as it had been framed to read) a power all admit Congress have a right to exercise; but also to state that a substantive object of the enactment, was to protect domestic mamifac- titi-cs. His avowed object was to obtain the judgment of the Supreme Court, as a peaceful and constitutional arbiter, upon the question of the ri'ffht of Congress to pass such a law. But the sectional majority rejected his amendment, and thus refused the opponents of the measure the pro- tection of that Court, which was ordained by the constitution for that very end. That Court could not, in deciding upon the constitutionality of a law of the federal legislature, go out of the preamble for the motives and objects of the law. They were shut up to the record. Thus the same sectional majority that imposed their policy on the peojile barred the door of their access to the Supreme Court, bent (according to the universal instinct of power) upon having things their own chosen way ; and making their mere will and good pleasure stand for law to their fellow citizens. It was at this juncture that Mr. Calhoun threw himself, and his State went with him, and fell in the gap that had been made in the mountains of the constitution, to save it from ruin ; to preserve the federal Union ; to protect the people of this State from usurpation and robbery, and to maintain the cause of political liberty, and public justice, against the absolute domination of a sectional popular majority. And here it may be pertinent to pause, and consider the height and length and depth of the principles of political liberty and law involved in that conflict. Liberty, political and religious, is an honor, dignity and blessing, that all men are not capable of appreciating, enjoying and defending. It cannot be strictly a personal inheritance, because a certain degree of virtue, intelligence and heroism are necessary to comprehend its value, and keep it as a possession. The moral nature of man is so sensual, slothful and brutish, that a people in its bondage, where conscious wants are merely personal, sensual, and physical, are incapable of po- litical and religious liberty. Thus when the Lord stretched forth his arm to deliver Israel from the bondage of Pharoah, the people fainted under the moral and rational discipline that was necessary to qualify them for a national and civil liberty under the constitution and laws of Moses. Their very souls loathed and abhorred -a. llherty of lato ; that demanded self-denials and self-sacrifices. They longed for the yoke of Egypt again ; that after their daily tasks were done, they might sit down by the flesh pots, and indulge their personal ease and sensual pro- coit's eulogy. 165 pensities. It is so naturally with all people. None but an intelligent, virtuous and higli-spiritcd race, rightly value this treasure. Cornipt or selfish men, if they have a sensual or personal liberty, are on this point content. To offer them the gift of moral, religious or political liberty is like, "casting pearls before swine." They can see no more beauty or value in these treasures of the spirit, than a mule can discern of wis- dom in the proverbs of Solomon. And here we would remark, that the nature of the virtue and intelli- gence of which we speak, is the knowledge and right appreciation of the high concerns of law, morality and politics. A people may be able to read and write ; be skilled in the ornamental and useful arts, flourish in commerce and manufactures; abound in polite literature, be adorned with the refinements, and revel in the luxuries of wealth, and of the highest civilization, and yet in their political characters be as tame, obsequious, and servile, as the courtiers and poets, the artists, orators and historians who flourished in the palaces of Augustus; and not only may they be politically degraded, but morally and religiously they may be the "vilest, meanest, basest of mankind." Again. They take a very defective view of our Inheritance of civil, political and religious liberties, who regard them mainly as the trophies of our revolutionary war. To say nothing of the holy men of old, and prophets in Israel, and apostles to the nations, who by their examples teach us to die, if need be, in the defence of spiritual freedom, and to maintain a good confession. To say nothing of the galaxy of heroes, statesmen and martyrs of other lands, and former ages ; who have la- bored, suffered and died to win this crown of glory ! consider the sacri- fices made by our own ancestors in Church and State. A great sum did our fathers pay for these liberties, though we were free born* Magna charta, the bill of rights, the habeas corpus, the rebellion, the revolution in England, are epochs in British history marking the pro- gress of liberty in the State. And what treasures of experience and wisdom, truth and justice, have we inherited in the "common law," and " law of parliament" of England. In the Church, to go back no further than the epoch of the great reformation in the fifteenth century; mark the sacrifices and martyr- doms of the millions in Christendom, who to maintain the religious freedom of man from the dominion of man ; men and women (of whom this world is not worthy) choosing rather to die in the liberty of the gospel; "that they might obtain a better resurrection" than save their bodies alive by sacrificing that priceless jewel of the soul. In the State, the conflict has been between the claims of royal pre- 166 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. rogative, and the civil and political rights of the people. In the Church the struggle was mainly between the assumptions of the Hierarchy, of divine authority, to lord it over the consciences of men, and the natural, moral and religious duty and liberty, of every man in matters of con- science and religion ; to bow personally to the supreme authority of his Creator, Law-giver and Judge; free from restraint or responsibility to any mere creature or power under heaven; provided, in the use of this liberty he do not interfere with the equal duties and liberties of others, nor violate the civil laws in reference to civil things. In our political and religious liberties, we have a venerable and awful communion with all that was holy and noble in mankind that has passed away; and if not deaf to the voice of history, and dead to the most sacred impulses of the soul, we will not be insensible to the honor, the danger and the responsibility of keeping pure and unsullied, the spiritual and regal treasures of our birthright. The beauty and excellence of our political constitution consists mainly in this ; that it emancipates the Church from the bondage of the State (a condition of subjection in which the Protestant Churches of Europe are,) and it also emancipates the State and people from the bondage of the Church (a yoke which Roman Catholic countries have more or less to bear.) But happily the-good- ness of the Lord, in overruling the builders when laying the foundation of our civil, political, and religious liberties, has bequeathed to us a lib- erty from both yokes of bondage. The civil power in our land has no spiritual jurisdiction; and the ecclesiastical power has no civil authority or sanction. (I ask your attention to these observations as I shall ad- vert to these principles in an important bearing hereafter.) A peculiar glory of our federal constitution- is that it is a icritten com- pact. "Thus and thus it is written." " How readest thou ?" Here will be found the fire and the power of truth, for the hands of every faithful generation, to burn up and consume the chaff and rubbish ; which may at any time cover and hide the truth and majesty of the supreme law of the land; whether these impositions be the glosses of vain and ambitious statesmen, federal laws, traditions or usages, or fed- ei'al adjudications. Federal laws and judicatures are the defences of the citizens as the subjects of laws. But the Sovereign States, and their people, the crea- tors of the constitution, the makers and lawgivers of Congress (in every matter touching their own sovereignty, or royal prerogative) are their own lawgivers, judges and rulers, and must be, while a vestige of sove- reignty remains in them; "quoad hoc" they cannot be under "tutors and governors." coit's eulogy. 1G7 Our constitutiou iu politics, like the standard of our faith and prac- tice in religion and morals, our fundamental law, is ivritten; and so plain that any honest citizen may hear or read and understand for himself; "^the wayfaring man though a fool need not err therein." Whether the federal government have a right or warrant from the written constitution, for the enactment of a law, may be the question ; and the humblest citizen of this country has the right, and it may be his duty, to put the question in reference to some enactment of Con- gress. ''By what authority doest thou these things, and who gave thee this authority?" Our constitution is not a matter of history and tradi- tion, like the constitution of England and the common law. It requires not the oracles of the crown, nor the learned adepts of the temple, to tell us tvhat it is. For thus and thus it is written, and thus and thus it must be. All who can read, may read for themselves, and all who can hear, may hear for themselves; and all must at last judge and act for themselves, or in this momentous affair renounce their mental and moral freedom. Firmly convinced of the truth of these principles, Mr. Calhoun counseled Jiis State to act upon them; to fallback upon the written constitution; to read and understand her own rights, and then to defend them. To shield herself from the ruinous effects of the sectional coali- tions of the east and west; which not only plundered her people of their property, but what was of far higher moment, abolished the fede- ral constitution, dissolved the federal Union, and practically reduced the South to the political degradation of worse than colonial depen- dence. At this juncture of public affairs, the people of South Carolina met in convention, and acting upon the great political principles which we have endeavored to delineate, they declared and proclaimed the tariff laws unconstitutional, and therefore null and void and of no force or efficacy in South Carolina; and to defend and maintain their position they were obliged to fall back upon their arms. Had the federal government opened the ear to the just and indig- nant complaints and protests that had gone up to "Washington from our whole people, there wovild have been no necessity of nullification ; and if that government had respected her sovereign rights in the nullifit-a- tiou of the tariff', she need not have girded on the sword, lint her petitions and remonstrances were unheeded by Congress, and her sove- reignty made a mockery and a jest. Mr. Calhoun, at the call of his State, resigned the office of Vice President, and took his place in the Senate, It was a most awful 168 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. iiiomeut. Against tlie position of Soutli Carolina were arrayed both Houses of Congress; the solid North, East, and West; nearly the whole of the South; and all of one-third of her own citizens, who were in arms against her. (leneral Jackson was at the head of the federal army and navy, dealing out death to Calhoun and the nullifiers, "like an imperial Caesar." Scott, the federal general, was in Charleston. The federal troops and ships began to shew signs of life and motion — and the federal expresses were flying incessantly between Charleston and Washington. South Carolina stood firm. Her devoted sons in arms resolved to die rather than sacrifice the constitution, the federal Union, and the liberties of their country. Nothing but her own deep conviction, that her cause was the cause of truth, righteousness, independence, law, and honor, could have sus- tained the State. She literally stood alone. All her sister States frowned upon her. Public opinion, lapon the wings of the wind, was loud and distinct ; and had no words for her, but those of scorn, deri- sion, and reproaches; shame! ruin I disunion! treason I That crisis can never be forgotten by those who then lived. The State troops were standing in the tracks they had made from their feet; enrolled, armed, equipped and ready for battle, "facing their own music," trembling for their country; but firm as rocks them- selves. Then was the time when father was arrayed against son, and brother against brother in arms; when our women and little ones turned pale; when our Christians fasted and prayed; when "our rich men looked sad;" and when none among iis but "villains danced and played." The cause of the State had doubtless unseen and powerful allies; and had federal lead or federal steel shed one drop of Palmetto blood, in this cause, thousands of patriots and heroes would have rallied round the banner of State independence. In the North, in the East, and in the West, the Luthers and the Chathams would have prayed or have pleaded for our cause; their Hampdens and their Cromwells would have been fighting with our armies. The cause in which South Carolina drew her sword was not a narrow, sectional interest; she followed not the leaders in the sacred cause of political and constitutional freedom, "for the loaves and the fishes," but for the love of tnith, justice, independence and honor. To submit to an arbitrary dominion, having no moral, civil or political authority; to bow the neck to such a master, is the very essence of political slavery; and that was the naked ground on which South Carolina took coit's eulogy. 169 her position in nullification. At that juncture the spirit of true liberty seemed to have abandoned most of the people in the United States, while the enemies were hosts. IMany amonp; us, like the servant of the prophet, wore ready to cry in dismay, "alas, my master, how shall we do ?" Had their eyes been opened, they too might have seen the chariots and the horsemen that were round about our political Elisha, and have known that "they that were with us, were more than they that were against us," 2 Kings, vi : 13-18. Not a State in this Union but some of her gallant and heroic sons pledged their lives in the cause of South Carolina ; their names were written upon the scroll of honor, among the archives of the State, and will go down as a refreshing per- fume and a memorial to posterity. Mr. Calhoun was, in the Senate, regarded by all the world as the false prophet and rebel spirit, whose influence at home had brought his own State into a position of imminent peril and of certain discomfiture. He knew mankind would hold him morally responsible for the issue. Yet, there he stood erect, fearless, calmly facing a "frowning world;" upholding the pillars of the constitution, determined if that perished to fall with the liberties of his country. We will pass over his noble speech on "the Force Bill." We will here forget all human agency, and recognize the mercy of an overrulino- Providence, at this instant of time, in opening the ears of our federal rulers, to hearken to the small voice of truth, honor, justice and inde- pendence. A compromise was proposed, and the obnoxious tariff law devoted to a gradual death ; the majesty of the constitution was vindi- cated; the doctrine of the supremacy of popular majorities formed by sectional coalitions received a check; and the American System, which had already received many grievous wounds, seemed now about to be consigned to the history of past impositions. A reformation in the legislative government of the federal Union commenced with the restoration of the constitution. The reserved rights of the States, their proper sovereignty, and their federal relations as equals in the Union and by the constitution, began to be recognized and respected. Several years now rolled on; and we again hear the bruit of war. General Scott is upon the British boundaries; there are skirmishes among the border men; the boundary line is disputed; the people on both sides inflamed and in arms. The mind of the North becomes greatly excited; and diplomatic intercourse with England threatening. The honor and dignity of the British crown are touched, and the whole power of that empire is in battle array. Mr. Webster is in the Depart- 170 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. meut of State, anxious for a peaceful aud honorable adjustment of tho controversy, but the Senate is chafed, sullen and doubtful. Mr. Cal- houn is consulted by the cabinet, whether he will support their policy. He consents — and, with all his powers, vindicates the justice and equity of the Ashburtou treaty. It is done. The calamities of a war are arrested, and the honor, peace aud interest of the country maintained. Again. When Secretary of State in Mr. Tyler's cabinet, it is ad- mitted on all hands, that the consummate ability, sleepless vigilance, and prompt decisive conduct of Mr. Calhoun, defeated the wiles of British diplomacy, in reference to the republic of Texas; annexed that vast and valuable country to this federal Union, and in such a way and on such terms and conditions, as manifested a forecast and wisdom, the happy issues of which upon this whole country, and especially upon the South, will never be duly estimated by the present generation. Again. Mr. Calhoun is at home, on his plantation, a private citizen. Mr. Polk is President, the political firmament is overcast with dark and threatening clouds; and the tones of distant thunder are heard muttering the sounds of war over the federal capital. When dis- tinctly heard the cry is 'fifty four forty or fight:' Our whole people are aroused. The universal shout from the great West is for biittle; her members in the Senate and House are blowing loud the war trumpet. The voice of J. Q. Adams is ferocious, pouring out threatenings and defiance to England. The war policy is openly avowed by the admin- istration, who have a fixed majority in both wings of the Capitol. The President, in his message, made his mark for the entirety of the Oregon treaty. The administration was committed. The whigs, a weak mi- nority, dispirited and desponding sat appalled ! At the call of his country Mr. Calhoun left the repose of home, and appeared again in the arena in the Senate. His very presence there inspired hope and confidence in the drooping spirits of his country- men. The vast body of the people were not disposed for war, in a controversy for the doubtful title to a portion of territory ; where merely the value of land was concerned, if there were nothing that touched our independence or honor. Mr. Calhoun comprehended the whole case. The day after his arrival in Washington, he gave notice that he would oppose an appeal to arms. He denounced the violent excitement among our federal rulers on the subject, as absolute madness. He rolled back the angry billows of strife ; calmed the troubled waters ; maintained the peace aud honor of the country ; and put the question of the Oregon boundary in a train for an amicable and definite settlement. coit's eulogy. 1 71 Long, long, liad Mr. Caliioun, with his prophetic political sagacity, foreseen and foretold the coming of the Abolition Philistines that are now upon us ; and when our State threw herself in the gap of the constitution, which the overflowing waters of the American system had made, it was hoped by him that the repairing of that breach would be strong enough to resist this worse than savage invasion. The moral right of domestic government over slaves, stands precisely upon the same foundation as the moral right of civil and parental government. It rests upon the Divine authority, the only moral basis for the dominion of man over man. The form of political government is of human authority merely. The thing itself has the Divine sanction. In form it may be absolute or limited monarchy, elective or hereditary ; it may be a republic, au oligarchy, a democracy ; or it may be of a composite form, partaking of the peculiar features of any or all the preceding, as our own perhaps does. But where a government, under any of these political forms, exists " de /ac(o," there are the rulers and the subjects, the governors and the governed ; and the relative moral obligations of the rulers and people grow historically and actually out of this civil relation. "What these moral obligations are respectively, it is one of the objects of the Christian religion to teach and enforce by spiritual sanctions. Christian men, whether rulers or subjects, learn their moral duties from the written word of the Lord. 77)nf teaches them to " render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's." Good citizens Avho know and feel not the obligations and liberty of the Gospel, yet acknowledge themselves bound in conscience and honor, to bow to the authority and supremacy of the constitution and laws of their country ; among which are the solemn national covenants and treaties. They avow and feel the force of the moral bonds of truth, justice, equity, and honor. It was the distinctive feature in the philo- sophy of the celebrated Hobbes, ihat the civil law was the onlt/ law for conscience ; that it was the moral law. Now a law, moral, civil, or political, in its true definition, (as is its essence and nature,) is a rule of one who is a superior by nature or by office, to the subject of law ; and to which rule, the inferior or subject is bound, in conscience, (in moral law) to conform. It is, therefore, of amazing import to the peace, liberties, and welfare of our country, what are the moral principles that govern the consciences of our rulers and people in the discharge of their civil and political duties. Notwithstanding the number of moral and political heresies that have agitated the North and East for the last thirty years ; notwithstanding 172 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN- tlie rotten tlieology that to a eousiderable extent has triumphed, and which, unless repented of, and something better obtained, will destroy the reign of all law, liberty, and morals ; yet we beliere the moral sen- timents openly avowed by Mr. Seward in the Senate, have caused many among his own people to pause and consider. The poison of the moral serpent is now conspicuous ; the liar and the murderer is no longer hid within the skin of a reptile. The confession of the high priest, wit- nesses and avows to the world that the old serpent the devil, the god of this world, who reigns in the hearts of the children of disobedience, is the deity they worship. The false prophet is unveiled, and abolitionism, in its moral, civil, and political aspects, is developed. The s\ibtlety, falsehood, ambition, and treachery, by which this serpent wormed its way to the floor of Congress, is characteristic of the spirit who animates the system. And as to the position of its federal champion, after his avowal that no laws or oaths would bind him in opposition to the supreme authority of his own conscience, (the man within his breast,) in my humble opinion he should have been promptly impeached or expelled from the Senate. And if something be not done by the Senate or the Legislature of his own State, publicly to brand his moral position with infamy, it will be a foul blot on the moral character of our people. The States and the people of this country, in their fundamental law, require of Senators the religious security of an oath, that they will ad- minister the government, and enact laws according and in obedience to the written constitution. And when a Senator rises in his place, avows his own shame, and confesses himself to be the moral monster, whom that oath and that constitution cannot bind, ^^ ijym facto'' he does religiously and politically cut his own throat; and being in this sense a "/eZo de se," he can be " dejure " no civil ruler. A man may say his conscience is his own supreme law, that it is paramount to any other law, divine or human ; yet, if such a wild beast invades the abodes of civilized men, and his conscience prompts him to steal or murder, surely it is most just that he should be whipped or hung. But when a ruler over 20,000,000 of his civil and political equals, proclaims that the dictates of his conscience shall be the law for them, the supreme law of legislation for a whole people, such a man is altogether a prodigy. The conscience of abolitionism professes to be tender, sacred, and supreme. This would be no concern of the public, if such a conscience would stay at home and limit its dominion to its own subjects and owners ; but it is unbounded in its imperial aspiration, and aims to govern the whole country. Its present mission is to break all the cords of Divine, constitutional, civil, and domestic law, by the power of which coit's eulogy. 173 the servants of this country are kept in their subordination in our system. It is a savage, unjast, unnatural, diabolical warfare upon our Southern States. In this crusade, the dictates of their consciences have de- manded of abolitionists all manner of coalitions with political parties of any and every creed, that their own Aaron and Moses might obtain priestly and political dominion in the civil government of this country. To achieve this purpose that conscience dictates to its subjects, to take the solemn oath required by the constitution ; to maintain and govern according to that fundamental law ; and to defend the South from foreign invasion and domestic violence : and the same conscience dic- tates to these same abolitionists, after they become sworn rulers, to disregard the constitution ; to become foreign invaders, and to ferment domestic insurrections at the South themselves ; to dissolve the Federal Union, and to destroy the liberty of ourselves and of our posterity. A conscience where moral dictates demand oaths to be taken, to the very end that they may be broken, is the conscience that, with its fore- head of brass, rises and denounces the Southern people for immorality ; for governing their own servants ; keeping their own compromises, covenants, and oaths ; for maintaining the integrity and supremacy of the federal constitution, the sanctity of law, and the freedom and equality of those who already are free and equal. That a vile faction, with such moral and political principles, should have had in their grasp, for one moment, the political power of the North, East, and West in Congress, is a startling fact that causes the most gloomy and desponding forebodings. The sectional coalitions on the tariffs and on abolitionism, are unmis- takeable demonstrations that the written constitution, the faith of federal covenants, and the oaths of political rulers, are muniments too feeble to keep out the rapacious reign of Mammon, and the fanatical empire of the monk and the crusader. " Thieves do break in and steal," and the treasures of our popular liberties and State rights are yet ex. posed as a prey to political wolves, in sheep's or in dog's clothing. Tlierefore it is that Mr. Calhoun, with his dying breath, demanded of all the people, and of all the States, further and stronger bulwarks in the constitution for the South ; not further grants or gifts of what we have not already ; not a new bargain, but better and further security, that what is due us by the bond signed, sealed, and delivered by them all, be honestly paid. Thsit justice be done before we listen a moment to any talk of compromises. The things that touch a people's honor and independence, do not admit of compromise. That is now the true issue and the momentous question before the people of this country. 174 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. The cause of the South is now vastly stronger than when South Carolina alone confronted the physical power of the federal government, and achieved a great moral victory for the constitution, laws, and liberties of the whole country. All the legal objections against the Tariif of 1828, lay with their full force against the Wilmot Proviso, and against any other measure or policy, whatever may be its name or form, but the object of which may be to efiect substantially what was the aim, scope, and end of the Proviso, to wit : to degrade the Southern States, to put them under the ban, to deny to them the dignity and e({uality due to the other States in the Federal Union, and to rob them of all share in the possession of the common federal territories. These are the monstrous propositions of the present coalition of the North, East, and West, against the equal rights and liberties of the South. And what aggravates the injustice and insult of such a policy is, that our masters make it with them a matter of conscience ! Nothing but a strong leaven of Luciferiau morality could possibly have so polluted and inflamed the consciences of the people in these sections. Old time robbers and pirates, though they may have had some plaster for their consciences, were not wont to plead the authority of conscience in defence of their enterprises ; it was not a deep sense of moral obligation that constrained them to lay their violent hands upon the things that were their neighbors' ; it was their love of plunder. With our disinterested and benevolent rulers, it is the mere love of the caption. They coolly propose to take all our inheritance in the political family, and (not seize it exclusively for their own use,) but (their Southern brethren excepted) to give it as a benevolence, to any of the families of the whole world, who choose to come and take possession ! It may well be asked by icliat autlwrity do they propose to do these things ? The answer is, by the authority of public opinion at the north, east and west; by the sanction of the moral sentiment of a "consider- able portion of mankind;" and by the power of the majority. The breath of the answer blows away every vestige of the Federal Constitu- tion ; and if the scheme were consummated, it would be a moral disso- lution of the Federal Union. It seems to be the received doctrine of the dominant majority, that if a given ];)ower is granted to he in Congress, that a majority of both houses have the moral right to use that power as they please. That instead of being bound by the highest obligations known among men, in the fear of Grod, in good faith, in tnith, justice and equity, to use the high powers committed to their trust, for the common welfare of all the people and States who are subject to the federal government, that COIT S EULOGY. 175 there is no moral restraint to their own wills or rather to the arbitrary wills and absolute domination of those whom our federal rulers arc pleased to regard as their peculiar constituents. In other words, and briefly, that the will of the majority is the law for the minority. Leg- islation according to this doctrine would not be usurpation, but it would be the essence of tyranny — an oppression which, if it do not justify so prompt and decided a resistance, must be hrmly and eftectually repelled, or nothing of constitutional or legal justice is left us, but the mockery of the name and the form. Those of you who have read with care the late Congressional debates, must have been struck with astonishment at the avowal of the crude and arbitrary doctrines of some of our federal rulers. The manner in which they refer to the powers of Congress, over the District of Columbia, the dock-yards, forts, arsenals, &c., is an instance in point. The tendency to absolute domination is most appa- rent in the history of the "Wilmot" and its substitutes. Our federal masters twist the sci-ew of oppression to the last point of practical endu- rance; they watch their victim, and tighten or relax their hold, as the patient manifests symptoms of submission or resistance ; as though their rigldfid power extended to a degree of oppression and insult — a hair- breadth short of the point of armed opposition, or^the dissolution of the Union. "By ??ie," saith the Lord, " Kings rule, and Princes decree justice." The political powers our federal rulers do have, surely they are under moral obligations to use Justly. When that power which actually reigns in Congress, is a fixed major- ity, made up of sectional coalitions ; and when the direction of that power is dictated by public opinion, (a wind blowing from the same sec- tions,) then all the moral, legal and constitutional bonds of the Federal Government and Union, are virtually dissolved, and the government becomes one of mere sufferance on the part of the States and people ; and we, the citizens of this country, have no just government over us but that of our own State. If the type of oppression be usurpation or tyranny, in either case, it will be necessary to consider and weigh well the condition of affairs, that we may keep our consciences clear; and whether we live or die, that we be found in the path of constitutional, civil and moral law, in the way of our dufi/. As all our present troubles spring from the slavery and majority ques- tions, and as the moral character of slavery is at the root of that matter, it may be pertinent to consider for a moment that question ; and also what is the real value and weight, politically and morally, of any nu- merical majority in our federal legislative government. History, sacred and profane, testifies to the existence of slavery from 17G THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. the earliest antiquity. Abraham, Isaac and Jacob were slaveholders. The Jews, Eoyptians, Grreeks and Romans all had the institution of slavery among them, and neither sacred nor profane history records the sentiment or judgment of moral evil or sin in the institution. Its law- fulness, or the moral riylit of this form of human government, has not been called in question among mankind in Church or State, till this generation. Neither Moses nor the prophets; neither our Lord nor his Apostles, though they were living among masters and slaves, ever denounced the institution as a moral evil. Neither the African, Asiatic, Greek or Roman Churches, ever denounced it, though it was an institu- tion in the midst of them all. No Protestant Church has ever con- demned it; no decrees of Ecclesiastical councils, and no traditions of the Church, have ever condemned it as a moral evil. The fii'st notice I can find in history of abolition doctrine, is just one hundred years ago. In 1750, John Woolman and Anthony Benezet, two quakers at the north, seemed fully possessed of the abolition spirit, and in 1754 the Friends or Quakers in America, abolished slavery in their communion, and excommunicated slave-holders ; up to that epoch the Friends had not a knowledge of the moral evil of slavery. But as they are a sect who avow the authority of the " inward light," in mat- ters of morals and religion ; and as they did not profess to have made their discovery from the things written in Scripture, Christian denomi- nations who made the tvritten word of God their only rule of faith and morals, paid no attention to the dreams of the Quakers. About forty years from the time of the Apostleship of Woolman and Benezet, Clarkson and Wilberforce began to declaim in England against the slave trade. That (notice) is only about sixty years ago. Mr. Wil- berforce first introduced this subject into the Imperial Parliament in 1787. He then received no favor, but that man annually renewed his motion for seventeen years, till in 1804 the African slave trade was abolished by the British Parliament. During those years Wilberforce, Clarkson, and the abolitionists were agitating the Churches and the country with their schemes. The Africans were then, and are yet, a people heathen, ^nd exceedingly degraded for heathen. They lived mostly in little tribes, often at war, and mutually making slaves of their captives ; so that in Africa they exist ( the great body of them) in a con- dition of slavery to the head men or Kings of these petty African king- doms. The Portuguese and Spaniards first commenced this trade, with the view to the cultivation of their American colonies. The English followed their lead. The slaves were bought by the European traders of their masters in Africa. Whatever may be said of the moral char- COIT S EULOGY. 177 acter of that traffic, its efiects have been providentially overruled for good to the descendants of the imported Africans. They have been raised from heathenism, idolatry, (some of them from cannibalism,) from extreme degradation and wretchedness, and from davery to men as degraded and vile, to a position where they inherit and enjoy more physical, social, moral and religious blessings, than the poor of any Christian nation in the world. The British having, themselves, abolished the slave trade, began to exert their influence with all other nations to abolish the trade also. The penalty of their laws was, first, a fine ; then the traffic was declared a felony ; then piracy, with the death-penalty. British diplomacy has kept agitating ail the Cabinets in Christendom, till nearly all have united in pronouncing this traffic a crime against the laws of all civili- zed nations. The fleets of the nations, (our own not excepted,) with the British in the lead, have for years, at an immense cost of life and money, been employed upon the African coast to break up and totally destroy this ti'ade. Formerly, when the traffic was lawful, and the traders fair and honest men, there was doubtless much cmelty and suflfering connected with the business. But now, when none but pirates and desperadoes are willing to embark in the trade, the evils to the captives are greatly ag- gravated; and instead of suppressing the trade, it is carried on now to a greater extent, and under more cruel auspieies. than before Wilber- force began his agitation. Sir Fowell Buxton, a member of Parliament, and a leading abolitionist, in a report to the House of Commons, stated that it was an axiom at the Custom House, that no illicit trade could be suppressed, if its profits were equal to thirty per cent. That French, Spanish, Portuguese and American cruisers were incessantly engaged in the African slave trade. He affirms that 80,000 slaves are annually taken to Brazil ; 00,000 to Cuba; 10,000 to other places; that 150,000 are annually brought to the continent and islands of America; double. the number that were ever imported in any one year, before Wilberforce commenced his abo- lition measures. But the British Parliament have pushed their policy beyond the slave trade : 20,000,000 pounds sterling has Parliament appropriated to pay British subjects for their slaves, which the govern- ment have emancipated in the West Indies. Other European nations (instigated by the British,) have followed their example, and liberated the African slaves in their American colonies. British diplomacy; the British press, religious and secular; the British Churches, and abolition societies; the British statesmen, orators poets and literati ; the British 12 17!^ THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. people, have succeeded in inamtfachiring a public opinion among the Christian nations, that tlie institution of slavery is sinful, a dishonor and a blot to any country. It is an historical fact that the present moral sentiments and religious feelings of "a considerable portion of mankind," in reference to slavery, are of British manufacture. The people of this country at the north, at the east, and at the west, have been poisoned by this false and anti-christian morality ; the minds of our fellow-citizens in those sections, have become exceedingly inflamed against slavery ; and though there are there vast numbers of Christian people, who know the thing is not sinful, yet to a man they are, in their feelings and sympathies, opposed to the institution. They think it is a stigma upon the face of this whole country, in the eyes of the civilized world I If the British statesmen had wished a wedge to split asunder this country, and destroy the prosperity of a people whom they have dreaded more than any people on earth, as their rivals in commerce and manu- factures, they could not have contrived a more effective instument to accomplish such an object, than this British abolition morality. A people whom they never could subdue by their arms, they have con- (|uered by their moral machinery and manufacture, so that the people north, east and west, whom British cannon could not move, are now trembling like the leaves of the aspen, at the breath of British opinion ! It is necessary, therefore, for the South to defend herself before the whole world; and she falls back on the immoveable bulwarks of Scrip- ture, and vipon the moral sentiments of all mankind, in the Church and out of it, from the time of Abraham to the time of the Apostle- ship of John Woolman and Anthony Benezet. There have been at all times, (yet never so many as in modern times,) theories broached concerning the dignity of human nature, "the rights of man," liberty, equality, fraternity, &c., which, if true, would, by consequence, destroy the institution of slavery, and all other lawful do- minion of man over man. Wild theories abounded in the days of our revolution, and wilder still in that of the French, which injured the men of those generations, and whose malign influences are yet too much felt in our day. The world is now full of such cruelties, fooleries, and vain imaginations that deceive, hurt or ruin not a few. But we must leave dreamers and their fancies, and hearken to the Avord of God. Such is the condition of mankind, that all nations have among them the poor, "the hewers of wood and the drawers of water." "The poor (said Jesus) you have always with you." We know in the natu- ooit's eulogy. lyn ral, and in the spiritual, the body is not one member, but many. 1 Cor. xii : 14—27. We believe it should be so also in the politieal and social bodies; "and that the eye cannot say to the hand, I have no need of thee ; uor again the head to the foot, I have no need of thee." Toward the institution of slavery the Lord, from the time of Abraham, hath, in his wisdom and mercy, showed great favor. It is an establishment not merely for the benefit of the master, but a permanent house in the social system for the protection, support and comfort of the poor. Under the patriarchal, legal and Gospel dispensations, this institution of domestic government is among those "powers that arc ordained of God." Rom. xiii: 1. T. The covenant with Abraham expressly included children and slaves. Gen. xvii: 12-13. "He that is born in thy house, and he that is bought with thy money, must needs be circumcised." Thus with Abraham and the fathers, slavery was not merely tolerated, as on the footing of a mere sufferance, an error that was winked at, but it was a law ordained of the Lord. * II. So under Moses, in the time of the theocracy, the form of domes- tic government over slaves, the institution of slavery, was established by the divine lawgiver; and while hirelings were treated as heathen and strangers; while they had no interest in the family. Church or State, the slaves in Israel were protected, and had the blessings and securities of domestic, civil and ecclesiastical institutions, and an in- terest in the promises of the everlasting covenant. The hireling had a right to nothing, but the wages of his day. The slave had a moral and civil right for life, a birth-right, an inheritance of "bread to eat and raiment to put on." III. Under the Gospel, slavei'y was treated, by our Saviour, as an existing and lawful institution, and by his apostles he enforces the re- lative duties of masters and slaves; where that relation subsisted among his disciples. Thus, servants are commanded to be subject to their masters, with all fear, not only to "the good and gentle," but "also to the froward," for this is acceptable to God. 1 Pet. ii: 18-21. Here it is written down "in totidcin verbis" that this service "is acceptable to God." Eph. vi : 5-10. The rightful dominion of the master is also expressly written down. Masters give unto your ser- vants that which is just and equal, knowing that ijou also have a master in "Heaven." Col. iv: 1. Here Scripture recognises masters as such to be the servants of the Lord; and if we are in o\x.t master dom. His servants, who may lawfully, or safely, come between Him and us in this matter? "Who art thou that judgcst another's servant? to his 180 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. own master lie standeth or falleth." James iv: 11-13; Kom. xiv: 4. Thus in all the forms of the Divine economy, in His providence over His people, under the patriarchal, legal, and Gospel dispensations, the institution of slavery has been sanctified by the Word of the Lord. The rightful dominion, dignity, and authority of the master is then plainly established by written Word of God. The master's office is a high and holy trust; to God must he give an account, like all other human rulers; and so must our servants, like all other subjects of human government, give an account of their obedience and fidelity. As to the execrations of abolitionists, they may see their features portrayed in Scripture, by the pen of apostles. In the epistle of Jude, in 2d. Pet. 2d chap, and also in 1st Timothy, 6th chap. 1 — 6 verses. Every one born a slave in this country has a moral and civil birth- right to food and clothing, care and support in sickness, and in old age. If the master becomes poor, and unable to do his duty, the arm of the law takes his servant and puts him into the hands of one abler to sup- port him. The poor of Europe^ and especially of England and Ireland ; the poor of the North, have no earthly inheritance ; many of them are thieves, vagabonds, idlers, many sick ; they are kept alive in public poor establishments ; in some countries at an enormous expense, which constitutes a heavy tax on the industry and thrift of the people. There are no idlers, vagabonds, drunkards, among our servants ; they are kept in their places, and made to work. The Lord who knoweth what is in man, and ueedeth not to be told that, in the pecuniary relation of slaves to owners, in the very article of ^^ property in man," has given the slave a strong guarantee, from the injustice or violence of others abroad, and for good treatment at home. Thus Moses ordains, that if a man smites his own servant with a rod and kill him, yet if the servant live a day or two, the master shall not be punished, because the servant was "Ais money. '' That is the reason given by Moses why the master under such circumstances, shall go un- punished, because his servant was Ids money, therefore, no malice shall be presumed in the bosom of the owner against the life of his slave. Exod. xxi. 21. The Lord knoweth there are few things among men which they love more or handle more carefully than their own money. However provoked a man may have been with his servant, it is not to be presumed that he intended to kill him, because his servant is his own money. Slaves have no political rights to exercise, but like the women and children under the domestic, ecclesiastical, and civil laws, and rulers, like the passengers on board a ship, though not officers or seamen, coit's eulogy. 181 tliougli tliey do not work the vessel of State, yet they enjoy the common pi'otection and securities of all on board. The dominion over a slave being bodily, founded in law, divine and human, there is no moral slavery in his condition. If he be a Christian man, he serves his master, not with a servile spirit, not as bowing to a fellow creature, who has no other right than physical power to rule over him ; but he renders obedience as to his ruler recognized by heaven ; he obeys as serving (lod and not man. He renders a hearty, willing obedience, out of a pure conscience, and conviction of moral duty. He has therefore moral and spiritual freedom; his soiil is free. Eph. vi. 5 — 9. Col. iii. 22 — 25. When the body of Jesus stood bound before Pilate, his spirit was free ; for our great examplar bowed in obedience to the law of the land. John, xviii. 12, xix. 11. "When Paul's body wore a chain, his soul was free, for the word of God was not bound. 2. Tim. ii, 9. Soldiei's and sailors in the army and navy are under a most absolute dominion ; obedience to which is wisely and justly secured by severe penalties. Offenders against the laws of their country, viola- tors of the rules and regulations of the public service, should be pun- ished, and degraded from the honorable profession of arms, and put to mean and servile employments ; they should not be kept upon the roll with men of obedient, noble, virtuous and patriotic spirits. It is the genius and tendency of abolitionism to abolish all punish- ments, the sanctions of law, to destroy all honors, authorities, pre- eminences, and dignities ; that it may obtain its own liberty, equality, fraternity ! To this end, every thing pertaining to law, justice, truth, honor and virtue must be abolished ; that nothing may remain but the '^ caput viori'uu77i" of a vile humanity. The service of men in the army and navy is lawful, therefore, good sailors and soldiers are free morally; under the most rigid discipline, their spirits are free in the service, and their duties are honorable, moral, useful, necessary. Should a sailor be seized and carried by violence on board a piratical xesael, and compelled to do service there, so long as absolute duress continued, there might be an actual, physical obedience. But a moral service there could not be; where there is no law there can be no moral obedience. The truth is, after all that has been said, written and sung about lib- erty, none but those whom the truth and Son of God hath set free, are free indeed; all others are the servants of corruption. John, viii. 31 — 37. The real value of political liberty is in its being a protection in this woi'ld to men in the use and free enjoyment of moral and religious freedom. Nothing is more significant in the movements of vicious radicals, dis- 182 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO OALHOUX. organizeris and revolutionists, than studiously to keep out of view the well established, fundamental, political and moral principles in the institutions of a people ; and striking at some real or imaginary griev- ances or abuses, instead of attempting in wisdom, patience and self- denial the work of reform ; to strike with their weapons the vital parts, and aim to destroy the whole framework of society. Thus the aboli- tionists, passing over the moral law written in the Scripture, the politi- cal law written in the constitution, and the civil law written in the stat- ute books of the States, as though these presented no barrier to their infamous crusade, are always parading the absurd dogmas in the pre- amble to the declaration of independence ; the private sentiments of Jefferson, Franklin and others; whose ideal theories of political philo- sophy and "the rights of man" are of no civil, moral or political value whatever. They are of no legal validity, never were and never will be, among any people who enjoy and value the blessings and securities of a constitutional and legal liberty, and a pure morality and religion. Mr. Webster, too, whose sentiments may be supposed to represent those of the sober North, denounces domestic slavery as "a great moral, civil, and political evil." What is moral evil but sin ? and what is sin but a trans2;ression of the moral law ? 1 John, iii. 4. Sin must be confessed and forsaken, or the sinner will never obtain mercy. Moral evil is a spiritual thing ; the knowledge of divine truth and obedience to the Grospel and law of God is the only salvation from it. But Mr. Webster himself admits that the institution in question is not against the moral law written in the Scriptures. Yet he imagines it is some- how against the qririt of the supreme lawgiver. But how can the subject of any ruler. Divine or human, know the will of his Lord, but \>y his oiim u'ord expressed ? iltat is the lav. The servant that turns away from the plain written law, the word of command, and chooses rather to follow the " devices, desires, and imaginations of his own heart," and to obey his own conjectures and dreams, will be beaten with many stripes. Mr. Webster ought to have known that this dodge was a mere abolition quibble. It is altogether unworthy of his mind, his heart, his position, and his character. He objects, too, (but feebly) that this domestic government over slaves, is founded in mere might, in the right of the strongest ; that physical power is its sanction ; that it is not like the kingdom the apostle preached ; very true ; doubtless the rulers in this form of human government are men and not gods. Masters of servants have like passions with JMr. Webster ; and if these objections commend themselves as valid to his conscience, or to his understanding, he should resign his commission as a federal ruler and COIT S EULOGY. 183 go home ; and so should all other civil rulers over mankind, who enter- tain such oi3inions; for the sanction of all human governments /.s physi- cal force ^ in the last analysis it is the sword. In the moral argument, Mr. Webster's great understanding could grasp hold of no premises from which he could, with his logic, honestly travel to the conclusion he evidently wanted ; therefore, he took his conclusion for granted, upon the authority of public sentiment at the North. There was a perfect inanity of ethical truth, life, and virtue, in his position ; yet he took it, and in endeavoring to defend it, after a few faint spasms and gasping out a few feeble words about " loving kindness," " meekness," and '^ the apostle," he gave it up I and this great mental elephant, in the moral struggle, died the death of a mouse, under an exhausted receiver. Yet he abides by such a conclusion ! he knows the institution is not against civil law, for it is civil law that makes it. He knows it is not against political law, for the constitution sanctifies it, and yet he is not ashamed to stand up in his place, and to condemn the written law of God, the written law of one-half of the States in this Union, and the written law of the constitution of his country, and to affirm his judgment to be that they are all evils, great evils, for sustaining the domestic government of slavery in this country. True, he shelters himself behind the wall of moral sentiment at the North ; and the " relisious feelino-g of a considerable portion of mankind." Mr. "Webster should rather hearken to the voice of the apostle — " If thou judge the law, thou art not a doer of the law, but a judge." — James, iv. 11. When "the North and a considerable portion of mankind" are our lawgivers and judges, iii our domestic and State institutions, we will attend to their sentiments ; till then we stand or fall to our own master. The truth is, that the least leaven of this abolition morality, "leavens the whole lump," pollutes the purity of conscience, destroys moral and mental liberty ; the least taint of it, therefore, is a blight upon honor, candor, truth, justice, wisdom, freedom, and mercy. Mr. Webster will not vote the proviso, because climate and other physical laws will, in his opinion, prevent this institution from flourishing in any of the new territories of the Union ; but clearly intimates, were it not so, he should vote for the measure. In principle, then, Mr. Webster is an aboli- tionist ; policy only prevents his acting with them. It is amazing to me what such a man can do with his conscience, his oath, and with the constitution ! Ah, but, says 3Ir. Webster, public sentiment, both North and South, has changed very much since the adoption of the federal constitution — granted ; but has the written constitution of the 184 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. ooiintrv chanced ? has tlie lav; of tlie land chane,ed '{ Do the unstable and changing winds of Northern opinion, nullify the laws and constitu- tion of this country ? Upon the whole, Mr. Webster has fallen back on a position far short of what public affairs demanded. In morals, however, Mr. Webster is far above and out of sight of such men as Mr. Seward. Mr. Webster feels bound in conscience and honor to keep the faith of federal treaties and federal covenants ; and, as a ruler, to do as he has sworn. The sentiments of these two men, probably, shadow forth those of the two great parties to which they belong, and which, combined with other similar elements, make up that "^)7t&?i:'c opinion " of which we hear so much, and which threatens to over-ride the laws and institutions of the country. • That opinion, expressed by the press, religious and secular, the voices of Legislatures, and in various other modes, a few months ago, could not merely have sanctioned, but absolutely demanded the adoption of the Wilmot Proviso. One of the ominous and threatening features of the abolition heresy is that its defenders have brought their religion with their idol into thQ political temple. If a single individual in any part of the United States were to be deprived of bodily liberty or property, on account of his religious opinions, moral sentiments, worship, or practice, that were not in violation of the laws of the land, the whole nation woiild rise as one man in his defence. The people understand the value of the constitution, as a defence to the bodies and property of individuals ; and yet so blind and insensible are they to the value of the constitution, in things pertaining to the moral principles of liberty, to State rights, and to the justice due to the sovereign people of the States, in their political relations, that the North, East, and West have formed a coalition to deprive all the Southern States of their entire inheritance in every part of federal territory, (the common property of all the States,) because of a difference in moral sentiment and practice, about the institution of slavery — an institution sanctioned by tlie laws of the Southern States, and by the supreme laws of the Federal Union, Liberty of conscience is virtually denied to the South upon the penalty of forfeiting their interests in the public domain. Had the Wilmot proviso (or the poison of its nature) been enacted into the form of a law, this thing would have been virtually " a bill of attainder," '' an ex post facto law," a law nullifying obligations and contracts of the constitution, a union of Church and State, a resurrection and the triumph of those principles which reigned in the " Star Cham- ber," and in '' the High Court of Commissions." Abolition ideas of coit's eulogy. 185 liberty are of a physical or hndlli/ freedom; sensual, lawless, and atheistic ; and, like similar dreams of the French philosophers, they terminate in the establishment of mental, moral, civil, religious, and political despotism, in the worst possible slavery ! So blind is might to what is right; so blind is will to what is law and justice. "Liberty, equality, and fraternity" is the cry; not one word of truth, justice, law, equity, or mercy I The boundary lines of the empire of Congress are plainly marked in the written constitution ; and all powers, sovereign, political or civil, not granted, are reserved to the State governments, or to the people of the States respectively. History teaches us how important and neces- sary it is distinctly to mark the geographical lines that separate the dominions of neighboring sovereigns. The lines that separate State and federal dominions and sovereignty, are written down in the book of the Kings ; and can only be discerned by the eye of the mind, and the eye royal. How can one of the sovereign people in this country, in such a conflict of jurisdiction, as that of nullification presented, " keep a conscience void of offence toward God and man," unless he knows which the Caesar is to whom his allegiance is lawfully due ? In this matter, unless he surrenders his mental and moral freedom, he must, himself, go to the foundations of the government. He must attend to the words written in the federal constitution ; he must enquire for historical facts ; and in the best light available, he must determine for himself to whom his fealty is due. Doubtless this [will require self- denial and mental labor; and is not civil, political, and religious liberty so dearly bought, worth understanding, using, and defending ? It can never be enjoyed or maintained, but by those who think it is worth all that it has cost. The aid of the learned is valuable to help us to come to an indepen- dent conviction of duty in our own understanding. They are generally willing to become our masters and rulers in this affair ; but if we sub- missibly bow to their authority, we renounce our personal freedom. The condition of public affairs, during the tariff excitement in South Carolina, compelled our citizens to study and search for the truth ; and the jjosition taken by the convention, and by the citizens of this State, in nullifying that pretended law, could never have been occupied or maintained, if their confidence had been in any man. It was not man worship, it was not Mr. Calhoun and his personal influence, but it was a profound conviction of the truth, and a sacred reverence of the jyrin- ciples, which that man's life illustrated, and which adorned and ennobled his heroic character. 186 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. If South Carolina has hud the honor of occupying the forlorn hope, the pass of the moral Thermopylae, in the history of the liberties of this country, it was not more because Leonidas was her's, than that 80,000 of her other sons were Spartans. Let us now notice what reverence and obedience is due in conscience or honor, in morals or law, from free and sovereign citizens of the State, to the written dictates of sectional majorities, (without the warrant of the constitution,) though clothed in the imposing forms of Congressional legislation. Let us examine, for a moment, the nature of the majority power under our system. It is by a covenavU that the ballot-box is substituted for the cartridge-box in our country. It is a matter of compact that men vote, and also what majority shall govern in the vote. The right of the majority to govern, is, therefore, a right that rests wholly on covenant. The Roman legions having the power, may take the responsibility of appointing the Caesar ; under our system the physical power of the. country is invoked to vote, not to fight for the civil rulers. But the nature of thQ power which appoints and maintains the civil government of a country, is the military power. An election is a sham fight, where paper is used instead of lead. When the civil governors arc chosen, the lawful power of the legions (of the voters) is at an end ; they have exercised all their political rights, and during the term of their offices, our civil rulers are of right independent of the people ; for they are brought under the obligations of law, moral, and constitutional, and they cannot discharge their high duties without freedom. The constitution expressly ordains, Art I. sec. 1., that " ALL legisla- tive power herein granted, shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives." AVhen, therefore, our federal rulers, instead of themselves (joverning the country, as they are sworn to do, according to the best of their own judgment and ability, and according to the written constitution, hearken to the popular cry ; cut the cords of the moral law which bind them ; the cords of the constitution and the bonds of their own oath ; when they renounce the legal unction and authority of civil rulers, and degrade themselves to the servile office of obedience to the commands of the majorities who elected them; when they ask and wait for the re- scripts of the legions, before they dare to act in legislation, the nature of our government is virtually changed, and the military is above the civil power in the system. To that point things have been long tending, under the shallow pretext of public opinion, and under the influence of coit's eulogy. 187 the common error that majorities have a right to govern. Majorities have no other right to govern, than what they have by compact, in the form and manner and times of voting for their civil riilers, by the terms of the written State and Federal constitutions. When rulers, like reeds shaking in the wind, tremble and bend at the whispers or clamors of popular majorities ; the political body resem- bles the natural body of him who, renouncing the supremacy of the law, and the functions of his own understanding and conscience, gives him- self up as a prey to the seductions or fury of his sensual or malignant propensities. Yea, even worse, it has not unfrequently resembled the body of the unhappy man, who dwelt among the tombs and in the mountains, possessed of a legion of devils, whom no mere creature could tame or bind with chains, and who was continually cutting himself with stones. Mark, v: 2-21. There is no hope in such a case, but when all the devils have taken full possession of all the swine, but then they will all be destroyed together I Majorities (no matter how great) have abstractly no other right to govern than that which the natural power of the strongest may give them, " the right of might," and numerical majorities are no true tests of that power. Consider Cortez and Montezuma, Scott, and our other commanders, with their little bands holding in subjection and giving law to the millions in Mexico. The Senators and Eepresentatives in Congress are under moral obli- gations to govern this country to the best of their wisdom, in the things committed to them, according to our written fundamental law. Thev are, by Divine and human sanctions and authority, the rulers, and not the servants, of the people. Mr. Calhoun acted upon these principles in a manner worthy the dignity and responsibility of a governor of the people; said he, " I never know what my State thinks of a measure. i never consult her. I act to the best of my judgment, and according to my conscience. If she approve, well and good. If she does not, or wishes any one else to take my place, I am willing to vacate ; " The appointing power of civil rulers, the power that keeps them in their place, and that gives effect to their legislation, is the military power ; it is the power of the sword. If the legions appoint or acquiesce in the succession of a Caesar, their whole power is exhausted. The policy of his civil government they have no right to dictate or control. When the civil ruler obeys the orders of the military, then there is practically no civil government. Under our system we are not to look for the military power of the country to the army or navy, or to the militia in actual service. The military power of this country is seen in the display of the voters at the polls. 188 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. If there be virtue enougli iu our wliole voting population, to choose their rulers, and then promptly, conscientiously, and honorably bow to what is the laio of the land ; and if dissatisfied, patiently 'bide their time for the legal return of the period to exercise their right to vote, we shall give our constitution and our popular system a fair trial ; if not, we shall probably find that the political value of the poll in our system is practically inconsistent with the existence of any civil govern- ment at all. Our Federal constitution, under the operation of so vicious a practice, though it will be destroyed by the exercise of a power in its nature military ; yet from the manner of its display and influence, its results will work out in the issues, all the confusion and horrors of anarchy. The civil government and power of the State will, in such a general ruin, be the only life-boat of the people. If the foregoing observations are just, then we can perceive what a slight hold the duress of sectional majorities in Congress have upon the conscience of the people. The rulers, by renouncing their own moral obligations, and the law of the constitution, strip thei)* own enactments of all moral validity. That Mr. Calhoun's views of the constitution, (which we have en- deavored to make the burden of our speech,) are historically, philosohi- cally and politically true, is believed by the great body of the people of this State. That they are important to our independence, and necessary to a government of law, is certain, and their importance is becoming more and more manifest as our country expands, and new States are forming out of people coming in among us from all nations under heaven. The Northern statesmen seem slow to receive Mr. Calhoun's prin- ciples ; though Mr. Webster admits, that if his premises are conceded, all his doctrines are undeniable. Well, his premises are historical facts, and the written constitution ; Mr. Webster seems slow of heart to be- lieve and understand the political gospel of the constitution. When he poured out his whole heart (as he said in his speech) he declared solemnly that he did not, that he could not, believe Southern gentlemen were in earnest, when they talked of their being willing rather to dis- solve the Union, than submit to political usurpation, degradation, and oppresvsion. He seems amazed at the excitement at the South, and speaks of being willing to give 850,000,000, or even $200,000,000, to colonize our free negroes I ! He seems to be under the amazing delusion that it is a dollar business ! Mr. Calhoun had been pleading for political y«s= I would miles' discourse. 20:> unite against me a combination of political and moneyed influence almost irresistible. Nor was this all. I could not but sec, that how- ever pure and disinterested my motives, and however consistent my course with all I had ever said or done, I should be exposed to the very charges and aspersions which I am now repelling. '^ '•' * But there was another consequence that I could not but foresee, far more painful to me than all others. I but too clearly saw that, in so sudden and complex a juncture, called ou as I was to decide on my own coui'se instantly, as it were, on the field of battle, without consultation or ex- plaining my reasons, I Avould estrange for a time many of my political friends, who had passed through with me so many trials and difficulties, and for whom I feel a brother's love. But I saw before me the path of duty ; and though rugged and hedged on all sides with these and many other difficulties, I did not hesitate a moment to take it. Yes, alonxi. * =!: * After I had made up my mind as to my course, in a conver- sation with a friend about the responsibility I would assume, he remarked that my own State might desert me. I replied that it was not impos- sible ; but the result has proved that I under-estimated the intelligence and patriotism of my virtuous and noble State. I ask her pardon for the distrust implied in my answer ; but I ask with assurance it will be granted, on the grounds I shall put it — that, in being prepared to sac- ritice her confidence, dear to me as light and life, rather than disobey, on this great question, the dictates of my judgment and conscience, 1 proved myself not unworthy of being her representative."* Upon another occasion, of no trifling interest to the honor of the American name, he said — " There is not a State, even the most in- debted, with the smallest resources, that has not ample resources to meet its engagements. For one, I pledge myself. South Carolina is also in debt. She has spent her thousands in wasteful extravagance on one of the most visionary schemes that ever entered into the head of a thinking- man. I dare say this even of her ; I, who on this floor stood up to defend her almost alone aoainst those who threatened her with fire and sword, but who are now so squeamish about State rights, as to be shocked to hear it asserted that a State was capable of extravagant and wasteful expenditures. Yes, I pledge myself that she will pay punctu- ally every dollar she owes, should it take the last cent, without inquiring whether it was spent wisely or foolishly. Should I in this be possibly mistaken — should she tarnish her unsullied honor, and brins; discredit on our common country by refusing to redeem her plighted faith, (which * Spopch in tho T'ni tod States Senate, M.nroli ]0, 1888. 204 THE CAROLINA TUIBUTE TO CALHOUN. • I hold impossible,) deep as is my dcvDtion to her, and mother as she is to me, I woidd disown her."* Happy the State which could appreciate and proudly respond to the sentiments of such a son ; fortunate the Statesman who had such a people to appeal to and counsel. Confidence he won, not less by the conviction which he inspired of his thorough honesty, than by the evidence which he aiForded of pos- sessing the ability to grapple with any emergency. In his mental con- stitution he appeared to possess many points of striking resemblance to the great Stagyrite, whose vast and comprehensive genius has influenced the intellectual development of the civilized world. In truthfulness and earnestness, in the absorbing and unselfish interest which he mani- fested in public afildrs, in the nobility of his views respecting the objects of political science and the character of the citizen, he resembled the lamented Arnold. f But in the whole harmony and greatness of his character, he is a model with whom it will be the highest honor and praise for any future Statesman to be compared. Accustomed to the severe and abstract thought of the philosopher, no Statesman was more thoroughly practical in his measures. Analyzing with almost the rapidity of intuition, his logic was as clear as his lan- guage was accurate and concise. Without neglecting a link in his argument, he always left the impression that he had much more to say, and from his exhaustless storehouse, had only selected so much as he deemed best calculated to produce direct conviction. To know a duty was, with him, to perform it ; and hence he always aimed to convince the reason of the truth of his principles, rather than to awaken the sympathy of the feelings. His eloquence was of that grand style, which springs from the man's being thoroughly possessed by the conviction of the correctness and vital importance of his positions, combined with the elevating consciousness of being able to maintain them by the fairest .arguments. Whatever the subject of the discussions in which he en- gaged, it was always evident throughout his close but lucid reasoning^ that he kept steadily in view great ultimate principles, and reasoned from truths which he regarded as valid for all time. And it is this which will render his recorded speeches, even upon topics of ej^hemeral policy, a manual of immortal instruction. Circumstances may vary ; the immutable principles by which they are to be judged, possess an applicability co-extensive with time. He possessed in the most re- markable degree, the power of reducing a subject to its simplest aspect, * Speech in the United States Senate, February 5, 1840. f Dr. Thomas Arnold, already referred to. miles' discourse. 205 by seizing and clearly presenting the ultimate principles and facts which it involved, and upon which its arguments rested. And hence the first perusal of some of his ablest speeches, often produced a feeling of sur- prise, that a series of plain propositions and unadorned reasons, so seemingly obvious that any sound mind might have perceived and uttered them, should have produced the conviction of the greatness of his efforts. But it becomes manifest, upon reflection, that it was this very simplicity and clearness in the presentation of the closest reasoning, so that its successive steps presented themselves almost like intuitive truth, which constituted the grandeur of his speeches, and compelled the highest tribute to the power of his genius. Truth was too steadily his object, to allow him to turn aside for culling the beauties of language, or indulging in the force of sarcasm ; but he amply proved, on memor- able occasions, that no man, when compelled to personal debate, could rise to loftier expression, or was more formidable in delineating an opponent. But the subject was never lost sight of in the opponent ; and the personal conflict never withdrew him from the dignified de- meanor of the Senator. Full of earnestness, energy, and unquenchable zeal, he was never mastered by passion, betrayed by hastiness, or deserted by the calmest judgment. The prophetic sagacity by which he was so often able to grasp all the complicated relations, and consequently the distant results of a measure or event, was only surpassed by the prophetic confidence with which he so often, and with such calm and lofty dignity, appealed to the future for the verification of his anticipations or the justification of his opinions and course. The respect which he commanded from all, and the attachment with which he inspired those who knew him best, ai'e the most admirable testimony to the nobility of his character. That consciousness of intel- lectual strength which is inseparable from genius, was perhaps not so much realized by him, as was that moral power, the offspring of con- scious integrity, which sustained him in gloom and trial, which shed a halo of noble dignity around his character, and which, while it attracted to him the admiration and affection of the virtuous, rendered him awful to the unprincipled and corrupt. And the enthusiasm and determina- tion with which his very name could fill the people of his native State, will in no emergency be weakened, now that that name is invested with all the hallowed associations which cling to the memory of the departed objects of veneration and love. Politics was to liim no subtle game for securing the triumph of party principles or the rewards of power and personal distinction ; but filled with a deep sense of the responsibility of his duty to the country and 206 THE CAROLINA TKIBUTE TO CALHOUN. to humanity, lie counselled fearlessly what he believed to be just and riu'lit, while the entire truthfulness of his character prevented him from concealing any conscientious conviction. He was eminently distin- guished for an immovable reliance upon the might of Justice and the ultimate triumph of Truth, which enabled him by its sustaining power, when once he was satisfied that he had grasped principles based upon those eternal foundations, to pursue his object with unshaken fortitude and decision, amidst every opposition, in the face of desertion and ob- loquy, under trials which might have crushed even a noble spirit, and, if need be, to face undauntedly a world in arms. Always bold and prompt, he was never rash or precipitate ; and his energy and resources appeared to rise with the greatness of the emergency which taxed them. The history of his administration of the War Department, proves that he possessed powers of combination and comprehensiveness of views, which would have enabled him to direct the most complicated interests of the greatest empire. The history of his course in the Senate as Vice-President of the United States, and on many occasions which will suggest themselves to those who know his whole career, prove that his "•onerous patriotism was of that pure and exalted character which enabled him to achieve the most matchless concjuest — the conquest of self. Prepared to assume any responsibility which the necessities or voice of the nation might call him to meet, he was too thoroughly in earnest in pursuing the great duties of his life, to make any oflGice a special aim. These duties he performed, as they met him, in reference to the great principles and ultimate results which they involved ; and, beyond that, he left it to Providence to determine the position in which he should discharge them. It is conceded on all hands that he would have eminently adorned the Presidency; but no human ofiice can add lustre to the greatness and glory of the man, who seems to have been tilled with the thought that his greatest ofiice was to make his life an embodiment of Truth, Justice, Virtue and National Service, and who was enabled to realize the conception. And if at a crisis when, as might appear to short-sighted mortals, his life would never have been more important, he could possibly know that the solemn appeal of his death had extinguished jealousy, and, in the general community of sympathy and grief, had led to a community of feeling in that fixed and united determination of the whole people which must constitute our safety ; if he could know that the example of his character had awakened in our young men who are pressing forward in a political career, a lofty conviction that the service of the country and of hu- manity is the solemn and responsible object of public life, which only miles' discourse. 207 becomes degraded by being commingled with party strife and selfisb ambition ; if he could know that such a conviction would nerve them to oppose that fatal palsy of a people's energetic and united action, which the manojuvcring of demagogueism and party spirit strikes to the social heart — and that his own example would inspire them to regard integrity, purity, and unflinching adherence to righteous principle, as the only basis of true glory ; if he could now know that such fruits would spring from liis grave, he would feel that his course as a citizen and a statesman had received its most resplendent crown, and that in death he was even greater than in life. Citizens of South Carolina I for your cause he sacrificed personal ambition and political eleA'ation, and exhibited amidst appalling difiicul- ties, an unsurpassed intrepidity on behalf of your rights, your just equality, your property, and the honor of your "noble and virtuous State." You have worthily loved him — you have answered his unshaken fidelity with unwavering confidence for forty years — and you are not ashamed to weep over the ashes of the dead. Such tears are no effu- sion of weakness-^-they are the honorable tribute of generous and manly hearts, to the memory of private worth and friendship — to the un- feigned conviction of public calamity. But the very occasion of your grief imposes upon you a solemn duty. Not only is the dust of the illustrious dead confided to your keeping, but his character and reputa- tion are eutinisted to your guardianship, and to the justice with which you will transmit them to posterity. You were the supporters of him who faithfully represented you; you have become the representative of the principles which he illustrated and defended. To these you can become false, only by proving recreant to yourselves. In the crisis, whose issue we are now awaiting, your course will be jealously watched. You are engaged upon that side of a cause against which is arrayed the terrible power of arms, more diflicult to face than flaming batteries. Against you is directed the tremendous moral artillery of spurious phi- lanthropy and pretended zeal for the cause of justice and humanity. Beneath this specious mask, corrupt Ambition, phrenzied Fanaticism, insatiable Rapacity, and unprincipled Demagogueism, fiercely strive to excite against you the misguided sympathies and public opinion of the civilized world ; and impiously dare invoke the sacred name of Religion, to pollute her venerable and peaceful character, by perverting her sanc- tions to the mad and unholy crusade. If you are wanting now in the consistency of moral firmness; if, by faltering, you seem to imply a. doubt of the justice of your cause; if by rashness or passion you weaken the moral power which calm decision and unanimity must give, 208 THE CAROLlxNA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. you will invite move insolent aggression, and your weakness and failure in the present crisis, will entail upon our cliildren — perhaps upon your- selves—the increased difficulties of a position in which all party dis- tinctions must be i^wallowed up, in a humiliating and desperate contest for liberty — for political existence itself. Wait not, then, for that com- pulsory xinion in an issue for your last hope of justice and equality; but here, around the coffin of that heroic dust, with the deep and solemn deliberation which this scene is calculated to inspire, vow in your inmost souls to bury all party rivalry and division, and to unite as fellow-citizens and brothers in your reasonable and unflinching mainte- nance of a cause which involves nothing less than your self-respect and your equitable participation in the rights of a Free Confederacy. And while thus uniting for a cavise of honor and justice, in the presence of the dead whose life was devoted to its defence, withhold not the highest tribute you can pay to his wisdom and counsels, by reliance upon the Divine Providence, whose sustaining hand he reverently recognized. People of the United States I in your service he expended his energies, and breathed out his life of unceasing activity and labor for the prosperity, honor, and peace of the Confederacy. If you revere his character and services, as an heir-loom of glory to our common country, listen to the voice of Reason and Justice, and maintain in its integrity the Constitution which he so justly expounded, and which, if weakened in its guaranties, it requires no prophet's voice to foretell the disasters which will ensue. Statesmen and Politicians! human wisdom is vain, if not di- rected according to revelation, and sustained by reliance upon God Mere temporizing policy can not reach the difficulties by which we are encompassed. Exhibit, then, that moral courage in support of consti- tutional rights, of which your distinguished compeer afforded an un- surpassed example; and remember, that the approval or hostility of constituents, can never establish or shake that peace of an approving conscience, which the public man can only hope to obtain by keeping his eye steadily fixed upon truth and justice, upon the tribunal of pos- terity, and above all upon the final approval of God. If deplorable results to the Confederacy must be met, as the issue of existing diffi- culties, awful will be your responsibility if selfish objects or popular clamor should move you from unfaltering maintenance of equity, and unyielding opposition to aggression. But our people will look to higher resources than human leaders. Justice will be their claim — Union will be their power — and the God of Truth and Equity will be their hope, their help, their guide, and miles' discourse. 209 their triumpliant defence. But if the lessons which the wisdom and charactex' of the deceased statesman present be unheeded and lost, the possession of his monument which should constantly impress them, will prove a reproach to the people among whom it is reared. Could his honored voice now reach us from beyond the grave, he would raise its tones, invested with all the grandeur of immortality, to remind us that man is destined to be the citizen of an eternal polity — to commend to us those Holy Scriptures whose study he commended to his children — and to assure us that the only safety of States, and the only permanent support of individuals, are to be found in an adherence to the principles of Religion and obedience to the precepts of Revela- tion. This solemn pageantry of woe will pass — this noble grief of a high-minded people will become mellowed into a reverence for the dead, which will move us to imitate his deathless virtues; but the Eternal Record is true, and the inevitable Judgment is sure; and whether in the path of public service, or in the unobtrusive walks of private life, it is only a faithful embracing of the redemption of Christ, which will entitle the greatest or the humblest to hope that, in the eye of the Merciful God, his will be the epitaph, which, in gratitude for his ser- vices and virtues, we inscribe,.in a national sense upon the tomb of Calhoun — '' The memory of the just is blessed." 14 HENRY'S EULOGY. Eulogy on the late Hon. John Caldwell Calhoun, delivered at Columbia, South Carolina, on Thursday, May 16, 1850, by Robert Henry, D. D., Pro- fessor of Greek Literature in the South Carolina College. Published at the request of the Committee of Citizens. Fellow Citizens : Envy and forgetfulness have, too often, caused the greatest merit to be veiled in obscurity. On the other hand, the language of panegyric is not unfrequently prostituted with a view to confer factitious reputation on the weak, the vicious, or unworthy. It is fortunate, therefore, for the orator on the present occasion, that the subject of his Eulogy is, in all respects and in the highest degree, wor- thy of the applause and commendation, of the love and imitation of sur- vivors. If commanding intellect, lofty and ennobling enthusiasm, de- voted patriotism, sustained by unconquerable resolution and enduring self-denial, eventuating in the happiest results for the safety of the Re- public, and more especially in the preservation of the equality and in- dependence of our Southern communities, could entitle any man to the gratitude and veneration of his fellow-citizens, the name and character of John Caldwell Calhoun can never be obliterated from the rolls of fame. Indeed, the public voice, with one consent, has already so far outstripped the ordinary language of commendation, that whilst the speaker feels himself animated by the genuine elevation of his theme, he may yet, with propriety, entertain some apprehension that the exe- cution of his task will scarcely reach the level of public expectation. Throwing myself, therefore, on your indulgence, I shall endeavor to accomplish the duty assigned me, if not completely, at least with a deep sense of its importance, and with a sincere and cordial admiration of our illustrious Patriot, of whose character I have been an attentive ob- server, from the time when his fame was culminating towards its zenith, and attracting the admiring gaze of all beholders. Mr. Calhoun was born in our own State, and in the District of Abbe- ville, on the 18th of March, 1782. His father, Patrick Calhoun, a native of Donegal, in Ireland, accompanied his family in their emigra- tion first to Pennsylvania, and subsequently to western Virginia, and finally to South Carolina. His mother, from whom he derived the name henry's eulogy. 211 of Caldwell, was a Virginian. The accident of birth, is a term appli- cable enough to the artificial distinctions, which political arrangements may, with equal facility, establish and discard. To have been preceded, however, in the race of life by progenitors, distinguished for high and enduring qualities of the head and heart, is not a fortuitous occurrence, but a benignant dispensation of Providence, not only to the individuals so distinguished, but also to the communities, who are destined, ulti- mately, to reap the advantages of their exalted worth. In the instance before us, the inflexible resolution ; the unwavering integrity of the father ; the gentle feelings and the unobtrusive piety of the mother, might at any time have been detected as marked lineaments in the character of their son. Independent of his relation to his illustrious descendant, the elder Calhoun, will never be forgotton in Upper Caro- lina, as the dauntless and successful champion of its equal rights and elective franchises. The early education of the younger Calhoun was any thing but reg- ular, even unfortunate, according to common apprehension. It is, how- ever, the august privilege of the highest order of intellect, either to find the road to distinction ready, or to make it. His instructor. Dr. Wad- dell, was deservedly eminent, and is entitled to the praise of having conducted the early training of some of the most remarkable characters whom South Carolina has produced. What he professed to do, he did well and effectually, and his scholar, in this instance, left him, at least well grounded in all the elementary branches of learning. Yet solitude and silence, afi"ording opportunity for calm reflection and for thoughts often revised and corrected, were the great preceptors of the embryo patriot and statesman. In the long absence of his regular instructor, his mind, struggling for development, met with the immortal work of Locke on the Human Understanding and found an atmosphere of thought in which his mind could freely breathe and expand its ener- gies. It was then, that his intellect was moulded into that type, which has sometimes been disparaged as metaphysical, but which, by whatever name designated or desecrated, must forever remain the true test, by which the highest order of capacity is distinguished from what is super- ficial and common. It was this stamp of thought, which fitted those twin lights of the ancient world, Plato and Aristotle, to become through all descending a^-es the LawaJpahle violation of their Constitutional riyhts. This was immediately followed by an address to the State, in which the Conven- tion declared : "We have solemnly resolved upon the course, which it becomes our beloved State to pursue — we have resolved that until these abuses be reformed, No more taxes shall he paid here. ''Millions for defence, but not a cent for tribute." They concluded with a religious appeal, in a tone of the profoundest reverence — and with the solemn injunction to their fellow-citizens, "Do your duty to your country and leave the consequences to God !" General Hayne having been designated as successor to the Chief Magistracy of the State, resigned his situation as Senator in Congress. Mr. Calhoun was immediately appointed to the vacant office, and though it was seen to be one of imminent peril and vast responsibility, resigned, with great self-sacrifice, the Vice Presidency of the Union, in order to sustain his own principles now become the voice of the State. From that period, so completely was he rivetted in the affections of the people that his voice and that of the people were one. Thenceforth, politics and parties, within the State, were scarcely heeded by him. All the energies of the man were directed to the accomplishment of the reforms which he knew to be necessary to the preservation and per- manence of the Union. For that Union, in the use of its legitimate powers, with all its associations of glory and renown, derived from its past achievements, and all its prospects for the future development of 230 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. its immense physical, mental and moral resources, no man entertained a hio-her or inteuser admiration than he. It was the great arena in which his own reputation and renown had- reached that palmy height, which was the envy of many and the admiration of all. In addition to the working out of their own happy destiny, he hoped to see the United States affording the other nations of the world a model of rational and permanent liberty. His feelings were now intensely wound up, in re- ference to his double task of saving the Union and rescuing the country at large, from the most deplorable doom that can await a nation — the triumph of irresponsible power. At this time, during a short stay which he made in Columbia, I called upon him and found him alone. He never appeared in better health, nor calmer and more self-possessed. On my mentioning the report, which extensively prevailed, that the President intended to have him arrested as soon as he arrived in Wash- ington, he replied with a smile on his countenance, but with perfect dignity: "It will not be dune; my opponents are too politic to attempt it, but as far as myself and the cause are concerned, I should desire nothing better; it would set people a thinking." On his arrival at the seat of government, he took the earliest opportunity, from his place in the Senate, to re-affirm his principles, and oifered a series of resolu- tions, in which they were succinctly and forcibly embodied. He thus obtained a hearing, and if his views were attacked, the privilege of reply. Mr. Webster wished Mr. Calhoun to precede him in the debate on the Force Bill, and carried his point, but having also inci- dentally touched upon the resolutions, Mr. Calhoun in his rejoinder so completely established the basis of his doctrine, that his magnani- mous antagonist was obliged to admit, that if the historical facts, con- cerning the origin and progress of the Constitution, were as had been stated, that it was impossible to escape the conclusion. Mr. Clay wil- lingly lent himself to the work of compromise, and Mr. Calhoun, anxious only for the restoration of sound principles, was willing to allow very moderate rates of reduction, operating through a long series of years. Even in undoing, what had been badly done, Mr. Calhoun was unwilling to crush the private citizen, who had been beguiled into hazardous enterprizes by the irregular action of his rulers. Indeed, to his wise and prophetic mind, a dissolution of the Union was one of the o-reatest evils and second only to that of submission to the fiat of an uncontrolled majoiity. Never was there a more cheering proof of what a single exalted mind, of competent ability, can effect for the preserva- tion of liberty. Only a few short months after the most vexatious of imposts had been laid with a reckless hand, the whole grievance, so far henry's eulogy. 231 as related to the possibility of future action, was removed. The Force Bill, on whicli Mr. Calhoun's admirable effort has been already no- ticed, was indeed past, but it was only the surly snarl of the mastiff, when his prey has escaped. If fighting had been the object, South Carolina was prepai-ed, at all points, for the conflict ; but she saw plainly that in a polity, which was understood to be founded upon the consent of the governed, the moment coercion became necessary to retain any member in the Union, the system became a shapeless abortion. She was determined not to assume the responsibility before the world of dissipating all the animating hopes which rallied around this hitherto successful experiment in self-government. Along with the acceptance . of the compromise act, by the Convention, the Force Bill ceased to be of the slightest significance. As soon as things were happily adjusted at Washington, Mr. Calhoun hastened to Carolina, with the utmost expedition, in order that the State might not be without the influence of his moderation and calm judgment. That the Union is safe, and that our scheme of regulated liberty continues to flourish, is more owing, under Providence, to Mr. Calhoun, than to all other causes put together. Indeed, up to the latest period of his existence, he never failed to warn the young and inexperienced, not rashly to discard SD rich an inheritance. He maintained, that whatever might be the just causes of discontent, and whatever the acrimony of our struggles to remove them, we, in the United States, at last enjoyed more true happiness, than any other country of the globe. Time would fail us, should we attempt even the most cursory glance at all the important discussions in which Mr. Calhoun took a part for the next ten years. The most remarkable of these were on the Sub-Treasury ; the Distribution Bill ; the Treaty of Washington ; and the Oregon Bill. With regard to Oregon, his plan of policy would have consisted in continuing the treaty for joint occupation, and for the rest, to be content with a " masterly inactivity." To use his own words: '-There is often in the affairs of government, more efiiciency and wisdom in non-action than in action," Pretenders in all profes- sions, we may add, rush into action vipon alF occasions, because they have no rule of right within themselves. They selfishly hope that a momentary success may answer the demands of their own vanity or cu- pidity. They discourse blandly of the wants and expectations of the public, but the sagacious know that they mean only themselves. Ac- cordingly, the whole afi"air was abandoned to popular enthusiasm, which soon produced a crisis, attended with a commercial pressure, caused by the fear of a protracted war, with our most valuable customer. iMr. 232 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. Calhoun felt that justice was as much a cardinal virtue among na- tions as amoni^- men. Of a property long held in common, he knew that it was in vain to set up a claim which covered nearly the whole of it. In opposition to all party clamor, he contended for an equitable adjustraeut — one which a great nation might accede to without loss of honor. Upon this basis a treaty was at last concluded, in which both countries have entirely acquiesced. This whole transaction afforded a remarkable proof of the correct and exalted rules of action, whiqh invariably influenced the conduct of this great man. When England "did bestride the narrow world Like a Colossus" — trampling the rights of unoffending and defenceless nations under foot, he felt that America should make no other answer to insult than a cartel of defiance. But when peace had been restored and long friend- ship ripened into habit, and where the difficulty involved no great prin- ciple, to rush on M'ar, with all its hazards and all his horrors, appeared to him, not magnanimity, but madness. Towards the close of Mr. Tyler's administration, Mr. Calhoun con- sented to accept a place in his Cabinet, purely with a view to carry through the negotiations for the annexation of Texas. They could, with propriety, be entrusted to no other agency than that of a Southern statesman, and he strong enough to sustain the act before the nation and the world. The appointment gave universal satisfaction, and the success, which attended it, confirmed the opinion of the wisdom that dictated it. Latterly there had been but little sympathy on public measures between the President and the new Secretary, but there was one tie which had prevented separation from being transformed into alienation. Calhoun could never forget, Carolina could never forget, that, when in the Senate of the United States, her principles were stigmatized as treason, and herself driven to the wall, John Tyler was the only man, not of her soil, who boldly avowed his adhesion to them. As had been predicted by some, the annexation of Texas involved the nation in a war with Mexico. Mr. Calhoun thought the event possible, but not probable, if subsequent proceedings were inspired with prudence and moderation. At a later period, he contended that the mere crossing of the Del Norte, and the effort to occupy territory of which Mexico had never consented to divest herself, was not a cause of war. We had grounds to resist her entrance into or to drive her from territory which we held under color of right, but that we pur- sued an indefensible course, when, without causes transcending the henry's eulogy. 233 limits of negotiation, and without a previous declaration of war, we in- vaded her soil, sacked her cities and slaughtered her defenceless inhab- itants. Her weakness, he thought, shovild have pleaded as an addi- tional cause of forbearance. Hatred of oppression and wrong; contempt for all subterfuge and indirectness of conduct, were the very instincts of his nature : He was a lively exemplification of the profound truth, uttered long ago by a French writer of depth and acuteness, ''great thoughts come from the heart."* On no subject have Mr. Calhoun's views been less undei'stood; with respect to none, was he more exposed to the wanton attacks of calumny and vituperation, than on the subject of our peculiar institu- tions. His perspicacity was too searching ; his readings of history too ample; his appreciation of the nature of language too accurate to permit him to bandy in argument such terms as "best" and "worst," as if they carried an absolute meaning. He knew that they were relative — I'elative to some previous state of things, to some other condition of existence. He held that in most instances, the government of every people was only a reflexion of its actual physical, moral and industrial condition — that to attempt a republic in Hindostau, would be as boot- less as to proclaim a monarchy iu the United States. Equality of po- litical rights pre-supposes equality of condition — if mental indepen- dence and property be generally diffused, you may expect to rear a fabric of government, whose movements may be generated and perpetu- ated from its own internal energies. On the other hand, if the minds of the mass be yielding and prostrate, timid and unenterprizing, their spring of action must be derived from without. Unless the previous elements be supplied, you may proclaim the forms of freedom, but you will only evolve a subtler and more desolating phasis of despotism. He held it to be a "mistake so often and so fatally repeated, that to expd a chspot is to establish liberty — a mistake to which we may trace the failure of many noble and generous efforts in favor of liberty. He, therefore, looked rather with apprehension than hope, upon the revolu- tionary mania which has assailed the ancient institutions of Europe, within the last few years. He saw plainly that the human condition must be rather deteriorated than improved, when anarchy is substituted for subordination. He did not believe, that by any declaration of liberty, however solemn or grandilofjuent, you can make men free, unless they have been prepared by a long and practical training. 3Ien look with envy and desire upon the happy exemption from shackles, which * "Les grandes penseea viennent du coeur." — Vauvenargues. 234 'THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. we enjoy, but they forget the plain of Eunny-mede, the fight at Edge- hill, the landing at Torbay, the struggle at Breed's Hill, and the crown- ing glory at York Town. You cannot compress such events into a day or a century. The spreading creeper, which shades the wall, with its luxuriant and graceful foliage, starts up in a few weeks of summer, and perishes to the root at the approach of winter, but the mantling oak pursues its progress to grandeur and strength, through sun-shine and through storm, sometimes faster and again slower, through long revolv- ing periods, affording apt shelter and cool shade to countless generations of ephemeral men. For free institutions then, there must be capacity to develop, and there must be time. If this be true of races wjiom nature has endowed with an original aptitude for freedom, and among whom we discover, in all other respects, the most brilliant results of mental power and pro- gress, what must be said of those who, for thousands of years, have exhibited the same undeviating level of degradation and stagnation ? If it be asked now why the African is held in hopeless bondage ? the answer is plain : because he has never been able at any period of his history to show titles to a higher destiny. To vise the language of the immortal Stagirite,* pronounced of races originally possessing a much higher physical type — " They are slaves because it is their interest to be so : they can obey reason, although they are unable to exercise it." Are there no other portions of society whose lot may be said to be equally hard in being deprived of all share of Government ? Mr. Cal- houn pronounced emphatically that African Slavery was a blessing, because whatever hysteric tears a false philanthropy pours over his destiny, the African sheds none for himself. Nature, so far, has cursed him with no dreams of progress which he cannot gratify. Whenever, like the Anglo-Saxon, he shall deal in all sorts of curious and gainful inventions ; and by perseverance in his plans and audacity in their execution, he has raised himself to the level of his master, the tables will be changed — it will then be the interest of his master to raise him o^ •" Aristot. de Eepub. Lib. I. Cap. 5. In all systems the safety of the -whole depends upon the predominance of the superior parts. In man, the soul is natu- rally superior to the body. Man is naturally superior to the lower animals, and if there be those whose intelligence reaches no higher than to render them a superior kind of machines, it is right, and tor their own interest, that they should obey the higher intelligence. Where these distinctions do not exist, but slavery depends merely upon the force of law, it is unjust. In his own words : " 6 xoivwvojv Xoya rotfiiTOv, oVov ctitf^vrf^ai aXXa jxtj £%?iv. ^ * * * * /3jiXsTai ju-au av r) cpodlg. x. r. X. * * # * * * -X- ^- OTI jX£V TOl'vUV SKfi Cpj(fSI TJVScr." X. T. X. henry's eulogy. 235 to a political level with himself, for he will be destitute of all power to depress him below hfs deserts. Hitherto liberty, glory, art, progress, have not been marked in the African vocabulary. If he utters them, it is because, like the tropical bird, he has been taught to chatter and to repeat from external prompting, words to which he really attaches no ideas. Hitherto, he has invented nothiug, he has improved nothing : the world owes him nothing for any single comfort by which the lot of humanity is cheered, nor for any contribution to science by which the elevation of man's descent is asserted. He is, in truth, what the scath- ing satire of the Roman historian, depicted the sensualists of his time to have been — '^ vdutl pecora, qucenatura prona, atqiie ventri ohech'entia finxit :" His lowest are his strongest instincts. With such an array of striking and familiar facts continually forcing themselves upon the notice of all, who are not subject to judicial blindness, the madness of fanaticism, ever since the foundation of our Constitution, has neverthe- less been constantly dreaming of some paradise of negro perfectibility. For a time, it was said he had no chance : make him free and he will surprise the world by the rapidity of his march towards excellence. Have their eyes been closed upon the two pictures which the march of events has unfolded for our instruction ? Are Hayti and Jamaica, the one sunk into the lowest depths of religious, moral, and political degra- dation, and the other fast hastening to the same irreversible doom, fit objects for imitation ? Surely, in the words of nature's great analyst, " There is scarce truth enough alive to make society secure ; but se- curity enough to make fellowships accursed : much upon this riddle runs the wisdom of the world." To a philanthropy so fraught with folly, to apply no harsher epithet, Mr. Calhoun could never be induced to give the slightest quarter. He believed that the whole "subject of slavery was foreign to the legiti- mate action of Congress, and should be forever banished from its halls. He was not so unreasonable as to expect that men who knew nothing of the practical working of our system,- should form the same estimate of it as ourselves, but he did think it becoming, that when men are igno- rant, they should be silent. He felt that it was a system which no rude and foreign hand could with safety be permitted to touch. Left to ourselves, and to the great innovator, time, he knew that the interest of the master would of itself ultimately generate any improvement that seemed feasible ; but that officious intrusion, although it might acciden- tally hurl the co-ordinate interests of the two races into utter ruin, could never be productive of salutary change. Mr. Calhoun utterly opposed the whole right of petition, as having not the slightest foundation in our recorded compacts. 236 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. Farther lie perceived, that for the fair and safe working out of the system, it must be kept distinctly agricultural, and not be suffered to be abridged of large and ample limits. If in the acquisition of these any expenses were sustained by one portion of the Union, without an imme- diate equivalent, it had already been more than forestalled by the immense contribution of the South to the public domain, and by the compromises to which it had already submitted, for the sake of peace. Beyond those compromises, he was utterly opposed to concession, for he knew that if the weaker section for an instant acquiesced under any derogation of right, the little finger of usurpation would soon effectuate a breach large enough for the whole body of power to enter. He was convinced that if we were less teeming with popialation than other sections, the spirit of the predominant race was more than a match for any force which could be brought to bear against it. His watch-word to the South, therefore, was equality of burdens and equality of privileges at any and at all hazards. Freemen should be just, generous, even wary in their demands upon others, but having once made an issue upon principle, they could afterwards yield nothing. " Peace be to France ; if Fi-ance in peace permit Our just and lineal entrance to our ov>'u ! If not, bleed France, and Peace ascend to Heav'n ! Whilst we, God's wrathful agent, do correct Their proud contempt, that beat his Peace to Heaven." Mr. Calhoun's last appearance in the Senate of the United States, to take any active part in its debates, was on the 4th of March. Al- though obliged to rely upon the utterance of a friend, we may notwith- standing say, * " Ilia tanquam cycnea fuit divini hominis vox et oratio," as Cicero declared concerning Crassus, on the sudden demise of the latter, after having exerted himself with great vehemence in the Senate. It was the last voice of the swan, chanting its own monody. The speech was a resumption and review of nearly every thing that he had been urging, for the last seventeen years. He declared the balance of power between the North and the South to be utterly disturbed, in favor of the former ; that both in the House of Representatives and in the Electoral College, the North possessed a striking preponderance, that if the territory now contended to be surrendered to her prejudices, should be added to what she had already secured, she would have succeeded in appropriating to herself three-fourths of the newly acquired public * De Orat. Lib. III., Cap. 2. henry's eulogy. 237 domain ; that she had laid the most unjust and onerous imposts upon the weaker section, and revelled in the division of the spoils ; that not satisfied with these, she had sought to convert a well-adjusted Federal Kepublic into an absolute democratic majority; that she called in Executive force to consummate the wrong ; and that in addition to and above all these grievances, for the last fifteen years the chief public occupation of her people had been to preach a crusade against slavery as an unpardonable sin, and to band themselves together for its abolition. That insult and oppression had attained a height that left the South no alternative but to resist them. A remedy, he declared, must be found, and it belonged to the North to propose it. He protested that the cry of Union had been vociferated so often that the spell was losing its charm, and that even the illustrious Southerner, who had, under better auspices, lent the magic of his name to increase the force of the Talis- man, could he now be heard, would counsel resistance. He observed that the two great distinctions of parties, which by their mutual opposi- tion formerly kept up in every part of the country, secured the equilib- rium of the government, were now lost in a secret struggle to obtain the support of fanatics, by surrendering the safe-guards of the Federal polity. He also insisted with great power upon the fact that the bond formerly existing among the various religious denominations, with some was already ruptured, and with the remainder was fast giving way. The course attempted to be pursued in the case of the territories, especially California, was, he declared, a fraud upon the Constitution, and ought to be immediately renounced. It was the parting legacy of our illustrious patriot. He had never uttered his opinions with more earnestness and less passion. We trust that the warning may not remain unheeded, nor without its salutary influence. His whole career, from his first connection with the Federal Grovernmeut, to its noble and impressive close, may be pronounced a triumphal progress. The Union admired him, his own State adored him, troops of friends and retainers surrounded him, the young equally with the old flocked to his presence. But he was no flatterer, no in- triguer, no speculator for influence, supported by the power of bestowing largesses alike on the wuorthless or the worthy. He was a severe esti- mator of men, but whatever any man's character or services properly claimed, he freely conceded to him. There was, besides, a genial sym- pathy with human nature, which stripped him of the trappings of artificial manners, whilst it invested him with a union of natural grace and dignity, inviting approach, but securing respect. Wisdom and instruction flowed from his lips in a continual stream, yet so unaflectcdly and without all arrogance, that the listener hung upon his words. He 238 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. possessed also that infallible indication of high manners — lie was in his turn a ready and attentive listener. No matter what the subject, if it involved nothing indecent or trivial, he cheerfully followed. Nor was he eager to lead ; on the contrary, he kindly permitted his companions to select their topics, knowing that men converse most pleasantly upon what they best understand. A child would have been attracted by his kindliness, whilst a philosopher might feel that he stood in no ordinary presence. Deriving his motives of action from his own internal percep- tions of excellence, it is astonishing how little solicitous he was about attracting the gaze or sharing the plaudits of the multitude. He re- fused invitations to public festivals to be celebrated in his own honor, so frequently, and they were known to be really so little to his taste, that they were at last withheld from motives of respect to his opinion. He might arrive at an hotel, when crowded, and be refused its hospi- tality, because his person was not recognized. He has been denied, by the way-side, a cup of cold water, to slake his feverish thirst, because wholly unknown ; the unfortunate author of the denial, long after, when apprised of his mistake, saying that had he declared himself, he would have run miles to gratify his wish. On one occasion, business calling him into a neighboring State, it happened that an humble laborer in the mines was prostrated with fever. When the physician arrived, quite late at night, he found a very unpretending person seated at the foot of the patient's bed, and proceeded, as a matter of course, to interrogate him concerning the case. Having retired, the next day, the physician observed the same person in the piazza of the village tavern, and eagerly inquired who he was, for, said he, "I met him last night in the sick chamber, and was astonished at the clearness and pertinence of his remarks." ''Do you not know him ?" replied the person addressed. " That, 8ir, is John C Calhoun." This anecdote rests on indubitable authority, and has been related because it appears to be in such admirable keeping with the whole character of the man. When at the head of the War Department, some one offered to name to him an individual of his office who was in the habit of betraying the secrets of his department to his opponents. His reply] was charac- teristic : " My bitterest enemies are welcome to know all that occurs in my department. I think well of all about me, and do not wish to change my opinion, and as far as the communication of information is concerned, I only regret that my permission was not asked, as it would have been freely granted." "*'• * See a terse and succinct biography, prefixed to the collected edition of Mr. Calhoun's Speeches. I have found it useful as a reference. henry's eulogy. 239 Mr. Calhoun's eloquence was of that highest order which baffles criticism. It was not the result of rules, and yet from it the highest rules may be derived. When intending to speak, his first aim was to make himself familiar with the details of his subject in all its bearings. His mind immediately discriminated between what was unimportant and what was essential to the merits of the case. Arrangement followed, placing everything in regular connection and sequence. If tropes and similes presented themselves, and could be gathered up without turning out of the way to reach them, he knew well enough how to weave them gracefully into the tissue of his discourse. The splendor of his thoughts, and the absence of all concealment and indirectness, imparted to his language a crystal clearness, which, whilst it could not be mistaken, was sure to attract and rivet attention. His tall erect person awakened interest as he arose to speak, and his brilliant eyes seemed to lend his thoughts the nimblest avenues into the hearts of his hearers. In him the tacit compact for truth, between a public orator and his hearers was religiously respected. "Never! Never! Never!" did the heart of the man suggest one thing and his language another. Making due allowance for the difference between ancient and modex-n manners, his whole image may be said to have been foi'med in the Roman mould by nature herself, for he was far above the servility of imitation. What the historian has recorded of the younger Cato, is as applicable to our illustrious statesman, as if it had been drawn from himself — " A man, as like as possible to virtue, and in everything more allied to a higher order of beings than to men, who never performed what was right, in order that he might be seen to do it, but because he could not act other- wise ; to whom, also, that alone appeared reasonable which was sanc- tioned by justice; free from all human |vices, he always remained the arbiter of his own fortune." * During forty years the political fortunes of South Carolina might be said to have been embarked in the same vessel with Mr. Calhoun. The voyage was prosperous and happy for both ; exposed to no untoward storms, subject to no dangerous under-currents, and to the last "his mistress Did hold his eyes, lock'd in her crystal looks ! " In noticing the characters of public men, it is often necessary to ttuke * Homo virtuti simillimus, et per omnia ingenio Diis, quam hominibus pro- prior ; qui uunquam recte fecit, ut facere videretur, sed quia aliter facere uou poterat, cuique id solum visum est rationem liabere, quod haberet justitiam ; omnibus humanis vitiis immunis, semper fortunam in sua potestate habuit. — C. V. Paterculi: Lib. II., Cap. 35. 240 THE CAROLINA TRIBUTE TO CALHOUN. a distinction between their private and their public morals. It may well be a fresh source of consolation, amidst the tears which bedew the memory of our departed patriot, that in domestic life he has bequeathed an example to posterity in all respects worthy of imitation. His piety, his morality, his philanthropy, all the gentle yearnings of his nature, were without display ; leading to the constant and conscientious perfor- mance even of the humblest duties, " As ever iu his great task-master's eye ! " No man could with more propriety adopt language such as that he used when closing a reply to an attack made upon him, by a generous but mistaken adversary : '' I then transfer this and all my subsequent acts, including the present, to the tribunal of posterity, with a perfect confidence that nothing will be found in what I have said or done to impeach my integrity or understanding." PALMEll'S DISCOURSE. A llii