X i/^ THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS AN EXAMINATION ARCHBISHOP GIBBONS S " FAITH OF OUR FATHERS." BY / J^ The Rev. EDWARD J.'^TEARNS, D.D., Examining Chaplain of the Diocese of Easion. AUTHOR OF "the AFTERPIECE TO THE COMEDY OF CONVOCATION," " BIRTH AND NEW / BIRTH," ETC. *^Frojn the beginning it luas not so." — St. Matt. xi.x..S..^..**^,^ \o/^ 1879/ XT \T Vs^>/Y 1879; ^^/j New York : •;./> ^^ , , , . v^V/ THOMAS WHITTA K E R , 2 AN") 3 Bible House. 1S79. :^''.v Copyright, ,879, by T. \Vh ITTAKER. CONTENTS. CHAPTER PAGE Introduction i I. The Blessed Trinity, the Incarnation, etc 7 II. Unity of the Church 7 III. Holiness of the Church 17 IV. Catholicity 27 V. Apostolicity 32 VI. Perpetuity of the Church 46 VIL Infallible Authority of the Church 47 VIII. The Church and the Bible 61 IX. The Primacy of Peter 112 X. The Supremacy of the Pope 142 XI. Infallibility of the Popes. . .' 167 XII. Temporal Power of the Popes 179 XIII. Invocation of Saints. 188 XIV. Sacred Images 204 XV. Purgatory and Prayers'for the Dead 218 XVI. Civil and Religious Liberty 238 XVII. Charges of Religious Persecution 261 XVIII. Grace — The Sacraments — Original Sin — Baptism — Its Necessity— Its Effects — Manner of Baptising 277 XIX. Confirmation 283 XX. The Holy Eucharist 286 ii CONTENTS. CHAPTER PAGE XXI. Communion under One Kind 301 XXII. The Sacrifice of the Mass , , 305 XXIII. Religious Ceremonies. 311 XXIV. Ceremonies of the Mass — The Missal — Latin Language — Lights— Flowers — Incense — Vestments. 314 XXV. Penance 322 XXVI. Indulgences 359 XXVII. Extreme Unction 361 XXVIIL The Priesthood 362 XXIX. Celibacy of the Clergy 363 XXX. Matrimony 367 PREFACE. The preparation of the following pages, undertaken at the earnest request of the Assistant Bishop of Mary- land, has been a task of no little difficulty, owing to the character of the work under examination. I thought I knew something of the windings-in-and-out of Roman controversialists ; but the Archbishop's book, in this respect, goes beyond any that has fallen under my observation. The unscholarly way, too, in which he cites his authorities, particularly on important points, makes it exceedingly difficult to follow him up. For instance, on page 245 we have the Reference, *' Blue- Laws'' (!) ; on page 252, '' The Ottoman and Spanish Empires, by Leopold Ranke ;'' on page 371, '' Systema Theol. " (of Leibnitz), *' Remarques sur TOlympe" (of Voltaire), '* Emile" (of Rousseau); and, on other pages, a score or two of other, similar, references ; in every instance, without chapter and verse. I do not complain of his citing authorities at second hand ; but he should at least let us have chapter and verse of the VI PREFACE, original, as given by his second-hand authorities, when those authorities are of his own Communion. But slovenhness of Reference is not by any means the worst fault of the book. Let the reader turn to pages 113 and 114, 336-338, 341, 342, of what follows, and read what I have there laid before him, and . • • But the pity of it, lago ; the pity of it 1 Easton, Maryland, June, 1879. INTRODUCTION. The ''little volume," as it styles itself, which is here brought under review, and which, according to the imprint on the title-page of the copy now lying be- fore me, has already, though given to the public less than two years ago, reached its *' fortieth thousand," is as remarkable for what it does not contain, as for what it does. Though its ** object," as stated in the preface, is, *' to present in a plain and practical form, an exposition and a vindication of the principal tenets of the Catholic Church," meaning thereby the Church under the headship of the bishop of Rome, I have been able to detect, in the course of a careful reading and re-reading of the book, not so much as even an al- lusion to the Roman doctrine of Justification ; the briefest and barest mention of works of supererogation and the '' Treasury" of the merits of the saints, not a syllable of any special invocation of the Virgin Mary as distinguished from the other saints ; and only nine lines — six of them tv^^o hundred and thirty-three pages apart from the other three — of ** exposition and vindi- cation" of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin ! Here is absolutely all that I can find, from beginning to end of the four hundred and thirty-three pages, on what are commonly called Works of Supereroga- tion : '* An indulgence is simply a remission in whole or in part, through the sicperabzindant merits of Jesus 2 IXTRODUCTION. Christ and Jiis saints, [italics mine], of the temporal punishment due to God on account of sin, after the guilt and eternal punishment have been remitted" (p. 385). '* Those, however, who contributed nothing [to the completion of St. Peter's], shared equally in the treasury [italics mine] of the Church, provided they complied with the essential conditions for gaining the indulgence'' (p. 391). Who would gather from this *' exposition and vindi- cation," that the merits of the saints — that is, the good works they have done over and above what they are re- quired to do — form a *' treasure," of which the Pope holds the key, and which he can set over to the ac- count of those, on earth or in purgatory, who have not done so much as is required of them, and thereby sup- ply to them what they lack ? And here is all that I can find, in the whole four hundred and thirty-three pages, on the Immaculate Conception : '* In the doctrine of the supreme power of Peter, as the visible foundation of the Church, we have the implied assertion [italics his] of many rights and duties which belong to the centre of unity. In the revelation of the supereminent dignity and purity of the Blessed Virgin, there is implied her exemption from Original Sin, etc., etc." (p. 30). '' Hence Pascal truly says that man is a greater mystery to himself without Original Sin, than is the mystery itself. ** The Church, however, declares that the Blessed Virgin Mary was exempted from the stain of Original Sin by the merits of our Saviour Jesus Christ ; and that, consequently, she was never for an instant sub- ject to the dominion of Satan. This is what is meant by the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception" (p. 263). Here is the whole *' exposition and vindication,'' and coupling it with the absolute silence of the book on any special veneration of the Virgin above that of the other saints, and contrasting it with the well-known IX TR OD UC TION. 3 and universal practice of the Roman Church, we may well say, We have here the tragedy of Hamlet with the part of Hamlet left out. Evidently, the Archbishop, writing, as he is, to Protestants, keeps in mind the saying of the wise man. Surely^ in vain is the net spread in the sight of any bird ! I commend his prudence, but would much rather be able to commend his candor. To be open and aboveboard is best, in the long run, even as a matter of policy ; and even if it were not, it ought to commend itself to a Christian man, not to say an Archbishop and Metropolitan. But I fear that straightforwardness is not a charac- teristic of the Archbishop ; for, I am sorry to say, I have detected him in a gross and glaring misrepresen- tation of Luther's teaching on communion under one kind, leaving oat in the first line of his citation two words on which the whole hinges, and stopping short of the end of the sentence, when if he had gone on and completed it, and given the next paragraph, his read- ers would have seen that he was making Luther teach exactly the contrary of what he did teach. But Luther was ''a heretic.'' How is it with the Catholics ? the real ones, I mean, of the olden time ; not the new-fangled Roman ones ? Does the Arch- bishop treat them any better ? No ! for, again I am sorry to say, I have detected him in a garbling of St. Basil, in what purports to be a continuous and consec- utive quotation from the Regiilce Breves — lumping into one continuous paragraph sentences that are only twenty four folio pages (of the Benedictine edition) apart from each other, and stopping short, in the first part of the quotation, with a period, where St. Basil puts a comma, because to have given the rest of the sentence, which could have been done in half a dozen lines, would have defeated the purpose for which the citation was made! The proof of this will come in due time.* "' See chapters xxi. and xxv. 4 INTRODUCTION. The Archbishop's '* Introduction" begins : '* My Dear Reader — Perhaps this is the first time in your life that you have handled a book in which the doc- trines of the Catholic [meaning thereby the Roman] Church are expounded by one of her sons/' No, it is 7iot the first time. Had it been, I might have been surprised at the Archbishop's treatment of Luther and St. Basil ; but having already handled more than one such book, I was prepared for such misrepresentations and garblings, and set m3^self to ferret them out. The two above referred to may serve as specimens ; there are plenty more, as we shall see, before we get through. ** There is no Freemasonry," says the Archbishop (p. 13), ** in the Catholic [meaning the Roman] Church ; she has no secrets to keep back." And yet he ** keeps back" the Roman doctrine concerning Justification, — concerning the three ** Holy Orders" of the ministry, priests, deacons, and subdeacons, instead of bishops, priests, and deacons, — concerning the special worship \hyperdtilid) of the Virgin above that of the other saints ; rather a significant *' keeping back," for which, how- ever, the Archbishop is responsible, and not the ac- credited teachings of his Church. '' And in coming to the [Roman] Church," continues the Archbishop (p. 15), '*you are not entering a strange place, but you are returning to your Father's home. The house and furniture may look odd to you. But it is just the same as your forefathers left it three hundred years ago." If this were true, the question would be whether they had cause to leave it ; whether the house was tenantable to one who valued his soul's health too much to expose it to a spiritual malaria worse than the physi- cal one of the Pomptine marshes. But it is 7iot true. / For, in the first place, otir forefathers did not leave it. I On the contrary, they remained where they were ; IXTRODUCTION, S where they had been from the beginning ; in the old ^ historic Church of their fathers. VThey merely shook : off a usurpation which king after king had conspired with pope after pope to fasten upon them, but against which they had, struggled, century after century, unsuccessfully, till, in the good providence of God, conspiring king and pope became contending king and pope, and the wrath of man was made to praise God, and the Church (in the end) to have her own again. And, in the second place, the ** house'' is not the same that it was when the usurper's grasp was taken off from the Church of England's throat. Then, and for thirty years thereafter, the two Churches had the same creeds, the Apostles,' the Nicene, and the Athanasian. But in 1564 Pope Pms IV. set forth a new creed that has ever since gone by his name, wit- nessing thereby to its own novelty. Verily, the ** house" is not ** just the same" that it was three hun- dred and odd years ago. It is not even the same that it was twenty-five years ago. Then Padre Vigil was ** a good Catholic" though he denied the Immaculate Conception. But within a year thereafter he became ** a bad Catholic," not from any change in him on that point (for there was none), but because the ** house" had got adrift, while he kept to his moorings. Nay, it is not the same that it was ten years ago. For Bol- linger, and Rheinkens, and Hertzog, were ** good Catholics" then, though they denied the Infallibility of the Pope ; but they are '' bad Catholics" now, not from any alteration in their faith upon that point (for it has not altered by the breadth of a hair), but be- cause the *' house" is changed, and thev won't change with it. And yet, the Archbishop has the assurance to tell us that the '* house" is *' just the same" that it was in the time of our forefathers. Verily, he must think poorly of our reasoning powers, if he expects us to be- lieve him ; too poorly, one would think, to wish to 6 INTRODUCTION, proselyte us. For what accession, even to a society of feeble-minded persons and idiots, could such reasoners be? Having thus disposed of all that needs disposing of in the Archbishop's Introduction, I now proceed to consider, chapter by chapter, the rest of the work. Some of the chapters can be dispatched in few words : others will require a fuller handling. THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. CHAPTER I. THE BLESSED TRINITY, THE INCARNATION, ETC. The first Chapter of the Archbishop's ''little vol lime," as might be conjectured from its title, has noth- ing in it calling for observation, and I make mention of it, therefore, merely for convenience' sake, that the numbering ot my chapters may correspond to that of his. The principal marks or characteristics of the true Church," says the Archbishop, in the concluding para- graph, quoting from the Nicaeno-Constantinopolitan Creed, ''are, her Unity, Sanctity, Catholicity, and Apostolicity, to which,' ' he continues, though without the warrant of the creed, " may be added the Infalli- bility of her teaching and the Perpetuity of her exist- ence. I shall treat," he adds, " successively of these marks. ' * In the order of this treatment, I propose to follow him. CHAPTER II. THE UNITY OF THE CHURCH. "By unity," says the Archbishop, " is meant that the members of the true Church must be united in the 8 THE FAITH OF OCR FOREFATHERS. belief of the same doctrines of revelation, an^^i in the acknowledgment of the authority of the same pastors. Heresy and schism are opposed to Christian unity. By heresy, a man rejects one or more articles of the Chris- tian faith. By schism, he spurns the authority of his spiritual superiors'' (p. 21). The Catechism of the Council of Trent puts it some what differently : '' So vast a multitude, scattered far and wide, is called one, for the reasons mentioned by St. Paul in his epistle to the Ephesians : ' Qne Lord, one faith, one baptism.' This Church," it adds, 'Tias also but one ruler and one governor, the invisible one, Christ, whom the Eternal Father ' hath made head over all the Church, which is his body ;' " and then it goes on, in the next breath, to speak of another, a '' visible" one, the " successor of Peter" (Part I., Ar- ticle ix., T II, Donovan's Translation. Baltimore: John Murphy). * How there can be *' but one," and that o^e** invisi- ble," and yet, another, and that one '' visilple," is not very easy to see ; especially when taken in connection with another statement of the same catechism, to wit, that ** the Church consists principally of two parts, the one called the Church triumphant, the other the Church militant ;" and that these are not two Churches, but **two constituent parts of one Church; one part gone before, and now in the possession of its heavenly country ; the other, following every day" (Pt. I., Art. ix.,l7). Change ''triumphant" to ''expectant" (for the " part gone before" is not yet triumphant, and will not be till the Resurrection), and we have a true descrip- tion of the one Church, with its one Head, and that Head invisible ; invisible, because, like the part of the Body which is nearest to it, it is " gone before," passed " within the veil" (Heb. 6 : 19, 20). ^ But is not the part that is " militant here on earth'* THE UNITY OF THE CHURCH, 9 one ? Yes ! One with an organic unity ; but not necessarily with a brotherly unanimity. Brothers ought to be brotherly ; but they are not always ; and yet they do not thereby cease to be brothers. The organic tie remains. ** Brothers are brothers evermore." There are manifold illustrations of the organic unity of the visible Church, each illustrating some one aspect of that unity. The Church is one, as the Masonic fraternity is one. Now the unity of this latter is a visible unity, '* known and read of all men ;'' and yet it has no ecumenical head, but only a national head to each national organi- zation. Plainly, then, a visible earthly head is not necessary to the visible unity of the Visible Church. Perhaps it is on this account that the Roman Church is so sp':cially hostile to Freemasonry. She can have no liking for a society w^hose very existence is a standing proof of the possibility of visible ecumenical unity with- out a visible ecumenical head. The Church is one, as the race is one. The first Adam is the head of the race ; of the part that has gone before, as Avell as of the part still on earth ; and it has no other head. The second Adam is the head of the Church ; of the part still on earth, as well as of the part that has gone before ; and it has no other head. The Church is one, as the family is one. Though '' two of us in the churchyard lie," and the other five are parted, it may be, for all of this life, yet still '' we are seven ;" and these seven are one ; and this one family 'has one head and only one ; for husband and wife are one. In like manner, the Church, '' the whole family in heaven and earth,'' is one ; and it has one Head, and only one. But must not '' the members of the true Church" be ''united in the acknowledgment of the authority of 10 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. the same pastors?" They should be vinited in the acknowledgment of the same ministry, to wit, the Apostolic ; but it is the misfortune, rather than the fault, of the many in this land, and large numbers in the motherland, that they are not. The ** true Church" draws a broad line of demarcation between those who knowingly and wilfully create a schism, and \ those who unwittingly slide into it, or are born and reared in it. She claims as her own every baptized man and woman and child. She does not excommu- nicate those Avho by the misfortune of their birth and education are in formal but not wilful schism. She leaves that to the false parent, the stepmother, Rome. *' Peter" may '* begin to curse and to swear ;" the Church of Christ, Catholic in truth and not in pre- tence, has a different way of w^inning back those of her children who have strayed from her fold ; the way of the Mother in those beautiful lines of the Greek An- thology, so exquisitely translated by Samuel Rogers : ** While on the cliff with calm delight she kneels, And the blue vales a thousand joys recall, See, to the last, last verge her infant steals : Oh fly ! yet stir not, speak not, lest it fall ! Far better taught, she lays her bosom bare. And the fond boy springs back, to nestle there." Even the stepmother Rome can, when it suits her pur- pose, make allowance for what she calls invincible ignor- • ance, Som^ of her children better her instructions. Said the late Bishop Wilberforce to his servant-girl, '* How is it, Bridget, that you are so attached to me, and yet you beheve that I shall go to hell when I die ?" ** Oh, I dont believe it." '' But how am^I to be saved ?" '' You'll be saved by your invincible higno- rance." Bridget's heart was better than her head: Rome's heart is worse, I fear, than its head ; and that is saying a great deal. But must not '* the members of the true Church THE UNITY OF THE CHURCH. ii be ** united in the belief of the same doctrines of reve- lation ?" So far as those doctrines are articles of faith, Yes ; so far as they are outside of the faith, No. What, then, is the faith ? The Catechism of the Council of Trent — that '' Catechism which," says the Council (Sess. 24, de Reform, c. 7), '' Bishops will take care to have faithfully translated into the vernac- ular language, and expounded to the people by all pas- tors" — shall give the answer to this question, an an- swer which the Archbishop is estopped from finding fault with : '' Our predecessors in the faith have very wisely re- duced them [viz. *'the truths revealed by Almighty God"] to these four heads — The Apostles' Creed — The Sacraments — The Ten Commandments — and The Lord's Prayer. The Creed contains all that is to be held according to the discipline of the Christian faith, whether it regard the knowledge of God, the creation and government of the world ; or the redemption of man, the rewards of the good and the punishments of the wicked. . . . The first, then, and most im- portant points of Christian faith are those which the holy apostles, the great leaders and teachers of the faith, men inspired by the Holy Ghost, have divided into the twelve articles of the Creed : for as they had received a command from the Lord 1j go forth ' into the whole world,' as his ambassadors, and preach the Gospel to every creature (2 Cor. 5 : 18, 19, 20 ; Mark. 1 16 : 15), they thought proper to conpose a form off Christian faith, ' that all may speak and think the same thing ' (i Cor. 1:10); and that amongst those whom they should have called to the unity of faith, no schisms should exist ; but that they should be perfect in the same mind, and in the same spirit. This profession of Christian faith and hope, drawn up by themselves, the Apostles called a 'symbol/ either because it was an aggregate of the combined sentiments of all ; or be- \ 12 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, cause, by it as by a common sign and watchword, they might easily distinguish false brethren, deserters from the faith ' unawares brought in ' (Gal. 2:4), ' who adulterated the word of God ' ( 2 Cor. 2:17), from those who had pledged an oath of fidelity to serve under the banner of Christ" (Preface, ^T[ 14 and 17). The Apostles' Creed, then (whether we accept this account of its origin or not), contains all that is neces- sary to be believed as a requisite to everlasting salva- tion. We might infer this from the fact that it is the baptismal creed, and the further fact that it is the only creed we examine the Christian on when we visit him in his last sickness and commend his parting spirit *' into the hands of its faithful Creator and most merci- ful Saviour ;" for, surely, that which is sufficient for the beginning and the end of the Christian life, is suffi- cient for the whole course of it. As to the Nicene Creed, the Church accepts it as a legitimate develop- ment and amplification of the teaching of the Apostles' Creed, and as such she teaches it to her children, and expects them to ''grow up into it," — an expectation which is justified by the result ; but she does not im- pose it on them as a condition of salvation. As to the Creed of Pope Pius IV., she regards it as in no sense a development or amplification of, but rather an unsightly patch sewed on to, the old historic creed. It is not an amplification ; for to amplify is ''to place a subject in some way in a clearer light" (Andrews' " Freund's Lexicon," sub voc, ampltfico) ; not to add a new sub- ject. Neither is it a development ; for what is there in the Apostles' Creed that could be developed into the supremacy of the Roman Church as the Mother and Mistress of all Churches ?"^ He that could develop the former into the latter, or into any other of the arti- cles of the creed of Pope Pius, could develop a bee- moth into a behemoth, or even a horse chestnut into a chestnut horse ! THE UNITY OF THE CHURCH. 13 Nor has this patchwork development stopped here. Even within our own day, we have had two new arti- cles tacked on to the old creed by the Roman Church. And yet the Archbishop has the assurance to tell us that '' her creed is now identical with what it was in past ages*' (p. 2j). How does he make this out? Thus : ** But it may be asked, is not this unity of faith im- paired by those doctrinal definitions which the Church has promulgated from time to time ? We answer : No new dogma, unknown to the apostles, not con- tained in the primitive Christian revelation, can be ad- mitted (John 14 : 26 ; 15:15; 16 : 13). For the apos- tles received the whole deposit of God's word, accord- ing to the promise of our Lord : ' When he shall come, the spirit of truth, he shall teach you all truth.' And so the Church proposes the doctrines of faith, such as they came from the lips of Christ, and as the Holy Spirit taught them to the apostles at the birth of the Christian law — doctrines which know neither variation nor decay. '* Hence, wlienever it has been defined that any point of doctrine pertained to the Catholic faith, it was always understood that this was equivalent to the declaration that the doctrine in question had been re- vealed to the apostles, and had come down to us from them, either by scripture or tradition" (pp. 28, 29). Let us hold the Archbishop to this, and see where it will land him. Within the memory of many of us, for it dates back less than a quarter of a century, ** it has been defined" that the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary '* pertains to the Catholic faith." It fol- lows from the Archbishop's declaration above cited, that it alwa3^s did pertain to it. It Avas therefore a part of *' the Catholic faith" at the time of the Council of Trent. And 3^et, at that time, the Dominicans and 14 THE FAITH OF OUR FORE FA THERS, Franciscans were at swords' points upon it, and so con- tinued to be, down almost to our own day. Why did not the infallible Pope interpose, when a word from him would have settled the controversy ? Why did he leave the Church in uncertainty about it for three hun- dred years ? This is a question that I shall defer till I come to the question of Infallibility. At present it con- cerns me only to ask. Where is the boasted *' admira- ble unity that exists in matters of faith ?" (p. 28). Or rather, Where zvas it, at the Council of Trent, and for a quarter of a millennium thereafter ? For as, accord- ing to the Archbishop (p. 74), the Roman Church is *' to-day'' '' more united, more compact, and more vig- orous than ever she was before," it follows that before *' to-day" she was less ** vigorous," less ''compact," less ''united." How has the "admirable unity" of *^' to-day" been brought about? By cutting off those who, like DoUinger, profess the same faith "to-day" that they professed yesterday, and decline to change with the changing infallible Church. Verily, a com- pendious way of securing unity ! Change, yourself, and then cut off those that won't change with you, and it takes no ghost to tell that those who remain will be united. But what is such a unity worth ? Cole- ridge tells of a man who was " content to think with the great Dr. Paley," and to whom he retorted, " Man of sense. Dr. Paley was a great man ; but you do not think, at all !" So it is with the rank and file of the Roman communion, in the matter of new-fangled arti- cles of faith. They do not think at all ; they let the Pope do their thinking for them, and when he changes, presto, they change with him. But the Archbishop will have it that there is no change; only "a more explicit declaration'' of Avhat was previously " implicitly, less clearly, not so earnestly proposed," because there was then "no contrary teaching to render a more explicit declaration neces- THE UNITY OF THE CHURCH, 15 sary" (pp. 30, 31). He, very conveniently keeps out of sight, what, nevertheless, he well knows to be the fact, that for the greater part of the last three hundred years, there lias been, in the matter of the Immaculate Conception, ** contrary teaching" on the part of the Dominican low church, in opposition to the Francis- can high church, and therefore, on his own showing, occasion *' for a more explicit declaration;" 3^et, till within the last quarter of a century, no such declara- tion forthcoming. In pursuing this subject, the Archbishop devotes three or four pages to what may be called a sermon, on the text, '* A revealed truth frequently has a very extensive scope, and is directed against error under its many changing forms. Nor is it necessary that those who receive this revelation in the first instance, should be explicitly acquainted with its full import, or cogni- zant of all its bearings. A very good text, but a very inconsequent sermon ; for neither of the two doctrines *' defined" by the late Pope, can come under this category. Surely, if there is *' occasion" now for the explicit belief of the Immac- ulate Conception, and the Infallibility of the Pope, there was equal occasion for it in the beginning. Think of a Church having an Infallible Pope at her head for eighteen hundred years, and all that time not knowing that he was infallible ! Nay, allowing her children to deny his infallibility freely up to the year of grace 1870, and then for the first time excommuni- cating them for such denial ! A man of plain practical common sense would suppose that if the Church had already got along for eighteen hundred years without knowing that the Pope was Infallible, she could get along another eighteen hundred years without know- ing it ; and further that if a doctrine so *' important if true," had, to say the least, not been certainly known to be true by the Church, it could not possibly be true. 1 6 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, But more of this when we come to the chapter on In- fallibility. In conclusion, unity depends on historic continuity. In the words of another, ** It is not because the Church is Episcopal or Presbyterian ; because it worships with or without a Liturg}" ; nor for any other peculiarity of doctrine or organization, that it is said to be the Church that our Lord * purchased with his ow^n blood \ 'gave himself for ; ' ' that he might sanctify and cleanse it, and present it to himself without spot, or w^rinkle, or any such thing.' But it is on account of identity or sameness with the Church spoken of in the Scriptures, that we can apply these things to any modern body professing to be Christians. The great point of our inquiry has been identity of origin. The same vine can never grow from several different [orig- inal] roots.'' (''Church Identified," by the Rev. W. D. Wilson, D.D. New York, 1850 ; pp. 238, 239.) I have interpolated the word ''original," because the Church is a sarmentose vine, sending out "run- ners" in all directions, and these runners striking root in every soil, and, when firml}^ rooted, retaining the common life even when severed from the parent stock. A sect, on the other hand, is, as the name implies, an attempt to propagate the vine by a cutting ; a mode of propagation for which no provision was made in the original constitution of the vine. The writer above quoted compares the Church's his- tor}^ to "a stream rolling on to the ocean." His de- scription of the stream is very graphic : " From some elevated point we may see its course through the lapse of ages. Mountains enclose it on both sides. Here a rock rising in rugged barrenness, there an island, cov- ered with verdure and beauty, separate, for a time, its waters into several channels, each pursuing its circui- tous course to a union with that from which it was separated. Perhaps the last that the eye can see will THE HOLINESS OE THE CHURCH. I'/ be deltas extending their dividing influence into the very bosom of the ocean. The separation between the East and the West in the eleventh century is one such division. The Reformation is another. These may prove islands in a stream yet to be reunited ; or the river may empty itself by different mouths into eter- nity. But whether separate channels flowing round rock and island, or separate mouths flowing into the same ocean, the stream is one and the same. Beyond the mountains flow others that have started from other fountains, and flow in different channels. The geo- grapher never confounds the one with the other. Their identity is never mistaken." CHAPTER III. THE HOLINESS OF THE CHURCH. With the greater part of what the Archbishop says respecting the holiness of the Church I cordially agree ; but there are some things that cannot be permitted to pass unchallenged; notably his estimate of the '' books of piety" within his own communion, as compared with those outside of it. ''Who," he asks, '' can read without spiritual profit such works as the almost in- spired 'Following of Christ,* by Thomas a Kempis ; the ' Christian Perfection' of Rodriguez ; the ' Spir- itual Combat' of Scupoli ; the writings of St. Francis de Sales, and a countless host of other ascetical au- thors ?" (p. 38). Had the Archbishop stopped here, I should have contented myself with suggesting that there was some base metal mingled with the fine gold in most of these writers, and that the asceticism in their writings might t8 the faith of our FORE FA THERS, have been somewhat lessened with advantage ; for ** bodily exercise profiteth little" (i Tim. 4 : 8). But he goes on : '' You will search in vain outside the Catholic [meaning the Roman] Church for writers comparable in unction and healthy piety to such as I have mentioned." Evidently, the Archbishop, in his ''search," has never come across such works as Bishop' Andre wes* '* Devotions," Jeremy Taylor's *' Holy Living and Dying," Bishop Wilson's '* Sacra Privata," Scougal's ** Life of God in the Soul of Man," '* and a countless host of other" devotional, if not ascetical writers ; or else he is not a good judge of " unction," and '* healthy piety." He excepts one book, however, from this general disparagement ; but he does it with a salvo. *' I do not speak," he says, *' of the * Book of Common Prayer,' because the best part of it is a translation from our Missal." There is a slight mistake here. The best part of the prayer-book, outside of what comes from holy scripture, is a translation from the early Greek Liturgies. Perhaps, however, the Archbishop thinks those Liturgies are a translation from '* our Missal ;" like the honest Methodist, who, dropping in at a book- seller's in North Charles Street, Baltimore, some five- and-thirty years ago, and, while waiting his turn to be served, taking up what proved to be a prayer-book, and happening to open at the communion office, after looking at it in blank astonishment for some moments, exclaimed in unfeigned amazement, ** Why, this is taken from the Discipline !" At the opening of this chapter, the Archbishop gives the reason why the Church is called holy, to wit, be- cause it is ''a society founded by our Lord Jesus Christ for the sanctification of its members ;" an ob- ject, however, which it accomplishes but in part ; for, adds the Archbishop, *' we cannot close our eyes to the THE HOLINESS OF THE CHURCH. 19 painful fact that too many of them, far from living up to the teachings of their Church, are sources of melan- choly scandal" (p. 42). But this does not militate against the holiness of the Church. It is holy in idea, and, so far as this idea is realized in the lives of its members, they are holy, not merely in profession — which all are — but in deed and in truth. But, says the Archbishop, *' the Church, walking in the footsteps of her divine Spouse, never repudiates sinners, nor cuts them off from her fold, no matter how grievous or notorious may be their moral delinquen- cies ; not because she connives at their sin, but because she wishes to reclaim them. She bids them never to despair, and tries, at least, to weaken their passions, if she cannot altogether reform their lives " We know, on the other hand, that sinners who are guilty of gross crimes which shock public decency, are virtually excommunicated from Protestant commu- nions'* (p. 43). The Archbishop refers to the parable of the Wheat and Tares, in justification of the course of the Roman Church as contrasted with that of *' Protestant Com- munions.'* But that parable does not justify retaining in the fold ** scandalous" sinners; sinners ''guilty of gross crimes which shock public decency." The case of the incestuous person at Corinth is a case in point. The Corinthian Church, like the Roman of the pres- ent day, had failed to '' repudiate" the sinner. Hence the apostle wrote to them (i Cor. 5 : 2, Rhemish Ver- sion), ** And you are puffed up ; and have not rather mourned, that he might be taken away frorn among y oil, that hath done this deed." The Archbishop, how- ever, represents the apostle as simply reproving the transgressor : *' St. Paul," he says, '' calls the Church of Corinth a congregation of saints (i Cor. i), though he reproves some scandalous members among them" (i Cor. 5) : ** To deliver such a one to Satan for the 20 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFA THERS. destruction of the flesh, that the spirit may be saved in the day of our Lord Jesus Christ," (i Cor. 5 : 5, Rhemish Version), that is, to cast him out of the fold, for the time being, into the world, the kingdom of Satan, ''the terrible and greatest pvinishment, " says the '' annotation" of the Rhemish Version on this pas- sage, ''in the world, yea, far passing all earthly pain and torment of this life, and being a very resemblance of damnation," is, to say the least, a very singular way of " reproving" him ! The truth is, while the Roman communion goes to one extreme in this matter, and some of the Protestant communions to the other, even excluding from the fold for lack of certain " experiences," and " frames," the holy Catholic Church in this land, following the example of the apostle, excludes from communion for scandalous offences, and for those only. I am glad to see that the Archbishop admits that re- formation was needed three hundred years ago. " It cannot be denied," he says, "that corruption of mor- als prevailed in the sixteenth century to such an extent as to call for a sweeping reformation, and that laxity of discipline invaded even the sanctuary" (p. 45). If the Roman Church, all along the previous centuries had followed the example of the apostle in the case of the Corinthian Church, would the " corruption of morals" in the sixteenth century have required " a sweeping reformation ?" But how is it with the riinctecnth century ? Is there no reformation needed now ? Judging from what I read in newspapers of reputation and standing, it seems to me that there is need of a very " sweeping reforma- tion" in a part, at least, of the " holy Roman Church" in the United States of America, and that a very im- portant part ; a part dignified with the headship of a cardinal. I take the following from the Southern Church' man of December 19th, 1878 : THE HOLINESS OF THE CHURCH. 2i ''A GRAND AFFAIR. '' The Roman Catholics have built a magnificent ca- thedral in the city of New York ; but some $200,000 were needed to finish the interior and to make it *church- like/ to have great marble altars and paintings and statues of the Virgin and the saints, and to purchase silk and fine linen and jewelry for the priests who were to minister at the costly altars in the costly building. But $200,000 are not to be had for wishing, nor for that matter, in hard times, for the asking. So what do the Cardinal and other dignitaries but permit a grand fair to be held in the unfinished cathedral, a fair in which we hear there was a bar open for the sale of whiskey and ale and other drinks, and there were rafHes and gambling of various kinds, so that one has a right to ask, ' Is this temple dedicated, or to be dedi- cated, to God or the devil ? ' for it is evident the devil's work has been going on and in the most excited man- ner. But as a reporter of the Evening Post visited the cathedral we must permit him to tell us what he saw in one spot : '* * A young priest, near what looked like a small round gambling table at the Catholic Fair yesterday, Avas surrounded by some bright boys, whose average age was about eight years. Some young girls swelled their number. * Number four,' called out the priest, as the arrow, which had been turning on its pivot to the centre of the table, stopped over a section of the surface marked '' four." There were twelve sections in all, and on each one of them lay a cent contributed by a boy or girl. The reporter counted eighteen boys who were standing around the table shouting, snap- ping their eyes, watching the revolving arrow and yell- ing when it stopped. ** Number four," cried out the priest. " I declare, that is a lucky number. Why, 2 2 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. it*s been 'four/ two or three times/* He picked up six cents, one after the other, from the table, and handed them to the boy who had deposited a cent on number four. The remaining six cents, which lay on the other six sections of the surface of the table, he put into his pocket. *' * ** Now, who's next?" he asked with earnestness. ** Who will have number four this time ?'' A little fel- low with handsome deep black eyes and rich dark hair stretched out his hand and placed a cent on number four. Others followed him, the priest meanwhile exhort- ing- them to do so. A pretty maid offered a cent, which he put on number twelve. '* Yours is number twelve, little girl — remember, number twelve. Now I want one for number three,'' he said ; ''give me a cent for number three." " ' " Lend me a cent," demanded a brown-haired, hot-cheeked boy of a companion who had just won six cents. " Lend me a cent, will you ?" Lie was excited and bankrupt. *' ' " Here," said the successful player, and handed him one of the six that he held in his fist. *' * " What's my number?" screamed a boy. " * " Number two, and don't forget it," replied the priest. *' If it stops at that number, remember, you get six cents." *' * '' I am number five," shouted another boy. " 'The sections w^ere nearly full at last. Almost every section had a cent on it, and the time approached for revolving the arrow. One boy, unable to restrain himself, tried to start it. " ' " Hold on !" yelled the priest. " Fill up. I'll do the twisting. One cent more. Remember, if you have luck you win six cents. One cent more," and he looked searchingly over the surging, tossing sea of lit- tle faces. " ' Another boy borrowed a cent, which was quickly THE HOLINESS OF THE CHUI^CH. 23 put in place. The priest '' twisted " the arrow. It spun around rapidly, then slowl}', then very slow^ly, and then stopped — over number six. It wasn't '' four '' this time, and the face of the boy who had tried *' four " on the priest's recommendation fell. But his seventeen com- rades became possessed by their excitement. They crowded around the priest, tipped the table half over, almost knocked down a bust of the late Pope, and climbed upon each other's backs. ** * " Hold on, you rascals," screamed the priest, who was picking up from the table his own share of the money ; *' hold on, there ; let me get my six ; that's all I care for." When he had got his six he began the call for fresh investments, and the previous scenes were repeated. ' '' Cardinal McCloskey expressed the opinion no harm was being done. So the reporter asked Father McGlynn, the pastor of St. Stephen's Roman Church, what he thought of it : ** * I should like to ask you one more question. When at the cathedral fair, I observed a small round table, at which a young priest stood, surrounded by a dozen or more eager boys. The table was marked off into twelve triangular sections, the apex of each triangle being at the centre of the table's surface, where was inserted a pivot, on which an arrow turned. The sec- tions were numbered i, 2, 3, and so on up to 12, and on each one of them lay a cent, contributed by the boys. The priest gave the arrow a rapid turn, and when it stopped he picked up six of the cents and handed them to the boy who had contributed the cent that had lain on the particular section over which the head of the arrow had stopped. The other six cents he kept for himself. I noticed that the boys were pretty eager in the sport and that the priest's exhortations to them were ear- nest and successful. Now, was there any harm in that ? ' 24 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. *' This question (says the Indepcndcni) was rather a poser for the casuistry of Father McGlynn ; but, on the whole, he thought that the matter involved was a ' question of taste/ and, since cathedrals must be built, and the money must be obtained to build them with, and the money can't be forced out of the people, it must be coaxed out of them, and this table, with its twelve numbers and revolving arrow, and the priest to run the machine, was one of the Avays of doing the coaxing, and that ' the church winks at some things that confessedly are not among the most approved means of sanctification. ' The matter of fact is that this table, as rigged up and manipulated by the ' young priest,' is as perfectly a gambling machine as was ever invented. ** All this gambling, drinking, and folly done in the name of the Lord ; and done under the protection of a cardinal bishop and priests and the faithful of the one only Holy Catholic Apostolic Church !'' What is this but the murder of the moral nature of the boys ? No wonder Father Curtis in his late lecture in Baltimore, on Things Idont Understand, put church fairs in that category. They are bad enough at best ; and, as generally conducted, and especially as con- ducted in the above-mentioned instance, ought to be abhorred of all Christian people. But this is not all. In the Clmrcli Jonrnal of January 4th, 1879, I fii^d a communication from ** A Catholic Priest" to The Interior, of Chicago, from which I ex> tract the following : ** I have read with some interest the extract from your paper quoted and commented on by the Catholic Review of December 8th, and beg leave to say a few words on some of the positions of your contem- porary. THE HOLINESS OF THE CHURCir. 25 *' I. The CatJiolic Reviezv wishes its Protestant friends to understand that, at the present moment, the new cathedral of New York does not differ from ' any large hall, or any unfinished building within the four bound- aries of America,' or, I presume it would not hesitate to add, from any beer or rum shop within the same area. I do not know Avhat our Protestant friends may think of the Rcviciv s opinion on this matter, but I am well persuaded that the Catholic community of New York will not accept this language of this self-constituted champion. And to put this matter beyond all dispute, we have only to refer to that ancient splendid rite of the Catholic Church on the blessing and laying of the corner-stone of a church to be built. [He then goes on to describe the '' rite/* as used at the laying of the corner stone of the cathedral by Archbishop Hughes in 1854]. I am not aware that large halls or other buildings intended for profane uses have such blessings invoked upon them. '' 2. The Interior has charged, and the Catholic Re- view has not denied, that ' beer, ale, wine, whiskey, gin, and all kinds of liquors were sold and drunk ' in the new cathedral of New York during the fair. The Re- view affects to believe that it is only ' foolish, canting, hypocritical Puritanism ' that has declared itself scanda- lized by the sale of these beverages at the late fair ; but I must be permitted to tell the Reviezu that large num- bers of Catholic Christians, both lay and clerical, re- membering the sublime language of the Roman pontifi- cal by which the ' place ' of the new cathedral was set apart forever to God, and the cross — the sigmiui saliitis — set up, and the corner-stone blessed and laid in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, have been greatly shocked, not to say grossly scandalized, at witnessing ' the place destined ' for God's service turned into a vulgar bar-room, dealing out to all comers ' beer, ale, wine, whiskey, gin, and all kinds of 25 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, liquors.' . . . The example of those six weeks is enough to put hack the cause of temperance in New York — I may say in the whole United States — for ten years. . . , Even though the late fair were held in a profane place or building, I still hold that the Church authorities should not have lis- tened to the least suggestion looking to the sale and use of intoxicating drinks for the furtherance of this ob- ject. Such a tolerance on their part would be offensive to pious ears ; how much more so when the bar occupied the place of the ' sign of salvation ' ? . . . . . ** I regret exceedingly to be obliged to speak with such plainness on this painful subject, and I call the attention of the Catholic body to it solely in the fondest hope that the like example will never again be set in New York, or in any diocese of these United States — an example which, notwithstanding the good disposition of the people of New York, has greatly shocked their religious sense, and lessened the respect for the Catholic religion which its venerable history and magnificent edifices are well calculated to inspire." The significance of all this is that the course of pro- cedure above described has been resorted to with the sanction of a Cardinal-Archbishop, the hignest digni- tary of the Roman Church in this land, and for the completion of his own cathedral. It reminds one of the means resorted to by Pope Leo X. for the comple- ; tion of St. Peter's, a subject on which I may have something to say when I come to the chapter on Indul- gences. ** A gentleman informed me," says the Archbishop — and he might, I think, more creditably to himself, unless he could have given particulars, have left it un- said — ''that he never saw a poor person enter an Epis- copal Church which was contiguous to his residence" (p. 43). Who was the gentleman, and where was his resi- CATHOLfCirY. 27 dence ? Give us chapter and verse. The Episcopal Church has, in common with many of its neighbors, besides its other sins, that of the unchristian pew-sys- tem to answer for ; but she has never, that I am aware of, gone so far as to have not only pews but also locks on the doors of tliose pews^ as has, or had a few years ago, and I presume has still, the Archbishop's own cathedral !^ ''They that live in glasshouses" — and so forth. But to come back from the Archbishop's digression to the subject of his chapter, and to conclude my re- marks on it. While the Roman Church '' never repudiates sin- ners, nor cuts them off from her fold, no matter how grievous or notorious may be their moral delinquen- cies," any delinquency in what she calls the faith, any rejection of, or hesitation about, her patchwork addi- tions to the creed, is visited with speedy excision from her fold. To controvert, in this latter half of the nine- teenth century, a dogma that might have been, and actually was, freely controverted throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth, is, in her estimation, worse than the grossest and most notorious moral delinquen- cies ! CHAPTER IV. CATHOLICITY. ' The word Catholic, or Universal," says the Arch- bishop, '* signifies that the true Church is not circum- scribed in its extent, like human empires, nor confined to one race of people, like the Jewish Church, but that " The pews in Cardinal McCloskey's new Cathedral are under lock and key. 28 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, she is diffused over every nation of the globe, and counts her children among all tribes and peoples and tongues of the earth." Stop with the word *' globe," in the above, and change '' diffused" into diffusible, and the definition will be correct ; what follows is out of place in a defi- nition. The actual local extent of a Church at any particular moment of time has nothing whatever to do with the legitimacy of its claim to be *'the Catholic Church." Was the Church of Christ any the less ** the Catholic Church" of the creed before the day of Pen- tecost, than after it; any the less *'the Catholic Church" before St. Peter admitted Cornelius and his household into it, than after their admission ; any the less ** the Catholic Church" before the *' wonderful conversion" of St. Peter, than after that conversion, and the wonderful results that followed thereupon, even to the ends of the earth ? If so, how comes it that according to the Archbishop's ** tabular state- ment," on page 65, the '' Catholic Church" had, for its '' Place of Origin" ** Jerusalem," for its '' Founder," ** Jesus Christ," and for its '' Year," '' thirty-three?'' When the **Arian schism" (p. 73), **soon after its rise, spread rapidly through Europe, Northern Africa, and portions of Asia" : When '' it received the sup- port of immense multitudes, and flourished for awhile under the fostering care of several successive emper- ors" : When " Catholic bishops were banished from their sees, and their places were filled by Arian in- truders" : When *'the Church which survived the sword of Paganism seemed for awhile to yield to the poison of Arianism" : When, in short, it was Athana- siiis cofitra niuridum — did the all but universal defec- tion make what remained any the less, in the Arch- bishop's estimation, *' the Catholic Church" of the creed ? When *' the faith was lost in Sweden" (p. 74), CATHOLICITY. 29 "through the influence of its king, Gustavus Vasa" — When ** Denmark conformed to the new creed through the intrigues of King Christian IT' — when '' Catho- licity was also crushed out in Norway, England, and Scotland'* — when, in short, *' Ireland alone, of all the nations of Northern Europe, remained faithful to the ancient Church'' — was what was left, after these whole- sale defections, any the less, in the Archbishop's esti- mation, ** the Catholic Church " of the creed, on ac- count of them ? And if all the nations of the earth, except Spain, were to revolt against the Pope, and every individual in those nations were to refuse allegiance to him, and the Pope himself were to remove his See from Rome to Madrid, as John XXII. removed his from Rome to Avignon, and as St. Peter is said to have removed his from Antioch to Rome, would the Church in Spain be, any the less, in the Archbishop's estimation, *' the Catholic Church" of the creed ? And if not, if, on the contrary, the exigencies of the Archbishop's position would compel him to answer all, or any, of these question in the negative, why does he /^/^ into the definition of *' Catholic," as employed in the creed, an actual local universality, that has no busi- ness to be there ? And if, in the contingency last supposed, the Pope were to summon the Spanish prelates to meet in coun- cil at Madrid, and they were to respond to the sum- mons, would the council thus assembled be any the less in the Archbishop's estimation, an Ecumenical Council, than the late *' Council of the Vatican ?" And if not, why does he parade the numerosity and poly- ethnicality of this latter council ? Is he not well aware that the Council of Constantinople, A.d. 381, which accepted and enlarged the Nicene Creed, and which is universally acknowledged to have been an Ecumenical Council, was composed of one hundred and fifty Orien- 30 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, tal bishops, with not a single Western bishop or repre- sentative of a Western bishop among its members ? Really, it is time to have done with such clap-trap. And what but clap-trap is that story (p. 55) of ** European emigrants" from '' sunny Italy,*' who found themselves at home in the '* Cathedral" at Rich- mond ? Where slioitld a Roman in religion find him- self at home but in a Roman Church ? Would not a Chinaman, landing in San Francisco find himself at home in the first joss-house he chanced to enter ? Would not ''a number of" Russian ''emigrants" ar- riving in New York, find themselves at home in the Greek Church under Father Bjerring ? And Father Bjerring is a welcome guest ; while the Cardinal- Archbishop in New York, and his brother Metropoli- tan in Baltimore, are ecclesiastical intruders. The Roman Church has no mission to preach the creed of Pope Pius anywhere. Tridentine Romanism is an in- trusion even in Rome itself. '' That the Roman Catholic Church alone deserves the name of Catliolic,'' says the Archbishop, ''is so evi- dent, that it is ridiculous to deny it" (p. 51). And yet he devotes eight pages to the proof of it ! Surely, if it is ridiculous to denv it, it is equally ridiculous to at- tempt to prove it. Think of a high dignitary, for want of earnest occupation, gravely setting himself to prove what it is ridiculous to deny ! ! ! And the proofs, themselves ! Let us look at a specimen or two. " Ours is the only Church which adopts the name as her official title." Is this so ? The creed of Pope Pius begins : " I, N., believe and profess wdth a firm faith each and all of the articles contained in the creed which the holy Roman Church adopts — to wit :" Surely, this looks very like the "official title." But, granting the Archbishop's claim, what follows ? The Baptist Church is the only Church which adopts " Baptist" as her official title : CATHOLICITY. 31 IS she therefore the only Church that baptizes ? The Winebrennerian Church, whose habitat is in central Pennsylvania and western Maryland, is the only Church which adopts ** The Church of God" as her official title : is she, therefore, the Church of God ; and the only Church of God? But, ''We have possession, which is nine-tenths of the law." Well ! and haven't the Baptists and the Winebrennerians, possession?" ** Should a stranger ask one of them to direct him to the Catholic Church, they [he ?] would instinctively point out to him the Roman Catholic Church" (p. 52). Well ! and if the same stranger, going into a New England village, were to ask the first person he met to direct him to the Orthodox Church, he would infalli- bly, if not '' instinctively," point out to him the Trini- tarian Congregational Church. Is that Church, there- fore, orthodox ; and the only orthodox Church ? And this is what the Archbishop expects to pass for argument !" I commend to his consideration a saying of Coleridge : ''A philosopher's scientific language, compared w^ith his ordinary language, is as his astro- nomical clock, compared with his watch ; he sets the latter by the town clock, or the Dutch clock in his kitchen ; not because it is right, but because his neigh- bors, or his cook, go by it." — Quoted from memory. '' If they '* (the Protestant Episcopalians) '' think that they have any just claim to the name of Catholic, why not come out openly and write it on the title-pages of their Bibles and prayer-books?" * If I ask an Irishman, "Are you a Republican?" and he answers, " No, I am a Democrat;" have I a right to say that, by his own confes- sion, he is not a Republican in the sense in which the word is used in Article iv., section 4, of the Constitution of the United States ? Just as little have I a right to say of an American who, to the question, " Are you a Catholic?" answers, " No, I am a Protestant," that, by his own con- fession, he is not a Catholic in the sense in which the word is used in the Apostles' creed. The Archbishop's argument from the popular use of the word Catholic^ is ineffably silly. Of course, he sees through it, but he thinks his readers won't : else he wouldn't use it. 32 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFA THERS, When the Roman authorities will '* come out openly and write it on the title-pages of their Bibles" and Mis- sals and Breviaries, I will answer that question. At present, I content myself with the remark that I have lying before me the Breviary in Latin, with the im- print, Bellovaci, and that the title is Breviaritint Ro- manum ; and the Missal, translated into English by Bishop England, and that the title is *' The Roman Missal •/' and that in the title-page of neither of them, nor in that of any copy ot the Douay Bible, or of the Rhemish Testament, that has fallen under my observa- tion, does the word Catholic occur. I remark, in conclusion of this chapter, the Church of the Creed and of the Bible is Catholic, as the Ma- sonic fraternity is Catholic ; that is to say, it is not for one nation, but for all nations. A Mason anywhere is a Mason everywhere, and is received as such. A Catholic anywhere is a Catholic everywhere. Time was when he was received as such ; if he is not so now, it is the fault of the bishop of Rome, and he must answer for it. '' Where is the flock that was given thee, thy beautiful flock ? What wilt thou say when he shall punish thee ?"'^ CHAPTER V. APOSTOLICITY. The Archbishop opens his chapter on Apostolicity with a statement that has no foundation in fact, to wit, that ** in the creed framed in the first Ecumenical Council of Nicaea, in the year 325, we find these words : * I believe in the One, Holy, Catholic, Apostolic * Jer. 13 : 20, 21. APOSTOLICITY. 2>Z Church.' " It simply is 7iot true that in the creed framed by that council, in that year, we find these words, or any words like them. The creed in ques- tion ends with the words, '' And in the Holy Ghost." All that follows (except t\\Q Jilioque, ''and the Son") was added by the Council of Constantinople, fifty-six years later. Had the Archbishop said, *' in the Nicene Creed," I should not have called attention to the inaccuracy, because that is very commonly called (for brevity's sake) the Nicene Creed, which is more correctly designated as the Nicasno-Constantinopoli- tan. But the Archbishop is not consulting brevity. On the contrary, he is ushering in a formal quotation, with all the *' pomp and circumstance" of authority. His statement is that the creed with the words in question in it was framed atNicsea, in 325 ; and this statement, like a good many other statements of his, in this and subse- quent chapters, has no foundation in fact. It is true the inaccuracy is of no importance as respects the subject of this chapter ; but it is of the highest importance as respects the trustworthiness of the Archbishop, for it is part and parcel of an habitual, if not systematic, looseness and inaccuracy and (in more than one in- stance) worse than inaccuracy of statement or citation. The Archbishop rightly holds that the '' holy Catho- lic Church" of the Creed must be Apostolic in Doctrine and Ministry; and he claims this Apostolicity exclusively for the Roman Church. He gives a list, in ** parallel lines" (he means columns), of ten points of doctrine in which what he calls the ** Catholic Church" agrees with, and what he calls ** Protestant Churches" differ from, the ''Apostolic Church ;" but as every one of these (except the fourth, which refers to women preaching, and which, therefore, I am not concerned with) is treated by him more or less at large, in subse- quent chapters, I shall consider them when I come to those chapters. At present, I confine myself to his claim 34 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, of Apostolicity in Ministry as belonging to the Roman Church, and not belonging to the Anglican. *' The Anglican or Episcopal Church," he says (p. 62), '' owes its origin to Henry VIII. of England. The immediate cause of his renunciation of the Roman Church [mark that ; the Archbishop himself says, ''of the Roman Church ;" not, of the Catholic Church] was the refusal of Pope Clement VII. to grant him a divorce." This is simply not true ; for Lingard, the Archbishop's own historian (the '' Abridged Library Edition" of whose '* History of England" is advertised by ** Murphy & Co." on the fly-leaf of the Archbishop's book, under the head of ** Standard Catholic Books)," says, in the history itself (Henry VIII., Chapter III., 1534, March 23d, on which day the decision in the case, which had been pending before Clement since Decem- ber i6th, 1527, was reached), that ''the kingdom was severed by legislative authority from the communion of Rome [observe, he does not say, from the Catholic Church], long before the judgment given by Clement could have reached the knowledge of Henry." And he states in a foot-note that the royal assent to this leg- islative act was given March 30th, and adds : " It was not possible that a transaction in Rome on the 23d could induce the king to give his assent on the 30th." I quote from the " new edition, as enlarged by Dr. Lingard shortly before his death." What could induce the Archbishop so recklessly to falsify history ? But more of this when we come to the chapter on Matri- mony, where it is again introduced, and where it prop- erly belongs. I turn to the other assertion of the Archbishop, to wit, that the Anglican Church " owes its origin to Henry VIII." For this, he quotes D'Aubigne (who, however, as quoted, merely says, " there is a close re- lationship between these two divorces," viz., that of England from the Pope, and that of Henry from Catherine), and "Bishop Short, an Anglican histo- APOSTOLICITY. 35 rian," who says (§ 201), '' the existence of the Church of England as a distinct body, and her final separation from Rome, may be dated from the period of the di- vorce." But the Archbishop himself must admit that Bishop Short's statement is xiot true ; for the ''final separation" did not take place till after the death of *' Bloody Mary." But what does the Bishop mean by '* distinct ?" Evi- dently, independent ; for, that the Church of England was all along a distinct body in the same sense in which the Galilean Church, and the Spanish Church, were distinct bodies, the whole course of the history shows ; and he says expressly (§ 51), '* It will not perhaps be necessary to say much of the steps by which the erro- neous doctrines of the Church of Rome gradually over- spread that of England \' and again (§ 119), (speaking of the assertion of VViclif, '' that the elements did after consecration continue to possess their original natures of bread and wine"), '' The decree with which this delivery of his opinion was followed in Oxford (Lewis, 319 ; Wilk. Cons., iii.: 170), is probably the first formal determination of the Church of Efiglan'd in the case." So, then, even in the opinion of Bishop Short, so far back as the time of Wiclif, more than a hundred and fifty years before the divorce of Henry VIII., the Church of England was in existence as a body ''dis- tinct" enough to make ''a formal determination" on so important a subject as transubstantiation. It was not, therefore created hy Henry VIII. It was the same old Church in his day that it was in Wiclif 's, only older by a century and a half ; and it continued the same through the reign of Edward into that of *' Bloody Mary," Cardinal Pole himself being witness. '' In con- sequence of a royal message," says Lingard (Mary, Chapter II., 1554; November 28th), ''the lords and commons repaired to the court ; and, after a few words from the chancellor, Pole, in a long harangue, returned 3^ THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. ' them thanks for the act which they had passed in his favor, exhorted them to repeal, in Hke manner, all the statutes enacted in derogation of the papal authority, and assured them of every facility on his part to effect the reimion of the Church of England with that of Rome. The chancellor, having first taken the orders of the king and queen, replied that the two houses would de- liberate apart, and signify their determination on the following morning. ** The motion for the reunion was carried almost by acclamation ;" and ** on the following day'' complete absolution for the past was given by the cardinal, and a '* Te Deum was chanted in thanksgivmg for the event/' For this, Lingard gives, as his authorities, *' PoH, Ep. v. App. 315-318; Foxe, 91; Journal of Commons, 38." The Church of England, then, having been the same under Henry VIII. that it had been all along, and having preserved its continuity, through the reign of Edward, under the primacy of Cranmer, and through the reign of Mary under the primacy of Car- dinal Pole, did it preserve that continuity under Eliza- beth, and has it preserved it down to our day ? Rome practically says, No ! But she has never ventured to commit herself to a formal declaration upon it. The whole question turns on the validity of the consecra- tion of Archbishop Parker, the successor of Cardinal Pole. The following account is from Lingard himself ; it will be found in the note at the end of vol. vii., pp. 293, 294, '' First American," from the last London edi- tion. Philadelphia : Eugene Cummiskey, 1827 : ** The facts that are really known are the following : The Queen, from the beginning of her reign, had de- signed Parker for the archbishopric. After a long resistance he gave his consent : and a conge d'elire was issued to the dean and chapter, July i8th, 1559. He was chosen i\ugust ist. On September 9th the APOSTOLICITY. 37 queen sent her mandate to Tunstal, Bishop of Dur- ham, Bourne of Bath and Wells, Pool of Peterborough, Kitchin of Llandaff, Barlow, the deprived bishop of Bath under Mary, and Scory of Chichester, also de- prived under Mary, to confirm and consecrate the archbishop elect. (Rym. xv., 541.) Kitchin had con- formed ; and it was hoped that the other three, who had not been present in Parliament, might be induced to imitate his example. All these, however, refused to officiate ; and in consequence the oath of supremacy was tendered to them (Rym. xv., 545) ; and their refusal to take it was followed by deprivation. In these cir- cumstances no consecration took place ; but three months later (December 6th), the queen sent a second mandate, directed to Kitchin, Barlow, Scory, Cover- dale, the deprived Bishop of Exeter under Mary ; John, SufTragan of Bedford ; John, Suffragan of Thet- ford, and Bale, Bishop of Ossory, ordering them, or any four of them to confirm and consecrate the arch- bishop elect ; but with an additional clause, by which she, of her supreme royal authority, supplied what- ever deficiency there might be according to the statutes of the realm, or the laws of the Church, either in the acts done by them, or in the person, state, or faculty of any of them, such being the necessity of the case and the urgency of the time. (Rym, xv., 549). Kitchin again appears to have declined the - office. But Barlow, Scory, Coverdale, and Hodgkins, Suffragan of Bed- ford, confirmed the election on the 9th ; and conse- crated Parker on the 17th. The ceremony was per- formed, though with a little variation, according to the ordinal of Edward VI. Two of the consecrators, Barlow and Hodgkins, had been ordained bishops ac- cording to the Roman pontifical, the other two accord- ing to the Reformed Ordinal. (VVilk. Con. iv. 198.) Of this consecration on the 17th of December, there can be no doubt." 38 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. In a subsequent edition, the one I have already quoted from, and which contains the avithor's latest revision, there is a long note of over six closely-printed pages, in the Appendix, taking the same ground, and answering objections. One objection was that the official register, containing a full account of the con- secration, was a forgery. '' But there was nothing," says Lingard, '*to countenance such a supposition. The most experienced eye could not discover in the entry itself, or the form of the characters, or the color of the ink, the slightest vestige of imposture." And '' if external confirmation were wanting, there was the archbishop's diary," and '* the Zurich letters, in which we find Sampson informing Peter Martyr" of the con- secration. Another objection was, that, according to the re- gister. Barlow was the *' consecrating prelate," and that, though he had been elected bishop, while on a mission in Scotland, in the reign of Henry VIII., there was no record of his consecration. '' Still," says Lingard, *' the absence of proof [of consecration] is no proof of non-consecration. No man has ever disputed the consecration of Gardiner of Winchester ; yet he was made bishop while on a mission abroad, and his consecration is involved in as much darkness as that of Barlow. When, therefore, we find Barlow during ten years, the remainder of Henry's reign, con- stantly associated as a brother with the other conse- crated bishops, summoned equally with them to parlia- ment and convocation, taking his seat among them ac- cordmg to his seniority, and voting on all subjects as one of them, it seems most unreasonable to suppose without direct proof, that he had never received that sacred rite, without which, according to the laws of both Church and State, he could not have become a member of the Episcopal body." See Appendix A. Another objection was that Parker's consecration APOSTOLICITY. 39 was *' illegal, through the defect of jurisdiction in his consecrators, and the illegality of the ordinal according to which he had been consecrated." In regard to this, Lingard, in the body of his work (Elizabeth, Chap. IV., 1559 ; August 1st), says : *' By the revival of the twenty-fifth of Henry VIII., it was made necessary, that the election of the archbishop should be con- firmed,"^ and his consecration be performed by four bishops [in possession of Sees]. But how were four bishops to be found, when by the deprivation of the Catholic prelatesf there remained in the kingdom but one lawful bishop [/. ^., bishop in possession of a See], he of LandafT ? Again, the use of the ordinal of Ed- ward VI. had been abolished by Parliament in the last reign, that of the Catholic [Roman] ordinal by Parlia- ment in the present ; in what manner then was Parker to be consecrated, when there existed no form of con- secration recognized by law ? Six theologians and canonists were consulted, who returned an opinion that in a case of such urgent necessity, the queen possessed the power of supplying every defect through the plentitude of her ecclesiastical authority, as head of the Church. In conformity with this answer a com- mission with a sanatory clause was issued (Rym. XV, : 549) ; and four of the commissioners, Barlowe, the de- prived Bishop of Bath, and Hodgkins, once suffragan of Bedford, who had both been consecrated according to the Catholic pontifical, and Scory, the deprived Bishop of Chichester, and Coverdale the deprived Bishop of Exeter, who had both been consecrated ac- cording to the reformed ordinal, proceeded to confirm the election of Parker and then to consecrate him after the form adopted toward the close of the reign of Edward VI." * Prior to the rupture of Henry with Rome, elections of Bishops had to be confirmed by the Pope. •f They had been deprived for refusing to take the oath of supremacy. Kitchin, of Landaff, took the oath and retained his Sec. 40 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. What the queen undertook to do by the ** sanatory- clause" was to suspend, for the particular occasion, the operation of two acts of Parliament, that of the twenty- fifth of Henry VIII. above mentioned, and that under Mary, abolishing the reformed ordinal. In doing this, she usurped the authority not as has been alleged, '* of Almighty God," but of Parliament, whose func- tion clearly it is to suspend former acts of Parliament. For this act she was responsible to Parliament, and Parliament subsequently, as admitted by Lingard in the fourth paragraph of the long note before mentioned, condoned and validated it. There is but one other objection mentioned in the note of Lingard, and in this he seems to think there is some force ; the objection, namely, that whereas in the present office for the consecration of a Bishop in the Church of England (which, hoAvever, dates back only to the time of Charles II.) the form at the laying on of hands runs, '* Receive the Holy Ghost, /c?r the office and work of a Bishop in the Church of God, now committed unto thee by the imposition of our hands. In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. And remember that thou stir up," etc., the part in italics was not in the ordinal of Edward, by which Parker was consecrated, and that therefore the consecration was invalid, as not specifying the office to which he w^as consecrated. To this I answer, first, that the office is specified in other parts of the service, particularly in the presenta- tion of the candidate, which was in these words : ** Rev. Father in God, we offer and present unto you this pious and learned man, to be consecrated arch- bishop."^ * See the whole accountof the Consecration, in the original Latin of the Lambeth Register^ in ih^ Appendix to Haddan's ** Apostolical Succession." I add, Bishop and Archbishop are the same 07'de7% and therefore require but one consecration. When one already a Bishop is made Archbishop, he is not consecrated again, either in the English, or in the Roman Church. But Parker was not bishop, but only priest. APOSTOUCITY, 41 I answer, second, that if the lack of specification of office in the form is fatal to the consecration of Parker, then it is equally fatal to that of the Roman Bishops ; for neither is there any specification of office in the form in the Roman Pontifical : it is simply, Accipe spir- ititm sanctum, ** Take the Holy Ghost,'' the ver}^ words of Edward's ordinal ; and then follows the prayer, Be propitious, etc. But, say the advocates of Rome, a man must be a Priest before he can be made a Bishop, and X\\^ form for ordaining Priests in Edward's ordinal is insufficient, because it does not contain the words, *' Receive the power to offer sacrifice to God, and to celebrate masses for the quick and dead." I answer, first. Neither does the for7n by which St. Peter was ordained ; for it and the formoi Edward's Ordinal are identical. They both run. Receive the Holy Ghost; Whose sins, etc. I answer, second, Parker was ** chaplain to Anne Boleyn" (Lingard, Elizabeth, Chap. IV., 1559, August 1st), and w^as therefore or- dained Priest by the Roman form, the only one in use under Henry VIII. But, it is said, the consecration was invalid for want of the Papal sanction. If so, the consecrations of the Bishops of the Greek Church are invalid. But Rome admits their validity. But, says the Archbishop, *' the very name you bear, betrays your recent birth ; for who ever heard of a Baptist or an Episcopal, or any other Protestant church, prior to the Reformation ?" The Church of our Fathers bears the same name now that it bore hundreds of years before the Reformation, and has continued to bear ever since, to wit, the Church of England, Dupin, the famous " Doctor of Sorbonne, and Regius Professor of Divinity at Paris," nearly two hundred years ago, opens the seventh chapter. Cen- tury XI., of his ** Compendious History of the Church" with the question, '' In what state was the Church 42 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. of England, and what passed there in the eleventh cen- tury ?" And more than six hundred and fifty years ago, to wit, A.D. 121 5, it was officially so designated ; for the very first article of '' Magna Charta'* (see Jacob's Law Dictionary) reads : '' The Church of Eng- land shall be free, and all ecclesiastical persons enjoy their rights and privileges." It was the Church of England then, and it is the Church of England now ; it was **free" then; it is ''free" now. The ''Episco- pal" Church in the United States is its legitimate off- spring, recognized by it as such. Its name of " Epis- copal," therefore, does not ''betray' its "recent birth ;" nor is that birth " recent" in any other sense than that in which the birth of every Church, the Ro- man itself not excepted, in a recently discovered coun- try is recent. " The Catholic Church [meaning the Roman], on the contrary, can easily vindicate the title of Apostolic, because she derives her origin from the Apostles. Every Priest and Bishop can trace his genealogy to the first disciples of Christ with as much facility as the most remote branch of a vine can be traced to the main stem" (p. 6j^, So far as this is true (for it is 7tot true that it can be done with as much facility), it is equally true of the Anglican Church. " There is not a link wanting in the chain which binds the humblest Priest in the land to the Prince of , the Apostles" (p. 6^), That is more than the Archbishop or any other man knozvs, even be he infallible pope ; but then it is more than he needs to know, to make out the ecclesiastical descent of the Priest from the Apostle. For, in the first place, we know that St. Paul said to St. Timothy (2 Tim. 2:2), " The things that thou hast heard of me among many witnesses, the same commit thou to faith- ful men, who shall be able to teach others also." And APOSTOLICITY. 43 we believe that St. Timothy, being himself a '' faithful man/' did commit the same to other '' faithful men ;" and these, being themselves ''faithful men," did, for the same reason, commit the same to other ''faithful men ;" and they to others ; and so on, down to our day. If not, why not ? When and where was there any break in the transmission ? " Ohy somewhere, in the dark ages f And what was the characteristic of those dark ages ? " Why, me7t were great sticklers for the out- zvard in religion, to the disparageme?tt of the ifiward, " So then the break in the outward took place, according to these objectors, at the very time when men. were the greatest sticklers for the outward ! Not very likely. At any rate, it is mere conjecture on their part. Not one of them has ever been able to put his finger on a broken link, and say, Here it is ! The advocates of Rome have, indeed, professed to think they have found one in Archbishop Parker. Some of them may have been innocent enough really to think it. If so, they are fit companions {teste Lingard) for Mark Twain's " Innocents Abroad." In the second place, the provision in the early Church for guarding against the introduction of un- worthy persons into the Ministry, has also effectually guarded against any danger to the Succession, by a broken link, here and there, if any such there have been ; the provision, namely, requiring a Bishop to be consecrated by at least three Bishops — " at all events, two" (Council of Nice, Canon 4) — a provision that has been, with rare exceptions, scrupulously kept to. The consecration of Archbishop Carroll, the first Bishop of the Roman communion in the United States, was one of these exceptions. He was consecrated by only one Bishop. His consecration, however, was as valid, though not as regular, as if it had been performed by three. All the Bishops of the Anglican Communion in the United States have been consecrated by three or 44 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. more Bishops. The first, Bishop Seabury, was conse- crated in Aberdeen, November 14th, 1784, by the Bish- ops of Aberdeen and Ross and Moray. The next two, Bishops White and Provost, were consecrated in Lam- beth Chapel, February 4th, 1787, by the Archbishops of Canterbury, and York, and the Bishops of Bath and Wells, and Peterborough ; and the fourth. Bishop Madison, at the same place, September 19th, 1790, by the Archbishop of Canterbury and two other English Bishops. By these four the fifth. Bishop Claggett of Maryland, was consecrated in Trinity Church, New York, September 17th, 1792. And thus was begun the line of American Consecrations, which has been kept up ever since, and, by the grace of God, ever shall be, to the end of time. The present Bishop of Maryland had four Bishops to consecrate him ; three of these had each three consecrators, and the other had four ; so that, going back only two steps, if the same Bishop had not, in some instances, taken part in more than one of these consecrations, the Bishop of Maryland would have traced his succession through thirteen Bishops ; as a matter of fact, he traces it through ten, any one of whom being a validly consecrated Bishop, his conse- cration is valid. And as the number increases (except so far as modified by the same Bishop having part in more than one consecration) in geometrical progression at every step, going back step by step, Ave shall find at the tenth step at least a thousand Bishops, every one of whose consecrations must have been invalid, to invali- date his : by such a concatefiation (not by a single chain) does he go back to "the Prince of the Apostles.'' If ' ' a three-fold cord is not easily broken, ' ' how must it be with a three-times-three-fold, a three-times-three-times- three-fold, and so on ? The concatenation by which the two extremes are connected may be illustrated by comparing it to a shawl of network suspended by one of its corners. You APOSTOLTCITY. 45 may cut a hundred meshes, here mid there, and still the connection of the lower corner with the vipper will remain ; to sever it, you must cut in some one di- rection, entirely across the network. The upper corner may represent St. Peter, or St. Paul, or any other of the Apostles ; the lower corner any Bishop of the present day ; the intermediate meshes, or rather intersections of meshes, the interme- diate Bishops through whom the succession is claimed to have been transmitted. You may sever a hundred meshes in the middle portion of the network, repre- senting the Bishops of the middle or dark ages, and still the connection of the Bishops of the present day with the Apostles remains intact. '' And although on a few occasions there happened to be two or even three claimants for the chair of Peter, these counter-claims could no more affect the validity of the legitimate Pope than the struggle of two contestants for a seat in Congress could invalidate the title of the lawful representative'' (pp. 6j, 68). Very true. But how was it to be decided who was the *' legitimate Pope ?" For, as only the '' legitimate Pope" is infaUible, the decision between the rival claimants must be infallible, and therefore must be made by an infallible tribunal. But more of this when we come to the chapter on Infallibility. The two remaining paragraphs will be considered when we come to the chapter on the Supremacy, where they properly belong. I have confined myself, as I proposed in the outset of my remarks on this chapter, to Apostolicity in Min- istry, because the question of Apostolicity in Doctrine is involved in the several doctrines claimed by the Archbishop to be Apostolic, and which will come up for consideration in my remarks on the several chap- ters in which they are treated. I will therefore merely remark here that the Church of England has the same 46 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. Creeds now that she had, and that Rome had, before the separation ; neither more nor fewer ; and that if Rome has more now, it is because she has added, since then, the twelve articles of Pope Pius IV., and the two of Pope Pius IX. CHAPTER VI. PERPETUITY OF THE CHURCH. The Archbishop, wiser (at least in his own estima- tion) than the Creed, puts Perpetuity among the *' shin- ing marks" for" '' distinguishing between the true Church and false sects" (p. 21). But how it is to dis- tinguish between them, I cannot see. Doubtless the Catholic Church is to be perpetual ; but it does not fol- low that every part of it is to be perpetual. The seven Apocalyptic Churches were parts of the Catholic Church, yet their '' candlestick" has been removed ''out of his place." The Church of St. Cyprian and St. Augustine was a part of the Catholic Church, yet it has long since ceased to be. And so the Roman Church (which is only a part, even in her own estimation, of the Catholic Church, else she could not be, as she claims to be, in the Creed of Pope Pius, '' the Mother and Mistress of all Churches," since, in that case, there would be no other Churches for her to be Mother and Mistress of) may cease to be, and yet the perpetuity of the Catholic Church remain intact.- On the other hand, the Greek Church, v/hich the Archbishop looks upon as a '* false sect," is at least the equal thus far, in the matter of perpetuity, of what he calls the Cath- olic Church, but what might with more propriety be called the Tridentine, and bids fair to outlast it. For what he quotes De Maistre as saying of Protestantism ///FALLIBLE AUTHORITY OF THE CHURCH. 47 (p, 75), may with at least equal truth, be said of Tri- dentinism, '' it must subsist until it perishes, just as an ulcer disappears with the last atom of the flesh which it has been eating away. {Du Papc^ 1. 2, c. 5.)" There is a '' plentiful lack" of logic, or even the sem- blance of logic, in this part of the Archbishop's '' little book,'' notwithstanding the chapter extends through thirteen pages. He must have put Perpetuity among the ** shining marks of the Church," to give himself the opportunity of "airing his rhetoric." I have no ambition to take the wind out of his sails. He is evi- dently bound for '' Cowes and a market." He might have spared himself the risk of that venture. The only market for such merchandise is at Rome. CHAPTER Vn. INFALLIBLE AUTHORITY OF THE CHURCH. Another *' shining mark" of the Church, though not contained in the creed, is, according to the Arch- bishop, her '' Infallible Authority.'' ** That the Church was infallible in the Apostolic age, is denied by no Christian. We never question the truth of the Apostles' declarations ; they were, in fact, the only authority in the Church for the first century. The New Testament was not completed till the close of the first century. There is no just ground for deny- ing to the Apostolic teachers of the nineteenth century in which we live, a prerogative clearly possessed by those of the first, especially as the divine Word no- where intimates that this unerring guidance was to die with the Apostles" (p. 83). There is an unmistakable '* intimation" in St. John, 14 : 25, 26, that//^/i- guidance was ** to die with" them : 48 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. *' These things have I spoken unto you, being yet pres- ent with you. But the Comforter, which is the Holy Ghost, whom the Father will send in my name, he shall teach you all things, and bring all things to your remem- brance^ whatsoever I Jiave said nnto yon,'' The part I have italicized, confines the promise to the Apostles ; it is physically impossible that it should be fulfilled to their successors. The Archbishop himself admits, fur- ther on, that it was confined to them : ** The infallibil- ity of the Popes does not signify that they are inspired. The Apostles were endowed w^ith the gift of inspira- tion, and we accept their vv^ritings as the revealed w^ord of God. *' No Catholic, on the contrary, claims that the Pope is inspired, or endowed with divine revelation properly so called" (pp. 140, 141). And in the preceding chapter : ** Peter, it is true, besides the prerogatives inherent in his office, possessed also the power of working mir- acles, and the gift of inspiration. These two latter gifts are not claimed by the Pope, as they were per- sonal to Peter, and by no means essential to the gov- ernment of the Church. God acts toward his Church as we deal with a tender sapling. When we first plant it, we water it, and soften the clay about its roots. But when it takes deep root, we leave it to the care of Nature's laws. In like manner, when Christ first planted His Church, He nourished its infancy by mir- aculous agency ; but when it grew to be a tree of fair proportions, He left it to be governed by the general laws of his Providence'' (pp. 128, 129). Exactly so ! And Infallibility is ;2^/ embraced in '' the general laws of his Providence." On the contrary, those laws commit the child, in infancy, to the teach- ing of the mother, and she is admitted to be fallible ; and afterward to the teaching of the Pastor and his subordinates, and he also is admitted to be fallible ; INFALLIBLE AUTHORITY OF THE CHURCH, 49 and, once a year, or so, to the teaching of the Bishop or Archbishop, and even he is admitted to be fallible. There the learner stops, not one in a thousand ever seeing, let alone hearing, the infallible Pope, or having need to see him or hear him. What the Archbishop says in the last of the above- quoted paragraphs is a complete answer to the argu- ment involved in his allegation that '' God loves us as much as he loved the primitive Christians ; Christ died for us as well as for them ; and we have as much need of unerring teachers as they had'' (p. 83). But, says the Archbishop, quoting such passages as, *' Go ye, therefore, and teach all nations," '^He that heareth you, heareth me," etc., '' From these passages, we see, on the one hand, that the Apos- tles and their successors have received full powers to announce the Gospel ; and on the other, that their hear- ers are obliged to listen with docility, and to obey not merely by an external compliance, but also by an in- ternal assent of the intellect. If, therefore, the Cath- olic Church could preach error, would not God Him- self be responsible for the error ? And could not the faithful soul say to God with all reverence and truth : *' Thou hast commanded me, O Lord, to hear Thy Church. If I am deceived by obeying her, Thou art the cause of my error" (p. 86). The Archbishop shall answer himself : '' They" — the priests under the Old Testament — '* were the deposi- taries of God's la vv% and were its expounders to the peo- ple. ' The lips of the priest (Mai. 2 : 7) shall keep knowledge, and they (the people) shall seek the law at his mouth, because he is the angel (or messenger) of the Lord of Hosts' " (p. 95). '* He" (Christ) " commands them to obey their con- stituted teachers, no matter how disedifying might be their private lives. ' Then said Jesus to the multi- tudes and to his disciples, The Scribes and Pharisees so THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, sit upon the chair of Moses. All things therefore whatsoever they shall say to you, observe and do' '' (p. 96). *' From this passage [Deut. 17:8-12], it is evident that in the Hebrew Church the High Priest had the highest jurisdiction in religious matters. By this means, unity of faith and worship was preserved among the people of God. '' Now the Jewish synagogue, as St. Paul testifies, was the type and fi_gure of the Christian Church ; for, (i Cor. 10 : 11) ' all things happened to them in fig- ure' " (p. 115). ** When our Saviour, the Founder of the New Law, appeared on earth. He came to lop off those excres- cences which had grown on the body of the Jewish ecclesiastical code, and to purify the Jewish Church from those human traditions which, in the course of time, became like chaff mixed with the wheat of sound doctrine. For instance. He condemns the Pharisees for prohibiting the performance of works of charity on the Sabbath day, and in the twenty-third chapter of St. Matthew He cites against them a long catalogue of innovations in doctrine and discipline" (pp. 206, 207). ** From these passages" — to repeat, mutatis imitan- dis, the paragraph cited above from page 86 of the Archbishop's ''little volume"^ — "we see, on the one hand," that the Jewish priests *' received full powers to announce" the Law; '* and on the other, that their hearers were obliged" to *' observe and do" all things whatsoever they should say unto them. '' If, there- fore, the" Jewish ''Church" did "preach error" — as we are assured by the Archbishop that she did, even to the extent of "a long catalogue of innovations in doctrine and discipline" — was not " God himself," ac- cording to the Archbishop, " responsible for the error ? And could not the faithful (Jewish) soul" have said '* to God with all reverence and truth : Thou hast INFALLIBLE AUTHORITY OF THE CHURCH 51 commanded me, O Lord, to hear Thy Church (the Jewish). If I am deceived (as I certainl}^ have been) by obeying her, Thou art the cause of my error." What does the Archbishop think of tfiat ? Does he think it '' reverent" and '' truthful ?" Yet it is just as *' reverent," and as ''truthful," in the mouth of the Jew, as it would be, in the case supposed by the Arch- bishop, in the mouth of a Christian. So much for the Archbishop's rcditctio ad absurditm ; if it proves the infallibility of the Catholic Church, it proves the infallibility of the Jewish Church also. Yet the Jewish Church was not only fallible ; it actually failed. '* From what has been said in the preceding pages, it follows that the Catholic Church cannot be re- formed. . . '' My meaning is, that the Church is not susceptible of being reformed in her doctrines. The Church is the work of an Incarnate God. Like all God's works, it is perfect. It is therefore incapable of reform" (p. 91). . ^ The Archbishop's argument is, An infallible God cannot create a fallible Church. He m.ight as well argue that an infallible God cannot create a fallible man. We know that an infallible God ^/<^ create a fal- lible Church, to wit, the Jewish ; the fact, therefore, that the Catholic Church Avas created by an infallible God, is no proof that she is herself infallible. All God's works are, indeed, ''perfect." Adam, as he came from the hand of his Maker, was perfect, though fallible. The Catholic Church, as she came from the hand of her Maker was perfect, whether fallible or in- fallible. This argument of the Archbishop, therefore, on which he evidently plumes himself, is the baldest paralogism. " It is a marvellous fact worthy of record, that in the whole history of the Church, from the nineteenth cen- 52 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, tury to the first, no solitary example can be adduced to show that any Pope or General Council ever revoked a decree of faith or morals enacted by any preceding Pontiff or Council" (p. 92). It would be '' marv^ellous" to its, if it were a fact. But why marvellous to the Archbishop, seeing, if his theory of Infallibility be true, it must be a fact ? But it is 7iot a fact, nevertheless ; it is a marvellous — no, not a marvellous — fabrication, or repetition of a fabrica- tion, of the Archbishop's. Jan US in his work on '* The Pope and the Council" (English Translation, Rivingtons, London, Oxford, and Cambridge ; Scrib- ner, Welford & Co., New York, 1869, pp. 51-77), gives repeated instances of Pope against Pope, Council against Council, Pope against Council, Council against Pope, with the authorities on which he rests his state- ments. I shall content myself with giving the well- known instance — well known to the student of Ecclesi- astical History — of Pope Vigilius and the Fifth General Council, and the equally well-known instance of Pope Honorius and the Sixth General Council ; and I shall give them in the language of one of the Archbishop's own historians, Dupin, the famous Doctor of the Sor- bonne and Regius Professor of Divinity at Paris, al- ready referred to. The first of these instances will be found in Chapter V., Century VI., of his '' Compen- dious History of the Church," and the second in Chap- ter III., Century VII. : '' While the Council was thus preparing to condemn the three Chapters, Pope Vigilius gave his Opinion in Writing to the Emperor, as he had promised him. [Here follows an account of the contents of the *' Writ- ing" winding up with,] In fine, he exhorts the Em- peror to let Things go in the same Terms which that Council [of Chalcedon] had left them in, and by his Apostolical Authority forbids anything to be said or advanced contrary to what he had decided touching the three Chapters. INFALLIBLE AUTHORITY OF THE CHURCH. 53 '' O. Were the Deliberations of the Council stopp'd by this Judgment of the Pope ? '' A. No : The Emperor caused the Examination of the Affair to be continued ; and in order to oppose the Authority of Vigilius to Vigilius himself, he caused three Letters of Vigilius to be read in the seventh Con- ference, in which he formally approves the Condemna- tion of the three Chapters, and condemns them himself. [Then follows an account of the decision of the Coun- cil against the three Chapters, etc.] '' Q. What became of Pope Vigilius after thi^ Deci- sion ? '' A, Justinian [the Emperor] gave Orders that his Name should not be put in the Dypticks,^ and sent him into Exile. This Pope, always inconstant, according to his Custom, soon changed his Opinion and Resolu- tion. On the 9th of December he wrote a Letter to Eutychius, in which he blames his own Conduct in re- fusing to assist at the Council, and retracts what he had written in Defence of the three Chapters, which he con- demned in very strong Terms, pronouncing an Ana- them.a against those that defended them. This Letter is not the only Act by which Vigilius approved the Decis- ion of the fifth Council ; he made a very ample Consti- tution! by which he authentickly condemned the three Chapters." So much for Vigilius. I will merely add that the ''three chapters" were condemned as being tainted with the Nestorian heresy, and that therefore the error of Vigilius — for, as he was alternately on each side, he must have been in error on one side or the other — was on a matter of faith, * Commonly written Diptych ; the catalogue of saints which was re- hearsed in the Greek Liturgy. f " An authoritative ordinance, regulation, or enactment ; especially one made by a Roman emperor, or one affecting ecclesiastical doctrine or discipline." — Webster. 54 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, To come to Pope Honorius^ and the Sixth General Council : *' O. What Order was observed amono-st the Patri- archs m that Council ? ''A. The Pope's^ Legates held the first Rank; George Patriarch of Constantinople the second ; In the 4th Meeting they read the Letters of Pope Agathon, and those of the Council of Rome. In fine, in the seventeenth Meeting, held the i6|h of September, 68 1, at which the Emperor as- sisted, they published a Decision, by which they ap- proved Pope Agathon's Letter, and the Decision of the Council of Rome. . . . This decision was approved by all the Bishops of the Council, who pro- nounced an Anathema against the old and new Hereticks, and in particular against Honorius, who is always reckoned amongst the Monothelite Patriarchs, and com- prized in the same Condemnation. *' Q. Yow do not doubt then but Honorius was con- demned in that Council ? *'A. The Acts of the Council prove it, and there is no appearance of their having been falsified, as Baronius pretended without any foundation. The Council acnowledg'd the Condemnation of that Pope in their Letter, the Emperor declares it in his Edict, Leo II., Agathon's Successor, says it in three Letters, the whole Roman Church declared it in the forms of the Oaths which they made the Popes take, from the holding of this Council, and the two following General Councils make mention of the condemnation of Honorius. '' Q. But tell me, I beseech you, do you believe that this Pope was condemn'd in this Council as a Heretick ? ** A. He is put in the same Rank by this Council, with * Honorius had been dead forty years, and in that short time no less than nine Popes had succeeded him, the last of whom, Agathon, was Pope at the time of the meeting of the Council. INFALLIBLE AUTHORITY OF THE CHURCH. 55 Sergius, Pyrrhus, and Paul, who are evidently con- demn'd as Hereticks ; he is included in the same Ana- thema, namely, as having taught the same Impieties, and the same Errors. Therefore we cannot doubt of the Councirs having condemn'd him as a Heretick. '' Q. Do you think he was a Heretick ? ** A. It appears b}^ his Letters that he was in the same Sentiments with Sergius, and that he plainly main- tained the same Points the Monothelites did ; the one, that we ought not to say either that there is one or two Operations in Jesus Christ ; the other, that we ought to say there is but one Will in Jesus Christ. Theodorus, Sergius, Pyrrhus, Paul, and the other Monothelites did not say more ; therefore the Council had reason to put him in the same Rank, and 'tis in vain to go about to excuse him from having maintained that Error. ' ' Here we have by the testimony of an unimpeachable witness, of the Archbishop's own Communion (who has drawn from the original fountains), the Fifth Gen- eral Council condemning Pope Vigilius, and Pope Vigilius condemning himself ; the Sixth General Coun- cil (presided over by Pope Agathon's legates and fol- lowing up the previous action of the Roman Council held by Agathon himself) condemning and anathema- tizing Pope Honorius, and Pope Leo 11.''^ and *' the whole Roman Church" joining in the condemnation and anathematization. And yet the Archbishop has so mean an opinion of our knowledge of the veriest rudi- * " Anathematizamus. , . . nee non et Honorium, qui hanc apostolicam ecelesiam non apostolicse traditionis doetrina lustravit, sed profana proditione immaeulatam subvertere conatus est [We ana- thematize. . . . also Honorius, who did not purify this apos- tolic church with the doctrine of apostolic tradition, but by a profane prodition (i.e., treachery — mark the play upon the words) attempted to subvert it hitherto immacluate]. — Leo II. Epist. ad Constant. Imp. ap. Mansi. xi. 731." Sec this and other citations in Gicseler, § 128, Notes 14, 15, and 17. S6 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. ments of Ecclesiastical History that he has the assur- ance to put on solemn *' record" the deliberate asser- tion that ''in the whole history of the Church, from the nineteenth century to the first, no solitary exam- ple can be adduced to show that any Pope or General Council ever revoked a decree of faith or morals en- acted by any preceding Pontiff or Council I" Brass was the current coin of the elder Rome, and those old Pagans made shift to rub along w^ith it ; but the Rome of to-day must bring us not so base a metal, if she expects to buy us over; not even "40 Thousand," no, nor 40 Hundred Thousand, siicJi sesterces will suffice. The Archbishop argues the Infallibility of the Cath- olic Church from the Apostolic Commission (St. Matt. 28 : 19, 20 ; St. John 20 : 21-23), from St. Matt. 16 : 18, C' and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it" — which is a promise of perpetuity, not of infallibility), and from Eph. 4 : 11-14, laying particular stress on the Avords, '' Behold, I am with you." But he answers himself in the same breath ; for, he goes on : '' These words, ' I am with yoit,' are frequently addressed in Sacred Scripture, by the Almighty, to his Prophets and Patriarchs" (p. 88). If, then, they prove the infal- libility of the Catholic Church, they prove the infalli- bility of the Jewish Church also ; wiiich is proving a little too much, seeing the Jewish Church was not only fallible, but by the testimony of the Archbishop him- self, as we hav^e already seen, did actually err, even to the extent (p. 207) of '' a long catalogue of innovations in doctrine and discipline." '' But," says the Archbishop, '' mark the consequen- ces that follow from denying it. If your church is not infallible, it is liable to err, for there is no medium be- tween infallibility and liability to error. ... If so, you are in doubt whether you are listening to truth or falsehood. If you are in doubt, you can have INFALLIBLE AUTHORITY OF THF CHURCH. 57 no faith, for faith excludes doubt" (p. 89). Does it? What does the Apostle mean, then, when he says (2 Cor. 5 : 7), '' We walk by faith, not by sight? The two are evidently put by him. in antithesis. As evi- dently, sight, as here used by him, excludes doubt. If, then, faith also excludes doubt, where is the antithesis ? Again, religious faith is possessed of a moral quality ; it has its seat in the heart, '' If thou believest with all thine heart, thou may est." '' V/ith the heart man believeth unto righteousness" (Acts 8 : 37 ; Rom, 10 : 10). But Infallibility, in the Archbishop's use of it, in- volves absolute certainty, and there can be no moral quality in our belief of that of which we are absolutely certain. If the Archbishop were to deny, .or doubt, that two and two are four, or that the sum of the three angles of a triangle is equal to two right angles, I should consider that doubt, or that denial, as spring- ing not from " an evil heart of unbelief," but from a mind off the hinges. '* There can be no faith in the hearer unless there is unerring authority in the speaker" (p. 89). Is this so ? Let us see. Either the Archbishop knozvs that there is *' unerring authority" in the Church, or he does not know it. If he does not know it, then, according to his o^vn argument only six lines above in the same par- agraph, he does not know, when he is listening to her, whether he is *' listening to truth or falsehood." If he does know it, then his reception of her teachings is not faith, but ** sight," that is, knowledge ; there is no moral quality in that reception, any more than in his reception of the truths of Arithmetic and Geometry above mentioned : he simply walks by sight, not by faith, contrary to the example of St. Paul and his fel- low Christians, who walked *' b}^ faith, not by sight." It is not true, then, necessarily (as the Archbishop repre- sents it), that ''faith excludes doubt." It may, or it may not ; that depends on its strength. Knowledge ex- 5^ THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. eludes doubt ; but it excludes faith (religious faith) also. Hence in that world where we shall know as we are known, faith is lost in sight, as hope, also, is swallowed up in fruition. *' You admit infallible certainty in the physical sci- ences, why should you deny it in the science of salva- tion?'* (p. 89). For the same reason that we deny it in the moral sciences, which are akin to the *' science of salvation," whereas the physical sciences have no kinship with it, '' The mariner, guided by his com- pass, knows amid the raging storm and the darkness of the night, that he is steering his course directl}^ to the city of his destination" (p. 89). He does not '' know" it ; he believes it ; and his faith, though it does not '' exclude doubt," is, on the Vv^hole, a safe guide. But there have been instances of ships wrecked through some attracting substance built into the ship, it may be, near the compass, unnoticed by the builder, and unknown to the mariner. " And is not an infallible guide as necessary to con- duct you to the city of God in heaven?" (p. 89.) I Avill consider that question in the next chapter. The Archbishop is very much exercised about a sen- tence in one of the '* Homilies of the Church of Eng- land," which ''says that the Church ' lay buried in damnable idolatry for eight hundred years and more ' " (p. 84). I will match it with more than one from the Lord himself, by the mouth of his prophets Ezekiel and Jeremiah : ''In the day when 1 chose Israel. . . . I said unto them, . . , defile not yourselves with the idols of Egypt. . . . But they rebelled against me, . . . neither did they forsake the idols of Egypt. . . . Yet also I lifted up my hand unto them in the wilderness, . . . for their heart went after their idols. . . . When I had brought them into the land [of Canaan] . . . there they pre- sented the provocation of their offering. . . . Are INFALLIBLE AUTHORITY OF THE CHURCH. 59 ye polluted after the manner of your fathers ? . . . ye pollute yourselves with all your idols even unto this day" (Ezek. 20 : 5, 7, 8, 15, 16, 28, 30, 31). '' Behold, I will give this city into the hand of the Chaldeans, . . with the houses upon whose roofs they have offered incense unto Baal, and poured out drink-offer- ings unto other gods, to provoke me to anger. For the children of Israel and the children of Judah have only done evil before me from their youth : for the children of Israel have only provoked me to anger with the work of their hands, saith the Lord. For this city hath been to me as a provocation of mine anger and of . my fury from the day that they built it unto this day" (Jer. 32 : 28-31) ; considerably over *' eight hundred years and more." And as to the entireiiess of the cor- ruption, read what Isaiah, a hundred and fifty years earlier, says in the first chapter of his prophecy, par- ticularly in the fifth and sixth verses : '' The whole head is sick, and the whole heart faint. From the sole of the foot even unto the head there is no soundness in it ; but wounds, and bruises, and putrifying sores." Surey, if all tliis did not break the continuity of the Jewish Church, then neither did all that break the con- tinuity of the Christian Church, and therefore the '' issue" raised by the Archbishop between '' the per^ sonal veracity of our Saviour" and that *'of the Re- formers," is no issue at all. *' Christ," says the Arch- bishop, quoting the declaration about ''the gates of hell" (St. Matt. 16 : 18), *' makes here a solemn predic- tion that no error shall ever invade His Church ; and if she fell into error, the gates of hell have certainly prevailed against her" (p. 84). Christ does nothing of the kind. He simply promises that His Chvirch shall continne to the end of the world ; and if the idolatry charged did not, and could not, as we have seen it could not, break the continuity, the promise stands un- affected, even though the charge be true. 6o THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, Having thus disposed of the Archbishop's logic in this chapter, I shall conclude with a specimen of his rhetoric, merely interpolating, in brackets, enough to make it consistent with the facts of the case : *' Children of the Catholic [meaning Roman] Church, give thanks to God for having made you members of that communion in which you are preserved [as Vigi- lius and Honorius were] from all errors in faith, and from all illusion in the practice of virtue. . , , You are a part of that universal communion which has no ' High Church ' and ' Low Church ' [only Francis- cans, and Dominicans, at swords' points on what, bemg now, always has been, an article of faith — for the faith never changes — to wit, the Immaculate Conception] ; no ' New School ' and ' Old School' [only Jansenists and Jesuits, at swords' points on Predestination and Free Will ; and a host of other ists and isms ! '' Only that, and nothing more !"] for you all belong to that School which is ' ever ancient and ever new.' [That must be an IrisJi School !] You enjoy that profound peace and tranquillity [" solititdinem faciunt, PACEM nineteenth. Another settling awaits her ; a settHng with the Cathohc Church, and with the head of the CathoHc Church, and not till then will the peace of Christendom come. '* But when our Redeemer abolished the old law, and established his Church, did he intend that his gos- pel should be disseminated by the circulation of the Bible, or by the living voice of his disciples ? This is a vital question. I answer most emphatically, that it was by pleaching KLO^Y. that* he intended to convert the nations, and by preaching alone they wei^e converted'' (p. 98). ". . Here again, as in so many other instances, past and to come, the Archbishop shall answer himself — for '* liars" are not the only persons that *' need to have long memories ;" sophists are in the same category, — and shall do it '' most emphatically." In the chapter on matrimony, the Archbishop, in opposition to those who from the clause, '* except it be for fornication," in St. Matt. 19 19, argue the lawful- ness of divorce a vinculo matrimonii for that cause, quotes and comments upon St. Mark 10: 11, 12, St. Luke 16 : 18, and i Cor. 7 : 10, 11, in which there is no su:h exception, and adds : '' We must therefore admit that, according to the re- ligion of Jesus Christ, conjugal infidelity does not war- rant either party to marry again, or we are forced to the conclusion that the vast nnmber of Christians whose knoivledge of Christiaiiity zvas derived SOLELY from the teachings of Saints Mark, Luke, and Paul, were imper- fectly instructed in their faith" (p. 427). It is the zvritten '' teachings" that the Archbishop here refers to, for he has just quoted those written teachings on this point, and he is drawing an i7iference from them ; for he says, '' We must therefore admit," etc. His argument may be paraphrased thus : *' We must not suppose that the Bible was always, as it is 64 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. now, a compact book, bound in a neat form. It was for several eentitries in scattered fragments, spread over different parts of Christendom,'' (p. loo.) '' The Gos- pels and Epistles were addressed to particular persons or particular churches." (p. 98.) St. Matthew's Gos- pel was addressed to the * ' Christians of Palestine. ' ' (p. 427.) ** For many years after the Gospels and Epistles were written, the knowledge of them was confined to the churches to which they were addressed." (p. 102.) wSt. Matthew's Gospel, therefore, being confined *'for many years," if not *' for several centuries," to the Jewish Christians, the '* vast number" of gentile Chris- tians must have '' derived" their '* knowledge of Chris- tianity solely from" one or more of the other Gospels or of the Epistles. Let the reader noAV compare the paragraph quoted above from page 427, especially the part I have italicized, with the italicized part of the paragraph from page 98, and he will see that the Archbishop has *' most emphat- ically'' answered himself."^ It isn't the first time that we have seen this *' engineer Hoisc wiUi his own petur," and it won't be the last. The truth is, the Archbishop is wrong both ways ; it was not by preaching alone, nor by the Bible alone, that the nations were to be con^ verted and built up in the faith, but by both together, and as fast and as far as the successive portions of thd New Testament came into existence and became acces- sible, they went with and followed up the living voice of the preacher ; the very purpose for which they were written. * Should the Archbishop undertake to quibble on the word " conven- ed," and say that the nations were converted before the Gospels or Epis- tles were written, that won't help him unless he is prepared to maintaiii that they were to be " converted " by preaching alone, and after that, to be " built up in their most holy faith " by the Bible alone. THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. 65 What says St. Luke? *' Forasmuch as many have taken in hand to set forth in order a declaration of those things which are most surely believed among us, even as they delivered them unto us, which from the beginning were eye-witnesses, and ministers of the word ; it seemed good to me also, having had perfect understanding of ail things from the very first, to write unto thee in order, most excellent Thophilus, that thou mightest know the certainty {aacpaXnav, freedom from error) of those things wherein tnou hast been in- structed" — literally, '* catechized." (St. Luke i : 1-4.) It is plain, then, that the office of Scripture was to authenticate the spoken word ; to fix Tradition, and hand it down in a safe channel, instead of trusting so precious a deposit to the treacherous memory of successive generations. The very statement of the Roman doctrine of tradition, to wit, an esoteric tradi- tion, {disciplina arcani,) transmitted orally through a select few who alone should have the custody of it, is enough to condemn it. It is the ** Church," the whole Church, not a clique within it, still less a Roman clique, least of all a Vaticano-Tridentine clique, that is *Vthe pillar and ground of the truth." '' Until the religious Revolution of the sixteenth cen- tury," says the Archbishop, ** it was a thing unheard of from the beginning of the world, that people should be governed by the dead letter of the law, either in civil or ecclesiastical affairs." (p. 99.) Certainly it was '* unheard of," and it is still, except by the Archbishop. * ' He is the only one who has got the ?iews,'' and he makes as much parade over it as some enterprising purveyor for the press sometimes does when he has stumbled upon an equally trustworthy item, ** What is the use," says the Archbishop, '' of your preaching sermons and catechizing the young, if the Bible at home [meaning thereby '' the dead letter" of the Bible] is a sufficient guide for your people ? The 66 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. fact is, you Reverend gentlemen contradict in prac- tice what you so vehemently advance in theory/' (pp. 99, loo.) '* The fact is/' you, Most Reverend Sir, either mis- apprehend our position, or else wilfully misrepresent it. And of this you seem to have a dim consciousness ; for 3^ou say, in the next paragraph, '' I will address myself now in a friendly spirit to a non-Catholic," meaning a non-Roman. Certainly, you have been addressing your- self to him in any thing but '' a friendly spirit," impmt- ing to him that which, if true, would make a drivelling idiot intellectually respectable alongside of him. I will not stoop to misrepresent the Roman Church as you misrepresent the Church of England, and the great body of Protestants, on this point. I could not do it and preserve my self-respect. The Roman Church holds that there are two sources of ** saving truth," (sahitaris vcritatis,) the ''written books," and the '' unwritten traditions which, received by the Apostles from the mouth of Christ himself, or from the Apostles themselves (2 Thess. 2 : 14,) the Holy Ghost dictating, have come down even unto us, transmitted, as it were, from hand to hand." [Concil. Trident., Sess, IV. Can. I., Buckley's Translation, Lon- don, 185 1, p. 18. — For the original Latin, see Browne on the Articles, Am. Ed., p. 130.) In opposition to this, the Church ol England, in common with the great body of Protestants, maintains (Art. VL), that there is but one source " of saving truth. Her words are, '* Holy Scripture containeth all things necessary to salvation ; so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be proved thereby, is not to be required of any man, that it should be believed as an article of the"^ Faith, or be throught requisite or necessary to salvation." * The Illumination of the Spirit is not here in question, on either side. THE CHURCH AXD THE BIBLE. 67 This is what is meant by " The Bible and the Bible only." NotT\\^ Bible, to the exclusion of the Church and Ministry, — *'as we be slanderously reported" by the Archbishop ; but, The Bible, to the exclusion of the '' unwritten traditions." Bellarmine understands this, if the Archbishop doesn't : '' The controversy between us and the heretics consists in two things. The first is, that we assert that in Scripture is not expressly con- tained all necessary doctrine, whether concerning faith or morals, and therefore that, besides the written word of God, there is moreover needed the unwritten word, i.e., Divine and Apostolical Tradition. But //^^7 teach, that all things necessary for faith and morals are con- tained in the Scriptures, and that therefore there is no neeel of the unzvritten word.'' — De Verbo Dei non Scripto^ Lib. IV. cap. III.^ — See the Original Latin in Browne, Now in this '' controversy" the Fathers are v/ith us, and against Rome. Tertullian says : '' Let the school of Hermogenes show that it is written. If it is not written, let them fear the woe Avhich is destined for them who add to or take away." — Adv. Herrnog., c. 22. Origen says : ' ' If any thing remain Avhich Holy Scrip- ture doth not determine, no third Scripture [he had been speaking of two— the Old Testament and the New] ought to be had recourse to. . . . For God would not have us know all things in this world. — Horn. V. ill Lev it, Hippolytus writes : '' Whosoever will exercise piety toward God can learn it nowhere but from the Holy Scriptures." — Contra HcEresim Noeti, c. 9. Athanasius : *' The holy and divinely-inspired Scrip- tures are of themselves sufficient to the enunciation of truth. — Contra Gentes, Tom. I. p. i. Cyril of Jerusalem : '' Concerning the divine and holy mysteries of the faith, even the most casual re- mark ought not to be delivered without the sacred Scriptures." — Catech. IV., 12. 6S THE FAITH OF OUR FORE FA THERS. Basil : '* Believe those things which are written ; the things which are not written seek not." — Horn, XXIX., adv, Cal. S, Trin, '* Itis a manifest defection from the faith, and a proof of arrogance, either to reject any- thing of what is written, or to introduce anything that is not.'' — De Fide, c. i. Ambrose : '' How can we use those things which we find not in the Scriptures?" — Ojjic. Lib. I. c. 23. Jerome: '* As we deny not those things which are written, so we refuse those which are not written/' — Adv, Helvidium juxta finem, Tom. IV. Pars. II. p. 141, Edit. Benedict. Augustine : *' In those things which are plainly laid down in Scripture, all things are found which embrace faith and morals." — De Doctr, Christ., L. ii. c. 9, Tom. III. p. 24. ** If an angel from heaven announce to you anything beyond {^prceterquani) what ye have received in the legal and evangelical Scriptures, let him be ana- thema."— C(9;//r. PetiL, L. III. c. 6, T. IX. p. 301. Theodoret : */ Bring not human reasonings and syl- logisms ; I rely on Scripture." — Dial. I. ^ArpSTtr John Damascene : " All things that are delivered to us by the Law, the Prophets, the Apostles, and the Evangelists, we receive, acknowledge, and reverence, seeking for nothing beyond these." — De Ortliod. Fide,, L. i. c. I. See the above quotations more at large, and in the Original Latin and Greek, in Browne on the Ar- ticles, pp. 148, 149. — See also, in the same, p. 147, this extract from Irenseus which is specially to the point : '' We have received the disposition of our salvation by no others but those by whom the Gospel came to us ; which they then preached, and afterwards by God's will delivered to us in the Scriptures, to be the pillar and ground of our faith." — L. III. c. i. Irenasus says, the Gospel which the Apostles preached they afterward delivered to us in the Scriptures. Rome says, they delivered only a part of THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. 69 it in the Scriptures, leaving the rest to unwritten tra- dition. Which shall we believe ? I prefer to believe Irenseus, the pupil of Pulycarp, the disciple of St. John. But did not some of these very Fathers speak of a ** canon of truth" according to which the Scriptures ought to be interpreted ? Yes, they spoke of the Creed, as such '' canon ;" but then the Creed was not an unwritten tradition, nor was it, in their view, outside of Scripture except as to its form and arrangement ; for every article of it they recognized as contained in Scripture. But did not the Fathers appeal to tradition in arguing with heretics ? Yes, but not as adding to the teachings of Scripture, but only as confirming them. I chal- lenge the Archbishop to produce a single passage from any of the Fathers of the first four centuries, asserting the existence of an unwritten tradition containing a doctrine not in Holy Scripture and yet necessary to salvation. Let him produce one such passage if he can, or else let him hereafter, on this point, forever hold his peace. What the civil code is to the citizen, the Scripture is to the Christian. The Word of God, as w^ell as the civil law, must have an interpreter, by whose decision we are obliged to abide.'' (p. 99). Only a small portion of Scripture, to wit, the statu- tory, is analogous to the '' civil code ;" the remaining, and by far the greater, portion, historical, prophetical, devotional, needs no tribunal to interpret it ; nay, is, from its very nature, outside the domain of any tribu- nal. Even the statutory portion, like the '' civil code,'' needs a tribunal only when a practical case arises ; and then it needs one at hand, and not one afar off. Cases oi morals, — not abstract or hypothetical cases, (for the ecclesiastical tribunal, if it is to follow the analogy of the civil tribunal, does n't deal with such,) but concrete cases, in other v/ords, charges of immorality — are de- 70 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. cicled by local tribunals, with the right of appeal, it may be, to a higher local tribunal, as, for instance, from the parish priest to the Bishop, or from a Dio- cesan court to a Provincial one. Cases of discipline, not directly involving morals, are decided in the same way. So were cases of faith, for the first three centu- ries, there being then no general tribunal ; for the Pope wa.s not then recognized as such, as we shall see, fur- ther on. The highest tribunal is, the whole Church, represented in General Council, and afterwards accept- ing, or rejecting, the formal judgments of such Council. It is not often that such an assemblage has been called into being. Even of those claimed to be General Councils, the number is but small ; of really General ones, still smaller ; only Six, whose formal judgments have been definitively accepted and acted on by the whole Church. These were called into being, pro re nata, as emergencies arose. These emergencies are not likely to arise in the future. All the Articles of the Faith have been already adjudicated. As to the fourteen new articles, so called, of Modern Rome, and the fourteen newer ones that she may have in reserve, locked up in the storehouse of unwritten tradition, waiting their turn to be let out, one by one, or in a batch of a baker's dozen, by the keys of St. Peter, we are ready to submit them, each and all, as Cranmer, and Luther, were, before us, to a really General coun- cil, not a packed one, like that of the Vatican of the other day, and to abide the action (whether of accept- ance or of rejection) of the whole Church upon its for- mal judgments. Meanwhile, we shall get along, as the Church of the first three centuries did, with Diocesan and Provincial tribunals, with the advantage over it, however, of the adjudications of the whole Church of the three following centuries. And we shall continue to maintain consistently, in theory and in practice, pri- vate judgment and Church authority ; the latter, as THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. Jt necessary to the being of a Church ; the former, not only as the right, but as the duty of every man, — a duty which he owes to the manhood that God has given him, and which he may not shirk or draw back from, or seek to shoulder off from himself on to others. The Archbishop charges us with inconsistency, in holding to *' The Bible, and the Bible only,'' and, in the same breath, to the necessity of the Church and the Ministry ; but he fails, as we have seen, to make good the charge. I charge him — and I will bring the charge home to him — with inconsistency, in denouncing private interpretation, and, in the same breath, appeal- ing to it. 1. In denouncing private interpretation : '' It is, therefore, a grave perversion of the sacred Text, to adduce these words [the words, '* Search the Scriptures"] in vindication of the private interpretation of the Scriptures.'* (p. 98.) *' Thus we see that in the Old and the New Dispen- sation, the people were to be guided by a living au- thority, and not by their private interpretation of the Scriptures.'' (p. 99.) *' Hence, the doctrine of private interpretation would render many men's salvation not only difficult, but im- possible." (p. 104.) ** Does not the conduct of the Reformers conclu- sively show the utter folly of interpreting the Scrip- tures by /r/z/^^^y^/<^;;^^;^/ ?" (p. 105.) '* One will prove from the Holy Book that Jesus Christ is not God. Others will appeal to the same text to attest His divinity. ** Very recently several hundred Mormon wo- men. . . „ *' Such is the legitimate fruit of private interpreta- tion,'' (pp. 106, 107.) 2. In appealing to it in the same breath : What are the Archbishop's 339 appeals (if I have 72 THE FAITH OF OUR FORE FA THERS. counted right) to Scripture, but so many appeals to the private interpretation of his non-Roman readers ? Or, does he expect them to go and ask the Pope if the Archbishop *s interpretation is right, and, if he says yes, then to go over in a body to the Roman Church ? Or perhaps he expects them to follow in the footsteps of the late Reverend Orby Shipley, of the Church of England, now Mister Orby Shipley of the Church of Rome, who thus writes to the Londofi Times : " For the last time I exercised my private judgment, as ever}^ person must exercise that gift of God in some way and to some extent, and I humbly sought admission into the communion of the Catholic [he means the Roman] Church/' In other words, '' I exercised my private judgment*' in strangling my private judgment ; I used *' that gift of God" to hurl it back iipon the GIVER. Habemus renin conjitentem. We have him pleading guilty to intellectual and moral suicide. What remains but to take up the corpse, and carry it forth, and bury it out of sight, and leave it "To lie in cold ohstntction^ and to r^/.** Pass we on ! '* A copy of the sacred volume is handed to you by your minister, who says : ' Take this book ; you will rind it all-sufficient for your salvation.' But here a serious difficulty awaits you at the very threshold of your investigations. What assurance have you that the book he hands you is the inspired Word of God ? " We have the same '' assurance " that you have. The same evidence is accessible to us that is accessible to you, and it is not very assuming in us to assume that we are, to say the least, equally as capable as you of weighing it ; especially as weighing it, involves private judgment, and you are not allowed, in this matter, to have any private judgment, but must take the say-so of your church, without even weighing her testimony. THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. 73 We, on the contrary, weigh all the testimony, includ- ing that of your church, which is but a very small part of the whole ; for we have the testimony of the whole Church before the division of the East and West ; the testimony of the Greek Church since that division ; the testimony of the Church of England and of nineteen- tvventieths of all Protestants since the Reformation ; the testimony of the early heretics and schismatics, nearly all of whom recognized the canon of Scripture received by the Church ; in fine, the testimony of the early adversaries of Christianity, Trypho, and Celsus, and Julian. If I were arguing w4th an infidel, I might show how much stronger is the evidence of the genu- ineness and authenticity of the books of the New Testa- ment, than of the works of the ancient Greek and Latin historians ; but such an argument would be out of place here. As to the inspiration of the Scriptures, it rests on the same kind of evidence that the authority and infallibility of the Roman Church is claimed by you to rest on, to wit, the declarations of these Scriptures them.selves ; and as I am not arguing with an infidel, this is all that I am concerned to show. I will not, be- cause I need not, cite these declarations at large, but will merely give reference to some of them, to wit : St. Matt. ID : 19, 20 : St. Luke, 12 : 11, 12 ; St. John 14 ; 16, 17, 26 ; 15 : 26 ; 16 : 13, 14 ; Acts 15 : 28 ; Rom. 16 : 25, 26 ; I Cor. 2:4, 5, 9-16 ; 14 : 37 ; Gal. i : 11, 12 ; Heb. I : I, 2 ; i St. Peter i : 11, 12 ; 2 St. Peter i : 21 ; Rev, I : 10, II. But there is another difficulty, it seems , in our way. ''It [the '' book he hands you "] may, for aught you know, contain more than the Word of God, or it may not contain all the Word of God." (p. 100.) 1 answer, we know just as much about it as you do, for we have the same identical information in our pos- session that you have in yours, to wit, the testimony (not merely of the modern Roman Church but) of the 74 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. whole Church from the beginning ; and we are as able to sift it as you are. We have sifted it, and, as the re- sult, we have come to the conclusion, first, that the book we call the Bible does not " contain more than the Word of God," — a conclusion in which we are happy to find the Greek Church, the Roman Church, and nineteen-twentieths of all Protestants, agreeing with us, and in which, therefore, we feel pretty safe ; and we have come to the conclusion, secondly, that it does *' contain all the Word of God," a conclusion in which you do not agree with us ; for you claim that certain other books, which we call Apocryphal, are really Can- onical. What is your evidence for this claim ? '' The Catholic Church," you say, **in the plenitude of her authority, in the third Council of Carthage, (a.d. 397,) separated the chaff from the wheat, and declared what Books were Canonical, and what were apocryphal." I reply, '' The Catholic Church" did nothing of the kind, for the simple reason, first, that the Council of Carthage was not a General Council, but merely an African Council, of only forty -four Bishops ; and, sec- ondly, — a reason that you will appreciate, — that '' a Ro- man Council (see Bp. Hopkins, End of Controversy Con- troverted, vol. i. p. 325) held a.d. 494, under [the infal- lible] Pope Gelasius, by seventy Bishops, for the ex- press purpose of separating [what, according to you, had been already separated ninety-seven 3^ears before,] the canonical Scriptures, the Councils and the fathers, from the numerous apocryphal books which were in circulation," deliberately excluded from the canon the Second Book of Maccabees, the very Book you quote (p. 184) in behalf of the Invocation of Saints (p. 206) in behalf of Purgatory, and (p. 308) in behalf of Masses for the Dead, and which the Council of Carthage in- cluded in the canon. Evidently, his Infallibility, sturdy old Roman as he was, though said by some to have been of African birth, had come to the conclusion, THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. 75 " Delenda est Carthago,'' — et delevit. Which was right, the African Council, or the Infallible Pope ? For my part, I side with his Holiness on this point. And I go further, and side v/ith his successor a hundred years later. Pope Gregory the Great — him that denounced as the forerunner of Antichrist any one who should claim to be Universal Bishop ; grand old Pope he was, even if he wasn't infallible — I say, I side with him in excluding not only the second book of Maccabees, but the first book also ; for he introduces a quotation from it with these words : '' We shall not go too far if we bring forward a testimony from those books which, altJioiigh itot canonical, are used to edify the Church." {Moral, in Job, Lib. 19, c. xxxiv. Op,, Tom. i, p. 622, a. Quoted by Bp. Hopkins, tit supra, p. 328.) I will cite one more witness and one whom you can't object to ; for you tell us (p. no) that '' Pope Damasus com- manded a new and complete translation of the Scrip- tures to be made into the Latin language," and that the task '' was assigned to St. Jerome, the most learned Hebrew scholar of his time." This was some years before the Council of Carthage, for that Council did not meet till twelve years after the death of Damasus. Of course, St. Jerome knew what Books w^ere then received in the Church as canonical Scripture. What is his testimony? ** As, therefore, the Church reads indeed Judith and Tobit and the Books of the Maccabees, but does not receive them among the canonical Scriptures, so also she reads these two volumes [Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus] for the edifi- cation of the people, not for the confirmxation of ecclesi- astical doctrine." (Tom. L p. 938. Ed. Bened. — See the origmal Latin in Browne on the Articles, p. 188.) This declaration of St. Jerome is a part of his Preface to the Proverbs of Solomon. Our canon and his are the same, and they agree perfectly with that of the Jews, to whom "were comimitted the oracles of God," 7 6 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. (Rom. 3 : 2), and whom Christ never charges with either adding to or taking from them, but with making them void by their tradition. I will only add that the author of the Second Book of Maccabees, your favor- ite (apocryphal) book, evidently never dreamed that his unpretending history was inspired Scripture ; for, in winding up his narrative, he says, '' And here will I make an end. And if I have done well and as is fitting the story, it is that which I desired ; but if slenderly and meanly, it is that which I could attain unto. " — Really, it requires a good deal of effrontery in you and your Communion to foist such a man, 7iolentem volentem, into the category of canonical writers, and his modest ** little volume'' into the Sacred Canon ! Since writing the above, in searching in the library of the late Dr. Trapier, now in my custody, I came across (what I had hitherto overlooked) Dupin on the Canon, the same Dupin from whoie History of the Church I have already quoted. I make a few extracts : "As for the other Books, viz. Tobit, Judith, Wis- dom, Ecclesiasticus, and the two Books of the Macca- bees, they were never in the Jewish Canon, and are not to be met with in the Ancient Canons of Sacred Books, drawn up by the Christian Writers, except in those of the Churches of Rome and Africk. ** Origen in the Epistle to Africanus observes that the Books of Tobit and Judith were not received by the Jews, and that they were not so much as plac'd among their Apocryphal Books, tho' the Churches did make use of them. . . *' The Book of Judith is not only rejected in all the ancient catalogues of Sacred Writings, but is likewise not so much as cited by the Ancient Fathers. . . . '' The Books of Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus are put down in the Ancient Catalogues among the useful Books which are read in the Church with Edification, but are uncanonical. THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE, 7? *' Lastly, the two Books of the Maccabees are cast out of the Canon of Sacred Books in the Catalogues of Melito, Origen, the Council of Laodicea, St. Cyril, St. Hilary, St. Athanasius, St. Jerome, and in the rest which we have already mentioned." Vol. I. Chap. I. Sect. V. In the next chapter, he proceeds to enquire how, notwithstanding all this, these books ** came to be in- serted into the Canon," and, after giving the argu- ments advanced in behalf of them, sa3^s, *' It were to be wished that this Scheme were as Solid as 'tis Com- modious, for an answer to the objection befory lay'd down : But 'tis such an easy matter to overthrow it, that whoever would persist in defending it against the Hereticks, would soon find himself engaged in such a Labyrinth, as would be difficult for him to extricate himself out of." He comes, however, in the next par- agraph, as a true son of the Church, to this conclusion : '* All these Reasons and Considerations joy n'd together, are sufficient to establish the Authority [he does not say, Canonicity] of these Books, of which the decision of the Council of Trent has left no reason [he should have said no roont\ to doubt. For tho' no new Revela- tion has been made to the Church, yet it may after so long a tract ot time [more than 1700 years] be better assured of the Truth and Genuineness of a Work, than it was before, when after a due examination of the Mat- ter, it has met with a sufficient Testimony not to doubt any longer of it, and a sufficient Tradition, to judge it to be Authentic." The humor of all this is inimitable and irresistible. Dupin is evidently a wag, and must have enjoyed hugely the sly dig he was giving the Tri- dentine Fathers. It reminds me of a similar dig ni Professor Ornsby's Note on i St, John 5 : 7, in his edi- tion of the Greek Testament, approved by Cardinal Cullen, where, after giving the arguments for and against the authenticity of the verse, the latter prepon- 78 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFA THERS. derating overwhelmingly, he adds : ** The above argu- ments are stated by way of furnishing a general answer to difficulties commonly urged ; but such difficulties, even were the solution less satisfactory, must always, to us be sufficiently disposed of by the Council of Trent, which has sanctioned, as sacred and canonical, the entire books of Sacred Scripture, with all their parts, as they were wont to be read in the Catholic Church, and are found in the old Vulgate Latin edi- tion : which is the case with the passage before us !" How ** commodious" to have somebody to do our thinking for us ! especiall}^ when he can think to such good purpose as his Infallibility, Pope Sixtus V., who, about twenty years after the Council of Trent, '' pub- lished a rectified edition of the Bible as the, standard Vulgate, along with a Bull, in which these words ap- pear :^ * We have corrected it with our own hand. . . . and from our certain knowledge, and from the plenitude of Apostolical power, w^e decree that this Vul- gate Latin edition of the sacred page of the Old as well as the New Testament, is to be esteemed, without any doubt or controversy as thoroughly amended as it can be/ '' See Letter XVIIL of The End of Controversy Con- troverted, by Bishop Hopkins, who adds, in the next paragraph, '* Yet, before two years had elapsed, so many errors had been discovered in the edition which Sixtus V. had thus published from his certain knowledge and from tlie plenitude of Apostolic power, that Pope Cle- ment VllL was constrained to call in the copies, and to put out another, which is the present standard. And the Preface to this expressly states that f ' Although ■^ " Nostra nos ipsi manu correximus, . . . Ex certa nostra scientia, deque Apostolicae potestatis plenitudine, statuimus earn Vulgatam sacrse tarn Veteris quam Novi Testamenti paginae Latinam editionem, .... sine ulla dubitatione aut controversia censendam esse banc ipsam, quam nunc prout optime fieri potuit emendatam." f " In hac tamen pervulgata Lectione, sicut nonulla consulto mutata, ita etiam alia, (\u^fnutanda videbaniiir, consulto immutata relicta sunt." THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. 79 some things were advisedly changed from the common reading, there were others, which seemed to require a change, advisedly suffered to remain unaltered.' Such is the Latin Bible which, in the Roman Church, supplants, as the standard of Appeal, the original Greek and Hebrew. *' But even when you are assured that the Bible con- tains the Word of God, and nothing but the Word of God, how do you know that the translation is faith- ful ?" (p. lOI.) In the same way that you and 3"Our Church *' know" that your translation is faithful. Some of us have com- pared the translation with the original. The rest of us are satisfied of its substantial accuracy, because we find, not only the Church of England, by whose schol- arly members and by whose authority the translation was made, and her daughter Churches, but the great body of English-speaking Protestants, though belong- ing to diverse and conflicting denominations, agreeing in the reception of it ; and because your great cham- pion, Milner, while declaiming against its accuracy, specifies but two passages as wrongly translated, to wit, I Cor. II : 27, and St. Matt. 19: 11, neither of which bears out his charge, as I proceed to show. In the passage from Corinthians, the question is not one of translation, but of the true reading va the Greek, the Manuscripts differing in regard to it ; some read- ing nai^ and drink, etc. ; others, 7, or drink, etc. ; which last, being the reading of the Sinaitic Manu- script, lately discovered, is probably, but not certainly, the true reading. Whether it be so or not, the teach- ing contained in it is undoubtedly true ; for whosoever either eateth the bread, or drinketh the cup, unworth- ily, is guilty both of the body and of the blood of the Lord ; not because half a sacrament is a whole sacra- ment, but because '* whosoever shall keep the whole law, and yet offend in one point, he is guilty of all." 8o THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, In the passage from St. Matthew, our translation, *' All men cannot receive this saying," is rights 2iXi^ the Roman translation, '' NW. receive not,'' is wrong. The Greek is ov Ttdvre^ jcc9pou(Tz, all have not the capacity for. See the word in Liddell & Scott, where it is thus defined ; ^' III. transit., to have space or room for a thing, to hold, contain, esp. of measures." See the citations, one of which is translated, ''as much as they possibly could ;'' literall}^ as much as their heads had capacity for. — That our translators were right, is practically admitted by the Roman translators, who render St. John 21 : 25, '' the world itself, I think, would not be able to contain the books that should be written." Here, it is the future- infinitive of the same word which in St. Matthew is in the present indicative ; if '' not be able to" is right here, as unquestionably it is, '' cannot" is right there. *' Out of thine own mouth will I judge thee, thou wicked," or else ignorant, calumniator ! Thine '* End of Controversy" shall make an end of thee. But I will do more than confute Milner. When I come to the chapters on Invocation of Saints, Sacred Images, Celibacy of the Clergy, and Matrimony, I will convict your version of fouf gross mistranslations, three of which Avere brought to the notice of one of your pre- decessors by Bishop Hopkins more than twenty years ago. See his '' End of Controversy Controverted," Let- ter XVIII. , in which also it will be seen that, as acting counsel of our English Version, he wrongly plead guilty to Milner's indictment of it. So much for translation. ** But, after having ascertained to your satisfaction that the translation is faithful, still the Scriptures can nev^er serve as a complete Rule of Faith and a complete guide to heaven, independently of an authorized, living interpreter. '' A competent guide, such as our Lord intended for us, must have three characteristics. It must be within the reach of every one ; it must be clear and intelligi- THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. 8i ble ; it must be able to satisfy us on all questions relat- ing to faith and morals. " ist. . . . Now it is clear that the Scriptures could not at any period have been accessible to every one. '* They could not have been accessible to the primitive Christians, because they were not all written for a long time after the establishment of Christianity. . . The most perfect Christians lived and died and went to heaven before the most inportant parts of the Scrip- tures were written. And what w^ould have become of them if the Bible alone had been their guide?" (pp. 101-103.) No one supposes that ''the Bible alone" was their guide. The inspired Apostles and Evangelists were their guides. But these could not remain always on earth, and so they took care that their survivors, and all Christians to the end of time, should have their teachings '' always in remembrance." (2 St. Peter i : 15.) How ? By '* having themx committed to writing," says Professor Ornsby, and every sensible man says with him. But the Rhemish Annotator, not being a sensible man, or else being a knave, says it was to be accomplished by St. Peter's *' intercession before God after His departure" from this life ! If so, if St. Peter's intercession in heaven could bring to our re- membrance, his teachings, though w^e never heard them, nor could have heard them, seeing we were not born till after his '' departure," w^hat need not only of a Bible, but what need of an infallible Church or an in- falhble Pope ? The inspired Apostles and Evangelists held to no such nonsense. They took care that after their departure Christians should still have an inspired and, eventually, a completeguide to Christian faith and morals, which, but for the writings of the New Testa- ment, they would not have had, the Archbishop himself being witness ; for he says, expressly, (pp. 140, 141,) *' The Apostles were endowed with the gift of inspira- S2 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. tion, and we accept their writings as the revealed word of God. " No Catholic, on the contrary, claims that the Pope is inspired, or endowed with divine revelation properly so called." The Archbishop's argument (?) runs thus : The New Testament ivasvS t *' a complete guide" to the primitive Christians, who hadii't it ; tlierefore, it isn t a complete guide to us, who liave it ! Most lame and impotent conclusion ! And to think of its coming from an Arch- bishop and Metropolitan, who may be supposed, with- out a very violent presumption, to have been taught the riidiinejits of logic I The Archbishop goes on to speak of the hard times the Christians must have had, on the *' Bible alone" theory, for a thousand years and more, before the in- vention of printing. *' During that long period, Bibles had to be copied wdth the pen. There were but a few^ hundred of them in the Christian w^orld, and these were in the hands of the clergy and the learned." (p. 103.) ** What has become of those millions of once famous books w^hich were written in past ages ? They have nearly all perished. But amid this wreck of ancient literature the Bible stands almost a solitary monument, like the Pyramids of Egypt amid the surrounding wastes. That venerable volume has survived the wars and revolutions, and the barbaric invasions of fifteen centuries. Who rescued it from destruction ? The Catholic [not the Tridentine Roman] Church. With- out her fostering care, the New Testament would prob- ably be as little known to-day as ' the Book of the Days of the Kings of Israel.' III. [our I. ] Kings 14 : 19." (pp. 109, no.) '' Learned monks, who are now abused in their graves by thoughtless men, were constantly employed in copy- ing with the pen the Holy Bible. When one died at THE CHURCH AXD THE BIBLE. ^2i his post, another took his place, watching like a faithful sentinel over the treasure of God's Word." (p. no). From these three statements of the Archbishop, we learn that while those industrious old heathens the clas- sic writers of antiquity, could pour forth '' millions'' of books, so little cared for that ''they have nearly all perished,'' the " learned monks," with all their indus- try, backed by the ''fostering care" of the Church, could bring the number of Bibles up only to " a few hundred ;" and yet we are told, almost in the same breath, — for the sentence begins on the same page with the last-quoted statement, — that the '' new translation" by St. Jerome, into Latin, '' was disseminated through- out Christendom, and on that account was called the Vtdgate, or popular edition." Were the copies so scarce, then ? What says St. Augustine, as quoted by Dupin in his History of the Canon, vol. II. chap. iii. sect. I, in reply to the Manichees ? " What could you do but only assert that it was impossible to falsifie those Books which were in the hands of all Christians f What says Dupin himself, on the^preceding page ? He argues that the Scriptures '' wxre not alter'd a little after the Death of the Apostles and Evangelists,'' because there were '' copies of them spread over the face of the whole Earth ; which were preserved and read in all the Churches of Christendom, To return to the Archbishop : '^ It was well for Lu- ther that he did not come into the world until a cen- truy after the immortal discovery of Guttenberg. " (p. 103.) Of course, it was. God always brings men into the world at the right time. Hence He brought the Archbishop into the world in the nineteenth cen- tury. Think of one so in sympathy with our '' modern inventions," and ''mechanical progress," (p. 78) — so enamored of ''Civil and Religious Liberty," (chap. XVI.) — so hearty an abhorrer of " Religious Persecu- tion," (p. 241) — coming into the world in the sixteenth 84 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. century ! Why, he would have been perfectly misera- ble ! ' ''A hundred years earlier, his (Luther's) idea of directing two hundred and fifty millions of men to read the Bible would have been received with shouts of laughter/''^ (p. 103.) Certainly, if he had ever had such an idea ; but, being a man of common sense, and knowing that not one in five, if indeed one in ten, of those two hundred and fifty millions, could read at all, he never had such an idea. What he actually had at heart — what he would have had at heart, had he come into the world a hundred years earlier — was that every one of those four-fifths, or nine-tenths, should have the opportunity of hearing the Scriptures publicly read in the Church, as the whole multitude of the Jews heard them read in the Synagogue, and so became familiar with them, in the time ot our Lord, and as the Chris- tians in the ages next following heard them read in their public assemblies, as is witnessed by the appoint- ment of an Order of '' Readers" for that very purpose. And certainly his ''idea" of turning out the Monkish Legends from the Breviary, to make room for the Word of God, ''would have been received," by the Authorities of the Roman Church, with anything but " shouts of laughter." "2d. A competent guide must be clear and intelli- gible to all, so that every one may fully understand the true meaning of the instructions it contains. Is the Bible a book intelligible to all ? Far from it ; it is full of obscurities and difficulties not only for the illiterate, but even for the learned." (p. 104.) That there are hard places in Scripture nobody de- nies, but they are not those necessary to salvation. For instance, that about being '' baptized for the dead" (i * This sentence and the one last cited are not original with the Arch- bishop ; he quotes them from Martinet's Religion in Society, Vol. II. c. 10. So much the worse for Martinet. THE CHURCH AXD THE BIBLE. 85 Cor. 15 : 29) is a hard place, though doubtless it was plain to those to whom it was first addressed ; I don't understand it, and I don't expect to understand it in this life ; nor, if I did, would it set forward my salva- tion a hair's breadth, nor does my failure to understand it set back my salvation a hair's breadth. The '' things hard to be understood," which ''St. Peter himself in- forms us" of, " in the Epistles of St. Paul," are, as the connection shows, certain prophecies, particularly about the '* times and seasons," which are purposely left in uncertainty, that we may be always watching for the coming of the Lord. The passage the Archbishop quotes from 2 St. Peter i : 20, '' that no prophecy of Scripture is made by private interpretation," refers, not to the explanation of it, but to the making of it, as the very wording of it shows ; and if it did not, the next verse would make it plain. What the '' certain man" wanted of St. Philip (Acts 8:31) was some- thing to aid his private judgment, not to supplant it ; and the explanation that St. Phihp gave of the proph- ecy commended itself to the man's private judgment, else he would not have asked to be baptized. On this matter of the intelligibility of Holy Scripture, at least that part of it which pertains especially to sal- vation, I appeal from the Archbishop on one side of the question, to the Archbishop on the other side of the question ; for he knows how to be on both sides of the same question when it suits his argument, as we have already seen in repeated instances. After citing, on pages 87 and 88, several passages relating to the Minis- try, he proceeds : '' Notwithstanding these plain decla- rations of Scripture," etc. And again, on pages 289, 290 : '' And why is the Catholic interpretation of these words ['' this is My body "] rejected by Protestants? Is it because the text is in itself obscure and ambigu- ous ? By no means." And yet again, on page 347 : '' We have the most positive testimony, and our S6 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. Saviour's words conferring this power ['' the power to forgive sins "] are expressed in the plainest language, which admits of no misconception,''' Clearly, then, it is not the fault of the Bible, but of the heretics, who zuo7it understand it right. — But why multiply in- stances, when every one of the three hundred and thirty-nine times that the Archbishop quotes Canonical Scripture (especiall)'^ as he quotes it in almost every in- stance without comment) is, as I have already said, a confession, or rather, a profession, of its intelligibility, else it would be the veriest folly in him to quote it. But let us appeal, on this point, from the Arch- bishop, to Scripture itself. What says the Psalmist? *^ Thy word is a lamp unto my feet, and a light unto my path." (Ps. 119:105.) ''I have more under- standing than all my teachers : for thy testimonies are my meditation. I understand more than the ancients, because I keep thy precepts." (vv. 99, 100.) ''The entrance of thy word giveth light ; it giv^eth under- standing unto the simple." (v. 130.) What says Solo- mon, of the purpose for which he wrote the Proverbs ? '' To give subtilty to the simple, to the young man knowledge and discretion." (Prov. i : 4.) What says St. Luke .^ '' It seemed good to me also. ... to write unto thee. . , . that thou mightest knozv the certainty of those things wherein thou hast been in- structed." (St. Luke I : 3, 4.) What says St. John? '' These are written that ye might believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God ;" — how Avere they to be- lieve, if they could not understand what was written ? — ''and that believing ye might have life through his name." (St. John 20:31.) What says St. Paul? " Whatsoever things were written aforetime were writ- ten for our learning." (Rom. 15 : 4.) And so would say all the saints of the New Testament, if their say- ings on this point had been preserved to us. What say the Fathers, as reported by Dupin, (one of THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE, 87 the greater lights of the Gallican branch of the Roman Communion), in vol. L chap. IX. sect. III. of his His- tory of tlie Canon ? I appeal to them especially because the Archbishop says (p. 105) they ''are unanimous in pronouncing the Bible a book full of knotty difficulties, ' ' and because this allegation, if it is to the purpose for which he advances it, means that the Fathers were op- posed to the unrestricted reading of the Bible by the common people. Nothing can be more untrue. I wish I had room for the whole of Dupin's twenty folio pages of extracts ; but I must content myself with very few and very brief specimens : ''St. Irengeus [Bishop of Lyons: born A.D. 117, -died 202], in the 46th Chapter of his second Book against Heresies, declares expressl}' , that all the Scrip- tures, both Prophetical and Ev^angelical, may be under- stood by all Persons : ' Cum itaque universse scripturae, et Propheticse et Evangelicse, in aperto, et sine ambi- guitate, et similiter ab omnibus audiri possint. ' . . . " St. Clement of Alexandria, [died A.D. 216], after he had said, in the first Book of his Pedagogue, Chap. 1 1 ' That the Word of God is the health of our Souls : ' . tells us in the third Book of the same Treatise, Chap. 8. ' That this Divine Pedagogue proposes to us all manner of Instructions,' . . . And in Chap. 1 1 he frames to himself this objection : ' But w^e are not all capable, you wall say, of this Divnne Philosophy. To which he answers thus : Are w^e not all capable of attaining to the true Life ? . . . But, wall you say again, I have not learn' d to read ? If you cannot read, you have no excuse to make against hearing w^hat shall be read to you.' . . . " It is knowm that Origen [A.D. 184-255] studied the Holy Scriptures from his Childhood, and that this was one of the things which Antiquity most extoll'd and admir'd in that great Man. For it w^as not then 88 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFA THERS. thought [implying that in Dupin's day, 200 years ago, it was thought] dangerous for Laymen and Children to read the Sacred Writings. ... It is ingratitude to God, according to this Father, and an ill requital of his kindness in condescending so far as to lisp with us, that he might teach all Men the Truths of Salvation in a way suitable to the capacity of the meanest, to pre- tend that none but the Wise and Learned, in the es- teem of the World, may take the liberty to read the Holy Scriptures; and that Women and ignorant peo- ple are profane Persons, who should not be permitted to enter into this Sanctuary. This is what never came into the minds of any of the Fathers ; [notwithstanding they were, according to the Archbishop, (p. 105,) ^' unanimous in pronouncing the Bible a book full of knotty difficulties ;"] and Origen plainly shews us how far he w^as from it, when, addressing himeslf to all Be- lievers without distinction, he exhorts them in these words, in his 9/// Homily on Leviticus, to read contin- ually the Sacred Writings : ' I beseech you not to con- tent yourselves with hearing the Word of God when it is read in the Church, but apply yourselves to it also at home, and meditate there night and day on the Law of the Lord. For Jesus Christ is present in your Houses as well as in the Church, and they that seek him, find him in all places. . . . Take the Holy Scriptures into your hands, and read them.' . . '' St. Hilary [Bishop of Poictiers a.d. 350-367]. . , . in his Commentary on Psalm 119. 'Let us remember, says he, when we applied ourselves to read the Holy Scriptures, to find there what God re- quires us to do in order to please him, what a fulness of Divine Knowledge we found our narrow minds capable of receiving.' . . . '' St. Basil [Bishop of Csesarea a.d. 370-379] speaks of the Benefit that may be got by reading the Psalms, and in general all the Holy Scriptures, in these terms : THE CHURCH A.VD THE BIBLE. 89 * All the Scriptures divinely inspired, were given by the Holy Ghost, that^ being, as it were, a Magazine full of all sorts of Remedies for the cure of our Souls, EVERY ONE might find in them such as are proper for their particular Distempers.' . . In his 284th Let- ter, written to a Lady, Avho desired his Advice, .... he adds : ' If you seek your comfort in the Holy Scriptures, you will need neither me nor any other to advise you about the manner of your behaviour : For the Holy Spirit will give you all those Instructions that are necessary ; he will make your way plain before you, and lead you in it by the hand.' . . . '' St. Gregory of Nyssa [a.d. 331-395] . . . says of the Psalms, ' Let him therefore that is melancholy, or oppressed with any great affliction, consider them as a Letter of Consolation sent to him from God. Let those who travel by Land or by Sea ; who are settled in any Employment at home ; and in a word all Be- lievers, Men as well as Women, in whatever state or condition they be, sick or in health, be perswaded that they deprive themselves of a great Privilege, by neg- lecting the use of these Divine Songs. ' . . . '' St. Ambrose [Bishop of Milan a.d. 374-397] de- clares in many places the Excellency of the H. Scrip- ture, the need we have to read it. and the benefit that Christians may reap by it. . . . He says that the Gospel of St. Luke was written to be read by all those that love God, which should be the property of all true Christians, whether learned or unlearned, of all Ages, and of all Sexes. ' This Gospel, says he, ' is addressed to Theophilus, that is, to HIM THAT LOVES c;OD. If you love God, it is for you it was written. Receive the Present of an Evangelist, and what he gives you as your Friend, in token of his Affection, lay up carefully in the treasure of your Hearts. Keep this precious Trust ; view it often, and read it continually and with great care. ' . . . 9^ THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. '' St. Jerom [a.d, 331-420] . . . writing to one of his Friends named Gaudentius, among the Counsels he gives him about the Christian Education of a young Maid committed to his care, forgets not to advise him to make her read the Holy Scriptures, (Epist. 12.) ' When she is seven years old/ says he, ' and sensible of shame, and begins to know what she ought to con- ceal, and to doubt about what she should speak, make her learn by heart the Psalms ; and at twelve 3^ears of age, let her read the Books of Solomon, the Gospels, Epistles of the Apostles, and the Writings of the Prophets, being taught to value them as her greatest Treasure/ . . . '' St. Austin [Augustine, born A.D. 354, baptized 387, Bishop of Hippo 395-430] has spoken so many things, and in so many places, in praise of this divine study, that it would be tedious to relate all that is said of it in his Works. ... In his 56th Sermon of Time, where 'tis evident he speaks to all his Hearers, without dis- tinction either of Age or Sex : * Take it,' says he, ' for certain, my dear Brethren, that just as our Flesh is, when it receives Nourishment but once in many days, so are our Souls when they do not feed often upon the Word of God. . . . Continue to hear, as you are wont, in the Church, the reading of the Holy Scripture, AND READ IT ALSO IN YOUR HOUSES.' [CAPITALS Du- pin's.] .... And in the next sermon : ' Hear,' says he, ^ the Divine Lessons in the Church, and read them also at home.' And in the 38th concerning the Saints : ' Endeavour as much as in you lies, by the help of God, to read the Divine Lessons frequently in your Houses, and hear them read in the Church, with affec- tion and submission.' . . . And in his first Sermon on the 36th Psalm, having said, that God warns us, that Repentance, which may be performed to purpose in this World, will avail us nothing it we put it off till death, he adds, ' That we should have some reason to THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. 91 complain we were not warn'd of it, if the Scripture was not read in all the Earth, or if there were not everywhere Copies of it to be bouglit, ' . . . '' But among all the Fathers, none has spoken more frequently, emphatically, [mark that, Most Rev. Sir ; for Dupin's " emphatically" has something to back it, while yours (p. 98) has not,] or eloquently of the use- fulness of reading the Holy Scripture to all Persons, than St. Chrysostom [Bishop of Constantinople a.d. 398-407]. ... In his second Homily on St. Mat- thew he says : ' Who among all you that now hear me, could repeat me a Psalm, or some other portion of Scripture, by heart, if I desir'd it of him ? Not one single person. . . . But what excuse do Men make for these Enormities ? I am no Monk or Solitary Per- son they tell me : I have a Wife and Children, and a Family to take care of. This is that which ruins all now a days, your imagining that none but Monks OUGHT TO READ THE HOLY SCRIPTURE ; whereas yOU are under a much greater necessity of it than they. For those who are every day exposed to so many Con- flicts, and receive so many Wounds, have the greater need of Remedies.' . . . '' He begins this again more particularly in his loth Homily on St, John, and obviates all the Excuses that Laymen, and even Tradesmen can bring to be ex- empted from reading the Holy Scripture : * Before,' says he, ' I explain to you the words of the Gospel, I desire of you one thing, and pray don't refuse me ; it is no difficult task, and besides is more for your own ad- vantage than for mine. What is it then I desire of you ? That on some day of the Week, and at least on Saturday, you would be careful to read what I am to explain to you of the Gospel ; that you would repeat it often in your houses, that you would enquire into the meaning of it ; that you would mark what you find to be clear, what appears to be obscure, and what seems 92 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. to be inconsistent. This will be a great advantage both to you and me. ... I know very well a great many pretend they can do no more, by reason of the publick and private Affairs that take them up. But this is the very thing which condemns them, to be so intent upon the Concernments of this World, that they cannot find time for those that are more necessary for them. . . . There are others of this slothful num- ber, who pretend that for want of Books they cannot read the Scripture. I need not say how ridiculous it would be for rich Men to alledg this Reason : But be- cause I find a great many poor people make use of it, I would fain ask them, whether their Poverty hinders them from getting all the Instruments belonging to their trade ? How comes it then that they are so care- ful, notwithstanding their Poverty, to furnish them- selves with every thing necessary to their Art, and never alledg their being poor, but when the question is about buying Books, which would be so useful to them in the business of their Salvation ? But after all, if there be any so poor that they cannot by an}^ means procure Books of the Scripture, they may learn it by attending diligently to it when it is read in the Church, and minding the Explications which are there given of it.' ....... ''He delivers his mind yet more fully ... in his 9th Homily on the Epistle to the Colossians. ' Consider the words of this great Apostle. He does not say only. Let the Word of God be in you, but, let it dwell in you richly ; teaching and exhorting one an- other in all Wisdom. . . . Look for no other Master tliait the Word of Goel, whieh you have in your liands. No Man is able to teach you so well as this Divine Word. For he to whom we address ourselves for Instruction, often conceals many things, out of Vain-glory or Envy. . . . THE IGNORANCE OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURE, IS THE CAUSE OF ALL OUR MISERIES. We ^O tO War THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. 93 without Arms ; how should we escape from perishing there ? It is a great help to a safe retreat out of the Battel to be well armed : But if we are not, we shall not be able to defend ourselves. Do not put upon us the whole care of your Preservation, without resolving to do any thing on your part. It's true, we are your Pastors ; and you our Sheep. But you are not like those Animals that are void of Reason, and have no power to defend themselves ; for you are rational Sheep, and ought to exercise your Reason in your own defence.' '' In the third of his four sermons concerning the poor Man Lazarus, who lay at the Gate of wicked Dives : ' I tell you,' says he, ' some days beforehand the subject I intend to treat of, that you may turn to it in your Books. . . . For I exhort you always, and will never cease exhorting you, not to content your selves with hearing the Instructions given in this place, but to read also the Holy Scripture constantly at home. If we are wounded every day, and make use of no Remedy, what hopes can we have of Salvation ? ' Afterwards, he tells his Hearers, that if Artificers rather suffer themselves to be reduced to extreme Pov- erty, than sell the Tools by which they get their liv- ing ; Christians ought to be the same with respect to the Books of Scripture ; that they ought to get them at any rate, and never part with them, because the Writings of the Prophets and Apostles are to a Chris- tian, what an Anvil and Hammer are to a Smith, viz. that whereby we reform and renew our Souls. He adds : . . . ' But how. Men will say, can we re- ceive that benefit by the Hol)^ Scripture we are en- couraged to hope from it, if we do not understand it ? ' This is the Objection, and hear what Answer this saint makes to it : . . . 'For who,' says he, * when he reads in the Gospel : Blessed are the meek : Blessed are the merciful ; Blessed are the pure in heart, and 94 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. such other thmgs, thinks he has need of a Master to make him understand them ? Any one likewise easily may understand the Prodigies, Miracles, and Histories of it. It is therefore a vain pretence Men make to jus- tify their negligence and slothfulness, in not reading the Scripture, that it is intricate and obscure. You complain you do not understand these Holy Books. And how should you understand them, when you will not so much as be at the pains to cast your eyes upon them ? Take therefore the Bible, read all its Histo- ries, and being careful to remember what you under- stand of it, go over often what you find in it obscure. And if after you have read it carefully, you cannot dis- cover the meaning of it, have recourse to one more skilful than yourselves ; look for a Master who may instruct you : confer with him about that which you desire to understand, and let him know how very fond you are of his Instructions. And if God sees you thus zealous to understand his Word, he will not overlook your diligence and care. Nay if it happened that you could not find any one to explain to you the meaning of what you enquire into, he will reveal it to you himself. Call to mind the Eunuch of the Queen of Ethiopia : He was a Barbarian, and a Man overwhelmed with Cares and Business, and did not understand what he read. Nevertheless he did not forbear to read in his Chariot. Judg by that how constant he might be in reading the Holy Scripture at home, being so diligent at it upon a journey. And if he did not give over reading, tho' he understood not what he read, much less, undoubtedly, did he leave it off, after the Instructions he receiv'd. But that he understood not what he read, appears from Philip the Deacon's Question to him : Understandest thou what thou readest ? and the Eunuch's own An- swer, who was not ashamed to confess his Ignorance, in saying, '' How should I, except some Man guide me?" He was willing to read, tho' he had nobody THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. 95 with him to instruct him ; but his Zeal moved God to send him a Teacher : And tho' you cannot promise yourselves to have a Guide sent you miraculously as he had, are you not assured of the presence and assistance of the same Spirit that excited this holy Deacon to go to him ? 1 beseech you then, my dear Brethren, not to neglect the means of your Salvation. Whatsoever was written, was written for our Instruction, who live in this last Age. Reading the Holy Scripture is a mighty Fence against Sin. And it is to stand upon a steep Precipice, over a bottomless Gulf, to be ignorant of the Scriptures. 'Tis to renounce Salvation, to re- fuse to know anything of the Divine Laws. This is that which has brought in Heresies ; that has occa- sioned a corruption of Manners ; that has confounded and disordered all things. For it is impossible, I as- sure you it is impossible for a Man that reads the Scrip- ture CONSTANTLY AND DILIGENTLY not to receive great benefit by it.' " I have cited thus much of the testimony reported by Dupin, because, in this cmharras de richcsscs I could not content myself with less ; and I am sure the reader who has gone along with me will rather wish I had given more, as I might easily have done, for there is five times as much behind. And even that is not all. '' I might add,'' says Dupin, '' several other places but these are sufficient to show it has been a constant Tra- dition of both Churches, [the Greek and the (Ante-Tri- dentine) Roman,] that reading the holy Scripture is very profitable, and that all Believers have not only always been allowed to read it, but advis'd and ear- nestly exhorted to do so.— Let us see," he continues, '' what Objections can be made against so universal a Doctrin. '' It is not fit, say some, that ignorant People, Wo- men, and Children should read the holy Scripture, be- g6 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, cause it contains in it Mysteries and Heights that are above them. Such are Persons of shallow understand- ings who may pevert the Sense of Scripture, and so run into Error. They that make this objection, seem to me to be great strangers to the Spirit of God, who teaches us by the Royal Prophet and his Son Solomon, that the Law of God was made to give Wisdom to the simple and ignorant : They are great strangers to the Spirit of our Blessed Saviour, who says, that the Holy Spirit anointed him to preach the Gospel to the Poor ; and thanks his Father that lie had hid the Truths he preach' d from the Wise and Prudent, and revealed them to Babes, They are great strangers to the Maxims of the Apos- tles, who assure us that Jesus Christ had not called into his Primitive Church, many wise Men according to the Flesh, but chosen the most foolish in the esteem of the World to confound the Wise. ... If there be any obscure and difficult places in it, it is not the simple ordinarily that abuse them, but the proud and con- ceited. ... So that Experience is so far from shewing us that reading the Scripture is dangerous to the simple and ignorant, that on the contrary it con- vinces us they are for the most part learned Men whom it has led into Error, and that the Ignorant have com- monly been instructed and edified by it. *' Another Objection is. That it's a profanation of the holy Scripture to put it into the hands of Persons un- worthy ot it, that is, of impure Sinners. Were this true, we must say, that Jesus Christ likewise profaned his Word, by addressing it to sinners and lewd Wo- men ; but he himself has answered this objection, in saying, Tliat they were not the whole, but the sick that had' need of a Physician. The Word of God, contained in the holy Scripture, is a sovereign Remedy for the cure of Sinners. And why should they be denied the use of this Remedy ? '*But some, it is pretended, will unquestionably THE CHURCH AXD THE BIBLE, 97 abuse it, as St. Peter assures us, saying, that tlie zm- learned and zuistable in the Faith wrest the Seriptures to their own destruction. Well ! But were there not some too that abused the preaching of Jesus Christ ? Was not that to many an occasion of becoming more wicked, as it was foretold of him, (St. Luke 2 : 34,) that he shall be for the fall and rising again of many in Israel ? This is also the fate of the Gospel, written and preach'd, read and heard. It is, as the Apostle says, (2 Cor. 2 : 16 ; I Cor. i : 18, 23^) to some the savour of death unto deaths and to others the savour of life ztnto life. The Word of the Cross is foolishness to them that are losty a stumbling- bloek to the Jews, and folly to the Gentiles, But did this hinder St. Paul and the rest of the Apostles from preaching the Gospel indifferently to all, Jews and Gentiles, Believers and Unbelievers, Righteous and Sinners ? No more ought the ill use that some may make of reading the holy Scripture through their own perverseness, to hinder us from advising all Men to read it, except such as we foresee will despise it, and are resolved not to understand it. And those are properly the Persons of whom Jesus Christ speaks, when he says, (St. Matt, 7 : 6,) Give not that zvhieh is holy unto Dogs, nor cast Pearls before Swine, '' There are objected likewise some Passages of the Fathers, but few in number and misapplied. It is said that Theodoret relates that St, Basil reproved a Cook of the Emperor Valens, for taking upon him to discourse of Religion, What relation has this Story to reading the holy Scripture} [See Theodoret, Ed. Bohn. p. 177.] '^ It is said also that the same St, Basil in his Epistle to Chilon, forbids the reading of the Old Testament ; and that Oxigcn, St, Gregory of Nazianzen and St, Jerome forbid the reading of some Books of the holy Scripture to young People. . . . His words are these : Nor neglect the lessons, especially of the New Testa- ment ; because from the Old Testament harm often happens ^ 9^ THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. not because the words ai^e injurious, (nociva,) but because they who are injured Jiave iveak niinds. Which cannot be un- derstood of all the Books of the Old Testament, be- cause he recommends in that ver}^ place the recital of the Psalms ; but only of some Books, as that of the Canticles. Now nobody says that 3^oung People and weak Minds may not sometimes be disswaded from reading some places of the Old Testament, which they cannot truly understand, and [which] consequently would be useless or dangerous to them. And there- lore the Jews, as I have observed, would not have Men read the Canticles, the beginning of Genesis, the begin- ning and end of the Prophet Ezekiel, before they came to twenty-five or thirty years of Age. As for the be- ginning of Genesis, I see no reason ; but for the Canti- cles, it is not without cause that the reading of it is de- ferred. . . . But does it thence follow that Believ- ers ought to be forbidden to read the Bible, or all the Old Testament ? The quite contrary. '' Some cite also the Author of the imperfect Work on St, MattJieiu attributed to .SV. Chrysostoni, but rather Pelagius's. . . . This Passage also has no relation to reading the Holy Scripture. . . . "• I need not insist on a Passage of Bede, alledged also b}^ some. . . . But neither is this said of reading the holy Scripture. '' Lastly, Some alledg a Passage of St, Jeroui, in his Epistle to St. Paulinus, where he complains that all sorts of People meddled with the holy Scripture, that silly Women, old Men, and Sophisters, presuming they understood it very well^ mangled it, and took upon them to teach it before they had learn 'd it ; docent ante- qiiam discant. But it is a manifest abuse of these words of St. Jerom, to understand them barely of reading the holy Scripture." Certainly, it is. No man has a right to teach — no man can teach — till he has learned ; but the very way to learn, is to read. THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. 99 I add two more sentences of St. Augustine, taken from the 2d Section of the next Chapter of Dupin's Work : '' This St. Austin observes in his second Book of the Christian Doctrine, Chap. 9. ' The Pre- cepts, ' says he, ' relating to a good Life, and the Truths necessary to be beheved, are clearly contained in the holy Scripture.' And in his Letter to Volusian, ' The things, says he, necessary to salvation, and the Faith without which we cannot live virtuously, are not hard to find in the Scripture.' St. Chrysostom says the same in several places." One word more about the " things hard to be under- stood" in the Epistles of St. Paul. In the very same breath in which St. Peter speaks of these '' things," he tells those to whom he is writing, that one of those Epistles was written to them. What was it written to them lor, if they were not to read it, or to hear it read ? The fact is that nearly all the Epistles are ad- dressed to some one or more Churches ; not merely, or chiefly, to the clergy, but to the laity, the Christian men and women and children (Eph. 6:1; Col. 3 : 20), '' high and low, rich and poor, one with another : '' Paul a servant of Jesus Christ" — '' To all that be in Rome, beloved of God, called to be saints." — •'' Unto the church of God which is at Corinth, to them that are sanctified in Christ Jesus, called to be saints, with all that in every place call upon the name of Jesus Christ our Lord, both theirs and ours" — " Unto the church of God which is at Corinth, with all the saints which are in all Achaia" — ''Unto the churches of Galatia" — '' To the saints w^hich are at Ephesus, and to the faith- ful in Christ Jesus" — '' To all the saints in Christ Jesus which are at Philippi, with the bishops and deacons" — *' To the saints and faithful brethren in Christ which are at Colosse" — " Unto the church of the Thessaloni- ans which is in God the Father, and in the Lord Jesus Christ" — ''James, a servant of God and of the Lord lOO THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. Jesus Christ, to the twelve tribes which are scattered abroad, greeting" — '' Peter, an apostle of Jesus Christ, to the strangers scattered throughout Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia. " In all but three of these the salutation is, expressly, and in those three, by implication, not to the corporate body of the Church, but to the individual members. What right, then, has the Church, or any portion of it, in its corporate capacity, to keep back any part of the precious deposit with which it has been put in trust — the inspired written tradition — from those to whom it is addressed ? Did not the Apostle expect as a matter of course that the Epistle to the Romans would be read among the Romans, notwithstanding the hard things in it — harder than in any of the others ; the Epistles to the Corinthians among the Corinthians ; the Epistle to the Ephesians among the Ephesians, etc. ; and was it not his intention that these Epistles, as also all the oth- ers, should be read beyond their several immediate spheres ? and did he not, therefore, taking the first for granted, in writing to the Colossian Christians make provision for the second (Col. 4 : 16) by charging them *' When this epistle is read among you, cause that it be read also in the church of the Laodiceans ; and that ye likewise read the epistle from Laodicea ?'' And is not one of his Epistles in one of the passages already cited, expressly addressed not merely to the Corinthian Christians, but to '* all that in every place call tipon the name of Jesus Christ our Lord?'' Nay, did not the Apostle, in the very first epistle he ever wrote, as if in prophetic anticipation of what has since come to pass, say to the Thessalonian Christians (i Thes. 5 : 2^]), '' I charge you {ppxi^oD, I adjure you) by the Lord that this Epistle be read unto all the holy brethren ?" And if the Epistles, much more the Gospels, and the Acts of the Apostles, which are less ''hard to be under- stood." Really, it is to me simply astounding that a THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. lOl Church that claims to be the mother and mistress of all Churches, should thus go in the very teeth of the teaching of an Apostle whom she claims as one of her founders ! My indictment against her is not that she gives milk to babes, but that it is not the '' milk of the Word" that she gives to them ; at any rate, not the '' sincere ^ milk of the Word,'' (i St. Peter 2 : 2,) and that, in con- sequence, they do not *' grow thereby,'' but are kept in perpetual minority, and that minority made the pre- text for the perpetual withholding of strong meat from them, thereby laying them open to the Apostolic re- proof, (Heb. 5 : 12,) '* When for the time ye ought to be teachers, ye have need that one teach you again which be the first principles of the oracles of God." The object, as of St. Luke's Gospel, (i 14,) so of all the other Gospels, and indeed of the whole New Testa- ment, is that all Christians may know the certainty of those things wherein they have been catechized. The office of the Catechism is to prepare the way for the Bible, not to take the place of it. *' Whom shall he teach knowledge, and whom shall he make to under- stand doctrine ? Them that are weaned from the milk, and drawn from the breasts." (Isa. 28 : 9.) What the Apostle says of the man and the woman, (i Cor. 1 1 : II,) may with equal propriety be said of the Bible and the Church. Neither is the Church without the Bible, nor the Bible without the Church. Each is the com- plement of the other ; intended to be so by the Divine Author of both ; and what God has joined together let not man put asunder. Thus much of the Archbishop's second '* characteris- tic :" I pass to the third. *' 3. A rule of Faith, or a competent guide to heaven, * Sine cera, without wax ; originally applied to pure honey, and after- wards to any unadultered substance. 102 • THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. must be able to instruct in all the truths necessary for salvation. Now ... is not every Christian obliged to sanctify Sunday ? . . . But you may read the Bible from Genesis to Revelation, and you will not find a single line authorizing the sanctification of Sunday." (p. io8.) What says St. Paul ? '' One man esteemeth one day above another : another esteemeth every day alike. Let every man be fully persuaded in his own mind.'* (Rom. 14 : 5.) If thi^ is not an authorization of it, no conceivable language could authorize it. But perhaps the Archbishop meant requiring? Why didn't he say so, then? But is there nothing, ** from Genesis to Revelation," requiring it? Let us see. The Jewish Sabbath, as a part of the '' ministration of death, writ- ten and engraven in stones," (2 Cor. 3 : 7,) is ** done aw^ay," and we are thrown back by the *' Son of Man," who is *' Lord even of the Sabbath day," (St. Matt. 12 : 8,) on the original institution (Gen. 2 : 3) of a weekly cessation from labor, one day in seven, '* sanc- tified," that is, set apart, for that purpose. The *' dis- ciples," therefore, must have '' sanctified" some one day of the week. What day did they sanctify ? What but the '' first day of the week, when," as we read, (Acts 20 : 7,) they '* came together to break bread" — the only day, so far as we are informed, on which they did come together for that purpose ? — the day on which the Lord rose from the dead — on which He went with two of the Disciples to Emmaus, and '* was known of them in breaking of bread" — on which He '' breathed on" the Apostles, and said, *' Receive ye the Holy Ghost" (St. Luke 24 : i, 13, 15, 30, 31, 35 ; St. John 20 : 19-23) — the day on which the Apostle ordered the weekly " collection for the saints (i Cor. 16 : i, 2,) to be made in *' the churches of Galatia," and the church at Corinth and '' in all Achaia" (2 Cor. i : i,) — in short, *' the Lord's day," (Rev. i : 10,) the day on which the THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. 103 Seer of Patmos '' was in the Spirit" — for, what conceiv- able reason could there be for calling any other day of the week the Lord's day ? and what conceivable reason could there be for calling that the Lord's day,^ unless it had been '' sanctified," i.e., set apart Irom the other days of the week. The truth is, we have taken, not only the day, but the very name of it — its Christian name — from the Bible. The Archbishop should read his Bible more carefully ; it isn't half so meagre as he supposes. *' The Catholic Church correctly teaches that our Lord and His Apostles inculcated certain important duties of religion which are not recorded by the in- spired writers. (See John 21 : 25 ; 2 Thess. 2 : 14.) For instance, most Christians pray to the Holy Ghost, a practice which nowhere is found in the Bible." (p. 108.) What has the allegation in the last sentence to do with the allegation in the first ? The question is not whether the ''practice" is '' found," but whether the '' duty" is '* inculcated." If it is not, then comes up the question, first, whether it is a duty, and if it is, then, secondly, whether the duty needs inculcating. The Archbishop will not deny that it is a right, and that the right is sanctioned by the Bible ; for if the Holy Ghost be God, as well as the Father, and the Son, and if it is right to pray to the Father separately, and to the Son separately, it follows that it is right to pray to the Holy Ghost separately. As to St. John xxi. 25, the Evangelist does not say (what the Arch- bishop, by citing him in this connection, makes him say) that among the '* things which Jesus did," and which are not written, was the inculcation of '' cer- tain important duties of religion." In 2 Thess. 2 : 14 *" The day of judgment is called in Scripture the" day of the Lord ;" but the phrase in the Greek is entirely different from that in Rev. i. 10, ren- dered, the " Lord's dav." 104 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. [our 15], the Apostle, in the exhortation, ''hold the traditions which ye have been taught, whether, by word or our epistle," does indeed imply, that there were '' certain important" teachings of his, whether ''duties," or doctrines, "of religion," which were " not recorded" in his First Epistle to them ; but he does not imply (what the Archbishop represents him as implying) that those teachings would not be found " recorded," every one of them, in some part or other of the New Testament, when it should have been com- pleted. The Archbishop's reasoning is, " Certain im- portant duties of religion" are not "recorded" in the First Epistle to the Thessalonians, therefore, they are not recorded in the New Testament ! Having thus examined the alleged " difficulties" (p. 100) in the way of taking the Bible as the Standard of Appeal, and shown that they exist only in the fertile imagination of the Archbishop, let us now turn the tables, and see how these difficulties affect the Arch- bishop's own Standard, the Church. T\\Q first difficulty in the w^ay of the non-Roman in- quirer is a very serious one, to wit, Which is the Church ? For there are several claimants w^th con- flicting claims, in whole, or in part. For instance ; there is the Roman Church, which claims to be the whole, and there is, to mention no other, the Greek Church, which claims to be a part. Before he can advance another step, he must decide between these claims ; for before the infallibility of the Church can be an authority to him, he must know which is the infallible Church, — the zvJiole Church ; since for nothing less than the whole Church is infallibility even claimed. Now there is no such difficulty in re- gard to the Bible ; for, in the first place, there is but one Book that even claims to be the New Testament ; and, in the second place, there is but one Old Testa- ment recognized in the New, to wit, that authenticated , THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. ' 105 by our Lord in St. Luke xxiv. 44 : *' AH things must be fulfilled, which were written in the Law of Moses, and in the Prophets, and in the Psalms, concerning me ;" on which Professor Ornsby, in his edition of the Greek Testament, ** from Cardinal Mai's Edition of the Vatican Bible," published with the *' Approbation" of Cardinal CuUen, Dublin, 1865, has the following Note : '* A threefold division of the O. T. in ttse among tlie Hebrew Jezvs {italks mine) ; the first comprising the Pen- tateuch ; the second, the Prophets, including Joshua, Judges, Ruth, and Kings [including Samuel] ; the third, called also Hagiographa, in which were included the Psalms, Job, the works of Solomon, the books of Paralipomena [/>., Chronicles], Daniel, Esdras \i,e., Ezra, and Nehemiah], and Esther. Cf. Abp. Dixon's Gen. Intr. to the S. Scr. L p. 60." — In other words, the Books of the Hebrew canon, as we have them in our English Bibles ; there being not a single recognition, throughout the New Testament, of any of the Apocry- phal Books. — This first '' difficulty" then is altogether against the Church, as a practical Standard of Appeal, as compared with the Bible. How is it as to the seeond difficult}' — that respecting Translation, The authoritative teaching of the Roman Church is in Latin, and must therefore be translated, at least for the common people. How is the inquirer to know that the translation is faithful ? There is at least equal difficulty/' on this point, in the way of the Church, as in the way of the Bible. We come to the tliirel difficulty : A standard of Ap- peal '' must be within reach of every inquirer after truth," The Bible is within reach of all ; for even those who cannot read it, can hear it read, and be rea- sonably sure that it is read to them correctly. Is it so with the teaching of the Roman Church ? What is that teaching, and where is it to be found ? What says the Creed of Pope Pius ? Its last article runs lo6 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. thus : ** I likewise undoubtedly receive and profess all other things delivered, defined, and declared by the sacred Canons and General Councils, and particularly by the Holy Synod of Trent/' Where are these deliv- erances, definitions, and declarations, to be found ?^ In some three-score folio volumes ! How is it with the fourth difficulty A Standard of Appeal '*must be clear and intelligible to all/' Do those folios come under that category ^ He must be a bold man who would put them on a par with the Bible on the score of intelligibility. The fifth and last difficulty respects co7npleteness. And here the Roman Church has absolutely nothing but what she gets from the Bible ; for her claim to the possession of an unwritten tradition has nothing to stand on ; the supposition that God would take up large portions of the Bible with things not necessary to salvation, to the exclusion of things necessary, leaving to the latter the proverbial uncertainty of unwritten tradition, while to the former is secured the compara- tive certainty of written tradition, refutes itself. *' God forbid that any of my readers should be tempted to conclude, from what I have said, that the Catholic [meaning the Roman] Church is opposed to the reading of the Scriptures.'' (p. 109.) '' If you open an English Catholic [meaning Roman] Bible, you Avill find in the preface a letter of Pope Pius VI., in which he strongly recommends the pious reading of the Holy Scriptures." (p. iii.) Yes, and *'if you open" even the New Testament, published by Lucas Brothers with the '* Approbation" of '' James, Archbishop of Baltimore," '' you will find" immediately preceding this '' letter of Pope Pius" an '* Admonition," in the second paragraph of which you may read as follows : ** To prevent and remedy this abuse, [wresting the Scriptures, 2 St. Peter 3 : 16,] and to guard against error, it was judged necessary to for- THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE 107 bid the reading of the Scriptures in the vulgar lan- guages, [the languages of the common people,] with- out the advice and permission of the Pastors and Spir- itual Guides whom God has appointed to govern his Church.'' Why had not the Archbishop the manliness to tell his non-Roman readers this ? And why did not he tell them, further, that one of the '' Rules" in the Index of '' bad and pernicious Books" set forth, in compliance with the direction of the Council of Trent, by Pius IV., (See Dupin, History of tlie Canon, Vol. I. chap. IX. sect. IV. par. 14,) was as follows : " It being therefore evident from Experience, that if the Bible translated into the Vulgar Tongue was allowed to all Persons indifferently, the rashness of Men would cause it to do more harm than good : We decree upon this consideration, that the Matter be re- ferred to the Judgment of a Bishop or Inquisitor, who with the advice of a Curate or Confessor, may give those leave to read the Bible in a known Tongue, [Rome has no objection to their reading it in an 7111- known Tongue — none whatever,] translated by Catholic Authors, to whom they judg such reading will not be prejudicial, but rather promote their Faith and Piety ; and such are to have this Pennission in Writing,'' Dupin thinks that the '' supposition" on which the *' Prohibition" is "grounded" being ''groundless," since " it is universally known, that among a thousand Catholicks who read the Floly Scripture in a known Tongue at present, there is hardly one to whom it does more harm than good," *' the Prohibition ought to cease." But the question is not what ougJit to be, but what/i-; and the Archbishop knows very well what is, but he doesn't mean that his readers shall know, if he can help it : '' God forbid that any of my readers should be tempted to conclude, from what I have said, that the Catholic [meaning the Roman] Church is op- io8 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. posed to the reading of the Scriptures." — Will God forbid it ^ I trow not. " For right is right, since God is God, And right the day must win." God is never on the side of the suppression of truth and the invoh^ed suggestion of falsehood. '* It is often triumphantly said . . . that the first edition of the Bible ever published after the invention of printing, was the edition of Martin Luther." (p. III.) Why doesn't the Archbishop give the name of the ignoraimis who *' said" it so ''often," and so "tri- umphantly ?" Simply because he can't. '' The fact is, that before Luther put his pen to pa- per, no fewer than fifty-six editions of the Scriptures had appeared on the continent of Europe, not to speak of those printed in Great Britain . . . twenty-one in German ; one in Spanish ; four in French ; twenty- one in Italian ; five in Flemish, and four in Bohemian." (p. III.) Yes, and the further fact is, that after Luther put his pen to paper, and " his idea of directing two hundred and fifty millions of men to read the Bible," or hear it read, was working itself rapidly into the public mind and heart, so far was it from being '' received with shouts of laughter," that it created a perfect panic in the Roman Camp, the result of w^hich was the Papal Prohibition above-quoted. Up to this time, mediaeval Rome had contented herself with making the Bible take a back seat in the synagogue, and promoting monkish legends to the post of honor ; but now the emergency called for vigorous measures of repression. The infee- tion was spreading, and nothing short of a rigid quar- antine could keep it out ; hence the Prohibition. '* You will also find in Haydock's Bible the letters of the Bishops of the United States, in which they express THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. 109 the hope that this splendid edition would have a wide circulation among their flocks." Exactly so. Rome has no fear of the '' splendid edi- tions," which none but the well-to-do can purchase, and which are kept for show, not for use. What she fears is, the cheap editions, the ten-cent Testaments and twenty-five or fifty-cent Bibles, that are within reach of the sons of toil. " A gentleman of North Carolina lately informed me that the first time he entered a [so-called] Catholic bookstore, he was surprised at witnessing on the shelves an imposing array of Bibles for sale. Up to that moment he had believed the [not] unfounded charge that [vast numbers of so-called] Catholics were forbidden to read the Scriptures. He has since em- braced [what he has been deluded into believing] the Cathohc faith." (p. 112.) One so innocent as not to know that in Protestant countries Rome is compelled by the exigences of the situation to make at least a show of circulating the Bible, was just the fly to be caught in such a cobweb. The *' array" he " w^itnessed," was *' imposing" in more than one sense of the word ; it imposed on him ! How is it in those countries where Rome bears undis- puted sway ? How is it in South America ? How is it in the South of Europe, particularly in Spain ? How was it before the recent establishment of responsible constitutional government, in the Eternal City ? Let the following, which I take from the Southern Church- man of September 20th, 1878, answer the question. The writer is known all over the United States, and extensively in other lands, as one who would scorn a suppression of truth, or suggestion of falsehood. What he says may be relied on : *' When I was in Rome, nearly twenty-five years ago, it was not possible to find a Bible in a bookstore, no THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. and its circulation in the Papal States was prohibited. Now it is as freely sold, distributed, and read as in any other country. In my room at the hotel Quirinal, and in each room of this, the largest hotel in the city, is a copy of the Bible in the English language — a large octavo, gilt-edged and handsomely bound Oxford Bible ! Such a copy in New York would cost $2.50 or more. An agent of the British and Foreign Bible So- ciety resides in Rome and attends to the distribution of the Scriptures in hotels, institutions, and wherever it will be received. Colporteurs are employed to go about the country and cities. One of them will be fit- ted out with a horse and cart, the cart being so con- structed as to be converted by night into a bed cham- ber for the colporteur to sleep in. He goes into a city, gets a license to sell his books in the market-place, draws a crowd around him, reads the Gospel, and sells the truth, or gives it away if he thinks it wisest to do so." — Rev, Dr, Prime, in N, Y, Observer, " Every priest is obliged in conscience to devQte up- wards of an hour each day to the perusal of the Word of God. I am not aware that clergymen of other de- nominations are bound by the same duty.'' (p. 113.) We '' peruse the Word of God" not because we are ''obliged in conscience" to it, but because it is our meat and drink ; because we are '* as glad of" it ''as one that findeth great spoil ;" (Ps. 119 : 162 ;) and the consequence is, that w^e '' hate and abhor lying." (vs. 163.) *' What is good for the clerg}^ is good also for the laity." (p. 113.) There, for once, the Archbishop is right ; but he flies in the face of Pope Pius IV., of blessed memory. '' Be assured that if 3^ou become a Catholic [so called], you will never be forbidden to read the Bible." (P- 113.) THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. HI Probably not ; for in this Protestant land Rome ac- cepts the situation, and lets her proselytes read the Scripture. But then, if you read it, you must read it of favor, and not of right ; and you must have a written license for it, else you will be following the example of the Archbishop, flying in the face of Pope Pius IV., and no one who does that, can be *' a good Catholic.'' — Moreover, you must confine yourself to the Roman Version, which is itself a translation of a translation, and not by any means as English as it might be. For instance, Heb. 13 : i6, in the Translation as it was ''first published by the English College of Rheims" Anno 1582 : '' And beneficence and communication do not forget, for with such hosts God is promerited." It is fair to say that the Revision now in use is a very decided advance upon this ; but there is plenty of room yet for improvement. For instance, Col. 2:18; '■' Let no man seduce you, willing in humility and relig- ion of angels */' — 2 Cor. 5 : 14 : *' For the charity of Christ presseth us ;" — St. Matt. 16 : 23 : " Go after me, Satan ;" a thing that Satan is only too happy to do.- — And then in the matter of rhythmic flow, in the poetical portions ; the Nu7tc Dimittis of Simeon, (St. Luke 2 : 29,) for instance : '' Now thou dost dismiss thy servant, O Lord, according to thy word, in peace ;" as contrasted with our Version : *' Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, according to thy word.'' — That must be a dull ear indeed on which the halting prose of the former does not grate, or which does not drink in with delight the marvellous melody of the lat- ter. Only they to whom our English Bible has been a household companion from their infancy, but who have gone from us, in after life, in the vain hope of a rest that cannot be found this side of paradise, can tell how deep the descent, how '' steep-down" the '' gulf !" Listen to the wail of one of them (Newman (?), or Faber (?),) in the Dublin Reviezv, and then, make the plunge — if you can : 112 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. " Who will not say that the uncommon beauty and marvellous English of the Protestant Bible is one of the great strongholds of heresy in the country ? It lives on the ear like a music that can never be forgot- ten ; like the sound of church bells which the convert hardly knows how he can forego. Its felicities often seem to be almost things rather than mere words. It is part of the national mind, and the anchor of national seriousness. The memory of the dead passes into it. The potent traditions of childhood are stereotyped in its verses. The power of all the griefs and trials of man is hidden beneath its words. It is the representa- tive of his best moments, and all that has been about him of soft, and gentle, and pure, and penitent, and good, speaks to him out of his English Bible. It is his sacred thing ; which doubt has never dimmed and con- troversy never soiled. In the length and breadth of the land there is not a Protestant with one spark of re- ligiousness about him, whose spiritual biography is not in the Saxon Bible." CHAPTER IX. THE PRIMACY OF PETER. ** Before coming to any direct proofs on this sub- ject,'* says the Archbishop, ''I may state that in the Old Law, the High Priest, appointed by Almighty God, filled an office analogous to that of Pope in the New Law.'' (p. 114.) The Jewish Church was a National Church, and a National Church must have an administrative organiza- tion, and therefore an administrative head ; and so the National or Provincial Churches, of which the Catholic Church of Christ is made up, have, and have had all THE PRIMACY OF PETER. 113 along, each its administrative head. But the CathoUc Church itself, the ivliole Church, has not, and never has had, an administrative head, for the simple reason that it has no need of one ; just as the Masonic Fraternity, which is as visible and as catholic a body as the Chris- tian Church, has, as I have already remarked, national administrative heads, but no ecumenical head. And answer to what the Archbishop says about ''every well-regulated government," and this is my ''every well-ordered family." This last analogy, to be to the point, would have required not only that Noah should rule his wife, and his sons and their wives, as long as they were with him in the Ark, but that when they came forth of it, and set up for themselves, ** and begat sons and daughters," he should continue to have the administrative headship, and should trans- mit the succession to his heirs male forever. If this system were now to be universally adopted and carried out, it needs no prophet to tell that, in two or three generations, ih^ geriiis '' well-ordered family" would be extinct. '* Now the Jewish synagogue, as St. Paul testifies, was the type and figure of the Christian Church ; for ' all things happened to them (the Jews) in figure.' (i Cor. 10 : II.) We must, therefore, find in the Church of Christ a spiritual judge, exercising the same supreme authority as the High Priest in the Old Law." (p. The Apostle says, not only in the original Greek, and in our English Version, but in the Latin Vulgate, in the Rhemish Version, and in the Archbishop's Ver- sion, "^ ''all these things ;" namely, the things he had been speaking of in the ten preceding verses, to wit, the passage of the Red Sea by the Israelites, and their * I so designate, for brevity's sake, the edition published by Lucas Brothers, with the approbation of Abp. Whitefield. 114 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. wanderings, and murmurings, and transgressions in the Wilderness, all which happened hundreds of years be- fore there was a synagogue in the land. But the Arch- bishop leaves out the word '' these," and thus creates a Scripture proof that the supreme spiritual judgeship of the High Priest in the Old Law, was a type and figure of a like supreme spiritual judgeship in the Christian Church. Sad, very sad ! '* The body and members of the Church are visible ; why not also the Head ? The Church without a supreme Ruler would be . . . like a human body without a head.'' (p. ii6.) The *' body and members of the Church" are not '* visible," but only 3. part of the *' body and members" — a very small part ; by far the larger part, along with the Head, has passed out of sight — but not out of exis- tence. The Church on earth and in paradise is one ; and it has but one Head, even Christ. The Arch- bishop's comparison of it to '' a human body" would imply that if a man were going up through a hole in the ceiling, and his head and shoulders had got out of sight, his body would no longer have a head ! '*The absence from the Protestant Communions," says the Archbishop, (p. 117,) ** of a divinely-appointed, visible head, is to them an endless source of weakness and dissensions. [Yet, sad as these dissensions are, they are, at least, signs of life,'] .... '' The existence, on the contrary, of a supreme judge of controversy in the Catholic [meaning Roman] Church, is the secret of her admirable unity." Just as the existence of a " supreme judge of controversy" in Barnum's ''happy family" is "the secret" (and both of them are *' ope7t secrets") of its '' admirable unity"; a unity as '^admirable," and (I may add) as valuable, in the one as in the other. The animals have learned by experience that any exhibition, on their part, of dog nature and fox nature, of cat nature and rat nature, THE PRIMACY OF PETER. US etc., will bring down on their devoted heads the pas- toral crook ot the keeper. So they repress the outward manifestation of their God-given instincts ; but — they keep up a terrible thinking. Having thus cleared away the preliminary {prae limen, before the threshold) rubbish, we come at last to the question at issue, '' Have we any positiv^e proof that Christ did appoint a supreme Ruler over His Church?" Yes, says the Archbishop, we have it in St. Matthew i6 : 13-19, '* Thou art Peter, and on this rock," etc. *' The word Peter, in the Syro Chaldaic tongue, which our Saviour spoke, means a rock. The sentence runs in that language : * Thou art a rock, and on this rock I will build my Church,' Indeed, all respectable Protestant commentators have now aban- doned, and even ridicule, the absurdity of applying the word rock to any one but to Peter ; as the sentence can bear no other construction, unless our Lord's good grammar and common sense are called in question." (p. 119.)^ This is rather rough on Cyprian, and Jerome, and Chrysostom, and Cyril of Alexandria, and Ambrose, and Hilary, and Augustine, all of whom, as the Arch- bishop very well knows, agree in making something other than Peter the rock ; some of them making it Christ, and some of them Peter's Confession of Christ, Peter's Faith ; though some of them, at other times, make it Peter himself.- — But let that pass. I am not here concerned with their interpretation, for they are all off the track, as are also all the modern commenta- tors that I have consulted ; and they are not few. It mxay seem presumptuous in me to say this, and I might hesitate, were it not that hardly any two of them fully agree in their interpretation. Our Lord did not say to Peter, '' Thou art a rock," but, ''Thou art rock," or, *' Thou art stone;" for it makes no difference, so far as the meaning here is con- Il6 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, cerned, which word we adopt. Had our Lord said, *' Thou art rock, and on rock I will build my Church," the commentators would have seen their way clear to the true interpretation. But they have been led off the track by the demonstrative '' this ;" all agreeing in sup- posing it employed here to individualize some particu- lar rock from all other rocks, whereas it is employed simply to individualize the substance rock, the material rock, from all other substances, all other materials ; just as the definite article '* the" is employed in the Greek of St. Matthew 7 : 24-26, — built his house upon THE rock — upon THE sand — not to individualize any particular rock from all other rocks, or any particular sand from all other sand, but to individualize, in the one case the substance ''rock," in the other the substance '' ^7\xidi^'' from all other substances. This is a recognized use of the demonstrative pro- noun. For instance : This goloid that they are making jewelry of, is poor stuff. *' As for this Moses . . . wc wot not what is become of him." (Exod. 32 : i.) *' May give an account of this concourse." (Acts 19 : 40.) That is, this goloid, as contrasted not with other goloid, but with other metals ; this Moses, as con- trasted not with some other Moses, but with other men ; this concourse as contrasted not with some other concourse, but with our ordinary quiet — this coming excitedly together, instead of staying at home, and minding our own business. So in the Archbishop's book, (p. 50,) '' This Catholicity," as contrasted not \v^ith other Catholicity, but w^ith non-Catholicity. This use, then, of the demonstrative is clear, and it is perfectly applicable to the passage we are considering : '* Thou are Peter, (that is rock, not sand, or clay,) and on this (material, this substance,) rock, (not on sand, or, on clay,) I will build my Church." The only diffi- culty is, that the name Peter having no significance in our language, we can't preserve the play upon the THE PRIMACY OF PETER. 117 words, as the French, the Spanish, and the Italian lan- guages can. But there is a passage of Scripture that ; will help me to illustrate this play of words in such a way as will, I think, enable those whose only language is English to understand and appreciate it. In Revela- j tion 21 : 14, 19, we read : '' And the wall of the city had twelve foundations, and in them the names of the twelve Apostles of the Lamb. . . , The first foundation was jasper." Now as Peter was the first Apostle, his name would be in the first foundation. Moreover Jasper, in English, is a Christian name. Philadelphians are familiar with the name of Jasper Harding, the former proprietor of the Inquirer, Sup- pose, then, Our Lord's language had been English, and that He had named His apostle Jasper, and had said to him, '' Thou art Jasper, and on this jasper I will build my Church," we should see at once that He did not mean, *' Thou art a Jasper, a particular Jasper, and on this particular jasper I will build my Church," but that He meant just what He said. Thou art Jasper, and on this jasper (this material, this substance, jas- per) I will build my Church. Suppose you see a group of persons bearing the respective names. Stone, Marble, Clay, and, wishing to communicate with the first, you call to him. Stone ! — If you are thinking at all of the significance of his name, you are thinking of it, not as distinguishing him from other stones, but, as distinguishing him from marble, and clay ; for if the others also were named Stone, it wouldn t distinguish him from them, and if you wanted to distinguish him from them, you would make use of some other name for the purpose. Hence, there being two Simons in the apostolic college, our Lord, on the occasion we are considering, added to the name Simon, the distinguish- ing designation, Bar-jona, /.^., Son of Jonas. But \ *' Peter" zvas a distinguishing designation, distinguish- ing him who bore it, not from other Peters, but from ii8 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. the other Apostles ; he alone being, in name, and, per- haps, in some measure, in quality, (not tlie substance, but) of the substance, on which the Church was to be built. But why did St. Matthew, in translating our Lord's words from Syro-Chaldaic (if indeed, as is probable, they were spoken in that tongue) into Greek, translate Kephas in the first clause by Petros, STONE, and in the last clause by Petra^ ROCK ? For the simple reason that, while preserving the pla.y upon the words, (since — con- trary to what is the case in English, where, the two words being from different roots, we can say a stone church, but not a rock church — in Greek, petros and petra, being from the same root petr, will, both, desig- nate the material) he would thus exhibit Peter, not as the foundation Rock, but, as a foundation stone, to be (in the fulness of time) *' laid" on the foundation Rock already ** lying," miji^vov (i Cor. 3 : ii,) ''which is Jesus Christ." It is remarkable that Simeon, in the temple, (St. Luke 2 : 34,) uses the same word : '' Be- hold, this (as yet, child) xeiraiy lieth, (not, ** is set,") i,c,^ as a foundation, '' for the fall and rising of many in Israel ;" the fall of some, the rising of others. *' The image,'' says Abp. Kenrick, as quoted by Prof. Ornsby in loc, *' is that of a rock against which some stumble and fall, whilst others rise on it." It is still more remarkable that the same word is used by St. Paul (2 Thess. 2 : 4) as the designation of the Man of Sin, o arrineijiEyo^, lie that lieth (as a foitndatioii) in antagonism to, and exalteth himself against, the One Foundation. — See Wordsworth, in loc. St. Peter, then, w^as a foundation stone, built upon the Foundation Rock ; but so was every one of che Twelve : *' The wall of the city had twelve founda- tions, and in them the names of the twelve Apostles of the Lamb." (Rev. 21 : 14.) But our Lord goes on : '* I will give unto thee the THE PRIMACY OF PETER. up keys of the kingdom of heaven.'* The nature and ex- tent of the power here promised — for it is not yet co?t- ferred — is shown in the sentence immediately follow- ing : *' And whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven : and Avhatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven/' (St. Matt. i6 : 19.) Was this power to be restricted to St. Peter? The Archbishop himself shall answer : '' And to all the Apostles assembled together on another occasion, He uses (St. Matt. 18:18) the same forcible language : Whatsoever you (ye) shall bind on earth shall be bound also in heaven, and whatsoever you (ye) shall loose on earth shall be loosed also in heaven.' " (P- 347.) What this power of the keys was, I shall consider when I come to the Chapter on Penance. At present I am concerned with it only so far as it bears upon the '* Primacy of Peter," and to that extent it was exer- cised by him, once for all so far as the Jews were con- cerned, when he opened the kingdom of heaven to them on the day of Pentecost ; once for all, so far as the Gentiles w^ere concerned, when He opened the kingdom of heaven to them in the person of Cornelius and his household. That was the whole extent of His primacy in the matter of the keys ; it gave him no an- thority whatever over his fellow Apostles, nor did they, or he, ever suppose it did. At the opening of the very next chapter but one, we are told that the Disciples came to Jesus with the question, '' Who is the greatest in the kingdom of heaven ? If they had known as much about it as the Archbishop, in the first place, they wouldn't have come to the Lord with the ques- tion ; and in the second place, if they had come He Avould have answered them, '' Why, Peter is the great- est, of course. Didn't you hear me tell him so the other day ?" But instead of that. He calls a little child unto Him, and sets him in the midst of them ; and I20 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. from that text preaches to them a sermon on humility. But this sermon seems to have made but Kttle impres- sion on two of them ; for we read, only two chapters further on, that the mother of Zebedee's children, or, as St. Mark relates it, (lo : 35,) Zebedee's children them- selves, came to Him with the request that they might sit, the one on His right hand, and the other on His left, in His kingdom. ** And when the ten (of whom Peter was one) heard it, they w^ere moved with indig- nation against the two brethren ;" not because the two were showing disrespect to the primacy of the one, but because they were conspiring against the equality of the twelve. So much for the ''Promise of the Primacy,'' We come now to what the Archbishop calls the '' Fulfil^ ment of the Promise,'' And where, reader, think you, does he find that fulfilment ? Where but in St. John 21 : 15-17? — '* Simon, son of Jonas, lovest thou me? Feed my lambs — Feed my sheep.'' '' Peter," sa3^s the Archbishop, ** has jurisdiction not only over the lambs, — the weak and tender portion of the flock, — by which are understood the faithful ; but also over the sheep, i,e,, the Pastors themselves." (p. 121.) In place of the Latin word Pastor, in the above, put the Saxon word Shepherd, and the bull (both Papal and Irish) of turning sheep into shepherds will confront the reader's risibles, and affront his reason. The simple and obvious meaning of the command— obvious to any one of plain common sense — is, '' Feed the little ones of the flock — feed the grown-up ones;" '' little ones" and '* grown-up ones" being both of them taken both in the literal and in the spiritual sense ; and the com- mand is confined to Peter, because Peter is specially in need of it, as having been specially delinquent ; and it is thrice repeated because he has thrice denied his Mas- ter. — Feed the several members of my flock. Feed them *' with food convenient for them ;" the little ones THE PRIMACY OF PETER. 121 with '*the sincere milk of the word,"'" (i St. Peter 2 : 2,) that they '' may grow thereby ;" the grown-up ones (spiritually) with ''strong meat/' that they may not be ''unskilful in the word of righteousness." (Heb. 5:13, 14.) Rome counts all her laity lambs, as contradistinguished from sheep, and accordingly feeds them with milk ; but not (as I have already remarked) with the milk of the word ; at any rate, not with the sincere milk of the word, but with adulterated milk ; and the consequence is that they do not grow thereby, but are kept, as she means them to be kept, in perpetual non-age. " Brethren, be not children in understand- ing : howbeit in malice be ye children, but in under- standing be men." (i Cor. 14 : 20.) The '' Fiilfilment of the Promise,'' then, is not to be found in the injunction to Peter, " Feed my lambs" — " my sheep," but in the Commission, in the preceding chapter, as to Peter so also to the other Apostles : " Receive ye the Holy Ghost : Whose soever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them ; and whose soever sins ye retain, they are retained." The nature and ex- tent of this power we are not here concerned with ; it will come up for consideration in the chapter on Pen- ance. We come lastly to what the Archbishop calls the ''Exercise of the Primacy,'' Of this he gives several instances, or what he takes to be instances. But first he calls our attention to the fact that " Peter's name al- ways stands first in the lists of the Apostles," and that he " is even called by St. Matthew the first Apostle." (p. 122.) This is undoubtedly true, and it as undoubtedly points to a piHmacy of some sort. But of what sort ? Of " rank and honor," not only, says the Archbishop, but also of " authority." What are his proofs ? ''Peter is the first Apostle Avho performed a mira- cle." That is a primacy of date, not of authority. '^ In the Archbishop's Version, " the rational milk without guile.'* 122 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, '' He is the first to address the Jews in Jerusalem [on the day of Pentecost], while his Apostolic brethren stand respectfully around him/' Where did the Arch- bishop get that word *' respectfully ?" It is not in the Record, as he very well knows. Why then does he foist it in, and thus give a false coloring to the narra- tive ? '* Peter is the first to make converts from the Gentile world in the persons of Cornelius and his friends." This also, as well as the preceding, is a primacy not of authority, but of date, in the use of the keys, to open the kingdom of heaven, in the one instance to the Jews, in the other to the Gentiles. Nothing less ; nothing more. '' When it is a question of electing a successor to Ju- das, Peter alone speaks. He points out to the Apostles and disciples the duty of choosing another to succeed the traitor. The Apostles silently acquiesce in the in- structions of their leader.'' Here is another specimen of false coloring in the words *' silently acquiesce." Peter gives no instructions^ and therefore they do not acquiesce in any. He simply *' points out," as the Archbishop himself correctly expresses it. But there is no exercise of any other authorit}^ than that of moderator of the assembly, and that is just what his primacy consists mi As Matthew Henry quaintly ex- presses it, he is not judge ; he is simply foreman of the jury, — spokesman for the other eleven. ' '' In the Apostolic Council of Jervisalem Peter is the first whose sentiments are recorded. Before his dis- course, 'there was much disputing.' (Acts 15:7). But when he had ceased to speak, '' all the multitude held their peace.' " Here we have the Archbishop at his old trick, stopping short in the midst of a sentence, because to have gone on would have shown why the multitude held their peace ; namely, not because Peter had spoken, as the Archbishop tries to make the reader THE PRIMACY OF PETER. 123 suppose, but because Barnabas and V-^mX were going to speak, and they wanted to hear them. Evidently they were not satisfied with merely hearing Peter. And with good reason ; for Peter had made no formal propo- sition. James was the first to do that ; and his propo- sition, to wit, that '' we write unto them, [viz., the Gentile converts,] that they abstain from pollutions of idols, and from fornication, and from things strangled, and from blood," ''pleased" — whom? Pope Peter? No, but '' the Apostles and elders, with the whole church." Peter had the same voice in the decision as each of the others ; no less ; no more. But, says the Archbishop, '' St. James and the other Apostles concur in the sentiments of Peter without a single dissenting voice." Yes, and St. Peter and the other Apostles concur in the proposition of James. And, inasmuch as a proposition is a step in advance of '' sentiments," if the former fact argues the '' Primacy of Peter" a fortiori does the latter fact argue the Primacy of James. These five are all the instances the Archbishop brings forward, of what he calls the " Exercise of the Pri- mac}^" In the first three, Peter was simply the first to do what each of the others afterwards did, namel}^, work miracles, preach, and baptize. Is Peter, for this reason, Primate ? You might as well argue that '* that other disciple" was Primate, because he ''did outrun Peter, and came first to the sepulchre." In the fourth instance, the Primacy exercised by St. Peter is simply that of the moderator of an assembly. And in the fifth there is no Primacy at all exercised by him, unless it be a primacy in formal speech-making. And on such evidence we are asked to admit the " exercise" by St. Peter of primacy of authority over the other Apostles ! When we take leave of logic and common sense, we may do that ; not till then. The Archbishop now proceeds to a proof that cannot be classed under any of the foregoing heads : 124 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. *' St. James is cast into prison by Herod, and after- wards beheaded. . . . Yet no extraordinary efforts are made by the faithful to rescue him from death. "" Peter is miprisoned about the same time. The ivJiole Church is aroused. Prayers for his deUverance ascend to heaven, not 07ilj/iroin Jerusalem, dut also from every Cliristian family in the land. (Acts 12 : 1-5.) The army of the Lord can afford to lose a chieftain in the, person of James ; but it cannot yet spare the comman-' der-in-chief." (pp. 123, 124.) The part I have italieized in the first of these two par- agraphs is not in the record. The Archbishop has add- ed it, because without it his argument would be good for nothing ; leave out the addition, and we have an obvious explanation of any lack of effort in behalf of James, to wit, that his life was taken before it was known to be in danger. In like manner, the part I have italicized in the second paragraph is added by the Arch- bishop, because without it his argument would be weakened. His w^hole representation in the two par- agraphs is a slander on the primitive Christians, as if they would pray earnestly for Peter, and would not pray earnestly for James. If the Archbishop should be sent to Coventry for his interpolations of proofs, and mutilations of the Record, his flock will have his own warrant for giving themselves small concern for him, and reserving the bulk of their prayers for the '' Pris- oner of the Vatican." Having got through w4th his proofs, the Archbishop proceeds to consider '' the principal objections which are advanced against the Primacy of Peter. They are chiefly, I may say exclusively, confined to the three following : i. That our Lord rebuked Peter ; 2. that St. Paul criticized his conduct on a point not affecting doctrine, but discipline. ... 3. That the suprem- acy of Peter conflicts with the supreme dominion of Christ." (p. 124.) THE PRIMACY OF PETER. 125 If the Archbishop thinks these the '* exclusive," or even the " chief," objections, he is wide of the mark. The first and last are not objections at all. The sec- ond — Paul's withstanding Peter to the face, (Gal. 2 : II,) — is an objection, because it was not '' on a point not afiecting doctrine," that he withstood him, but on a point affecting doctrine, and because it was an en- croachment on ^?ivX ^ jurisdiction, to wit, over the Gen- tiles. " When James, and Cephas, and John" — mark the order of the names ; Peter stands second, not first — *' who seemed to be pillars, perceived the grace that was given unto me, thej gave to me and Barnabas the right hands of fellowship, that we should go unto the heathen (the Gentiles), and they unto the circumcision." (Gal. 2 : 9.) This was not a committing of the Gentiles to Paul, but a formal recognition (and in this recogni- tion James was foremost, not Peter) of the fact that they had been already committed to him by Christ Himself ; (Acts 26 : 16, 17 ;) for, saith the Apostle only two verses before, (Gal. 2:7,)** they saw that the Gospel of the uncircumcision was committed unto me, as the Gospel of the circumcision was unto Peter. " — Hence when Peter, after he was come to Antioch, led the way in *' dissimulation, " thereby drawing after him the other Jews, and even Barnabas, (vv. 12, 13,) Paul '* withstood him to the face," because he was thus ex- ercising a moral constraint on the Gentiles, Paul's own charge, ** compelling" them *' to live as do the Jews," or, as the Archbishop's Version expresses it, *' to fol- low the way of the Jews ;" (v. 14 ;) thereby '' frustrat- ing" the '* grace of God," (v. 21,) making righteous- ness to '* come by the law," and Christ to have '' died in vain." And this, which thus strikes at the very vitals of the Christian faith, is what the Archbishop calls '* a point not affecting doctrine, but discipline" ! Equally sure is he that this '' withstanding" cannot ** invalidate the claims of Peter." "Nay," he says, 126 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. *' from this very circumstance, I draw a confirming- evidence of Peter's supremacy. St. Paul mentions it as a fact worthy of record, that he actually witJistood Peter to his face,'' (p. 125.) And 3"et, only a few lines above on the same page, he sa3^s, '' It is not a very un- common thing for ecclesiastics occupying an inferior position in the Church to admonish even the Pope." — That is to say, '' St. Paul mentions it as a fact worthy of record, that he actually' — did what was ** not a ver}^ uncommon thing !'* But suppose we let St. Paul himself giv^e the reason of the *' mention" as, from the context, we may be sure he would give it if he were now on earth : I withstood Peter because he '' dissembled" (v. 13) on a point vital to ''the truth of the Gospel;" (v. 5 ;) and I made mention, to the Galatians, of my withstanding of him, not because he was first in the order of my thoughts, (for he w^asn't ; James was, v. 9,) nor because he was first in authority, (for he had no more authority over me than I had over him ; his was *' the apostleship of the circumcision ;" (vv. 7, 8 ;) mine, of the uncircum- cision ;) but because it bore directl}" on that which was the whole burden of my Epistle to the Galatian Chris- tians, to wit, that '' if righteousness come by the law, then Christ is dead in vain." (v. 21.) The order of the names of the three '' pillars" of the Church, in the ninth verse of this chapter, ''James, and Cephas, and John," is a hard nut for the Roman Commentators to crack ; so Professor Ornsby in his note on this verse discreetly passes it over in silence ; but the Rhemish annotator disJwnestly ciianges the or- der, putting Peter first, and James second ; which shows that he felt the significance of the arrangement as it stands in the text of his Version, as well as ours. Suppose the Archbishop should add a Postscript to the next " Thousand" of his work to the following effect : " When I wrote this ' little volume,' I was only Bishop THE PRIMACY OF PETER. 127 of Richmond. But when Cardinal Giacomini, and Pope Pio Nono, and Cardinal Giovannini, who seemed to be pillars, perceived the inventive ingenuity that was in me in the matter of premises, and the felicitous conclusions that flowed from them, they gave to me the right hand of fellowship that 1 should be Arch- bishop of Baltimore, and they remain in charge at Rome/' If this Postscript raised an uproar among the faithful, it would be, not because of his promotion, or of its procuring cause, but because the Pope was put second among the three '' pillars ;" the very place where, if successor to St. Peter, he ought to be, St. Paul, or rather, the Holy Ghost inspiring St. Paul, be- ing judge ; — *' second-first, " if first at all, among the three '' pillars'' as was Peter at Jerusalem, the jurisdic- tion having been in James the Bishop of that city. I have said that the three objections I have been con- sidering are not, as the Archbishop alleges, the only ones. I will give him some others. I object, then, to the aitthoritative primacy of Peter, that the other Apostles were not aware of it, which they must have been if he had exercised it over them. We have already seen that they saw no primacy of au- thority over them in the power of the keys, (St. Matt. 16 : 19,) for they came to Jesus some time after, (St. Matt. 18 : I,) with the question, '' Who is the great- est in the kingdom of heaven?" Turning to Acts 8 : 14, I read, further : '' Now when the Apostles which were at Jerusalem heard that Samaria had received the word of God, they sent unto them Peter and John." The sender, I take it, is at least not inferior in authority to the sent. If the Archbishop, giving a narrative of the remarkable impulse lately given to the circulation of the Bible in Spain, were to write thus, *' Now when the cardinals which were at Rome heard that Hispania had received the Word of God, they sent unto them Pope Pius and Cardinal Giovannini," he would be de- 128 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. posed as a heretic for representing the Cardinals as having authority ov^er the Pope. I object, again, to the authoritative primacy of Peter, that he was not himself aware that he possessed it. He begins his First Epistle with, '' Peter, an Apostle of Jesus Christ ;" and in his second chapter, he dis- courses eloquently on Christ as the Foundation, and Christians as living stones built thereon, but keeps silent about his being himself a foundation ; which he could not, in such a connection, have possibly done, had he been such a foundation as the Archbishop- claims. And he begins his fifth chapter with, *' The elders (or Presbyters) which are among you, I, your (rvfiTVpsa/Svrepo^y co-presbyter,) fellow-elder, exhort; 7tot, ''I, your 'commander-in-chief,' (p. 124,) command,''' And what is it that he thus exhorts them to do ? to feed the flock, but not to lord it over them. And he reminds them of the time '' Avhen the Chief Shepherd shall ap- pear." But he says nothing (though it would have been specially germane to his subject) of his being him- self Chief Shepherd over all the other Shepherds, for the very good reason that he had no such chief shep- herdship. Such are some of the chief objections which the Archbishop has very prudently (or very ignorantly) failed to bring before his readers. — But in disposing or rather trying to dispose of Paul's rebuke of Peter, he has found another proof (!) of Peter's supremacy : '' In the very same Epistle to the Galatians, St. Paul plainly insinuates St. Peter's superior rank. [The in- sinuation is the Archbishop's, as we shall presently see.] ' I went,' he says, (i : 18,) ' to Jerusalem to see' Peter, and I tarried with him fifteen days.' Saints Chrysostom, Jerome, and Ambrose tell us that this was not an idle visit of ceremony, but that the object of St. Paul in making the journey, was to testify his respect and honor for the chief of the Apostles." (pp. 125, 126.) THE PRIMACY OF PETER, 129 The Archbishop gives no reference to the particular portions of those fifteen or twenty folio volumes zvhcre they *'tell us" this; but, fortunately, the Rhemish Annotator, to whom the Archbishop is apparently be- holden for his information, does give us chapter and verse. His words are : '' Verse i8, To see Peter. In what estimation Peter was with this Apostle, it appeareth • seeing for respect and honor of his person, and of duty, as Tertullian, de Prasscript., saith : [Tertullian does ;/(^/ say that ; his words are, '' then, as he himself relateth, he zvent up to Jerusalem to see Peter ^ to wit, because of his office,'' i.e,^ of Apostle ; not because of his '' person," *' and by right of a common faith and preaching,"] notwithstanding his great affairs Ecclesiastical, he went so far to see him not in vulgar \i.e.^ common] manner, but as Chrysos- tom noteth the Greek word to import, to behold him as men behold a thing or person of name, excellency, and majesty, for which cause, and to fill himself with the perfect view of his behavior he abode with him fifteen days. Hieroin, (Jerome) Epist. 103. [Migne 1. \\\J\ael Paulinum, toin, 3. v\^ho maketh also a mystery of the number of days that he tarried with Peter. Am- brose in Comment, hujus loei, and Chrysostom upon this place, and Hom, 87 in Joan.'' The '' Greek word" here referred to is iaroQeoo, his- toreo, and it signifies in classic Greek, primaril}^, to be- come acquainted with a thing or a fact by inquiry or by per- sonal examination, and, secondarily, to give an account laroftia, history, of things or facts thus ascertained. St. Paul is the first to use it to signify to become acquainted with a person. But it has nothing whatever to do with the '' excellency" or *' majesty" of the person or thing with whom or with which acquaintance is sought to be made ; you might as well define its derivative, history, 130 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. as an account of ' ' a thing or person of name, excel- lency, or majesty !" Hence, did St. Chrysostom say Avhat is imputed to him, he would be letting his rheto- ric get the better of his lexicology. But he does not say it. All that is involved in Avhat he says of the word, as also in its derivation, is that acquaintance with the particular person, or thing, is, for some reason or other, important ; not that the person himself, or the thing itself, is important, or ''excellent'' or ''majestic." That is to say, Paul went up to Jerusalem to make the acquaintance of Peter, not because of Peter's impor- tance, or "excellency," or "majesty," but because acquaintance with him was important. But why was acquaintance specially with Peter important to Paul ? For the reason, doubtless, that Peter was the Apostle specially of the Jews, and Paul the Apostle specially of the Gentiles. This Avould be a sufficient reason for the visit, especially when taken in connection with the cir- cumstances under which it was made : for it is not true that (as the Rhemish Annotator represents it) " not- withstanding his great affairs ecclesiastical, he went so far to see him," for at this time he had no " great affairs ecclesiastical," not having as yet founded a single Church ; for it was but three years from his conver- sion, and he had spent part of that time in the desert of Arabia, (Gal. i : 17, 18,) and the rest of it in Damascus ; whence having been driven by the hostility of the Jews, whom he had barely escaped by being let down by the wall in a basket by night ; (Acts 9 : 25 ; 2 Cor. II : 33 ;) and being obliged to go somewhere, and no particular place having any special claim on him, he naturally took the opportunity of this enforced leisure to go up to Jerusalem to make the acquaintance of Pe- ter. Peter's headship of the Jews, therefore, being a sufficient reason for Paul's leisurely visit to him, that visit Q2J\M0t prove Peter's headship of the whole Church, It is true St. Chrysostom (Hom. 87, in Johan.) says the THE PRIMACY OF PETER. 131 visit was made because Peter '' was the mouth and chief of the Apostles ;" but that does not necessarily in- volve more than Matthew Henry's phrase of *' foreman of the jury ;" and if it did, it is only the opinion of Chrysostom, as it is also that of Ambrose, and, as such, is of no more value than the opinion of any man of equal scholarship and judgment at the present day, seeing they both came on the stage three hundred years after Paul and Peter had left it. St. Ambrose, in his commentary on the passage, says : '' It was fit that he should desire to see Peter ; for Peter was first among the Apostles, and to him the Saviour had delegated the care of the Churches.'' His words are, Digmun fitit ut citpcret videre Petritm ; quia primus ei^at inter Apostolos, ad delegaverat Salvator curain Ecclesiarum ; which shows that he is giving it as his ozvn opinion of Peter, and not as St. PaiiTs ; for to make it express St. Paul's opinion, the law of the Latin lan- guage w^ovild require the w^ords to be, primus ESSEX, instead oi primus erat. St. Jerome says nothing whatever to the point for which he is alleged. His '* mystery of the number of days that he (Paul) tarried with Peter," to wit, fifteen, runs thus : '' For by (or in) this mystery of the number seven and the number eight, the future preacher of the Gentiles was to be instructed." Hoc cnim viysterio hebdomadis et ogdoadis, futurus Gentium prce die at or instru- endus erat. If the reader can tell what St. Jerome is here driving at, it is more than I can. — In his Com- mentary, he speaks plainly enough. St. Paul, he says, stayed with Peter fifteen days, videndi gratia, non dis- cendi,'' to see him, not to learn from him." And the same says St. Ambrose : non 7itique ut aliquid ab eo dis- ceret ; . . . sed propter affeetttm apostolatus, et ut sciret Petrus hanc illi datam lieentiam quam et ipse aeeeperat ; that is : '* not that he might learn something from him ; . . . but out of affection for the Apostolic [not 132 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. the Archiapostolic] office, and that Peter might know that the same f7'eedoin had been given to him, {Paul,) that he (Peter) himself had received.'' And he adds, a httle below, that Paul abode with Peter fifteen days, quasi tinaitimus coapostolus, ' * as a like-minded co-apostle. So much for the Archbishop's last proof from Scrip- ture, and for his appeal to '' Chrysostom, Jerome, and Ambrose/' I will only add that if svich a passage as this of 2 Cor. II : 28, ''Beside those things that are without, that which cometh upon me daily, the care of all the churches," had been St. Peter's instead of St. Paul's, it would have been a hard nut for us to crack, and we should never have heard the last of it : and most certainly the Rhemish Version would have trans- lated it into plain English, instead of '' darkening coun- sel by words without knowledge," (Job 38 : 2,) after this fashion : *' Besides those things which are outwardly : my daily instance, the carefulness of all Churches "! I have now examined every one of the Archbishop's proofs of Peter's Primacy, and shown that most of them prove no primacy at all, and not one of them a primacy of authority — a commandership-in-chief. But suppose it had been otherwise. Suppose he had made out his case, and proved Peter's primac}^ in his sense of the v/ord ; still it is nothing to his purpose, unless he can prove that that primacy passed to the Bishops of Rome as the Successors of Peter. To that proof, therefore, he now addresses himself ; and as he is aware that his whole case depends upon it, he lays himself out accord- ingly, and aetually devotes no less than one zvhole page and seven lines of another page of his '' little volume" to the proof of this little claim. And such proof ! That the reader may not think I am misrepresenting the Archbishop, I here transcribe the whole proof, para- graph for paragraph, word for word, letter for letter, point for point ; and trust the argument will not lose any of its force in the transcription : THE PRIMACY OF PETER. 133 1. '' St. Peter is called the first Bishop of Rome, be- cause he transferred his See from Antioch to Rome, where he suffered martyrdom with St. Paul. 2. *' We are not surprised that modern skepticism, which rejects the divinity of Christ, and denies even the existence of God, should call in question the fact that St. Peter lived and died in Rome. 3. '' The reason commonly alleged for disputing this well-attested event, is that the Acts of the Apostles make no mention of Peter's labors and martyrdom in Rome. For the same reason, we might deny that St. Paul was beheaded in Rome, that St. John died in Ephe- sus, and that St. Andrew was crucified. The Scrip- ture is silent regarding these historical records, and yet they are denied by no one. 4. *' The intrinsic evidence of St. Peter's first Epistle, the testimony of his immediate successors in the min- istry, as well as the avow^al of eminent Protestant com- mentators, all concur in fixing the See of Peter in Rome. 5. *' * Babylon,' from which Peter addresses his first Epistle, is understood by learned annotators, Protes- tant and Catholic, to refer to Rome, — the word Babylon being symbolical of the corruption then prevailing in the city of the Csesars. 6. '* Clement, the fourth Bishop of Rome, who is mentioned in terms of praise by St. Paul ; St. Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch, who died in 105 ; Irenseus, Origen, St. Jerome, Eusebius the great historian, and other eminent writers, testify to St. Peter's residence in Rome ; while no ancient ecclesiastical writer has ever contradicted the statement. 7. ''John Calvin, a w^itness above suspicion. Cave, an able Anglican critic, Grotius, and other distin- guished writers, do not hesitate to re-echo the unani- mous voice of Catholic tradition. 8. '' Indeed, no historical fact will escape the shafts of incredulity if St. Peter's residence and glorious 134 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. martyrdom in Rome are called in question/' (pp. 126, 127.) Here is the zvhole of the Archbishop's proof that the primacy of Peter passed to the Bishops of Rome as his successors ; and with this he closes the chapter. In the opening of his next chapter he argues that the primacy must have passed to Peter's successors, but does not undertake to prove who those successors were ; but more of this when w^e come to it. His whole proof that the primacy descended to the Bishops of Rome is contained in the eight paragraphs above quoted, and which I have numbered, for convenience Ol reference. T\\^ first paragraph is not a proof, but a proposition, to be prov^ed. The second is simply an expression of non-surprise. The third gives a " commonly-alleged" objection from the silence of the Acts of the Apostles in regard to Peter's labors and martyrdom in Rome. This is not ''a commonly-alleged" objection ; nor have I ever seen it alleged by any one. What is alleged, is the silence of St. Paul's Epistles to and from Rome ; of which I will presently speak. The fourth is, like the first, a proposition to be proved. The fifth is also a proposition, but I will not require proof of it ; I will admit that *' Babylon" (i St. Peter 5: 13) "is understood by learned annotators, Protestant and " Roman, to refer to Rome. Per contra, it is also ''understood by learned annotators," Roman as well as Protestant, not to refer to Rome. What says the Roman Annotator Erasmus, a contemporary of the Reformers, and one of the most learned men of the age? Sunt qui Babylonem hie interpretent Ro7nain ; quod mihi sane non usquequaque probatur, Magis arbitror Pc- trum id temporis verte Babylone vixisse ; that is, ' ' Some by Babylon understand Rome ; but to me indeed that THE PRIMACY OF PETER. 135 lacks proof. Rather, I believe that Peter was at that time living in the real Babylon." He adds that Papias took Babylon to mean Rome, but in disparagement of his opinion refers to Eusebius, who says of Papias (1. iii. c. 39) that he was '* very limited in his comprehen- sion/' and reports '* matters rather too fabulous.'* Erasmus says also that Jerome, in one of his Epistles, follows Papias, but that in doing it he is indulging his bile because he had been slightingly received in Rome — sed stomacho siio servientem, quodillic indignis modis esset accept 21s, (Erasm. in Crit. Sacr.) And what says Dupin ? '' Q. Whence was it (i St. Peter) writ ? A. It is dated at Babylon. Many of the Antients have understood that Name to signifie Rome ; but no Reason appears, that could prevail with St. Pe- ter to change the Name of Rome into that of Babylon. How could those to whom he wrote understand that Babylon was Rome ? There were many Jews at Baby- lon, and St. Peter, who was the Apostle of the Jews, went so far to preach the Gospel of Jesus Christ to the Jews." {Hist, of the Church, New Test., chap, v.) Dupin may well ask, *' How could those to whom he wrote understand that Babylon was Rome?" Hoav, indeed ? There is not a particle of proof, or even of probability, that Rome was ever called Babylon till St. John called it by that name in his Revelation, thirty years after the death of St. Peter. Besides, as Capellus (in Crit. Sacr.) well says, exempliun in siibscriptione hitjiisniodi nullum, *' there is no instance of this sort in a subscription." What would be thought of Arch- bishop McCloskey if, writing to the New England por- tion of his Provincial flock, he should wind up with, *' The Church which is in Gotham, elected together, saluteth you" ? Suppose we let the superscription in- terpret the subscription : " Peter, an Apostle of Jesus Christ, to the strangers scattered throughout Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia." Babylon 136 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. is to the east, or rather south-east, of these countries ; Rome is to the west of them. Pontus, Galatia, and Cappadocia are to the east of Asia and Bithynia. Peter writing from Babylon names them in the natural order : Peter writing from Rome would be naming them in an order the reverse of natural ; as if the Archbishop of Bal- timore, writing to the faithful of that part of his pro- vince outside the archdiocese, should begin thus : '' James, Archbishop of Baltimore, to the faithful scat- tered through East Florida, Georgia, South and North Carolina, Virginia, Delaware, and Pennsylvania." Every one can see that if he were writing from St. Augustine, he being there resident, this would be the natural order ; but, if writing from Baltimore, it would be the reverse of the natural order ; just as to St. Peter, if writing from Rome, the order in which he names the countries is the reverse of the natural order. So much for the fifth paragraph. In the sixth paragraph, the Archbishop lays down another proposition requiring proof, but of which he vouchsafes none ; to wit, that six '' eminent writers," whose names he mentions, '' testify to St. Peter's resi- dence in Rome." Now the first two of these six — namely, *' Clement, the fourth Bishop of Rome," and '* St. Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch," were both contem- poraries of St. Peter, and one of them was Bishop of the city from which, and the other of the city to which, St. Peter /jy said io\i2i\^ ''transferred his see;" they are therefore competent witnesses, and the very best that we could desire. If they testify as the Archbishop says they do, then I give up my case. Do they so testify ? The only genuine writings of Clement extant are his two Epistles to the Corinthians, and even of these the second is held by some to be spurious ; Avhether rightl}^ or otherwise matters not, as all that it contains respect- ing Peter is the following : " The Lord saith, ' ye shall THE PRIMACY OF PETER. 137 be as sheep in the midst of wolves.' Peter answered and said, * what if the wolves shall tear in pieces the sheep ?' Jesus said unto Peter, ' let not the sheep fear the wolves after death' (Mat. lo : i6 [28])" (chap. 5). And here is what is said of Peter in the first Epistle : ** Peter, by unjust envy, underwent not one or two, but many suffering's ; until at last being martyred, he went to the place of glory that was due unto him" (chap. 5). *' Verily he [Paul] did by the Spirit admonish you con- cerning himself, and Cephas, and Apollos" (chap. 47). This is absolutely all there is in Clement about Peter. It is manifest, then, that there is no foundation for what the Archbishop says about Clement's testimony. How is it with Ignatius ? Of his ^^N^xi genuine Epis- tles (and there are only seven), there is but one — the Epistle to the Romans — in Avhich mention is made of Peter ; and here is what is said of him : " I do not, as Peter and Paul, command you. They were apostles, I a condemned man ; they were free, but I am even to this day a servant : but if I shall suffer, I shall then become the freeman of Jesus Christ, and shall rise free" (chap. 4). This is all ; absolutely all. There is no foundation then for what the Archbishop says of Igna- tius 's testimony any more than for what he said of Clement's. But perhaps the Archbishop has in mind the Clemen- tine Recognitions, and the larger Epistles ascribed to Ignatius ? If so, either he knows (what is the fact) that they are spurious — in which case he exhibits a shameless effrontery, or he does not know it — in which case he shows a discreditable ignorance of what he is writing about ; discreditable in an Archbishop and Metropoli- tan ; particularly discreditable in a volunteer contro- versialist. He may take his choice between the two horns of the dilemma ; either of them will gore him badly. Irenseus is the Archbishop's next witness, and as he 13^ THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. was born in the first half of the second century and probably within sixty (some say fifty) years after the death of St. Peter, and was at one time in Rome on a mission or embassy from the martyrs of Lyons, then in prison, of which city he was afterwards Bishop, and had moreover in early life been a pupil of Poly carp the disciple of St. John, and used often to hear from him his reminiscences of that Apostle, his testimony is en- titled to respectful consideration. What, then, is that testimony ? The Archbishop, as in so many other in- stances, gives no references. Fortunately, however, as on a previous occasion, the Rhemish annotator, whom the Archbishop seems to be retailing, gives chapter and verse, to wit, lib, 3, c. 3, in the second section of which I find, in the old Latin translation (for the Greek origi- nal of this section is lost) Irenseus saying that as it would take too long to give the succession of the Bishops of all the Churches, he will give that of '' the greatest, and most ancient, and to all well known Church founded and constituted at Rome by the two most glorious Apostles, Peter and Paul" — a gloriosis- siinis dii obits Apostolis Petro et Paulo Ronice ficndatcB ct constitntcB Ecclesice, And in the next section, which is in the original Greek, I read : *'The blessed Apostles there- fore (viz., Peter and Paul, as mentioned in the preced- ing section) having founded and built the Church, handed o\tr {evexdpiaav) the ministry of the Episcopate to Linus, the same whom Paul makes mention of in the Epistles to Timothy : to him succeeded Anencletus. After him, and in the third place from the Apostles, Clement, etc." We have it then from Irenseus, a witness called into court by the Archbishop himself, that the Church at Rome was founded by Peter and Paul. Now St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans Avas written within ten years of his death, and up to that time (Rom. 15 : 22-24) he had never been at Rome. There was, therefore, at that THE PRIMACY OF PETER. 139 time no organized Church of Rome, but only small worshipping assemblies meeting (Rom. 16 : 5) in private houses ; and accordingly the Epistle is addressed (Rom. I : 7) not (after the analogy of the two to the Corinthi- ans) to *' the Church of God which is at Rome," but, '* to all that be in Rome, beloved of God, called to be saints ;" which sufficiently disposes of that fable of St. Peter's twenty-five years' residence in Rome as its Bishop. Not only that, but two years later, when St. Paul, having been brought a prisoner to Rome, ''called the chief of the Jews together" (Acts 28 : 17), so little were they aware of the existence of a church among them of which, as is alleged, Peter had then been Bishop even according to the Chronological Table of the Rhemish dMXioidXoT fourteen years, but according to ours seventeen, that they actually said to St. Paul (Acts 28 : 22), '' We desire to hear of thee what thou thinkest: for as concerning this sect, we know that everyw^here it is spoken against." And so desirous were they thc.t they actually ''appointed him a day," and " there came many to him into his lodging ;" and the result of his " expounding, " and "testifying," and "persuad- ing" (ver. 23), "from morning till evening," was (ver. 24) that " some believed the things which were spoken, and some believed not." Evidently this was the first time they had had the opportunity of hearing these things from an Apostle. And 3^et we are bid believe that Peter, the special Apostle of the Jews, had been Bishop among them at least fourteen years, and all the while had never once found, or made, an oppor- tunity of "expounding," and "testifying" to, and "persuading," them, although " some of them" were so ready to be persuaded, that at the very first preach- ing of these things to them they believed. Credat Romanus^ non ego. I will not so slander " the Prince of the Apostles ;" nor will I so magnify his fellow-apostle at his expense. I leave that to those who claim to be I40 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. exclusively his flock, and of whom, if he were now on earth, he might well say, save me from my '' friends/' In the words of Tertullian (De Prcscriptione, 24), *' I am not good man* enough, or rather I am not bad man enough, to set the apostles the one against the other." The Archbishop's next witness is Origen, w4io was born within one hundred and sixteen years after the death of St. Peter. His testimony, as reported by Eusebius (1. iii. c. i), which is what the Rhemish an- notator (from whom the Archbishop probably borrowed it) refers to, is this : '' Peter appears to have preached through Pontus, Galatia, Bithynia, Cappadocia, and Asia, to the Jews that were scattered abroad ; who also, finally coming to Rome, was crucified with his head downward, having requested of himself to suffer in this w^ay." There is not a word here of his preach- ing at Rome. The great scene of his preaching was evidently, in the opinion of Origen (the Archbishop's own witness), the countries named. Nor is there a syllable of his being Bishop of Rome ; still less of his being Bishop there for a quarter of a century ; for no ingenuity can make ''finally coming to Rome, was crucified," mean, coming twenty-five years^ or even fif- teen years, before he was crucified. This twent3^-five years' episcopate rests on the mere assertion of the Archbishop's last two witnesses, Euse- bius and Jerome, the former of whom was not born till more than two hundred years, and the latter more than two hundred and fifty years after the death of St. Peter ; and as neither of them gives any authority for his assertion, and that assertion is in flat contradiction with that of Irenseus and Origen, their testimony is good for nothing. So much for the Archbishop's sixth paragraph. His seventJi and eighth call for no remark. To recur now to \{\^ first paragraph, which contains the proposition, but not the proof, that St. Peter trans- THE PRIMACY OF PETER. 141 ferred his see from Antioch to Rome. To this propo- sition I reply that he could not transfer his see, for the simple reason that he had no see. He was not a See Bishop ; nor was any other of the twelve. They were travelling- missionaries, '' ordained " (St. Mark 3 : 14) and '' sent forth " (St. Mat. 10 : 5) as such, by the Lord Himself ; and His '' marching orders" to them — to the ''commander-in-chief," as well as to the other com- manders — were, '' Go ye into all thew^orld, and preach the gospel to every creature" (St. Mark 16 : 15) ; and His last words to them on earth (Acts i : 8) were, ** Ye shall be witnesses unto me both in Jerusalem, and in all Judsea, and in Samaria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth." And says St. Mark (who, we are told, wrote under the direction of St. Peter) in the last verse of his Gospel, '* They went forth, and preached every- where." There is not the sHghtest evidefiee that any one of them settled down as the Head of a Diocesan Church. James, the Lord's brother, was, indeed, the Head of the Church of Jerusalem. But he was not one of the twelve, for, at the time they were appointed, he was not even a believer ; for their appointment (St. Mat. 10) was before the '' Feeding of the Five Thou- sand " (St. Mat. 14 : 15-21 ; St. John 6 : 4-14) and it is after that, to wit, in St. John 7:5, that we are told, " For neither did his brethren believe in him." And when they afterwards became believers, we find them (Acts 1:13, 14) distinguished from the eleven. And accordingly we find that while St. Peter begins both of his Epistles with the assertion of his Apostleship, and St. Paul nine of his in the same way, St. James begins his, '' James, a servant of God and of the Lord Jesus Christ," and St. Jude his, '' Jude, the servant of Jesus Christ, and brother of James." As to Gal. i : 19, '' Other of the apostles saw I none, save (f ^ /^7» unless") James the Lord's brother," if James is here called an apostle (which is doubtful), it no more makes him one 142 THE FAITH OF OUR FORE FA THERS. of the twelve than calling Paul and Barnabas apostles makes them of the twelve. See a condensed statement of the argument on both sides by Dr. Schaff, in Lange on St. Matthew, Am. Ed., pp. 256-260. In conclusion, if we may believe Irenseus and Tertul- lian — both of whom Avere a hundred years nearer the Apostles than Eusebius, and a hundred and fifty nearer i than Jerome, and therefore by so much the more likely / to know the truth — if, I say, we may believe Irenseus; and Tertullian, the former of whom, as we have seen, says that Peter and Paul handed overthe episcopate to Linus, to whom succeeded Anencletus, and after himS, Clement ; and the latter of whom says {De Pre script. \ 32) ** the Church of Smyrna recounteth that Poly carp \ was placed there by St. John ; as that of Rome doth that Clement was in like manner ordained by Peter ;' | it follows that there were three Popes of Rome, one after another, in the lifetime of St Peter. Hence it is plain that if St. Peter ever was Pope, he had ceased to be, long before his death, for two contemporary lawful j Popes is a thing unheard of even in Rome herself. ! CHAPTER X. THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE. Aware that in the eight paragraphs I have been re- marking on, and which I have quoted in full on pages 133-134, he has not even asserted any supremacy of Peter over the whole Church, or even, except in para- graphs one and four, over the Church of Rome, and that he has not so much as attempted to prove even that, as the reader can see for himself by turning back to those paragraphs and reading them again, the Arch- bishop opens this Tenth Chapter with what he expects THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE. 143 (or seems to expect) to pass for proof that Peter's Pri- macy passed (being metamorphosed into Supremacy in the passage) from him to the Bishops of Rome, as his successors : *' The Church is in all ages as much in need of a Supreme Ruler as it was in the days of the Apostles. Nay more/' 1 answer, she has a Supreme Ruler now, as she had then ; and that Supreme Ruler is not and was not Peter. '' There is another King, one Jesus" (Acts 17 : 7) ; the same whom Peter himself (i Pet. 5 : 4) calls ** the Chief Shepherd," or, as it is in the Latinized English of the Archbishop's Version and of the Rhemish, *' the Prince of Pastors." It needs no other ; and accordingly it never has had, and, we may rest assured, never will have, any. As 1 have already twice remarked, it has no more ''need of a central power to preserve its unity" (p. 128) than Free Mason ry has. But granting, for argument's sake, the ' ' need, ' 'and that the need infers the supply, in the shape of Successors of Peter, how does that prove that the Bishops of Rome are those successors ? Yet that is the inference which the Archbishop draws ; for he goes on, in the next paragraph : ' ' Whatsoever privileges, therefore, were conferred on Peter, which may be considered essential to the gov- ernment of the Church, are inherited by the Bishops of Rome, as successors of the Prince of the Apostles ; just as the constitutional powers given to George Washington have devolved on the present incumbent of the Presidential chair." Here is a gap in the logic, as well as a flaw in the il- lustration. Perhaps the Archbishop doesn't see either the gap or the flaw. T\\Q flaw is in this, that whereas certain '' privileges" were ''conferred on Peter," without mention of suc- cessors, the "constitutional powers" were "given," not " to George Washington," but, to the " President of the United States," which George Washington was 144 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. fiot, at that time. ** The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America," says the Constitution; not, "in George Washington and his successors ;" still less, *' in George Washing- ton." On the contrary, he was *' elected " to the office, as were all his successors doAvn to '' the (then — that is, at the time the Archbishop wrote) present in- cumbent," Ul3'sses S. Grant, with the exception of Tyler, Fillmore, and Johnson, on whom, respectivel}^ and on whom alone, in the language of the Constitution, ' 'the powers and duties of the said office"did ' 'devolve. * ' The Archbishop is peculiarly infelicitous in drawing analogies from the civil institutions of his country, as we shall see again in the next chapter. So much for the pretended illustration. To make it a real one, it should read, '' just as the constitutional powders first ex- ercised by George Washington have devolved on Mar- shall McMahon ;" and then ih^ gap in the logic would be patent ; for it would at once occur to the reader that '' just as" McMahon's successorship to'Washington needs proof, so does the successorship of the Bishops of Rome to St. Peter. And yet no proof is forthcom- ing. It is asserted, indeed, in the first of the eight par- agraphs that Peter's see was finally fixed at Rome ; and It is asserted in the fourth that this fixation can be proved by ''the intrinsic evidence of St. Peter's first Epistle, " by " the testimony of his immediate successors in the ministry," and by " the avowal of eminent Pro- testant commentators ;" but none of these " avowals" of this " testimony," of this " evidence," is laid before us by the Archbishop. " St. Peter's first Epistle" is in the hands of his non-Roman readers, and may be safely left there. Grotius and Clarius concur in mak- ing " Babylon" Rome, but neither they nor any other of the fifteen or twenty " eminent Protestant commenta- tors" at hand as I write, " fix the See of Peter in Rome." As to the other witnesses, I suppose that not THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE. 145 more than the first ten Bishops of Rome, the last of whom died exactly a hundred years after the death of St. Peter, could, by the utmost stretch of language, be called ''his immediate successors/' Of these, St. Cle- ment testifies to his martyrdom, as I have already shown, but does not tell us where it took place, or that he was ever in Rome, to say nothing of having his vSee there. The other nine have left no writings behind them. Says Dupin {Hist, of the Chureh, Three First Centuries, chap, vi.), '' The first Letter of St. Clement to the Corinthians, which St. Irenaeus mentions, is one of the most beautiful and standing Monuments of that Antiquity. The second is not so evidently St. Clement's ; and the Works ascribed to him are not his. The other Epistles that bear his Name are forged, as well as all the Epistles of the first Popes down to Siricius [the 37th Bishop of -Rome, a.d. 384-398], which [namely, the forgery] is the Work of Isidorus Mercator, who lived in the eighth Century." Really, it is rather late in the day thus to attempt to foist upon us the Forged Decretals, which did such yeoman's service to the Papacy in the Dark Ages, but which have been long since exploded ! '' From what I have said, you can easily infer that the arguments in favor of Peter's Primacy have equal weight in demonstrating the supremacy of the Popes" (p. 129). How the arguments in favor of one xsxdeii '$^ primaey can demonstrate another man's sitpreinacy is a problem for archiepiscopal logic ; common logic is not equal to it. And so the Archbishop himself seems t© think ; for in the next paragraph he says he will ** endeavor to show, from incontestable historical evidence, that the Popes have always, from the days of the Apostles, continued to exercise supreme jurisdiction [mark that], not only in the Western church, till the Reformation, but also 14^ THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. throughout the Eastern church, till the great schism of the ninth century. . '' I. Take the question of appeals. An appeal is never made from a superior to an inferior court, nor even from one court to another of co-ordinate jurisdic- tion. We do not appeal from Washington to Rich- mond, but from Richmond to Washington. Now, if we find the See of Rome, from the foundation of Chris- tianity [though it diAnt exist till seven years after Peter went to Antioch], entertaining and deciding cases of appeal from the Oriental churches ; it we find that her decision was final and irrevocable, we must conclude that the supremacy of Rome over all the churches is an undeniable fact " (pp. 129, 130). That doesn't follow, even if the premises are true (which they are not, as we shall presently see), for the African churches were not *' Oriental," and they ex- pressly forbade appeals to Rome. (Concil. Milevitani ii. (anno 416) can. 22. See the original Latin in Gieseler, vol. I, § 94, n. 62.) *' To begin with Pope St. Clement. . . . Some dissension and scandal having occurred in the church of Corinth, the matter is brought to the notice of Pope Clement. He at once exercises his supreme authority by writing letters of remonstrance and admonition to the Corinthians" (p. 130). Where is the ** appeal " here, and where the authori- tative judgment on appeal ? Where is the decision of the ' ' inferior court ' ' ? Where that of the ' ' superior ' ' ? Here is neither ''Richmond" nor ''Washington." Bringing a thing to the notice even of a tribunal, is not an " appeal " to it ; neither is " writing letters of re- monstrance and admonition" " entertaining and decid- ing" an appeal. At any rate, they don't do things so in " Washington ;" and if they did, there would be no " authority," " supreme" or non-supreme, in their ac- tion. Any man can '' remonstrate" with any other THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE. 14? man ; and, in like manner, any church can remonstrate with any other church : and as to admonition, we are told on high authority, even that of the Archbishop himself (p. 125), that " it is not a very uncommon thing for ecclesiastics occupying an inferior position in the Church to admonish even the Pope ; ' ' and that ' ' St. Ber- nard*' did that very thing *'to Pope Eugenius III.," and did it *' with Apostolic freedom;" which is as much, to say the least, as St. Clement did ; for in his Epistles, unlike those of St. Paul to the same Church, there is no tone of authority, no *' coming with a rod " (i Cor. 4:21), no question, '' Dare any of you . . . go* to law" (i Cor. 6 : i), no warning, '' If I come again, I will not spare." (2 Cor. 13 : 2). His second Epistle (if it be his) is a brief hortatory discourse ; nothing less ; nothing more. In his first Epistle, he is simply the mouthpiece of his own church to a sister church. The Epistle begins thus : *' The Church of God which sojourneth at Rome to the Church of God which sojourneth at Corinth, elect, sanctified, by the will of God, through Jesus Christ our Lord : grace and peace from the Almighty God, by Jesus Christ, be multiplied unto you. '* Brethren, *' The sudden and unexpected dangers and calamities that have fallen upon us, have, we fear, made us the more slow in our consideration of those things which you inquired of us : as also of that wicked and detest- able sedition, so unbecoming the elect of God, which a few heady and self-willed men have fomented to such a degree of madness, that your venerable and renowned name, so worthy of all men to be beloved, is greatly blasphemed thereby." Throughout the whole Epistle, there is not one soli- tary command as distinguished from an exhortation. It 14^ THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. is simply such an Epistle as any church might write to a sister church, on a footing of the most perfect equal- ity. I distinctly challenge the Archbishop to point out a single instance of an assertion, or implication, of jiirisdictioital authority, in it. The next ''appeal" is ''to Pope St. Victor I.," " about the year 190," in regard to " the proper day for celebrating Easter.'' " St. Victor directs the East- ern churches, for the sake of imiformity, to conform to the practice of the West, and Ids instructions arc imivcr sally followed'' (p. 130). The Archbishop is right about Victor's " directing'' them ; but it was a piece of impudence on his part, and met with the reception from the East which it so richly deserved ; while, in the West, even Irenseus, who agreed with him as to the proper day, ' ' severely cen- sured Victor by letter," says Socrates {EccL Hist., 1. V. c. 22), "for his immoderate heat." It is marvellous that an Archbishop, with Eusebius at hand, and the Synodal Epistle of Nice within reach, should venture on the assertion 1 have italicized. What said Poly crates. Bishop of Ephesus, as reported by Eusebius (1. v. c. 24) ? " For there were seven, my relatives, Bishops, and I am the eighth ; and my relatives ahva3^s observed the day when the people {i.e., the Jews) threw away the leaven. I, therefore, brethren, am now sixty-five years in the Lord, who having conferred with the brethren throughout the world, and having studied the whole of the Sacred Scriptures, am not at all alarmed at those things with which I am threatened, to intimidate me. For they w^ho are greater than I, have said, ' we ought to obey God rather than men. ' " No wonder that such a man, w^hen Victor excommunicated him, and those v/ho held with him, including "the churches of all Asia, together with the neighboring churches," A.D., 196, set at naught the brittuin fnlmen, and that the East- ern custom went on with them a hundred and twenty- THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE. 149 nine years longer, down to the first General Council, at Nice, when, for the first time a friendly agreement was reached, as witness the following, from the Synodal Epistle of that Council : *' We however declare to you the glad tidings of our agreement respecting our most holy feast of Easter ; that by your prayers, this par- ticular also has been rightly settled, so that all the brethren of the East, who formerly kept the feast with the Jews, and did not agree w4th the Romans, and with you, and with all those who have from the beginning kept it with us, shall from henceforth keep it with us/' So much for Pope St. Victor, v^^ho was any thing but victorious in the matter of his claim to '* entertain and decide" cases on ''appeal/' The Church of his day recognized no such claim. *'Dionysius, Bishop of Rome, about the middle of the third century, having heard that the Patriarch of Alexandria erred on some points of faith, demands an explanation of the suspected Prelate, who, in obedience to his superior, promptly vindicates his owm orthodoxy" (P- 131). Change '' demands" into ** requests," and " in obe- / dience to his superior" into *'in compliance with the ' request of his brother Bishop," and leave out the word '' promptly," since the vindication was a treatise which he composed, in four books, and the Archbishop's par- agraph will express, v/hat, as it stands, it does not express, namely, the truth. In this, the Bishop of Rome did no more than any other Bishop might do. At this very time, Paul of Samosata, Bishop of Antioch, was called to account for heresy, first by Firmilian of Cappadocia, and afterwards by his brother Bishops in Council, tried, condemned, deposed, and Domnus put in his place, without so much as the Pope's knovv^ing it till all was over, and then notice sent to him (and at the same time to the Patriarch of Alexandria) not that he might hear the case on appeal — such a thing was un- 150 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, known to the Church of that age — but that he might (to use the very words of the notice) '* write [to Dom- nus], and receive letters of communion from him ;" — the very same purpose for which the notice was sent also to the Patriarch of Alexandria. There was not the slightest distinction made by the Council, in this matter, between the Pope and the Patriarch. See the history of it at large, in Eusebhis (1. vii. cc. 27-30). I have thus disposed of three of the Archbishop's in- stances. I might go on, and dispose of the other five ; but there is no need of it. Falsits in tribits^ falsus in omnibus, I will only add in regard to Julius I., the Arch- bishop's fourth instance, that his power in the matter of appeals, whatever it was, was derived from the ex- press grant of the Council of Sardica (a.d. 347),"^ a grant made at the instance of Hosius, Bishop of Cor- dova, one of the Presidents of the Council of Nice, twenty-two years before, which Council, so far from being aware of any power in the Bishop of Rome to '' entertain and decide'' appeals, actually enacted in its fifth canon that appeals should be decided finally by Provincial Synods, to be *' assembled twice every year in every Province." And yet we are assured by the Archbishop that the right of '' entertaining and decid- ing" appeals, which the three hundred and eighteen Bishops of the Council of Nice had never heard of, and which the Council of Sardica, twenty-two years later, conferred for the first time on Pope Julius I., had be- longed to the '' See of Rome, from the foundation of Christianit}^ "! *' 2. Christians of every denomination admit the or- thodox};^ of the Fathers of the first five centuries of the Church [What ! Of Tertullian and Origen ?] . . * See Gieseler, Period II. § 94. Bower's History of the Popes, vol. I., Julius. THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE. 151 '* Now the Fathers of the Church, with one voice, pay homage to the Bishops of Rome as their superiors" (P- 132). As the Archbishop on account of his '' limited space" gives no extracts on this vital f^ovuX., but contents him- self Avith referring his readers to " a work " (in at least three volumes, for he quotes (p. 210) from the third), *' entitled, ' Faith of Catholics,' " and as not one in a thousand of them probably ever saw it, or ever will see it, I shall content myself with showing the falsity of the Archbishop's assertion that they, ''with one voice, pay homage," etc. St. Poly carp, pupil of St. John and Bishop of Smyrna, is one of " the Fathers of the Church," his Epistle to the Philippians being contained in the various editions of the Apostolic Fathers. Did he pay homage to the Bishop of Rome as his superior ? What says Eusebius (1. V. c. 24), quoting from Irenseus, in the matter of the proper time for keeping Easter ? *' And when the blessed Poly carp went to Rome, in the time of Anicetus (a.d. 157-168), and they had a little difference among themselves likewise respecting other matters, they immediately were reconciled, not disputing much with one another on this head. For neither could Anicetus persuade Poly carp not to ob- serve it [namely, the day of the Jewish Passover, as Easter], because he had always observed it with John the disciple of our Lord, and the rest of the apostles, with whom he associated ; and neither did Polycarp persuade Anicetus to observe, who said that he was bound to maintain the practice of the presb3^ters before him. Which things being so, they communed with each other ; and in the church Anicetus yielded to Polycarp, out of respect, no doubt, the office of con- secrating [the bread and wine], and they separated from each other in peace, all the church being at peace ; both 152 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, those that observed and those that did not observe, maintaining peace. Piainl)^, St. Poiycarp paid no homage to Anicetus as his superior. Thb two Bishops met on a footing of perfect equahty ; of mutual respect and regard ; and so they parted. If all the Bishops of Rome had been like Anicetus, the Church would have remained united and harmonious even until now. What says St. Cyprian (one of the Fathers specially mentioned by the Archbishop) with his fellow Bishops of the Council of Carthage (a.d. 256) in opposition to the claim of Pope Stephen ? '* None of us styles himself Bishop of Bishops, or forces his colleagues to obedience by the dread of his tyranny : since every Bishop is free to act as he will, according to the liberty and power which belong to him ; nor can he be judged by another, in such sort as he cannot become the other's judge {tamque jitdicari ab alio 7ton possit, qiiain ncc ipse potest judicarc). But we await, one and all, the judgment of our Lord Jesus Christ, who alone has the power both of preferring us in the government of His Church and of judging of our conduct." {Ill Coneil, Carthag.) Seethe original Latin in Browne on the Artieles, Art. 37 ; also in Gieseler, vol. i., sect. 68, where may be found, condensed into six octavo pages, the very pith and marrow of the hierarch- ical arrangements, with numerous citations of authori- ties in Greek and Latin. What says St. Jerome (another of the Fathers specially mentioned by the Archbishop) in his Epistle to Evangelus ? '' The Church of Rome is not to be thought one thing, and that of the whole world another. Gaul, and Britain, and Africa, and Persia, and the East, and Ju- dasa, and all the barbarous nations, adore also one Christ, and observe the same rule of truth. If authority is sought for, the world is greater than one city. THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE. I S3 Wherever there is a Bishop, whether at Rome or Eugubium, or Constantinople, or Rhegium, or Alexan- dria, or Tanis, he is of the same excellency, of the same Episcopate. The power of wealth and the lowliness of poverty do not make a Bishop either less or greater ; but they are all the successors of the Apostles. ' ' Migne, Patrologia, vol. xxii. (Hieronym. vol. i.), col. 1194. So much for Cyprian and Jerome. If either or both of them elsewhere speak a different language, so much the worse for the Archbishop ; for they are his wit- nesses ; he called them into court, along with others, to prove that they, '^ with one voice, pay homage to the Bishops of Rome as their superiors," and they prove just the contrary ; as does also St. Polycarp, whom he didn t call into court, because he knew that his testi- mony, the testimony of his actions — and actions speak louder than words — would m.ake an irreparable break in the '' one voice.'' I might go on to examine the other witnesses specially mentioned by the Archbishop, Basil, Chrysostom, Augustine, Ambrose, and Leo. But there is no need ; for even if the}^ all spoke " with one voice" on his side of the question, which they do not, the '* one voice'' has been already shattered into hopeless fragments. '' 3. Ecumenical Councils afford another eloquent vindication of Papal supremacy. . . . '' The first General Council was held in Nicsea (Nice) in 325 ; the second, in Constantinople, in 381 ; the third in Ephesus, in 431 ; the fourth, in Chalcedon, in 451 ; the fifth, in Constantinople, in 553 ; the sixth, in the same city, in 680 ; the seventh, in Nic^ea, in 787 ; and the eighth, in Constantinople, 869. *' The Bishops of Rome convoked these assemblages, or at least cojisented to their convoeation ; they presided by their legates over all of them, except the first and second councils of Constantinople, and they confirmed all these eight by their authority" (pp. 133, 134). 154 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. The clause I have italicised vs> well put in, for so far as respects the first four — and I shall not concern myself about the last four (only two of which, by the way, are General), since the earliest of them was in the latter half of the sixth century, by which time the influence of the Bishop of Rome had very much increased — I say, so far as respects the first four, not one of them was con- voked by the Bishop of Rome ; nor did he preside by his legates over any of them ; nor was his consent given (except in the case of the fourth, of which more pres- ently) before, and in order to, the convoking of them. What says Dupin ? * Q. Which is the first (Ecumenical or General Council ? '* A. That which was held at Niece in Bithynia, in the year 325. '' Q. Who called that Council ? *' A. The Emperor Constantine. . . . The Le- gates of Pope St. Sylvester assisted [that is, were pres- ent] at it. We don't certainly know who was Presi- dent of that Assembly, but 'tis likely it was Osius Bishop of Corduba. " (Dupin, Century iv., chap. 4.) According to others, the Council had three Presi- dents, Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria, Eustathius of Antioch, and Hosius of Cordova. Hosius, however, was not, as is pretended, one of the legates of the Bishop of Rome ; for Eusebius, in his Life of Constan- tine (1. iii. c. 7), as reported by Socrates {EccL Hist. 1. i. c. 8), expressly distinguishes him from them thus : '' Hosius, the most celebrated of the Spaniards, took his seat among the rest. The prelate of the imperial city [Rome] was absent through age ; but his presby- ters were present, and filled his place." What that '' place" was, which they '' filled," we may learn from Theodoret {EccL Hist, 1. i. c. 7) : The bishop of Rome, on account of his very advanced age, was necessarily absent, but he sent two presbyters to the council, for THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE. 155 the purpose [of presiding in his stead ? no] of taking part in all the transactions." '' When Theodosius came to the Empire, Arianism was entirely demolished by the Council of Constanti- nople, which was called the second General Council. . . . Meletius Bishop of Antioch presided in that Assembly. '* (Dupin, Cent. iv. c. 4.) '' A.D. 381. The emperor soon after convened a coun- cil of orthodox bishops. (Sozomen, 1. vii. c. 7.) '* After this the emperor without delay summoned a synod of the prelates of his own faith. (Socrates, 1. V. c. 8.) *' As soon as Theodosius obtained the imperial gov- ernment ... he assembled all the bishops of his part of the empire to Constantinople.*' (Theodoret, 1. V. c. 6.) '' Before this Sentence [of the Council in Egypt, A.D. 430] was signified to Nestorius, he desired Theodosius to assemble a Council. . . . This emperor sum- moned one at Ephesus on Whitsuntide of the following Year. '' Q. Who was President of that Council ? '' A. 'Twas certainly Cyril [of Alexandria] ; but some [among them the Archbishop] pretend it was in the Name of the Pope.*' (Dupin, Cent. v. chap. 2. See his narrative in full, where the pros and cons are balanced.) '' Shortly after this the emperor's madate was issued directing the bishops in all places to assemble at Ephe- sus." (Socrates, 1. vii. c. 34.) '* Hilarius • . . informed St. Leo of the manner in Avhich things had been done : That Pope immediately assembled a Council and demanded [mark that !] of the Emperor to assemble a General Council in Italy, to judge of the Appeal of Flavianus. Theodosius made Answer, That he had already assembled a General Council at Ephesus, that the Matter was examined and IS6 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, judged there, that Flavianus was found guilty, had been condemned, and it was needless and even impossi- ble to do any more. St. Leo sent four Legates into the East to solicite [mark that !] a new judgment. Theo- dosius was dead when they arrived. Pulcheria, who had a great deal of Deference for the Bishop of Rome, persuaded the Emperor Martianus, her Husband, whom she had set upon the Throne after the death of Theo- dosius, to have that Affair examined in a Council. He presently appointed one at Nice, and when the Bishops were met there, he order'd them to go to Chalcedon, where the Council met for the first time on the 8th of October, 451. This Council was held in the great Church of St. Euphemia, in the Presence of the Com- missioners; Officers of the Emperor, and Counsellors of State, who regulated every Motion of it, and were seated in the middle of the Assembly ; at their left were Paschasinus and Lucentius, Bishops, and the Priest Boniface, the Pope^s Legates, then Anatolus of Con- stantinople, and after him Maximus of Antioch, and the Bishops of the East. On the Right was Dioscurus of Alexandria, Juvenal of Jerusalem, and the Bishops of Egypt, lUyria, and Palestine. The Holy Gospels were placed in the Middle. The Number of the Bishops, ac- cording to St. Leo, were about 600, and according to Liberatus and Photius, 630. However there are but 350 in the Subscriptions.'' (Dupin, Cent. v. chap. 2.) I have given this long extract because of its impor- tance, and because its 28th Canon, which I shall cite be- fore I get through with this chapter, is absolutely de- cisive of the whole question. From the foregoing we see that every one of the first four General Councils was summoned by the Em- peror ; that, so far from the Pope's having \\\^ prerog- ative of consenting, or (as is implied in the Archbishop's assertion, if it is to the point) refusing to consent, the Great Leo, when he '* demanded " the calling of a THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE. 137 fourth General Council, was politely snubbed by the Emperor, and thereupon was contented to send four legates to him, to ** solicit '' what had been refused to his ** demand \' and that in not one of the four Councils did the Pope by his legates preside, for the Patriarch of Alexandria was at the Council of Ephesus in his own right. So much for three of the Archbishop's assertions. There remains one more : ** Before becoming a law, the actsof the Councils required the Pope's signature ;" there is not the slightest foundation for this assertion : I challenge the Archbishop to bring forward a shadow of proof of it. He goes on, *' just as our Congressional proceedings require the President's signature before they acquire the force of law." They dont require the President's signature for that purpose. There is a law on the statute-book, put there by the last Congress, in spite of the President's withholding his signature. We are not quite under an absolute monrchy yet, in church or state. After all this, the Archbishop has the courage to say, '' The Pope convenes, rules, and sanctions the Synods, not by courtesy, but by right ;" and he asks, ** Is not this a striking illustration of the Primacy ?" It would be, if it were founded in truth. ** 4. I shall refer to one more historical point in sup- port of the Pope's jurisdiction over the whole Church. It is a most remarkable fact that every nation hitherto converted from Paganism to Christianity, since the days of the Apostles [the Sandwich Islands, for instance], lias re- ceived the light of faith from missionaries who were either especially commissioned by the See of Rome [the Congre- gational missionaries to Hawaii, for instance] or sent by Bishops in open communion with that See, \It alios the Archbishop's.] This historical fact admits of no excep- tion. Let me particularize : *' Ireland's Apostle is St. Patrick. Who commis- 158 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. sioned him? Pope St. Celestine, in the fifth century' ' (p. 134). Bede says (1. i. c. 13), *' In the eighth 3'ear of his (Theodosius's) reign, Palladhts was sent by CelestinuSy the Roman Pontiff, to the Scots that believed in Christ, to be their first bishop/' The Scots, it should be re- marked, were not at this time inhabitants of Scotland, but had their abode in the north of Ireland. The AngloSaxon Chronicle sa3^s : ''A. 430. This year Palladhts the bishop was sent to the Scots by Pope Celestinus, that he might confirm their faith. ' ' Another MS. reads, ** A. 430. This year Patrick was sent by pope Celestine to preach baptism to the Scots." Gieseler (vol. i. § 108) speaking of Patrick's Confcssio, or Autobiography, says: ''In this work nothing is found about his journey to Rome, nor of a Papal authorization of a mission to Ireland, of which we find a relation first of all in Hericus Vita S. Germani, i. 12 (Act. SS. Jul. yii.) about 860.'^ St. Patrick himself, it seems, was not aware that the Pope sent him to Ireland, else he would certainly have mentioned it in his Confessio, Neither was any of his successors aware of it till 400 years after. St. Patrick was undoubtedly the Apostle of Ireland, but he went there of himself ; he didn't wait for any Pope to send him there. '' St. Palladius is the Apostle of Scotland. Who sent him? The same Pontiff, Celestine" (p. 134). How happens it then that St. Andrew is the Patron Saint of Scotland ? The Archbishop seems to suppose that because Palladius was sent to the Scots, he was sent to Scotland ; he seems not to be aware that the Scots were living, at that time, not in Scotland but in the north of Ireland, and that when, some hundreds of years later, they took possession of the northern part of Britain, they gave their name to it, as did the Angles, in like manner, theirs to the southern part. THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE, 159 ** England received the faith from St. Augustine, a Benedictine monk, as all historians Catholic and non- Catholic testify. Who empowered Augustine to preach ? Pope Gregory I., at the end of the sixth cen- tury" (p. 134). ^ So then, not only is Joseph of Arimathea in Britain a myth, but so also is '' blessed Alban," who, in 305, '* suffered death," as Venerable Bede testifies (1. i. c. 7), ** on the 22d day of June, near the city oi Verulam," 299 years before the monk Augustine came into Eng- land ; and Pelagius the British monk, who denied the doctrine of Original Sin, is another myth, and St. Augustine (not the monk) spent his mighty energies in demohshing a man of straw ! Will the Archbishop allege that he means that the heathen Saxons, who conquered the Christian Britons and drove them out of England into Wales, ''received the faith from St. Augustine." Why didn't he say so, then ? Why didn't he frankly tell his readers (most of whom are probably unfamiliar with ecclesiastical history) that Britain had been Chris- tian, certainly four hundred years, probably five hun- dred, at the time of Augustine's mission to its Saxon, conquerors, instead of leaving them to infer that Chris- tianity was first brought into that country by Augus- tine ? Is that doing as he would be done by ? ** St. Remigius established the faith in France, at the close of the fifth century. He was in active communion Avith the See of Peter" (p. 135). Here we have another reckless siippressio vert, and consequent suggestio falsi, Gaul, like Britain, was a Christian country, and had been from Apostolic times. Irenaeus was Bishop of Lyons three hundred years be- fore what the Archbishop calls the cstablishmg of the faith, which was really nothing more than baptizing Clovis, king of the Franks, who had at that time '' es- tablished " themselves in that country. But there is one nation that the Archbishop has con- i6o THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. veniently forgotten. I mean Wales, which was and is as much a nation as Ireland and Scotland. Wales, or, as it was then called, Britannia Secunda, embraced, in the time of the Romans, all that part of Britain w^est of the Severn, including Hereford and Worcester. Within this part of the island the Britons were driven by the victorious Saxons, and here they withstood the invaders, and were in undisputed pos- session at the time when Augustine came into Engand. Now these Britons Avere Christians, and had been for at least 400 years ; for says Lingard, Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Clmrch (chap. i. note 5), **that the Chris- tian faith was publicly professed in Britain, before the close of the second century, is clear from incontestable authority.'* And he refers to Tertullian and Origen, both of whom were living at that time, in proof of it. About a hundred years later, the Bishops ot London, York, and Lincoln sat in the Council of Aries, in Gaul, A.D. 314, and their names are subscribed to its proceed- ings. But these Sees had become, for the time being, extinct, when Augustine came into England. But the Britons in Wales were then under an Archbishop and seven Bishops ; and these seven Bishops, with Dinoth the Abbot of Bangor, by appointment met Augustine, on the borders ot their territory, at a place afterwards called, from that meeting, Augustine's Oak. '* He (Augustine)," says Bede (1. ii. c. 2), *' said to them, ' You act in many particulars contrary to our custom, or rather the custom of the universal church, and yet if you will comply with me in these three points — viz., to keep Easter at the due time ; to administer baptism, by which we are again born to God, according to the custom of the holy Roman Apostolic Church ; and jointly with us to preach the word of God to the Eng- lish nation, we will readily tolerate all the other things you do, though contrary to our customs.' They answered they would do none of those things, nor re- THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE, i6i ceive him as their archbishop/' Bede, whose preju- dice against them is seen throughout his narrative, does not inform us what reason they gave for their re- fusal ; but Spelman {Con, Brit, an. 6oi, T. i. p. io8), as quoted by Bingham {Antiq. 1. ii. c. i8, s. 2), says that Dinoth '' told Austin in the Name of all the Britannick Churches, That they owed no other Obedience to the. Pope of Rome, than they did to every Godly Chris- tian, to love every one in his Degree in perfect Char- ity : Other Obedience than this, they knew none due to liim v/hom he named Pope, etc. But they were un- der the Government of the Bishop of Caer-Leon upon Uske, who was their Overseer under God." Schelstrate, replying to Stillingfleet, objects that the Manuscript followed by Spelman is spurious ; but Bingham (1. ix. c. i. s. 11) examines his objections in de- tail, and shows unanswerably that they are worthies?. The only one that has the slightest plausibility is this, that Caer-Leon upon Uske was not at this time the archiepiscopal See, it having been transferred, a hun- dred years before, to Menevia, now St. David's. To which Bingham answers that it is not at all uncommon to retain the name of a transferred or extinct See, of which he gives instances, one of them being that '* the Bishop of the Isle Man now retains the Title of Episco- ptts Sodorensis, because Sodora and all the Hebrides, or Islands on the West of Scotland, were once part of his Diocese, though now for many ages they have been separated from it." Of the eight Sees of these seven Bishops and their Archbishop, all of which were in existence at least a hundred years before the coming of Augustine, and therefore a hundred years before the See of Canter- bury, two, Lan-Patern and Morgan, are extinct ; the other six, viz., Hereford, Worcester, Landaff, Bangor, St. Asaph, and St. David's, have existed continuously from that day to this ; a standing visible proof of a l62 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFA THERS. Christianity still existing in Britain, that Avas ?iot brought there '* by missionaries in subjection to the Holy See." / If it had been, those British Christians in the time of/ Augustine would not have had customs so different, and been so tenacious of them. All the indications— in particular the liturgical remains — point in a different direction — nam^ely, to St. John as the source, and the Church of Gaul as the channel. As on a former and memorable occasion, that '' other disciple did outrun Peter, and came first" to Britain : but Peter followed afar off. And when, seventeen hundred years later, the inheritance iit its fulness was to be *' transmitted to another country speaking the same language — descend- ants, in short, of the mother country," again ihcit other disciple did outrun Peter ; and again Peter lagged be- hind."^ Bishop Seabury was consecrated in 1784 ; Bishops White and Provost in 1787 ; the Most Rev. John Carroll in 1790. The Archbishop's claim to these United States, then, on the score of priority, will not stand. As little will it on any other score. The hier- archy of which he is the head did not come from the mother country, for the excellent reason that there was no Roman hierarchy there at that time ; none from the death of Cardinal Pole, a few hours after that of '' Bloody Mary," till the creation of the See of West- minster, and the appointment of Dr. Wiseman to it, in our day. Hiatus ingens, sed non valde deflendits. For the first eleven years of Queen Elizabeth's reign (as I have remarked in a former chapter — and it cannot be too often repeated) there was but one organization in England that called itself a church — namely, that which was then, and had been from the beginning, and is now, the Church of England. In the twelfth year of her reign began the *' Anglo-Roman Schism." Then, for the first time in English history, was formed, and par- * I have taken a sentence or two here from The Afterpiece to the Com- edy of Convocation, THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE. 163 tially organized, a religious Sect, which received its complete organization only within our own day, and which even then did not attempt to claim the old his- toric Sees, but contented itself with establishing new ones, '* Westminster, Beverly, Birmingham," etc. (all Briunmageifi)^ thereby proclaiming its modern origin. Of this earliest English Sect they who first settled Mary- land were members, and they brought the Sect with them ; and here it is now, and the Archbishop is the head of it. A Sect doesn't change its nature by cross- ing the ocean. Cc^hun, non animnm, mutant qui trans mare currunt. The inhabitants of Florida, Louisiana, etc., were members of a (corrupt) branch of the Church, but they have made themselves members of a sect by their merger into the Roman Sect in the United States. And if they had not, it wouldn't help them ; for no church has, or can have, mission from Christ to preach Tridentine Romanism anywhere. The less said by the Archbishop, therefore, about his claim to the United States, the better. ** Henry VIII. was a stout defender of the Pope's su- premacy until Clement VI L refused to legalize his adultery ' (p. 13.8). This is false, as I have already (page 34) shown from Lingard. You have seen that the Bishop of Rome is appointed not by man, but by Jesus Christ, President of the Chris- tian commonwealth " (p. 138). That is just what we haven't seen ; and what the Council of Chalcedon didn't see either ; as witness its twenty-eighth Canon, and the third Canon of the Coun- cil of Constantinople to which it refers. This last runs thus : '' The Bishop of Constantinople shall have the Primacy of honor after the Bishop of Rome, because that Constantinople is new Rome." The other, the twenty eighth of Chalcedon, is as follows : ** We following in all things the decisions of the holy 164 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. Fathers, and acknowledging the Canon [the third of Constantinople, above cited] of the 1 50 most religious Bishops which has just been read, do also determine and decree the same things respecting the privileges of the most holy city of Constantinoi3le, New Rome. For the Fathers properly gave the Primacy to the Throne of the elder Rome, because that was the im- perial city. And the 150 most religious Bishops [at the Council of Constantinople], being moved with the same intention, gave equal privileges to the most holy Throne of New Rome, judging with reason, that the city which was honored with the sovereignty and senate, and which enjoyed equal privileges with the elder royal Rome, should also be magnified like her in ecclesiastical matters, being the second after her. " (Hammond, Six Ecumenical Coimcils.) ''^ The rest of the Canon merely specifies what Metropolitans and other Bishops the Bishop of Constantinople shall ordain. *' Q. Did the Pope's Legates suffer those Privileges to be granted to the Church of Constantinople ? ** A. No : Next day they complained that after their and the Commissioners Departure, Rules had been made which they thought contrary to the Canons and Discipline of the Church. They demanded that they might be read over again, which they were accord- ingly. Paschasinus and Lucentius [the Pope's legates] opposed the Right granted to the Bishop of Constanti- nople. The other Bishops of the Council stood to what they had done. The Commissioners concluded that the Bishop of Rome ought to have the Primacy and Honour ; That he of Constantinople ought to enjoy the same Prerogative of Honour. . . . The Pope's Legates demanded, that the Acts of that Regulation should be cancelled ; or, if they would not do that, that their Protest might remain join'd to the Acts. * See the original Greek, in Gieseler^ vol. i, § 93, n, 14. THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE. 165 Notwithstanding this Protestation, the Bishops declar'd thao they persisted ; and the Commissioners, without taking any Notice of what had been said by the Pope's Legates, decided, that the whole Synod had approv'd their Resolution." (Dupin, iit supra,) Let the reader now turn back to page 156, and read again the account I have there given from Dupin, the Archbishop's own historian, of the com- position and organization of this by far the largest Council of the undivided Church ever held ; four times as large as that of Constantinople ; three times as large as that of Ephesus ; twice as large as that of Nice ; and he will be prepared to appreciate the value of the testi- mony — and it is as testimony that I cite it — of the 630 Bishops, representative men, of whom it was composed. They testify, with one voice, to three points : first, that the primacy was one of honor, not of jurisdiction ; secondly, that it was given by the Fathers, not by Christ ; thirdly, that it was given to *' the (Episcopal) Throne of the elder Rome," not because it was the See of Peter, but because Rome was the '* imperial city." Testimony could not be more explicit. And it makes no difference with it, that the Pope refused his assent ; for even if that assent had been necessary (which it was not) to give it the force of law, it was of course not necessary to its force as testimony. Viewed in that light, it was 630 Bishops on one side ; the Bishop of Rome on the other. And the testimony of these 630 is, that they know nothing of any primacy, still less supre- macy, of Peter, handed down to the Bishops of Rome as his Successors. This, of itself, is absolutely conclu- sive of the whole matter. How Rome came at last to wield so widespread a supremacy is easily explained. At the time of the meeting of the second General Council, in 381, there were three Patriarchal Sees, Antioch, Rome, and Alex- andria. The Council added a fourth, Constantinople. 1 66 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. The first three were of Apostolic origin ; the last, of a later date. ** Thus/' in the words of Swete, England versus Rome (p. 56), '* the constitution of the Church was brought as nearly as possible into correspondence with that of the empire : four great ecclesiastical Patri- archates answered to the four Praetorian prasfectures which divided the civil administration of the Roman world. ' ' Next followed, almost as a matter of course, a strug- gle for precedence between the greater Patriarchs." Antioch and Alexandria wxre Apostolical, but not Im- perial ; Constantinople was Imperial, but not Aposto- lical ; Rome was both Imperial and Apostolical. Add to this, that while Rome was the only Patriarchate in the West, the allegiance of the East was divided among the other three, and each, in turn, in its rivalry with the other two, appealed to Rome, not as an umpire, still less as a sovereign, but as a partisan, and she, in taking sides, followed policy rather than principle, and her growing ascendency follows as a matter of course. But the growth was slow. Even as late as the end of the sixth century, Gregory the Great denounced him who should call himself Universal Bishop, as the '' fore- runner of anti-Christ ;" and in a letter to Eulogius of Alexandria (1. vii. ep. 36, cited by BoAver, History of the Popes) thus writes : '* If you give more to me than is due to me, you rob yourself of what is due to you. I choose to be distinguished by my manners, and not by titles. Nothing can redound to my honor that re- dounds to the dishonor of my brethren. I place my honor in maintaining them in theirs. If you call me * universal pope,' you thereby own yourself to be no pope.'^ Let no such titles therefore be mentioned, or ever heard, among us. Your holiness says, in your letter, that I commanded you. I commanded you ? I * Pope {papa) was originally the title of all Bishops. INFALLIBILITY OF TIIF POPES. 167 I know who you are, who I am. In rank you are my I brother, in your manners my father. I therefore did I not command ; and beg you will henceforth ever for- bear that word. I only pointed out to you what I thought it was right you should know.'' Grand old Pope ! How he dwarfs the popelings of a later day ! Who would have thought that his Succes- sor, next but one in the line, Boniface III., only ten years later, would assume the very title of '' Universal Bishop,'' and get it settled on himself and his successors by the usurping Emperor Phocas ; thus showing him- self the forerunner of anti-Christ (Gregory being witt ness), if not anti-Christ himself ? CHAPTER XL INFALLIBILITY OF THE POPES. This chapter need not detain us long, as most of its arguments have been already answered in the examin- ation of the last four chapters. There is but one sen- tence in the first three pages that calls for criticism : '' The avowed enemies of the Church charge only five or six Popes with immorality" (p. 141). In answer to this I affirm, on the authority of Bower, who, I suppose, is, in the Archbishop's opinion, one of ''the avowed enemies of the Church," that among those who are no credit to the Church in a moral (not to say spiritual) point of view, though not more than *' five or six" of them are monsters of immorality, are the following : ' Sabinian, John VIII., Boniface VI., Stephen VI. (VII. ?), Christopher, Sergius III., John X., John XII., John XIX., Benedict IX., Gregory VI., Innocent III., Boniface VIII., Clement V., John 1 68 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, XXII., Urban VL, John XXIII. , Paul II., Sixtus IV., Innocent VIII., Alexander VL, Julius II., Leo X., Clement VIL, Paul IIL, Julius III., Pius IV." If wc count craft, and dissimulation, and persecution of here- tics, immoral, the list will be swelled three or four fold. '' What, then, is the real doctrine of Infallibility ? It simply means that the Pope, as successor of St. Peter, Prince of the Apostles, by virtue of the promises of Jesus Christ, is preserved from error ol judgment when he promulgates to the Church a decision on faith or morals. '* The Pope, therefore, be it known, is not the maker of the divine law ; he is only its expounder. . . ** In a word, the Sovereign Pontiff is to the Church, though in a more eminent degree, what the Chief Jus- tice is to the United States. . . . The Chief Justice, with his associate judges, examines the case, and then pronounces judgment upon it ; and this decision is final, irrevocable, and practically infallible. . . . '* When a dispute arises in the Church regarding the sense of Scripture, the subject is referred to the Pope for final adjudication. The sovereign Pontiff, before deciding the case, gathers around him his venerable colleagues, the Cardinals of the Church ; or he calls a council of his associate judges of faith, the Bishops of Christendom ; or he has recourse to other Hghts which the Holy Ghost may suggest to him. Then after ma- ture and prayerful deliberation, he pronounces judg- ment, and his sentence is final, irrevocable, and infalli- ble'^ (pp. 143-14S). As I have already remarked, near the beginning of the last chapter, the Archbishop is peculiarly infelici- tous in drawing analogies from the civil institutions of his country. His representation of the power of decid- ing a case being in the Chief Justice alone, *' his asso- ciate judges" being merely advisers — for that is the intended meaning of his artfully constructed ambigu- INFALLIBILITY OF THF POPFS, 169 ous sentence, or else it is no illustration — is the creation of his own brain ; there is nothing in the reality to cor- respond to it. The Chief Justice — I mention this, of course, merely for the information of the Archbishop ; his non-Roman readers are well aware of it, ignorant as he may think them — has no more voice in deciding a question than each and every one of his associates. A bare majority decides, even on the weightiest ques- tions, and it is not by any means uncommon for the Chief Justice to be in the minority. But suppose the Pope, having summoned his Cardinals to '' examine" with him a question of '' faith or morals/' and forty of them having responded to the summons, twenty- one should ** pronounce judgment" on the question, over the heads of the Pope and the other nineteen ! What would be the consequence ? Why, it would be said, and said truly, that the whole Roman judicature had been revolutionized. So much for the Archbishop's fancy sketch of the United States supreme judicature. When it shall have become a true sketch — when the power of '* deciding" shall have been lodged in the Chief Justice alone, the associate judges having only an advisory voice, the ** man on horseback" will have come, and the '' man of sin" will be close behind. Yet the difference, according to the Archbishop, would be only one of degree ; for he says, as we have seen, *' the Sovereign Pontiff is to the Church, though in a more eminent degree, what the Chief Justice is to the United States." There are those, strange as it may seem to the Archbishop, who think the difference between a republic and an absolute monarchy one of kind. But how are these ''venerable colleagues" of the Pope, whom he " gathers around him," the Cardinals, namely, appointed ? Why, by the Pope himself. And how are *' his associate judges of faith, the Bishops of [Roman] Christendom," appointed ? Why, again, by the Pope himself. The overwhelming majority of the 1 70 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, Cardinals and Bishops who sat in the late Council of the Vatican, and declared Pope Pius the Ninth infalli- ble, were the appointees of that same Pope Pius the Ninth ; only a z^^r^^-w^^// proportion were the appointees of his predecessor. I have before me '' Sadlier's Cath- olic Directory, Almanac and Or do for the Year of our Lord 1869/' the very year the Council met. From the list of Cardinals (pp. 49-51) I find that 49 were ap- pointed by Pope Pius, 10 by his predecessor ; of the Bishops in the United States (pp. 52-54), 48 by Pope Pius, 8 by his predecessor ; of the Bishops in British America (Part II., pp. 3, 4) 22 by Pope Pius, i by his predecessor ; of the Bishops in Ireland (omitting Arch- bishop Cullen, whose name appears among the Cardi- nals) (Part II., p. 71), 26 by Pope Pius, i by his prede- cessor ; of the Bishops in Great Britain (p. 74), 17 by Pope Pius, 7ione by his predecessor. The date of the consecration of these latter is not given, but as the Anglo-Roman hierarchy was created by Pope Pius, it is not probable that the consecration of any on the list dates back to his predecessor. Taking the aggregate of the Bishops, we have 113 appointed by Pope Pius, and only 10 by his predecessor. If this is a fair crite- rion for the rest of the Roman Bishops (and it can't be far out of the way), then of the 520 Bishops that were present, according to Quirinus {^Letters from Rome on the Council, Letter 66), at the final vote, only 42 owed their elevation to Pope Gregory ; the remaining 478 ' were the appointees of Pope Pius. Practically, then, it was Pope Pius the Ninth that declared Pope Pius the ' Ninth infaUible ! The Archbishop brings forward three passages of Scripture to prove the infallibility of the Pope, to wit, ** Mat. 16 ; Luke 22 : 31, 32 ; John2i : 16, 17." Thefirst, ' ' Thou art Peter, ' ' etc. , and the last, ' ' Feed my sheep, ' ' etc., I have already disposed of. The second the Archbishop gives thus : INFALLIBILITY OF THE POPES. 171 *** Behold Satan hath desired to have you (my Apostles), that he may sift you as wheat. But I have prayed for thee (Peter) that thy faith fail not ; and thou being once converted, confirm [in our Version, '' strengthen"] thy brethren/ It is worthy of note that Jesus prays only for Peter " (p. 146). How does the Archbishop know that ? There is no '* only" in the record ; it is a sheer assumption of the Archbishop's ; all that the language necessarily in- volves is, that Christ prayed specially for Peter. ** And why for Peter in particular ? Because on his shoulders was to rest the burden of the Church "(p. 147). Not so. The conclusion is altogether too big for the premises. The obvious reason — obvious from the two verses next following — is that Peter was specially prayed for because specially in danger ; specially (from his overweening self-confidence) accessible to tempta- tion. And this the result showed ; for he alone of the eleven denied his Master. " And when thou art con- verted, strengthen thy brethren." As much as to say, '' Make use of thy bitter experience for the fortifjdng of thy tempted brethren" (D. Brown). He that can see in this an official strengthning of the other ten, and their successors, to the end of time, must be keener- eyed than a lynx, or a hawk, or an eagle ! " For optics sharp it takes, I ween, To see what is not to be seen." '* We know that the prayer of Jesus is always heard. Therefore the faith of Peter will always be firm" (p. ^47). Let us put this into syllogistic form : 1. The pra3^er of Jesus is always heard. 2. Jesus prayed that Peter's faith might not fail. 3. Therefore Peter's faith will always be firm. Here we have an assumption in every member. It 172 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. is assumed \n the major premise that to hear prayer is to grant the specific request. It \s assumed \n the minor premise that not to fail, on a specific occasion (which is, so far as we are informed, all that was prayed for), is never to fail. It is assumed in the conclusion that not to fail is to be firm. This last assumption makes weak faith no faith at all. The second assumption is so mani- fest that it needs only to be mentioned. The j^r^-/ as- sumption is contradicted by fact. The faith of Peter did fail temporarily notwithstanding the prayer ; it was, to say the least, under an eclipse ; and it it was under an eclipse then, why may it not be, in the per- son of his alleged successor, under an eclipse now ? Furthermore, Jesus prayed (St. John 17 : 20, 21) for his followers, to the end of time, " that they all may be one.'' Are they all one? What says the Archbishop himself? *' No one will deny that in our days there exists a vast multitude of sects, which are daily multi- plying. No one will deny that this multiplying of creeds is a crying scandal and a great stumbling block in the way of the conversion of heathen nations. No one can deny that these divisions in the Christian family are traceable to the assumption of the right of private judgment " (p. 106). It will be observed that, by the Archbishop's own admission, these *' divisions" are in ''the Christian family ;" that very family for which Jesus prayed that they all might be one. It is plain, then, from the Archbishop himself, that *' the prayer of Jesus" is not " always heard," in the shape of a bestowal of the spe- cific thing prayed for ; and so his inference about Peter falls to the ground. So much for ''the faith of Peter." Grant the Archbishop an assumption in the major, an assumption in the minor, and an assumption in the conclusion, and he is irresistible. But where did he get his logic ? Having got through with his Scripture proofs, the INFALLIBILITY OF THE POPES. I73 Archbishop next appeals to three *' General Councils," as he calls them — the Eighth, in Constantinople in 869, the Second of Lyons in 1274, and that of Florence in 1439 5 but as the earliest of the three was held more than eight hundred years after the death of St. Peter, and '*was attended by about 100 Eastern Bishops" only, and ** was annulled in 879," only ten years later, '*by a synod of 384 Bishops at Constantinople, and has always since been rejected by the Eastern Church ;" and as the second of the three " was never accounted ecumenical in the East, the Eastern Patriarchs and Bishops not having sent any deputies to it, and what- ever consent some of them gave to the union [of the Greek and Roman Churches] having been extorted by the violence of the Emperor Michael Pal^eologus, who was desirous of obtaining the political assistance of the Roman See ;" and as the claims of both of these to ecumenicity were repudiated by the last of the three — that of Florence — officially styling itself the Eighth ; and as this last '* was immediately rejected in the East- ern Churches, and has never since been recognized by them ;" for all which facts, with abundance of Roman authorities in proof of them, see Palmer on the Church, edited by Bishop Whittingham, New York, D. Appleton & Co., 1841, vol. ii., pp. 203, 216, and 222, I shall dis- miss them with the simple remark that the appeal to them by the Archbishop shows how desperate his case is ; for if there were a shadow of evidence on his side in the first six universally admitted General Councils, he would be only too glad to bring it forward. It is a remarkable fact— I say it after a careful search through his book with reference to this very point, in which search I believe I have not overlooked anything ; if I have, I am open to correction — I say, it is a remarkable fact that (with the exception of a line from the Niceno- Constantinopolitan Creed on page 56) throughout his whole book he never once quotes a single sentence from 174 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, ' any one of the first six General Councils. They are every one of them against him, and he knows it. Hence the wide berth he gives them. On page 150 he argues the infallibility of the '' visible Head," because ** the body/' of which he is the head, '* is infallible ;" because ** it is, as St. Paul says, ' Avith- out spot or wrinkle, or any such thing.' '' But St. Paul doesn't say that ; he is speaking (Eph. 5 : 25, 27) not of what it ''is," but of what it is to be. He is ex- horting husbands to love their wives, *' even as Christ also loved the church, and gave himself for it ; that he might . . . present it to himself a glorious church, not having spot, or wrinkle, or any such thing." When ? At '' the marriage supper of the Lamb :" *' for the marriage of the Lamb is come, and his wife hath made herself ready. And to her was granted that she should be arrayed in fine linen j clean and white ; for the fine linen is the righteousness of saints. And he saith unto me, ^Vrite, Blessed are they which are called unto the marriage supper of the Lamb " (Rev. 19 : 7-9). '* The Council of the Vatican in promulgating, in 1870, the Pope's Infallibility, did not create a new doctrine, but confirmed an old one" (p. 151). *' This was equivalent to the declaration that the doctrine in question had been revealed to the Apostles, and had come down to us from them, either by Scripture or tra- dition" (p. 29). If so, how comes it that the Rev. Thomas Maguire, in the Report of the Discussion between him and the Rev. Richard T. P. Pope,"^ says, on page 47, ''I may * " Authenticated Report of the Discussion which took place between the Rev. Richard T. P. Pope, and the Rev. Thomas Maguire in the Lec- ture Room of the Dublin Institution on the 19th, 20th, 21st, 23d, 24th, and 25th of April, 1827. Dublin : R. Coyne, Capel-St. R. M. Tims, Grafton St. and W. Curry, Jun. & Co. Sackville-St. 1827." Mr. Maguire is the original of the famous " Father Tom and the Pope ;" though how he was made to sit for that portrait, is not obvious ; for the likeness is by no means striking. The imaginary Father Tom is rude and INFALLIBILITY OF THE POPES. 175 premise that the Pope's infallibility is not a doctrine of mine, nor of any Catholic '? And on page 60, ** Here [St. Matt. 16 : 18, " On this rock/' etc.] is the infalH- bility promised by our Lord, and claimed by the Cath- olic Church, and not the infallibility of the Pope, which my learned adversary would cram down the throats of Catholics, ' velint nolint ' — as an article of Catholic faith"? And again, page 63, *' 1 am opposed to the doctrine of the Pope's infallibility. It is imposed upon me by Mr. Pope — but I have already stated that it forms no part of the doctrine of the Catholic Church, and is not received by the Catholics throughout the world" ? And how comes it that DoUinger was ex- communicated for denying it after the decree of the Council, and was not excommunicated for denying it before that decree, if it was as much a doctrine of the Church before as after ? And how comes it that Milner, in his End of Controversy {^'A\a\x\oxq^ John Mur- phy & Co., 1859) — ^ work specially commended to our Bishops in a printed Address t o them by the Arch- bishop's predecessor, the Most Rev. Francis Patrick Kenrick — says, of another doctrine, defined within the last quarter of a century (Letter xii.), '' The church does not decide the controversy concerning the con- ception of the Blessed Virgin, dLud several other disputed points^ because she sees nothing absolutely clear and certain concerning them, either in the written or the unwritten Word ; and therefore leaves her children to form their own opinions concerning them'' ? Here it occurs to me to ask. Who is the Custodian of *' the unwritten Word ?" Is it the infallible Pope ? If rollicking. The real one is kindly and genial ; and so modest, withal that lie wins on you ere you are aware. It is impossible to read his part of the '* Discussion" without feeling a love for the man, whatever maybe thought of the cause he advocates. For learning, and candor, and accuracy of citation, it is in refreshing contrast with the " Httle volume" of the Arch- bishop. 176 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. SO, how does he hand it down to his successor, seeing he is dead before his successor is appointed ? Is it the infaUible Church ? And if so, what is meant by the Church ? Is it the Church diffused ? And is each in- dividual member of it throughout the world the custo- dian of '* the unwritten Word?'' Or is the custody in a select few ? And if so, who are these select few ? And are they infallible ? Anyhow, what is an infallibil- ity (whether of Church or Pope) good for, that doesn't know w^hat it is put in trust with, and '' titer ef ore '* leaves its children to wrangle, in unseemly w^ise, for several hundred years, over points that afterwards turn out to have been all along articles of faith, handed down from the beginning ? And where, all the while, was that boasted unity on those points ? And where is it now, on those '* several other disputed points," which, for aught we know, may be even now articles of faith that have come down to us in *' the unwritten Word," since Infallibility itself, though it has not yet found out that they are, has just as little found out that they are not ? — After all, is the infallibility of the Pope so cer- tain ? Oh yes ! says the Archbishop ; there are in- stances of its actual exercise : '' Thus, in the third century, Pope St. Stephen re- verses the decision of St. Cyprian of Carthage, and of a Council of African Bishops, regarding a question of baptism" (p. 152). Why didn't the Archbishop add [what he well knew to be the fact] that St. Cyprian called a Council of Afri- can Bishops, which reaffirmed the action of the former Council in spite of Pope Stephen's reversal of it ? and that St. Cyprian wrote to Pompeius (Epist. 74) that *' our brother (not father) Stephen . . . among other things either haughty, or not pertinent, or self-contradic- tory, which he wrote without experience and without foresight (inter cetera vel superba, vel ad rem non per- tinentia, vel sibi ipsi contraria, quae imperite atque im- INFALLIBILITY OF THE POPES. 177 provide scripsit), even went so far as to say, ' If any one, therefore, from any heresy whatever {a quacmique haeresi) shall come to us, let him be received simply by imposition of hands/ . . . He forbade to baptize one coming '' from any heresy whatever ;" that is, he pronounced the baptisms of all heretics valid and lawful (omnium h^ereticorum baptismata justa esse et legitima judicavit) ;" and that Firmilian of Cassarea, to whom Cyprian communicated the doings of Stephen, wrote in reply (Epist. Cypr. 75), *' I am justly indig- nant at the open and manifest folly of Stephen (juste indignor ad hanc tam apertam et manifestam Stephani stultitiam)" ? It is plain that neither Cyprian nor Fir- milian believed in Pope Stephen^s infallibility. As little did St. Augustine, who, two hundred years later, writing on the part St. Cyprian took in this con- troversy, * excuses him," says Dupin, *' because that Matter had not been 3^et decided by the Authority of a full or general Council." The decision of (the infalli- ble) Pope Stephen, in St. Augustine's opinion, wasn't binding on St. Cyprian. Dupin continues : ** The first Council of Aries [(a.d. 314) at which were ** 200 Bishops," says Dr. Pusey {Councils of the Church, p. 98) '*from Gaul, Italy, Africa, Spain, Sicily, Sardinia, Britain," and which '' was convened by Constantine"] set up the Distinction of Heretics who baptiz'd in the Name of the Trinity, and those w^ho did not so : It or- dains that the latter should be rebaptiz'd, but that the former should not. . . . The Western Church em- braced this Opinion" {Diipm^ First Three Centuries, Chap. v). So, then, the very act of '*Pope St. Stephen' ' ap- pealed to by the Archbishop as an instance of an infalli- ble decision on a point of faith (for it was not a point of morals, and infallibility has to do only with those two) proves the reverse ; for Stephen /^r^^^^ to baptize one coming from any heresy whatever {a qitaciinqice 17^ THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. hceresi\ and the Council commanded to baptize one com- ing from an anti-trinitarian heresy ; thus reversing the decision of Pope Stephen ; and the Western Church, with Pope Sylvester at its head, accepted the reversal. '' Pope St. Innocent I., in the fifth century, con- demns the Pelagian heresy, in reference to which St. Augustine wrote this memorable sentence : * The acts of two Councils were sent to the Apostolic See whence an answer was returned ; the question is ended. Would to God that the error had also ceased ' " (p. 152). Why did St. Augustine say *' the question is ended ?" Not because he recognized the infallibility of the Pope, for we have just seen he did not ; else he would not have excused Cyprian for setting Stephen's decision at nought, on the ground that a General Council had not spoken ? Why, then ? Because, as Bower {History of the Popes, Philad. 1847, ^"^1- i- P- H^) well explains it, St. Augustine suspected Innocent of a leaning towards Pelagianism, and feared he might side with the here- tics ; in which case there might have been a protracted conflict between the Pope and the African Bishops. When therefore he found him siding with the two Councils, he felt and said, *' the question is ended." Having thus given two instances of papal infallibility, one from the third century, the other from the fifth, both of which I have shown to be no instances, the Archbishop leaps, at one bound, over nine centuries, and comes to '' the fourteenth ;" I shall therefore leap over the other five, and come to the nineteenth. '' The Church, therefore, like civil powers, must have a permanent and stationar}^ supreme tribunal to interpret its laws, and to determine cases of religious controversy. ** What constitutes this permanent supreme court of the Church ? Does it consist of the Bishops assembled in General Council ? No ; because this is not an ordi- nary but an extraordinary tribunal, which meets, on TEMPORAL POWER OF THE POPES. 179 an average, only once in a hundred years. . . . The Pope, then, as Head of the CathoUc [meaning the Roman] Church, constitutes, with just reason, this supreme tribunal" (pp. 153, 154). To this I reply": If ''the Holy Roman Church'* \ managed to rub along for 1837 years, to wit, from the year of grace 33 to the y^ear of grace 1870, without so much as knowing that she had that infallible tribunal, ''the Holy Catholic Church" will make shift to rub along in the same way for another 1837 years. When I began this chapter 1 thought and said that it need not detain us long ; but when I found the Arch- bishop presenting weapon after weapon with the handle toward me, the temptation was irresistible to clutch the handle and give him the point. I close with a single reflection. We are told by^ St. James that " the husbandman waiteth for the precious fruit of the earth, and hath long patience." But his patience is nothing to that of the Archbishop, who puts in the seed of infallibility, with the consciousness that he cannot reasonably expect a return within sixty gen- erations ! For if Infallibility itself, with all the Arch- bishop's proofs before it, was eighteen hundred years in finding out that it was infallible, surely fallibility can't be expected to find it out in less than twice eighteen hundred. CHAPTER XII. TEMPORAL POWER OF THE POPES. " For the clearer understanding of the origin and gradual growth of the Temporal Power of the Popes, we may divide the history of the Church into three great epochs" (p. 157). There is no need of any division of the histor}^ The l8o THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, Temporal Power was unknown till 755. It originated in Forgery, and was enlarged by fraud, and perpetuated by force. The Archbishop shall tell his story first ; and then Janus, backed by Gieseler and Bower, and the authorities severally produced by them, shall tell his. ** In 754, Astolphus, King of the Lombards, invaded Italy, capturing some Italian cities, and threatening to advance on Rome" (p. 162). ** In this emergency, Stephen [the third (or, as some reckon, the second) Pope of that name], who sees that ao time is to be lost, crosses the Alps in person, ap- proaches Pepin, King of France, and begs that power- ful monarch to protect the Italian people , who were utterly abandoned by those that ought to be their defenders [viz., the Emperor and his forces]. The pious King, after paying his homage to the Pope, sets out -for Italy with his army, defeats the invading Lom- bards, and places the Pope at the head of the conquered provinces. '' Charlemagne, the successor of Pepin, not only con- firms the grant of his father, but increases the temporal domain of the Pope by donating him some additional provinces" (p. 163). The Archbishop, very discreetly, tells only half the story. Now let Janus tell the other half. *' After the middle of the eighth century, the famous /Donation of Constantine was concocted at Rome. It }is based on the earlier fifth-century legend of his cure from leprosy, and baptism by Pope Silvester, which is repeated at length, and the Emperor is said, out of gratitude, to have bestowed Italy and the western pro- vinces ^ on the Pope, and also to have made many reg- ulations about the honorary prerogatives and dress of th^ Roman clergy. The Pope is, moreover, represented * " Lombardy, Venetia, and Istria." TEMPORAL POWER OF THE POPES. i8i as lord and master of all bishops, and having authority over the four great thrones [patriarchal Sees] of Antioch, Alexandria, Constantinople, and Jerusalem. '' The forgery betrayed its Roman authorship in every line ; it is self-evident that a cleric of the Lateran Church was the composer. The document was obvi- ously intended to be shown to the Prankish king, Pepin, and must have been compiled just before 754. Constan- tine relates in it how he served the Pope as his groom, and led his horse some distance. This induced Pepin to offer the Pope ahomagesoforeign to Prankish ideas, and the Pope told him from the first that he expected, not a gift, but restitution from him and his Franks." In this way it was made clear to Pepin that he had simply to reject the demands of the Greek Im^ perial Court about the restoration of its territory as unauthorized. '' It would indeed be incomprehensible how Pepin could have been induced to give the Exarchate, with twenty towns, to the Pope, who never possessed it, and thereby to draw on himself the enmity of the still powerful Imperial Court, merely that the lamps in the Roman churches might be furnished with oil,f had he not been shown that the Pope had a right to it by the gift of Constantine, and terrified by the threat of ven- geance from the Prince of the Apostles, if his property should be withheld. There was no fear of such docu- ments as the Epistle of Peter and the Donation of Con- stantine being critically examined at the warlike Court of Pepin. Men who mght be written to that their bodies and souls would be eternally lacerated and tormented in hell if they did not fight against the ene- * ^* There can be no doubt as to the Roman origin of the ' Donation.* The Jesuit Cantel has rightly recognized this in his Hist. Meirop. Urb. p. 195. He thinks a Roman subdeacon, John, was the author." f " This was always given in the covetous beggmg letters of the Popes as their main ground for demanding the gifts of land they wished for." 1 82 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. mies of the Church, believed readily enough that Con- stantine had given Italy to Pope Silvester. Those were days of darkness in France, and in the complete extinc- tion of all learning there was not a single man about Pepin whose sharpsightedness the Roman agents had reason to dread. '' One is tempted to ascribe to the same hand the Epistle of St. Peter to his ' adopted son ' the King of the Franks, which appeared also at this moment of great danger and distress, as well as of lofty hopes and pretensions — a fabrication v/hich for strangeness and audacity has never been exceeded. Entreating and promising victory, and then again threatening the pains of hell, the Prince of the Apostles adjures the Franks to deliver Rome and the Roman Church. The Epistle really went from Rome to the Prankish king- dom, and seems to have produced its effect there. ^ '' Twenty years later the need was felt at Rome of a more extensive invention or interpolation. Pepin had given the Pope the Exarchate, taken away from the Longobards, with Ravenna for its capital, and twenty other towns of the Emilia, Flaminia, and Pentapolis, or the triangle of coast between Bologna, Comacchio, and Ancona. More he had been unable to give, for this was all the territory the Longobards had shortly before acquired, and were now obliged to give up. In 774 Pepin's son Charles the Great (Charlemagne), after tak- ing Pavia, became king of the Longobardic territory, stretching far southwards. No more could be said about the gift of Constantine. ... So a document was laid before the King in Rome, professing to be his father's gift or promise {promissio) of Kiersy. He re- newed it as it was shown him, and gave away thereby the greater part of Italy." (Janus, The Pope and the * " It was incorporated in the official collection of the Codex Garolintis. Cf. Cenni, Momun, Dominat, Fontif. i, 150." TEMPORAL POWER OF THE POPES. 183 Councily sect, vii.) See also Gieseler, Period iii., sect. 20, and Bower, History of the Popes, Stephen II., with, the authorities cited by them. Gieseler gives (n. 21) a part of the Donatio in the original Latin. Bower gives a translation of a portion of the *' Epistle of St. Peter.'' Here is a taste of it : '' Simon Peter, a servant and apostle of Jesus Christ, to the three most excellent kings, Pepin, Charles, and Carloman ; to all the holy bishops. . . . Grace unto you and peace be multiplied. '* I am the apostle Peter to whom it was said, Thou art Peter. ... It has pleased the Almighty God that my body should rest in this city. . . And can you, my most Christian sons, stand by uncon- cerned, and see it insulted by the most wicked of na- tions ? . . . Our lady, the virgin Mary, mother of God, joins in earnestly entreating, nay, and commands you to hasten, to run, to fly, to the relief of my favor- ite people . . . with me the French are, and ever have been, the first, the best, the most deserving of all nations?'' etc., etc., etc. Such were the documents palmed off vipon Pepin and Charlemagne to induce them to make over to the Pope the territories they had rescued from the Lombards. It was a shameless transaction, on the Roman side, from beginning to end ; conceived in forgery, brought forth in fraud, and the result perpetuated by force down to the year of grace 1870, Avhen, God be praised, the Suc- cessor of Stephen and Adrian was made to disgorge the ill-gotten gain ; whereat one universal whine — five hun- dred years earlier it would have been a howl — arose from all Ultramontane Christendom over **the little ewe-lamb " (p. 166) — as though, in the putative Scrip- ture parallel, Uriah were the thief, and David the ** le- gitimate owner" — and over the '' Prisoner of the Vat- ican," as with ineffably silly twaddle he was called by those who knew, all the while, that he was as free as 184 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, you or I, reader, to come out of the Vatican, and go through the streets of Rome, and to the ends of the earth. *' Rome is to Catholic Christendom what Washington is to the United States" (p. 170). Rome was stolen from its owner, and '* Catholic Christendom'* became the receiver of the stolen goods, after having, in the person of her infallible Head, insti- gated to the theft. Was Washington stolen from Maryland, and did the United States become the re- ceiver of the stolen goods, after having instigated to the theft ? ** Therefore we protest against the occupation of Rome by foreign troops as a high-handed act of injus- tice, and a gross violation of the commandment which ' says, '* Thou shalt not steal ' " (p . 170). This is cool ! The receiver of stolen goods calling the owner a thief for reclaiming them ! '' Let the Popes leave Rome forever, and in five years grass will be growing in its streets" (pp. 171, Even if that were so, it would be an infinite gain, provided they left the zvorld at the same time. But it isn't so. When, in the beginning of the fourteenth cen- tury, ** St. Peter transferred his chair" to Avignon, and kept it there for seventy years, Rome survived the loss. For the last seven years of his life, the '' Prisoner oi the Y diiic/<^^, shall give me at that day : and not to me only, but unto all them also that love hisappeariiig/' Words could not assert more plainly that the crown is to be given to all Christians at one and the same time, and that time the '' day" of his '' appearing," to '* judge the quick and the dead." When, therefore, the Apostle elsewhere speaks of the \ departed as being with Christ, he means, not that they I are in heaven reigning with Him, but that they are in I paradise (that part of hades (St. Luke 16 : 23) where I '/'Abraham and Lazarus were) enjoying the manifestation I 'of Christ's presence, *' resting from their labors" (Rev. THE INVOCATION OF SAINTS. 189 14 : 13), and waiting for ** the glory which shall be re- vealed" (Romans 8 : 18). So St. Paul says, and so says '' the Prince of the Apostles" : *' And when the chief Shepherd shall appear, ye shall receive a crown of glory that fadeth not away" (i St. Peter 5 14). And so says our Lord Himself to His Apostles (St. Matt. 19:28), *' In the regeneration when the Son of Man shall sit on the throne of his glory, ye also shall sit upon twelve thrones, judging the twelve tribes of Israel." And so say the early Fathers and the greater part of the later ones. I might bring citations from them in proof, but I prefer laying before the reader the declarations and admissions, on this point, of Roman theologians themselves : '' It was a matter in contro- versy of old," says Franciscus Pegna, '' whether the souls of the saints before the day of judgment did see God, and enjoy the divine vision : seeing many worthy men and famous, both for learning and holiness, did seem to hold, that they do not see nor enjoy it before the day of judgment, until receiving their bodies to- gether with them they should enjoy divine blessedness. For Irenaeus, Justin Martyr, Tertullian, Clemens Ro- manus [the last named, in the first century ; the other three, in the second], Origen, Ambrose, Chr3^sostom, Augustine, Lactantius, Victorinus, Prudentius, Theod- oret, Aretas, QEcumenius, Theophylact, and Euthy- mius are said to have been of this opinion : as Castrus and Medina, and Sotus do relate." "^ * " Olim controversum fuit, num animse Sanctorum usque ad diem ju- dicii Deum viderent, et divina visione f ruerentur : cum multi insignes viri et doctrina et sanctitate clari tenere viderentur, eas nee videre nee frui usque ad diem judicii ; donee receptis corporibus una cum illis divina beatitudine perfruantur. Nam Irenseus, Justinus Mertyr, Tertullianus, Clemens Romanus ; Origenes, Ambrosius, Chrysostomus, Augustinus, Lactantius, Victorinus, Prudentius, Theodoretus, Aretas, CEcumenius, Theophylactus, et Euthymius, hujus referuntur sententise : ut commemor- ant Castrus, et Medina, et Sotus." Fransc. Pegna, in part. 2. Directorii Iiiqtdsitor, comment. 21. Quoted by Abp. Usher in his Answer to a Jesuit. See also Brogden's Catholic Safegnai-ds, vol. 2, p. 203. 190 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. And *' even Thomas Stapleton himself" says: ** These so many ancient Fathers, Tertullian, Irenaeus, Origen, Chrysostom, Theodoret, CEcumenius, Theo- phylact, Ambrose, Clemens Romanus, and Bernard, did not assent unto this sentence (which now in the Council of Florence [a.d. 1439] was at length after much disputing defined as a doctrine of faith) that the souls of the righteous enjoy the sight of God before the day of judgment ; but did deliver the contrary sentence thereunto." ^ We have then (according to the testimony of three Roman writers, Castrus, Medina, and Sotus, certified to by another Roman writer, Pegna, and Stapleton, a famous English controversialist on the Roman side, agreeing with them) all the earlier Fathers that touch upon the subject, and the most weighty ones (Chrysos- tum, Ambrose, and Augustine) of the later, maintain- ing, in accordance with St. Peter and St, Paul, the teaching of our Lord Himself, that the saints do not reign with Him till after the Resurrection. On the other hand, the Archbishop, if he were to set about it, could produce one clear and explicit asser- tion, from Dionysius of Alexandria, as reported by Euse- bius (1. vi. c. 42), and two doubtful ones (one of St. Cyp- rian, Ep. 55, and the other of his correspondents, Ep. 31), that the martyrs (not the other saints) reign at once zvith Christ, This is absolutely all that I have been able to find, and I challenge the Archbishop to produce any more. Passages he will find, indeed, in Jerome, and Basil, and Ephrem, and Athanasius, and Epiphanius, * " Tot illi et tarn celebres antqiui patres, TertuUianus, Irenseus, Origi- nes, Chrysostomus, Theodoretus, CEcumenius, Theophylactus, Ambrosius, Clemens Romanus, D. Bernardus, huic sententiae (quae nunc in Concilio Florentino magna demum conquisitione facta ut dogma fidei definita est) quod justorum animae ante diem I'udicii Dei visione fruuntur, non sunt as- sensi ; sed sententiam contrariam tradide^unt.'' — Stapleton. ' Defcns. Ecclesiast, Authorit. contra Whitaker. lib. ?*, cap. 2. — Apud Usher. THE INVOCATION OF SAINTS. 191 and Gregory of Nazianzum, and so he will in Augustine and Chrysostom, which speak of the saints as in heaven (meaning thereby /^r^^/^-^, not the heaven of heavens), enjoying the company of the patriarchs, the presence of angels, and of Christ Himself ; but they do not speak of them as reigning \N\\h Christ before the Resurrection. According to the Roman doctrine, the saints that are now reigning in heaven are to be called out of heaven at the last day, to be judged, and then sent back again ! Credat Romanus, non Ego, The foiiiidation of the Roman doctrine, that ''the saints reigni?ig together with Christ are to be venerated and invocated," being thus taken away, the superstruc- ture would seem likely to go with it. The Archbishop, however, comes boldly to the rescue. " I might easily show,*' he says, '' by voluminous quotations from ecclesiastical writers of the first ages of the Church, how conformable to the teaching of antiquity is the Catholic practice of invoking the inter- cession of the saints. But as you, dear reader, may not be disposed to attach adequate importance to the writ- ings of the Fathers, I shall confine myself to the testi- mony of Holy Scripture" (pp. 177, 178). '' But as you, dear reader, may not be" as well aware of Roman tactics as 1 am, let me just say to you, don't be misled by the Archbishop's boast of what he '' might easily" do, and by the reason he gives why he doesn't do it. Before we get through with his '' little vol- ume," we shall find that he has given in the other chap- ters no less than fifty-seven quotations (or what purport to be quotations) from the Fathers, without troubling himself about whether or not you will be *' disposed to attach adequate importance" to them ; and he would give them here if he could, 1 distinctly challenge him to produce, not ''voluminous quotations," but one quotation, ever so brief, sanctioning or recognizing any "practice of invoking the intercession of the saints," 192 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. except among heretics, from any genuine ecclesiastical writing '' of the first ages of the Church," meaning thereby the first three centuries. I come now to the Archbishop's *' testimony of Holy Scripture." He first quotes, and comments on, Gen- esis 48 : i6(Jacob'sblessingof the sons of Joseph), thus : *' * May the angel that delivereth me from all evils, bless these boys.' Here we see a holy Patriarch . . . asking the angel in heaven to obtain a blessing for his grandchildren" (p. 179). '* Here we see a holy" Archbishop quoting half the blessing, and omitting the other half, because to have quoted it would have shown the identity of the angel with the uncreated God. I will supply the omission, with the help of the Douay Bible in my possession — a pocket edition, published at Belfast, Ireland, and cer- tified to and sanctioned by *' Cornelius Denvir, D.D., R. C. Bishop of Down and Connor," July 24th, 1839. In this edition the blessing (Gen. 48 : 15, 16) reads : ** God, in whose sight my fathers Abraham and Isaac walked, God that feedeth me from my youth until this day ; The angel that delivereth me from all evils, bless these boys," etc. Commenting on this, St. Athanasius says {Orat, IV, contr, Ariaii. apud Usher), *' He did not couple one of the created and natural angels with God that did create them ; nor omitting God that fed him [the very thing the Archbishop has here done], did de- sire a blessing for his grandsons from an angel ; but saying, ' that delivereth me from all evils,' he did show that it was not any of the created angels, but the Word of God (that is to say, the Son) whom he coupled with the Father and prayed unto." But not satisfied with mutilating the quotation, the Archbishop must needs, in commenting upon it, change in a vital part what he does quote. Jacob does not ask the angel to '* obtain ' a blessing ; he asks him to bestow one : which, of itself THE INVOCATION OF SAINTS. 193 (as the Archbishop confesses by changing it), shows that it was not a created angel. His next proof is not from Holy Scripture, but from the Apocrypha, which as I have already shown from St. Jerome (Chapter viii.), is of no authority. The next two proofs, and the only remaining ones, that he brings are St. Luke 15 : 10, and i Cor. 4:8; but all they show is that angels know, more or less, what is going on here. But that does not prove that they are to be " invocated ;" for that is just what is reprobated by the Apostle in Colossians 2:18, which, in the Archbishop's Version, is, as I have already re- marked, thus lucidly translated : " Let no man seduce you, willing in humility and religion of angels,'' etc., but which the non-Roman reader would probably pre- fer in the transparent English, and at the same time accurate translation, of our Version : '' Let no man beguile you of your reward in a voluntary humility {vole?is videri humilis affectans Jiumilitatem^ says St. Augustine, Epist, cxlix., sect. 27 ; wishing to seem hum- ble, affecting humility) and worshipping {dprjaxeiay cultura, Aug.) ot angels, intruding into those things which he hath not seen, vainly puffed up by his fleshly mind, and not holding the Head," etc. This *' worshipping of angels" continued among the heretics in Colosse, and Laodicea, and other parts of Phrygia, three or four hundred years ; so that the Council of Laodicea, in the fourth century, whose Canons were afterwards received into the code of the universal Church, enacted among its sixty canons the following : ''XXXV. Christians must not leave the Church of God, and go and invocate angels, or make assemblies, which things are forbidden. If then any one is dis- covered giving himself to this hidden idolatry, let him be anathema, for he has forsaken our Lord Jesus 194 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. Christ ['' not holdingthe Head "], the Son of God, and gone over to idolatry." From this, we see that, in the fourth century, there was no invocating of angels in '' the Church of God ;** for men had to '' leave the Church/' and go elsewhere, to invocate them. What a sore point this was with the Roman Canon- ists, is evident from the fact that Carranza, Sagittarius, and Joverius (Usher, apud Brogden, vol. ii., p. 235), changed angclos, angels, into angulos^ corners, and put ad before it, so as to make it read invocate at corners ; forgetting that the Canon was originally in Greek, and that the Greek word lor corner {ycovla) has no resem- blance to the Greek word for angel. But the very fact that they changed the text of the Latin translation of the Canon shows that they felt that, as it stood, it con- demned them. Theodoret, in the fifth century, in his commentary on the passage from Colossians, as quoted by Usher, says they counselled invocating angels, ''pretending humility, and sa3dng that the God of all things was in- visible, and inaccessible, and incomprehensible ; and that it was fit we should procure God's favor by the means of angels ;" the very reason given by Roman theologians. Alexander of Hales says, ''A sinner who hath offended God, because he dareth not to come unto him in his own person, may have recourse unto the saints, by imploring their patronage." Gabriel Biel says, '' A sinner who has offended God, as it were not daring for the dross of his sin to appear in his proper person, before the most high and dreadful Majesty, should have recourse unto the saints." And Salmeron the Jesuit says, in so many w^ords, *' The praying of God by the invocation of saints doth argue greater humility. " ^' All in the teeth of the exhortation * See the original Latin of these three quotations in Usher, apud Brog. den, vol. 2. p. 224. THE INVOCATION OF SAINTS. 195 (Col. 2 : i8) above cited ; in the teeth of the exhortation (Heb. 4 : i6), *' Let us therefore come boldly unto the throne of grace ;" in the teeth of St. Augustine and St. Chrysostom. For, says the former, writing against Parmenian the Donatist, and referring to i St. John 2:1, *' If he had said thus : I have written this unto you, that you sin not, and if any man sin, you have me a mediator with the Father, I make intercession for your sins (as Parmenian in one place doth make the bishop a mediator betwixt the people and God), what good and faithful Christian would endure him ? Who would look upon him as the apostle of Christ, and not as Anti- christ rather?" (lib. ii. c. 8). And says St. Chrysos- tom, ** We do not therefore so pacify him when we en- treat him by others, as when we do it by our own selves. For by reason that he loveth our friendship, and doth all things that we may put our confidence in him, when he beholdeth us to do this by ourselves, then doth he most yield unto our suits. Thus did he deal with the woman of Canaan : when Peter and James came for her, he did not yield ; but when she herself did remain, he presently gave that w^hich was desired." — In Psalm IV, apud Usher. And again : '' Mark the philosophy of the woman. She entreateth not James,, she beseecheth not John, neither doth she come to Peter, but she brake through the whole company of them, saying : I have no need of a mediator, but taking repentance with me for a spokesman, I come to the fountain itself. For this cause did he descend, for this cause did he take flesh, that I might have the boldness to speak unto him. ... I have no need of a medi- ator [between me and Thee, for Thou Thyself art t/ie Mediator] : have thou mercy upon me." — Serin, in di- mission, Chanancece ; apud Usher. St. Chrysostom is full of this teaching. Archbishop Usher gives no less than sixteen other quotations from him, all to the same effect. The illustration from the woman of Canaan 19^ THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. seems to have been a favorite one with him, for he brings it in, in no less than five out of the eighteen passages. By this time, the reader is doubtless prepared to esti- mate at its true value, or want of value, the Arch- bishop's boast about the *' voluminous quotations'' he could (but, very prudently, doesn't) give. Passing over four of the Archbishop's pages (i 81-184) devoted to proving (what no Christian doubts) the value of intercessory prayer, offered by the faithful, whether on earth or in paradise, I come to another quotation from Scripture (Rev. 5 : 8). But first let me notice a remark of his on his previous quotations — the ones I have already considered : *' The examples I have quoted," he says, '' refer, it is true, to the angels. But our Lord declares (St. Mat. 22 : 30) that the saints in heaven shall be like the angelic spirits," etc. (p. 180). True ; but they are not yet like them, and will not be till the Resurrection ; for '' our Lord declares," in the parallel passage (St. Luke 20:36), *'they are equal unto the angels ; and are the children of God, being the cliildren of the resurrection,'' In knowledge^ therefore .(which is the point here at issue), the saints are not yet equal to the angels. To come now to the additional quotations from Scrip- ture. There are but two of them ; both on page 185. The one from Zachariah is disposed of by filling up the gap indicated by the dots in the closing sentence : ' ' And the Lord answered the angel tJiat talked with me ^ good words, comfortable words." The angel as the whole context, and especially the nineteenth verse, shows, was on earth, talking with the prophet. The other passage is as little to the point : '* St. * The Douay Version has : '* that spoke in me ;" but in the 19th verse (in the Hebrew, ch. 2, vs. 2), it translates the same Hebrew words " that spoke to me." THE INVOCATION OF SAINTS. 197 John, in his Revelation/' says the Archbishop, '' de- scribes the saints before the throne of God praying for their earthly brethren : ' The four and twenty ancients (elders) (Rev. 5 : 8) fell down before the Lamb, having every one of them harps, and golden vials full of odors, which are the prayers of the saints. ' " St. John '' describes" {7tot '' the saints," but) '* the four and twenty elders" — official functionaries ; and he describes them not as ''praying," but as offering incense. True, ** the odors are the prayers of saints ;" and so, in the twentieth verse of the first chapter of this same book of Revelation, *' the seven candlesticks are the seven churches. " But as the candlesticks are not transubstantinted into churches, so neither are the odors transubstantiated into prayers. The candlesticks sym- bolize the churches ; tlie odors symbolize the prayers. The elders are doing in the heavenly temple whatZach- arias was doing (St. Luke i : 9, 10) in the earthly. He was offering incense in the holy place (not the holy of holies, for into that went only the high priest), and *' the w^iole multitude of the people were praying with- out." The ''elders," in the heavenly temple, are offering incense in the holy place (not in the Holy of Holies ; into that only the Great High Priest is en- tered), and " the whole multitude" of the faithful, on earth and in paradise, " are praying without." And as the people did not invoke Zacharias, nor could he have heard them, though invoked, so neither do the faithful on earth (if well instructed) and in paradise in- voke the elders, nor can the elders, so far as we are in- formed or have reason to believe, hear them, though invoked. So much for the Archbishop's Scripture testimony. Now for his argument from analogy. " If my brother leaves me to cross the seas, I believe that he continues to pray for me. And when he crosses the narrow sea of death, and lands on the shores igS THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, of eternity, why should he not pray for me still T^ (p. 186). W.^ does *' pray for me still." But then, as, when he " leaves me to cross the seas," and is in mid-ocean or has reached his port, I do not, unless I am a fool, drop down on my marrow-bones and invoke him, be- cause I know he cannot hear me, any more than I can hear him ; so when he *' crosses the narrow sea of death," 1 do not kneel down and invoke him, because I know that I cannot hear him, and I have no reason to believe that he can hear me. Think -of what is in- volved in the worship of the Virgin, for instance. Ac- cording to the Archbishop (p. 26), her w^orshippers number ''two hundred and twenty-fiv^ millions." Catholics he calls them. But that is a misnomer. No one that worships a created being — I speak, of course, of religious worship — can be a Catholic. Of these two hundred and twenty-five millions, at least two hundred and twenty-five thousand — that is, only one in a thou- sand — must be invoking her at any given moment, and she must be supposed to hear them all. Surely, there is no element of probability in the supposition. Think of her listening every Sunday to five millions of wor- shippers in the United States alone ! Think of it ! Hold to it, then — if you can ! For my part, I say, w^ith TertuUian, '' These things I may not pray for from any other but from Him of whom I know I shall obtain them ;" hcec ab alio or are non possum, quain a quo scio vte consecuturum {Apolog. c. 30). Having thus met every argument of the Archbishop in this chapter squarely, I come now to ask of him a reason for a most extraordinary omission of his. How is it, Most Reverend Sir, that, knowing, as you do, the prominence given to the Worship of the Virgin in your Churches, and that there are three kinds of religious worship recognized by your standard writers, namely, dulia, to the saints, latria to God, and (betwixt tlie THE INVOCATION OF SAINTS, 199 two) hyperdiilia, to the Virgin, there is not, throughout the 433 pages of your boolc, so much as an allusion to any worship of the Virgin as distinguished from the other saints, nor is she once mentioned, either by name or by title, as an object of worship at all ? Is it because you are afraid^ in these United States and this Nine- teenth Century, to hold up plainly before the American People that which, nevertheless, you are trying to en- tice them into, and make them part and parcel of ? If so, the fear does credit to your perspicacity, if not to your ingenuousness. Let me supply the omission, in part ; in very small part : to do it fully would require a volume, and one at least five times as large as this. 1 confine myself, therefore, to a few instances, in part, of the theory, and in part, of the practice ; and I take them (except where otherwise specified) from Abp. Usher's Answer to a Jesuit , as reprinted in Brogden's Catholic Safeguards, London, John Murray, 1851 ; vol. ii., pp. 239-257 ; where may be found a great many more, all in the original Latin, as well as in English : ** Because she is the mother of the Son of God who doth produce the Holy Ghost ; therefore all the gifts, virtues, and graces of the Holy Ghost are by her hands administered to whom she pleaseth, when she pleaseth, how she pleaseth, and as much as she pleaseth." — Et quia talis est mater filii Dei qui producit Spiritum sanc- tum ; ideo omnia dona, virtutes et gratise ipsius Spiri- tus sancti quibus vult, quando vult, quomodo vult, et quantum vult, per manus ipsius administrantur. Ber- nardin, Senens. serm. 61, artic. i, c. 8." — (Brogden, voL ii.,p 243). '' No grace comes down to us from heaven that is not of her dispensing." — Nulla gratia de coelo nisi ea dispensante ad nos descendit. — Id. ibid, artic. 3, c. 3. *' Take away the patronage of the Virgin, you stop as it were the sinner's breath, that he is not able to live any longer." — Quasi sublato Virginis patrocinio, per- 200 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFA THERS, inde atque halitu intercluso, peccator vivere diutlus non possit. — Bias. Viegas in Apocalyps, cap. 12, com- ment. 2, sect. 2, num. 6. " All things are subject to the command of the Vir- gin,* even God Himself." — ImperioVirginis omnia fam- ulantur, et Deus. — Bernardin. Senens. serm. 61, artic. i. cap. 6 (Brogden, vol. ii., p. 245). In the Psalter of Cardinal Bonaventure the Psalms are blasphemously travestied by changing Lord into Lady, thus : *' Have mercy upon me, O Lady, have mercy upon me." — Miserere meiDomina, miserere mei. — Psalm 56. ** Let Mary arise ; and let her enemies be scat- tered." — Exurgat Maria, et dissipentur inimici ejus. — Psalm 67. " O sing unto our Lady a new song : for she hath done marvellous things." — Cantate Dominse nostras canticum novum : quia mirabilia fecit. — Psalm 97. '* In thee, O Lady, have I put my trust; let me never be confounded." — In te Domina sperav^i, non confundar in seternum.—Ps. 30. *' Let everything that hath breath praise our Lady." Omnis spiritus laudet Dominam nostram — Psalm 150 (Brogden, vol. ii., pp. 252-255). The following is from Bp. Bull's Sermons : Sermon IV., reprinted in Brogden, vol. ii. pp. 258-279. It will be found on page 274 : *' We should tremble every joint of us, to offer any such recommendation as this to the Virgin Mary. Hear, if you can without horror, a prayer of theirs to her. It is this : ** * O my Lady, holy Mary, I recommend myself into thy blessed trust, and singular custody, and into the bosom of thy mercy this night and evermore, and * The Vulgate Latin and the Douay English translation of Gen. 3:15 make the devil subject to her : ** She shall crush thy head." The pronoun in the Hebrew is masculine, and can refer only to the " Seed." THE INVOCATION OF SAINTS. 201 in the hour of my death, as also my soul and my body ; and I yield unto thee all my hope and consolation, all my distress and misery, my life and the end thereof, that by thy most holy intercession, and by thy merits, all my works may be directed and disposed according to thine and thy Son's will. Amen.' What fuller ex- pressions can we use to declare our absolute affiance, trust, and dependence on the Eternal Son of God him- self, than they here use in this recommendation to the Virgin ? . . . And yet this recommendation is to be seen, in a ' Manual of Prayers and Litanies, ' printed at Antwerp, no longer ago than 1671, and t\i2it permisstc sitperioritm^ in the evening prayers for Friday. A book it is to my knowledge commonly to be found in the hands of our English papists ; for 1 had it from a near relation of mine (who had been perverted by the emis- saries of Rome ; but is returned again to the Com- munion of the Church of England), who assured me that she used it herself by the direction of her Con- fessor, in her private devotions." Of the nature of this worship of the Virgin I shall have something to say in the next chapter, where it will come in more conveniently in connection with image-worship. A few more extracts and I close this chapter. I take them from a dingy little volume in coarse brown-paper covers, which I came across at a second-hand book- seller's in Baltimore, some ten years ago. It is in French, and bears the imprint, ''Avignon, Seguin Aine, Imprimeur-Libraire." It is without date, but, judging from the orthography, comes within the last half century. The title, translated into English, reads : '' The Month of Mary, or the Month of May, conse- crated to Mary, by means of different flowers of virtue which all can practise in the Churches, or in private houses. By the Rev. Father Alphonse Muzzarelli, of 202 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. the Company of Jesus. Flores mei fructiis honoris et honestatis, Ecclus. xxiv. 23." Beneath this Latin motto is seen in staring block- letter capitals, twice as large as the principal letters of the title, the words, VIVE MARIE: that is to say, *' Long live Mary !" On pages 14-16 are ** Twelve Acts of V^irtues, to be practised during the Month." The sixth reads : *' Every day, before en- tering on your studies or work, invoke the aid of Mary, saying on your knees the Hail Mary,'' On the next three pages are thirty-one " Other Acts of Virtues.'* The second reads : *' Cause to be said, or at least hear, an extra Mass for the soul in Purgatory that in this world best served Mary \' the eighth : '' Say three De Profitndis for the soul in Purgatory that has best served Mary.'* What is the service of Mary good for, if it can't keep a soul out of Purgatory ? The tenth reads : *' To please Mary, fulfil exactly all your duties." The thirteenth: *'At the beginning of the day, offer to Mary your senses, your body, and all your actions." The twenty-third : '* Mortify your will three times in honor of Mary." The twenty-sixth : '' Pray with fervor to Mary for those who are in mor- tal sin." The thirty-first: '* Ask pardon of Mary for what you have neglected to do during the month." Passing to the body of the work : the portion for each day consists of a Meditation, an Example or Edifying (?) Narrative, a Practice, and an Aspiration, or Ejaculatory Prayer. The Examples *' are taken," as we are informed in the introductory Advertisement, ''from the pious work of Father Auriemma, entitled Mutual Affections of Mary and of her Servants,'' " This author," it adds, *' has extracted them for the THE INVOCATION OF SAINTS. 203 most part from the annual letters of the Company of Jesus" — that is, the Jesuits. In the Example for the Third Day {Auriem, t, 2, /. 57) we are told that Mary boxed the ears of a Servant of hers for writing to his mistress with a pen that had been dedicated to the Virgin ; and that his cheek was black and blue from the blow for several days after. In the Example for the Twentieth J)?iy {Aicrie77t, t. 2, /. 317) we are told that a man, who *' to avarice added many other vices, but had, nevertheless, devotion to Mary, and recited the rosary," being on his death-bed, ''feared much for his salvation; whereupon the Mother of pity appeared to him and ordered the arch- angel St. Michael to put in one scale of the balance the good works which he had done in her honor, and in the other the sins he had confessed of his past bad life. The comparison was to his advantage, the devils fled, and Mary conducted him to paradise." The Ejacula- tory Prayer with which it winds up reads: ''Jesus, Mary, Joseph, I give you my heart and my soul." But the most astounding Example is that for the Ninth Day. I give it in full : " One of the most intimate companions of St. Fran- cis, brother Leon, had the following vision {Aiiriem, t, 2, /. 289) : He saw a great plain, on which the Gene- ral Judgment was to take place. A great number were awaiting sentence ; the trumpets were calling the dead to judgment. Two great ladders Avere let down from heaven, one white, the other red, at the top of which latter was Jesus Christ. St. Francis was near ; he was calling his brethren mingled among the rest in the plain, and encouraging them to mount this ladder. They would obey, but would fall after mounting, one three rounds, another four, another ten. Then Francis in despair exhorted them to go to the white ladder, on which Mary was leaning. They did so ; Mary held out her hand to them, and they easily mounted to heaven. We 204 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. should be very unfortunate if we had not this powerful Mother to aid those who are mounting to heaven by the ladder of justice alone." The Ejaculatory Prayer which follows this, runs thus : ''hi dve judicii, libera me, Doniina. Au jour du jugement, delivrez-moi, Marie." That is, '* In the day ot judgment, deliver me, Mary." Or, as it is in the Latin, '' Deliver me. Lady." Comment is superfluous. But, says the Bishop of Aire, as quoted by Faber, Difficulties of Romanism, chap, xv.), *' If any of our doc- tors, pushed on by a blind zeal, has gone so far as to ascribe to the saints a degree of power and efficacy which belongs only to Jesus Christ ; know that we vindicate not his excess : and it were unjust to make the catholic body in general responsible for certain ex- aggerations in particular." I answer : It is not we that make Rome responsible for the extravagances of individuals. So long as she puts Pascal, and Quesnel, in the Index, and does not put Auriemma, and Viegas, and Bernardinus Senensis, in it — so long as she anathematizes Padre Vigil for de- nying the Immaculate Conception, and canonizes Car- dinal Bonaventure with his blasphemous Psalter of our Lady — it is she that makes herself responsible for any and all '' exaggerations" that put the creature on a level with the Creator. And we shall hold her to that responsibility. CHAPTER XIV. SACRED IMAGES. '' The veneration of the images of Christ and His saints is a cherished devotion in the Catholic Church, and this practice will be vindicated in the following lines : SACRED IMAGES. 205 ** It is true, indeed, that the making of holy images was not so general among the Jews as it is among us, because the Hebrews themselves were prone to idol- atry, and because they were surrounded by idolatrous people who might misconstrue the purpose for which the images were intended. For the same prudential reasons the primitive Christians were very cautious in making images, and very circumspect in exposing them to the gaze of the heathen among whom they lived, lest Christian images should be confounded with Pagan idols" (p. 189). *' Very cautious," and '' very circumspect, " indeed ! So cautious, and so circumspect, that, for the first four hundred years, they actually had no images for re- ligious worship, such as the Roman Church now pays to them, in any congregation of the Catholic Church. I distinctly challenge the Archbishop to produce one instance — only one ; but it must be from a genuine writing ; not from one of those spurious ones that the Roman controversialists are so fond of quoting : and it must be a worship such (in its essence, not necessa- rily in its accessories) as is now taught and practised in the Roman Church. What, then, is that worship ? The second Council of Nice (a.d. 787), received as a General Council by the Roman Church, but rejected by the Greek and the Anglican, is the earliest that sanctioned the worship of images — that is to say, '' to pay these images salutation and respectful honor : not indeed that true w^orship, which is according to our faith, which only befits the divine nature, , . . but to offer incense and lights to their honor." The Coun- cil of Trent decrees that '' due honor and veneration are to be given them." The Catechism of the Coun- cil of Trent (First Amer. Ed., Bait., John Murphy, p. 334) declares *' the lawfulness of the use of images in churches, and of paying them religious respect {liofi- orern et cultuni), when this respect is referred to their 2o6 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. prototypes,'' This last clearly sanctions the teaching of St. Thomas Aquinas (though a Saint of the Roman Calendar needs no such sanction of his teaching) and of Azorius the Jesuit, the former of whom says, '* The same reverence is to be given unto the image of Christ and to Christ himself : and by consequence, seeing Christ is adored with the adoration of latria (the highest kind of worship), his im_ageis to be adored with the adoration of latria ?i\so,'' Sic sequitur quod eadem reverentia exhibeatur imagini Christi et ipsi Christo. Cum ergo Christus adoretur adoratione latriae, consequens est, quod ejus imago sit adoratione latrias adoranda. — Siinnn. part 3, q. 25, art. 3. And Azorius says, '' It is the constant judgment of theolo- gians that the image is to be honored and worshipped with the same honor and worship wherewith that is worshipped whereof it is an image." Constans est Theologorum sententia, imaginem eodem honore et cultu honorari et coli, quo colitur id cujus est imago. — Jo. Azor. histititt. Moral, t. i. 1. 9, c. 6 (Usher ap. Brogden, vol. ii. p. 329). Such is the image-worship taught and practised in the Roman Church. The simple fact that the Catholic Church of the first four centuries knew no such teach- ing or practice, and that the CathoHc Church of the next four testifies against it, is enough to condemn it. But, says the Archbishop, *' the catacombs of Rome . attest the practice of the early Christian Church. You could see there painted on the walls, or on vases of glass, the Dov^e, the emblem of the Holy Ghost ; Christ carrying His Cross, or bearing on his shoulders the lost sheep. You could also meet with the Lamb, and an anchor, and a ship, appropriate types of our Lord, of hope, and of the Church " (pp. 189, 190). Certainly you could ; and you can see them now, in our Churches, on our stained-glass windows, and no SACRED IMAGES. 207 one ever confounds them with images set up to be worshipped. No one bows down to them, or burns incense to them. They are either historical pictures, useful for instruction, or symbols. Now a symbol and an image are entirely distinct from each other. An eye is a symbol of knowledge ; a triangle is a symbol of the Trinity ; a dove is a symbol of the Holy Ghost. In like manner, the cross is a sy7nbol of the crucifixion ; but the crucifix is an image of it : and, as the Archbishop well knows, you find no crucifix in the catacombs. '' The first crusade against images was waged in the eighth century by Leo the Isaurian, Emperor of Con- stantinople" (p. 190). A slight mistake of the Archbishop, in the name of the monarch, and in the chronology. It was good king Hezekiah, fifteen hundred years before Leo, who waged the first crusade against images. '* He de- stroyed the high places," says the Douay Bible (4 Kings (our 2 Kings) 18 .-4) " and broke the statues in pieces, and cut down the groves, and broke the bra- zen serpent, which Moses had made : for till that time the children of Israel burnt incense to it : and he called its name Nohestan [Nehushtan, brass image ; as if he had said, as he smashed it, '' Old Brass !"]. '' This bar- baric warfare against religious memorials was," in the opinion of the Archbishop, *' not only a grievous sacrilege, but an outrage against the fine arts" (p. 191). Yet the Douay Bible, in continuation of the narrative, commends Hezekiah for that ''he stuck to the Lord, and departed not from his steps, but kept his command- ments, which the Lord commanded Moses." Now for what reason was it that Hezekiah thus broke in pieces an image that had been made by the express command of God Himself ; and not only broke it in pieces, but applied to it an opprobrious epithet ? It was because '' the children of Israel burnt incense to it " — the very thing which (as v/e have seen above, p. 2o8 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, 205) the Archbishop's own Coilncil (or rather, his Church's, for he seems to be afraid '-' of it) commanded to be done. *' Every Cathohc child clearly comprehends the es- sential difference which exists between a Pagan idol and a Christian image'' (p. 192). If so, then *' every Catholic child " has a clearer com- prehension than the Archbishop ; for he says in the next breathy *' The Pagans looked upon an idol as a god endowed with intelligence, and the other attri- butes of the Deity. They were therefore idolators, or image-worshippers. Catholic Christians know that a holy image has no intelligence or power to hear and help them." The Archbishop slanders '' the Pagans ;" not intentionally, of course, but ignorantly, for lack of the clear comprehension that the '' Catholic child " has. His own favorite Protestant authority, the '* great Leibnitz," as he calls him in the next para- graph, Avhere he quotes him at length, could have taught him better ; for he says, as there quoted, '' Cer- tainly no sane man [and therefore no sane pagan, for the pagan is a man] thinks, under such circumstances, of praying in this wise : ' Give me, O image, what I ask ; to thee, O marble or wood, I give thanks ;' but * Thee, O Lord, I adore ;' " or, as the pagan would put it. Thee, O Jupiter, I adore. The sole difference between a Pagan image and a Christian image is, that the one is intended to represent a Pagan god or demi- god, the other Jesus Christ (very God of very God), or the Virgin, or one of the Saints. The image of Christ is therefore in the same category with the golden calf, which was intended to represent not many godsy as it * And yet he is under solemn vow to adhere to it ; for the Creed of Pope Pius IV. which was imposed in 1564 upon all the beneficed Clergy of the Roman Church says, ** I likewise undoubtedly receive and profess all other things delivered, defined, and declared by the sacred Canons and General Councils. '* SACRED IMAGES. 209 is wrongly translated (Exod. 32 : 4), but the one God, as it is elsewhere rightly translated (Neh. [2 Esdr.] 9 : 18). It is true the verb is plural in the former, and singular in the latter ; but this only shows that a noun in the " plural of majesty'' may take either a singular or a plural verb ; which is further proved (if further proof be wanting) by comparing the Hebrew of 2 Samuel [Kings] 7 : 23 with i Chron. [Paralip.] 17:21. When Moses came down from the Mount he found the Israelites worshipping not other gods than Jehovah, but Jehovah Himself, by means of an image ; in vio- lation not of the first but of the second "^ commandment ; and therefore it was that Moses burnt the calf in the fire, and ground it to powder. And therefore it is that the Fathers of the first six centuries denounce image-worship. And they know nothing of the mod- ern distinction which allows the worship of images of Christ, but not of images of God. They reject all image-worship. Origen says : *' It is a thing impossible that one should know God, and pray to images." Ov juev Svvarov eari Jia\ yiyvc^aKBiv toy deov, xai roi£ ayaX- fxaaiv evx^^dai., — Co7itr, Cels. lib. vii. p. 386. Lactantius : '' Wherefore there is no doubt that where there is an image, there is no religion." Quare non est dubium, quin religio nulla sit, ubicunque simulacrum est. — Div, Inst. 1. ii. c. 18. Ambrose : *' The Church knows no empty forms and figures of images." Ecclesia inanes ideas et vanas nescit simulacrorum figuras. — De Fug, Scec, c. 5. Augustine : *' For images are of m^ore avail to bow down the unhappy mind (in that they have mouth, have eyes, have ears, have nostrils, have hands, have feet) than they have to correct it in that they speak * This shows that the two commandments are distinct, and that there- fore the joining of the two together as is done by the Douay, following a few inferior manuscripts, is wronj^. 210 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, not, see not, hear not, smell not, handle not, walk not.'* Plus enim valent simulacra ad curvandam infelicem animam, quod os habent, oculos habent, aures habent, nares habent, manus habent, pedes habent ; quam ad corrigendam, quod non loquentur, non videbunt, non audient, non odorabunt, non contrectabunt, non am- bulabunt. — In Psal. 113 : 6. Jerome : '' We worship one only image, Jesus Christ, who is the image of God the Father." Nos unam tantum veneramur imaginem, Jesum nempe Christum, qui est imago Dei Patris. — In i Joan, 5 : 10. Remarking upon which Erasmus (as quoted by Bishop Andre wes, ap. Brogden, vol. ii., p. 359), says that '* till Jerome was dead (a.d. 420) there was no image re- ceived." — Erasm, Censura Catech, 6, et in Prcef at, in Hieron, One more instance must suffice : Serenus, Bishop of Marseilles, having broken down the images in his Church because he found the people Avorshipping them, Pope Gregory the Great wrote to him : '' We commended you that you had that zeal, that nothing made with hands should be worshipped : but yet we judge that you should not have broken those images. For painting is therefore used in Churches, that they who are unlearned may yet by sight read those things upon the walls, which they cannot read in books." Et quidem zelum vos, ne quid manufactum adorari possit habuisse laudavimus : sed frangere easdem imagines non debuisse judicamus, etc. — Registr, lib. vii. epist. 109 ; etiam lib. ix. ep. ix. ap. Brog. ii. 338. This was at the beginning of the seventh century. By this time images and paintings had been introduced for purposes of instruction ; but not till nearly two hundred years after, in the second Council of Nice, A.D. 787, was the worship of them sanctioned. And this Council was rejected by the Council of Frankfort (a.d. 794), composed of three hundred bishops from SACRED IMAGES, 2il Gaul, Aquitaine, Germany, and Italy ; by the Council of Constantinople (a.d. 815); and by the Council of Paris (a.d. 824). Taiitcc niolis erat Romamun condere cultum. Image-worship is a superstition of the heart, not of the head ; hence its danger. As Leibnitz well says, *' No sane man thinks'' — /.^., holds as the deliberate conclusion of his intellect — that the image hears him ; but many a sane man — ^as men count sanity — imagines it for the moment : for, says St. Augustine, ** Who worships or prays, looking upon an image, and does not become so affected as to imagine he is heard by it, as to hope that what he longs for will be granted him by it?'' Quis autem adorat vel orat, intuens simulacrum, qui non sic afficitur, ut ab eo se exaudiri putet, ab eo sibi prsestari quod desiderat speret? — 7;^ PsaL cxiii. sec. 5. And this of St. Augustine's I will match against the rest of the long quotation from Leibnitz. St. Augus- tine knew whereof he affirmed, for he had been a pa- gan idolator himself. Indeed, most of the utterances I have cited from him and from the other Fathers — and I might have cited ten times as many — on this point, were called forth by the image-worship of the pagans. And this, of itself proves that image-worship was not then practised in the Catholic Church. For had it been, these Fathers would not have dared to use such language : for their adversaries would have retorted it upon them with terrible effect ; would have retorted on them St. Paul's language (Rom. 2:21) or its equiv- alent : *' Thou therefore which teachest another, teachest thou not thyself ? . . . thou that abhorrest idols, dost thou commit sacrilege [literally, rob temples]? " Which, says Prof. Ornsby (of the '' Cath- olic University of Ireland ") in his Note on the passage, '' refers, according to St. Chrys., to the Jews robbing pagan temples, though forbidden by the Mosaic law to 212 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. possess idols (Deut. 7 : 25), or the gold and silver of which they Avere made/' Verily, had the Christians of those days worshipped images (which the Arch- bishop, in the passage I quoted from him at the begin- ning of this chapter, admits they were '' very cautious ' about), the name of God would have been '' blasphemed among the Gentiles'' (Rom. 2 : 24) through them, as it is blasphemed through Roman image-worship now in heathen lands. I say viXi2i^Q,-worship ; for such it is ad- mitted, nay, boldly maintained, to be, by those stand- ard writers, Aquinas and Azorius, from whom I have quoted, and many others (e,g,, Boverius, Cardinal Cajetan, Guil. Lyndewode, Jac. Nanclantus, Pet. de Cabrera, Jac. de Graffiis) from whom I might quote, for I have passages of theirs now lying before me, which are none the worse for being vouched for by Arch- bishop Usher, a Primate who is not in the habit of draw- ing on fictitious funds, and whose drafts, therefore, are not dishonored. Against the consentient testimon}^ of these theologians and canonized saints, and against the further testimony involved in the notorious prefer- ence of the common people for some one particular image of the Virgin over any and all other images of her, because they think their prayers before it are more likely to be answered, it is idle for the Archbishop to attempt to tone down the doctrine and the practice. Worse than idle is it for him to insult the intelligence of the humblest of his non-Roman readers by parallel- ing the uncovering of the heads of the spectators at the unveiling of the statue of Henry Clay in Richmond with the prostrations and incense-burnings before the images of the Virgin and the saints in the Roman Churches. He knows, and they know, and every Catholic child, and I think I may say every Roman child, '' clearly comprehends" that the one is religious worship, and the other isn't ; and that the two are heaven- wide from each other. Did he ever hear of any SACRED IMAGES, 213 one burning incense to '' the statues of illustrious men'* in ''Westminster Abbey/' or to ''the likenesses of George Washington, of Patrick Henry, of Chief Jus- tice Taney" ? It is noteworthy that the Archbishop does not cite a single passage of Scripture in proof of image- worship."^ He cites the command to make the brazen serpent ; bnt he is well aware that it was for healing, not for worship, and that when it was perverted to this latter use, Hezekiah destroyed it. He cites also the com- mand to make the cherubim, and the account (3 (our i) Kings 6) of the carvings of cherubims and other figures in Solomon's Temple. But these, Avith the exception of the cherubim, are such as we have in our Churches ; and the cherubim were not for worship, while the im- ages in the Roman Churches are ; for, says Cardinal Cajetan, speaking of the representations of Christ, and of angels, and of saints, ' ' they are not only painted that they may be shown as the Cherubims were of old in the Temple, but that they may be adored^ as the fre- quent use of the Chureh doth testify, Non solum pingun- tur, ut ostendantur, sicut Cherubim olim in templo, sed ut adorentur : ut frequens usus Ecclesiae testatur. — In 3 part, Thomce, qusest. 25, art. 3." (Usher, ap. Brogden). The Archbishop, however, tries to convey a contrary impression, by introducing (p. 195) a dialogue between "an English Parson" and " a Catholic friend": '' Tom, don't you pray to images?" " We pray be- fore them," replied Tom ; " but we have no intention of praying to them. " " Who cares for your intention, ' ' retorted the Parson. " Don't you pray at night ?" ob- served Tom. ''Yes," said the Parson; "I pray at * Not even Heb. 11 : 21 ; doubtless because he has at last found out that " worshipped the top of his rod," which is the rendering even of the edition of Lucus Brothers, sanctioned by Abp. Whitefield, is a falsification of the Greek, which reads, *' worshipped upon (em) the top of his rod ;" and cannot possibly mean " worshipped the top of his rod." 214 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFA THERS, my bed/ ' '' Yes ; you pray to the bedpost/' *' Oh, no !'' said the reverend gentleman ; '' I have no inten- tion of doing that/' *' Who cares/' replied Tom, '' for your intention" (pp. 195-196). That is to say — if the illustration means anything — Tom — and ** Tom" is a representative man, representing the whole Roman Communion — no more adores the image than the Par- son adores the bedpost. And yet, according to Car- dinal Cajetan, the image is put in the Church '' to be adored," while even *' every Catholic child" knows that the bedpost is 7iot put into the bedchamber to be adored, and is not adored. Which are we to believe 1 Tom, or the Cardinal ? For my part 1 prefer to be- lieve the Cardinal, backed, as he is, by the second Council of Nice, the consensus of a whole catena of theologians, and the well-known outward acts of Roman worship. But, continues the Archbishop, '' the moral rectitude or depravity of our actions cannot be determ.ined with- out taking into account the intention. " Granted ; but I have a right to infer the intention from the manner of the act, and the circumstances by which it is surrounded. When I see a man draw his pistol, take deliberate aim at his neighbor, and shoot him down, I have a right to infer that he intended to shoot him. And when I see — and here comes in what I had to say about the nature of the worship of the Virgin and the Saints, and which I said on page 503 I would defer to this chapter — when I see the outward acts that are everywhere and by all, learned and un- learned, barbarous and civilized, recognized as the em- bodiment and expression of adoration — when I see these outward acts addressed to the Virgin, and the Saints, and their Images, 1 have a right to infer that they who thus address these acts, adore the Virgin, and the Saints, and their Images. They may tell us that they are only asking the prayers of the Saints as they ask the SACRED IMAGES, 215 prayers of their brethren here on earth, but the sur- rounding circumstances disprove it. Actions speak louder than words. *' The Or a pro nobis of the Roman Church is more than a request for a fellow-Christian's prayers. It is uttered with all the signs of religious homage : on bended knee ; in places and at times of Divine Service ; to the strains of solemn music ; with as much fervor and frequency as Per Jesum Christtim Domimim Nostrum, How utterly unlike to the mutual intercessions of St. Paul and the faithful are the mod- ern Roman litanies (vide, e,g,, the Litany in Ritual Roinanitm^ p. 104),^ which pass v/ithout break or pause from the worship of the blessed Trinity to supplicate the prayers of St. Mary, all the Apostles and Evange- lists, all the holy Martyrs, all holy Bishops and Con- fessors and Doctors, Priests and Levites, Monks and Hermits, Virgins and Widows, Saints male and female ; at least fifty of these being mentioned by name in as many separate petitions ! Is it possible that these solemn and systematic invocations can fail to over- shadow the mediatorship of our Saviour Christ?" (Swete, England versus Rome, pp. 95, 96). No, it is not possible ; and we know, as a matter of fact, that the Invocation of the Virgin does overshadow the Mediatorship of Christ. Witness such prayers as the following : '' O glorious Virgin Mary, I commit my soul and body to thy blessed trust this night and for ever, but more especially at the hour of my death. I recommend to thy merciful charity all my hopes, my consolations, my distress and misery, my life and the end thereof." Litany of our Blessed Lady of Loretto ; ap. Swete, p. 97. ** Mary, Mother of grace. Mother 01 mercy, shield us from the Enemy, and receive us at the hour of * Also that at the dedication of Cardinal McCloskey's Cathedral. 2l6 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. death. ' ' — RitiiaL Roman, de visitatione infinnoruin. Ibid., p. 98. How different the prayer of the dying Stephen, Lord Jesus, receive my spirit ! The Archbishop thinks '' the outcry formerly raised against images\i2i^ almost subsided ;" and his reason for thinking so is that '* some of our dissenting brethren [how mild he puts it !] are already beginning to recog- nize the utility of religious symbols !'' It takes a surgical operation, it is said, to get a joke into a Scotchman's head : nothing short of one, I fear, will ever get the difference between a symbol and an image into the Archbishop's. '' Crosses already surmount some of our Protestant churches, and replace the weather-cock" (p. 204). ''Already," quotha.^ They were oxv our Churches before the Archbishop was born, but we never dreamed of worshipping them, any more than of worshipping the weather-cocks. They are both symbols ; the latter a symbol, not of fickleness, but of change for cause, for it never veers except to catch the breath of heaven. It is remarkable that the Archbishop says not a word of Relics, though the Catechism of the Council of Trent directs that the faithful '' be accurately taught that . . . the honor which the CathoHc Church has always paid even to the bodies and ashes of the saints, are not forbidden by this [the first — with us the second] com- mandment " (p. 328). There is need, certainl}^ of this teaching ; else '' the faithful " would be pretty certain to think such honoring was forbidden. Perhaps the Archbishop will account for the omission by saying he is ** writing for the information of Protestants" (p. 196), not for the faithful. Pity, then, the ''informa- tion" were not more complete and more trustworthy. I will endeavor to make up for its shortcoming on this head by an extract from one of the Homilies of the Church of England set forth in the time of Queen Eliz- abeth — the homily Against Peril of Idolatry : SACRED IMAGES, 217 " Because Relics were so gainful, few places Avere there but that they had relics provided lor them. And for more plenty of relics some one saint had man}^ heads, one in one place, and another in another place. Some had six arms and twenty-six fingers. And where (whereas) our Lord bare His Cross alone, if all the pieces of the relics thereof were gathered together, the greatest ship in England would scarcely bear them. . . And not only the bones of the saints, but every- thing appertaining to them Avas a holy relic. In some places they offer a sword, in some the scabbard, in some a shoe, in some a saddle that had been set upon some holy horse, in some the coals wherewith St. Lawrence was roasted, in some the tail of the ass which our Lord Jesus Christ sat on, to be kissed and offered unto as a relic." It seems hardly credible that such things should be, though they undoubtedly were, and are ; and I do not wonder that the Archbishop gives them a w4de berth. The present Pope has stopped the sale of them, to pre- vent the faithful being any longer imposed upon.^^ But he should go further. Let him set forth at once 'diXi Index Expurgatorhis, containing a list of all the spuri- ^olis relics. Or if that be thought impracticable, by * reason ''the world itself could not contain the books that should be written," let him issue Tixv Index Atcthen- ticns, containing a list of all the genuine relics. A very small volume Avould suffice for that ; and then the faith- ful Avill know what to worship. And this he can easily do, for he is infallible in the domain of faith and morals : and surely objects of worship are within that domain ; ■^ Perhaps he had heard of the keeper of a provincial museum, who, expatiating on curiosity after curiosity, held up at last a rusty old weapon and said : " This is the sword that Balaam had when he was going to kill his ass. " But," suggested one of his visitors, " Balaam hadn't a sword ; he only wished he had one." ** Your are right. I forgot. This is the sword that Balaam wished \i^ had." 2i8 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. for even the Archbishop will admit that to worship the relics of a heretic is idolatry. Let us have the Index then : the sooner the better. CHAPTER XV. PURGATORY AND PRAYERS FOR THE DEAD. Of the seventeen pages of this chapter, in the " little volume/' sixteen are devoted to Prayer for the Dead, and are therefore supererogatory ; for who, that knows anything about it, does not know that it was the prac- tice of the early Church, and that ail the ancient Litur- gies contain prayers for the faithful departed ? But what has all this to do with Purgatory ? Who were they that were thus prayed for ? Let the Liturgy of the Church of Constantinople, ascribed to St. Chrysos- tom, give the answer to this question, for itself, and for the others ; for I haven't room to quote from them all: ''We offer unto thee this reasonable service, for those who are at rest in the faith, our Forefathers, Fathers, Patriarchs, Prophets, and Apostles, Preachers, Evangelists, Martyrs, Confessors, Religious Persons, and every spirit perfected in the faith ; especially for our most holy, immaculate, most blessed Lady, the mother of God and ever-virgin Mary." Was the Virgin in Purgatory ? If so she must have been there three or four hundred years when this lit- urgy was composed ; for Chrysostom wasn't Bishop of Constantinople till a.d. 398 : and the Patriarchs and Prophets must have been there a good deal longer. Leo Thuscus felt this difficulty, and undertook to get around it in his translation of the liturgy into Latin by rendering the passage thus : PURGA TOR V AND PR A VERS FOR THE DEAD, 2 1 9 ** We offer unto thee this reasonable serWce for the faithfully deceased, for our Fathers and Forefathers ; the Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs, Confess- ors, and all the saints, interceding for them." Adhuc offerimus tibi rationabile hoc obseqinum pro fideliter dormientibus, pro patribus et proavis nostris ; inter- venientibus Patriarchis, Prophetis, Apostolis, etc. — Ckrysos, Liturg, Latiji. (ap. Brog. ii. 124). Thuscus thus manages to kill two birds with one stone, not only not letting us pray for the Patriarchs, etc., but actually setting them to praying for us. And how does he do it ? Simply by causing mterveiiientibus to intervene, where it has no business to be, there being nothing in the Greek to correspond to it. Turn out the intruder, and the translation will be correct, Patri- archis, etc., being construed with pro, as well as dor- mientibus and patribus ; just as the corresponding geni- tives in the Greek original are construed with vTtep, Thus we see that the prayers for the dead, in the ancient liturgies, were for souls in Paradise, not for souls in Purgatory. The Archbishop quotes from the Oration of St. Ambrose on the death of the Emperor Theodosius, beginning with, '' Give perfect rest to thy servant Theodosius," and ending with, '' Nor will I leave him until, by tears and prayers, I shall lead him [where his merits call him "^] unto the holy mountain of the Lord, where is life undying," etc. (p. 211.) {De Obit, Theod. 36, 37.) The Archbishop leaves out the five words which I have put in brackets (putting dots in their place), not because of the huge space they would occupy, but be- cause the non-Roman reader, if allowed to read them, would see at once that if the merits of Theodosius called him to the holy mountain of the Lord, as Am- ■^ " Quo sua merita vocant." 220 THE FAITH OF OUR FORE FA THERS. brose said they did, he couldn't be in Purgatory. That Ambrose prayed for the soul of Theodosius, is plain from the Archbishop's quotation ; but that it wasn't for his soul as being in Purgatory that he prayed, I will make plain by quoting a previous pas- sage which the Archbishop didit t quote, though it is in the next preceding column, in Migne's edition : ** Theodosius of honorable memory, being freed from doubtful fight, doth now enjoy everlasting light and continual tranquillity ; and for the things which he did in this body, he rejoiceth in the fruits of God's re- ward : because he loved the Lord his God, he hath ob- tained the society of the saints." Absolutus igitur du- bio certamine, fruitur nunc augustse memorise Theodo- sius luce perpetua, tranquillitate diuturna ; et pro iis quae in hoc gessit corpore, remunerationis divinse fructibus gratulatur. Ergo quia dilexit augustas memorias Theodosius Dominum Deum suum, meruit sanctorum consortia. — Ambros. de Obit. Theod. 32, In the adjoining column on the opposite side, over against the Archbishop's extract, is the following : '' Theodosius remaineth in light, and glorieth in the company of the saints." Manet ergo in lumine Theo- dosius, et sanctorum coetibus gloriatur. — Id, 39. I might go on and give instance after instance ; and I will g\wQ one more, from Bede's Ecclesiastical History of England (Book iv. chap. 23), where, giving an ac- count of the death of Hilda, abbess of the monastery at Whitby, he relates how a nun at the monastery at Hackness, thirteen miles from ^Vhitby, saAV in her sleep Hilda's death, and awaking and perceiving that she had had a vision, she ran to the Abbess Frigyth, and told her that she had seen Hilda '' ascend to eternal bliss, and to the company of the inhabitants of heaven, with a great light, and with angels conducting her. Frigyth having heard it, awoke all the sisters, and call- ing them to the church, admonished them to pray and PURGA TORY AND PR A VERS FOR THE DEAD, 221 sing psalms for her soul, which they did during the remainder of the night." This last instance shows that even after they had be- gun to pray for souls in purgatory, they still kept up the old practice of praying for souls not in purgatory. But why did they pray for those who were at rest in paradise, and were awaiting with certainty their crown of glory at the Resurrection ? For the same reason that we pray, *' Thy kingdom come," adding immediately, ** For thine is the kingdom;" God's kingdom being certain to come, and we being taught, nevertheless, to pray for its coming ; a reason recog- nized even by Bellarmine, who says, " The Church prays for the souls in purgatory, that they may not be condemned to the everlasting pains of hell : not as if it were not certain that they would not be condemned to those pains, but that it is God's pleasure that we should pray even for those things which we are certain to re- ceive ; quia vult Deus nos orare etiam pro iis rebus quas certo accepturi sumus. — De Purgatorio, lib. ii. cap. 5 (Usher ap. Brogden, ii. p. 138). Our pra3^er, ** Thy kingdom come,' is an expression of our fellow- ship with that kingdom, and of our wish for its com- ing ; and in like manner, our prayer for the faithful de- parted is an expression of our fellowship with them, and of our wish for their repose and final reward ; in other words, it is an expression of our belief in the Communion of Saints. The Thirty-nine Articles say nothing against Prayers for the Dead in Christ. The first Prayer Book of King Edward retained them. The second dropped them out, because they had become so inextricably interwoven with purgatory, in the minds of the people, that the only way to get rid of the one was to torego, for a time, the use of the other. A hun- dred years later, the Commemoration in the Prayer for the Church Militant was restored ; perhaps the other 22 2 THE FAITH OF OUR FORE FA THERS. prayers may be at some future day.^ Meanwhile no clergyman has a right to use them in the Public Wor- ship of the Church. I have thus shown that the prayers for the dead, in the Early Church, had nothing whatever to do with Purgatory. The same is true (so far as the wording of it is concerned, however it may be in the intention of those who use it) of the Prayer in the Roman Missal, as given by the Archbishop (p. 214) : *' Remember, O Lord, Thy servants who are gone before us with the sign of faith, and sleep in peace. To these, O Lord, and to all who rest in Christ, grant, we beseech Thee, a place of refreshment, f light, and peace, through the same Jesus Christ our Lord." There is nothing of purgatory in this ; nothing that any one might not use and yet den}^ the existence of purgatory. '' During my sojourn in Rome at the Ecumenical Council, I devoted a great deal of my leisure time to the examination of the various Liturgies of the schis- matic churches of the East. I found in all of them formulas of prayers for the dead almost identical with that of the Roman Missal: ** Remember,'' etc. [the one just given]. ** Not content with studying their books, I called upon the Oriental Patriarchs and Bishops in communion with the See of Rome, who belong to the Armenian, the Chaldean, the Coptic, the Maronite, and Syriac rites. They all assured me that the schismatic Chris- tians of the East among whom they live, have, without exception, prayers and sacrifices for the dead '' (pp. 214, 215). From this the Archbishop draws the conclusion that the ''practice of praying for the dead'' was in the * No Protestant could well object to a petition like this, for a brother or sister who had departed in the faith of Christ ; May he {07 she) have the joy of 7velcomii7g its to paradise, f See farther on, p. 785. PURGA TOR V AND PR A VERS FOR THE DEAD. 223 Church before the earliest of these schismatics sepa- rated from it — viz., in the fourth or fifth century ; a fact that nobody disputes. But he forgets (accidentally, of course) to tell his readers that the Orientals do not hold to purgatory. His brother-theologue Al- phonsus de Castro shall give his memory a jog : '* The mention of purgatory in ancient writers, es- pecially in the Greeks, is almost none at all. For which cause purgatory is not believed by the Greeks to this very day.'' De purgatorio in atiquis scrip- toribus potissimum Grsecis fere nulla mentio est. Qua de causa usque in hodiernum diem purgatorium non est a Grascis creditum. — Alphonsus de Castro advers. Hceres, lib. viii. verbo Indulgentia. (Laud, Confer, with Fisher, London, 1639, p. 354; apud Brogden, vol. ii., p. loi.) Having thus disposed of the fifteen or sixteen pages that the Archbishop devotes to prayers for the dead, I come now to the one or two that he devotes to purga- tory. And first let us have the Archbishop's definition of Purgatory. ** The Catholic Church teaches that, besides a place of eternal torments for the wicked and of everlasting rest for the righteous, there exists in the next life a middle state of temporary punishment, allotted for those who have died in venial sin, or who have not sat- isfied the justice of God for sins already forgiven" (p. 204). Venial sins ' imply mortal sins ; and as the '' little vol- ume" contains no explanation of the difference between the two, 1 shall seek one in a volume still smaller, but more complete— Archbishop Chsdloner' s Cat /lo lie C/iris- tian Instructed \ New York: The Catholic Publication Society : '' All those sins are to be esteemed mortal, which the word of God represents to us as hateful to God, against which he pronounces a woe, or of which it 224 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. declares, that such as do those things shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven" (p. 137). Can any one tell us what sins, according to this classi- fication, are not mortal ? Surely, all sins come under one or another of these three categories. Indeed, they all come under the first ; for sin is in its very na- ture *' hateful to God/' Yet we are told by Dr. Chal- loner, in the preceding paragraph, that Christians '* are obliged to confess all such as are mortal, or of which they have reason to doubt lest they may be mortal ; but they are not obliged to confess venial sins, because, as these do not exclude eternally from the kingdom of heaven, so there is not a strict obligation of having re- course for the remission of them to the keys of the church.'' It is hardly necessary to say that the Roman division of sins into mortal and venial, has no warrant in the Word of God. Holy Scripture does indeed speak (i St. John 5 : 16, 17) of '* a sin unto death," and '* a sin not unto death ;" but the Note on this passage, in the pocket edition of the Archbishop's version, says, '* It is hard to determine what St. John here calls a sin which is not unto death, and a sin which is unto death. The difference cannot be the same as betwixt sins that are called venial and mortal.'' And there is no other passage that gives even the slightest countenance to the Roman distinction. All sin repented of, even the most aggravated, is venial ; all sin unrepented of, even the least aggravated, is mortal. There is a differ- ence in the punishment of slight and of heinous sins, but it is a difference of intensity, not of duration ; sin repented of hath full and free forgiveness ; sin unre- pented of hath never forgiveness. There is therefore no foundation for the Archbishop's two classes in Pur- gatory — '' those who have died in [unforgiven] venial sin" and those *' who have not satisfied the justice of God for [mortal] sins already forgiven." I mean, PURGA TOR V AXD PR A VERS FOR THE DEAD. 225 there is no foundation for them in Scripture. Just as little foundation is there in it for the existence of Pur- gatory. Indeed the Archbishop brings forward but two passages in support of it from Canonical Scripture. But he prefaces them with a quotation from the Second Book of Maccabees ; and in doing it, he has the iinptc- dence to liken us, who reject that Book as no part of the Canon, to ** a man who assassinates a hostile wit- ness.'' A man must be a simpleton to assassinate a wit- ness that has already been ruled out of court as incom- petent. And this is the case Avith the witness in ques- tion. It w^as ruled out by the Jews (to whom, says St. Paul (Rom. 3:2)'' were committed the oracles of God '') two thousand years ago, and by the Christians from the beginning down to the fourth century, as I have already shown (p. 75) by St. Jerome, the trans- lator of the Latin Vulgate. I have also shown that the author of the book makes admissions (2 Mace. 15 : 39) concerning himself inconsistent with his being inspired. Here is a specimen of what Rome counts canonical : '' When he (Razias) was ready to be (rather, on the point of being) taken, he struck himself with his sword, choosing to die nobly rather than to fall into the hands of the wicked '' (2 Mace. 14 : 41, 42). Here we have the Archbishop and his Church claiming inspi- ration for a writer who, not only narrates a suicide, but commends it ; thereby making themselves /^r/Za/^i- criminis in the commendation. Think of an Archbishop commending suicide ! Foiled in his attempt to palm off upon us, in spite of the protest of St. Jerome, the Books of the Maccabees as inspired Scripture, the Archbishop comes down a peg, and is willing, ** for the sake of argument," to ap- peal to them simply as '' truthful [but not infallible] his- torical monuments?' Let us meet him, then, on this ground, and see whether, as such, *' they serve," as he alleges (p. 206) * 'to demonstrate that it was a prevailing 2 26 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. practice among the Hebrew people, as it is vv^ith us [/.^., Avith the Roman Church], to offer up prayers and sacrifices for the dead." I give the passage in the AngKcan Translation, which every Greek scholar who has compared it with the Septuagint Text as edited juxta Exemplar Vaticanum by Holmes and Lambert Bos, knows to be correct; whereas the Vulgate Latin Translation, from which the Douay Version is made is incorrect ; and I begin with the 40th verse, whereas the Archbishop (for cogent reasons, as will presently be seen) begins with the 43d : (40) ** Now under the coats of everyone that was slain [in the battle fought by Judas Maccabeus against Gorgias], they found things consecrated to the idols of the Jamnites, which is forbidden the Jews by the law. Then every man saw that this was the cause wherefore they were slain. (41) All men therefore praising the Lord, the righteous Judge, who had opened the things that were hid, (42) betook themselves unto prayer, and besought him that the sin committed might wholly be put out of remembrance. Besides that, noble Judas exhorted the people to keep themselves from sin, foras- much as they saw before their eyes the things that came to pass for the sins of those that were slain. (43) And when he had made a gathering throughout the . company, to the sum of two thousand drachms of silver, he sent it to Jerusalem to offer a sin-offering [so far is history; now come the historian's reflections], doing therein very well and honestly, in that he was mindful of the resurrection; (44) (for if he had not hoped that they that were slain should have risen again, it had been superfluous and vain to pray for the dead) : (45) and also in that he perceived that there was great favor laid up for those that died godly. (46) It was a holy and good thought. Whereupon he made a reconcili- ation for the dead, that they might be delivered from sin." PURGA TOR V AXD PRA VERS FOR THE DEAD. 227 The Douay Version has in the place of " to offer a sin-offering," in verse 43 "for sacrifice to be offered for the sins of the dead;" y\x\gditQ, p?^o peccatis mor- tuoriun sacrificiitm. The word morttcoriun, ** of the dead," has no business to be in the verse, there being nothing to correspond to it in the Greek. Leave that out, and put '' sins in the singular, withovit the article, as it is in the Greek (Ttepl d/xaprias dvaiav).^ and the narrative is plain, to wit, as Prideaux {Connec- tion, Pt. ii. Bk. 4) paraphrases it : '* Whereby perceiv- ing for what cause God had given them up to be slain, Judas and all his company gave praise unto Him, and humbly offered up their prayers for the pardon of the sin [all the survivors being (after the analogy of Deut. 21 : 1-9, particularly verse 8) ceremonially involved in it]. And then making a collection through the whole company, which amounted to 2,000 drachms [not 12,000, as the Vulgate and the Douay have it], sent it to Jerusalem to provide sin-offerings, thereto be offered up for the expiating this offence, that wrath for it might not fall upon the whole congregation of Israel, as formerly it had (Joshua 7 : 10-26) in the case of Achan." What follows is the comment of the anonymous compiler of the history. For his facts he is indebted to the work of Jason, in five books : the comments are his own, and are of no authority, being simply his pri- vate opinions. Even these are grossly misrepresented by the Douay Version (the one quoted by the Arch- bishop), which, following the Vulgate, translates the last verse thus : *' It is, therefore, a holy and whole- some thought to pray for the dead, that they may be loosed from sins." The original Greek puts a colon after thought, thereby making it refer to the resurrec- tion, just before mentioned : the Douay, following the Vulgate, takes away the colon, thereby bring the word '* thought " into seeming connection with what follows, 228 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. which is simply impossible in the Greek. The verse, literally translated, runs thus : '* holy and pious (was) the thought : wherefore for (oQ^v nepi) the dead he made the expiation, to be loosed from the sin/' Who to be loosed ? Plainly Judas himself, and those with him : not the dead ; for to them, dying as they did in mortal sin, the sin of idolatry, there was under the Jewish law of old, as there is now according to the teaching of Rome herself, no loosing. Take the Roman representation of the passage, and it stands out, in solitary abnormity, the first instance, and the last, in all Jewish history from the beginning even unto this da}^, of prayer or sacrifice for the loosing of the dead from their sins. Josephus makes no mention of it, though he gives {Antiquities, B. xii. c. 7) an account of the battle. It all rests upon the authority of the anonymous compiler of the Second Book of Maccabees ; and ev^en his compilation has to be falsified in the trans- lation to make it speak as Rome wants it to speak ; and even then the Archbishop doesn't dare to quote the first part of the account, because it would show the reader that they for whom the offering is alleged to have been made died in mortal sin ! The Archbishop's triumphant question, then, ** Did our Lord, at any time, reprove the Jews for their be- lief in a middle state, or for praying for the dead ?** is easily answered. He had no occasion to reprove them; for their *' middle state" was that which He Himself brings before us in the parable, with Abraham and Lazarus on this side the '* great gulf," and Dives on that ; which certainly wasn't purgatory, for there was no passing from the one to the other ; and as to prayer for the loosing of the dead from their sins, they had it not. The prayers used by the Jews in their worship in the time of our Lord are still extant, and I challenge the Archbishop to point to a single petition in them for the loosing of the dead from their sins. And PURGA TOR V AiVD PR A VERS FOR THE DEAD. 229 I extend the challenge to take in the Jewish prayers of the present day ; for in the long extract which he gives from them on page 216 of his book, the reader will search in vain for any such petition. The petitions in the extract given by him are of the same class as those in use in the early Church, and are as wide apart from those of modern Rome as purgatory is from paradise ; and that is an infinite distance. 1 come now to the Archbishop's proofs from inspired Scripture. Of these he gives but two, having come, doubtless, to the sound conclusion that that about the sinner's not coming out till he has paid the vittermost farthing, does not refer to purgatory, seeing he can never pay it. His first proof is from St. Matt. 12 : 32 : '' Whoso- ever speaketh against the Holy Ghost, it shall not be forgiven him, neither in this world nor in the world to come." But this won't prove purgatory, for three reasons : I. We can't conclude logically that because one sin will not be forgiven hereafter, other sins will. As Cardinal Bellarmine admits, '* The inference does not follow from the premises ;" no7t seqiti sccundicin regiUas dialecticoriun, — De Piirg, 1. i. C4,. t. ii. p. 393, B. Colo- niae, 1628." (Hall on Purgatory, Lond. 1843, P- 49-) 2* Granting, for argument's sake, that ''there are some sins which will be pardoned in the life to come," they must be the sins of those who have never heard of Christ in this life. That is the very utmost that the text can prove. But these do not go to purgatory : that is only for ''faithful souls, which have departed hence in a state of grace, " ' * Est a fide catholica alie?iuiu,'' says Thomas Aquinas (5//;;^;//<^ TheoL SuppL Qucesty 100 de Ptirg.Diiaci, 1614. Ap. Hall on Purg. , p. 15), '' negare purgatorium fidelium animarum ^;/<^ hinc in statu gratiae decesserint, 3. Purgatory, according to the teaching of Rome, is 230 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. for purgation and penalty, not for forgiveness : there are but two classes that go there ; one, to suffer the residuum of temporal penalty, or, as the Archbishop puts it (p. 205), to satisfy tlie justice of God for sins already forgiven ; the other, to expiate, not to obtain for- giveness of, the guilt of venial sin : for, ''per pcenas Purgatorii,'' says Bellarmine (de Purg, 1. ii. c. 6, t. ii. p. 410, C. Ap. Hall, p. 14). ' peccatuni veniale expiatur ETIAM QUOAD CULPAM ;" />.,'' by the pains of Purgatory venial sin is expiated even in respect of its guilt,'' It is plain, therefore, that it needs no forgiveness. We are taught to pray. Forgive us our debts as we forgive our debtors. If my creditor is unable to pay me, and I give him a release, I forgive him the debt ; but if he pays me in full, and I give him a receipt, that is not forgive- ness. It is plain, then, that as the text from St. Mat- thew speaks of forgiveness and not of penalty, and pur- gatory speaks of penalty and not of forgiveness, there is no connection between the two. The Archbishop's second and only remaining proof from inspired Scripture is found in i Cor. 3 : 11-15 : ** For other foundation can no man lay than that is laid, which is Jesus Christ. Now if any man build upon this foundation gold, silver, precious stones, wood, hay, stubble ; every man's work shall be made mani- fest : for the day shall declare it, because it shall be re- vealed by fire ; and the fire shall try every man's work of what sort it is. If any man's work abide which he hath built thereupon, he shall receive a reward. If any man's work shall be burned, he shall suffer loss : but he himself shall be saved ; yet so as by fire." On this the Archbishop comments thus : ** His soul will be ultimately saved, but he shall suffer, for a tem- porary duration, in the purifying flames of Purgatory. This interpretation is not mine. It is the unanimous voice of the Fathers of Christendom" (p. 208). The interpretation in question is not the unanimous PURGA TORY AND PR A VERS FOR THE DEAD, 231 voice of the Fathers of Christendom. '' Clement of Alexandria, Ambrose, and Jerome,'' says Hall, {Doctrine of Purgatory y p. 55), *' declare that the ' gold^ silver y and precious stones ' signify ' catholic interpreta- tions ;' and that * the zvood, hay, and stubble' signify * heresies/ '' Of course, therefore, they do not inter- pret the words of purgatory, for heretics are not ad- mitted into it, and therefore their *' heresies" cannot be burned up in it. ** Origen, Jerome, Augustine," continues Hall, ''together with Bernard and Bede, regard the 'fire ' as the emblem of * temporal tribula- tion before death.''' Even Pope Gregory the Great admits that it may be so interpreted. His w^ords {Dial. 1. iv. c. 39, col 442, Paris, 1705), as quoted by Hall in a foot-note, are, '' de igne tribulatioitis in hac nobis vita adhibito possit i7itelligi\' i,e,y '* it may be un- derstood of tribulation applied to us in this life." *' Lactantius, Basil, and Ambrose," continues Hall, *' apply it to the general conflagration at the day of judgment : while Gregory Nazianzen, Chrysostom, Theodoret, and Theophylact affirm it to be hell itself." Here are no fewer than thirteen Fathers, to whom might be added Hilary, as I will presently show, mak- ing fourteen in all, several of them saints of the Roman Calendar, every one of whom interprets the passage otherwise than of Purgatory. And yet the Arch- bishop has the courage to tell his unsuspecting reader that the Fathers unanimously interpret the passage as he does ! If he had no fear of Protestants before his eyes, he might at least have had the modesty not to go in the teeth of his own Cardinal Bellarmine, who, speaking of the Fathers {de Pttrg, 1. ii. c. i, t. ii. p. 405, G. ap. Hall, p. i68), says, '* Aliqui eorum (patrum) per ignem non intelligunt ignem purgatorium, sed ignem divini judicii. Ita videntur loqui Hilarius, Hieronymus, et in loco posteriore (Ps. 118) Ambro- sius :" iu\, '* Some of them (the Fathers) understand 232 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. by it not the fire of purgatory, but the fire of divine judgment. So seem to speak Hilary, Jerome, and in a later place Ambrose/' He might have added Augustine, who says expressly (in PsaL vi. c. 3), Ar- guunntur autem in die jiidicii omnes qui non habent fundamentum, quod est Christus : emendantur au- tem, id est purgantur, qui huic fundamento superae- dificant lignum, foenum, stipulam. Detrimentum enim patientur, sed salvi erunt tanquam per ignem" — i,e,, '' All are convicted in t]ie day of judgment who have not the foundation, which is Christ. But they are amended (in the day of judgment) — /.^., purified, who build, upon this foundation, wood, hay, and stubble : for they shall suffer (not shall have suffered) loss, but yet they shall be saved, so as by fire." And again (in Psal. ciii., Serm. 3), *' Hoc agit caminus : alios in sinistram separabit, alios in dextram quodamodo eliquabit :" />., " This is what the furnace does : it will separate some to the left hand, and others it will refine, as it were, and place them on the right. ''And says Ambrose [in PsaL cxviii. Serin. 3), *' Post consummationem sseculi, missis angelis qui segregent bonos et malos, hoc futu- rum est baptisma : quando per caminum ignis iniquitas exuretur, ut in regno Dei fulgeant justi sicut sol ipse in regno patris sui. Et si aliquis sanctus ut Petrus sit, ut Johannes, baptizatur hoc igne :" /.^., '' After the end of the zvorldy when the angels shall be sent to separate the good from the bad, then this baptism shall com- mence, and iniquity shall be consumed in the furnace of fire, that the just may shine as the sun in the king- dom of their Father. Though any one were holy as Peter and John, yet is he baptized with this fire." '*Justos cum judicaverit," says Lactantius {Divin, Instit, 1. vii. c. 21, vol. ii. pp. 146, 147, Ed. Bipont.), " Deus etiam igni eos examinabit. Tum quorum pec- cata vel pondere vel numero praevaluerint perstringen- tur ab igni, amburentur. Quos autem plena justitia, PURGA TQR V AND PR A VERS FOR THE DEAD. 233 et maturitas virtutis incoxerit, ignem illam non senti- ent. . . . Nee tamen quisquam putet, animas post mortem protinus judicari. Omnes in una communique custodia detinentur, donee tempus adveniat, quo max- imus Index meritorum faciat examen :'' i.e,, '' When God shall Judge the Just , he shall examine them even with fire. Then those whose sins shall exceed in number or magnitude, shall be scorched by the fire. But they who have been imbued with complete righteousness and maturity of virtue, shall not feel that fire. . . . Let not any one suppose, however, that souls are judged immediately after death. All are detairted in one common custody tint il the time shall arrive when the great Judge shall make EXAMINATION of their deserts, ** An, cum ex omni otioso verbo,''says Hilary (in Psalm cxviii. (our cxix.), Gimel,^ 12), rationem simus praesti- turi, diem judicii concupiscemus, in quo nobis est ille indefessus ignis subeundus ? in quo subeunda sunt gravia ilia expiandse a peccatis animae supplicia ? Beatse Marise animam gladius pertransibit, ut revelentur mul- torum cordium cogitationes. Si in judicii severitatem capax ilia Dei Virgo ventura est, desiderare quis aude- bit a Deo judicari?'' — /.^., Since for every idle word we must give account, can we desire the day of Judg- ment, IN WHICH that unwearied fire must be undergone and those severe punishments endured for the expiation of the soul from sins ? A sword shall pass through the soul of the Blessed Mary, that the thoughts of many hearts may be revealed. If therefore that Virgin Bearer of God {capax Dei) will come into tJie severity of Judgment, who shall dare desire to be judged by God ?" Here are four of the fourteen Fathers above-men- tioned — three of them Saints of the Roman Calendar- — who say expressly that the burning of the '' wood, hay, and stubble,'' and the saving *' so as by fire," is at the day of judgment ; and yet the Archbishop coolly de- clares that they represent it as being not at the day of 2 34 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. judgment, but in Purgatory, which is before the day of judgment ! I might quote passage after passage that I have marked (for /don't deal in Avholesale assertions that can't be substantiated) from other Fathers, in the teeth of the Archbishop's assertion ; but 1 have not room for them, nor is there need of them. There is a passage in St. Cyprian (Epistle 55) which is cited to prove Purgatory, but which refers not to Purgatory, but to the penitential discipline in the earl}^ Church, as may be seen proved at large by Hall {Doc- trine of Purgatory, pp. 1 15-121) and Bp. Wo^i^Ym^ {End of Controversy Controverted, vol. ii., pp. 308-312). It would take more space than 1 can spare to give a full account of it ; so I shall content myself with another passage of Cyprian — one of seven that I have marked in the Folio edition of his Works, Oxford, 1682, all to the same effect — which is in direct antagonism .to the doctrine of Purgatory : *' Quando istinc excessum fuerit, nuUus jam poenitentise locus est, nuUus satisfac- tionis effectus ; hie vita aut amittitur, aut tenetur" (p. 196): i.e,, '' When wx have departed hence, there is no more place for repentance, nor effecting of satisfac- tion ; it is here that life is either lost or secured." Ob- serve the word *' satisfaction," and mark what the Archbishop says of Purgatory (p. 205), to wit, that it is *' allotted for those who have died in venial sin, or who have not ^^//iy?^., *' Afterwards, when we have de- parted out of this life, there will remain no agreement (with our adversary, St. Matt. 5 : 25) nor any satisfac- tion,'' Elsewhere, however, he speaks doubtingly : *' Tale aliquid etiam post hanc vitam fieri incredibile non est ; et utrum ita sit quaeri potest, et aut inveniri aut latere, nonnullos fideles per ignem quendam purga- torium, quanto magis minusve bona pereuntia dilexe- runt, tanto tardius citiusve salvari {Ejicliirid, c. 69) : Lc, '' That some such thing may take place after this life is not incredible ; and inquiry may be made whether it be so, and it may be found, or it may not, that some believers, through a certain purgatorial fire, are later or sooner saved, according as they have more or less loved perishable goods.'' This is the nearest approach he makes to Purgatory, and the doubting way in which he speaks of it — ** it may be found, or it may not " — shows, that, in his day — to wit, in the first quarter of the Fifth Century, though it was creeping in, it had not yet become the doctrine of the Church. This is ad- mitted by some even of the Roman writers. I have already (p. 223) quoted from Alphonsus de Castro. I will now quote from Cardinal Fisher, Bishop of Roches- ter in the time of Henry VIII., and who was put to death by that monarch for refusing to accept the Royal Supremacy in place of the Papal. Here is what he says {Assert, Lntlier, Confiit,, Art. xviii., col. 496, 497. Wirceb. 1597, ap. Hall, p. 174) on the matter in hand : '' Legat qui velit Grsecorum veterum commentaries, et nullum quantum opinor, aut quam rarissimum, de Pur- gatorio sermonem inveniet. Sed neque Latini, simul omnes ac sensim, hujus rei veritatem conceperunt :" i.e., '' Read who will the commentaries of the ancient 236 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. Greeks, and he will find no speech, as I think, or the very rarest, of Purgatory. Nor did the Latins all at once, but gradually conceive the truth of it." And says Father Barnes, about a.d. 1625 {Catholico-Rom, Pact/,, sec. ix., p. 130, D. ad fin. Paralip. Oxon. 1680, ap. Hall, p. 175), '' Punitio ergo in Purgatorio est res in opinione humana posita : quae nee ex Scripturis nee Patribus, nee Conciliis, deduci potest firmiter. Immo, salvo meliore judicio, opposita sententiaeis conformior videtur :" />., ** Punishment in Purgatory is a doc- rine seated in human opinion. Neither from Scripture 7ior from the Fathers, nor from the (earlier) Councils, can it be firml}^ deduced. Nay, with submission to better judgment, the contrary opinion seems more con- formable to them." After this it would be superfluous to cite the numer- ous passages I have marked from the Fathers before the time of Augustine, all of the same purport with this of Ambrose {in PsaL 40 (41) 2 ; '' shall be blessed upon the earth ") : '' Bene addidit /;/ /^rr<^, quia nisi hie mundatus fuerit, ibi mundus esse non poterit :" />., '' He has well added upon earth ; for if one be not cleansed here, he cannot be clean there,'' Having thus vindicated the Fathers and the Church of the first six centuries, from the slanderous imputa- tions of the Archbishop, let me recall to the reader what the Roman Doctrine of Purgatory is, and then give it the coup de graee from the Apocrypha and from Holy Scripture. '* Hell, then," says the Catechism of the Council of Trent (Donovan's Translation, Baltimore, John Mur- phy, pp. 62, 63), ''here (in the Creed) signifies those secret abodes in which are detained the souls that have not been admitted to the regions of bliss. '' These abodes are not all of the same nature, for amongst them is that most loathsome and dark prison in which the souls of the damned are buried. PURGA TOR V AND PR A VERS FOR THE DEAD. 237 Amongst them is also the fire of purgatory, in which the souls of just men [mark that ^orAjust] are cleansed by a temporary punishment/' etc. Again (pp. 63-65) : '' This we shall easily understand by comparing the descent of Christ . . . with that of the just. They (the just) descended as captives ; He as free and victorious, . . . they (the just) de- scended, some [of the just] to endure the most acute tor- ments, others, though exempt from actual pain, yet deprived of the vision of God. . . . Christ the Lord descended, not to suffer, but to liberate from suf- fering the holy and \h^just, . . . Before His death and resurrection heaven was closed against every child of Adam : the souls of the just, on their depart- ure from this life, were borne to the bosom of Abra- ham ; or, as is still the case with those who [though holy 3,nd just^ require to be freed from the stain of sin, or die indebted to the divine justice, were purified in the fire of purgatory.'* Besides these there is another passage which Hall, in his treatise on Purgatory (p. 17), quotes from the Catechismus ad Parochos (the Latin title of the Catechism of the Council of Trent), p. 74, Lugduni, 1579, but which Donovan, for some reason or other, does not give in his Translation. It runs thus : *' Poena Purgatorii ex- cedit omnem poenam temporalem hujus vitae:'* i.e,, '' The punishment of Purgatory surpasses all temporal punishment of this life.'' This is in accordance with what Cardinal Bellarmine says {de Purgat, 1. ii. c. 6, t, ii., p. 410, C. Colonise, 1628, ap, Hall) : '' Theologi fere omnes docent eodem in loco esse, et eodem igne torqueri, damnatos et animas Purgatorii :" i,e,, ** Almost all Theologians teach that the damned, and the souls in Purgatory, are in the same place, and tortured in the same fire, * Now those that are thus tortured are, as we have seen, the '' holy" and '' just," or, as Thomas Aquinas 238 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFA THERS. expresses it in the passage quoted by me above (p. 229), '' faithful souls that have departed hence in a state of grace ' — in other words, tJie dead in Clirist : for those ^)\o divQ out of Christ ^Q, according to Rome, straight to hell. The dead in Christ, therefore (with the excep- tion of the martyrs and eminent saints, who are said to go straight to glory), are, according to Rome, tor- tured in the same fire wdth the damned in hell ! To this atrocious teaching, for all which Rome is re- sponsible until she puts Bellarmine in the Index, I op- pose the opening verses of the third chapter of the Book of Wisdom, which Rome accounts canonical : '* But the souls of the righteous are in the hand of God, and there shall no torment touch them."^ In the sight of the unwise, they seemed to die : and their de- parture is taken for misery, and their going from us to be utter destruction : but they are in peace .•" and to \' make assurance doubly sure," I meet and vanquish it with a passage of Holy Writ which utterly annihilates the whole doctrine of Purgatory : *' I heard a voice from heaven saying unto me, Write, Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord from henceforth : Yea, saith the Spirit, that they may rest from their labors ; and their works do follow them." CHAPTER XVI. CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. *' A MAN enjoys religious liberty," says the Arch- bishop, ** when he possesses the free right of w^orship- '-^ The Douay, following the Vulgate, reads, " the torment of death ^\i2^ not touch them." But as Du Hamel, in his edition of the Vulgate, Venice, 1741, published ** j/z/fr/^r/^/;/ /^r/;//j-j-z^," rightly says, in a note on the passage, " Vox^ mortis, dc-cst in Graro :'' i.c.y "The words, of deaths are wanting in the Greek." CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. 239 ping God according to the dictates of a right con- science, and of practising a form of religion most in ac- cordance with his duties to God." This is a definition that Torquemada himself would agree to. I had always thought that a man enjoys religious liberty when he possesses the free right to worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience. But no, says the Archbishop : if he is a Protestant or a non- Roman, his conscience is a Avrong conscience ; the only right conscience is a con- science in accordance with the Roman Church, and therefore a man enjoys religious liberty when he pos- sesses the free right to worship God according to the dictates of the Roman Church. I defy any one to make anything else out of the Archbishop's definition of religions liberty. He next defines civil liberty , and then adds : '' I here assert the proposition, which I hope to con- firm by historical evidence, that the Catholic Church has always been the zealous promoter of religious and civil liberty ; and that whenever any encroachments on these sacred rights of man were perpetrated by pro- fessing members of the Catholic faith, these wrongs, iar from being sanctioned by the Church, were com- mitted in palpable violation of her authority" (p. 222). That the Roman Church '' has always been the zealous promoter" of religious liberty, as above defined by the Archbishop, nobody doubts ; and therefore he might have spared himself the trouble of *' confirming" the proposition "by historical evidence." But more of this by and by. Let us first consider the two brief paragraphs (less than half a page, out of the eighteen pages that follow) on civil liberty : *' The greatest bulwark of civil liberty is the famous Magna Charta. It is the foundation not only of Brit- ish, but also of American constitutional freedom. Among other blessings contained in this instrument, it 240 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. establishes trial by jur)', and the right of Habeas Corpus, and provides that tiiere shall be no taxation without representation. '' Who were the framers of this memorable charter ? Archbishop Langton and the Catholic barons of Eng- land. On the plains of Runny mede, in 12 15, they compelled King John to sign that paper, which was the death-blow to his arbitrary power and the corner- stone of constitutional government *' (p. 229). So far, all goes on swimmingly. But the Arch- bishop conveniently forgets to tell his readers that Pope Innocent III. annulled Magna Charta, ordered Lang- ton to excommunicate the recalcitrant Barons, and on his refusal suspended him permanently from his office, excommunicated the Barons himself, and laid the city of London under an Interdict ! All of which they will find in the Archbishop's own historian Lingard, His- tory of E7tgland, author's last, revised edition, John, A.d. 1215, Aug. 24, 25, Dec. 16. Leaving the Archbishop to his reflections, and the reader to hisy I return to the consideration of the other branch of the subject, to w^it, religions liberty. On page 226 the Archbishop undertakes to correct ** a great mistake, which comes from not knowing the Catholic doctrine in its fulness. I shall not lay it down myself,'' he says, '* lest it seem to have been gotten up for the occasion. I shall quote the great theologian Becanus, who taught the doctrine of the schools of Catholic Theology at the time when the struggle was hottest between Catholicity and Protestantism. He says that religious liberty may be tolerated by a ruler when it would do more harm to the state or to the community to repress it." Reader, what do you think the Archbishop quotes this last sentence for ? You will hardly believe it, but I assure you it is true, and if you will look in his book in the page preceding this you will see for yourself. CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBER TV. 241 He actually quotes it to reassure American citizens, alarmed for their religious liberty in the event of Rome's ** getting the upper hand in numbers and power." The burden of his dehortation is, Don't be alarmed ! I assure you there is no occasion for it. If we get the upper hand, we shall tolerate you so long as it will do more harm not to tolerate you ; but as soon as the time comes — and of that we are to be the judge — when it won t do more harm not to tolerate you, then we shall not tolerate you ! Very reassuring, isn't it ? And then that word '* tolerate !" Who are you that thus dare to talk — for it is your talk, though the words are Becanus's ; for you make them your own, and say expressly that they are *' Catholic doctrine" — who are you that thus dare to talk of * ' tolerating ' our ' ' re- ligious liberty ?" I scorn to be ** tolerated'' in the en- joyment of that v/hich is my birthright. Like him whose blood flows in my veins, the first Governor Dud- ley of Massachusetts, but for a very different reason, I cry out, from the bottom of my soul, and with all the strength that is in me, against this un-American, un- nineteenth - century, '' intolerable toleration." You forgot yourself, and whom you were talking to, when you used that word ! Keep it for your bondmen ! To think of a man who can thus talk to us of tolerating our birthright, of tolerating what he himself (though evi- dently it is with him only a rhetorical flourish) a little lurther on (p. 237) calls '* the God-given rights of con- science" — to think of such a man being at the head of the Roman Hierarchy in the United States ! But we have not yet finished his quotation from Becanus : '* The ruler may even [may eve^i I think of that, reader] enter into a compact in order to secure to his subjects this freedom in religious matters ; and when once a compact is made, it must absolutely be observed in every point, just as every other lawful and honest 242 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. contract" (Becanus de Virttitibus TJicologicis, c. i6, qusest. 4, No. 2). This is the true Catholic teaching on this point according to Becanus and all Catholic theologians. So that if Catholics should gain the majority in a community where freedom of conscience is already secured to all by law, their very religion obliges them to respect the rights thus acquired by their fellow^citizens. What danger can there be, then, for Protestants if Catholics should be in the majority here ? Their apprehensions are the result of vain fears which no honest mind ought any longer to harbor'' (p. 226). " Will you walk into my parlor Said the spider to the fly ?" Thank you. No ! If it is all the same to you, I had rather stay out. Timeo Romanos, etc. The metre is bad ; but, as Peter Quince says, '* Never sacrifice sense to sound." In the patriotism of the CarroUs and the Taneys in this country, and the Beaumonts, the Nor- folks, and the Camoys in England, of whom more by and by, I have the utmost confidence ; in the Roman Curia and its tools — him of Westminster and him of Baltimore — none at all. Has the Archbishop forgot- ten, or does he think we have, that King John made a compact, of the very kind specified by Becanus, with the *' Cathohc Barons," and that Pope Innocent III., who may be presumed to have known as well as Becanus what was '* true Catholic teaching," trampled it under foot ? Has he forgotten, or does he think ze'^ have, that the Council of Constance violated the Imperial safe- conduct under the protection of which John Huss came within its power, and with a disregard of plighted faith that an American savage would have deemed it an everlasting infamy to have been guilty of, burnt him alive ? Has he forgotten, or does he think zve have, that Pope Innocent X., in his Bull of 20th November, CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. 243 1648, '* Zebis Domits Dei,'' condemns the Peace of West- phalia as " null and void, and of no effect or authority for past, present, or future,'' adding that "no one, though he had sworn to observe the Peace, is bound to keep his oath ?" See the original in Janus, p. 30, n. Coming down to our own time — for '' Rome never changes" — Has he forgotten, or does he think we have, that ''in 1824, Leo. XII. addressed a letter to Louis XVIII., pointing out the badness of the French Con- stitution, and urgently pressing him to expunge from the charter those articles which savored of liberalism ?" — that '' soon after the establishment of the new Bel- gian Constitution in 1832, Gregory XVI. issued his famous Encyclical, recently used and confirmed by Pins IX,, which pronounces freedom of conscience an insane folly, and freedom of the press a pestiferous error, which cannot be sufficiently detested ?" — that *' the at- tempt of the Congress of Malinesin 1863 was wrecked ;" the *' Syllabus" of Pius IX. having '' pronounced sen- tence of death on its programme, so eloquently set forth by Montalembert, for reconciling the Church with civil free- dom f — that '' in Italy, the Papal Government has used every effort to deter Austria and the other Italian sove- reigns from granting parliamentary and free municipal institutions.^" — that ''the Roman Court declared that it could not suffer even the very mildest forms of parlia- mentar)^ government in its neighborhood on account of the bad example ?' — that "the mild and just Grand Duke Leopold of Tuscany was compelled, against his will, under pressure from Rome, to abolish that article of the Constitution which asserted the equality of all citizens before the law, without distinction of religion^ because the Pope declared that it could not be promul- gated " tut a conscientiaT' — that " the Bavarian Consti- tution, with its equality of religious confessions, and of all citizens before the law, is looked on with an evil eye at Rome?" — and, finally, that "the Austrian Consti- 244 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. tution has drawn on itself the curse of the Vatican," as witness the following from '' the Allocution of 22d June, 1868 :" *' By our apostolic authority we reject and condemn the above-mentioned (new Austrian) laws in general, and in particular all that has been ordered, done, or enacted in these and other things against the rights of the Church by the Austrian Government or its subordinates ; by the same authority we declare these laws and their consequences to have been, and to be for the future, null and void {nulliusqiie roboris fitisse ac fore). We exhort and adjure their authors, especially those who call themselves Catholics, and all who have dared to propose, to accept, to approve, and to execute them, to remember the censures and spiritual penalties incurred ipso facto, according to the apostolical consti- tutions and decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, by those who violate the rights of the Church "? See all this, and a good deal more to the same effect, not only asserted, hut proved hy incontestable authorities, in the chapter on the Syllabus, in The Pope and the Council, by Janus : Rivingtons, London, Oxford, and Cambridge ; Scribner, Welford Co., New York, 1869 (pp. 8-33). The following is from the Encyclical above referred to, as translated in the Dublin Review for April, 1865 : ** Against the doctrine of Scripture, of the Church, and of the Holy Fathers, they do not hesitate to assert that * That is the best condition of society, in which no duty is recognized as attached to the civil power, of re- straining, by enacted penalties, offenders against the Catholic religion, except so far as the public peace may require/ From which totally false idea of social gov- ernment they do not fear to foster that erroneous opinion, most fatal in its effects on the Catholic Church and the salvation of souls, called by our predecessor Gregory XVI. an insanity, viz., that ' liberty of con- science and worships is each man's personal right. . / But while they rashly affirm this, they do not CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY, 245 think and consider that they are preaching the liberty of perdition. Here we have Gregory XVI. calling the doctrine of ** each man's personal right " to '' liberty of conscience and worships" an insanity^ and Pius IX. declaring it to be the liberty of perdition, and ** most fatal in its effects on the Catholic [meaning thereby the Roman] Church. In the face of these authoritative declarations of Infalli- bility — for ** liberty of conscience and worships'' is clearly within the sphere of ** faith and morals" — Avhat do the *' eloquent voice" of Bernard, and the '' beauti- ful letter" of Fenelon, paraded Avith such a flourish of trumpets by the Archbishop (p. 224), amount to ? Can fallibility offset infallibility ? The mention of Fenelon reminds me of the Arch- bishop's paragraph on the education of girls: ** It is well known," he says, ** that the superior advantages of our female academies throughout the country lead many of our dissenting brethren to send their daughters to these institutions" (p. 225). Their only *' superior advantage" is their cheapness. It would be much more commendable in the Sisters who give themselves to the work of educating the daughters of Protestants at a low charge, if they would set about giving a good secular as well as religious education to their sisters of their own communion in the humbler walks of life, instead of leaving them to grow up (secularly) almost if not wholly uncared for. Their own translation of r Tim. 5 : 8 could tell them that ** if an}^ man have not care of his own, and especially of those of his house, he hath de- nied the faith, and is worse than an infidel." One of the good effects of the *' liberty of conscience and wor- ships" in the city of Rome under the new regime is, that it has compelled the present Pope to inaugurate a system of popular education, instead of leaving the humbler classes to grow up, as under his predecessor, in squalid ignorance. 246 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. I have said that cheapness is the only superior advan- tage of the schools in question. Against this is to be set the supreme disadvantage of the risk, nay, the prob- ability, of the perversion of young, and therefore sus- ceptible, minds and hearts exposed to subtle influences which surround them like an atmosphere, and which they breathe in unconsciously. The Archbishop un- derstands this, for he tells us that the pupils *' often beg to embrace a religion which fosters," etc. But *' do the sisters take advantage of this influence in the cause of proselytism ? By no means." Not they. They know too well that *' in vain is the net spread in the sight of any bird." So they let things take their course, being shrewd enough to perceive that that is the surest way of gaining their end. This shrewdness of the sisters the Archbishop sets to the account of del- icacy. *' So delicate," says he, ''is their regard for the religious conscience of their pupils, that they rarely consent to have these young ladies baptized till they have obtained the free permission of their parents or guardians." They rarely consent. They do consent, then, sometimes. Remember that, fathers and mothers, when you are thinking of putting your daughters with them ; for if those daughters are perverted, the re- sponsibility will be upon you. Remember, too, that though you secure their education at a moderate charge, you may be paying dear for it nevertheless. You would not send them to one of the Pope's new schools in Rome, to continue there year after year, ex- posed during summer to the malaria of the Pomptine Marshes, even if the school were the best in Christen- dom, and the Pope were to offer to educate them for nothing. And yet you expose them to a moral miasma as much worse than the physical, as the soul, on which it brings its blight, is more precious than the body. It looks very disinterested in Rome to be thus educating the daughters of Protestants at a low charge ; but we CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY, 247 may be sure of one thing : she is not reckoning with- out her host. All is fish that comes to her net ; and she has hauled, from these schools, some big fish, that have brought their tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, into her coffers. If all that she has thus received were added to the tuition money paid her by Protestant pupils, and the aggregate averaged among the whole number of those pupils, perhaps the figures would be found considerably higher than those on the Protestant school-bills. The Archbishop says nothing about schools for boys. Let the Southern Churchman^ of August 22d, 1878, supply the omission : ** A Mr. Petre, an English Roman Catholic, has lately published a pamphlet, * Catholic Systems of School Discipline,* in which he gives the testimony derived from his own investigation and experience. He was educated at a Jesuit college, but is ' thoroughly persuaded that the system pursued in Roman Catholic schools is out of tone with the age and in some respects pernicious.' At Stonyhurst College, where Mr. Petre was educated, at no hour of the day were the boys allowed to be out of the sight of a master. The boys had no separate rooms, all studying, reading, or taking their recreation in the presence of schoolmates or in- structors. There was a pla3^ground surrounded by a stone wall and having on its barren surface some eight or ten trees ; except under the most exceptional cir- cumstances no boy was allowed to leave this square. The scholars were not expected to walk about in couples in conversation. If talking in couples was at all persisted in the parties were liable to arbitrary sep- aration. There was a special fear of ' ' particular friendships*' in the school, and hence Stonyhurst boys would not have liked to be seen shaking hands or walk- ing arm in arm. The religious life, too, was propor- 248 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, tionately narrow and restrained. The instructors must necessarily be drawn from the narrow hmits of the order, and are generally young scholastics who are ap- pointed to teach as a matter of training. The spiritual father ought naturally to have been chosen with regard to his sympathy with the boys in their eccentricities, troubles, and difficulties. But he did not gain their confidence and rarely met with them for personal re- ligious aid. So it is with all Jesuit schools, according to Mr. Petre. The much-lauded Jesuit college is con- ducted on principles of suspicion calculated to repress instead of cultivating manliness in the boy ; governed by rules as unreasonable as they are arbitrary, and with a religious influence that is cold, heartless, and me- chanical.'' Such was, fifty or sixty years ago (and I presume is still) the system of discipline at the Jesuit College at Georgetown, D. C, as I was informed, many years since, by one who, being, when a boy, resident in the District, received his preparatory training at the Col- lege, but was afterwards graduated at Harvard Uni- versity, in the Class of 1826. I refer to the late Corne- lius McLean, Esq., Member of the Maryland Bar, Sec- retary of State under Governor Grason, and Auditor of the Court of Chancery. He gave me a detailed ac- count of the discipline of the College as it was carried out in his time. There was a sort of tessera — I am not certain what the name of it was — that a boy who had violated the rules w^as obliged to carry about him till he found another boy violating the rules, when he could pass it to him ; and /le, in his turn, must keep it till he found another to pass it to, and so on. Thus the boys were made sj?zes upon one another. Indeed, the whole system was one of espiojtage, calculated, and, doubtless, designed to destroy all manliness of char- acter, and break down all confidence between boy and CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. 249 boy ; in short, to be a slow murder of the boy's moral nature. Even a heathen "^ could say, Maxima debetur pucro reverciitia, and many a heathen parent felt the force of the maxim and acted upon it. But your true Jesuit has no reverence for aught of human kind. He is, by the necessity of his position and training, Jiostis liumani generis, ''Man delights him not, nor woman neither :" and as for childhood, he looks upon it simply as material out of which to mould machines, to do re- morselessly his bidding. That I am not alone in my es- timate of Ultramontane Jesuitism, and its system of edu- cation, may be seen from the following, which I take from the Southern Churchman of November 14th, 1878 : ''ENGLISH ROMAN CATHOLICS AND ULTRAMONTANISM. " Some signs of an incipient reaction against Ultra- montanism are apparent among English Roman Catho- lics. The Catholic Gazette is an anti-Jesuit organ, re- centl}^ established. It says : ' We thank God English- men are not likely to approve of the Jesuit system of education, and feel the force of the old saying of the man who declared that he "thanked God he was a Catholic, but he also thanked God that he was born and brought up in a Protestant country.'' Is it not a fact that a certain per-centage of Jesuit-instructed youths invariably go to the bad, and, what is more, are far worse than bad Protestants ? We appeal to men of the world for a reply. In France it is notorious that from Voltaire downwards the worst infidels and most immoral men have been ex-Jesuit students.' It is this Ultramontane Jesuitism that is at the bot- tom of the conflict now raging between the Ecclesias- tical and the Civil Power all over Europe, and which * Juvenal, Satire, xiv. 2 so THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. the Archbishop is so lugubrious over because the Ro- man Curia is getting, as in such a conflict it deserves to get, the worst of it. Let it try the same thing here, as it is itching to do, and it will get a lesson that will last it till the crack of doom, if it itself lasts so long. Liberty of conscience doesn't mean the liberty of a conscience that impels its owner to enslave other con- sciences. With the Gallicanism of Pascal and Bossuet and Du- pin, of Carroll and Eccleston and Taney, of Beaumont and Norfolk and Camoys, Civil Society has no con- flict ; for Gallicanism is consistent with patriotism, but Ultramontanism abhors the very word, and is doing its best, or rather its worst, to eradicate the name and the thing from the minds and hearts of men. May the curse of Him who *' hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of their liabitation^'" ^ rest upon it. The following letter, which speaks for itself, and which I give in part, only wishing I had room for the whole, 1 take from The Genius of Popery opposed to the Principles of Civil and Religions Liberty^ Dublin, 1850, pp. 176-178 : " Dublin, Nov. 20, 1850. " My dear Lord Zetland : I perceive that the newspapers have announced the intention of the High Sheriff to call a public meeting to consider the propriety of addressing the Crown on the subject of the late in- sult [the setting up of a Roman Hierarchy in England] offered to this country by the Court of Rome, and 1 learn from the same sources of information that the step on the part of the High Sheriff has been taken in conse- quence of a requisition signed by nearly all the resi- dent peers in Yorkshire. It is a matter not only of no ^ Acts 17 ; 26. CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. 251 surprise, but of no regret to me, that such a proceeding should be adopted by the country, for the acts in ques- tion are of quite as much poUtical and social impor- tance as of religious and sectarian character. The pope, by his ill-advised measures, has placed the Roman Catholics in this country in a position where they must either break with Rome, or violate their allegiance to the constitution of these realms. It is impossible to act up to the spirit of the British Constitution, and at the same time acknowledge the jurisdiction of the pope in local matters. . . . Be- lieving, therefore, that the late bold and clearly ex- pressed edict of the Court of Rome cannot be received or accepted by English Roman Catholics without a vi- olation of their duties as citizens, I need not add that I consider the line of conduct now adopted by Lord John Russell as that of a true friend of the British Con- stitution. *' Believe me, my dear Lord Zetland, yours very truly, " Beaumont. ** To the Right Hon. the Earl of Zetland." This drew from the Duke of Norfolk the following letter to Lord Beaumont : ** Arundel Castle, Nov. 28, 1850. ** My DEAR Lord: I so entirely coincide with the opinion of your letter to Lord Zetland, that I must write to you to express my agreement with you. ** 1 should think that many must feel as we do, that ultramontane opinions are totally incompatible with the allegiance to our Sovereign and w^ith our constitu- tion. . '' I remain, my dear Lord, faithfully yours, " Norfolk.'' These letters are from *' representative men" of the 252 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. Roman Communion, one of them at the head of the Enghsh Nobihty. Here is another, from Lord Camoys, called forth by Mr. Gladstone's pamphlet on the new dogma of Papal Infallibility. 1 give it entire, as I find it in the Southern Chitrchnian of December 3d, 1874 : LETTER FROM A ROMAN CATHOLIC NOBLEMAN. ** The pamphlet of Mr. Gladstone is attracting great attention, not only in England, but in Germany, and in this country. In the London Times, Lord Camoys, who is a Roman Catholic, publishes a letter, addressed to Mr. Gladstone, in which he concurs with the views of the pamphlet. It is of so much importance we give it in full : ** ' Henley-on-Thames, Nov. 13, 1874. ** * Dear Mr. Gladstone : In your ** Expostulation" you have appealed to those English Roman Catholics who concur in the views you have therein expressed. As I am one of those who so concur, I am bound to say so. No one is more entitled than yourself to an expression of confidence from those w^ho have benefit- ted by the great principles of civil and religious liberty by w^hich you have been invariably guided. I concur in the proposition you have stated, though I regret in reference to the reign of Queen Mary you should have considered it necessary to use the term " bloody." It is unnecessary to argue upon the accuracy of the ex- pression. That word has always been and is offensive to the Roman Catholics, and was not needed to sup- port your assertion. I believe it to be perfectly true, since that reign it was not possible for the party to whom you allude — I presume the Ritualists— and you might have added for the Roman Catholics, and I add for both combined, though they might tend to over- throw the Estabhshed Church, yet could never make CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. 253 this a Roman Catholic country. Lord Acton and yourself have drawn attention, and quite appropriately, to the language held by the Roman Catholic clergy and laity previous to emancipation, when the distinction be- tween the civil and spiritual duties of Catholics was clearly defined and infallibility emphatically denied. Had any Catholic of importance then said, '' I am a Catholic first and an Englishman after,'* and that with- out the slightest reservation, and had that expression been defended by a Catholic Archbishop of that day as it has been defended by the Archbishop of Westmin- ster, 1 very much doubt if Catholic emancipation would have been granted. In noticing your *' Expostulation'' the Archbishop of Westminster, in his published let- ter, said that there is no change in the obligations of the Roman Catholics to the civil power in consequence of the publication of the Vatican decrees. Now, is this so ? It is not likely the present Pope will adopt against Queen Victoria the course pursued by the then Pope against Queen Elizabeth, but there is no telling what edict might be issued by the author of the Sylla- bus. Assuming an edict was now issued tending to weaken or destroy allegiance, what a different position a Roman Catholic would be in now from what he would have been in then ! Infallibility was not then a matter of compulsory belief, and he w^ould have been at liberty to refuse compliance with such an edict ; but what would be the effect of his belief in the personal infallibility ? He must either withhold his allegiance on the one hand, or risk his salvation on the other ; and is not this a new obligation ? To be compelled to believe under severe penalties now what we were at liberty to disbelieve then with impunit}^ is surely a new obligation. As an Independent English Roman Cath- olic, I consider it my duty to make this response to your appeal. Much may be said of the serious difficul- ties that many members of the Roman CathoHc Church 254 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. throughout the world will be placed in by being com- pelled to believe in the Vatican decrees. For myself, I will say that history, common sense, and my early instruction, forbid me to accept the astounding and novel (novel, at least, in its present promulgation) doc- trine of the personal infallibility of the Pope, though limited, as asserted, to the large domain of faith and morals. I remain yours faithfully. '' ^Camoys.* '^ A beautiful illustration this of the Archbishop *s glow- ing apostrophe (p. 90) to the '' Children of the Cath- olic Church :" '\ You are a part of that universal Com- munion which has no ' High Church ' and ' Low Church ' . . . Well may you exclaim : Bcliold hozv good and hozv pleasant it is for brethren to dzvell together in unity ! ! !'' As a pendant to the preceding remarks on Jesuit Colleges and Conventual Schools, I give the following from the Baltimore Gazette of December 7th, 1878 : FAILURE OF A CELEBRATED CATHOLIC COLLEGE. THEATRICAL GOSSIP. London, Nov. 24. *' Special Correspondence of the Gazette. '' The Roman Catholic college which was established a few years ago at Kensington has failed, and there is reason to believe that its brief existence will be rung out by next Christmas bells. The failure is softened to the Catholic breast by many theories, the chief be- ing that it was not in the right locality and that it will presently reappear at Oxford. But the real difficulty was that this college could not prepare 3^oung men for any degree whatever now given in this kingdom by any university without instructing them in heretical books. The works of Lvell, Darwin, Huxlev, Tyndall, CIVIL A.VD RETJGIOUS LIBERTY. 255 Haeckel, and such men, are used as regular books of study at Oxford, Cambridge, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Dublin, and London ; they are not optional, but pro- vided for by the authorities, and no man can pass ex- aminations without them. It is idle for a college to attempt to get on without preparing youth for degrees without which no one can become a physician or a pro- fessor and which is becoming the readiest way of suc- ceeding in the law. The Roman Catholic church while steadily gaining fresh strength from one side of the English church, is really out of harmony with the present strong tendency to physical, political and social sciences found in all educational institutions in this country. Their college at Kensington had in it pow- erful men — St. George Mivart, Mgr. Capel, Cardinal Manning and one or two other highly-cultivated men — but they had been educated as Protesants and seceded from the English church. They did not put forth for their new college any list of books to meet the examin- ations of the degree-conferring universities. Conse- quently the 3"Outh, even of their own body, who aspire to English careers, could not venture to run risk of wasting their early years by entering there. '' If, indeed, a rumor I have heard but do not credit should prove true and a Roman Catholic college be established at Oxford, it w^ould be in picturesque coin- cidence with the founding there of a college for women. In that monastic city, where, under its ancient regime the apparition of a pretty girl would, in any moment, have identified her with Satanella, a Catholic college would now find its twin sister in a female college. Your correspondent has the pleasure of belonging to an association just formed which is to meet at Oxford on the 3d of December and found this institution. Many of the most active masters and professors of the university — High Church and Broad — have united to carry through a scheme which began with a lady hav- 256 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, ing offered a thousand pounds to start the matter. Next year the lectures and classes which will prepare girls above 18 to pass the regular Oxford examinations, without reserve or limit, will begin. For a time, the girls from a distance, who attend, will be lodged in houses which a committee of ladies will buy and secure. In this the ladies will begin jvist where the old pilgrim- students did, who lodged where they could and grad- ually clubbed together in what were called halls (some are so called yet) and afterward grew into the statelier buildings of colleges. . . /' To the proposed college for women at Oxford every true friend of the higher education will bid a hearty God-speed ; and if the Roman Communion shall estab- lish at that University a college for its sons, that shall keep abreast of the age in secular studies, we will bid that, so far, God-speed, also. A word now on ** Maryland toleration," and I close this chapter : '' On the 2d of April, 1649," says the Archbishop, " the General Assembly of Maryland passed the follow- ing Act, which will reflect unfading glory on that State as long as liberty is cherished in the hearts of men : ' Whereas the enforcing of conscience in matters of re- ligion hath frequently fallen out to be of dangerous con- sequence in those commonwealths where it has been practised, and for the more quiet and peaceable government of this province and the better to preserve mutual love and unity amongst the inhabitants, no person whatsoever within this province, professing to believe in Jesus Christ, shall from henceforth be anyways troubled or molested for his or her religion, nor in the free exercise thereof, nor any way compelled to thebelief or exercise of any other religion against his or her consent. * '' Upon this noble statute, Bancroft makes the follow- ing candid and judicious comment : ' The design of the CIVIL AXD RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. 257 ]aw of Mar}' land was to protect freedom of conscience. . . / " (pp. 231, 232). As the Archbishop has a way (as the reader has al- ready seen in more than one instance) of omitting from a quotation what makes against him, let me, in the pres- ent instance, supply the omission : *' Any person or persons whatsoever that shall deny our Saviour Jesus Christ to be the Son of God, or shall deny the Holy Trinity — the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, or the Godhead of any of the three persons of the Holy Trin- ity or the unity of the Godhead, or shall use any reproachful words, speeches or languages concerning the Holy Trinity, or any of the three said persons thereof, shall be punished with death and confiscation or forfeiture of all his or her land and goods to the Lord Proprietor and his heirs.'* These provisions are part and parcel of the Arch- bishop's'' noble statute ;" and Bancroft's '* comment " on it, whether ''candid and judicious," or not, must be admitted to be at least disinterested, seeing, if the said provisions were now in force and enforced, and he were to buy a house in Baltimore, and take up his resi- dence in it, he would be put to death, and his house, and furniture, and library, would be confiscated ; to the reflection of " unfading glory" on the good State of Maryland " as long as," etc. The truth is, nothing was further from the intention of any one of the three classes, Anglican, Puritan, Roman, that made up (probably in about equal pro- portions) the bulk of the population — Quakers and Socinians being only sporadic — than to pass an act of universal (or even general) toleration, for toleration s sake. The Roman portion had sucked in intolerance with their mothers' milk. So had the grandfathers of the Anglican and the Puritan ; and it has taken several generations to get the virus out of their blood, if in- deed it be entirely out yet. What they were seeking 258 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. was, as is plain from the very words of the preamble, especially those I have italicized, a modus vivendi, a way of getting along comfortably, or, at least, tolerably, together, in the peculiar circumstances in which they were placed. Each one was ready to give a grudging toleration to the other two, as the only way of being itself tolerated. And so the Act was passed, tolerat- ing all '* professing to believe in Jesus Christ '' as ** the Son of God,'' one of " the three persons of the Holy Trinity,'' and *' punishing Avith death " any one '' de- nying" him to be such. In the Assembly that enacted this law, there is not the slightest proof, or even probability, that those of the Roman Communion were in the majority. In the rank and file of the population Protestantism was pre- dominant in the beginning. *' Lord Baltimore's col- ony," says a late writer,"^ '* came to Maryland in 1634. It has been commonly assumed that the majority of the settlers were Roman Catholics, but a better knowledge of the facts in the case proves to the contrary. Even Bancroft, who, in the first edition of his history, fell in to the common opinion, in his new and revised edition [which the Archbishop seems not to have seen] says that the majority of the first settlers were Protest- ants. . . * The Rev. B. F. Brown, Rectot of St. Paul's Church, Harrlsburg, Pa., and formerly Rector of All Saints' Church, Baltimore, to whom I am indebted for the facts here stated, the original sources not being accessi- ble to me as I write. See an article of his in the New York Church Journal of August g, 1877, called forth by a passage in Governor Car- roll's Address at the Dedication of the " Catholic Centennial Fountain." See also a pamphlet entitled, Early Religious History of Ma7yland. The Substance of a Lecture Delivered before the Guild of All Saints' Chu7 chy Bal- timo7e. By the Rev. B. F. Btown, Baltimore ; Innes of Co., 1876. Re- specting this, Mr. B. writes me : " Dr. De Peyster, President of the New York Historical Society, and Dr. Hoyt, of the New England Histor- ical and Genealogical Register have done my poor pamphlet the honor to style it a Deuionstration of its two main points — Maryland not a Roman Catholic Colony — Toleration not an act of Roman Catholic Legislation." CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. 259 *' In 1645. Richard Ingle, holding a commission from the Parliament, drove Leonard Calvert (Lord Balti- more's Lieutenant Governor) out of Maryland, and held its Government in the Parliamentary interest for nearly two years. The Jesuit Priests were arrested and sent to England for trial, the Missions were broken up, and the Roman Catholic influence in the Province greatly diminished. . . . ** In the Province the number of people declined from over six hundred to about four hundred. To save all he had invested in the enterprise, Lord Balti- more had to achieve two things : First, to conciliate the Puritan Government ; and Secondly, to bring emigrants to his declining Colony. Departing from his former policy of putting his Roman Catholic friends in the Colonial offices, he appointed one Capt, Gibbons of Boston, a noted Puritan, to be Admiral of the Province of Maryland. Robert Vaughn, a Protes- tant, was made Commander of Kent Isle ; and CoL William Stone, a Protestant and Parliament man, to be his Governor in Maryland. Stone's commission, dated August, 1648, showed that it was on condition that he brought five hundred settlers. . . . Where were the new settlers to come from ? Col. Stone found Virginia to be the most hopeful quarter. Gov- ernor Berkeley of that Province had induced the As- sembly to enact very rigid laws against the Puritan Nonconformists who had been gathering there. Their uncomfortable position in Virginia disposed them to listen with favor to Stone's invitation to settle in Mary- land. ** Stone's promise to the Puritans was embodied in his Commission from Lord Baltimore, and the next year, 1649, enacted by the Maryland Assembly, under the title ' An Act concerning Religion,' and commonly known as * The Religious Toleration Act.' . *' Hammond, in * Rachel and Leah,' a pamphlet pub- 26o THE FAirn OF OUR FOREFATHERS, lished in England in the year 1656, [after giving an ac- count of their (the Puritans') * admittance and enter- tainment into that Province/ and the stipulation * that they should have a convenient portion of land assigned, the liberty of conscience, and privilege to choose their own officers,* this stipulation being the act (be it ob- served) of a Protestant Governor,] says, ' An Assembly was called throughout the whole countr}^ \i,L\, Prov- ince] after their coming over, consisting as well of them- selves as the rest, and because there were a few Papists that first inhabited, these themselves, and others, being of different judgments, an Act was passed that all pro- fessing to believe in Jesus Christ should have equal justice/ ** This passage proves two essential things : First, that there were but few Papists ; and Second, that to the Protestant population, already largely in the as- cendant, were added the new Puritan emigrants from Virginia, giving an overwhelming Protestant prepon- derance in the Assembly of 1649/' Whether any but Protestants voted for the Act may be doubted ; for the narrative of Mr. Brown, after some further reflections, proceeds : ** From certain * Annapolis Manuscripts,* Neill, in his new book entitled * Founders of Maryland/ tells us that in the next year after the Act of 1650, when the Assembly met, and the delegates, thirteen in number, came to be sworn in, all the Roman Catholics, four in number — John Medley, Philip Lond, Thomas Mat- thews, and George Manners — objected to the principles of the ' Act of Religion,' Three of them finally took the oath ; but Thomas Matthews said he could not take it, ' as he wished to be guided in matters of conscience by spirit- ual counsel,' He was censured and expelled, and Cuth- bert Fenwick returned in his place/' Matthews evidently meant, not that he wanted time to consult his spiritual director whether he might, Avith CHARGES OF RELIC rO US PERSECUTTOX. 261 a safe conscience, take the oath to maintain the laws, and among them the particular law in question, but, that he had already consulted him, and, as the result of his ** spiritual counsel,'* ''could not take it/' The other three were of easier virtue. They were op- posed, indeed, to the law, 07t principle, but interest said to them, with Meg Merrilies, *' Gape, sinner, and swallow!" So they gaped, and swallowed. But they did it with a wry face. They didn't believe in toleration even as a modus vivcndi ; still less in tolera- tion for toleration's sake ; least of all in the inalienable right of freedom of conscience to be (not tolerated but) asserted and maintained against all comers. After this, and ten times as much more to the same effect, in the article, and the pamphlet, we may well say with the writer of them, in conclusion : ** We leave these facts and reflections to an intelligent public, to judge whether the Maryland Assembly of 1649 was Roman Catholic ; and whether the * Act Concerning Religion ' was in spirit and intent a * Broad, True, and Generous Religious Toleration.' " CHAPTER XVII. CHARGES OF RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION. The Spanish Inquisition. — The Massacre of St. Bartholomew. — Queen Mary of England. I. ** But did not the Spanish Inquisition exercise enor- mous cruelties against heretics and Jews ? I am not the apologist of the Spanish Inquisition, and I have no desire to palliate or excuse the excesses into which that tribunal may at times have fallen. . . • When 262 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 1 denounce the cruelties of the Inquisition, I am not standing aloof from the Church, but I am treading in her footprints. . . . Before you can convict the Church of intolerance, you must bring forward some authentic act of her Popes or Councils sanctioning the poHcy of vengeance.'* (pp. 241, 242.) Very well ! I will attend to that in a moment : but let me first remark that Avhen the Archbishop brings forward, by way of off-set, or ** to show/' as he ex- presses it, (p. 243,) that ** those w^ho live in glass houses should not throw stones," the persecutions un- der Calvin, and Luther, and Henry VIII., and the Puritans of New England, and ** the religious riots of Philadelphia in 1844," he insults the inteUigence of his readers ; for they know, and he knows, that he might put all these together and pile on top of them the fires of Smithfield under *' Bloody Mary," and the whole combined would be a heaven of blessedness, compared with the liell of the Spanish Inquisition. — Now for acts of Pope and Council. My first citation shall be from Gieseler, whose Text- Book of Clmrcli History is recognized among scholars as a standard authority, filled, as it is, to repletion, with extracts from the original sources in Greek and Latin. The paragraph I am about to transcribe is backed with authorities in the original Latin occupying eight times as much space as the paragraph itself. I w^ish I had room for them all, in Latin and English, but must con- tent myself with merely an occasional reference to Ro- man authorities : *' The wretchedness of this country (Toulouse) was completed by the horrors of the Inquisition which now rose up. In order to perpetuate the work of blood, begun by the Papal legates, in a permanent institution, the fourth Lateran Council (in 121 5) made it the chief business of the Episcopal Synodal tribunals to search out and punish heretics (c. 3. § 7) ; and the Council of CHARGES OF RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION. 263 Toulouse (1229) aclfieved the organization of this Epis- copal Inquisition (Mansi xxiii. 192). However, soon after, it was, in fact, almost annihilated ; for in 1232 and 1233 Gregory IX. appointed the Dominicans to be the standing Papal Inquisitors (BuUarium Ord. Prasdi- cat. i. 37 ; Mansi xxiii. 74 ; Guil. de Podio Laur. c. 43) and forthwith they began their hideous work in the countries tainted with heresy. In order that the Church may not seem to soil herself with blood, the secular princes must serve the office of executioner."^ Lewis IX. in 1228 (Ordonnances des Roys de France de la zieme race par M. de Lauriere, i. 50), Frederick 11. in 1232 (Petri de Vineis lib. i. ep. 25-27), the ill-fated Raymund VIL in 1233 (Mansi xxiii. 265), each passed the requisite laws. That the new Inquisition might strike more of the guilty, a way of proceeding was prescribed for it, to which of necessity many of the guiltless must fall victims. Thus armed, this monster raged with most frightful fury in southern France, where the heretics had only learned, from former events, to keep themselves more secret. Germany for a short space of time (1231-1233) was taught to know the Inquisition in its most senseless rage, in Conrad of Marburg, and in the Dominican monk Conrad Dorso, who came to Strasburg ; and at the same time acquired the most fearful experience of the abuses of the new laws against heretics in the crusade on the Steding- er, the lovers of freedom, in 1234. But by these events so universal a resistance was aroused that Ger- many for a long time after remained free from this * This is the answer to what the Archbishop alleges (p. 242) in proof that ** Bloodshed and persecution form no part of the creed of the Catho- lic [meaning the Roman] Church," to wit, that, ** So much does she abhor the shedding of blood, that a man becomes disqualified to serve as a minister at her altars, who, by act or counsel, voluntarily sheds the blood of another." She doesn't shed the blood herself, but makes the civil power do it for her. And so she keeps her skirts clean ' \ 264 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, monster/' (Third Period, § 89. Edit. Harper & Broth- ers, New York, 1857.) The new *' way of proceeding" spoken ot in the last sentence but three, embraced, as explained in a foot- note, four particulars : ** i. The witnesses were con- cealed from the accused, . . . 2. Criminals also were admitted as witnesses. . • . 3. Besides, conviction might be effected by such witnesses. ... 4. Con- fession was extorted by torture.'' Each of these state- ments is followed by the authority on which it rests. In proof of the last, to wit that *' confession was ex- torted by torture," an extract is given, in the original Latin, from the *' Bull Ad extirpanda" of Innocent IV., 1252 (Bullar. magn. in Innoc. IV. No. 9), § 25 ; which, translated into English, runs thus : ** Let the Powder or Ruler, moreover, be held to compel, short of loss of limb or peril of death, {teneatur . . . cogere citra membri dirninutionem et mortis pericuhtm,) all heretics whom he shall have taken, to confess expressly their errors, and to accuse other heretics whom they know, and their property, and those who believe them, and receive them, and defend them, as thieves and rob- bers of temporal things are compelled to accuse their accomplices, and confess the crimes they have commit- ted." How thieves and robbers were ** compelled" in those days, we all know ; the rack was the recognized instrument of compulsion : and here we have Pope In- nocent IV. commanding its use against heretics. Here, then, is one '' authentic act" of Pope or Coun- cil. Does the Archbishop want another ? He shall have it, in the shape of a Letter from Pope Sixtus IV. to Queen Isabella, of Spain, under date of 23 Febr. 1483. ** A Pope's letter," says the Archbishop, ** is the most weighty authority in the Church." (p. 112.) And the letter of Pope Sixtus must be particularly " weighty," seeing it was by his authorization that the Inquisition was established by Isabella. This is grudg- CHARGES OF RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION. 265 ingly admitted by the Archbishop himself : ** It is true," he says, ''that Sixtus IV., yielding to the im- portunities of Queen Isabella,"^'* consented to its estab- lishment, being advised that it was necessary for the preservation of order in the kingdom ; but in 148 1, the year following its introduction, when the Jews com- plained to him of its severity, the same Pontiff issued a Bull against the Inquisitors, as Prescott informs us, in which * he rebuked their intemperate zeal, and even threatened them with deprivation/ f He wrote to Ferdinand and Isabella that * mercy towards the guilty was more pleasing to God than the severity which they were using/ '' (p. 252.) This, of course, couldn^t have been the letter of the 23d of February, for that, as given in Gieseler, vol. iii. § 148, n. 8, says : *' Quod autem dubitare videris, nos forsan existimare, cum in perfidos illos, qui Christianum nomen ementiti Christum blasphemant, et judaica per- fidia crucifigunt, quando ad unitatem redigi nequeant, tam severe animadvertere cures, ambitione potius et bonorum temporalium cupiditate (te agi), quam zelo fidei et catholicas veritatis, vel Dei timore ; certo scias, ne uUam quidem apud nos ejus rei fuisse suspici- onem. Quod si non defuerint qui ad protegendum eorum scelera multa susurrarint, nihil tamen sinistri de tua vel consortis tui illustris devotione persuaderi nobis potuit,'' ^>., '* As to your seeming to doubt whether, perchance, we do not suppose you (to be ac- tuated) rather- by ambition and the desire of temporal possessions than by zeal for the faith and Cathohc truth, in being so severe against those perfidious ones, who, having belied the Christian name, blaspheme * Here we have the Archbishop trying to free the Pope from the re- sponsibility and the odium by ungaliantly " blaming it on" the Queen ! f Here the Archbishop, by his own witness, fixes the responsibility on the Pope, by showing that he had the power to deprive the Inquisitors ol their office, and yet didn't do it. 266 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. Christ, and with Jewish perfidy crucify him, and can- not be brought back to unity ; know for certain, that not even any suspicion of such a thing has been har- bored by us. But if there have not been wanting those who, to cover up their crimes, have whispered many things, yet have they not been able to persuade us of anything sinister concerning your devotedness, or that of your illustrious consort/' Does the Archbishop w\ant yet another '^authentic act ?" It is at hand. He quotes (pp. 251, 252) Ranke's Ottoman and Spanish Empires ; I will quote Ranke's History of the Popes, Philad., Lea & Blanchard, 1844. '* The pope (Paul III.) one day asked cardinal Caraffa [afterwards Paul IV.] ' what means he could devise against these evils .^ ' The cardinal declared that the only one was *a thorough searching inquisition.' John Alvarez de Toledo, cardinal of Burgos, joined with him in this opinion. . . . On the 21st of July, 1542, the bull was issued. . . . '' It names six cardinals among whom Caraffa and Toledo stood first, to be commissioners of the apostolic see, general and universal inquisitors on this side the Alps and beyond them. It bestows on them the right to delegate ecclesiastics with similar power, to all such places as it shall seem good to them, to determine ab- solutely all appeals against the acts of the latter, and even to proceed without the participation of the or- dinary spiritual courts. Every man, without a single exception, without any regard whatever to station or dignity, shall be subject to their jurisdiction ; the sus- pected shall be thrown into prison, the guilty shall be punished even capitally, and their property confis- cated. . . . ** Caraffa lost not a moment in putting this bull into execution. He was not over rich, but upon this occa- sion he would have regarded it at (as ?) a loss had he waited for a payment from the apostolic chamber :*he CHARGES OF RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION. 26-] immediately hired a house, fitted up the rooms for offi- cers and the prisons at his own cost ; provided them with bars and strong locks, with blocks, chains, and bonds, and all the horrible utensils of his office. He then named commissioners general for the several countries. The first, as far as I can discover, for Rome, was his owm chaplain, Teofilo di Tropea, of whose severity, cardinals, such as Pole, had soon reason to complain. The following rules,' says the MS. biography of Caraffa,"^ * were conceived by the cardinal to be the best directed to the end in view.f ** * I. In matters of faith not a moment's delay must be made, but upon the least suspicion, measures must immediately be taken with the utmost rigor (ogni sforza e violenza). ** * 2. No respect must be shown to any prince or prelate, however high his station. '* ' 3. Extraordinary and extreme severity must be used against such as shall seek to defend themselves through the protection of any potentate ; only whoso confesses, shall be treated mildly and with fatherly compassion. ** *4. We must not debase ourselves to any sort of toleration towards heretics, and especially towards Calvinists. * ** All, we see, is rigor, unrelenting, unscrupulous rigor, till the confession has been worked out. " Everywhere throughout Italy, persecution and terrors broke out. " In all these contrivances and undertakings the clergy employed the aid of the secular arm. It was of adv^antage to the popes that they possessed a territory of their own, of such considerable extent where they * Caracciolo, Vita di Paolo IV. MS. c. 8. f Tenuto da lui come assiomi vetissimi ; literally : held by him as most true axioms. 268 THE FAITH OF OUR FORE FA THERS. could set an example and establish the model for imita- tion.'* (pp. 74-76.) Hozu Caraffa, after he became pope (Paul IV.) '* set" this '* example/' and '' established" this '' model," see in Ranke, further on, page 102 : *' Above all other institutions he favored the inquisi- tion which he had himself re-established. He often let pass the days appointed for the sittings of the segnaUira and the consistory, but never the Thursday on which the congregation of the inquisition assembled in his pre s- e7ice. He insisted on the utmost rigor in the proceed- ings of that body. He subjected new classes of of- fences to its jurisdiction, and endozved it luith the barbar- ous prerogative of employing torture for the detection of accomplices. . . . He instittited the festival of St. Dominie in honor of that great inquisitor. But the people forgot not so quickly as the pope himself, what they had suffered under him. . . . Upon his death (a.d. 1559) some assembled in the capi- tol, and resolved to destroy his monuments, since he had been an ill-doer to the city and to the whole earth. Others pillaged the buildings of the inquisition, set fire to them, and maltreated the servants of the tribunal." Is the Archbishop satisfied with these " authentic acts" of four Popes, Gregory IX., Sixtus IV., Paul III., and Paul IV. ; and two Councils, the fourth Lateran Council in 121 5, and the Council of Toulouse in 1229? Or would he like to come a little nearer home ? Has he forgotten, or does he think we have, what came to hght, only thirty years ago, in the *' one spot of territory" (p. 168) which '' the interests of Christianity demand that the Vicar of the Prince of Peace should possess ?" Here is a reminder : *' When the pope (Pius IX.) fled from Rome in 1849, he left the inquisition under strict injunctions that every officer should remain at his post, and the prison- ers in the holy office to be kept as closely guarded as CHARGES OF RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION. 269 before. It was a fortnight after the new government under the Roman Republic was assumed before this was discovered. The government then took posses- sion of all it contained, and ordered the holy office to be made the abode for poor families ; and its doors, which for three centuries had been closed, were for the first time opened to the view of the people. What a scene was there, as the people crowded in to behold the prisons and subterraneous passages which had held so many victims, who had sealed their faith with their blood ! The most terrible oaths and imprecations were made against the priests ; and sometimes the spectators would be intimidated and look behind, fear- ing even then some father inquisitor might be near to lay hold upon them.'' {Pope, or President : New York, 1859, P- 140.) ** It was about sunset, on the 27th of March, 1849, I w^as apprised,*' says a distinguished prisoner, *' that something extraordinary was taking place ; and as I expected it would prove to be something dreadful, I fell on my knees, betook myself to prayer, and com- mended my soul to God. While thus employed my door was violently opened. The first person who en- tered was a man of short stature, who, with great im- petuosity, threw himself on my neck, embracing, kiss- ing, and bathing me with the tears which all the time fell from beneath his green spectacles. This was the Minister Sterbini, the author of the decree which abol- ished the holy office ; and those who followed him, having embraced me in their turn, he left two of them with me, saying, ' You are free ! I must go and lib- erate others ! ' *' I found myself laboring under extreme weakness of the limbs, the effect of my long confinement. It was with great difficulty that I could walk a few steps. The two, therefore, supported me in their arms, and conducted me in triumph to the midst of a crowd 270 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, assembled in the court-yard, who, as soon as they saw me, began to shout for joy and clap their hands, ex- claiming, ' Liberty of conscience forev^er ! ' I was now taken to an apartment, with the other liberated prison- ers, where the kind-hearted Roman people, so different from their priests, were eagerly providing broth, wine, and cordials, to recruit our feeble powers. Meanwhile fresh arrivals from the prisons continually took place till we reached the number of about thirty, on which Sterbini, now quite worn out with exertion, asked each one separately where he would like to be con- ducted. I replied,'' etc. (F. De Bonne, U Italia del Popolo : \\\ Pope, or President, pp. 143, 144.) Has the Archbishop forgotten, or does he think we have, the two Letters that Mr. Gladstone addressed to the Earl of Aberdeen, and the description in them of the chains with which the prisoners of the Inquisition, vmder the Neapolitan Government, a quarter of a cen- tury ago, were fastened two and two ? ** The weight of these chains, I understand, is about eight rotoli, or between sixteen and seventeen pounds for the shorter one, which must be doubled when we give each prisoner his half of the longer one. The prisoners had a heavy limping movement, much as if one leg had been shorter than the other. But the refinement of suffering in this case arises from the cir- cumstance that here we have men of education and high feeling chained incessantly together. For no purpose are these chains undone — and the meaning of these last words must be well considered — they are to be taken strictly.'' {Pope, or President, pp. 162, 163.) Has the Archbishop forgotten the outburst of execra- tion (drawn forth by this revelation of Mr. Glad- stone's) from all Christendom (except Pius IX. and his ultramontane minions) that greeted the miscreant mon- arch, (I use the word in its etymological sense — misbe- liever, and therefore misdoer^) and ultimately drove CHARGES OF RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION, 271 him from the throne he had disgraced, to end his days in exile ? Who taught king Bomba to inflict temporal penalties for spiritual delinquencies ? The Council of Trent, whose Fourteenth Canon (Session VII.) Touch- ing Baptism, (as, baldly, I might say servilely, translated by Theodore Alois Buckley from the original Latin now lying before me in the Venice Edition, '' Cum Su- periorum Licentia et Privilegio," 1619,) reads thus : ** If any one shall say, that those who have been thus baptized when infants, are, when they have grown up, to be questioned whether they w^ill ratify what their sponsors promised in their name when they were bap- tized ; and that, in case that they answer they will not, they are to be left to their own will ; and are not mean- while to be compelled {cogendos) to a Christian life by any other penalty, save that they be excluded from the participation of the Eucharist, and of the other sacra- ments, until they repent ; let him be anathema." Here v/e have the Roman Church, by its mouthpiece the Council of Trent, maintaining that men are to be ** compelled to a Christian life" by other than spiritual penalties, (since, if exclusion from the Eucharist will not compel them to it, no other spiritual penalty will,) — in other words, that men are to be ** compelled to a Christian life" by temporal penalties — and coolly curs- ing all who deny the right of so compelling them. That this is the meaning of the Canon the Archbishop must himself admit, or else show (which he never can) that there is some other spiritual penalty that will suc- ceed when exclusion from the Eucharist has failed. But, says the Archbishop, (p. 241,) *' in raising my voice against coercion for conscience' sake, I am ex- pressing not only my own sentiments, but those of every Catholic (he means Roman) Priest and layman in the land." If so, all I can say is, that they all, with the Archbishop at their head, are so '* low-church" (p. 90) that they not only go in the teeth of the four infalli- 272 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. ble popes, (for the right or wrong of '' coercion for con- science' sake" is a question of morals,) and two coun- cils above specified, but distinctly bring themselv^es un- der this curse of the Fourteenth Canon of the Seventh Session of the Council of Trent. — And there I leave them. II. What about the massacre of St, Bartholomezv ?'* Ay, what about it ? The Archbishop shall tell his story about it first ; and then somebody else, who has thoroughly investigated the whole subject, shall tell his. ** I have no words strong enough,'' says the Arch- bishop, ** to express my detestation of that inhuman slaughter. It is true that the number of its victims has been grossly exaggerated. . . . '' I. In the reign of Charles IX. of France, the Huguenots were a formidable power and a seditious element in that country. They were under the leader- ship of Admiral Coligny, who was plotting the over- throw of the ruling monarch. . . . ''2. Religion had nothing to do with the massacre. Coligny and his fellow Huguenots were slain not on account of their creed, but exclusively on account of their alleged treasonable designs. If they had nothing but their Protestant faith to render them odious to King Charles, they would never have been molested ; for neither did Charles nor his mother ever manifest any special zeal for the Catholic Church, nor any spe- cial aversion to Protestantism, unless when it threat- ened the throne. '' 3. Immediately after the massacre, Charles de- spatched an envoy extraordinary to each of the courts of Europe, conveying the startling intelligence that the King and royal family had narrowly escaped from a horrible conspirac}^ and that its authors had been de- CHARGES OF RELIGIOUS PERSECUTIOX. 273 tected and summarily punished. The envoys, in their narration, carefully suppressed any allusion to the in- discriminate massacre which had taken place, but an- nounced the event in the following words : On that * memorable night, by the destrnction of a few sedi- tious men, the King had been delivered from imme- diate danger of death, and the realm from the perpet- ual terror of civil war/ " Pope Gregory XIII., to whom, also an envoy was sent, acting on this garbled information, ordered a ' Te Deum ' to be sung, and a commemorative medal to be struck off in thanksgiving to God, not for the mas- sacre, of which he Avas utterly ignorant, but for the preservation of the French King from an untimely and violent death, and of the French nation from the hor- rors of a civil war.'' (pp. 254-256.) If this be so, why do the medals, one of which is now lying before me, have on them an angel standing, with a cross in his uplifted left hand, and a dagger in his right hand, looking on, while the slaughter is going on be- fore him ; and, over all, the legend, Vgonottorvm. Strages ; 1572. — Slaughter of the Huguenots, 1572? And again ; why does the Archbishop say nothing of the frescoes of Vasari in the Vatican, of which more presently ? And again ; why should the Pope be in such hot haste to commemorate by a medal the '' de- liverance from immediate danger of death'' of a king who *' neither did . . . ever manifest any special zeal for the Catholic Church, nor any special aversion to Protestantism?" And yet again ; when His Holi- ness found out the falsehood that had been palmed off on his Infallibility by the French king, why did he not follow the good example that had been set him by Am- brose (p. 228) in the similar case of Theodosius ? I say, '' palmed off on his Infallibility ' ; for surely, if infal- libility is necessary, to prevent a pope from being de- ceived on the question of the Immaculate Conception, 2 74 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. it is still more necessary, to prevent him from being deceived into giving solemn thanks for an *' indiscrimi- nate m_assacre/' an ''inhuman slaughter, " an '' atro- cious butchery," (pp. 254,255,) to the scandal of the said pope and his church now for more than three cen- turies. Turn we now to the other picture. I take it from a large octavo volume entitled, '' The Massacre of St. Bartholomew : preceded by a Histor)^ of the Religious Wars in the Reign of Charles IX. By Henry White. With Illustrations. London : John Murray, Albemarle St. 1868." The name of the publisher is a guarantee of the standing of the writer. The italics (except in the Latin) are mine : ** When the news of the massacre reached Rome, the exultation among the clergy knew no bounds. The Cardinal of Lorraine rewarded the messenger with a thousand crowns ; the cannon of St. Angelo thundered forth a joyous salute ; the bells rang out from every steeple ; bonfires turned night into day ; and Gregory XIII. attended by the cardinals and other ecclesiastical dignitaries went in long procession to the church of St. Louis, where the Cardinal of Lorraine chanted a Te Deum. A pompous Latin inscription in gilt letters over the entrance describes Charles as an avenging angel sent from heaven (^angelo percussore divinitus immisso') to sweep his kingdom front heretics,'^ A medal was struck to commemorate the massacre, f and in the Vatican vtay still be seen three frescoes by Vasari % describing the at- * " Twelve months after the massacre the Cardinal publicly applauded Charles to his face for his ' holy dissimulation.' Dale's dispatch. Mackin- tosh, Hist. Engl. 3 : 226." f ** It is engraved in Bonanni's Numismata Pontijictwi^ 2 vols. fol. Romae 1689 torn, i, p. 336. It is No. 27 of the series of Gregory XIII. Lestoile mentions it under Lundi 30 juin, 1618, as the piece que le pape Gre^oire XIII. fit fair e d Rome^ Van 1572." X ** The outline of one of the frescoes in the frontispiece to this vol- ume [White's] is taken from De Potter's Letti'es de Pie 8. It is of the Massacre, and Coligne's body is being cast from a window to be impaled on the spears of assassins below." CHARGES OF RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION. 275 tack upon the Admiral, the king in council plotting the massacre, and the massacre itself. Gregory sent Charles the golden rose, and four months after the mas- sacre, when humaner feelings might have been sup- posed to have resumed their sway, he listened compla- cently to the sermon of a French priest, the learned but cankerous Muretus, who spoke of ' that day so full of happiness and joy when the Most Holy Father received the news and went in solemn state to render thanks to God and St. Louis. . . . That night the stars shone with greater lustre, the Seine rolled her waters more proudly to cast into the sea the corpses of those unholy men,' and so on in a strain of rhapsody unen- durable by modern ears." (p. 476.) The Archbishop himself says, '' Ranke, in his His- tory of the Civil Wars, informs us that Charles and his mother suddenly left Paris in order to avoid an inter- view with the Pope's legate, who arrived soon after the massacre ; their guilty conscience fearing, no doubt, a rebuke from the messenger of the Vicar of Christ, from whom the real facts zvere not lojtg cojtcealed,'' (p. 256.) Of course, he knew these facts long before the *' four months" had elapsed, at the end oi which he *' listened complaceiitly' to the sermon of the French priest. If, therefore, the guilty conscience of the king feared a rebuke, his fears were groundless. Even the Arch- bishop doesn't pretend that the Pope ever did rebuke him. III. ** I am asked : Must you not admit that Mary, Queen of England, persecuted the Protestants of the British realm f . . . *' If we weigh in the scales of impartial justice the reign of both sisters, we shall be compelled to bring a far more severe verdict against Elizabeth." (p. 257.) 276 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. Let us see if this is so. The subject of this chapter, recollect, is '' Religious Persecution/' Now, at the time we are speaking of, the stake was the recognized instrument of death for heresy ; the gibbet^ for treason. The simple fact, therefore, that Mary's victims per- ished by the stake, Elizabeth's by the gibbet,"^ tells the whole story. No doubt the religion of the greater part of those who suffered under Elizabeth, was at the bottom of their sufferings ; but then it was because their religion led them into overt acts of treason. Pope Pius V. excommunicated the Queen, and ab- solved her subjects from their allegiance to her. It was impossible, therefore, for them to be at the same time loyal to the Pope, and loyal to the excommuni- cated Queen. They had to choose between the two, and to take the consequences of their choice. Such being the case, it is decidedly cool in the Archbishop to cry out (p. 257) against ** the legalized fines, confis- cations, and deaths inflicted on the Catholics (ultramon- tanes, he means) of Great Britain and Ireland for three hundred years," down ** to the time of Catholic Eman- cipation." It was Pius V. and his successors, not Queen Elizabeth and hers, that brought these penalties upon them. Let Leo XIII., or any of his successors, undertake to play the same game here, and wx'U make shorter work than Queen Elizabeth did, of those who attempt to carry out his behests. * The Archbishop practically admits this in the sentence with which he winds up his chapter : ** How many are found, like our North Car- olina gentleman, who are familiar from their childhood with the name of Smithfield, but who never once heard of Tyburn F' — Tyburn, as every- body knows, was the place of i]\Q gibbet ; Smithfield, of the stake. GRACE—THE SACRAMENTS— ORIGINAL SIN. 277 CHAPTER XVIIL GRACE— THE SACRAMENTS — ORIGINAL SIN — BAPTISM — ITS NECESSITY — ITS EFFECTS — MANNER OF BAPTIZ- ING. The Archbishop, after defining the grace of God as *' that supernatural assistance which He imparts to us through the merits of Jesus Christ, for our salvation,'* proceeds to the consideration of the Sacraments. *' Three things are necessary,'' he says, *' to constitute a Sacrament, viz. : a visible sign, invisible grace, and the institution by our Lord Jesus Christ." The Cate- chism of the Council of Trent, instead of * * visible sign," uses the phrase, *' sensible thing;" and this sensible thing, it tells us, consists of two parts, the ** matter" and '*the form;" water being the *Vmat- ter," in Baptism, for instance, and the words, '* I bap- tize thee in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost," the " form," '* Our Saviour instituted seven Sacraments," con- tinues the Archbishop, ''namely, Baptism, Confirma- tion, Eucharist, Penance, Extreme Unction, Orders, and Matrimony." (p. 261.) Whether all these are Sacraments, ifi the sense above defined, we shall see when we come to come to consider them severally. Meanwhile, I shall content myself with challenging the Archbishop to produce a single passage — only one — from the genuine writings of any of the Fathers, for the first one thousand years after Christ, fixing the number of the Sacraments to seven, Peter Lombard, in the 12th century, must be allowed that honor ; at least, till chapter a7id verse of some earlier writer are specified. That Baptism and the Eucharist are the Sacraments 278 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. of the Gospel, is clear from the language of St. Chrys- o^tovi\ (Horn, in Johann, 85): ''came there out blood and water . . . out of both these (^5" ajxcporipoov ravroor) the Church is constituted : those initiated into it are born by {Sia) water, nourished by blood and flesh : in these, the mysteries (sacraments) have their source/' Baptism is *' for the remission of sins'' (Acts 2 : 38) ; for *' washing them away" (Acts 22 : 16). Hence bap- tism is for all, inasmuch as all are sinners. '' These texts," (Rom. 5:12; Eph. 2:3; Job, 14 : 4 ; Ps. 51 : 5,) says the Archbishop, (p. 263), '' apply to every mem- ber of the human family, to the infant of a day old as well as to the adult. . . . The [Roman] Church, however, declares that the Blessed Virgin Mary was exempted from the stain of Original sin," and, in do- ing so, declares what isn't true ; what she herself, at the opening of this nineteenth century, according to the testimony of the Archbishop's predecessor Kenrick's own witness, Milner, didn't know to be true ; for he says (I have quoted it once, p. 175, and it will bear quoting again) : " The church does not decide the controversy concerning the conception of the Blessed Virgin, and several other disputed points, because she sees nothing absolutely clear and certain concerning them, either in the written or the unwritten Word" ! ! But enough of this for the present ; I shall have more to say on it before I get through. The greater part of this chapter is taken up with the controversy between the Archbishop and his '' Baptist friend," as he terms him ; and I leave them to settle it between them. There are but two points that call for notice from me, — the state of infants dying unbaptized, — and the declaration of our Bishops in regard to Bap- tism. " Original sin, as St. Paul has told us, is universal. Every child is, therefore, defiled at its birth with the taint of Adam's disobedience. Now the Scripture says GRACE— THE SACRAMENTS— ORIGINAL SIN. 279 that nothing defiled can enter the kingdom of heaven (Rev. 21 : 27). Hence, Baptism, which washes away original sin is as essential for the infant as for the full grown man, in order to attain the kingdom of heaven. '' I said that Regeneration is necessarv for all. But it is important to observe that if a man is heartily sorry for his sins, and loves God with his whole heart, and desires to comply with all the divine ordinances, in- cluding Baptism, but has no opportunity of receiving it, or is not sufficiently instructed as to its necessity ^"^ God, in this case, accepts the will for the deed. Should this man die in these dispositions, he is saved by the bap- tism of desire, f . . . ** But is not that a cruel and heartless doctrine which excludes from heaven so many harmless babes that have never committed any actual fault ? To this I reply : Has not God declared that Baptism is necessary for all?'; (p. 268.) To this / reply : If '* Baptism is necessary for all,'' how is it that the '' all" has an exception in the case of adults, but no exception in the case of infants ? Ac- cording to the Archbishop, the Quaker mother who has failed of baptism solely from not being *' suffi- ciently instructed as to its necessity," dying, goes to heaven ; but the Quaker infant, or the Baptist infant, who has failed of baptism solely from its mother's (or, it may be, its father's) not being '' sufficiently in- structed as to its necessity," dying, goes — where? Not to heaven; for, says the Archbishop, ''the [Ro- man] Church in obedience to God's Word, (?) declares that unbaptized infants are excluded from the kingdom of heaven." — Where then? The Archbishop shall an- swer : *' All that the [Roman] Church holds on this point, is that unregenerate [i,e,, unbaptized] children are de- * Italics mine. f Italics his. 28o THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. prived of the beatific vision, or the possession of God' which constitutes the essential happiness of the blessed, (p. 270.) They are " deprived of . . . the essential happi- ness of the blessed." That's *'all"! Only that, and nothing more ! ** Now, between the supreme bliss of heaven," con- tinues the Archbishop, '' and the torments of the repro- bate, there is a very wide margin." Somewhere, then, m this *' margin," in the limbus infantum, or limbo of infants. Christian mother, your unbaptized child (dying, perhaps, before it was possible to baptize it) may be. You may go to heaven your- self ; but of one thing be assured : if the Archbishop, and his Church, are to be depended on, you will never see your child again. And all this *' horrible teaching" of the Roman Church, that dura mater infantum, we are told, (p. 269,) is '* in obedience to God's Word "! If so, the obedi- ence doesn't go far enough ; for ** God's Word" says expressly (St. Mark 16 : 16), ** He that belie veth not shall be damned." The Roman Church, therefore, to be consistent, should ** consign" ^// infants, baptized, as well as unbaptized, '' to the place of the reprobate," as the Archbishop (p. 269) euphemistically terms it. A single sentence of the Archbishop's own, further on, (p. 350,) '* God's ordinances bind only such as are able to fulfil them," knocks in the head his whole teaching concerning unbaptized infants. *' From what has been said, I ask you candidly what are you to think of the decision rendered in 1872 (1871) by the Bishops of the Protestant Episcopal Church, who, in their convention in Baltimore, declared that by the word Regeneration we are not to understand a moral change. If no moral change is effected by Baptism, then there is no change at all ; for, certainly Baptism produces no physical change in the soul.'' (p. 274.) GRACE— THE SACRAMENTS-^ORIGINA L SIN. 281 There was no "decision" rendered; it was simply an expression of *' opinion" on the part of the Bishops that " the word ' Regenerate ' is not there [namely, in the Baptismal Office] so used as to determine that a moral change in the subject of baptism is wrought in the sacrament." According to the Archbishop, the only alternative to a '' physical change" in Baptism (which no one holds to) is a moral change : the distinction between a spirit- ual and a moral change, which is one of the common- places of theology, seems not even to have entered into his imagination. Evidently, there has been a very seri- ous defect in his theological training, or else his mem- ory didn't here stand him in stead. Says Bishop Browne {Exposition of the XXXIX, Articles, Art. XXVII. p. 622, Amer. Edit.): "Undoubtedly, bap- tism guarantees a spiritual change in the condition of the recipient. But we must not confound a spiritual change in the condition of the soul, with a moral change of the disposition and tempers. It is a great spiritual change to be received into Christ's Church, to be counted as a child of God, to obtain remission of sins, and to have the aid and presence [indwelling] of the Spirit of God. But a moral change can only be the result of the soul's profiting by the spiritual change." Baptism is the Sacrament of our birth out of the kingdom of nature into the kingdom of grace ; and this birth is a spiritual birth. But birth is not the begin- ning of life. There is life before birth in the spiritual as well as in the natural w^orld. We are " begotten of God ;" (i St. John 5 : 18 ;) we are " born of Water and Spirit," is vSaros nai nv^vjxaro^, (St. John 3 : 5). Birth — in other words, being born, /.^., borne, i,e,, brought forth — is the introduction to a new phase of existence, new surroundings, new possibilities (so far as those sur- roundings are concerned) of development. — Some of these possibilities become, at once, actualities ; breatli- 2 82 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. ing (for instance) the air of earth — the air of heaven ; others, after a time ; digesting (for instance) and assim- ilating *' strong meat/' In either case, the breathing is automatic ; but the suppression of it is vokmtary, and, if persisted in, will, in the end, result in death. — See Birth and New Birtli, Second Edition, (Baltimore, Geo. Lycett,' 1873,) from which the last three sentences are taken, and where I have treated the whole subject at large. Baptism is the Sacrament of our adoption into the family of Christ, and this adoption is a spiritual adop- tion. ''Because ye are sons, God hath sent forth the Spirit of his Son into your hearts, crying, Abba, Fath- er.'' (Gal. 4:6.) *' Ye have received the Spirit of adoption, whereby we cry, Abba, Father." (Rom. 8 : 15.) Hence, says Clement of Alexandria, (Pasd. lib. i. c. 12). '' Being baptized, we are illuminated ; being illuminated, we are adopted as sons ;" and Cyril of Jerusalem, {Catecli, Prcefat, 10,) calls baptism riodeaia^ Xocpic^f^oCy the free gift of adoption,'* Now the effect of spiritual adoption may be illustrated by that of natural adoption. ** Moses was * a new creature,' as to things temporal, the moment he was taken from the * ark of bulrushes ' by command of Pharaoh's daughter : the moment before, he was a slave, under sentence of death ; the moment after, he was a freeman, the heir of royalty. [There was no moral change wrought in him, at the time, and by the act, of the adoption ; but] there was then and there given him the power of a new life in the temporal sphere, and, being trained to ' lead the rest of his life according to this beginning,' he grew into it, becoming, day by day, more and more a new creature, another man than ' his brethren the children of Israel ; ' they, ignorant slaves ; he, * learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians. ' And as with the infant Moses in the temporal sphere, so with the infant ' mem- ber of Christ ' in the spiritual sphere : he comes from the water * a new creature ; ' the power of a new Hfc is CONFIRM A TION. 283 his ; and with the proper care, (not without it, any- more than Moses would have done,) he will grow into that life more and more, through daily renewal, (* the inward man is renewed day by day,' 2 Cor. 4 : 16,) * unto a perfect man, (Eph. 4 : 13,) unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ/ " — Birth and New Birth, p. 59. Baptism is the Sacrament of our engrafting into Christ. We "by baptism," says the Catechism of the Council of Trent, (p. 172,) *'are engrafted as branches on Christ." According to the Archbishop, the en- grafting creates the life ; but he will find no nursery- man to agree with him. '' ' Regenerate, and grafted into the body of Christ's Church.' The Baptismal Office associates the two. As there must be life before birth, other than still-birth, so must there be life before ingraftation. Who would graft a dead scion, knowing it to be dead, on a living stock ? The life that is in the scion of the stock of the First Adam, before its ingraft- ation into the stock of the Second Adam, is in it in virtue of the Incarnation. The mere act of ingrafting cannot give life. There is nothing magical in it. It makes no change in the nature or character of the scion. It simply {conditions a change ; it] places it amid new surroundings, and as the consequence of those snrroiindings, obstacles and hinderances apart, the life of the stock flows into it, and the tw^o grow together {avfjicpvroi, Rom. 6:5,) and become one. ' I live,' says the Apostle, (Gal. 2 : 20,) * yet not I, but Christ liveth in me.' " — Birth and New Birth, p. 22. CHAPTER XIX. CONFIRMATION. ''Confirmation," says the Archbishop, ''is a Sac- rament." If so, what is the "matter" of it? For, 284 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFA THERS, says the Catechism of tJie Council of Trent ^ (p. 139,) '* every Sacrament consists of two things :" the *' mat- ter/' and the *' form/' What, I say, is the '' matter'* of Confirmation? The ''chrism," i.e., ''ointment," says the Catechism^ (p. 184 ;) the " chrism," echoes the Archbishop. But, unfortunately for his case, the echo doesn't reach back to the ApostoHc age. The first writer who mentions the ointment, is TertuUian, who wrote at the end of the second and beginning of the third century. There is no hint of it in any earlier writer. The Archbishop thinks (p. 278) he finds men- tion of it in 2 Cor. i : 21, 22 : " He that confirmeth (in our Version, " stablisheth") us with you in Christ, and that hath annointed us, is God ; who also hath sealed us, and given the pledge of the Spirit in our hearts." But it is enough to reply to this, that if the anointing is literal, the sealing must be also ; as when we impress a seal on wax, or on paper, and thereby make a perma- nent visible mark ; which the Archbishop, I presume, will hardly maintain. If Christians were so sealed, everybody would know who were Christians and who were not. The Catechism of the Council of Trent goes further back than the Archbishop, even to our Lord himself: "The chrism," it says, (p. 185,) "is conse- crated with solemn ceremonies, by the bishop. That this its solemn consecration is in accordance with the instructions of our Lord, when at his last supper he committed to his Apostles the manner of making chrism, [to wit, by mixing "oil and balsam," and " solemnly consecrating them by episcopal benedic- tion," Catechism, p. 185,] we learn from Pope Fabian." Of course, " Pope Fabian" was there, and heard our Lord give the instructions ? Well, no ! not quite that ; there's a " little space" between them ; a matter of some \.\NO hundred and three years, or so, between them : for Fabian was Pope from 236 to 250. And this is what passes for evidence in the Roman Church ! And CON FIRM A TION. 285 even this is forged. There is not now extant, and has not been for nearly fifteen hundred years, any genuine writing of any Pope, except Clement, prior to Siricius, A.D. 384. All those pretended letters of the early popes had been proved to be spurious before the publi- cation of the Catechism of the Coimcil of Tre7tt. The Catechism ought, therefore, to be ashamed of itself for attempting to father such ineffably silly stuff upon Pope Fabian, who was a man of sense, and, as the Catechism truly says, '* eminently distinguished by his sanctity, and by the glory of martyrdom." '* The Episcopal Church retains, indeed, the name of Confirmation in its ritual, and even borrows a portion of our prayers and ceremonial.'' (p. 283.) She borrows some ; but not from you. She borrows only those that you yourself borrow^ed, also, from those that went before you ; those that are really yours she would be the very last to borrow. Moreover, she ''retains" not only ''the name of Confirmation," but the thing, just as it is laid down by the Apostle (Heb. 6 : I, 2) as one of the six " principles of the doctrine of Christ" — the "laying on of hands," or, as the Arch- bishop's Version calls it, in its latinized English, ''im- position^ of hands ;" no " anointing" here ; just as it was practised by St. Peter and St. John, (Acts 8 : 14-17), and by St. Paul (Acts 19 : 6). " In violation of the practice of all antiquity, it muti- lates the rite by omitting the sacred unction." (p. 283.) " All antiquity" goes back of Tertullian, the Arch- bishop's earliest witness, one hundred and fifty years, and during all those years there is not, as the Arch- bishop very well knows, a syllable of any literal anoint- ing in Confirmation. * Not the only " imposition" in the Roman Church ; for, as Father Tom says, " Imposthor," id est,, ** imposithor :" for isn't the Pope " the grand imposithor and top-sawyer of Christendom?" That word, ** top- sawyer," is good : the bottom-sawyer is down in the saw-pit, and gets all the dust in his eyes ; the Pope looks out not to let any one throw dust in his. 286 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFA THERS. '* It raises, indeed, its hands over the candidates ; but they are not the anointed hands of Peter or John/' (p. 283.) ** No ; for the hands of Peter and John were not an- ointed, except — as are those of our Bishops, at least to as great an extent as are those of the Bishops of the Roman Church — '* with the Holy Ghost and with power." CHAPTER XX. THE HOLY EUCHARIST. ** Among the various dogmas of the Catholic Church,'* says the Archbishop, (p. 284,) there is none w^hich rests on stronger Scriptural authority than the doctrine of the Real Presence of Jesus Christ in the Holy Eucharist." In this, I am happy to agree with him ; that is, in what he says : if he means what he doesn't say, that is his fault, not mine. In his '' exposition and vindication" of the doctrine, he proposes to speak of ''the promise of the Eucha- rist," of '* its institution" and of *' its use among the faithful." The first of these he finds in the discourse of our Lord at Capernaum, (recorded in the sixth chap- ter of St. John,) in which he considers Him as '' speak- ing of the Sacrament of his body and blood." But it is certain that his hearers could not have so understood him. The truth is, He is speaking not of the Sacra- ment but of that which underlies the Sacrament. As the Presbyterian commentator David Brown excel- lently expresses it : '* Although this discourse has nothing to do with the Sacrament of the Supper, the Sacrament has everything to do with it, as the visible embodiment of these figures, and, to the believing par- i^HE HOLY EUCHARIST. 287 taker, a real, yea, and the most lively and affecting par- ticipation of His flesh and blood, and nourishment thereby of the spiritual and eternal life, here below/' The Archbishop argues from verses 48-56, 61, and 67, not only that our Lord's hearers understood His words literally, about eating His flesh and drinking His blood, but that He meant they should ; else He would have corrected their misapprehension of them, as He did in other instances, — that, for instance of *' the leaven of the Pharisees,'' which, when they mistakenly interpreted it of bread, He explained as referring to the doctrine of the Pharisees. Now it so happens that our Lord did correct their misapprehension, in this very discourse ; and St. John, who recorded the misappre- hension, has recorded also the correction of it ; and here it is, right under the Archbishop's nose, though he doesn't see it ; none so blind as those that won't see : ** Many therefore of his disciples, when they had heard this (about eating His flesh and drinking His blood), said. This is an hard saying ; who can hear it } When Jesus knew in himself that his disciples mur- mured at it, he said unto them. Doth this offend you ? ^Vhat and if ye shall see the Son of man ascend up where he was before ? It is the spirit that quickeneth ; the flesh profiteth nothing : the words that I speak unto you, they are spirit, and they are life." (verses 60-63.) As if he had said, When you shall see the body of the Son of man ascend up into heaven, then you will know that it is not here for you to eat ; and that therefore when I speak of eating it here, I speak of a heavenly, not an earthly, eating ; of a spiritual, not a carnal, literal, manducation. The Archbishop, with the vail of Roman (more carnal even than Jewish) tradition upon his heart, *' untaken away (2 Cor. 3 : 14, 15) in the reading of the New Testament," sticks fast in the letter, that killeth, and fails to penetrate to the ZSS THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. spirit, that giveth life. Qui hceret in litera, hceret in cortice. So Origen, who is one of the authorities that he himself quotes, could teach him. For, in his Sev- enth Homily on Leviticus, referring to this very dis- course of our Lord, he says : '' Non solum in veteri Testamento occidens litera deprehenditur ; est in novo Testamento litera quae occidat eum qui non spiritaliter quas dicuntur adverterit. Si enim secundum literam sequaris hoc ipsum quod dictum est : Nisi manducaver- itis carnein meanty et biberitis sanguinem ineum^ occidit litera :" i.e./' Not only in the old Testament is there a letter which killeth ; but also in the new Testament there is a letter which killeth him who does not spirit- ually consider it. For, if according to the letter [like the Archbishop] you receive this saying. Except ye eat My Flesh and drink My Blood, that letter killeth." The Archbishop next proceeds to '' the words of the Institution." *' Could any idea," he asks, ** be ex- pressed in clearer terms than these : This is My body ; this is My blood?" Certainly it could, if the Arch- bishop's interpretation is the true one ; for, had our Lord meant what the Archbishop says He meant, He could, and would, have said, *' This is no longer bread, but is transubstantiated into the substance of my body ; what remains, is only the accidents of the bread, and it is these that you see and taste : the substance of the bread is gone, and in its place is come, in virtue of the words of consecration, the substance of my body." Had He said this (supposing this to be His meaning, that is,) His words would have been a great deal plainer than they are ; so plain, indeed, that they could not possibly have been misunderstood, any more than the Roman doctrine can be. But our Lord took it for granted that his disciples, being men of common sense, would not dream that he meant by T/iis is my body, this is transubstantiated into my body ; any more than those who should come after them, sixty years later, would THE HOLY ErCIIAIUST. 289 dream that one of them, saying, (Rev. i : 20,) " The seven candlesticks . . . are the seven churches/' would mean that each candlestick was transubstanti- ated into a church : for certainly if the wording of the sentence proves transubstantiation in the one case, it proves it in the other. The Roman Church, by her doctrine of transubstan- tiation, exacts of her communicants what a Saint of her own Calendar, — St. Augustine, characterizes as crimi- nal and disgraceful. In the third book of his treatise De Doctrina Christiana, he has a short chapter, the six- teenth, headed, Regtila de locutionibtis prceceptivis, that is, ** Rule concerning preceptive utterances," which be- gins thus : Si prseceptiva locutio est aut flagitium aut facinus vetans, aut utilitatem aut beneficentiam jubens, non est figurata. Si autem flagitium aut facinus videtur jubere aut utilitatem aut beneficentiam vetare, figurata est. Nisimanducaveritis, inquit, carnein filii horninis, et san- guineni biberitis, no?i habebitis vitam in-vobis {jfoan, vi. 54). Facinus vel flagitium videtur jubere : figura est ergo, prsecipiens passioni dominicse communicandum, et suaviter atque utiliter recondendum in memoria quod pro nobis caro ejus crucifixa et vulnerata sit : />., '* If there is a precept forbidding something disgraceful or criminal, or commanding something useful or bene> ficent, the precept is not figurative. But if it seems to require that which is disgraceful or criminal, or to pro- hibit that which is useful or beneficent, it is figurative. Except ye eat, He says, the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, ye have no life in yon. He seems to require that which is criminal or disgraceful ; therefore his language is a figure, bidding us communicate in the Passion of our Lord, and sv/eetly and to our profit lay up in our memory the thought that for us His Flesh was crucified and wounded." But, says the Archbishop, (p. 292,) *' every circum- 290 THE FAITH OF OUR FORFFATIIERS. stance connected with the deUvery of them [the words, This is my body, etc.] obUges us to interpret them in their plain and literal acceptation. . . . He was addressing His few chosen disciples, to whom He promised to speak in future, not in parables nor in obscure language, but in the words of simple truth." Wlieii did He promise this ? After the Last Supper, and immediately before His betrayal and arrest. And when was the promise to take effect ? Not till His Ascension and Session in glory at the right hand of the Father: ** The time cometh'' — it had not yet come — ** when I shall no more speak unto you in proverbs, but I shall show you plainly of the Father. At that day, ve shall ask in my name," etc, (St. John 16 : 25, 26,) ' '* He uttered these words," continues the Arch- bishop, ''the night before His Passion. And when will a person use plainer speech than at the point of death ?" He was nearer "the point of death" when He ut- tered the words, (St. John 15:1,)"! am the true vine," etc., and therefore, <^ fortiori, according to the Archbishop's reasoning, must His words be taken ''in their plain and literal acceptation ;" and so we must understand Him to mean that He was a literal vine ! The Archbishop should look to his chronology. He serves the different parts of Scripture, as he says (p. 174) Tristram Shandy did the " ciirsing and damn- ing' — " heaps them up in wild confusion." The Archbishop next quotes from St. Paul ; (i Cor. X. and xi. ;) but the language is clearly against him. The Apostle says expressly, " Whosoever shall eat this bread, or drink this cup of the Lord, unworthily, shall be guilty of the body and blood of the Lord, ' ' And, ' ' He that eateth and drinketh unworthily, eateth and drink- eth condemnation to himself, not discerning the Lord' s body,'' "How could he be blamed," says the Arch- bishop, " for not discerning the body of the Lord if THE HOLY EUCHARIST, 291 there were only bread and wine before him ?' ' No- body says there Avere only bread and wine ; but the Archbishop says there were no bread and wine at all ; thereby contradicting the Apostle, who condemns the unworthy partaker, because in eating the ''bread,'' — mark that ; it is bread that he eats, — in eating the bread, ' ' he fails to ' * discern the Lord' s body. But, says the Archbishop, (p. 295,) '' if the words of St. Paul are figuratively understood, they are dis- torted, forced, and exaggerated terms, without mean- ing or truth. But if they are taken literally, they are full of sense and of awful significance.*' Why doesn't the Archbishop himself take them literally then ? He talks about z£//;^^, but the word ** wine'' is never once used by the Apostle in the passages the Archbishop quotes from him ; it is cup (or chalice) throughout : *' the Clip of blessing, which we bless" — '* this C2ip is the New Testament (or Covenant)" — ''as often as ye eat this bread and drink this cup" — " and so let him eat of that bread and drink of that cup,'' Either let the Archbishop admit that, if there is any transubstantia- tion at all, it is the cup, and not the wine in it, that is transubstantiated, or else let him stop talking of his be- ing the literal interpretation. The Archbishop now passes from the Scriptures to the Fathers, who, he says, '' without an exception, re- echo the language of the Apostle of the Gentiles." He is right ; they do re-echo it. The Apostle says, as we have just seen, *' Whosoever shall eat this bread ;" and the Fathers say the same. They all call the bread and wine the body and blood of Christ, just as the Arch- bishop does, and just as we do : there is no dispute be- tween us on that point. The bread and wine are the body and blood of Christ. But how ? literally, or fig- uratively ? Literally, says the Archbishop. Figura- tively, say the Fathers, and say we. They are the body and blood of Christ, and yet remain bread and wine ; 292 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. just as '' the seven candlesticks" (Rev. i : 20) ** arc the seven churches." St. John makes this declaration in explanation of ro fxvarrjpiovy the "mystery," as we and the Archbishop's Version translate it, the " sacra- ment,'' as the Rhemish Version renders it, "of the seven candlesticks." The Rhemish Version teaches, therefore, that the seven candlesticks are sacranientally the seven churches. Just so, we affirm, the bread and wine are sacranientally the body and blood of Christ. The two declarations are, in this respect, perfectly parallel. The Archbishop gives what purport to be quotations from Ignatius, Justin Martyr, Origen, Cyril of Jerusa- lem, Chrysostom, and Augustine ; but instead of giving chapter and verse for each, as is the scholarly way, he gives for all six only the wholesale reference, *'See Faith of Catholics, Vol. II.," a work in at least three volumes (for he quotes, further on, from Vol. III.), which probably not one in a thousand of his readers ever saw or ever will see. As it is not accessible to me as I write, I must get along as well as I can without it. As the works of Ignatius and Justin are brief, the former of them occupying less than fifty pages, the latter less than seventy, I have succeeded, by diligent search, in finding the two passages. That from Ignatius is correctly quoted. In it he affirms the Eucharist to be "the flesh of our Saviour Jesus Christ;" but whether literally, or figuratively, he does not say, either here, or m any other part of his writings. We must, therefore, interpret him by the others ; if we find that they are to be taken literally, then he is to be taken literally ; if, on the other hand, they are to be taken figuratively, then he is to be taken figuratively. The passage from Justin Martyr is outrageously garbled ; but whether by the Archbishop, or by the author of The Faith of Catholics, 1 do not know. I should take it for granted that it was not by the Arch- THE HOLY EUCHARIST. 293 bishop, had I not already (p. 114) detected him in a precisely similar garbling of Holy Scripture. I give the passage entire, putting in italics the part left out by the Archbishop : " For we receive not these elements as common bread or common drink. But even as Jesus Christ our Saviour, being made flesh by the Word of God, had both flesh and blood for our salvation, even so we are taught, that the food which is blessed by the prayer of the word which came from him, by the conversion of which (into our bodily substance) our blood and flesh are nourishedy i^ fjs aifxa uai (japjies Kara ^eral3o\rfv rpkcpov- rai r]ix(S)v^ is the flesh and blood of that Jesus who was made flesh.'' Apol, i. c. 86. I have given this extract, in the translation of Cheva- lier, edited by Bishop Whittingham. The four words in parenthesis are supplied by the translator, but any Greek scholar can see that they are implied in the original Greek of the italicized portion, which I have also given. But let us leave out these words, and trans- late the Greek literally, thus : '* by(JS, out of the substance of) which our blood and flesh by digestion {' }j.8ra^aXkeadai rp6cpr}Vy to digest one's food,' Liddell and Scott) are nourished,'' Why these words were left out, it needs no ghost to tell. In them, Justin declares that by the (no longer common, but) consecrated bread and wine our blood and flesh are, by digestion, nourished ; and therefore, by clear implication, (since accidents can't nourish substance,) that the natural substance of the bread and wine remain after consecration. This the Archbishop, or whoever was the responsible party, was shrewd enough to see ; and so, inasmuch as, with the words left in, Justin wouldn't even seem to teach tran- substantiation, they were quietly left out. Were this the only omission of the kind, it might possibly, by a stretch of charity, be put to the account of accident ; but I have already exposed more than one, of the same 294 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. kind, and others are to follow. To suppose all these, — all te7idmg in one direction, all converging to one end — the result of accident, is to insut the commonest intelli- gence. So much for the Archbishop's second extract. The remaining four 1 have no means of testing, as he dis- dains to give chapter and verse, and I cannot undertake to search for them through twenty huge folio volumes. They may be correct, but the reader is warranted, by what he has already seen, in looking upon them with suspicion. But whether correct or incorrect, they do not teach transubstantiation. Origen, as quoted by the Archbishop, (p. 296,) says : "If thou wilt go up with Christ to celebrate the Passover, He will give to thee that bread of benediction, His own body, and will vouchsafe to thee His own blood.'' And St. Augus- tine, as quoted by the ArcJibishop, (p. 297,) says : *' You ought to know what you have received. The bread which you see on the altar, after being sanctified by the word of God, is the body of Christ. That chalice, after being sanctified by the word of God, is the blood of Christ." That is what we say. That is Avhat our Lord Himself says : This is my body ; this is my blood. There is no dispute on this point. The point in dis- pute is, as the Archbishop very well knows, How are they his body and blood ? Literally, or figuratively 1 Literally, says the Archbishop. Figuratively, say Origen and Augustine, as we have already seen (above, pp. 288, 289), Augustine going so far as to say that to take the words literally would be to represent our Lord as requiring of us what would be '' criminal and disgraceful^ And yet the Archbishop, knowing this, or else being (for a high dignitary) discreditably igno- rant, coolly tries to palm him off on us as an asserter of transubstantiation ! Of the two remaining witnesses of the Archbishop, St. Chrysostom, as he quotes hini^ says : '' If thou wert THE HOLY EUCHARIST, 295 indeed incorporeal, He would have delivered to thee those same incorporeal gifts without covering. But since the soul is united to the body, He delivers to thee in things perceptible to the senses, the things to be apprehended by the understanding. How many nowadays say : * \\ ould that we could look upon His (Jesus') form, His figure, His raiment, His shoes/ Lo ! thou seest Him, touchest Him, eatest Him/' — But how do we, according to St. Chrysostom, see Him, touch Him, eat Him? By the ''understanding/' as contradistinguished from the *' senses." The " things to be apprehended by the understanding" are the body and blood of our Lord ; and these, St. Chrysostom says, are ''delivered" to us "in things perceptible to the senses, ' ' namely, in the bread and wine. — This is in exact accordance with his teaching elsewhere. Commenting on St. John 6 : 63, (Hom. xlvii. 3,) he says : " He (Christ) tries to remove their difficulties in another way, as follows, // is the spirit that quickenethy the flesh profiteth nothing : that is to say. You ought to under- stand My words in a spiritual sense : he who under- stands them carnally is profited nothing. To interpret carnally is to take a proposition in its bare literal mean- ing, and allow no other [which is just what the Arch- bishop does]. But we should not judge of mysteries in this way ; but examine them with the inward eye ; />., understand them spiritually." And again (Hom. XXV., on St. John 3): "As in baptism, the spiritual power of regeneration is given to the material water ; so also the immaterial [incorporeal] gift of the body and blood of Christ is not received by any sensible cor- poral action, but by the spiritual discernment of our faith, and of our hearts and minds." According to the Archbishop, the body of Christ is placed by the priest on the tongue of the communicant, (which is a " sensi- ble corporal action,") and is swallowed by the commu- nicant, (which is another sensible corporal action :) 296 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFA THFRS. plainly the Archbishop and the golden-mouthed Father are heaven-wide from each other. The only remaining witness cited by the Archbishop is St. Cyril, of Jerusalem, who, as he quotes him, says : '' He Himself having declared. This is my body, who shall dare to doubt henceforward ? and he having said, This is my blood, who shall ever doubt, saying : This is not his blood ? He once at Cana turned water into wine, which is akin to blood ; and is He undeserving of belief, when He turned wine into blood?" The question is how He turns wine into blood. Does He turn wine into blood in the same way that He turned water into wine .^ Clearly not ; for He turned the wa- ter into something that did not before exist ; but He turns the wine into that which is already existing, and has been for eighteen hundred years ; and even Omni- potence cannot do that literally ; for that would be to make wine of the present century's vintage eighteen hundred years old without lapse of time, St. Cyril is responsible for no such absurdity. If the reader will turn back to page 281 of the Archbishop's book, he will find a long extract from the Saint. A part of.it (which is given also in Browne on the Articles, (p. 698,) and which therefore I can rely upon as being accurately quoted, since the tw^o agree substantially) runs thus : '' And see well that you regard it [the ointment in Con- firmation] not as mere ointment ; for as the bread of the Eucharist, after the invocation of the Holy Ghost, is no longer 7nere bread (ovk en aproi Xiro^), but the body of Christ ; so likewise this holy ointment is no longer common ointment after the invocation, but the gift of Christ and of the Holy Ghost, being rendered efficient by His divinity." — From this it is clear that unless St. "Cyril held the ointment to be transubstanti- ated, (which I presume the Archbishop will not claim,) he did not hold the bread to be transubstantiated either. THE HOLY EUCHARIST. 297 So much for the Archbishop's Patristic ** echoes." — In the closing paragraph of his chapter he has the courage to say — and it takes a great deal of courage to say it — '' Such also is the faith of the Greek Church, which seceded from us a thousand years ago, as well as of the present Russian Church." Here are two ugly ''blots/' (to use Father Newman's quadriHteral euphemism for a Saxon triliteral) : i. The Greek Church did not secede ; the secession was on the other side, and the Archbishop tries to cover it up by the old trick of crying, Stop thief ! hoping, in the noise and confusion, to get possession (which, he is well aware, is nine points in law) of the stolen goods. — 2. Such is not the faith of the Greek Church, and never was. The Archbishop of Syra, a distinguished prelate of the Greek Church, is (to say the least) as likely as the Archbishop of Baltimore, who is only a distinguished outsider, to know what the faith of the Greek Church is, and what it is not. In a conference with the Bishop of Ely, (Harold Browne, author of the work on the Articles,) F. Meyrick, and others, in Eng- land, Feb. 4, 1870, a report of which will be found in the Journal of our General Convention of 1871, (appen- dix, pp. 577-583,) he says i *' My individual opinion is, that the bread remains bread in the mouth, and the wine remains wine in the mouth ; but that at the same time as we receive them, we receive the whole body of Christ. Others have taken up the opinions of the Latin Church, and rolled them into our Church. The ques- tion is not authoritatively settled." — It is not, therefore a part of *' the faith of the Greek Church ;" for every part of the ''faith" of that Church />, and was, long before the secession of the Church of Rome, '' authori- tatively settled." '' Rolled them in" is good. It expresses the opera- tion exactly ; and it expresses also the result ; to wit, that, having been *' rolled in," they have no foothold ; 298 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, and therelore, when the Church settles the question authoritatively she will roll them out again. The Archbishop's assertion about the Greek Church having thus been proved to be worthless, the reader is entitled to infer the equal worthlessness of the other assertions, in the same paragraph, about the *' Nesto- rians and Evitychians,*' the ^' schismatic Copts, the Syr- ians, Chaldeans, Armenians, and, in short, of all the Oriental sects no longer in communion with the See of Rome ;" he is warranted in taking it for granted that not one of them holds the Roman doctrine of Transub- stantiation. It having thus been shown that the doctrine has no foundation in Scripture as interpreted by the Fathers and by common sense, and no seat but in the mazed brain of mediaeval and modern Rome, it remains to show, in few words, that it strikes at the foundation of all confidence in the value of human testimony. And here Lacordaire, an authority to which the Archbishop cannot take exception, shall stand me in stead. I quote from his Conferences, Langdon's Translation, Lon- don, 1853— those Conferences that, in the last genera- tion, set all Paris agog with their contagious enthusi- asm, and might fairly challenge any one, since the days of the golden-mouthed Bishop of Constantinople, to match them in eloquence. The passages I shall quote are not specimens of the eloquence, but they are speci- mens of the transparent simplicity of the language, and they are all the more valuable for my purpose, in that Lacordaire never dreamed of the application that could be made of them. The wonder is, they have not long since been put in the htdex Expurgatorhis, Had they appeared in a » Protestant book, they undoubtedly would have been : '* You believe, then, in bodies because you have seen them ? Well, I announce to you a sad, a lamentable fact ; it is that you have never seen them ! What have THE HOLY EUCHARIST. 299 you seen, in effect, in that which you call a body ? Certain properties — size, weight, color, form ; but the substance, that which is underneath, I tell yovi that you have not seen it. . . . And yet you believe in the existence of bodies ; you believe in it firmly ; and you do well, because in the phenomeita you have sufficient reason for so doing.'' {Conference 12th, p. 167.) '* On seeing the phenomena {i.e., accidents'] of bodies, those of existence, those of the mind, we have no diffi- culty in believing in the substance which supports them." {Ibid. p. 171.) Here Lacordaire tells us that we see, on the altar, for instance, (for he is speaking of all bodies,) after the consecration of the elements, exactly what we saw be- fore, — neither more, nor less, — to wit, the phenomena, i.e., accidents, — size, color, form — of the bodies, bread and wine, and that the sight of these accidents of the bodies is our *' sufficient reason" for" believing firmly'* in the substance of these bodies ; not in the substance of some other body, or bodies, that has taken their place. I have said that the Roman doctrine of Transubstan- tiation strikes at the foundation of all confidence in the value of human testimony. Let me give one example — one is as good as a hundred — and one that is particu- larly in point. I refer to the testimony of the Apostles to the Resurrection of Jesus Christ. Admitting, to the full, not only the sincerity, but the objective truth, of that testimony, what, to a consistent believer in transub- stantiation, is it good for ? Just nothing at all. For what did they see and handle ? Simply the accidents of the Resurrection body of Christ ; for they certainly did not see and handle the substance. Now ii our seeing and handling the accidents of the bread and wine, after consecration, is not our " sufficient reason" for believ- ing in the substance of bread and wine beneath those accidents, then neither was their seeing and handling 300 l^HE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. the accidents, of His Resurrection body their ''suffi- cient reason" for believing in the substance of that Resurrection body beneath those accidents ; and so, to the consistent believer in transubstantiation, Christianity itself is without foundation : for, says the Apostle, (i Cor. 15 : 14,) '' If Christ be not risen, then is our preaching vain, and your faith is also vain." Will the Archbishop say. We are to believe in the substance beneath the accidents, except where Jesus Christ (as in the case before us, by saying. This is my body ; this is my blood) has told us not to believe in it ? I answer. That is the very point in dispute, Vv^hether He has so told us, in so saying. Is it in the words themselves, or in the Archbishop's interpretation of the words ? If it is in his interpretation of the words, then I have as good a right to my interpretation of them, as he has to his ; especially as my interpretation of them is the interpretation of all Christendom for the first six hundred years, St. Augustine (as we have seen) even going so far as to say that the other interpretation, to wit, the literal, would make our Lord require of us a ''disgraceful and criminal action." — If, on the other hand, it is in the words themselves, then it is also in the exactly similar words of the Archbishop himself (p. 202) : " Your son [seeing the " likenesses"] will ask you : Who are those men ? And when you tell him : This is Washington, the Father of his Country ; this is Patrick Henry, the ardent lover of civil liberty ; and this is Taney, the incorruptible Judge, your boy will " — will what ? — will, if he is a scion of the Archbishop, say : Oh ! I understand you ! You mean, This is not canvas, or marble. This is the flesh and blood of Washington, the flesh and blood of Patrick Henry, the flesh and blood of Taney ! I understand you per- fectly !^0h, but you don't understand me, you reply ; I don't mean any such thing. Why do you say it, then ? You say, This is Washington ; This is Patrick COMMUNION UNDER ONE KIND. 301 Henry ; This is Taney : just as our Lord says, '* This is my body ; This is my blood. Surely, if transubstan- tiation is in the words themselves, in the one case, it is in the words themselves, in the other. CHAPTER XXI. COMMUNION UNDER ONE KIND. As our Lord said to the eleven (or to the twelve, if Judas was present), '' Drink ye all of this,'' and St. Mark records that '' they all drank of it ;" and as the Archbishop's objection that this was said '' not to the people at large, but only to the Apostles," (p. 301,) is answered, as he very well knows, by his admission (p. 298) that ** even the clergy of every rank, including the Pope, receive only of the consecrated bread, unless when they celebrate Mass ;" and as Cardinal Bona admits that ** always, everywhere, from the very first foundation of the Church to the 12th century, the faith- ful communicated under the species both of bread and wine ;" "^ and as the Archbishop himself confesses (p. 304) that the withholding of the cup was first en- acted into a law by the Council of Constance in 1414 ; and as the alleged exceptional instances of communion in one kind in the early history of the Church, and the alleged sufficiency of such communion, even with Au- gustine and Liebnitz to back it (if they do back it), amount to nothing in the face of the plain command of our Saviour, '' Drink 7^ all of it ; and as I have already (p. 79) refuted the Archbishop's calumnious accusa- tion (p. 300) against '' the Protestant translators" of i Cor. II : 27, I shall confine myself to the extraordinary ^ Rev, Lifurg. 1. ii. c. 18, n. i. Apud Bingham, xv. v. i. 302 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. paragraph about Luther, and to the last three para- graphs of the chapter, in which the Archbishop apolo- gizes for not obeying the command of Christ by alleg- ing certain difficulties in the way of obedience to it ! The paragraph respecting Luther is as follows : '* Luther himself, even after his revolt, was so clearly convinced of this truth, that he luas an uncomproniising advocate of co77imitnion under one kind, ' If any Council, ' he says, * should decree or permit both species, we would by no means acquiesce ; but in spite of the Council and its statute, we would use one form, or neither, and never both/ — De fornmla MisscE,'' Of course, any one familiar with the works of Luther, knows that in the part I have italicized above, there is no truth. It is the old Jesuit trick oi taking what the logicians call dictiun secundum qnidior simpliciter dictnni ; that is to say, in quoting what is said relatively y to leave out that relatively to which it is said, and quote it as said absolutely. To illustrate : On page 241, above, I said : '' I scorn to be ' tolerated' in the enjoyment of that which is my birthright. Like him whose blood flows in my veins, the first Governor Dudley of Mas- sachusetts, but for a very different reason, I cry out, from the bottom of my soul, and with all the strength that is in me, against this un-American, un-nineteenth- century, ' intolerable toleration.' " — Suppose the Arch- bishop, or some of his understrappers, were to quote me thus : ** Like him whose blood flows in my veins, the first Governor Dudley of Massachusetts, I cry out, from the bottom of my soul, and with all the strength that is in me, against this * intolerable tolera tion ; ' '' leaving out the qualifying words, without giving any indication that anything was left out ; and, commenting upon it, represent me as *' an uncompro- mising advocate" of intolerance^ and add, that, by my own confession, it was born and bred in me ! He would be serving mc exactly as he has served Luther. COMMUNION UNDER ONE KIND, Z^l But as he is in the habit of serving the Bible and the Fathers so, as I have already shown (p. 113) and have yet to show, (p. 337) it is not strange that he should serve a heretic the same scurvy sauce. Here is what Luther says, the part which I have italicized being that, in the first paragraph, which the Archbishop has left out. It will be seen that what Luther is denouncing is, 7iot communion in both kinds, as the Archbishop represents, but, putting the Councils of men above the Word of God : '' \i by any cJiance a Council by its own autJwrity should decree or permit it, in that contingency by no means would Ave use both species ; rather, tlien first, in spite as well of the Council as of its statute, would we use one or other of the two only, or neither, and by no means both, and zvoiild plainly anathematize those, whoso- ever they might be zvho, on the authority of stich Cotcncil or statute, sliould use both, "Do you wonder, and ask why? Listen; If you know the bread and the wine to have been instituted by Christ, both, namely, to be taken by all, as the Gos- pels and Paul most clearly testify, so that even our ad- versaries are compelled to confess it, and yet dare not believe and trust Him, so as to take it on His author- ity, {literally^ to take it so), but are bold to take it, if men in their Council decree it, are you not in that case preferring men to Christ ? Are you not exalting Men of sin above all that is called God, or that is Vv'Or- shipped ? Are you not relying upon the words of men, rather than upon the words of God ? Nay, you altogether distrust the words of God, and believe only the words of men. But how great is that abomination and denial of the Most High God ? What idolatry then can equal your so scrupulous obedience to a Council of men ? Ought you not rather a thousand times to die ? Ought you not rather to receive one 304 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. species or none, than, in such obedience so sacrilegious and apostasy of faith, to receive both ?" The Archbishop would only be serving St. Paul in the same way as he here serves Luther, if he were to write thus : '* * We are not under the law, but under grace/ St. Paul himself, even after his conversion, was so clearly convinced of this truth, that he was an uncompromis- ing advocate of sinning that grace might abound. ' God be thanked,' he says, ' that ye were the servants of sin.' (Rom. 6 : 17.)" Do you say, reader, the Archbishop wouldn't treat St. Paul so ? 1 have showed you how he did treat him ; and if you have forgotten, you can refresh your memory, if not your equanimity, by turning back to page 113. I have showed you also how he treats the Fathers, and will show you more before I get through. The sorrowful fact is that you can't trust, not only his representations of them, but even his (professed) quota- tions from them. A word now on the last three paragraphs of the chapter, in which the Archbishop shows, in palliation of his and his Church's disobedience to the plain com- mand of Christ, how '* very difficult" (p. 304) and how ** very distasteful" (p. 305) it is to obey that command. The difficulty is, to procure a sufficiency of pure wine for so many communicants. I answer, where there's a will, there's a way : the demand creates the supply ; and to ensure its purity, the Church has but to take the matter into her own hands. The distastefiilness is another matter : '' It would be very distasteful, besides," says the Archbishop, **for so many communicants to drink successively out of the same chalice." This is an objection I never thought to hear from a Christian, let alone an Archbishop. The Communicants for the first one thousand years, as he himself admits, did, in large numbers, drink out of THE SACRIFICE OF THE MASS. 305 the same cup. The truth is, this squeamishness is arti- ficial. Children are not troubled with it : and all Christians should, in this respect, be children in the family of Christ. But, says the Archbishop, '' in our larger churches, where communion is distributed every Sunday to hun- dreds, there would be great danger of spilling a por- tion of the consecrated chalice, and of thus exposing it to profanation.'' I answer, the danger is imaginary. \ I have, myself, in the course of my ministry of nearly / forty years, '' delivered the cup'* to thousands upon thousands — to hundreds on the same day — to scores Sunday after Sunday, for months together — and never yet hav^e I spilled the first drop, or seen a communicant j spill it. But even were the danger tenfold greater / than it is, we are not responsible for it, or for any un- avoidable profanation consequent upon it. The Archbishop winds up the chapter with the dec- laration, ** should circumstances ever justify or de- mand a change from the present discipline, the Church will not hesitate to restore the cup to the laity." So then, the difficulty^ and the distastefulnesSy and the danger, are bogus, after all ! For an unanswerable re- ply to his own arguments, sometimes on the very next page, commend me to the Archbishop. CHAPTER XXIl. THE SACRIFICE OF THE MASS. As the Roman doctririe of the Sacrifice of the Mass is built upon Transubstantiation, and as I have already shown that that is without warrant, either of Scripture as interpreted by the Fathers, or of common sense, this chapter need not detain us long. 30 6 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. That the Eucharist is a Sacrifice of prayer and praise, including a memorial of the one Sacrifice offered up d7;^^^/^r a// upon the Cross for the Redemption of the whole world, an oblation of the bread and wine, of alms, and, above all, of the body, soul, and spirit of the worshippers as a living sacrifice, is the doctrine of Holy Scripture, of the early Liturgies, of the Fathers of the first five centuries, and of our Reformers ; but not one of them all gives any countenance to the Roman doctrine of a propitiatory sacrifice of a victim in the Mass. Says St. Chrysostom, (Hom. xvii. in Heb.) " There is but one sacrifice ; we do not offer another sacrifice, but continually the same : or rather, we make a memo- rial of the sacrifice — jAoXkov Sh avaf^ivrjaiv epya^o/Asda Says St. Augustine (Contr. Faust, xx. i8) : *' Unde jam Christiani peracti ejusdem sacrificii memoriam cel- ebrant, sacrosancta oblatione. Corporis et Sanguinis Christi \' i.e,, Christians celebrate the memorial of the same fully finished sacrifice, by sacred oblation, and participation of Christ's Body and Blood." And Ridley, the Martyr : '* The whole substance of our sacrifice, which is frequented of the Church in the Lord's Supper, consisteth in prayers, praise, and giving of thanks, and in remembering and showing forth of that sacrifice upon the altar of the cross ; that the same might continually be had in reverence by mystery, w^hich, once only and no more, was offered as the price of our redemption. ' ' {Disputations at Oxford, Works, Parker So- ciety, p. 211.) And, in his Piteous Lamejitation, {Works, p. 52,) he calls the modern Roman Mass — and all the Fathers of the first five centuries would have called it the same, if it had been even dreamed of in their da}^, which it was not — *' a new blasphemous kind of sacri- fice, to satisfy and pay the price of sins, both of the dead and of the quick, to the great and intolerable con- THE SACRIFICE OF THE MASS, 307 tumely of Christ our Saviour, His death and passion ; which was, and is the only sufficient and everlasting, available sacrifice, satisfactory for all the elect of God, from Adam the first, to the last that shall be born to the end of the World." The Archbishop talks about the Pagan sacrifices of victims, and quotes Plutarch in proof of their univer- sality ; as if Pagans, in their worship, Avere examples for Christians ! He talks also of the Patriarchal and Jewish sacrifices of victims, as if the Apostle had not taught us (Heb. vii., viii., ix., and x.) that they have all been fulfilled and brought to an end in the One Sacrifice of the One Victim, on Calvary. He quotes also the prophecy (Mai. i : 11), ** From the rising of the sun even to the going down. My Name is great among the Gentiles, and in every place there is sacrifice, and there is offered to My Name a clean oblation.*' But the word '* sacrifice," taken by him from the Douay, which follows the Vulgate, is a mistranslation : the Hebrew word {muktar) doesn't mean ** sacrifice ;" it means ** incense," and can't mean anything else. But, not satisfied with the Vulgate's and the Douay's per- version of the text, he perverts it still more in his com- ment on it: '* He (God) clearly predicts," he says, '' by the mouth of the Prophet Malachiah, that the im- molations of the Jews would be succeeded by a clean victim, which would be offered up not on a single altar, as was the case in Jerusalem, but in every part of the known world." (p. 310.) He should predict that, to make it a prediction of the modern Roman Mass : but he doesn't ; that word vic- tim is a sheer fabrication of the Archbishop's, without warrant even from the Vulgate or the Douay. The ** pure offering,'' or, as the Douay expresses it, *' clean oblation,'' is the '* minchah of the Mosaic law, which is never a victim, but is, as his own authority the Doua}^ (Lev. 6:15) could tell him, an offering of '' flour that 3oS THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. is tempered with oil/' and is accompanied with the burning of '' frankincense. '* Passing over i Cor. ii : 23-26, which has been already (p. 291) considered, w^e come, in the order fol- lowed by the .Archbishop, to Acts 13:2, As they '* were ministering (or, as the Greek text expresses it,'' says the Archbishop, ** sacrificing) to the Lord.'' That is exactly what it doesn't '* express :" had it *' ex- pressed" it, the Vulgate and the Douay would have been only too happy to have so translated it. The Greek word for sacrifice is Qvoo '^—Xnrovpyiooy which is the word used by the Apostle, is a generic one, and signi- fies performing the SERVICE, praying, praising, giving thanks, sacrificing, or whatever that service may be. We come next, and last, to Heb. 13 : 10 : " We have an altar, whereof they have no right to eat which serve the tabernacle. " * * The Apostle here plainly declares, says the Archbishop, *' that the Christian Church has its altars as well as the Jewish synagogue." If that is all the Apostle declares, the Church is poorly off for altars ; for everybody knows the synagogue had none, and has none to the present day : altars were confined to the Temple. '* An altar," continues the Archbishop, ** necessarily supposes a sacrifice, without which it has no meaning." Very true."^ But it does not necessarily suppose a victim. The Altar of Incense (Exod. 30 : i - 10) was for the offering of incense, and no other sacri- fice was allowed (Exod. 30 : 9) to be offered on it. — The meat offering, also, (Lev. 2 : 1,2,) which was not (as the word meat in its present signification might lead the reader to suppose) a flesh offering, but an offering of flour mingled with oil, and accompanied with incense, was offered upon the altar, /.^., sacrificed ; in other words, made sacred (for that is the meaning of sacrificed) to God. Gifts also were offered upon the altar, and to that our Lord has reference w^hen he sa3^s (St. Matt. * I leave out of the account the Altar of Witness, (Joshua xxii.) because '\\ presupposed 2.n altar of real offerings. THE SACRIFICE OF THE MASS. 3^9 5 : 23,) '* If thou bring thy gift to the altar ;" and so does the Apostle when having spoken (Heb. 13 : 15) of **the sacrifice of praise," he adds in the next verse, *' But to do good and to communicate (alms) forget not ; for with such sacrifices God is well pleased/' We have an altar then, and a sacrifice, or rather, sacrifices; sacrifices (/.^., oblations) of bread and wine — the very sacrifice that Melchizedec offered— sacri- fices of prayer and praise and thanksgiving — sacrifices of our substance — sacrifices of ourselves. We have an altar, a sacrifice, a priest ; but the Catholic altar, the Catholic sacrifice, the Catholic priest, and the Roman altar, the Roman sacrifice, the Roman priest, are heav- en-wide from each other. After remarking on Psalm 110:4, that our Lord is a *' "^rx^^X, forever,'' because His sacrifice is '* perpetual,'' which, if he means by it perpetually offering, is in con- flict with Heb. 10 : ia-14, the Archbishop passes on to the unwritten word : '' Tradition, with its hundred tongues, proclaims the perpetual oblation of the sacrifice of the Mass, from the time of the Apostles to our own days." (p. 314.) ** Hundred tongues" is good. The genuine tradi- tion, from our Lord and his Apostles, is authenticated to us in one tongue, the Greek, and speaks to us with one voice, as it spoke in the beginning, and ever shall speak. The Archbishop's hundred-tongued animal is like Virgil's Fame {^n, iv. 173): *' a monster horrid, huge, with as many wakeful eyes, (wonderful to tell,) as many tongues, as many sounding mouths, as many pricked-up ears, as it has feathers on its body." ' ' Flourishing in locomotivity, and gaining strength by going ; small and timid at first ; soon it raises itself to the breezes, stalks along on the ground, and hides its head in the clouds,'' The Archbishop is welcome to his pet, centum mult.loquacibus oris Gaudentem, et pariter facta atque infecta canentem. 3ro THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. '* If we consult the Fathers of the Church ... if we consvilt the General Councils . . • they will all tell us/' etc. (p. 314.) We have seen what the Archbishop's wholesale as- sertions about, and retail quotations from, the Fathers, are worth ; or rather, what they are 7iot worth ; and as he does not, here, venture even so much as to refer to, not to say quote, even one of them by name, we may commend his prudence, and pass on. His argument from the '' Nestorians and Eutychians*' and the '' Greek schismatics" (p. 315) has been already disposed of in the chapter on transubstantiation, (p. 297) and needs no further remark. '' But ot all proofs in favor of the Apostolic origin of the sacrifice of the Mass,"^ the most convincing is found in the Liturgies of the Church." (p. 315.) The Catholic doctrine of the Eucharistic sacrifice, as embodied in the early liturgies, is as unlike the Arch- bishop's ** sacrifice of the Mass" as the Catholic doc- trine of the Real Presence is unlike mediaeval Transub- stantiation. They are heaven-wide from each other- Rome claims she brings God down upon her altars, to worship Him there ; a blasphemous claim. The key- note of the Ancient Liturgies is, Sursuni corda ! Lift up your hearts ! Habemus ad Dominum. We lift them up to Thee. " St. Paul says that Jesus was " If the wounds of the martyrs offered once. How, then, can we plead so eloquently for us, how offer Him daily ? I answer, that much more eloquent is the blood of Jesus was offered once in a bloody Jesus shed daily upon ou7 altars ?'^ manner, and it is of this sacrifice that the Apostle speaks. But in the sacrifice of the Mass He is offered up in an tinbloody manner. ... daily off ered on ten thousand altars, ^^ ^ The name Mass (Latin, Missa) was first used as a distinctive title of the Eucharist by St. Ambrose near the end of the fourth century. Even then it was only a change of name, not of thing. It was two or three centuries later before the corruMions of it had crept in. RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES. 311 Reader, I assure you both these extracts are genu- ine, and they are found in the Archbishop's book only four pages apart ; the first on page 317, the last on page 321. The first looksYsk.^ the '' unbloody sacrifice" of the Ancient Liturgies ; but that is of the symbols of Christ's Body and Blood, not of Christ Himself ; the last is bald transubstantiation. CHAPTER XXIII. RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES. *' Omit that,'' said a Spanish monarch to one of his courtiers; ** it's only a ceremon3^" ''Sire," replied the courtier, ''the king himself is but a ceremony." There is a deep truth in this, as also in the old conun- drum. What is majesty, stript of its externals ? A jest.^ Strip Rome of her externals — those of them, I mean, that are peculiarly hers — and where would she be ? *' The flame of piety," the Archbishop tells us, (p. 323,) " is nourished by the outward forms of religion. The fruit of a tree does not consist in its bark or its leaves and branches. Nevertheless, you never saw a tree bearing fruit, unless when clothed with bark, adorned with branches, \why "adorned?" Are branches for ornajnent ?\ and covered with leaves." There the Archbishop is mistaken, as the commen- tators on the " fig-tree" having " nothing but leaves" (St. Mark 11 : 13) could tell him : " If haply, ei apa : that is, because it had leaves ; since the leaves of the fig-tree appear after the fruit,'' — Lange, Dr. South shall furnish him with a better comparison. I quote from memory : " Our adversaries tell us that forms are not religion. ^ M a jest y. 312 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. We do not claim that they are ; but they are to rehg- ion what clothing is to the body ; they keep in the vital warmth." The comparison is an admirable one. All the clothing in the world will not warm a corpse : there must be the inner life. Even then, we may keep it so thinly clad that it shall go shivering with cold : and that is what '' Geneva" does, or did, fifty years ago. On the other hand, we may smother, or swelter, it ; and that is what Rome does. The English Reform- ers kept to the *' golden mean," though at one time they came near going to the Genevan extreme. ** They were disgusted with the everlasting dinning into their ears the outside of the Church, as though it had no inside. The homely proverb of our ancestors reminded those who were too much enraptured with the exter- nal of the human form divine that * beauty was but skin deep ; * which was certainly true, as Apollo no doubt found out when he flayed Marsyas. Now there were those who were for flaying the Church, to get at the holiness beneath ; on the other hand, there were those who seemed to look upon her as all skin ; no bone, and muscle, and sinew : no heart, and mind, and soul, and strength ; no quickening spirit. Or, to change the figure, there were tliose who seemed to think Dress was everything, and who therefore went on piling upon her pannier upon pannier, flounce upon flounce, fur- below upon furbelow, of rites and ceremonies, till she looked more like a bedizened harlot than like the chaste bride of Christ, and wanted little of being smothered in her lendings. No Avonder those who found her gasping, and succeeded in stripping off the cumbrous additions, when they saw the reviving influence of the fresh air upon her, came nigh going on with the dis- robal, and leaving her shivering in the cold, without clothing enough to keep in the vital warmth. One extreme begat another. The real wonder was that the English Reformers should, in their public, official acts. RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES. 313 have kept so closely as they did to the old, Catholic way in which the Fathers walked in the beginning, and found rest to their souls. No doubt, as the Count De Maistre said, it was 'the English good sense,' that * preserved the hierarchy ; ' "^^ but surely the hand of God was in it. " — Afterpiece to the Comedy of Convocation. The Archbishop thinks he finds Avarrant for a " gorgeous ritual" in the Revelation of St. John : '' Angels with golden censers stand before the throne, while elders cast their crowns of gold before the Lamb once slain. Then that unnumbered multitude of all nations, tongues, and people, clothed in white raiment, bearing palms of victory/ 'etc. — (p. 326.) *' Palms of victory ' are for the Church triumphant, not for the Church militant. But even if we are to take the language literally (which, by the way, would require us (Rev. 14 : i) to have the name of God liter- ally *' w^ritten on our foreheads'') and the worship of the Church triumphant for a pattern to the Church militant, the '' white raiment" seems much more in keeping with our ritual than with that of the '' woman arrayed in purple and scarlet, (Rev. 17 14,) and decked with gold and precious stones and pearls . . . the mother of harlots . . . drunken with the blood of the saints." Of course, no church will put on this coat unless \t fits ; unless a scarlet-robed ritual is its peculiiim, * "'Were it permitted to establish degrees of importance amongst things of Divine institution,' he says, * / should place the Jiierarchy hefoe dogma — to so great a degree is the former indispensable to the mainten- ance of the faith. One may cite in favor of this theory a splendid experi- ence ivliich for three centuries has been conspicnons in the eyes of all En- rope ; I mean the Ajiglican Church, ivhich has preserved a dignity and weight absolutely foreign to all other Reformed Churches entirely because the English good sense Jias preserved the Iiierarchy/ " — De Maistre, Lettre a une Dame Russe, vol. ii., p. 285, Lettres et Opus. ined. — Quoted by Ffoulkes, Christen- down's Divisions,, London, 1865, p. 200. 31-4 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. CHAPTER XXIV. CEREMONIES OF THE MASS — THE MISSAL — LATIN LAN- GUACxE — LIGHTS — FLOWERS — INCENSE — VESTMENTS. The Archbishop invites the *' dear reader'' to '' walk together'' with him '' into a Cathohc" (meaning a Roman) ** Church, in time to assist" (that is, — by a GaUicism more honored in the breach, than in the ob- servance — be present as a looker-on) *'at the late Mass, which is the most solemn service of the Catholic" (meaning Roman) " Liturgy." As I hold most un- doubtingly that '' the SacramxCnts were not ordained of Christ to be gazed upon" (Art. XXV.,) and as lie does not invite me to partake, and as (moreover) a man is known by the company he keeps, I prefer to stay out- side and hear what he has to say for himself : '* The Canon of the Mass never varies throughout the year, and descends to us from the first ages of the Church with scarcely the addition of a word." (p. 330.) I have before me ** The Roman - Missal, Translated into the English Language for the use of the Laity. . . . By the Right Rev. Doctor England, Late Bish- op of Charleston. To which is added The Vespers. Philadelphia, Eugene Cummiskey, 1843," ^^'^^^ I ^"^ happy to say that it bears out the Archbishop's decla- ration. There is very little that is objectionable in the words of the *' Canon" proper. Leave out the word host, Lat. hostia, which means vietini, and is so trans- lated in the second paragraph following the elevation of the chalice, leave out also the oblique invocation (there is no direct invocation in the '* Canon") of the Virgin and the Saints, "by whose merits '^^ to repair fully the injury done" to his neighbor. {Ibid,, p. 273.) **Butin imposing penance ... no satisfaction can be more salutary than to require of the penitent to devote, for a certain number of days, a certain portion of time to prayer/* {Ibid., p. 273.)^ From the foregoing extracts from the Canons of the Council of Trent (Buckley's Translation, which is almost servilely literal), and from the Catechism set forth by its authority, we see what '' sacramental con- fession" is: it is (i) to a priest, (2) in private, (3) of secret sins, even those of thought, (4) compulsory, (5) for obtaining private absolution, (6) without previous and public penance — the penance being always subse- quent, and private, (7) ** of divine institution/' This is the '' Sacramental Confession," the necessity of which, the Archbishop says, all the Fathers insist upon. If the Confession in use in the early Church prior to Leo the Great lack any one of these seven characteristics, then it is not the *' Sacramental Confession" now taught and enforced in and by the Roman Church. Now there were but two kinds of confession in the * Think of turning Prayer, which is " ihc Christian's vital breath," into Penance ' ! ! THE SACRAMENT OF PENANCE. ZZ"^ early Church ; the first was public, and consisted of acts rather than words, and lasted one, five, ten, twenty, even thirty years, and sometimes for a lifetime. It was for heinous and scandalous sins only, such as falling away from the faith under persecution, adultery, homicide, and such like. Tertullian has given an ex- tended account of it in his treatise De Penitentia : God, saith he, '' hath placed in the porch a second repent- ance [Baptism being the first], which may open unto them that knock, but now for once only, because now for the second time, and never again, because at the last time in vain/' (c. vii.) And again: '* The more straitened, then, the work of this second and only re- maining repentance, the more laborious its proof, so that it may not be only borne upon the conscience within, but may be also exhibited by some outward act. This act, w^hich is better and more commonly expressed by a Greek word {eB,o}xo\6yr]aii), is Confes- sion, whereby we acknowledge our sin to the Lord, not because He knoweth it not, but inasmuch as by confession satisfaction is ordered, from confession re- pentance springeth, by repentance God is appeased.'* (c. ix.) It will be seen that Tertullian speaks of this *' second repentance,'' this acted confession, as *' placed in the porch." In the arrangement of the ancient churches, there was commonly, before the church, an open area surrounded with porticoes, or sometimes only an open portico. This was the place in which the first and lowest order of penitents, the weepers, stood exposed to the weather. The church itself consisted usually of three divisions within. In the first, called the riarthex, a narrow vestibule extending the whole width ot the church (among Jews and heathen, heretics and schis- matics, catechumens and energoumens as yet unbap- tized), stood the second class of penitents, the hearers , who were allowed to hear the Scriptures read, and the 332 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFA THERS. sermon preached, but had to depart before the Com- mon Prayers began, which in the early Church fol- lowed the sermon. The next division, or main body of the church, was the nave, separated from the 7tarthex by a wooden railing. Just within this railing were the third order of penitents, the kneelers or prostrators, so called because they were allowed to remain and join in certain prayers particularly made for them, whilst they were kneeling, or prostrate on the ground. In the rest of the nave were the believers or faithful, among whom were mingled the fourth order of penitents, the co-staiiders who stood with the faithful, and joined in the prayers after the other orders of penitents had been dismissed. At last, after they had gone through the prescribed time,'^ which varied according to the degree of the offence, some of them spending years in each of these orders, others only a brief period, they were by a public and formal absolution restored to full commun- ion. The absolution was never given before the pen- ance was accomplished, except to such as were dan- gerously ill, and these, if they recovered, were obliged to take their place again among the penitents till they had gone through the several stages. (See Hammond, Six General Councils, from whose Note to Canon XI. of the Council of Nice I have abridged most of the foregoing account.) In all this, there is nothing at all resembling the ' ' Sacramental Confession' ' of the modern Roman Church. The second, and only other, kind of confession in the early Church (except, of course, that of Christians ** confessing their faults one to another and to God,'') was private, but it was not compulsory, nor was it ever accompanied with private absolution ; still less, with private penance following such absolvition. '' There was a very early Practice/' says Marshall {Penitential ^ This was sometimes shortened by an Indulgence, of which more in the next chapter. THE SACRAMENT OF PEiVANCE. 3?>Z Discipline of the Primitive Church, (p. 44,) London, 1714), '' oi voluntary Confession, which was sometimes publick, and sometimes /nV^/^ only ; of both which we meet with Testimonies approaching so near the Foun- tain that they almost mix with it." He then cites *' some noble passages" from Origen, TertuUian, and Cyprian, and, on page 52, continues thus : ** It is true, indeed, that all who mention the Confes- sion of secret Sins do it still with some Eye of Reference to /^^//^/& Discipline. (This Origen, Tertullian, and St. Cyprian do all, as far as I can judge, agree in :) But then it is likewise certain, th^t publick Discipline was not assign 'd to every Sin, which w^as thus in private con- fess d ; but only to such as, upon a view of the Case, were conceiv'd to need it. The Party therefore who thus confessed his private Offences, must have open'd them at large, or else the Penitentiary could not judge of them whether they needed such a Cure or no. If they did not, then the Party had the Comfort [not of Absolution, but] of that Presbyter's Opinion, that he might be safe without it, and Ghostly Advice moreover, how to behave in the Conduct of his future Life ; and upon this, in Process of Time, was grafted the Practice oi private Penance, when the Zeal of Men grew too cold for a Submission to the Publick.'' Origen, in one of the ** noble Passages" cited by Marshall, advises those who would confess in private, to ''be careful in chusing a fit Person, to whom they may open their Minds with Profit and Advantage ; that they try to find out such a spiritual Physician, as knows how to mourn with them that mourn, to be weak with them who are weak ; in fine, to be tender and compas- sionate, and such an one (upon the whole) as having approv'd his skill to them, may give them Reason to depend upon his Council, and to follow it ; that so, if 334 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. he shall judge their Case to be, what may need the Cure of a publick Animadversion, and deserve to be laid open in the Face of the Church {gui in conveniu totiiis Ecclesice expo?ii debeat et curari)^ for the Edification either of themselves or others, this may be done delib- erately and discreetly^ and agreeably to the Directions of such an approved Physician." {In PsaL 37 (38). Horn, 2.) From this we learn that what was deemed wanting, in such a case, in Origen's day was a spiritual physi- cian qualified to give (not private absolution, which was then unknown, but) sound (spiritual) medical ad- vice, and that the sin-sick soul was free to choose its own physician. This liberty was afterward abridged by the appointment by each Bishop of a Penitentiary Presbytery '' whose duty," says Socrates (Eccl. Hist. v. 19), '* it should be to receive the confession of penitents who had sinned after baptism ;" and he says it was first done '* when the Novatians separated themselves from the Church because they would not communicate with those who had lapsed during the persecution under Decius ;" i,e,, about a.d, 250. This continued till about 390, when, in consequence of a scandal to which it had given occasion in the Constantinopolitan Church, ec- clesiastics being subjected to taunting and reproach, '' Endsemon," says Socrates, *' a presbyter of the Church, by birth an Alexandrian, persuaded Nectarius the Bishop to aboHsh the office of penitentiary pres- byter,' and to leave every one to his own conscience with regard to the participation of the sacred mysteries ^'^ i,e., the holy communion. That this last statement of Socrates is correct, we may be sure, for he says, ** I myself heard the explanation of the matter from Endaemon ;" and he adds : '' My observation to End^mon, when he first related the circumstance, was this : ' Whether, O presbyter, your counsel has been profitable for the Church or otherwise, God knows ; but I see that it . THE SACRAMENT OF PENANCE- 335 takes away the means of rebuking another's faults, and prevents our acting upon that precept of the Apostle, Have no fellowship wit It tJie unfruitful works of darkness, but rather reprove them,' '' Sozomen {Ecel. Hist. vii. 16) gives the same account of the *' suppression of this office in the Church," and adds, *' This example v/as followed by the Bishops of every region." I add, that there was but one penitentiary presbyter to a diocese, even the great city of Constantinople having- but one ; for, says Sozomen {ut supra), '' At Constantinople, a presbyter was always appointed to preside over the penitents, until," etc., and then goes on to give an ac- count of the scandal that occasioned the abolition of the office. From the foregoing account two conclusions follow^ : frst, that confession to a priest as a condition to the partaking of the Holy Communion was exceptional not universal, or even general, for it would have been physically impossible for one presbyter to hear habitu- ally, or even once a year, the confessions of all the communicants of a diocese ; and, secondly, that confes- sion to a priest in private Avas not then considered of divine authority and therefore of universal and per- petual obligation, for had it been, Nectarius would not have dared to abolish it, and ' ' leave every one to his own conscience zvith regard to the participation of the sacred mysteries ;'' nor if he had, would his *' example" have been *' followed by the Bishops of every region." Nectarius and the other Bishops evidently understood that they were simply returning to the rule of St. Paul (i Cor, II : 28), '' Let a man examine himself, and so (that is, after having examined himself, not, after having been examined by another) let him eat of that bread, and drink of that cup." Rome's rule, on the contrary, is, Let him 7iot *' eat of that bread" — I use the v/ords of her own Version — except another, and that other a priest, have first examined him, and let him not drink Z2>^ THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. of that cup at all. And this rule (of examination by another), the Archbishop has the assurance to tell us, is primitive and Apostolic ; for he says (p. 358) — and he italicizes it — that * * Sacramental Confession was 7iot in- stituted since the time of the Apostles. Really, he ought to be satisfied with browbeating his contemporaries, without undertaking to browbeat the Apostle Paul ! But, says the Archbishop, '' We are not unfrequently told . . . that Sacramental Confession was not in- troduced into the Church until 1,200 years after the time of our Saviour. [Will he have the goodness to inform us when, before that date, and where, and by whom, it was made compulsory on all communicants everywhere, and give us chapter and verse ?] In vin- dication of their bold assertion ['* bold assertion," from hiin, is good], they even introduce quotations from SS. Basil, Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, and Chrysostom. These quotations are utterly irrelevant ; but if seen in the context [mark that, reader, for I am going to show you, presently, a specimen of the Archbishop's idea of cojitext, that will make you open )^our eyes zvide\ they will tend to prove, instead of disproving, the Catholic [yes, but not the Roman] doctrine of Confession. For the sake of brevity ['* brevity's the soul of wit," but not always of truth], I shall cite a few passages only from the Fathers referred to. These citations I take, almost at random {quite " at random," the reader will think, before he gets through with them], from the copious writings of these Fathers on Confession. [The '' writings of these Fathers on Confession" are '' copi- ous," but the ''Confession" is not ** Sacramental."] From these extracts you can judge of the sentiments of all the Fathers on the subject of Confession. '' Ab uno disce omnes,' " (p. 351.) The Archbishop's first '' extract" is from St. Basil, Bishop of C^esarea in Cappadocia from 370 to 379 ; and that it may be (to use the Archbishop's phrase THE SACRAMENT OF PENANCE. 337 above quoted) '' seen in the context," I shall here give, in parallel columns, the Archbishop's presentation of the Saint, and the Benedictine presentation of him ; merely premising that the Benedictine Edition is recog- nized by all scholars, Roman and non-Roman, as the Standard Edition : BENEDICTINE: " Q. 229. Whether forbidden ac- tions ought to be laid open, citra verectrndiani^ to all, or to whom, and of what sort ? '* A. The discovering of sins has the same rules as the making known of bodily ailments : as then men do not reveal the ailments of the body to all, but to those skilled in their cure, so also the discovery of sins ought to be made to those able to cure them, as it is written (Rom. 15 : i), Ye, then, that a^'e strong, bear the infirmities of the weak, i.e., by care remove them'*^ (p. 492). [Between this and what follows, there is a space of only twenty-four folio pages of the Benedictine edi- tion ! ! !] ** Q. 288. Whether he v/ho wishes to confess his sins ought to confess them to all, or to any chance per- sons {quibtislibet), or to whom ? ** A. . . . Sins must be confessed to those who have been put in trust with the mysteries of God. For thus they also are found to have done who of old did penance in the presence ^y the saints (I'kI tcjv uyioVy coram Sanctis^. For it is written {171 Evangelio qtiidem^ in the Gos- pel (St. Matt, iii.), that they con- fessed their sins to John the Bap- tist ; {in actis vero), and in the Acts, to the Apostles themselves, by whom also they were baptized" (p. 516). ARCHBISHOP'S: ** St. Basil writes : * In the con- fession of sins, the same method must be observed as in laying open the infirmities of the body ; for as these are not rashly communicated to every one, but to those only who understand by what method they may be cured, so the confes- sion of sins must be made to such persons as have the power to ap- ply a remedy.* Necessarily, our sins must be confessed to those to whom has been committed the dis- pensation of the mysteries of God. For thus also are they found to have acted who did penance of old, in regard of the saints. For it is writ- ten in the Acts, they confessed to the Apostles, by whom also they were baptized ' f " (p. 351). * Here come in the twenty-four folio pages. f '' In Reg. Brev., p. 516." The first of the two answers that the Archbishop, 33^ THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. quietly (for there are no stains, or other indication of any omission) ignoring twenty-four foHo pages, here brings together (thereby practically solving affirmatively the famous problem of the Schoolmen, whether angels can pass from one point of space to another without passing through the intermediate points) relates to the disclos- ing of spiritual ailments not by the laity to the clergy, but by the weak to the strong, whether clergy or laity, as the citation from Rom. 15:1, which the Archbishop prudently omits, unmistakably shows, "the weak" and *' the strong" having been clearly pointed out by the Apostle in the preceding chapter, to wit, the fourteenth. The other answer of the Saint, twenty-four pages further on, relates to public confession, as the reference to John the Baptist, which the Archbishop also pru- dently omits, most plainly demonstrates, and as is shown likewise by the Greek phrase above given, which the Benedictine Editors rightly translate, coram Sanctis, i,e,, in the presence oftIie_sai}its, but w^hich the Archbishop inadvertently renders, '' in regard of the saints.'' It is a great misfortune when a man's mistakes all tend in the same direction, and conspire to the same end : it tends to unsettle confidence in the mathematical doc- trine of '* chances," or, as the better phrase is, '* quan- tity of belief." In one thing I am sure we shall all agree with the Archbishop, namely, in the importance of '' quotations from SS. Basil, Ambrose," etc., being ''seen in the context," or, if that is inconvenient, not more, at the farthest, than twenty-four folio pages away from it. The Archbishop prefaces his extract from St. Basil with, '' Ab uno disce omnes .*" From one learn all : which means that his quotation from St. Basil is a fair speci- men of his other quotations. Whether his first quota- tion from St. Ambrose is made up of disjecta membra twenty -four folio pages apart from each other, is more than I can say, as he gives no other reference than THE SACRAMENT OF PENANCE. 339 " See Faith of Catholics, Vol. III., p. 74, and seq./' and I caiit *' see" it, as it is not visible in this latitude. I have searched carefully through the four volumes of Migne's Edition of St. Ambrose, with the help of tol- erably full Indexes, and have been unable to find it. I shall therefore content myself with remarking that the reference, like that in the next extract, which I liave succeeded in finding, is undoubtedly to public confes- sion, the ''shame" of which (''Art thou ashamed? This shame will avail thee little at the judgment seat of God") is tenfold more powerful as a drawback than that of \\\Q private confession of the Roman Church. I said, I have succeeded in finding the Archbishop's second extract— the one which he says " clearly shows that the great Light of the Church of Milan is speaking of confession to priests," and I here add that I have also succeeded in finding — what the Archbishop didnt succeed in finding — the paragraph immediately preced- ing ; the last two sentences of which, together with the first sentence of the Archbishop's extract, runs thus in the original Latin : " Nam plerique futuri suplicii metu peccatorum suorum conscii, penitentiam petunt, et cum acceperint, pitblicce siipplicationis revocantitr pudore. Hi videntur malorum petiisse poenitentiam agere bonorum. " Nounulli ideo poscunt poenitentiam, ut statim sibi reddi communionem velint. Hi non tam se solvere cupiunt, quam sacerdotem ligare," etc. {De Poenit, 1. ii. c. 9, par. 86, 87. Migne, t. xvi. col. 517.) In the first of these St. Ambrose tells us that " many, conscious of their sins, through fear of future punish- ment, ask for penance, and after they have accepted it, draw back through shame of the public supplication,'' In the second he tells us, in the translation given by the Archbishop, that " there are some who ask for penance, that they may at once be restored to communion. These do not so much desire to be loosed as to bind the priest ; for they do not unburden their conscience, but 340 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. they burden his, who is commanded not to give holy things unto dogs — that is, not easily to admit im- pure souls to the holy communion" (p. 352). In both cases, the penance which is, of course, imposed by the Priest, or the Bishop, is public ^ and the ** loosing," after the penance is accomplished, is by the Priest, or the Bishop, and is public also. The '' public supplica- tion," spoken of in the first of the two paragraphs, is referred to again in paragraph 92 : '* Let your mother the Church weep for you, and lave your fault with her tears ; let Christ see you weeping, that He may say : Blessed are ye that weep now ^ for ye shall laugh (St. Luke 6:21). He loves to see many praying for one : ainat ut pro tuio inulti rogent,'' '* Paulinus, the secretary of St. Ambrose, in his life of that great Bishop [prefixed to Migne's Edition of his works], relates that he used to weep over the peni- tents whose confessions he heard." Yes, and the context, and the Catechis^n of the Coun- cil of Trent, will tell us why he wept so ; namely, be- cause he found it so hard to induce them to submit to the shame and the severity of the public penance. Says the Catechism (p. 269, Murphy's First American Edi- tion), ** But with regard to public sinners, they, as we have already said, were never absolved until they had performed public penance. Meanwhile, the pastor poured out his prayers to God for their salvation, and ceased not to exhort them to do the same. This salu- tary practice gave active employment to the zeal and solicitude of St. Ambrose ; many, who came to the tribunal of penance hardened in sin, were by his tears softened into true contrition. Paulinus in ejus vita.'' '* St. Augustine writes : ' Our merciful God wills us to confess in this vv^orld that we may not be confounded in the other.' Horn, xx." I have not been able to find it by this reference, but it is of no consequence, for there is nothing here to THE SACRAMENT OF PENANCE. 34 1 determine whether the confession is to man, or to God — in public, or in private ; the sole points at issue. The Archbishop gives another extract from St. Au- gustine, but as he, again inadvertently, omits three or four lines immediately preceding, which are important to the correct understanding of the passage, 1 will sup- ply the omission, merely premising that the Sermon (Serm. 392) from which it is taken is Ad coiijitgatos, '* To Married People," and that the part containing the extract is addressed to husbands : *' Qui post uxores vestras vos illicito concubitu mac- ulastis, si prseter uxores vestras cum aliqua concubuis- tis ; aqite poenitentian, qualis aqitur in Ecclesia, ut oret pro vobis Ecclesia."^ Nemo sibi dicat, Occulte ago, apud Deum ago," etc. ; i,e,, '' Ye who have defiled yourselves by adultery, do penance, as it is done in the Churchy that the Church may pray for you.^ Let no one say, to himself, I do penance to God in private, I do it before God. Is it then in vain that Christ hath said, ' Whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven ? ' Is it in vain that the keys have been given to the Church ? Do we make void the Gospel? void the words of Christ?" (p. 352). '* In this extract," continues the Archbishop, '' how well doth the great Doctor meet the sophistry of those who, in our times, say that it is sufficient to confess to God !" To which I add, *' In this extract," uncur- tailed of its fair proportions, *' how well doth the great Doctor meet" the inadvertence of those who, in our day, by the omission, '' for the sake of brevity" (p. 351), of tivo lines and a half, turn public penance for adultery into private penance for a violation of the tenth commandment ! ! *' The great Doctor's" inter- pretation of the *' power of the keys," of '' binding," and ''loosing," as here given, is exactly that of our " Here the omitted part ends, and the Archbishop's extract begins. 342 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. Thirty-third x\rticle :^ " That person which by open denunciation of the Church is rightly cut off from the unity of the Church, and excommunicated, ought to be taken of the whole multitude of the faithful, as an Heathen and Publican, until he be openly reconciled by penance^ and received into the Church by a Judge that hath authority thereunto'' — in other words, that hath the '' power of the keys ;*' the power of *' binding," and, as a consequence thereof, of ** loosing." The Archbishop next quotes from the '' thirtieth Homily" of St. Chrysostom ; from which one would suppose that his Homilies are numbered in one series only, instead of being numbered, as they really are, in separate series for the separate books of Scripture. In the present instance, it is the thirtieth Homily on Gene- sis. In it we are exhorted to ** exhibit," during the closing days of Lent, '' 2i full and accurate confession of our sins, . . . For . . . having confessed our sins, and shown our wounds to the physician, we attain to an abundant cure" (p. 353). Here, by inadvertently (it is wonderful how inadvertent some people are) italicizing certain words, as given above, and beginning physician with a small/, the Archbishop leads the reader off the track, away from the Great Physician, of whom * The following, from his Lectures to Catechumens on the Creed is abso- lutely conclusive : " Once we are washed by Baptism, daily we are washed by prayer. But take care not to commit those sins for which you will have to be separated from the body of Christ. That be far from you. For they whom you see doing penance have committed crimes, either adultery, or some other grievous offence ; and for these they are doing penance. For if their sins were light, daily prayer would suffice to blot them out." Semel abluimur Baptismate, quotidie abluimur oratione. Sed nolite ilia committere, pro quibus necesse est ut a Christi corpora separemini : quod absit avobis. Illf enim quos videtis agerepoenitentiam, scelera commiserunt, aut adulteria, aut aliqua facta immania : inde agunt pcenitentiam. Nam si levia peccata ipsorum essent, ad haec quotidiana oratio delenda sufficeret. — August De Symbolo ad Catechuuienos. c. 7, Migne., tom 11. (Aug. t. vi.) col. 636. From this, it is plain that, in St. Augustine's day, the remedies for sin were two : daily prayer, and the public penance and absolution ; he knew of no intermediate private pen- ance and absolution. THE SACRAMENT OF PENANCE, 343 St. Chrysostom's thoughts were full, to the little physi- cian, the priest, who, as we shall see by and by (fur- ther on, p. 348), wasn't in his thoughts at all. For his next quotation from St. Chrysostom, the Archbishop gives the general reference '' Tom. vii., Comm. in Matt.," which necessitates a search for it till it is found. The passage, as he gives it, runs thus : '' Do not confess to me only of fornication, nor of those things that are manifest among all men, but bring to- gether also thy secret calumnies, and evil speakings and all such things. " If the Archbishop had begun ** me' with a capital, *' Do not confess to Me only of fornication," etc., the reader would have seen at once that St. Chrysostom was putting the words into the mouth of God. But that is the very thing the Archbishop denies: ''The great Doctor," he says, ''plainly enjoins here a de- tailed and specific confession of our sins not to God, but to His minister, as the whole context evidently shows" (p. 353). Why, then, doesn't he give the context ? If it does show that, then it is in fiat contra- diction with passage after passage, in other parts of St. Chrysostom's works, some of which I will give before I get through. See further on, page 348. The Archbishop next adduces three passages from St. Chrysostom's treatise on the Priesthood in which he extols the power of Christ's priests as compared with that of parents and of kings, in that we receive our natural birth from our parents, our baptismal new birth from the priest, as also the sacrament of Christ's body and blood ; our parents also, he says, cannot re- store to us our lost health, but the priests can, by " pra3dng over us and anointing us with oil in the name of the Lord ;" of which more when I come to the chapter on Extreme Unction. The three passages are as follows : " To the priests is given a power which God would 344 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. not grant either to angels or archangels ; insomuch that what the priests do below, God ratifies above, and the Master confirms the sentence of His servants. For, He says, ' Whose sins you shall retain, they are re- tained/ *' What power, I ask, can be greater than this ? The Father hath given all power to the Son ; and I see all this same power delivered to them by God the Son. *' To cleanse the leprosy of the body, or rather to pronounce it cleansed, w^as given to the Jewish priests alone. But to our Priests is granted the power not of declaring healed the leprosy of the body, but of abso- lutely cleansing the defilements of the soul.'' See the second extract from St. Jerome, further on. There is one more passage from St. Chrysostom. I give it in the Archbishop's translation, and in the cor- rect translation in the long Note on Confession in Dodgson's Tcrtulliait (Oxford, J. H. Parker, 1842, p. 387): DODGSON'S. THE ARCHBISHOP'S. ** He who has done these things " If a sinner, as becomes him, [grievous sins], if he would use the would use the aid of his conscience, assistance of conscience for his and hasten to confess his crimes, need, and hasten to confess his sin, and disclose his ulcer to his physi- and show his sore to the Physician, aan, who may heal and not re- Who healeth and reproacheth not, proach, and receive remedies from and converse with Him alone, none him; if he would speak to him knowing, and tell all exactly, he alone, without the knowledge of shall soon amend his falls. For any one, and with care lay all be- confession of sins is the effacing of fore him, easily would he amend offences (Hom. xx. in Gen., § 3." his failings ; for the confession of sins is the absolution of crimes (Horn. XX.) The reader will here see how, by a slight change at the beginning, a grievous sinner is changed into any sinner^ and the great Physician, by the pronoun his and the subjunctive may heal instead of the article tJie and THE SACRAMENT OF PENANCE. 345 the indicative healeth, into the little physician, the priest. '' St. Jerome writes : ' If the serpent, the devil, se- cretly bite a man, and thus infect him with the poison of sin, and this man shall remain silent, and do not pen- ance, nor be willing to make known his wound to his brother and master ; the master [and brother] who has [who have] a tongue that can heal, cannot \^plural\ easily serve him [magister et f rater ^ qui linguam habait ad curandum, facile ei prodesse non poteriint],^ For if the ailing man be ashamed to open his case to the phy- sician, no cure can be expected ; for medicine does not cure that of which it knows nothing.' Comment, in Eccles. [X. 8]'* (p. 354). The words here comment- ed on are, '* Whoso breaketh an hedge, a serpent shall bite him ;'' and a spiritual lesson is suggested by them to the commentator, lo wit, that he who is bitten by the serpent of dn, should seek the advice of spiritual physicians. St. Jerome evidently had a reason for adding the words ** and brother," and putting the verbs ill the plural ; and the Archbishop as evidently had a reason for leaving out those words, and putting the verb in the singular. St. Jerome, in his comment on St. Matt. 16 : 19, 1 will give thee the keys, etc., as given in the English trans- lation of the Catena Aurea of St. Thomas Aquinas (Ox- ford, J. H. Parker, 1841), which I have compared with the original in Migne, and find to be literal, says : *' Bishops and Presbyters, not understanding this pas- sage, assume to themselves something of the lofty pre- tensions isiipercilio) of the Pharisees, and suppose that they may either condemn the innocent or absolve the guilty ; whereas what will be enquired into before the Lord will not be the sentence of the Priests, but the life of him that is being judged. We read in Leviticus of the lepers, how they are commanded to show themx- " Migne, Patroloqia, torn, xxiii., col. 1096. 346 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. selves to the Priests ; and if they have the leprosy, then they are made unclean by the Priest ; not that the Priest makes them leprous and unclean, but that the Priest has knowledge of what is leprosy and what is not leprosy, and can discern who is clean, and who is un- clean. In the same way then as there the Priest makes the leper unclean, here the Bishop or Presbyter binds or looses not those who are without sin, or guilt, but in discharge of his function when he has heard the varieties of their sins, he knows who is to be bound, and who loosed." The Archbishop gives (p. 355) a part of the last sen- tence thus : ** With MS, the Bishop or priest binds or looses ; not them who are merely innocent or guilty, but (having heard, as his duty requires, the various qualities of sin), he understands who should be bound and who loosed." The Archbishop italicizes the part I have enclosed in parentheses, to draw special attention to it. I have in- dicated by Italics his alterations and additions. He hadn't room for more ; but as he likes to have things ''seen in the context (p. 351), he will be obliged to me for having supplied his ' * lack of service. ' ' St. Chrysostom, in the passage last but one cited from him, seems to differ from St. Jerome here, on the comparative power of the Jewish and the Christian priest ; but the difference is one of seeming, rather than of reality. St. Jerome is speaking of judicial absolution, in ** the external forum ;" St. Chrysostom, of ministerial absolution, in '' the internal forum." At any rate, Rome canonizes them both, and, in the words of Tertullian {De Prcescript, xxiv.), though he is speaking of Apostles, '* I am not good man enough, or rather I am not bad man enough, to set" two Saints of the Roman Calendar *' the one against the other." The Archbishop having at last got through with his THE SACRAMENT OF PEiVANCE. 347 quotations from the Fathers, to every one of which I have paid my respects, asks triumphantly, in reference to his last one from St. Jerome : ** Could the Catholic doctrine regarding the power of the priests and the ob- ligation of confession be expressed in stronger lan- guage than this?'' Whether the Catholic doctrine could or not, the Roman doctrine certainly could. *' And yet/' continues the Archbishop, ''these are the very Fathers w^ho are represented to be opposed to Sacramental Confession ! With a reckless disregard [''reckless," from the Archbishop, is good] of the unanimous voice of antiquity [not the faintest whisper of which, if it exist, has he yet produced], our adver- saries have the hardihood [^'hardihood'' is good] to assert that private or Sacramental Confession was in- troduced at a period subsequent to the twelfth century. They do not, how^ever, vouchsafe to inform us by what Pope or Bishop or Father of the Church [there has been no " Father of the Church" since the twelfth century ; St. Bernard was " the last of the Fathers"], of by w^hat Council, or in what country, this monstrous innovation [he is right there ; it is " monstrous"] vv^as foisted on the Christian Republic" (p. 355). As the Archbishop is anxious for information, he shall have it ; and from one to whom he can't very w^ell refuse to listen : I mean Cardinal Wiseman. But first let me recall his witnesses, for examination in chief ; hitherto we have been cross-examining them. Call St. Basil. — What say you ? Is the Archbishop right or wrong ? Wrong. " I do not confess with the lips, that I may be made manifest to people, but within, in the very heart, closing my eye, I show the groanings within me to Thee only, Who seest in secret^ roaring within myself. Horn, i?i PsaL 37 (our 38) : 8. Call St. Ambrose. — What say you? Is the Arch- bishop right or wrong ? 348 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFA THERS. Wrong. ** Let tears wash away the guilt which one is ashamed to confess with the voice. Tears consult both for pardon and for modesty. Tears express the fault without alarm ; tears confess the sin, imthottt injuring bashfulness ; tears obtain the pardon they ask not for." — In Luc, Hb. X. c. 88. Migne, t. xv. col. 1825. Call St. Augustine. — What say you ? Is the Arch- bishop right or wrong ? Wrong. '* What have I to do with men that they should hear my confessions, as if they could heal (sana- tiiri siiit) all my diseases?" Confess, lib. x. c. 3. Call St. Chrysostom. — What say you ? Is the Arch- bishop right or wrong ? Wrong. *' Why art thou ashamed and blushest to tell thy sins ? Tellest thou them to man, that he may reproach thee ? Confessest thou to thy fellow-servant, that he may make a show of thee ? Thou showest thy wound to the Lord, Who careth for thee, the Friend, the Physician" {Horn, iv. De Lazaro, § 4). ** I do not bring thee into any theatre of thy fellow-servants, nor compel thee to reveal thy sins to men ; unfold thy conscience to God, and to Him show thy w^ounds, and of Him ask the remedies ; show them to Him who re- proacheth not, but healeth" {Hom, v. De Incompre- hens, Dei 7iat, § 7). " Within, in the conscience, none being present except the All-seeing God, enter into judg- ment and examination of sins, and reviewing thy whole life bring thy sins into the judgment of thy mind ; cor- rect thy transgressions ; and thns with a pure con- science, toiicJi the Holy Table and partake of the Holy Sacrifice,''^ Hom, De Pcenit vi. fin. Thus all five of the Archbishop's witnesses, on their ' cross-examination, fail to sustain him ; and four out of the five, on being summoned on the other side and ex- amined in chief, testify point blank against him. Let us now call Cardinal Wiseman into court, and see what information he can give the Archbishop on THE SACRAMENT OF PENANCE. 349 the origin of the different parts of the Roman ** Sacra- ment of Penance." I have lying before me his Lectures on tlie principal Doctrines and Practices of the Catholic Church; in two volumes : First American, from the First London Edition. Philadelphia : Eugene Cum- miskey, 1837. O^^ P^g^ i/ of volume ii. he brings forward two witnesses of the second century, St. Irenaeus and TertuUian ; whereas all the Archbishop's witnesses are of the latter half of the fourth. Here is what he quotes, and all he quotes, from Irenseus : ** Some, touched in conscience, publicly confessed their sins ; while others, in despair, renounced their faith. Adv, Hcer, c. xiii." On this he thus comments : '' Look at this alternative ; some confessed, and others re- nounced, the faith. If there were any other means of forgiveness, why should they have abandoned their faith ?" Now as Irenseus says expressly that the con- fession was public y and as the Cardinal's question im- plies that there was no other means of forgiveness, it is plain that in Irenaeus's day such sins as they con- fessed could not be forgiven on private confession. He then gives an extract from TertuUian, the same that 1 have already given on page 331, and adds : *' This is said with reference, more or less, to the public prac- tice.'* These two quotations he introduces with this paragraph. '' 1 now proceed to read you passages from these an- cient fathers, and I will not come later than 400 years after Christ ; because, after that time, the texts increase immensely. I will divide them into two classes. I will give you one or two where confession in general — that is, public confession — is alluded to ; for they will show the feeling of the church, as to its being the only means of obtaining forgiveness.'' He then gives the two quotations just mentioned, and one other from Ter- tuUian, on the necessity of such public confession in cer- tain cases. He gives no instance of private, Sacramen- \ 350 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. tal Confession from the second century, for the very good reason that he can't find any ; if he could have found so much as one, he would have been only too happy to have brought it forward. At what time, then, did private confession take the place of the public ? I answer, It began to take the place of it under Leo the Great, Bishop of Rome from 440 to 461, who in his letter to the Bishops of Campania ordered the substitution of the one for the other. The penance, however, continued, long after, to be public, as did also the absolution that followed upon it. When and how the penance became private, the Cardinal shall inform us : " The public penance has disappeared from the Church not in consequence of any formal abo- lition, but from the relaxation of discipline, and from the change of habits, particularly in the west, caused by the invasion of the northern tribes. Theodore of Canterbury [a.D. 668-693] ivas the first who introduced the practice of secret penance, and in the eighth century the custom became general, of substituting prayer, alms, or other works of charity, for the rigorous course of expiation prescribed in the ancient church. It was not till the thirteenth that the practice of public penance completely ceased'' (p. 65). This was the very cen- tury in which the Fourth Council of Lateran (a.d. 121 5) made private confession to a priest, at least once a 3^ear, compulsory on all the faithful who had attained to years of discretion. The Archbishop says it was compulsory before ; that is, compulsory (not on communities of monks, for in- stance, but — for that is the point at issue — ) on all the faithful, and as a conditio sine qua no7i of receiving the Holy Communion. Let him show it, if he can. His declaration isn't proof : unfortunately, owing to his inadvertences, it isn't even presumptive evidence. We have seen that St. Paul says, '' Let a man examine himself" — not, let the priest examine him — *'and so THE SACRAMENT OF PENANCE. 35 ^ •let him eat of that bread and drink of that cup." We have seen that St. Chrysostom the Bishop of the Im- perial City Constantinople, '' New Rome," at the be ginning of the fifth century, says, in the last quotation from him, '' Within, in the conscience, none being pres- ent except the All-seeing God, enter into judgment and examination of sins, . . . and thus . . partake of the Holy Sacrifice." It is clear, then, that within the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Constantinople, at the beginning of the fifth century, private confession to a priest as a condition precedent to the reception of the Holy Communion was unknown. Equally un- known, according to Cardinal Wiseman's testimony above-cited, was the private penance till the middle of the seventh century. And dot/i of these are esse7ttial parts of the *' Sacrament of Penance." Yet the Archbishop devotes four pages (356-359) to showing that that '* sac- rament" could not have originated subsequently to the time of the Apostles. To all which, I answer, with Alice in the play, I never said it could ; I only said it did : and in that, St. Chrysostom and Cardinal Wise- man say with me. Well does Dr. Pusey, in his Letter to the Rev. IV. JV, Richards, Oxford, J. H. Parker, 1850 after quoting (p. 145) two passages from St. Basil — the two the Archbishop lumps into one — add (p. 146) : *' Far more remarkable than any such passages is the entire omission of the mention of private confession, or of any rule about it, or any restriction whatever as to making or receiving it. Had the present Latin disci- pline been that of the Ancient Church, it is impossible that we should have no traces of it, no indication what- ever of these rules, of which, since the Council of Lat- eran, there is such frequent meation." I add, had the present Roman doctrine of *' Sacra- mental Confession" been that of the Church of the first 35 2 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS four centuries, it is impossible that there should have, been absolutely no Manuals for the guidance of Father Confessors, such as those which swarm in the Roman Church of the last four centuries. The remaining twenty-four pages of the Archbishop^s chapter on this subject of Penance and Confession is, for the most part, taken, for substance, from his ** Reply" to Bishop Atkinson^s Charge on Sacramental Confession^ delivered . . . to the Clergy of his Diocese^ in St, Johns Churchy Wilmington (TV. C), May 22d, 1874. A *' Refutation'' of this '' Reph^'* of the Archbishop has since been published by Bishop Atkinson. Of this I shall avail myself in what little needs here by said on these twenty-four pages. The Archbishop (who was at the time plain Bishop Gibbons, of Richmond, having in charge also the mem- bers of the Roman Communion in North Carolina) gives (pp. 360-364) the teaching of a catechism put forth by '' the Rev. C. S. Grueber, a clergyman of the Church of England, ' ' and contrasts it with that of Bishop Atkinson. To this, Bishop Atkinson replies : ** Bishop Gibbons is of the opinion that my teaching does not harmonize with that of the Rev. Mr. Grueber, of the Church of England. In this, I am sure, he is right ; but it does not unsettle my faith, that I should differ from Mr. Grueber. He is just one of that class of persons against whom my * Charge ' was directed. *' The bishop is disturbed by the spectacle of the same Church teaching diametrically opposite doctrines. I would, however, comfort him by pointing out that I am not the Church, nor is Mr. Grueber. And that I do not claim to be infallible, nor do I admit him to be so ; and that we are merely two ministers of the Church who hold and teach different views on a certain ques- tion. Does this seem very shocking to the excellent Bishop of Richmond ? What would he say, then, to THE SACRAMENT OF PENANCE. 353 the contradictory teachings of St. Augustine and St. Chrysostom on the subjects of Predestination and Free- will?'^ (pp. 24, 25). Bishop Atkinson then goes on to contrast the asser- tion of Dr. (now Cardinal) Newman, in his Letter to the Duke of Norfolk regarding the Syllabus, ** Any how, it is not the Pope, and I do not see my way to accept it for what it is not" — and again, '* The Syllabus is not an official act'' — with the declaration of *' Arch- bishop Manning, the head of the Anglo-Roman Church, in his Pastoral to his Clergy in 1867," that '* the Encyc- lical and Syllabus" are '' a part of the supreme and in- fallible teaching of the Church, both in the Declarations and in the Condemnations contained in them." 1 wish I had room for the whole of this portion of the pamphlet, but must content myself with referring the reader to it. The Archbishop ** cannot well conceive why a Pro- testant Episcopalian should repudiate the pardoning power, which is plainly asserted in his standard Prayer- Book" (p. 364). I have already shown (pp. 323, 324) that we do not repudiate it, but are in the constant ex- ercise of it. Let us hear Bishop Atkinson on this point : *' Bishop Gibbons is of the opinion — certainly with- out knowing much about it — that I have never heard a confession or given Absolution. ... If he mean that I have never pronounced Absolution to the truly penitent and believing, then he is egregiously mis- taken ; for this I am doing every week of my life. ** Again, if he mean by saying that I have never heard a confession, that 1 never heard such a one as is enjoined by the Council of Trent, then, again, he is in the right ; and few things would pain me more than even to be tempted to have it otherwise. But, if he mean that I never heard a confession of sin made 354 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS • to relieve the conscience, and to procure guidance for the conduct, confession made secretly, and never to be divulged, and of sins which, if divulged, would not only have entailed shame and anguish, but very proba- bly have caused bloodshed — confessions which I keep as sacredly as any Roman Catholic Priest can those made to him — then he is entirely mistaken, and shows himself unacquainted with the duties of a Priest of the Anglican Church. '' The difference, in this particular, between such a Priest and one of his Communion is, that ive do not re- quire confession of all persons, however pure their lives, however quiet their consciences ; that we do not suggest sins to those who, perhaps otherwise, might not have thought of them ; that we do not make con- fession a condition of communion ; that we do not re- quire a disclosure of all sins, whether of thought, word, or deed, with all their circumstances. Confession of that sort we do, with great unanimity, reject, as being unauthorized and pernicious" (pp. 28, 29). All the Archbishop's comment, therefore, on page 365 of his '' little volume,'' is only so much rigmarole. We have as much power as he has : he has no more power than w^e have. We can, and do, retain and re- mit sins, judicially, in the external forum, by admitting, or declining to admit, to the Holy Communion ; by suspending therefrom, and restoring thereto ; and he can do no more. We can, and do, retain and remit sins, ministerially, in the internal forum, hj pronouncing absolved the penitent and believing, and declining to pronounce absolved the impenitent and unbelieving ; and the Archbishop himself can do no more. All the Archbishops in Romandom, with the Infallible Pope at their head, cannot absolve, in the internal forum, an impenitent unbelieving sinner : all the Archbishops in Romandom, with the Infallible Pope at their head, can- TIlP. SACRAMENT OF PENANCE. 355 not keep unabsolved, in the internal forum, a j)enitent believer. Moreover, the '' power of the keys" belongs to the kingdom of heaven here only ; not to the king- dom of heaven hereafter. All the Archbishops in Ro- mandom, with the Infallible Pope at their head, can- not put a man into purgatory, or let him out of it ; and the pretension to any such power, by whomsoever put forth, is only a huge imposture. The Archbishop repeats on page 368 the quotation on page 352 from St. Augustine, and with the same mutilation ; for my exposure of it, the reader is re- ferred to page 341 above. The Archbishop appeals to Statistics of Crime (by way of offset to Statistics quoted in Bishop Atkinson's ** Charge'') as a test of the value of the Confessional. I append a few counter-statistics from Bishop Atkin- son's Rejoinder/'^ But I have a practical test to pro- pose, worth more than all the Statistics of Christen- dom. Let the Archbishop confess to a Priest the ''negligences and ignorances" and ijiadvertences with which, as I have shown, his '' little volume" swarms, and let the Priest impose on him the penance of a pub- lic acknowledgement and recantation of them each and all. I will not require him to be at the expense of pub- lishing- 50,000 copies of the Recantation. I w^ll guar- antee that the Protestant Press shall send it forth on the wings of the wind, and that it shall reach the great body of those who have been misled by his statements, and render his '' little volume" harmless for all future time. Let him perform this simple act of Restitution, and it will be of more avail than all the '' sentiments" of '' Dr. Ives," or '' Father Lyman," or all the other Doctors and Fathers of Romandom. Meanwhile, against all the arguments that can be adduced in behalf of '* Sacramental Confession," I put the simple fact that the Corinthian Christians were perhaps the most * See Appendix C. 35 6 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. immoral of all the early converts to Christianity, some of them even getting- drunk in the very presence of the Table of the Lord, and that it never once occurred to the Apostle, in full view of all this, to say, Let a man be examined by a Priest and receive absolution from him, and so let him eat of that bread, and drink of that cup ; but that he said the diametric opposite : *' Let a man examine himself, and so let him eat of that bread and drink of that cup ;" and, to the Galatians, '* Let every man prove his own work, and then shall he have rejoicing in himself alone, and not in another. For every man shall bear his own burden*' (i Cor. ii : 28 ; Gal. 6 : 4, 5). The Archbishop devotes the ten or twelve pages that immediately precede the Statistics to the consideration of Objections. Most of what he says has been already noticed by me, by anticipation. A word or two on one or two points. ** Even our Manuals of Devotion have not escaped the lash of wanton criticism. They have excited the pious horror of some modern Pharisees, because they contain a table of sins for the use of those preparing for Confession. The same flower which furnishes honey to the bee supplies poison to the wasp" (p. 374). I can furnish him with a iViore appropriate simile : The same carrion that is snuffed with delight by the buzzard, is an offence to civilized, not to say Christian, nostrils. I could prove the charges against some of these Manuals, if I could bring myself to soil this book with the filth with which they reck. The Apostle speaks pretty plainly in the first chapter of the Epistle to the Romans ; yet he says (Eph: 5:12) that there are things done in secret of which ''it is a shame even to speak :" and these are the very things that ?iX(d paraded on the pages of these Manuals. THE SACRAMENT OF PENANCE. 357 *' In the last objection it was charged that the vota- ries of Confession had no moral constraint at all. Now it is said that their conscience is bound in chains of slavery. Surely Confession cannot be hard and easy at the same time" (p. 373). Why not ? It all depends on the '' penitent" and on the Confessor. Take, in illustration, the following, which I translate from the Manuel des Confesseurs : par U Abbe J, Gatime, Vieaire general de Never s, Sixieme Edition^ Paris, Gatime Freres, 1845 (P« Z^A)' ' * You are astonished perhaps to hear me say a multi- tude of negligent confessors. Come with me to a mission, place yourself at a confessional to hear the confessions ; out of a hundred penitents you will find sometimes eighty odd slaves of bad habits ; some of blasphemy, of perjury ; others of impurity, of theft, of hatred, and of evil thoughts ; ask them : How long, my child, have you been committing such faults ? — Eight, ten, twenty years. Father. — Do you often fall into this sin? — Two and three times a week ; sometimes even every day. — Have you always confessed them ? — Yes, Father. — Have you only one Confessor ? — No, Father ; I have recourse sometimes to one, sometimes to another, ac- cording as I find him (or it) more accommodating (or advantageous) suivant que je le trouve plus commode, — So, v/ithin so many years you have had all the Confessors of this place, and even those of the environs ? — Yes, Father. — Now tell me, Have these Confessors always absolved you ? — Yes, Father. — But before absolving you, what have they said to you ? — They have told me not to relapse. — But have they not made known to you your bad estate ? Have they not given you means of correcting yourself ? Have they not been careful to move your heart to contrition ? — I will tell you. Fa- ther, that two or three have given me a brief exhorta- tion ; but they have ended with giving me absolution. 35^ THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. • — And have the others always absolved you, without giving you any exhortation ? — Always, Father. '' Poor murdered souls {pauvres creatures assassinees) ! This one penitent will reveal to you the weakness of almost all the Confessors of this place and of the envi- rons. And what indignation, what pain, will you not feel in learning that out of eighty who habitually go to confession isiir quatre-vingts habitudinaires) there are perhaps more than seventy who have been lost in this way by ignorant and unzealous Confessors. This dia- logue seems to you a fiction. No, it is not so. Alas ! What do you say ? Would to God it were less prac- tised, and were not founded on a deplorable and con- tinual experience ! The pious Cardinal Bona with good reason deplores a conduct so prejudicial to the salvation of souls. ' This false charity,' says he, * and this blameworthy indulgence {damnable condescendence), cause the greater part of Christians to pass their life in a continual disorder, and in an endless round of sacra- ments and sins, of confessions and relapses. ' To these sad words we may add the groans and tears of another Cardinal, no less pious and learned. Bellarmine, con- sidering the too great facility of absolution irrespective of internal condition the ruin of poor souls, has writ- ten and proclaimed aloud that 7ion esset hodie tanta facili- tas peccandiy si non esset etiam tanta facilitas absolvendi — there would not be to-day [that was three hundred- years ago] such facility of sinning, if there were not also such facility of absolving.'' To this inside testimony, that had gone through six editions a third of a century ago, no words of mine could add aught. It speaks for itself. Given human nature as it is, such will always be, as, in the long run, they always have been, the results of the Confessional : to the few, seeking to work out their salvation as ser- vants, under the bondage of the law, a rough and hard INDULGENCES. 359 road, leading— who knows whither ; to the many, an easy and compendious path to purgatory, and thence to heaven ; to the soul that has '' not received the spirit of bondage again to fear" (Rom. 8 : 15), but *'the Spirit of adoption,'' having '* tasted the good word of God (Heb. 6 : 5), and the powers of the world to come/' an intolerable burden. CHAPTER XXVI. INDULGENCES. An Indulgence, in the Primitive Church, was simply a remission, in part, of the public penance imposed by the canons for public offences. It lay within the dis- cretion of the Bishop to grant or withhold it, according as, in his judgment, the granting or withholding it would best serve the ends for which the penance was originally imposed. It was thus analogous to the par- *doning power in the hands of the civil ruler ; a power that all admit the utility of, though, like every thing human, it may be sometimes abused. '' An Indulgence," in the Roman Church, ** is, " says the Archbishop, *' simply a remission in whole or in part, through the superabundant merits of Jesus Christ and His saints of the temporal punishment due to God on account of sin, after the guilt and eternal punish- ment have been remitted" (p. 385). It will thus be seen that there is no resemblance whatever between the two ; for the ancient Indulgence was the remission not of the penalty due to God, but of the penalty due to the Church. Over the penalty due to God the Church has no control. In the cases of Miriam (Num. 12) and David (2 Sam. 12) the ** tem- poral penalty," referred to by the Archbishop, was not 360 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. remitted at all ; it was rigidly exacted. The case of the '* incestuous Corinthian," also referred to by him, is an instance of the ancient Indulgence, the remission of the penalty due to the Church, not to God, and has, therefore, nothing whatev^er to do with the modern Roman Indulgence. But, says the Archbishop, ''although the Church imposes canonical penance no longer, God has never ceased to inflict temporal punishment for sin" (p. 388). Yes, and He has never ceased to keep the power to in- flict it and remit it in His own hands. The Primitive Church, as the Archbishop very well knows, never laid claim to any such power : it is a sheer invention of modern Rome. The Archbishop talks, in his definition, above, of the ''superabundant merits of Jesus Christ and His saints." " His saints" have no " superabundant mer- its :" when they have " done all," they are " unprofit- able servants'' (St. Luke 17 : 10) ; they have merely " done what was their duty to do." Even if they had superabundant merits, those merits, alongside 01 the Merits of Christ, would be simply naught ; for the finite alongside of the Infinite is zero, as every mathematician knows. The Indulgences to which " reference is made," says the Archbishop (p. 388), in " the canons of the church of England," are as like to the Indulgences of the church of Rome as the pi into which the printer's type is sometimes knocked is to the pie with which we wind up our Christmas dinner; the one "heavy as lead ;" the other indigestible possibly to weak stom- achs, but — not hard to take. The Archbishop admits (p. 390) "that Indulgences have been abused," but thinks those granted by Pope Leo X., "to bring to completion the magnificent church of St. Peter," were all right, because the church is so ''grand,'' you know ; so " unrivalled in EXTREME UNCTION, 361 majesty and beauty/' And then he quotes Byron's description of it, by way of showing, of course, how valuable Indulgences are ! Doubtless he thinks Cardi- nal McCloskey's Indulgences to sell liquor, and carry on gambhng (see above, pp. 21-26), in the unfinished New York Cathedral, to get the means to finish it, were all right. For my part, I think those walls will smell of whiskey till doomsday (if they stand so long) spite of all the holy water the Cardinal sprinkled upon them at their dedication the other day. Evidently, the Holy Roman Church never changes. But Leo didn't sell Indulgences, after all ; '' he issued a Bull," says the Archbishop (p. 390), ''pro- mulgating an Indulgence to such as would contribute some voluntary offering toward the erection of the grand cathedral." This reminds me of the scene in Moliere's Bourgeois Gentilhomrne^ where Monsieur Jourdain, who is very much exercised about his ple- beian antecedents and relatives, is assured that his grandfather was no vulgar tradesman. He didn't sell goods behind a counter : he simply gave people what they wanted, and they gave him money ! CHAPTER XXVII. EXTREME UNCTION. *' This unction is called Extreifie because it is usually the last of the holy unctions administered by the Church. *' The Apostle St. James clearly refers to this Sacra- ment, and points out its efficacy (St. James 5 : 14, 15) in the following words : ' Is any man sick among you ; let him bring in the priests [elders] of the Church, and let them pray over him, anointing him with oil in the name of the Lord, and the prayer of faith shall save 362 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. the sick man ; and the Lord shall raise him up ; and if he be in sins, they shall be forgiven him/ '* The unction here prescribed by St. James, so far j from being '' Extreme/' is for the very purpose of ' healing the sick, just as the anointing by the twelve (St. Mark 6:13) was ; whereas, the anointing prescribed by Rome is never performed except when the sick . person is thought to be m extremis, and is therefore, as \ our 25th Article expresses it, a '' corrupt following of V the Apostles,'' ** Protestants, though professing to be guided by the Holy Scripture, entirely disregard the admonition of St. James" (p. 396). The Archbishop and the whole Roman Church, though professmg to believe in Christ, '' entirely dis- regard" His injunction (St. Matt. 6:17), '' Thou, when thou fastest, anoint thy head,^ ?ind wash thy face." If the command of the servant is binding, a fortiori \s the command of the Master. ^ CHAPTER XXVni. i . THE PRIESTHOOD. As what little of argument there is in this chapter has been already considered, its thirteen pages of rhet- oric need not detain us, except to notice an admission, and a mistake. '' To the carnal eye," says the Archbishop (p. 398), " the Priest looks like other men." According to the Conitdy of Convocation, *' People's Edition," it is the Anglican clergy, '' in whose face there is no reflection of the Sacramental Presence" (p. 11 1), implying that there is a reflection of it in the face of the Roman Priest — in whom ''the grace of Orders does not ap- CELIBACY OF THE CLERGY. Z^t^ pear' (]:. 107), implying that it does appear in the Roman Priest. The Archbishop is right, and the Comedy is wrong. So much for the Admission, The Mistake is in the first paragraph on page 403, where that is said to have been spoken to the Priests (Num. 16 : 8, 9) which was really spoken to the Le- vites ; for in the very next verse they are reproached, for that, not satisfied with being admitted to the low- est order of the ministry, they challenged to them- selves the Priesthood also. The mistake is of conse- quence only as showing the inveterate habit of the Archbishop's mind. CHAPTER XXIX. CELIBACY OF THE CLERGY. *' The [Roman] Church requires her Priests to be pure in body as well as in soul, and to ' present their bodies a living victim, holy, well-pleasing unto God ' '' (p. 410).^ This, if it means any thing to the purpose of this chapter, means that celibacy is a state of comparative purity, and marriage a state of comparative impurity. This, if carried out to its legitimate consequence, would abolish marriage among Christians ; for what the Apostle says (Rom. 12 : i) requires, in these very words, of all Christians, as being themselves priests (i St. Peter 2 : 5) (Rev. i : 6), that they ''present their bodies a living sacrifice, holy, acceptable unto God." Moreover, it reflects upon God, who ** at the beginning" (St. Matt. 19 : 4) ''made them male and female." And said, *' For this cause shall a man leave father and mother, and shall cleave to his wife : and thev twain shall be one flesh." It is needless to sav 364 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. that there is not a shadow of authority in Scripture for this teaching of the Church of Rome : on the contrary, it is '* expressly" declared by ''the Spirit/' speaking by the mouth of the Apostle (i Tim. 4 : 1-5), to be a ** doctrine of devils." I submit to the Archbishop's considerativon this dilemma : Either his interpretation (p. 412) of I Tim. 4:12 and 2 Cor. 6 : 6 (in which he makes '* chastity," or, as it is in our Version, '' puri- ty," mean celibacy), is false, or his own father and mother were unchaste. If he will cast such an impu- tation upon them, all I can do is to protest most ve- hemently against it. In Rev. 14 : 4, '' defiled" refers not to marriage but to fornication. *' Virgins," really such, are, of course, chaste ; married persons may be or may not be. To say that certain persons have not *' defiled themselves," for that they are ** virgins," does not, as the Archbishop insinuates, imply that all who are not virgins have defiled themselves. ** Mar- riage is honorable in all," says the Apostle (Heb. 13 14), **and the bed undefiled." According to the Arch- bishop's reasoning, the marriage bed cannot be unde- filed. The passages, Exod. 19 : 15, i Kings (Sam.) 21 : 4, 5, are interpreted by Eccles. 3:5, last clause ; according to the Archbishop's argument, the first of the two assertions of the Wise Man in this clause is false. The preference is given by our Lord and his Apostle (St. Matt. 19 : 12 ; i Cor. 7 : 32-35) to the single life over the married in certain cases, for prudential rea- sons, and for its greater freedom from worldly anxie- ties. This is recognized by St. Chrysostom : '* For the evil," saith he, '' is not in the cohabitation, but in the impediment to the strictness of life." {Horn, xx. in Matt,) The Archbishop admits (p. 412) that St. Peter was married, but claims that he gave up '' the fellowship of his wife" after ''his vocation," because he says (St. Matt. 19 : 27) he had left all and folloAved Christ, and CELIBACY OF THE CLERGY, 365 because the ** wife*' is enumerated by Christ, immedi- ately after, among the things thus left. But all that this involves is, that he left them so far as they inter- fered with his following Christ ; a thing which every layman, as well as clergyman, is bound to do ; a thing the like to which, in a lower sphere, is recognized as a duty, and fulfilled as such, by every Officer of the Army and Navy. That St. Peter did not give up en- tirely '' the fellowship of his wife" we know from the question of St. Paul, *' Have we not power to lead about a sister, a wife, as well as other apostles, and as the brethren of the Lord, and Cephas Y' (i Cor. 9:5.) It is true the Archbishop's Version, following the Rhemish, as that follows the Vulgate, translates, ''a woman, a sister ;" but it is equally true that this is a gross mistranslation, made either from sheer ignorance, or else for theological reasons : the Greek cannot pos- sibly bear that rendering. Instances of the construc- tion in question are numerous, both in the New Testa- ment and in the classic writers : ** a man, a murderer" (Acts 3 : 14, Gr.) ; *'a man, a merchant" (St. Matt. 13 : 45) ; ''a man, an householder" (St. Matt. 20 : i) ; *' a man, a prophet" (St. Luke 24 : 19, Gr.) ; *' a man, a wayfarer" (Iliad xvi. 263) ; **a man, a commander" (Plato, Ion. p. 540 d). See Winer, Seventh Edition, Andover, 1869, p. 523. In every instance of an appo- sitive construction of this kind, the defining noun, in the Greek, comes last. It is a law of the language. Hence in St. Luke 4 : 26, ** a woman, a widow," yvvt} {woman) y comes first ; whereas, in i Cor. 9:5^ yvvt] {wife), comes last, and the Archbishop's Version, fol- lowing the Rhemish, dishonestly, or ignorantly, trans- poses the words. Even if the Greek would bear that rendering, the word translated, 'Mead about," ex- cludes it ; for it demonstrates that the allusion is 7tot, as alleged by the Archbishop, to *' those pious women who voluntarily waited on the Apostles, and minister- :^66 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. ed to them in their missionary journeys'' (p. 418). That was an institution of a later day, and we all know what scandal it gave rise to ; insomuch that the Council of Ancyra (a.d. 315) had to enact, '' We prohibit virgins from living with men as brothers." (Canon XIX.) The Prince of the Apostles Avas guilty of no such unseemly conduct as *' leading about" with him another man's wife, or an unmarried woman. He left that to his suc- cessors, John XXIII., Innocent VIII., Alexander VI., etc., etc. The early Fathers understood the Apostle's language better than the Archbishop. '' It was permit- ted even to the Apostles," says TertuUian, *' to marry, and to lead about their wives with them :" Licebat et Apos tolls nub ere ct iixores circumdiicere, — De Cast it at, c. 8. — And Clement of Alexandria (Strom. 1. iii. p. 535 ; Potter, cf. 1. iv. p. 607) gives the same interpretation, and says moreover that St. Paul had a wife, and ad- dressed her (Phil. 4 : 3) as ** true yokefellow." ** Is it not becoming that a chaste Lord should be served by chaste ministers ? (p. 414.) Certainly ; and just as '* becoming" that he should be served by chaste laymen ; and therefore, if the Archbishop's interpreta- tion of chastity were consistently held and acted on throughout Christendom, the Catholic Church would become extinct in one generation. '* We frequently hear of unmarried Bishop's and Priests laying down their lives for the faith. . . But such heroic sacrifices are too much to be expected from men enjoying the domestic luxury and engrossed by the responsibility of a wife and children" (p. 418). Why '' too much ?" Did the Archbishop never read in Eusebius (1. viii. c. 9) of Phileas, Bishop of Thmuis, and Philoromus, who were '' urged, in the persecution under Diocletian, to have pit^^ on their wives and chil- dren, and, for their sakes, to save their own lives," but A/ A TRIM ON Y. 367 were urged in vain ? Did he never hear of John Rog- ers, whose wife, '* with nine small children, and one at the breast,'' followed him to the stake, in the persecu- tion under Bloody Mary ? Are married physicians any less ready to face danger and death than unmarried ones? Why, then, should married clergy be? There is no ground for the imputation. '' Nor could the imagination picture, in its wildest moods, the majestic adversary of the Arian emperor at- tended on his flight up the Nile by Mistress Athana- sius, nor St. John Chrysostom escorted in his wander- ings through Phrygia, by the wife of his bosom ar- rayed in a wreath of orange blossoms" (p. 417). Perhaps not. But it requires no '' wild mood'' of the imagination, but only a very tame, humdrum exer- cise of that faculty, to *' picture" Mistress John XXIII., Mistress Innocent VIII. , Mistress Alexander VI., and a hundred thousand other Mistresses, in fifty thousand par- sonages, in the middle and the South of Europe, in the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. See, ior proof o{ this, and a good deal more, the twenty-first chapter of Mr. Henry C. Lea's Historical Sketch of Sacerdotal Celibacy, Philadelphia, 1867, CHAPTER XXX. MATRIMONY. Among the '* Things I don't Understand/' and which I think it would puzzle Father Curtis to explain, is how the marriage of a catholic to a heretic can be a Sacrament. Equally hard is it to comprehend how the marriage union can be a type of the union betwixt 368 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS, Christ and his Church, and yet the married state be in- ferior in purity to the single state ; and how, if that be so, the marriage vow can be sacramental, and the vow of celibacy non-sacramental. And again ; I am puzzled to comprehend on what principle the Arch- bishop's Version (Baltimore, Lucas Brothers) trans- lates fjLvarrjpiov sacrament in Eph. 5 : 32, and mystery in all the other twenty-six places in which it occurs in the New Testament ; especially, as the Rhemish Version, in six of those places, to wit, Eph. i : 9 ; 3 : 3, 9 ; Col. I : 27 ; I Tim. 3:16; Rev. i : 20, translates it sacra- me7it ; thus makmg a sacrament of *'the seven stars,'* and **the seven candlesticks of gold.'' Just here, things seem to be pretty much mixed up. One thing, however, seems clear : if Matrimony is a Sacrament, then, for the same reason, there ought to be twenty-six other sacraments of the New Testament, besides the six others of Rome. In conclusion, I am happy to express my hearty con- currence with the Archbishop in regard to the Chris- tian doctrine of divorce, and in regard to the evils which flow from its violation. APPENDIX A. (p. 38). Even if Barlow had not been consecrated, there would not have been a break in the Succession ; for every Bishop laying on hands at the Ordination of a Bishop, is a channel of conveyance of the Order, not- withstanding Rome's insistence to the contrary.^ All that is requisite to the valid ordination of a Bishop, is that hands be laid on him, by a Bishop, for the purpose of ordaining him Bishop. Now whether Barlow was a consecrated Bishop or not — and no impartial jury would hesitate to give an affirmative verdict in a civil suit for a hundred thousand dollars turning upon the question of his consecration — Scory and Coverdale and Hodgkins were, admittedly, consecrated Bishops, and they all laid hands on Parker ; and they all said,t ''Take the Holy Ghost, and remember,'' etc. ; and they did this, and said this, for the purpose of ordain- ing him Bishop, as is proved by the words they used in presenting \vvm, to wit : *' Reverend Father in God, we offer and present to you this godly and learned man, to be consecrated Archbishop ; ut Archiepiscopus consecre- titr. In the actual conferring of the office and Order, * Granting that Christ designed the ministry of His Church to be per- petuated by /<:zr^^/^/ succession, the presumption that He would not leave the perpetuation to the risk involved in the single-link theory of modern Rome is simply overwhelming. \ " Cicestren., Hereforden., Suffraganeus Bediorden. et IMilo Cover- dallus Manibus Archiepiscopo impositis dixerunt Anglice, viz., * Take the hollie gost, and remember,' " etc., Haddan, p. 359. Haddan gives the entire Latin Record, extending through 43 octavo pages. 370 THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. to wit, in the laying on of hands, and saying of the words. Barlow did exactly what each of the other three did — neither more nor less. Now Rome admits that if Barlow was a consecrated Bishop, and if he used a valid Form in consecrating Parker (which he certainly did, seeing it was the very Form of the Ro- man Pontifical, and Parker had already been ordained Priest by the Form of the Roman Pontifical in the reign of Henry VIII, ), Parker was validly consecrated by him. It follows, therefore, that Parker was validly consecrated by the other Bishops, whether Barlow was a consecrated Bishop or not. APPENDIX B. (p. i87j. I TAKE the following from The Genius of Popery opposed to the Principles of Civil and Religious Liberty. Dublin : P. Dixon Hardy & Sons, Wareroom for Re- ligious and Moral Publications, 23 Upper Sackville Street. London : W. Allan, Paternoster Row. 1850. P. 195 : ''THE PRIEST'S CURSE. '' The following dreadful Curse, being a form of ex- communication of the Church of Rome, is extracted from ' the Excommunication Service ' of that Church : [Here follows the Curse, at length, being the same as that given in Tristam Shandy, with slight variations in the phraseology, owing to both being translations from the original Latin, which is also given in Tristram Shandy, '\ '* It is only four years since it was proved in a court of justice that the Priest's Curse is in full force and practice in Ireland — on the trial of the Rev. Luke Walsh, P.P„, at the Carrickfergus Assizes, in the year APPEXDIX C. 371 1846, for having cursed and excommunicated Charles McLaughlin (one of his congregation), a verdict of £jQ damages, and 6d, costs, were adjudged against the priest." In the face of this conviction in a court of justice, which must be, of course, on record now at Carrickfer- gus, and which must have been matter of pubHc noto- riety at the time of pubhcation, and for the fact of which P. Dixon Hardy & Son's, of DubUn, and W. Allan, of London, made themselves responsible, Avhat is the Archbishop's solemn denial good for, unless he can show from the Carrickfergus Records for 1846 that no such trial and conviction took place ? APPENDIX C. (p. 355). I HAVE before me '* A Defence of the Charge on Sacramental Confession, delivered by Bishop Atkinson, to the Clergy of his Diocese, in St. John's Church, Wilmington, May 22d, 1874 ; and A Refutation of the Reply made thereto, by the Rt. Rev. James Gibbons. By the Author of the Charge." It is a pamphlet of 39 pages. I had intended to quote its Statistics at large, but I have not room for them. I shall, therefore, con- tent myself with the following paragraphs, referring the reader, for the rest, to the pamphlet itself : *' I undertook to show that ... as compared with the usages of the Anglican Church, the system of Auricular Confession had wrought unfavorably to the moral interests of the countries in which it had been established. The statistics I adduced for that purpose, and for which I gave the authority of Mr. Seymour, and for Avhich he cites official documents, have 7iot been disproved by Bishop Gibbons^ although he produces 37- THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. others which are of a very contrary tendency. My au- thorities do not satisfy him, and his do not satisfy me ; and as I wish the truth to come out exactly as it is, I have used the efforts that I have already referred to to obtain, at first hand, the official papers elucidating the subject. These efforts have, so far, been only in part successful ; but I shall not discontinue them until I accomplish my object, if it can be accomplished. *' I have obtained, how^ever, among other documents, the ' Blue Books/ for 1873, for England and Wales on the one hand, and for Ireland on the other. I find from these that of offences determined summarily, other than indictable offences, the English proportional num- ber is less than the Irish by forty-eight per cent ; but that of indictable offences the Irish is less than the English by thirty-two per cent. That the Irish offences against property are less in proportion to the English, while the Irish offences agianst persons are greater. " But in coming to a fair estimate of the proportion of crime, some other considerations ought to be had in view. First, That the British Parliament has deemed it necessary, in order to repress crimes in certain parts of Ireland, to make it obligatory to have a license to carry arms in the districts, under what is called the * Peace Preservation Acts,' and thereby to disarm questionable persons. ** These districts comprise twenty-six counties wholly, and five partially, proclaimed ; and seven cities or towns wholly proclaimed. This certainly tends very much to prevent crimes of violence. Again, the cities in Ireland have a much larger proportion of offences brought before the courts than the adjoining counties ; showing that there are more crimes, propor- tionally, committed in an urban than in a rural popula- tion ; while the population of England, compared with APPENDIX C. 373 that of Ireland, is much more urban than rural/^ And again, that of the criminal population in Irish jails, there are only two per cent and a fraction of women and girls, and only three per cent and a fraction ot men and boys, not of Irish birth, in 1873. While in England and Wales, in 1871 and '72, there were more than twenty-four per cent of women and girls, and more than fifteen per cent of men and boys, in English prisons, not born in England and Wales ; and of these strangers, more than twenty per cent of the women and girls, and more than eleven per cent of the men and boys, were of Irish birth. " This large percentage, then, of persons charged with violation of law, or under punishment for such violations, ought, in fairness, to be deducted from the number of criminals for which England is responsible, and added to that which must be charged upon Ire- land. The truth is, that England, being a much richer country than Ireland, a large part of the criminal classes of the poorer country is disgorged on the more inviting shore, where they expect to find plunder. While England, then, has received immense benefits from the great body of Irishmen who serve in her armies and labor in her fields and factories, she has had to endure, to some extent, an accompanying penalty in the necessity laid upon her, by this emigration, of watching over, arresting, and punishing offenders with whom, otherwise, Irish justice would have had to deal. While, then, I believe, that in Ireland the tone of mo- rality is much higher than in any other Roman Catholic country, I think this likewise ought to be considered : That the population of Ireland comprises a large num- ber of Protestants, forming the leading class in the * This explains why, according to the Scotsman, as quoted by the Arch- bishop (p. 383), *' Presbyterian and semi-Scotch Ulster is fully three times more immoral than wholly Popish and wholly Irish Connaught. Ulster is largely urban ; Connaught almost wholly rural. 374 77/7s FAlTir OF OUR FOREFATHERS. community, embracing a great proportion of the prin- cipal merchants and manufacturers, and much the larger part of the landed proprietors ; and that the gov- ernment of the country itself is controlled by Protes- tants. It is, then, a very striking circumstance, that of those countries which have Roman Catholics to consti- tute the majority of the population, that is the most moral which is ruled by a Protestant government, and comprehends in its population a large and influential body of Protestants" (pp. 30-33). '* The Pope tells us, and so his adherents all do, that he has been despoiled of his territories. He tells us, furthermore, that he is a prisoner in his own palace. \ It is, to be sure, a very peculiar imprisonment. . . . Still he is a prisoner. Still he calls on mankind to wit- ness the crimes and outrages of which he has been the victim. But men ask, who have committed these crimes ? and who have been gviilty of these outrages ? The answer is, his own children, the very people he and his predecessors have been training for a thousand years — the men of Rome, the men of Italy. These are they who, according to his belief, have imprisoned their sovereign and robbed their spiritual father. '* Now if these are the results of that religious disci- pline which he enjoins, in his own city, under his own eye, working out its proper consequences under the most favorable circumstances, may not we, poor here- tics and barbarians as we are, be excused for declining to submit to that discipline ? *' I would beg leave, furthermore, to suggest one ad- ditional thought before I bid adieu to Bishop Gibbons. He concludes his pamphlet [and the 25th chapter of his ' little volume'] by quoting the language of the ' Catholic World,' to this effect : * If we are not very much better than our neighbors, we are not any .worse. But this will not do. On the principles of APPENDIX C. 375 those who thus speak, they are bound to be very much better. In their own belief, they alone have the full truth of the Gospel. Protestants are heretics, who deny many essential saving verities of the Christian religion. *' Now the Author of that religion teaches that it is the office of His truth* to sanctify. They who exclu- sively possess it ought to have, and on His principles must have, exclusive sanctification, or, at the very least, the highest and most overwhelming evidences of sanc- tification. *' Spain, on the principles of the Church of Rome, ought not only to be equal to England in religious ear- nestness, in morals, in prosperity, and in peace and happiness, but infinitely superior. Is it so ? ** The South American Republics and Mexico ought greatly to excel the United States in the possession of all those blessings that dignify public life and sweeten private. Are they thus favorably distinguished ? Let those answer who believe that all persons who dissent from the teachings of the Church of Rome and object to her practices, are heretics, if not infidels" (pp. 37-39)- I add, Rome claims about one seventh of the white population of the United States. The files of the pub- lic press would show, I think, that of those who end their days on the gallows, nearly, if not quite, one half are attended by priests of the Roman Church. Of the Mollie Maguires, if I remember rightly, all but one were so attended. INDEX. Absolution, 323, 353 Admissions of Roman Writers : Bellarmine, 67, 221, 229, 231 Barnes, Father, 236 Castro, Alphonsus de, 223 Fisher, Cardinal, 235 Medina, 189 Pegna, Franciscus, 189 Sotus, 189 Stapleton, 190 Wiseman, Cardinal, 348 ' Altar, 308 Ancient Liturgies, 218, 222, 310 Angel Worship, 193-196 Apocrypha, 74-77 Apostolicity of the Church, 32 Apostolic Succession in the Church of England, 36-41 Archbishop's, The Boasts about the Fathers, 191, 230, 231, 310, 328 Carelessness about Facts, 32 Contradictions of Himself, 50, 71. 72, 85, 185, 305, 310 Garbled Quotations, 113, 302, 337 Logic, 143, 172, 229 Perversions, 307, 343, 344 Sins of Omission, 113, 219, 220, 240, 337, 339, 342 Archbishop's, The {conlinued) : Sympathy with the Nineteenth Century, 83 Authorities : Ambrose, 68, 89, 189, 190, 209, 219, 231, 232, 236, 339, 348 Aquinas, 229, 237 Aretas, 189 Athanasius, 67, 190, 192 Augustine, 68, 90, 99, 178, 1S9, 191, 195, 209, 211, 231, 232, 235, 288, 294, 306, 341, 348 Basil, 3, 68, 88, 97, 190, 231, 336 Beaumont, 250, 251 Bede, 98, 159, 220, 231 Bellarmine,, 67, 221, 229, 230, 231, 237 Bernard, 231 Bossuet, 250 Camoys, 242, 250 Canons of the Council of Trent, 328 Catechism of the Council of Trent, 8, 11, 236, 329 Castro, Alphonsus de, 223 Chrysostom, 91-95, 98(?), 189, 190, 191, 195, 231, 295, 306, 327, 342, 346, 348, 351, 364 Clement of Alexandria, 87, 231, 282 378 INDEX Authorities {continuea) : Clement of Rome, 136, 145-148, 189, 190 Cyprian, 152, 176, 177, 190, 234 Cyril of Jerusalem, 67, 282, 296 De Maistre, 46 Dupin, 52, 76, 77, 83, 86-99, io7, 135, 145, 155, 164, 165, 177 Ephrem, 190 Epiphanius, 190 Erasmus, 135 Eusebius, 140 Euthymius, 189 Gregory the Great, 210, 231 Gregory Nazianzen, 97, 191, 231 Gregory Nyssen, 89 Hilary, 88, 231, 232 Hippolytus, 67 Homilies, Book of, 5S, 216 Ignatius, 137, 292 Irenaeus, 68, 87, 137. 138. 189, 190. 349 Janus, 52, 180, 243 Jerome, 68, 90, 97, 98, 140, 152, 190, 210,231, 345 John Damascene, 68 Justin Martyr, 1S9, 293 Lactantius, 189, 209, 231, 232 Leibnitz, 208, 211 Luther, 3, 70, 84 Maguire, Father Tom, 174 Milner, 79, 80, 175, 278 Montalembert, 243 Norfolk, Duke of, 250, 251 CEcumenius, 189, 190 Origen, 67, 87, 97, 140. 189, 190, 209, 231, 288, 294, 333 Pascal, 250 Polycarp, 151 Authorities {continued)-, Pusey, Dr., 177, 351 Socrates, 334 Sozomen, 335 Tertullian, 67, 189, 190, 198, 331, 349 Theodoret, 68, 97, 189, 190, 231 Theophylact, 189, 190, 231 Wiseman, Cardinal, 348 Babylon (i St. Peter, v.), 134-136 Baptism, 278 Infants Unbaptized, " in limbo," 279, 280 Bishops' Declaration about, 2S0 Effects of. Illustrations, 281-2S3 Minister of, 325 Barnum's Happy Family, 60, 114 Bible, and Church, 61 Inspired, 72, 73 Genuine, 74 Apocrypha, 74, 77 Vulgate, Errors of, 78, 80, 213, 238, 307 Translations of, 79 Copies (before printing), 81-83 Difficulties of, 84-87 To be Read by the People— so say the Fathers, 87-95 Objections, 95-99 Epistles, written to the Laity, 99-100 Testimony of, to Lord's Day, 102, 103 Contains all things necessary to Salvation, 104 Difficulties of the Roman Theory, 104, 106 Prohibited to the People, 106, III INDEX, 379 Bible {continued) : Our English Translation of, 79, 80, 112 " Bloody Mary," 276 Brazen Serpent, 207 Brummagem, 163 Camoys, 242, 250 Carroll, 242, 250 Cathedral Fair, 21 Cathedral Pews, 27 " Catholic,'* 31, 32 Celibacy — Chastity, 363 Ceremonies, 310 Church of England and Henry VIII., 34-42 Confession {see Penance) Convent Schools, 245-247 Cursing, 186, 187 L^ Dead, Prayers for, 218 Did not Involve Purgator)% 21G- 223 Why the Dead were Prayed for, 221 Prayer for a Place of " Refresh- ment," 222, 315 Development of New Dogmas, 11- 15 Dominicans and Franciscans, 13, 14 ** Eldad and Medad," 325 Eucharist, 286 Real Presence, 286 Transubstantiation, 287 Excommunication, 19 Extreme Unction, 361 Faith, in Relation to Infallibility, 56, 57 Fathers, List of, 318 Father Tom Maguire, 174 Flounce and Furbelow, 312 Flowers, 321 Henry VIIL, 34 High Church and Low Church, 60, 254 Immaculate Conception, 278 Image Worship, 204 Incense, 321 Indulgences, 359 Infallibility, 168 Inquisition, 263 Inspiration, 72 Invocation of Saints, 188 Jewish Church, Latin in the Mass, 317 Lights, 320 Luther, 302-304 Magna Charta, 239, 240 Mariolatry, 198-204, 214-216 Maryland Toleration, 256 Masonry, 9 Mass, Sacrifice of, 305 Matrimony, 367 Massacre of St. Bartholomew, 272 Missal, 314 Morality of the Confessional, 355 Mortal and Venial Sin, 223 Mumbling, 320 Penance, 322 *' Matter" of it, 322 Power of the Keys, 323 Defined by Council of Trent, 328 Anciently Public (till a.d. 668), 331-348 Testimony of the Fathers, 331- 345 Penitentiary Presbyter, 334 Confession, not an Ordinary Remedy, 326 38o INDEX. Penance {coniimied) : Roman Manuals, 356 The Abbe Gaume, 357 Let the Archbishop Confess his Misdoings, 355 Persecution, 261 Peter, His Matrimony, 185. 364-366 His Patrimony, 185 Popes : Fabian, 284 Gregory the Great, 210 Honorius, 54 Innocent, 210 Leo the Great, 155, 156 Leo X., 26 Pius IV., 5, 12 Victor, 148 Vigilius, 52 Primacy of Peter, 112 Purgatory, 223 Prayer-Book, 18, 316 Priests' Curse. 187 Refreshment, 315 Relics, 216 Saints {see " Invocation") Sacrifice, 306-310 Sects, 16 Seven Sacraments, 277 " Shawl of Network," 44 Supremacy, 143 Supreme Court, 168-170 Symbols, 207, 216 Toleration, *' Intolerable," 241 Tradition, Unwritten, 66, 67 *' With its Hundred Tongues. 309 Temporal Power, 179 Tristram Shandy, 187 Washington and Richmond, 146 Weathercock, 216 Wilberforce, 10 .^. Deacidified using the Bookkeeper procej Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide Treatment Date: Jan. 2006 PreservationTechnologie A V/OPILD LEADER IN PAPER PRESERVATIC 1 1 1 Thomson Park Drive Cranberry Township. 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