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A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF 
 AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF 
 
 AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 BY 
 
 LEON C. PRINCE 
 
 II 
 OF THE PENNSYLVANIA BAR AND THE FACULTY OF 
 DICKINSON COLLEGE 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 
 
 1907 
 

 LIBRARY of CONGRESS 
 Two Copies Received 
 
 MAh Ul 1907 
 
 u. Gcipyris:M Entry 
 CLASS A XXC, No. 
 
 copy Q. 
 
 Copyright, 1907, by 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 
 
 Published, March, 1907 
 
 TROW DIRECTORY 
 
 PRINTING AND BOOKBINDING COMPANY 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. Discovery i 
 
 II. The Indians 14 
 
 III. The Southern Colonies 21 
 
 IV. The New England Colonies ... 29 
 V. The Middle Colonies 36 
 
 VI. The French and Indian War ... 46 
 
 VII. The Colonies in the Eighteenth 
 
 Century 59 
 
 VIII. Causes of the Revolution .... 75 
 
 IX. The Revolutionary War 88 
 
 X. Formation of the Federal Govern- 
 ment 118 
 
 XI. Early Achievement and National 
 
 Expansion 138 
 
 XII. The War of 181 2 149 
 
 XIII. The Growth of Nationality and the 
 Further Development of Polit- 
 ical Parties 161 
 
 V 
 
vl CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 XIV. Andrew Jackson and the Reign of 
 
 THE People 174 
 
 XV. Invention, Literature, Moral Prog- 
 ress AND Social Conditions . .187 
 
 XVI. The Slavery Question in Politics . 197 
 
 XVII. Secession 215 
 
 XVIII. The Civil War 226 
 
 XIX. Reconstruction 259 
 
 XX. From the Impeachment of Johnson 
 TO the Political Revolution 
 
 OF 1884 275 
 
 XXI. The Opening of a New Era . . .295 
 
 XXII. The Silver Question in Politics . 309 
 
 XXIII. War and Expansion 331 
 
A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF 
 AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN 
 HISTORY 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 DISCOVERY 
 
 A GLANCE over the United States to- 
 day reveals a strong and prosperous 
 nation of vast extent, with a citizenship 
 made up of many races and a government quite 
 unhke the governments of the nations from 
 which they came. 
 
 A little over four hundred years ago the peo- 
 ple of Europe had never heard of America. 
 How did they become aware of Its existence? 
 What sort of a place was America before that 
 time? What has become of the native red men 
 who once hunted and made war on the very 
 spots where dwellings, shops, and colleges now 
 stand? How did the United States become a 
 nation; and why is there only one instead of 
 several nations within Its extensive area ? When 
 our forefathers founded this government why 
 did they make It so unlike all others, and what is 
 
2 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 the secret of its phenomenal success? Why do 
 foreigners who come here to Hve learn so soon 
 to love the country of their adoption better than 
 the land of their birth, and why do their chil- 
 dren grow up to be Americans rather than trans- 
 planted Germans or Italians? Why do Euro- 
 peans come here at all? Very few Americans 
 go abroad to live. Is America better than Eu- 
 rope? If It Is, what makes It so? 
 
 To answer these and many other questions 
 suggested by the obvious facts of the day we 
 must first go back many years Into the past, for 
 the discovery of America Is in large part the re- 
 sult of Ideas and events which stirred the minds 
 of the people of Europe centuries ago. 
 
 The Attempt to Find a Short Sea-passage to 
 India. — In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries 
 the Christian nations were engaged in trying to 
 get possession of the Holy Land, which was 
 held then as it is to-day by Mohammedans. 
 The Crusades failed to accomplish their pur- 
 pose, but they were followed by great results of 
 an unexpected sort. The Mohammedans were 
 far in advance of the Western Christians in 
 their civilization, and the European soldiers 
 learned from their foes the use of many scien- 
 tific Implements and articles of food and cloth- 
 
DISCOVERY 3 
 
 ing, which on their return from the wars they 
 introduced into their home communities. After 
 the Crusades ceased a flourishing trade sprang 
 up between Europe and Asia, the metals and 
 woods of the former being exchanged for the 
 pearls, ivory, perfumes, and delicate fabrics of 
 the latter. 
 
 In 1299 Marco Polo, an Italian traveller who 
 had spent many years in Cathay at the court of 
 the Great Khan, the ruler of that region, pub- 
 lished a book containing an account of the dis- 
 tant countries he had visited. This book was 
 read by almost everybody of intelligence, and 
 greatly quickened the Interest which the Cru- 
 sades had already awakened in the commercial 
 opportunities of the East.* 
 
 Gradually the trade with the Orient was 
 monopolized by the Italian commercial cities, 
 Genoa and Venice. There were two ways of 
 reaching the Asiatic markets ; one was controlled 
 by Genoa, the other by Venice. The Genoese 
 sent their goods to Constantinople, through the 
 Black Sea, and thence overland by trains of 
 mules and camels to the ports on the Persian 
 
 * The term "East" included besides Palestine, Cathay 
 (the early European name for China), India, which was in- 
 definite, and Cipango, the country which we know to-day as 
 Japan. 
 
4 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Gulf; while the merchants of Venice traded by 
 way of Alexandria and the Red Sea. Both 
 routes were slow, expensive, and perilous. 
 
 In 1453 the Turks, a fierce, barbarous peo- 
 ple who had already overrun a large part of 
 Asia Minor, captured Constantinople. The 
 effect of this calamity was to block the former 
 routes of travel and ruin the trade of the Ital- 
 ian cities. It then became necessary to find a 
 new way to the East. The Portuguese believed 
 that a new route might be found by sailing south- 
 ward along the coast of Africa. In 1497 the 
 Portuguese Vasco da Gama rounded the Cape 
 of Good Hope and reached India. As Genoa 
 and Venice declined In commercial importance 
 they were superseded by Portugal and Spain, 
 and the Atlantic took the place of the Mediter- 
 ranean as the highway of commerce. 
 
 Columbus. — Among those who studied this 
 problem of a short sea-passage was a young 
 sailor named Christopher Columbus. He was 
 probably born In Genoa about the year 1446, 
 but after 1470 lived in Lisbon, supporting him- 
 self by making maps and charts for navigators. 
 
 Columbus believed that the Eastern countries 
 could be reached by sailing west. He was one 
 of the few men of his day who knew that the 
 
DISCOVERY 5 
 
 earth was spherical. Learned men among the 
 ancient Greeks had known it, and the Arabians 
 were also aware of the true form of the earth. 
 But the Europeans of Columbus's day were ex- 
 tremely ignorant, and believed that the earth 
 was flat and circular like a plate. The only 
 parts of the world with which they were at all 
 acquainted were Europe, the British Isles, Ice- 
 land, a small portion of Asia, and the northern 
 coast of Africa. The Atlantic Ocean was called 
 the " Sea of Darkness," and was thought to 
 abound with monsters of strange and hideous 
 shape capable of devouring an entire ship and 
 crew at a single swallow. 
 
 For seventeen years Columbus tried to inter- 
 est the people of Europe in his theory, but they 
 only laughed at him, called him crazy, and told 
 him that if he sailed very far into the Sea of 
 Darkness he would fall over the edge of the 
 earth. In vain he tried to convince the kings of 
 Portugal and Spain and the wealthy nobles. 
 They would have nothing to do with a man who 
 was foolish enough to believe he could reach the 
 East by sailing in the opposite direction. 
 
 Finally Columbus determined to ask aid of 
 the king of France. He was slowly making his 
 way on foot to the French court when he stopped 
 
6 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 at the close of a summer day at a convent in 
 Andalusia for rest and refreshment. The prior 
 of the convent was an intelligent and kind- 
 hearted man. He became interested in Colum- 
 bus, advised him not to go to France, but to try 
 once more the Spanish court, and gave him a 
 letter to an influential priest, who introduced him 
 to Ferdinand and Isabella, king and queen of 
 Spain. The queen was soon persuaded. She 
 was a pious Catholic, and saw in Columbus's 
 scheme an opportunity for missionary work 
 among heathen people. The king was slower 
 to respond. He was also a Catholic, though 
 not so pious as his wife, and the missionary idea 
 did not appeal to him with striking force. But 
 he was ambitious to extend his empire and to 
 find new mines of gold and silver. He knew 
 that whatever discoveries Columbus might make 
 would belong to Spain if Columbus sailed under 
 the Spanish flag. Thus Ferdinand and Isabella, 
 working from quite different motives, gave Co- 
 lumbus men and ships, the queen even pawning 
 some of her jewels to provide necessary funds. 
 
 On August 3, 1492, Columbus set sail from 
 the port of Palos, within sight of the convent 
 where he had received his first encouragement. 
 His fleet consisted of three small vessels, the 
 
DISCOVERY 7 
 
 Santa Maria, Nina, and Pinta, The largest was 
 not more than sixty feet long by twenty in width. 
 For days and weeks Columbus and his men 
 sailed on into the Sea of Darkness. The world 
 proved very much larger than Columbus had sup- 
 posed. The sailors became terror-stricken and 
 begged their leader to turn back. At last, on the 
 night of October nth, they saw a light made 
 by the fires kindled by natives on the land. The 
 next morning the intrepid admiral and his crew 
 stepped ashore, and Columbus, planting the 
 cross and the flag of Spain in the soil, took 
 possession of the New World. The land on 
 which he had disembarked was one of the islands 
 of the Bahama group. Before returning to 
 Spain he touched at Cuba and Hayti. 
 
 Upon his arrival in Spain Columbus was re- 
 ceived with every mark of honor by sovereigns 
 and people. He made three more voyages, dis- 
 covering Jamaica, Puerto Rico, the islands of 
 the Caribbean Sea, and the mainland of South 
 America, and exploring the coast of Honduras 
 and the Isthmus of Panama. Columbus was 
 convinced that he had found the short sea-pas- 
 sage to India by way of the West. For this rea- 
 son he called the islands which he had discov- 
 ered the West Indies, a name which they have 
 
8 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 always retained. But as the fabled riches of the 
 East did not appear, people grew Impatient and 
 enthusiasm turned to disappointment. For a 
 time Columbus was Imprisoned on a false 
 charge, and finally died in poverty and neglect 
 on May 20, 1506, not knowing the extent and 
 significance of his achievement. 
 
 Why the New World was Called America. — 
 At the time of Columbus's discovery Spain and 
 Portugal were the two great maritime nations 
 of Europe. Foreseeing the disputes likely to 
 arise concerning the possession of new territory, 
 these nations agreed to divide In advance all the 
 unknown regions of the earth. The Pope, who 
 by virtue of his exalted spiritual office frequently 
 acted as arbiter for Christendom, drew a me- 
 ridian three hundred and seventy leagues west of 
 the Cape Verde Islands, known as the Line of 
 Demarcation. All lands which should be dis- 
 covered east of that boundary were to belong to 
 Portugal, and all west of It to Spain. 
 
 About the year 1501 Portugal sent out a fleet 
 under the command of Americus Vespuclus. 
 He sighted the coast of Brazil, and, finding It 
 east of the Line, claimed it for Portugal. A few 
 years later a German professor published a 
 book on geography In which he proposed that 
 
DISCOVERY 9 
 
 Brazil be called America in honor of Vespucius. 
 As Columbus was supposed to have discovered 
 merely a new route to India, not a new conti- 
 nent, the idea met with favor, and in course of 
 time the name was applied not only to Brazil, but 
 to all North and South America. Brazil was the 
 only part of the New World acquired by Portu- 
 gal, because it was the only part that lay east of 
 the Line of Demarcation. 
 
 John Cabot and the English Claim. — For nearly 
 a century after the voyages of Columbus, Spain 
 had most of the field to herself. The rest of 
 Europe was too busy with other affairs to quar- 
 rel with Spain over a new country. In 1497 
 England sent out John Cabot " to discover any 
 heathen regions which up to this time have re- 
 mained unknown to Christians." He was the 
 first European to set foot on the continent of 
 North America, landing in Labrador. England 
 did not at that time possess sufficient naval 
 strength to enforce her rights of discovery, and 
 made no immediate attempt to take possession, 
 but many years later the English claimed the 
 entire North American continent on the basis 
 of Cabot's discovery. 
 
 Spanish Explorations and Conquests. — Spanish 
 settlements were made in the West Indies, and 
 
10 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 many adventurers went far into the mainland 
 searching for El Dorado, the gilded land, where 
 according to current belief mines of gold and 
 silver waited to lavish their bursting treasures. 
 
 On Easter Day, 15 13, Ponce de Leon, a Span- 
 ish nobleman who was looking for the " foun- 
 tain of youth," landed on the coast of Florida. 
 Intelligent men of that period had faith in many 
 follies of imagination, which even the children 
 of this day know better than to credit. De 
 Leon had heard and believed that somewhere 
 in America there was a magic fountain whose 
 waters would restore youth to aged men. He 
 called the country Florida, after the Spanish 
 synonym for Easter — Pascua Floriddy " flowery 
 passover." 
 
 In the same year Balboa, another Spaniard, 
 crossed the Isthmus of Panama and discovered 
 the Pacific Ocean. 
 
 In 15 19 Cortez with a small army invaded 
 Mexico and conquered that country for Spain. 
 By 1592 the Spaniards had explored the Pacific 
 coast from Lower California to Oregon. 
 
 In 1 541 Ferdinando De Soto, the Spanish 
 governor of Cuba, while on an expedition 
 through the south-west, discovered the Missis- 
 sippi River. 
 
DISCOVERY II 
 
 St. Augustine, the oldest city in the United 
 States, was founded by the Spaniards in 1565, 
 to prevent the French from making settlements 
 in Florida. 
 
 Why North America did not Remain Spanish. — 
 Despite a full century's undisputed right of way 
 on this continent, there Is not to-day in the law, 
 religion, government, or other social institutions 
 of the American people a single elemental fact 
 that can be traced to the authorship or moulding 
 influence of Spain. A few physical landmarks, 
 such as stone houses, walls, and cathedral ruins, 
 scattered through Florida and the south-west, 
 are the melancholy vestiges of an empire long 
 since dissolved In the testing crucible of time. 
 For It was written on the scroll of destiny by 
 Immutable decree that o'er Columbia's virgin 
 soil the " pale emblem of Castilian pride " 
 should never wave In token of possession, nor 
 Spanish sovereignty find enduring foothold 
 within her spacious borders. 
 
 The trouble was, the Spaniard never came 
 here for a wise purpose. Instead of bring- 
 ing his family and settling down to clear the 
 wilderness, till the soil, and grow up with the 
 country, he was hunting for a sudden fortune 
 which would enable him to return to Spain and 
 
12 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 spend the remainder of his days in idleness 
 and ease. The followers of Cortez, Balboa, 
 and De Soto were adventurers who were look- 
 ing for gold and silver. 
 
 It was not until people came here with the In- 
 tention of remaining permanently, people who 
 appreciated the value of agriculture, industry, 
 and commerce, that the foundations of the 
 United States were laid. This happened when 
 the English, Dutch, Scotch, and Germans be- 
 gan their settlements on the Atlantic seaboard. 
 Their conception of wealth was broader and 
 their ideal of its uses nobler than the Spaniard's 
 sordid purpose. They realized that true wealth 
 consists not in abundance of gold and silver coin- 
 age, but in houses and lands, in farms, shops, 
 ships, and factories, crowned by a moral exalta- 
 tion that finds its certain measure in the school- 
 house and the home. 
 
 It is the nation which produces the com- 
 modities which other nations want, and for 
 which they are willing to exchange their money 
 that Is truly rich. Neither Spain nor the rest 
 of Europe derived permanent material benefit 
 from the finding of a new world. In many re- 
 spects they were worse off than before, for the 
 discovery of America excited the spirit of greed, 
 
DISCOVERY 13 
 
 created jealousies and hatreds between nations, 
 and led to devastating wars. The true gainer 
 was America Itself. In the course of time It re- 
 ceived some of the best men and women from 
 the best countries of Europe. They came to 
 make their homes, to build schools, to become 
 farmers, merchants, Inventors, and finally to In- 
 fluence the entire human race toward loftier 
 manhood and a wider outlook by means of the 
 freest government and the largest opportunities 
 the world has ever known. 
 
 Note. — It is quite probable that the Northmen, a roving, 
 piratical people from the north of Europe, visited America 
 about the year 1000 a.d. We know that they were ac- 
 quainted with Greenland. There is evidence that in that 
 year Leif Erikson — "Leif the Lucky" — led an expedition 
 to the mainland. A temporary settlement called Vinland 
 was made by the Northmen somewhere on the New England 
 coast, but its exact situation is not known. The visits of the 
 Northmen were without important results. No one else 
 learned from them of the existence of this continent, and they 
 themselves seem to have forgotten it. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 THE INDIANS 
 
 THE continents of North and South 
 America had been inhabited for many 
 ages before the arrival of Europeans. 
 The origin of this early race Is unknown, but 
 there are certain similarities In appearance, lan- 
 guage, and tradition which suggest that the 
 American aborigines are kindred to the people 
 of Asia. 
 
 That the inhabitants of the New World were 
 known as Indians was due to a mistake of 
 Columbus who, thinking that he had reached 
 India, called the natives Indians. The name 
 has clung to them ever since In spite of the fact 
 that men soon learned that America was not 
 a part of Asia. 
 
 Appearance, Character, and Government. — The 
 Indians had strong, lithe bodies, reddish or 
 copper-colored skins, high cheek-bones, and 
 straight, coarse, black hair. They had no beards. 
 Hair does not grow on the face of the American 
 
 14 
 
THE INDIANS 15 
 
 aborigine. They were swift of foot and keen 
 of vision, and could track an enemy through 
 the deepest forest by the print of his foot on 
 the grass or the twigs bent by the weight of 
 his passing body. They were fond of war 
 and were revengeful, never forgiving an In- 
 jury but likewise never forgetting an act of 
 kindness. 
 
 All Indians who could trace descent from a 
 common female ancestor belonged to one clan. 
 Each clan had Its own magistrates and war- 
 chiefs. A group of clans formed a tribe, the 
 members of which spoke the same language. 
 The tribe was loosely governed by a council 
 composed of the chiefs of the clans. Its de- 
 cisions bound nobody, though public opinion 
 usually supported them. 
 
 Mode of Life. — The Indians were wild in 
 their nature and uncivilized in their habits. 
 Though distributed over the entire continent, 
 they were few in numbers compared with the 
 present white population. There were only 
 about two hundred thousand in all the country 
 east of the Mississippi River. There are twice 
 as many people living in Philadelphia to-day 
 as there were Indians in all North America in 
 1492. The Indians lived In villages, and their 
 
i6 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 dwellings were called " wigwams " or " tepees." 
 These consisted of small huts made of skin or 
 bark stretched over wooden frames. They were 
 of circular form at the base and either pointed 
 like a cone or rounded like a dome at the top. 
 Sometimes their dwellings were made of logs. 
 The Iroquois Indians of New York had what 
 they called " long-houses," large wooden build- 
 ings, a hundred feet in length, divided into 
 twenty compartments, each compartment shelter- 
 ing an entire family. If the villages were 
 located in places which were easy to attack they 
 were surrounded with high wooden stockades as 
 a protection against the enemy. 
 
 The Indians made their living by hunting, 
 fishing, and agriculture. Although uncivilized, 
 they were by no means mere savages. They 
 used dishes made of clay, and knew much more 
 about farming than is generally supposed, rais- 
 ing beans, tobacco, pumpkins, squashes, pota- 
 toes, and " maize," or Indian corn. It was from 
 the Indians that the white settlers learned the 
 use of these vegetables, which more than once 
 saved them from starvation. Colored shells, 
 called " wampum," served for money. The 
 dress of the Indians varied according to the sea- 
 son of the year. In summer they went almost 
 
THE INDIANS 17 
 
 naked, but in winter they clothed themselves in 
 furs and blankets. They were fond of gay col- 
 ors, of ornaments, and amusements. 
 
 The Indian boat was called a " canoe." It 
 was made of birch-bark or skins stretched over 
 a framework of wood, and fastened together by 
 strips of hide and the pitch of the spruce-tree. 
 The red men were good athletes, and enjoyed 
 running races and playing ball. Lacrosse, the 
 favorite game of modern Canadians, is an Ind- 
 ian sport. Hunting, fishing, and war were the 
 only occupations which were considered worthy 
 to engage the attention of the men. Domestic 
 labor was performed by the women, who were 
 called " squaws." They were not abused, but 
 had their rights under the crude Indian law. 
 The women of the Iroquois nation owned land 
 and were permitted to vote. 
 
 The natives of Mexico and Peru were supe- 
 rior to the rest of the Indians of North and 
 South America. The Peruvians especially had 
 buildings and roads, possessed rich mines of 
 gold, silver, copper, and lead, and made beauti- 
 ful ornaments of the precious metals. They 
 pastured vast flocks and herds and had an ad- 
 vanced language. The Mexicans, though less 
 civihzed than the Peruvians, were in advance of 
 
i8 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 the other tribes. Both Mexico and Peru were 
 cruelly despoiled by the Spaniards. 
 
 Warfare. — The Indians were never so happy 
 as when on the war-path. They were brave 
 after a fashion, but their method of fighting was 
 hardly honorable, judged by our standards. 
 They preferred to lie in ambush and to shoot 
 their enemies from behind rocks and trees rather 
 than to meet them face to face. Every warrior 
 shaved his head except a place at the top about 
 the size of a half-dollar, on which the long hair 
 was allowed to remain. This single wisp of hair 
 was called the " scalp-lock." When an Indian 
 killed his enemy in battle or in ambush he cut 
 this lock of hair from the dead man's body, to- 
 gether with that part of the scalp to which it 
 was attached. " Scalps " were the greatest 
 trophies of war, and the Indian who had the 
 largest number dangling from his belt was re- 
 garded as the best warrior. 
 
 Prisoners of war were generally tortured to 
 death by all sorts of inhuman devices, such as 
 sticking splinters of burning wood in the flesh 
 of the victim, or shooting his eyes out, or tying 
 him to a stake and burning him alive. The 
 Indians were probably no more cruel than other 
 races of men, though their lack of refinement 
 
THE INDIANS 19 
 
 made them appear to be. It was under the 
 ordeal of torture that the Indian appeared at 
 his best, for he usually died without a cry or a 
 murmur, it being esteemed great heroism to 
 suffer physical pain in silence. 
 
 The weapons of the Indian were the hatchet, 
 the knife, the club, the lance, and the bow and 
 arrow. Stone and flint were used in making 
 some of these instruments until the white man 
 Introduced better weapons of steel. 
 
 Religion. — The Indians worshipped many 
 gods. Trees, rocks, plants, animals, and the 
 forces of nature all had their ruling spirits 
 whom the simple minds of the barbarians were 
 ever fearful of offending and perpetually sought 
 to placate by sacrifices and gifts. The priests and 
 doctors were called " medicine-men," and were 
 believed to have great power with spirits. 
 When an Indian died he was supposed to go to 
 the " Happy Hunting-ground." In order to 
 protect and feed him on his journey Into the 
 unseen country, his relatives placed the weapons 
 of the dead warrior on his grave, together with 
 dried meat, the immaterial counterparts of 
 which, according to aboriginal philosophy, fur- 
 nished defence and refreshment to the travelling 
 ghost. 
 
20 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 The Modern Indian. — The American Indian of 
 to-day, in his barbarian state, is about what he 
 was four hundred years ago. Wherever he has 
 come Into touch with white men It has generally 
 been with the worst sort of white men, and the 
 Indian has absorbed the vices but not the virtues 
 of his conqueror. 
 
 According to the census of 1900, there were 
 266,760 Indians In the United States. Nearly 
 half of them live on Government reservations, 
 and are fed and clothed at public expense. 
 These " reservation Indians " are not progress- 
 ing and do not care for education. Though the 
 Indian does not seek civilization, many have 
 yielded after It was forced upon them, and some 
 have achieved marked success in professional and 
 literary life. 
 
 Many children are taken from the reserva- 
 tions each year by the Government and placed In 
 Indian Industrial schools, the most celebrated of 
 which is at Carlisle, Pa. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 THE SOUTHERN COLONIES, 1607-1733 
 
 WE have seen that the Spaniards were 
 the first to visit and explore the 
 Western world. In the sixteenth 
 and seventeenth centuries the French began their 
 work of exploration and settlement in Canada. 
 The first successful French colony was planted 
 in Acadia, now Nova Scotia, in 1605. The city 
 of Quebec was founded three years later. 
 
 The voyage of Cabot in 1497 resulted In 
 England's claiming the entire North American 
 continent on the ground that Cabot was the first 
 European to reach the mainland. This claim 
 had never been abandoned, although no attempt 
 was made at colonization for nearly a hundred 
 years. When at the beginning of the seven- 
 teenth century English enterprise turned seri- 
 ously to America it found the southern part held 
 by Spain and the northern by France. But in 
 spite of her tardiness in entering the race for 
 colonial possessions England had the best of It, 
 
22 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 for the portion that fell to her lot was the 
 choicest of all. It lay along the Atlantic sea- 
 board between Florida and Nova Scotia, and 
 had every advantage of climate, fertility, and 
 natural wealth. The thirteen English colonies 
 planted In this vast central region developed 
 later Into the United States. They naturally fall 
 into three groups, the Southern, Middle, and 
 New England. 
 
 Virginia (1607). — ^This name was given in 
 1584 to all the English territory In America In 
 honor of Elizabeth, called the " Virgin Queen " 
 because she was unmarried. From 1584 to 
 1587 Sir Walter Raleigh made several attempts 
 to found a colony at Roanoke, within the limits 
 of the present State of North Carolina. His 
 efforts failed for the reason that he had no finan- 
 cial backing. 
 
 In 1606 a group of English capitalists, be- 
 lieving that a successful colony could be found- 
 ed, provided there was plenty of money behind 
 It, organized the London Company and ob- 
 tained from King James I a charter which gave 
 them authority to make settlements In the south- 
 ern half of what Is now the United States. The 
 London Company at once sent out a hundred or 
 more colonists under the command of Captain 
 
THE SOUTHERN COLONIES, 1607-1733 23 
 
 John Smith, an English adventurer of extraordi- 
 nary abilities. They reached Amenca in the 
 spring of 1607, and settled at Jamestown, Va., 
 which they named in honor of the reigning king. 
 This was the first permanent English colony in 
 America. 
 
 The settlers were not well fitted for so serious 
 an undertaking as the establishment of a colony. 
 Most of them were " gentlemen," which in that 
 day signified persons of the male sex who never 
 worked. There were only about a dozen in the 
 whole number who had ever done any manual 
 labor. The colonists quarrelled among them- 
 selves and with the Indians, and many died of 
 sickness. Had it not been for the wisdom of 
 Captain John Smith, and a timely reenforce- 
 ment from England, they would have abandoned 
 the enterprise. But with the arrival of other 
 settlers, who knew more about practical affairs 
 than the first, the colony took courage and soon 
 grew prosperous. The London Company au- 
 thorized the popular election of a House of 
 Burgesses to make laws for the community. 
 Virginia raised large quantities of tobacco which 
 were exported to England. The habit of smok- 
 ing had been Introduced Into that country by 
 Sir Walter Raleigh, who had learned It from the 
 
24 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Indians. It became so popular that Virginia 
 was kept busy supplying the Enghsh demand for 
 tobacco. 
 
 The Beginning of Slavery. — Toiling all day In 
 the tobacco fields under a blazing sun was too irk- 
 some for white men. In 1619 the Treasurer^ 
 an English privateer, called in the slang phrase 
 of the day a " Dutch man-o'-war," appeared in 
 Jamestown harbor with a cargo of twenty 
 negroes, which the captain offered to dispose of 
 in exchange for provisions. The negroes proved 
 to be just the kind of laborers needed for heavy 
 out-of-door work. This was the origin of Afri- 
 can slavery In the United States. For many 
 years a horrible trade in human beings was car- 
 ried on between the American colonies and deal- 
 ers who made a business of stealing black men 
 and women from Africa to supply the demand 
 for negro laborers. At first slavery existed in 
 nearly all the colonies, but later It became con- 
 fined to the South. 
 
 The negroes introduced by the Treasurer 
 were not strictly slaves but servants. They were 
 not owned by individuals, but were employed by 
 the public, and were paid wages. In the course 
 of a very few years, however, this form of servi- 
 tude passed Into slavery. It is noteworthy that 
 
THE SOUTHERN COLONIES, 1607-1733 25 
 
 colonial Virginia was the first community in the 
 civilized world to legislate against the slave- 
 trade. Her opposition, expressed in thirty-three 
 acts of assembly passed prior to 1772, proved 
 futile because the traffic was profitable to Eng- 
 land, which continued it in spite of protest. 
 
 Virginia was governed by the London Com- 
 pany until 1624, when it became a royal colony 
 governed by the king through officials whom he 
 appointed, although to a great extent the peo- 
 ple continued to manage their own affairs. They 
 had a strong spirit of independence which led 
 them to expel a governor because they were dis- 
 satisfied with his rule. 
 
 When the English Puritans executed Charles 
 I in 1 648, many of the '' Cavaliers," as the king's 
 followers were called, took refuge in Virginia. 
 Their coming greatly improved the character of 
 the colony, for they were men of education and 
 wealth. They built magnificent houses and de- 
 voted themselves to politics. But the great mass 
 of people were ignorant and without influence in 
 public affairs. Said Governor Berkeley in 1671 : 
 " I thank God there are no free schools nor 
 printing-presses In Virginia." The sons of rich 
 planters were sent abroad to be educated, but the 
 sons of poor men were not educated at all. In 
 
26 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 1693 the colonial legislature of Virginia estab- 
 lished the College of William and Mary for the 
 education of the scions of wealthy families. 
 
 Maryland (1634).— As Virginia was a royal 
 colony, the king could do with it as he pleased. 
 Charles I was pleased to cut off a portion, which 
 he gave to his friend Cecil Calvert, Lord Balti- 
 more, who named it Maryland in honor of 
 Queen Henrietta Maria. In those days people 
 of different religions hated and persecuted each 
 other with a bitterness incomprehensible in this 
 age. England was a Protestant country, and 
 the government passed severe proscriptive laws 
 against Roman Catholics. Lord Baltimore was 
 a Catholic and desired to found a colony where 
 his co-religionists could worship in their own 
 way. But he was liberal-minded and allowed 
 Protestants also to settle in Maryland. In fact, 
 he could not have done otherwise, being the sub- 
 ject of a Protestant king. Until Pennsylvania 
 was founded Maryland was the only place in 
 the civilized world where Catholics and Prot- 
 estants dwelt together in harmony. Later the 
 Protestants found themselves in the majority, 
 and then they legislated against the Catholics. 
 
 In government Maryland was a proprietary 
 colony; that is, the proprietor or owner was 
 
THE SOUTHERN COLONIES, 1607-1733 27 
 
 given authority by the crown to rule the col- 
 ony as though it were a kingdom under his own 
 administration. He could make any laws he 
 might desire, with the consent of the people, 
 provided they were not contrary to the laws of 
 England. 
 
 The Carolinas (1663) were cut from the origi- 
 nal territory of Virginia and given to favorites 
 of Charles II. At first there was but one col- 
 ony of that name. Including the present States 
 of North and South Carolina and a large part 
 of Georgia, but In 1729 the proprietors sold It 
 to King George II, who divided It Into two royal 
 provinces. North and South Carolina. The peo- 
 ple were of mixed nationality, English, Scotch- 
 Irish, French, and Dutch, very thrifty and pros- 
 perous. It was a fine agricultural region with 
 a mild climate and a rich soil. 
 
 Georgia (1733) was founded by General James 
 Oglethorpe, a member of the British Parlia- 
 ment and a very brave and honorable man. 
 Under the severe English laws of that day peo- 
 ple who owed money which they could not pay 
 were thrown Into jail. Not less than four 
 thousand Impecunious debtors were Imprisoned 
 every year in England. The jails were wretched 
 places, unfit for any human being. General 
 
28 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Oglethorpe desired to carry the most deserving 
 of these unfortunate debtors to America, where 
 they might have a new start In life. In 1732 
 the king gave a portion of South Carolina to 
 General Oglethorpe and a few other persons 
 under a charter which vested them with propri- 
 etary rights, although they were not to hold the 
 colony for themselves, but " In trust for the 
 poor.'' It was called Georgia in honor of the 
 king, George II, and the first settlement was 
 made at Savannah In 1733. The early colonists 
 were not all poor English debtors. Many well- 
 to-do Scotch, Germans, and Italians also went 
 there to live. 
 
 Georgia remained under the government of 
 the trustees until 1752, when it became a 
 royal colony with a governor appointed by 
 the king. It was the last of the thirteen colo- 
 nies planted by England within the present lim- 
 its of the United States, and the only one where 
 slavery and the importation of intoxicating 
 liquors were originally prohibited. A few years 
 later In obedience to popular demand both pro- 
 hibitions were removed. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES, 1620-91 
 
 THERE were many people in England 
 who did not approve of the Es- 
 tablished Church, as the Episcopal 
 Church was called. They thought it resembled 
 too much the Roman Catholic Church, of which 
 it had once been a part. Some wished to leave 
 it and to form a new sect; these persons were 
 called '' Separatists." Others desired simply to 
 make certain changes in the mode of worship, 
 to '' purify " it, as they said; they were known 
 as " Puritans." 
 
 As the Church and the Government sup- 
 ported each other the reformers brought upon 
 themselves the enmity of both. In order to 
 escape persecution a party of Separatists in 
 1608 fled to Holland, at that time the most 
 enlightened country in Europe. But they were 
 English at heart, who loved their home, even 
 though they could not live there. Fearing that 
 their children would grow up to speak the Dutch 
 
 29 
 
30 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 language, to follow the Dutch customs, and to 
 love Holland better than England they deter- 
 mined to go to America and found a new state, 
 where they could worship as they pleased and 
 where their children could mature Into Eng- 
 lishmen. 
 
 Massachusetts (1620). — In September, 1620, 
 a small vessel named the Mayflower^ having on 
 board one hundred and two Separatists under 
 the leadership of William Bradford, William 
 Brewster, and Miles Standish, sailed for Amer- 
 ica. On December 21st, after a stormy voyage 
 of more than two months, they disembarked on 
 the Ice-fringed coast of Massachusetts, and made 
 a settlement at Plymouth. Before landing, the 
 men, forty-one In number, drew up and signed 
 the famous " Mayflower Compact," by which 
 they bound themselves to make and obey their 
 own laws. It was not a declaration of Indepen- 
 dence from England, for in the same document 
 they acknowledged the king as their sovereign, 
 but It meant that they were determined to have 
 a larger measure of self-government than they 
 had ever enjoyed in England. The colony 
 founded by the Separatists received the name of 
 *' Plymouth Plantation." Its founders are gen- 
 erally known as the " Pilgrim Fathers." The 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES, 1620-91 31 
 
 first winter was marked by terrible suffering. 
 Half the colony perished. At one time there 
 were but six or seven persons able to be up and 
 doing. But in spite of their distress not one 
 thought of returning to England or to Holland. 
 
 Not only the Separatists, but the Puritans as 
 well, were persecuted by the Government and 
 the Church of England. In 1628 a company of 
 them settled at Salem. Two years later a large 
 number of wealthy and prominent Puritans 
 founded the city of Boston. Others followed, 
 and by 1634 there were four thousand Puritans 
 in America. Their settlements collectively re- 
 ceived the name of Massachusetts Bay Colony. 
 In 1 69 1 the Plymouth Colony and the Massa- 
 chusetts Bay Colony united. As the Puritan 
 community was the larger and more important 
 of the two it retained its own name, and both 
 were henceforth known as the single colony of 
 Massachusetts Bay. 
 
 Although the Puritans and Pilgrims came to 
 America to find civil and religious liberty they 
 refused to extend to others the rights which they 
 demanded for themselves. Instead of allowing 
 freedom to all men they passed severe laws 
 against Episcopalians, Roman Catholics, and 
 Quakers. They established a state church, and 
 
32 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 no one was allowed to vote In a civil election 
 who did not belong to this church. The cut and 
 fashion of men's and women's garments were 
 fixed by law. Non-attendance at religious ser- 
 vice was punished by fine, Imprisonment, or pub- 
 lic whipping. The result was that while public 
 order was good and morality high, Massa- 
 chusetts was the most intolerant colony in all 
 America. 
 
 Yet the Puritans were men of honor, con- 
 scientious, brave, and upright. They were firm 
 believers In education. The oldest and greatest 
 university in America is Harvard, founded by 
 the Puritans in 1636 for the training of the 
 clergy before the wilderness had been cleared or 
 the red man driven West. 
 
 Rhode Island (1636). — Among those who dif- 
 fered from the Puritans In point of view was a 
 young minister, Roger Williams. He believed 
 in tolerating other sects and in keeping state 
 and church separate, for he had seen the mis- 
 chief that had resulted from their union both 
 In Europe and in Massachusetts. For these the- 
 ories he was banished from the Massachusetts 
 Bay Colony. 
 
 Such treatment seems harsh to the modern 
 mind, but it was the habit of a severe and 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES, 1620-91 33 
 
 orthodox age when men took their religion 
 on faith and with desperate seriousness. Had 
 Roger Wilhams lived in Europe he might 
 have fared worse. For a while he took refuge 
 with the Indians of Narragansett Bay, where 
 he founded the city of Providence in 1636. 
 Williams's colony in course of time developed 
 Into the State of Rhode Island. 
 
 Connecticut (1636). — At about the same time 
 that Roger Williams settled Providence several 
 other citizens of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, 
 who thought It unjust to debar a man from vot- 
 ing or holding office simply because he was not 
 a member of a particular church, moved into 
 Connecticut and founded the towns of Windsor, 
 Wethersfield, and Hartford. In 1639 these 
 three towns united and formed a miniature re- 
 public under a written constitution called the 
 Fundamental Orders of Connecticut, which 
 remained in force one hundred and eighty 
 years. 
 
 Connecticut was the first republic In the his- 
 tory of the world to be founded by a written con- 
 stitution. The Influence of the Fundamental 
 Orders is apparent in the Constitution of the 
 United States to a degree unparalleled by any 
 other colonial instrument. 
 
34 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 In 1643 New Haven and three neighbor- 
 ing towns united in a similar republic and 
 took the name of the New Haven Colony. 
 It remained independent until 1662, when it 
 was annexed to Connecticut by order of King 
 Charles II. 
 
 New Hampshire (1691) at first included what is 
 now the State of New Hampshire and a part of 
 Maine. This whole territory was granted by 
 King James I in 1622 to two English gentlemen. 
 Maine later became a part of Massachusetts. 
 New Hampshire was twice united with Massa- 
 chusetts, but finally became a separate royal 
 province in 1691. 
 
 King Philip's War. — The New England colo- 
 nies had almost continuous trouble with the Ind- 
 ians. In 1675 King Philip, the war-chief of 
 the Wampanoags, united all the tribes from 
 Maine to New York for the purpose of driving 
 out the white men who were steadily pushing 
 the Indians away from the haunts of their 
 fathers. The war lasted two years, until the 
 death of Philip, who was shot as he was trying 
 to escape from a force which had surrounded 
 his dwelling at Mount Hope, near Bristol, 
 R. I. His followers were killed or sold into 
 slavery, and the power of the New England 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES, 1620-91 35 
 
 tribes was forever destroyed. About six hun- 
 dred white men were killed in battle during 
 King Philip's War, besides a vast number of 
 men, women, and children who were massacred 
 or died of starvation. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 THE MIDDLE COLONIES, 1664-81 
 
 IT will be remembered that the discovery of 
 the Cape route conferred a monopoly of 
 the Oriental trade upon Portugal and 
 Spain. For many years It was the dream of 
 commercial Europe to obviate the dangers of 
 the voyage around the Cape of Good Hope by 
 the discovery of a shorter sea-passage to India. 
 By the beginning of the seventeenth century the 
 Eastern trade had passed from Spain and Por- 
 tugal to Holland. It was now for the Interest 
 of the Dutch to find that quicker route which 
 had eluded earlier efforts. 
 
 New York (1664). — In 1609 the Dutch East 
 India Company sent out Captain Henry Hud- 
 son In the ship Half Moon to search for a new 
 water-way to the East, which It was believed 
 would be found to cut through the northern 
 part of North America. Of course Hudson 
 did not reach India, but he discovered the beau- 
 tiful river which bears his name. He also dis- 
 covered that a fur trade carried on between the 
 
 36 
 
THE MIDDLE COLONIES, 1664-81 37 
 
 Dutch and the Indians would be quite as profit- 
 able to Holland as the silk trade In the East. 
 With this object In view the Dutch West India 
 Company was organized by the merchants of 
 Amsterdam. This company claimed In the name 
 of Holland all the country between the Connecti- 
 cut and Delaware rivers, to which It gave the 
 name New Netherland. The principal Dutch 
 settlement was New Amsterdam, founded on 
 Manhattan Island In 1626. The Dutch colo- 
 nists were governed by "patroons," wealthy land- 
 owners, resembling In their powers the proprie- 
 tors of Maryland and the Carollnas, only Instead 
 of being ruled by one, the territory was divided 
 among many patroons. This system was not 
 favorable to the growth of democratic sentiment 
 and habits. Fortunately It did not last long, 
 though traces of It lingered until after the Revo- 
 lution. The first free public schools in America 
 were founded by the Dutch of New York. 
 
 In 1664 England acquired New Netherland 
 by a treaty with Holland, and thus became pos- 
 sessed of the Atlantic coast from Maine to 
 Georgia. The former Dutch territory was given 
 to the king's brother, James, Duke of York. 
 Both the province of New Netherland and the 
 city of New Amsterdam were renamed New 
 
38 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 York In honor of their royal proprietor. The 
 English abolished the patroon system and Intro- 
 duced the principle of self-government by means 
 of town meetings and popular elections. When 
 the Duke of York succeeded to the English 
 throne as James II, New York became a crown 
 province. 
 
 New Jersey (1664). — The Duke of York gave 
 a part of his new province to his two friends, 
 Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret. Al- 
 though a proprietary colony until 1702, when It 
 passed to the crown, New Jersey enjoyed a large 
 measure of self-government. Its early history 
 Is uninteresting and of small importance. The 
 northern portion was first settled by the Dutch. 
 Germans and Swedes were scattered here and 
 there, but the history of the colony properly be- 
 gins with Its occupation by the English, who 
 mainly comprised the population. 
 
 Farming was the sole occupation of the peo- 
 ple of New Jersey. There was no commerce, 
 the people depending upon New York and Vir- 
 ginia to supply Its miscellaneous needs. 
 
 Pennsylvania (1681). — The colonial history of 
 Pennsylvania, like that of Massachusetts, Con- 
 necticut, Rhode Island, and Maryland, is insep- 
 arably linked with religious associations. About 
 
THE MIDDLE COLONIES, 1664-81 39 
 
 the middle of the seventeenth century the sect of 
 Quakers, or Society of Friends, sprang up in 
 England. Its members believed that God made 
 known His will to every man's heart without the 
 aid of popes, bishops, priests, or pastors ; there- 
 fore every man should be free to choose his own 
 religion without Interference from church or 
 state. They believed In the equality of mankind, 
 and expressed this belief by adopting simplicity 
 in dress, language, and manners, and in treating 
 all human beings with equal politeness ; not mak- 
 ing an exception of the king, in whose presence 
 other men removed their hats. They disap- 
 proved of war under any and all circumstances 
 and of many other practices which, though sanc- 
 tioned by authority, appeared to them opposed 
 to the spirit of Christianity. 
 
 But the essential point of difference between 
 the Quakers and most religious organizations 
 of their time Is that while the others invaria- 
 bly attempted, as soon as they became strong 
 enough, to force their doctrines and practices 
 upon the rest of the community, the Quakers 
 showed no desire to Interfere with the rights 
 of those who differed from them in belief. 
 The Quaker spirit of independence was resented 
 by the Established Church, which persecuted 
 
40 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 the Friends, as It had the Puritans and the 
 Separatists, with great severity. 
 
 Among the converts to Quakerism was Will- 
 iam Penn, a young man twenty years of age, the 
 son of an admiral In the British Navy. He was 
 wealthy, educated, refined, and Intelligent, far 
 above his spiritual mentors In social rank. The 
 University of Oxford promptly expelled him 
 from Its roll of students for refusing to attend 
 the services of the Church of England. His 
 father sent him abroad in the hope that the gay 
 life of Paris would cure his son of his Quaker 
 ideas. But the young man returned more than 
 ever convinced of their truth, and wrote many 
 pamphlets In defence of Quaker beliefs, for 
 which he suffered Imprisonment four times. 
 
 In 1670 Admiral Penn died. During his life- 
 time he had loaned the king, Charles II, a great 
 deal of money, which his Majesty had never 
 taken the trouble to repay. William Penn, hav- 
 ing in mind the purpose of founding In America 
 a colony where all Christians might dwell to- 
 gether on the basis of the Golden Rule, signified 
 his willingness, as the heir, to receive instead of 
 cash a tract of land in full discharge of the debt 
 due the paternal creditor. The king was glad to 
 get oft so easily, for he had extravagant habits 
 
THE MIDDLE COLONIES, 1664-81 41 
 
 and required all his money for personal pleas- 
 ures. 
 
 In 1 68 1 a charter was given to William Penn 
 conveying to him a vast estate in America and 
 making him the " true and absolute proprietary 
 of the country," with power to enact laws, create 
 courts, and appoint judges. 
 
 Penn at once sent out several hundred emi- 
 grants to Pennsylvania, and the next year he him- 
 self followed with nearly a hundred Quakers. 
 
 Although Penn had received his province in 
 legal form from the king he chose to consider 
 the rights of the red men. Shortly after his 
 arrival he met the Indians in council under a 
 large elm-tree, and there bought the land from 
 them on their own terms. A treaty of friend- 
 ship was made between the Indians and the pro- 
 prietor, which remained unbroken as long as the 
 Quakers held control of Pennsylvania. 
 
 William Penn was not ambitious for personal 
 power or distinction. His sole design was to 
 found a commonwealth where all Christians of 
 whatever sect could dwell together in peace. In 
 order to insure the largest measure of freedom 
 for the people of Pennsylvania he drew up the 
 " Frame of Government," by which he volun- 
 tarily limited forever both his own power and 
 
42 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 that of the proprietors who should succeed 
 him. " I propose," said he, " to leave myself 
 and my successors no power of doing mischief; 
 so that the will of one man may not hinder the 
 good of the whole country." It granted liberty 
 of conscience to all who believed in one Almighty 
 God, but limited the right to vote and to hold 
 office to those who professed some form of Prot- 
 estant Christianity. The influence of the Frame 
 of Government may be seen in the four subse- 
 quent constitutions of the State of Pennsylvania, 
 in the constitutions of other States, and to some 
 extent In the Federal Constitution Itself. 
 
 Philadelphia was founded in 1682. The 
 name Is of Greek derivation, signifying " broth- 
 erly love," and well Illustrates the liberal prin- 
 ciples which inspired the acts of William Penn 
 and his Quaker followers. Pennsylvania was 
 the freest, the most democratic, the most pros- 
 perous colony in America. Philadelphia grew 
 rapidly, and until after the Revolution was the 
 largest and most Important city In the colonies. 
 
 The People. — A colony possessing such ex- 
 traordinary advantages could not fail to attract 
 universal attention. The soil was fertile, the 
 government free, and religious Hberty prevailed. 
 From many lands men and women came to en- 
 
THE MIDDLE COLONIES, 1664-81 43 
 
 joy the benefits of Penn's commonwealth. Vol- 
 taire thought seriously of migrating thither, de- 
 claring that it was " the only place on earth 
 where peace had fled, banished as she was from 
 every other region." 
 
 The first people to settle in Pennsylvania 
 after the Quakers were the Germans. They 
 made very desirable colonists, being honest, in- 
 telligent, thrifty, and peaceable. They were ex- 
 cellent farmers and business men. Some of 
 them owned printing establishments and pub- 
 lished books and periodicals. The first Bible 
 printed In the United States In a civilized lan- 
 guage was a German Bible issued by a German- 
 town publisher in 1743, thirty-nine years before 
 the first English Bible was printed In any British 
 colony. 
 
 The Scotch-Irish were people of Scotch de- 
 scent living in the north of Ireland. They were 
 Presbyterian in faith, and came to America soon 
 after the Quakers to escape the Intolerant treat- 
 ment of the Church of England. Being of 
 aggressive temperament, fond of danger and ex- 
 citement, they settled on the frontier. They be- 
 lieved that the best way to deal with the Indians 
 was to fight them, not to adopt the friendly fash- 
 ion of the Quakers. At least seven presidents 
 
44 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 of the United States have been of Scotch-Irish 
 descent. 
 
 Besides the English, Germans, and Scotch- 
 Irish there were Dutch, French Huguenots, and 
 Welshman, and in the Wyoming Valley a con- 
 siderable number of New Englanders. As the 
 years passed foreign immigration continued to 
 increase. At the outbreak of the Revolutionary 
 War Pennsylvania had a larger variety of na- 
 tionalities than was to be found in any other col- 
 ony. Notwithstanding the diversity of race, lan- 
 guage, and religion the people lived together in 
 harmony and good-will. The very fact that 
 there were so many nationalities and religious 
 sects made it impossible for any one of them to 
 frame or administer laws in its own behalf or 
 to tyrannize over the others. 
 
 It is worthy of note that the first organized 
 protest against slavery was uttered in a paper 
 drawn up by the Mennonites of Germantown in 
 1688. At a later date (1776) the Pennsylvania 
 Quakers ordered all members of their society to 
 free their slaves. It was largely due to the de- 
 termined stand of the Quakers that the first 
 emancipation act in the history of the world — 
 so far as African slavery is concerned — was 
 passed by the Pennsylvania Legislature in 1780. 
 
THE MIDDLE COLONIES, 1664-81 45 
 
 Pennsylvania remained under the proprietary 
 government of the Penn family until the Revo- 
 lutionary War, when the State purchased the In- 
 terests of the heirs. 
 
 Delaware — the " Territories of Pennsylvania " 
 (1682). — In 1638 the Swedes, desiring to get a 
 foothold in North America, made a settlement 
 on the site of the present city of Wilmington, 
 Del., and claimed an extensive area which they 
 called New Sweden. In 1655 ^^^ Dutch con- 
 quered New Sweden, which then became a part 
 of New Netherland. When New Netherland 
 was annexed by the Enghsh, Delaware became 
 a part of New York. 
 
 In 1682 William Penn, desiring to obtain for 
 his province a frontage on the Atlantic, pur- 
 chased the *' Three Counties," as Delaware was 
 then called, and annexed them to Pennsylvania 
 under the name of the " Territories of Pennsyl- 
 vania." The people were granted a liberal 
 charter similar to the Frame of Government, 
 but acknowledged the same executive head. The 
 " Territories " continued to be a part of the 
 province of Pennsylvania until 1776, when they 
 declared their independence and entered Into a 
 separate political existence as the State of Dela- 
 ware. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 
 
 THE French and Indian War was sim- 
 ply a phase of the great Seven Years* 
 War, which Involved most of the na- 
 tions of Europe from 1756 to 1763 and In 
 which France and England played leading parts 
 on opposite sides. As between these two na- 
 tions, the field of strife Included not only Eu- 
 rope, but America and distant India. That part 
 of the struggle which took place In America we 
 call the French and Indian War, because the 
 Indians as a general rule allied themselves with 
 the French. But the Indians played a second- 
 ary part. It was a conflict for the control of 
 North America between two great empires rep- 
 resenting opposite principles of social organiza- 
 tion, of government, and of religion. 
 
 England and France had been enemies for 
 many centuries. Before the Seven Years' War 
 they had fought for the possession of American 
 territory. From 1689 to 1748 there were three 
 
 46 
 
THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 47 
 
 European wars between these nations, and each 
 had Its counterpart In America. In 17 13 
 France surrendered Acadia (Nova Scotia), 
 Newfoundland, and Hudson Bay to England. 
 
 These colonial wars are known as King Will- 
 iam's, Queen Anne's, and King George's wars, 
 deriving their names from the sovereigns of 
 England during whose reigns they took place. 
 They were merely forerunners of the great de- 
 cisive struggle which was to determine whether 
 the future civilization of America would be Eng- 
 lish or French. 
 
 It was after the close of King George's War 
 that the tragic expulsion of the Acadlans oc- 
 curred. When Great Britain acquired Nova 
 Scotia In 1 7 13 the French Inhabitants refused to 
 take the oath of allegiance to their conquerors. 
 They were a peaceful and contented people 
 who lived quite apart from the rest of the world. 
 After forty years of British rule they still re- 
 tained their French language and customs. Al- 
 though taking no part In the wars they were ac- 
 cused by the British of fostering hostility to the 
 Government. In 1755 by a merciless decree of 
 the King of England the Acadlans were torn 
 from their homes and forcibly deported to dis- 
 tant parts, while their lands were confiscated by 
 
48 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 the Government. Many escaped, but more than 
 six thousand were scattered throughout the Eng- 
 lish colonies. Some made their way to Louisi- 
 ana, where their descendants are still to be 
 found. Longfellow has Immortalized the mem- 
 ory of the Acadians In " Evangeline," a poem 
 based upon a romantic episode of the expulsion. 
 
 Differences in French and English Character. — 
 From every point of view the French and Eng- 
 lish colonists of America differed widely from 
 each other. The English came here to cultivate 
 farms, to develop the country, and to enjoy civil 
 and religious liberty. They were independent 
 and self-reliant. For a long time the mother- 
 country exercised but slight control over her 
 colonists, allowing them to work out their des- 
 tiny in their own way. 
 
 France, on the contrary, never permitted her 
 colonial subjects to manage their own affairs. 
 Self-government never developed among the 
 French in America, nor did they strike their 
 roots deep in the soil as did the English. The 
 French colonists were for the most part fur- 
 traders, soldiers looking for military laurels, 
 and missionaries trying to convert the In- 
 dians, and adopting many of the Indian modes 
 of life In order to succeed. 
 
THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 49 
 
 France had many forts, but few settlements; 
 England many settlements, but few forts. 
 France stood for absolute monarchy, Roman 
 Catholicism, and military ideals; England for 
 limited monarchy. Protestantism, self-govern- 
 ment, commerce, and agriculture. Whether 
 America should develop along French or Eng- 
 lish lines could be determined only on the field 
 of battle. 
 
 The French and English also differed In their 
 treatment of the Indians. The English looked 
 upon the red men as natural enemies who had 
 no rights to life or property. The generous and 
 humane treatment of the Indians by the Penn- 
 sylvania Quakers is In striking contrast to the 
 cruel policy pursued by the majority of English 
 colonists. 
 
 The French, who were just and merciful, 
 pursued the opposite course. French trappers 
 and hunters adopted Indian dress and married 
 Indian wives. French priests converted the red 
 men to the Catholic religion. When the strug- 
 gle broke out between the English and the 
 French the Indians naturally took the side of 
 their friends, not knowing or caring about the 
 deeper issues at stake. Only the Iroquois fed- 
 eration of New York, known as the " Six Na- 
 
50 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 tions," favored the English. Their sympathetic 
 attitude Is chiefly to be accounted for on the 
 basis of their traditionary and Inveterate hatred 
 for the Algonquin division of their race, which 
 had allied Itself with the French. 
 
 The Growth of French Dominion. — We have 
 already seen that the French gained their first 
 American foothold In Canada. Among the most 
 serviceable of the French explorers were the 
 Jesuit missionaries, self-sacrificing, courageous 
 priests who were sent out by the Church of 
 Rome to Christianize the Indians. The names 
 of Joliet and Marquette, who risked death and 
 torture to carry the gospel to the savages, are 
 honored alike in the history of America, of 
 France, and of the Christian Church. 
 
 In 1682 Robert Cavalier, Sleur de la Salle, 
 floated down the Mississippi River and claimed 
 the Immense valley between the Alleghany and 
 the Rocky Mountains In the name of the King 
 of France. Throughout this region the French 
 established forts and trading stations. Many of 
 the great cities of the South and of the Middle 
 West started in this way. Detroit was founded 
 in 1 70 1, Mobile in 1706, and New Orleans in 
 1 7 1 8 as military and trading posts. These forts 
 were of great advantage, because In case of war 
 
THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 51 
 
 with England they would enable the French to 
 control the Mississippi Valley. 
 
 For many years there were no contentions 
 between the English and French settlers. The 
 French confined their efforts to the West and 
 North-west, while the English remained on the 
 seaboard. 
 
 It was inevitable that the French should de- 
 sire to bring Canada and Louisiana, the north- 
 ern and southern extremities of their possessions, 
 as near together as possible. This they at- 
 tempted to do by making a chain of about sixty 
 forts between the St. Lawrence River and New 
 Orleans. At the same time the English, feeling 
 cramped in their narrow strip of territory east 
 of the Alleghanies, turned their eyes to the West 
 and realized for the first time the dangerous 
 proximity of the French. 
 
 The Final Conflict.— In 1754 the French, reso- 
 lute in their purpose to keep the English from 
 crossing the mountains, built Fort Duquesne 
 on the site of the present city of Pittsburgh. 
 This was the signal for war. The next year the 
 British Government sent over a small army un- 
 der the command of General Braddock to drive 
 the French out of the West. General Braddock 
 was a brave officer, but unused to Indian meth- 
 
52 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 ods of warfare. He had had plenty of experi- 
 ence on European battle-fields, where armies 
 fought In full view of each other on open plains. 
 But the Indians hid behind rocks and trees. 
 They were sure marksmen, and while they 
 brought down their foe at every shot they them- 
 selves could not be seen. 
 
 General Braddock marched against Fort Du- 
 quesne, but was attacked near the Monongahela 
 River by the French and their Indian allies. 
 The British were routed and General Braddock 
 was slain. Had It not been for the cool hero- 
 Ism of George Washington, then twenty-three 
 years old and a member of Braddock's staff, 
 hardly a man In the British Army would have 
 been left alive. 
 
 Comparison of Military Strength. — At the out- 
 break of the war the French colonists numbered 
 about sixty thousand. The English colonial 
 population was nearly a million and a half. But 
 if the French were Inferior in point of numbers, 
 they possessed certain advantages over their op- 
 ponents. Canada, the French stronghold, was 
 well adapted by nature for defence. It could 
 be reached only by way of Lake Champlain or 
 the St. Lawrence River, both of which were con- 
 trolled by the French. Canada was governed 
 
THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 53 
 
 as a single great colony directly by the King of 
 France, who provided men and money to carry 
 on the war. This enabled the French to make 
 rapid military movements without having to 
 wait for the slow discussions and tardy support 
 of legislatures. 
 
 The English, who were largely self-govern- 
 ing, to a great extent provided for their own 
 needs. They were obliged to wait until their 
 colonial assemblies would vote men and sup- 
 plies, which was seldom promptly done, the 
 jealousies of colonial governments preventing 
 swift and united action. 
 
 The French had abler generals at first than 
 the English and vast numbers of Indian allies. 
 For three years the French were victorious. 
 But when in 1757 William Pitt was placed at 
 the head of affairs in England the fortune of 
 war turned in favor of British arms. Incom- 
 petent generals were replaced by good ones, 
 and one after another the French forts fell 
 into English hands. Fort Duquesne was taken 
 in 1758, and renamed Pittsburgh in honor 
 of William Pitt. The expulsion of the 
 French from Pennsylvania threw open to Eng- 
 lish settlement the region beyond the Alle- 
 ghanies. 
 
54 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 The Fall of Louisburg and Quebec. — After 
 Queen Anne's War, when the French lost 
 so much territory in the north, they determined 
 to guard the St. Lawrence Valley against the 
 future by constructing the fortress of Louis- 
 burg on Cape Breton Island. It was twenty 
 years In building, its walls were two miles and a 
 half In circumference, and it was regarded as 
 Impregnable. Nevertheless Louisburg was 
 taken by New England troops in 1745, after a 
 six weeks' siege, though It was ceded back to 
 France In 1748. Ten years later It again suc- 
 cumbed to English prowess at the hands of Gen- 
 eral Amherst and General James Wolfe — the 
 latter perhaps the most brilliant soldier In the 
 military history of England, and but thirty-one 
 years of age. 
 
 On the morning of September 13, 1759, eight 
 thousand French-Canadian soldiers in the for- 
 tress of Quebec awoke and saw confronting 
 them, on the Plains of Abraham outside the city 
 walls, an English army of about four thousand. 
 It was commanded by this same General James 
 Wolfe. In the darkness of the night the Eng- 
 lish troops had climbed a precipice three hun- 
 dred feet high, dragging their artillery after 
 them. The Marquis de Montcalm, the French 
 
THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 55 
 
 commander, was a skilful general and a gallant 
 man, but he could not save Quebec. In the bat- 
 tle which followed both Wolfe and Montcalm 
 were killed. As General Wolfe was dying some 
 one told him that the victory was won. He 
 replied: "Now God be praised! I die In 
 peace.'* 
 
 Montcalm paid his conqueror the tribute 
 of a brave man. " Since It Is my misfortune 
 to be discomfited and mortally wounded," said 
 he, " It Is a great consolation to me to have been 
 vanquished by so brave an enemy. If I could 
 survive, I would engage to beat three times the 
 number of such forces as mine were with one- 
 third the number of British troops." When 
 told that he must die, he answered: " It is well: 
 I shall not live to see the surrender of Quebec." 
 The inferiority of Montcalm's army was due to 
 the large percentage of Indians and untrained 
 Canadians. 
 
 The fall of Montreal In 1760 practically 
 ended the war in America, although the Euro- 
 pean struggle continued three years longer. 
 
 Results of the English Conquest. — By the treaty 
 of peace signed at Paris In 1763 France surren- 
 dered to England all of Canada and the country 
 east of the Mississippi River. All the French 
 
56 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 territory west of the Mississippi, together 
 with New Orleans, was ceded to Spain, which 
 had been an ally of France in the European war. 
 France retained some of the West Indies and 
 two small islands in the St. Lawrence. The 
 French inhabitants of Canada were allowed to 
 retain the Catholic religion. 
 
 The victory over France was the triumph of a 
 strong, sturdy, self-reliant people. It deter- 
 mined that Anglo-Saxon institutions and Anglo- 
 Saxon ideas of self-government should hence- 
 forth prevail in America instead of the French 
 idea of submission to the will of an absolute 
 king. 
 
 English settlers could now push their way 
 across the Alleghanies to the Mississippi, build 
 towns and engage in commerce and agriculture 
 in comparative safety. 
 
 Another important result of the war was to 
 loosen the tie that bound the colonies to the 
 mother-country. British successes throughout 
 the entire series of four international struggles 
 had been mainly due to colonial money and to 
 the efficiency of colonial troops. The knowl- 
 edge of this fact gave the colonists a feeling of 
 increased strength and independence. They had 
 come Into close contact with each other and they 
 
THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 57 
 
 began to feel like Americans rather than 
 Englishmen. The French and Indian War 
 was the practical training school of many 
 of the generals who a few years later were 
 to fight to victorious issue the battles of the 
 Revolution. 
 
 The Conspiracy of Pontiac. — No sooner was 
 peace concluded between England and France 
 than the former Indian allies of the French cre- 
 ated trouble for their new masters. 
 
 The English made no effort to gain the good- 
 will of the red men, but treated them with un- 
 disguised contempt. The proud-spirited Indians 
 resented this, and secretly encouraged by the 
 French plotted to overthrow the English power. 
 A conspiracy was formed among many tribes to 
 massacre all the English garrisons and settlers 
 of the Great Lakes region and the frontiers of 
 Pennsylvania and Virginia. The head of the 
 conspiracy was Pontiac, probably the greatest of 
 all the Indian chiefs in point of talent and native 
 virtues. The plot was managed with great 
 adroitness. So well-timed was it that every Eng- 
 lish garrison was attacked on the same day, and 
 all but three were taken. The war continued 
 with interruptions for three years, but in the end 
 the Indians yielded. The failure of the con- 
 
58 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 spiracy of Pontlac broke the backbone of Indian 
 resistance forever. There have been many Ind- 
 ian wars since then, but none ever again seri- 
 ously threatened the supremacy of the white 
 race. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 THE COLONIES IN THE EIGHTEENTH CEN- 
 TURY 
 
 ONE very important consequence of the 
 French and Indian War, as we have 
 already noted, was to diminish the 
 colonial sense of dependence upon Great Britain. 
 The colonists for the first time realized their 
 own strength and began to regard themselves 
 as Americans, not merely as transplanted Brit- 
 ons. The growth of this sentiment was aided 
 by the physical distance separating England and 
 America, and by the fact that the real interests 
 of the colonists centred on this side of the ocean. 
 But the term American did not have the large 
 meaning then that it possesses to-day. To be 
 an American in this age means to be a citizen of 
 the United States, Irrespective of State or sec- 
 tion. In the eighteenth century an American 
 was simply a Pennsylvanian, a Virginian, a New 
 Englander, or some other provincial, nothing 
 more. The various sections differed from each 
 
 59 
 
6o BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 other In climate, In occupation, In social customs 
 and Ideals. The fact that there were no rail- 
 roads or other facilities for communication 
 tended to perpetuate some of these differences. 
 It was not until long after the great Civil War 
 that the United States became a truly compact 
 and fraternal nation. 
 
 Although the colonies were dissimilar In 
 minor respects, In serious and fundamental 
 things they had much In common. They were 
 Inspired by the same spirit of progress, and In 
 particular they cherished the principle of repre- 
 sentative government In contrast to the aristo- 
 cratic and monarchical Ideas of the Old World. 
 The people of England had more of the spirit 
 and Institutions of democracy than the people of 
 continental Europe, but far less than the Ameri- 
 cans. 
 
 The total population of the thirteen colonies 
 In 1760 was something over a million and a 
 half, about equally divided by Mason and 
 Dixon's line.* 
 
 * The charter of William Penn fixed the fortieth degree 
 north latitude as the southern boundary of Pennsylvania, 
 thus excluding Philadelphia and shutting the colony en- 
 tirely off from the Delaware Bay. As this was evidently 
 not the intent of the charter Penn claimed a portion of 
 Maryland as his rightful property. After a long dispute 
 
THE COLONIES 6i 
 
 The Soutnem Colonies. — Agriculture was the 
 chief employment of the people of the South; 
 consequently country life greatly predominated 
 over town life, and social Interests centred In 
 the plantations. Baltimore and Charleston were 
 the only Southern cities of size and importance. 
 Maryland and Virginia raised large quantities 
 of tobacco, which they exported to London, 
 while South Carolina was devoted to the culti- 
 vation of rice and Indigo. 
 
 The population of the Southern colonies com- 
 prised three elements : the planters, the negroes, 
 and the '* poor whites." The planters domi- 
 nated both the social and the political life of 
 their section. Many of them were descended 
 from the Cavaliers, who fled to America In the 
 previous century when the Stuart line of kings 
 was expelled and the Puritans ruled England. 
 The planters were a rich, intelligent, and honor- 
 able class who gave to our country some of its 
 best and wisest men. They lived in large, 
 square frame or brick mansions, surrounded by 
 
 the heirs of Penn and those of Lord Baltimore agreed to 
 make a new boundary. The line was drawn by Charles 
 Mason and Jeremiah Dixon, two English surveyors, and 
 has ever since been known as Mason and Dixon's line. It 
 is the conventional line of division between the North and 
 the South. 
 
62 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 well-kept acres, and dispensed a generous hos- 
 pitality both to their neighbors and to the stran- 
 ger who passed their way. 
 
 The negroes dwelt at some distance" from the 
 mansion in small cabins, which were known as 
 the " servants' quarters." As a rule they were 
 well cared for and their condition was a happy 
 one, except in the rice-swamps of the far South, 
 where their labor was especially arduous and 
 their treatment severe. The ownership of 
 slaves, together with his superior Importance in 
 the community, made the planter haughty and 
 imperious to those who were his Inferiors in 
 rank and condition. But It also gave him a 
 feeling of responsibility for the welfare of those 
 who were dependent upon him, and developed 
 some worthy moral qualities In his nature. 
 
 A species of white slavery also existed In some 
 of the colonies. A favorite policy of the Brit- 
 ish Government was to transport large numbers 
 of convicts to America, where they were bound 
 out to service for long periods of time. Most 
 of them were sent to Maryland and Virginia, 
 whose people protested strongly against receiv- 
 ing them. 
 
 Many of the voluntary Immigrants were too 
 poor to pay for their passage. Such persons 
 
THE COLONIES 63 
 
 were met on their arrival by individual colonists 
 who paid the master of the ship his transporta- 
 tion charges. In return the immigrants bound 
 themselves to work for their benefactors with- 
 out pay, generally for a period of two years, at 
 the expiration of which they were given their 
 freedom. They were known as " redemption- 
 ers." This sort of white servitude existed prin- 
 cipally in the South, but to some extent in Penn- 
 sylvania. The redemptioners in course of time 
 found their way into the substantial and pros- 
 perous middle class. Many married Into fam- 
 ilies with w^hich they lived. One signed the Dec- 
 laration of Independence. 
 
 The Church of England was established by 
 law in Maryland, Virginia, and the CaroHnas. 
 In Maryland the Roman Catholics had been 
 driven out by the Protestants, and all tax-payers 
 were compelled to contribute to the support of 
 the Episcopal clergy, who were more noted for 
 their horse-racing and gambling than for their 
 piety. After the Revolution other denomina- 
 tions multiplied rapidly throughout the South. 
 At the outbreak of the Revolution the College 
 of William and Mary was the only Institution 
 of higher learning from Maryland to Georgia, 
 and that was patronized only by the rich. Law- 
 
64 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 yers were an influential element of Southern 
 society. They were usually the younger sons of 
 wealthy planters. 
 
 New England. — New England offered a 
 marked contrast in some respects to the Southern 
 colonies. Instead of living far apart on great 
 plantations the New England people dwelt In 
 towns, which were many and prosperous. The 
 poor quality of the soil made agriculture less 
 productive than In the more fertile regions of the 
 West and South. Many persons were therefore 
 compelled to engage in trade, fishing, and me- 
 chanical pursuits for support. Thus the nature 
 of their employment made it necessary for the 
 people to live in communities. Then, too, the 
 constant peril of Indian attacks In earlier times, 
 together with the fact that religious associa- 
 tion was a prime duty with the Puritans, gave 
 town life an inevitable ascendancy over country 
 life. 
 
 Massachusetts and Rhode Island manufact- 
 ured considerable quantities of coarse cloth for 
 home use. The many swift streams furnished 
 abundant water-power for mills and factories. 
 There was a great deal of ship-bullding and a 
 large miscellaneous commerce with the West 
 Indies and Southern Europe. The foundation 
 
THE COLONIES 65 
 
 of the present varied Industrial life of New 
 England was laid back in the seventeenth and 
 eighteenth centuries. 
 
 Slavery existed to a limited extent. There 
 was no opposition to it on moral grounds, such 
 as arose a century later. New England ship- 
 owners who were deacons in the church thought 
 it no sin to engage in the African slave-trade. 
 The failure of slavery to take root in New Eng- 
 land was due partly to the rigor of the climate, 
 but chiefly to the fact that slave-labor was not 
 adapted to the pursuits of that section. 
 
 Class distinctions were not so sharply drawn 
 as in the South, and extremes of wealth and pov- 
 erty were not so marked. But it would be a mis- 
 take to suppose that there was no aristocracy. 
 There is an aristocracy In every community, a 
 class of citizens whose superiority is commonly 
 conceded. In New England this aristocratic ele- 
 ment consisted of the clergy, the merchants, the 
 magistrates, and the school-teachers. Unlike 
 the Southern planters, however, they did not have 
 a monopoly in government. Political power in 
 New England was shared by the people. 
 
 The Congregational Church was established 
 by law In every colony, except Rhode Island, in 
 about the same degree that the Church of Eng- 
 
66 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 land was established in the South. It continued 
 to be supported by public taxes in Massa- 
 chusetts and Connecticut as late as the nine- 
 teenth century. Education went hand in hand 
 with religion. Harvard, Yale, and Brown were 
 flourishing institutions when the Revolution 
 broke out. 
 
 The Middle Colonies. — The population of New 
 England and the South was mainly of English 
 stock, but that of the Middle colonies included 
 many nationalities. Democratic sentiment was 
 wide-spread and deeply rooted, especially in 
 Pennsylvania, which had a more nearly equal 
 distribution of wealth than any other colony 
 North or South. The Quakers came the near- 
 est to constituting an aristocratic class in Penn- 
 sylvania. New York had a very real aristocracy 
 in the Dutch Knickerbocker families who were 
 descended from the early patroons. Slavery 
 existed to a greater extent in the Middle colonies 
 than in New England, but it was not a vital 
 part of the industrial system except in Dela- 
 ware. 
 
 The people derived their support mainly 
 from agriculture. The farms of eastern Penn- 
 sylvania were the richest to be found in the entire 
 country. In this colony manufacturing had also 
 
THE COLONIES 67 
 
 begun, giving promise of that vast development 
 which it was to attain In the future. The iron 
 mines of Pennsylvania were opened in 1720. 
 By the middle of the century large quantities of 
 this ore were exported to England. New York 
 and Philadelphia were the centres of a large ex- 
 port trade in grain, flour, and furs with Europe 
 and the West Indies. 
 
 The Church of England was established in all 
 the Middle colonies save Pennsylvania, where 
 religious freedom was permitted every one, even 
 Roman Catholics who were proscribed and penal- 
 ized elsewhere. Popular education was generally 
 neglected in the Middle colonies owing to the 
 unwillingness of the Church of England author- 
 ities to intrust it to those who were not of their 
 faith. The Quakers, Germans, and Moravians 
 had a few excellent private schools In the larger 
 towns of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and 
 there were several institutions of higher grade 
 that have since become widely celebrated. The 
 University of Pennsylvania was founded in 
 1740, and soon took equal rank with the older 
 colleges of New England. Unlike them its pur- 
 pose was not to train the clergy, but to provide a 
 liberal education for all the youth of the prov- 
 ince who might choose to attend. It was the 
 
68 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 first collegiate Institution In America which was 
 not sectarian In Its origin, and the first to offer 
 courses of study In law, medicine, and science. 
 King's College, now Columbia University, and 
 the College of New Jersey, at Princeton, were 
 founded a few years later. 
 
 The Crudity of Colonial Life. — The most no- 
 ticeable feature of American life In the eigh- 
 teenth century as compared with our own times 
 is the entire absence one hundred and fifty years 
 ago of many things which we of to-day regard 
 as indispensable to safety, convenience, and pros- 
 perity. The great Inventions, the amazing In- 
 crease of scientific knowledge, the general util- 
 ization of natural forces to do the physical work 
 of the world, these are In the main the contribu- 
 tions of the nineteenth century to the comfort 
 and advancement of mankind. 
 
 The American of the eighteenth century trav- 
 elled as the world had travelled for thousands 
 of years, the only difference being a greater in- 
 convenience Incidental to the crude and unsettled 
 condition of America. Land travel was either 
 by horseback or by stage-coach. Frequently a 
 wife rode behind her husband on the same steed. 
 Stage-coaches were uncomfortable affairs, hav- 
 ing no springs and frequently no backs to the 
 
THE COLONIES 69 
 
 seats. Roads were usually bad ; some towns had 
 none, but used the old Indian trails. The best 
 roads were to be found In Pennsylvania. There 
 were few bridges; rivers had to be forded or 
 crossed on improvised and dangerous rafts. To 
 go from New York to Philadelphia by stage- 
 coach required two or three days, and from New 
 York to Boston six. Travel by slow sailing- 
 vessel on river, lake, and coast was safe and 
 agreeable compared to the vicissitudes of the 
 stage-coach. The majority of people obviated 
 the inconvenience and expense of travel by re- 
 maining at home all their lives. 
 
 Mails were few and Irregular. In 1775 
 there were only thirty-seven weekly newspapers 
 m the whole country and no dallies. These 
 journals were poorly printed and contained very 
 meagre and aged news accounts, being chiefly 
 filled with miscellaneous matter, such as poetry, 
 sermons, political essays, and local advertise- 
 ments. 
 
 Physicians were persons of dignity and im- 
 portance, but of very limited professional knowl- 
 edge. They administered remedies made of bit- 
 ter herbs and curious compounds which would 
 astonish the practitioner of to-day. No matter 
 what the disease might be, their usual practice 
 
70 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 was to bleed the patient. Sometimes a quart or 
 more of blood was drawn from a sick person 
 on the supposition that such treatment was bene- 
 ficial. Washington died from loss of blood 
 drawn by his physician to cure laryngitis. 
 Philadelphia was far In advance of all other 
 colonial towns and cities In medical learning — 
 a distinction which to a less degree It may still 
 be said to retain. The University of Pennsyl- 
 vania was the pioneer In the systematic study of 
 medicine. Lectures in this subject were given as 
 early as 1762, and In 1765 a special department 
 was organized. Young doctors In other parts 
 of the country equipped themselves for general 
 practice by serving a brief apprenticeship In the 
 offices of older physicians, and then went out 
 with drugs and scalpel to prey upon the com- 
 munity. 
 
 Government. — The most striking fact In the 
 political history of the colonies up to the middle 
 of the eighteenth century Is their unusual degree, 
 of freedom from British control. The self-gov- 
 ernment of the thirteen British dependencies 
 offers a sharp contrast to the minute and strict 
 supervision which France exercised over Canada 
 and to the general colonial policy of the nations 
 of that day. 
 
THE COLONIES 71 
 
 One reason for this extraordinary liberality 
 was the necessity which the British Govern- 
 ment early realized of Insuring the good-will 
 of the colonists as a guarantee of protection 
 against the French. Another reason perhaps 
 was the feeling of relief experienced by the 
 home authorities at getting rid of the Puritans, 
 the Quakers, and the Roman Catholics so easily 
 and so cheaply. Connecticut and Rhode Island 
 in particular had a larger measure of Inde- 
 pendence than Is enjoyed by any colony In the 
 British Empire at the present day. They elected 
 their own governors and had all the powers of 
 sovereignty except the right to make treaties 
 with foreign nations. So liberal were their 
 charters that these Instruments continued In use 
 as State constitutions until 18 18 and 1842 re- 
 spectively. 
 
 In the case of the other eleven colonies the 
 governors were appointed by the king or, as in 
 Pennsylvania and Maryland, by the proprietors. 
 These governors had extensive military and civil 
 powers, but no control over the public treasury, 
 that being completely In the hands of the as- 
 semblies, which were everywhere elected by 
 the people. The governors and the colon- 
 ial legislatures engaged in frequent quarrels, 
 
72 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 but as the assemblies held the public purse 
 the people through their representatives usually 
 won. 
 
 Although the governors had the power of 
 veto they seldom dared use it, for if they did 
 the assemblies were almost certain to retaliate 
 by withholding their salaries. The same meas- 
 ure of coercion was also applied to the judges, 
 who like the governors were appointed by the 
 king or the proprietor. A New York judge 
 who gave a decision against a member of the 
 legislature was promptly punished by having 
 his salary reduced. The fact that all colonial 
 officials, whether elected or appointed, depended 
 for their salaries upon the legislatures consti- 
 tuted a most effective weapon In the hands of 
 the people, who were thus practically Indepen- 
 dent of external control. 
 
 The franchise was restricted in every colony 
 by property qualifications and religious tests, 
 even in Pennsylvania and Rhode Island, which 
 were noted above the rest for their liberality. 
 
 Town and County. — In New England, where 
 the people were grouped In communities, the 
 town naturally became the political unit. All 
 local questions were decided In " town-meeting,'* 
 which met several times each year and where 
 
THE COLONIES 73 
 
 discussion was open to any voter. The town- 
 meeting proved an excellent political training 
 school. Here the people learned the art of de- 
 bate and acquired an experience In public affairs 
 which has contributed largely to the success 
 of the democratic principle of government In 
 America. 
 
 In the South, where towns were few, the 
 county was the unit. As a general rule county 
 officers were not elected, but were appointed by 
 the governors from the class of planters and 
 lawyers. From this practice It resulted that only 
 a few became proficient In the science of gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 The Middle colonies contained numerous 
 trading towns and large agricultural regions. 
 Hence we find a mixed type bearing resem- 
 blances to both the town and county systems. In 
 Pennsylvania county officers were elected by the 
 people, while in New York the affairs of the 
 county were managed by a board of supervisors 
 who were chosen by the towns. 
 
 These local systems have been extended west- 
 ward by migration along parallels of latitude. 
 Kentucky was settled by Virginians, who estab- 
 lished in their new homes the county system. In 
 northern Ohio, which was peopled chiefly by 
 
74 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 New Englanders, the town became the political 
 unit; while southern Ohio, settled by Pennsyl- 
 vanians, adopted that variety of the mixed type 
 which prevailed In the locality whence the immi- 
 grants came. 
 
T^ 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION 
 
 HE French and Indian War by remov- 
 ■ Ing the only rival that threatened 
 
 British dominion In America enabled 
 England to turn her undivided attention to 
 the Internal affairs of her colonies, which had 
 so long enjoyed Immunity from Interference. 
 From 1763 until the outbreak of the Revolution 
 the British Government tried by a continuous 
 abridgment of their political and commercial 
 privileges to gain a firmer hold of Its American 
 possessions. 
 
 At that time all nations held the theory that 
 colonies existed for the sole benefit of the parent 
 state. That they had rights which the mother- 
 country was bound to respect was not recognized 
 by the governments of Europe. While England 
 held this view In common with other nations, 
 unlike them she had never acted upon It, but had, 
 as we have already seen, allowed her colonies 
 to develop about as they pleased. The unfortu- 
 
 75 
 
76 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 nate change in her colonial policy was chiefly the 
 work of the king, George III, who was deter- 
 mined to exercise a larger measure of royal au- 
 thority than the Constitution of England sanc- 
 tioned or than his talents fitted him for. He 
 was seconded by incapable advisers and by Par- 
 liament, which was singularly blind to true 
 British interests. 
 
 The Navigation Acts. — The first step in the 
 Government's new policy was to enlarge and 
 strictly enforce the Navigation Acts, a series of 
 laws which had been passed from time to time 
 during the previous hundred years to give Eng- 
 land a monopoly of colonial trade by limiting 
 manufactures and forbidding commerce with 
 other countries. 
 
 The way in which the mother-country ex- 
 pected to derive benefit from this measure was 
 by having all colonial products which were 
 intended for European countries shipped to 
 England first, to be resold to foreign dealers 
 by English merchants, who would thus make a 
 profit. 
 
 As the Navigation Acts had been practi- 
 cally ignored by the British authorities them- 
 selves for more than a century, the attempt to 
 revive them and to impose new commercial re- 
 
CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION 77 
 
 strictions upon the colonies at the very moment 
 of their most prosperous development was in- 
 dignantly resented in America. To evade the 
 laws the colonists resorted to smuggling. 
 
 The Sending of British Troops. — It was also 
 determined by the Government to establish a 
 permanent standing army of ten thousand Brit- 
 ish troops in America. The reason alleged was 
 that they were necessary for protection against 
 the Indians. The colonists, however, believed 
 that the real object was to destroy colonial lib- 
 erties. 
 
 Taxation Without Representation. — The third 
 "feature of the Government's programme was its 
 purpose to make the colonies partially defray 
 the expense of maintaining these garrisons by a 
 tax amounting to one-third of their support.*\ It 
 was not the amount of the tax, but the principle 
 that the colonists resented. They thought it un- 
 just that the British Parliament In which they 
 were given no representation should force them 
 to contribute to the maintenance of a foreign 
 army sent to their country with hostile intent in 
 execution of a law which they themselves had no 
 part in framing. 
 
 The Stamp Act and the Quartering Act. — In 
 1764 Parliament enacted that all bills, notes, 
 
78 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 marriage certificates, and other legal instru- 
 ments must be written on paper bearing the Gov- 
 ernment stamp. The revenue derived from the 
 sale of stamps was to be employed in colonial 
 defence. The purpose of the law was not un- 
 usual or tyrannical, but the colonists objected be- 
 cause it was inconsistent with their own practices 
 and conception of liberty. 
 
 The Quartering Act required the colonists to 
 furnish the British troops stationed among them 
 with quarters and provisions. This law was 
 directly opposed to a well-known principle of 
 the British Constitution which the colonists 
 claimed existed for their benefit as well as for 
 that of native-born Englishmen. 
 
 The Colonies Remonstrate. — These acts of 
 Parliament called out strong expressions of dis- 
 sent from some of the colonial legislatures. The 
 Virginia Assembly passed resolutions asserting 
 that it alone had the right to tax the people of 
 Virginia, which right could only be lawfully ex- 
 ercised by the people themselves or by their 
 chosen representatives. 
 
 Massachusetts invited her sister colonies to 
 send delegates to New York to address a remon- 
 strance to the king and Parliament. Nine ac- 
 cepted, and the convention met in October, 
 
CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION 79 
 
 1765. 5n a '' Declaration of the Rights and 
 Grievances of the Colonists in America " it de- 
 nied the right of Parliament to tax the colonies 
 without representation. There was no threat 
 of resistance, but the action of the delegates 
 showed that they were supported by public sen- 
 timent. 
 
 Benjamin Franklin was sent to England to 
 argue the American cause before a committee 
 of Parliament. William Pitt, Earl of Chatham, 
 made a powerful speech against the Stamp Act. 
 The objectionable measure was repealed, but 
 the victory was fruitless, for Parliament still 
 insisted upon the right to tax the colonies with- 
 out their consent. 
 
 The Townshend Act. — In 1767 Parliament 
 passed a new revenue law which imposed a tax 
 upon many articles of common use, including 
 tea. The proceeds of the tax were to pay the 
 salaries of the royal governors and the judges 
 with the object of releasing these officials from 
 the control of colonial legislatures which had 
 long been accustomed to carry their points by 
 the simple expedient of withholding salaries 
 from those who opposed their will. 
 
 The Townshend Act was received with a 
 storm of protest. John Dickinson wrote a series 
 
8o BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 of articles under the caption " Letters of a Penn- 
 sylvania Farmer," which were published In the 
 Pennsylvania Chronicle and circulated through- 
 out the colonies, and even translated Into French 
 and published In Paris. They attacked the posi- 
 tion of Parliament, and had a powerful Influence 
 In preparing the popular mind for armed resist- 
 ance. Led by Massachusetts and Virginia, the 
 colonies joined In an agreement not to purchase 
 any of the articles which were subject to the 
 Townshend duties. This policy proved effectual, 
 and In 1770 all the duties were repealed except 
 the tax on tea. It was an Insubstantial triumph, 
 for Parliament refused to concede the principle 
 for which the colonies contended, but Insisted 
 as before upon Its unlimited right to tax them 
 with or without their consent. 
 
 Opposition Becomes Violent. — The British min- 
 istry continued to Issue orders sure to Irritate a 
 people accustomed to self-government. Numer- 
 ous quarrels in the nature of riots occurred be- 
 tween the British troops and the people. On 
 March 5, 1770, a crowd of citizens In Boston 
 got Into an affray with a British guard. The 
 soldiers fired, killing four and wounding several 
 of the mob. This affair became celebrated as 
 the " Boston Massacre." The royal governor 
 
CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION 8i 
 
 of North Carolina at the head of fifteen hun- 
 dred troops fired upon an assemblage of people 
 who were meeting for an orderly purpose. 
 These incidents created a sensation throughout 
 the country because they showed the peril to 
 popular liberties which was certain to result 
 whenever civil authority was replaced by mili- 
 tary power. 
 
 Late in 1773 ship-loads of tea were sent to 
 various American ports from New Hampshire 
 to South Carolina. Philadelphia ordered the 
 Delaware River pilots not to bring any tea-ships 
 up the river. A vessel that reached Chester 
 was sent back to England. New York, Charles- 
 ton, and other cities took similar action. The 
 tea designed for Massachusetts met with a more 
 spectacular fate. Some of the citizens of Bos- 
 ton, disguised as Indians, boarded British ships 
 one night and threw the tea with which they 
 were laden Into the harbor. Such persistent 
 opposition enraged the Government and made 
 it more than ever determined to establish Brit- 
 ish sovereignty In America. 
 
 The " Intolerable Acts." — Massachusetts was 
 particularly violent in resistance to British 
 measures of repression. It had borne the brunt 
 of the French and Indian War, and on that ac- 
 
82 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 count deemed Itself entitled to consideration 
 from the home Government; morever, It had 
 lost many of the powers of sovereignty which 
 had once placed It In the class with Connecticut 
 and Rhode Island, and resentment still rankled 
 In the hearts of Massachusetts patriots. 
 
 Early In 1774 Parliament passed a series of 
 drastic laws directed mainly against Massachu- 
 setts. The first closed the port of Boston to 
 commerce until the town should pay the amount 
 of damage caused by the riots. 
 
 A second greatly extended the power of the 
 crown over the colony by declaring void certain 
 popular provisions of the charter. 
 
 A third provided that officers and soldiers 
 who In resisting riots might render themselves 
 liable to the charge of homicide should be sent 
 to England for trial Instead of being tried In 
 the colonial courts. The Americans believed 
 that this would encourage soldiers to shoot 
 citizens. 
 
 A fourth act provided for the quartering of 
 British troops on the people, and was Intended 
 to establish military despotism In Massachu- 
 setts. 
 
 Finally certain political and religious privi- 
 leges were given to the French Catholics of 
 
CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION 83 
 
 Canada, and territory claimed by Massachu- 
 setts, Connecticut, and Virginia was annexed to 
 the province of Quebec. The purpose of the 
 Government was to satisfy the French Cana- 
 dians, so that they would feel no Inclination to 
 unite with the disaffected colonies. The latter 
 believed that this law Imperilled both Protestant- 
 ism and Anglo-Saxon Ideals and institutions. 
 
 General Gage was appointed by the king 
 Governor of Massachusetts. When he attempt- 
 ed to enforce the " Intolerable Acts " the other 
 colonies rallied to the defence of Massachusetts, 
 feeling that her cause was now their own, as 
 similar legislation might at any time be enacted 
 against them. 
 
 The First Continental Congress. — On Septem- 
 ber 5, 1774, a convention met In Philadelphia 
 which was attended by delegates from every col- 
 ony except Georgia. Some of the most distin- 
 guished men in America were present; among 
 them George Washington, Edmund Randolph, 
 and Patrick Henry from Virginia; John and 
 Samuel Adams from Massachusetts; John Jay 
 from New York, and John Dickinson from 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 A declaration of rights was issued denying 
 the authority of Parliament over the colonies, 
 
84 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 and asserting that the colonial assemblies should 
 legislate for America. Addresses were pre- 
 pared to the king disclaiming any desire for 
 separation from the crown, and to the people 
 of England. The people of Canada were In- 
 vited to join In a protest to Great Britain. It 
 was further agreed to neither Import nor export 
 goods from or to the mother-country or her 
 possessions In the West Indies. Finally the col- 
 onies pledged themselves to support Massachu- 
 setts In case her opposition to the acts of Par- 
 liament Involved her In war with Great Britain. 
 The First Blood of the Revolution.— The 
 high-handed proceedings of General Gage soon 
 Impelled the people of Massachusetts to prepare 
 for armed resistance. A quantity of military 
 stores was secretly deposited at Concord, a small 
 village about twenty miles from Boston. Gen- 
 eral Gage, being apprised of It, sent a detach- 
 ment of troops to seize the stores. As they 
 passed through Lexington In the early morning 
 of April 19, 1775, they encountered one hun- 
 dred Massachusetts militiamen, who during the 
 night had been Informed of the British move- 
 ment. When ordered to disperse, the " embat- 
 tled farmers " refused, whereupon the British 
 opened fire, killing seven and wounding others. 
 
CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION 85 
 
 The troops then proceeded to Concord and de- 
 stroyed the few remaining stores which the citi- 
 zens had not been able to remove. 
 
 Meanwhile the militia swarmed in from the 
 adjacent country, and when the British were 
 ready to return to Boston they found an enemy 
 behind every rock, tree, and fence along the 
 road. Exposed to a hidden and continuous fire 
 the British presented an easy target for the 
 skilled provincial marksmen. Their retreat be- 
 came a rout, and when they reached Boston that 
 night they had lost nearly three hundred of their 
 number. 
 
 Thus began the memorable war which was to 
 divide the British Empire and create a new na- 
 tion. 
 
 The Meaning of the Coming Struggle.— Neither 
 the arbitrary British policy of taxation without 
 representation, the quartering of foreign troops 
 on the inhabitants in time of peace, the objec- 
 tionable system of commercial restriction, nor 
 any other factor taken singly or together will 
 fully explain the revolt of the united American 
 colonies. Back of it all lay the unconquerable 
 spirit of freedom, inherent and overwhelming 
 in the American people, which not only resented 
 the abuse of power, but which was intolerant 
 
86 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 of control or Interference In any form, however 
 legitimate, when exercised by an authority ex- 
 ternal to themselves. They had grown Into a 
 distinct people, broader minded, more energetic, 
 more Intelligent than their kindred across the 
 sea, and submission to foreign rule was no 
 longer compatible with ambition and self-re- 
 spect. 
 
 Nowhere was there a large majority In favor 
 of war. In New York, South Carolina, and 
 Georgia the war-party was In a minority; but 
 It was everywhere better organized and made 
 effective use of Its strength, very often by treat- 
 ing Its opponents to coats of tar and feathers 
 and employing other forms of violent persua- 
 sion. 
 
 After hostilities commenced many Loyalists, 
 or " Tories," as the Americans who sympa- 
 thized with the British Government were called, 
 took up their residence In Quebec, Nova Scotia, 
 and other colonies of the crown. About fifty 
 thousand enlisted at different periods of the war 
 In the British Army. The Loyalists were nearly 
 all persons of wealth and social standing, and 
 the disappearance of so conservative and profit- 
 able an element was felt to the detriment of 
 America for many years. 
 
CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION 87 
 
 The English people were by no means unani- 
 mous in approval of their Government's attitude 
 toward America. The City of London, which 
 had previously never failed to give enthusiastic 
 support to foreign wars, opposed from first to 
 last the attempt to coerce America. Some of 
 the best officers in the army refused to serve 
 against the colonists. The Whig Party cham- 
 pioned the colonial cause, believing it to be in 
 reality the cause of all British subjects, but the 
 king's ministers and Parliament were controlled 
 by the Tory Party, which was determined to 
 crush the liberties of America. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR 
 
 WHEN the skirmish at Lexington an- 
 nounced the advent of war the colo- 
 nists were not contending avowedly 
 for Independence, but only for the recognition 
 of certain rights which they claimed as British 
 subjects. At the same time the struggle was 
 bound to become a war for complete Inde- 
 pendence, for the conviction was growing that 
 In no other way could these rights be secured. 
 This feeling was voiced by Patrick Henry, 
 when In the course of an Impassioned speech in 
 the Virginia House of Delegates he exclaimed: 
 "We must fight! An appeal to the God of 
 Hosts Is all that is left us." 
 
 Early In May a few provincials led by Ethan 
 Allen and Benedict Arnold captured the British 
 fortresses of Crown Point and Ticonderoga on 
 Lake Champlain. 
 
 The Second Continental Congress met In Phila- 
 delphia on May lo, 1775. It was composed of 
 
 88 
 
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR 89 
 
 about the same men as the first with the notable 
 addition of a tall, red-haired young Radical 
 from Virginia, Thomas Jefferson, who was des- 
 tined to have a larger ultimate influence upon 
 the development of the nation whose birth was 
 near at hand than any other man of his time. 
 
 This congress became by common consent the 
 central government for the colonists, and re- 
 mained so for six years. 
 
 George Washington was chosen commander- 
 in-chief of the Continental Army then gather- 
 ing at Cambridge. Henceforward the burden of 
 war rested mainly upon his shoulders. The dif- 
 ficulties of his position were enormous, and in- 
 creased as the war dragged on. To the skill, the 
 patience, the wisdom, the tact, the unselfishness 
 of Washington was due in predominating meas- 
 ure the ultimate triumph of the American cause. 
 He served through the entire war without pay, 
 even devoting his private fortune to feeding and 
 clothing his destitute soldiers when Congress 
 failed to provide for them. 
 
 The Combatants Compared. — The war began 
 in New England, its decisive part was enacted 
 in the Middle States, and it ended in the South. 
 At no given time were there more than forty 
 thousand British or thirty thousand Americans 
 
90 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 under arms, and it frequently happened that 
 there was no fighting at all for long periods. 
 
 Great Britain had immense wealth and could 
 borrow money in any quarter. The Americans 
 found it impossible to meet their financial needs. 
 Congress had no authority to levy general 
 taxes, and the colonial legislatures would not 
 impose local taxes for a general purpose because 
 of mutual jealousies. 
 
 Great Britain had the largest navy in the 
 world, while the Americans could muster only 
 seventeen vessels. The British troops were thor- 
 oughly disciplined and well equipped. As the 
 war proceeded England hired thirty thousand 
 auxiliaries from Germany and enlisted the Ind- 
 ians.* 
 
 * The Indians who allied themselves with the British 
 made war in true Indian fashion, killing and scalping, re- 
 specting neither age, infancy, nor womanhood. The British 
 made little attempt to restrain them. A horde of Tories 
 and Indians swept into the Wyoming Valley in Penn- 
 sylvania in 1778 and massacred hundreds of the inhab- 
 itants. The Americans also tried to enlist the Indians, 
 but without much success. Those who did fight on the 
 American side were kept within approximate bounds of 
 civilized warfare. 
 
 Most of the German hired soldiers were Hessians. Con- 
 gress oflFered them grants of land if they would desert. Many 
 of them accepted and settled in the Middle States. They 
 were honest, well-meaning men who were inhumanly sold by 
 their ruler for a price. 
 
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR 91 
 
 The American soldiers were undisciplined, 
 poorly clothed, underpaid, and Inexperienced. 
 Portraits of revolutionary heroes represent them 
 as handsomely arrayed In uniforms of blue and 
 buff. An official uniform of that description 
 was adopted by Congress, but as each man had 
 to furnish his own outfit, and the majority of 
 the soldiers were poor, there were few uniforms 
 worn except by officers of higher rank. The pri- 
 vates and non-commissioned officers generally 
 wore home-spun dyed with the juice of the but- 
 ternut. 
 
 The flags showed a great variety. At first 
 the most common one was the "rattlesnake flag," 
 bearing above the figure of a coiled serpent the 
 motto, " Don't tread on me." 
 
 The first official American flag was unfurled 
 January i, 1776. It had thirteen red and white 
 stripes with the British Union Jack In the cor- 
 ner, signifying that the colonies were still a part 
 of the British Empire. The raising of the 
 " Union flag," as It was called, over the camp 
 at Cambridge was at the moment regarded by 
 the British commander-in-chief as a token of 
 submission to the king and Parliament, because 
 It displayed so prominently the crosses of St. 
 George and St. Andrew. 
 
92 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 The present national emblem was adopted by 
 a resolution of Congress June 14, 1777. The 
 British Jack was replaced by thirteen stars, rep- 
 resenting the thirteen States, arranged in the 
 form of a circle on a field of blue. 
 
 The American officers, although deficient in 
 military training, were natural commanders and 
 rapidly developed technical knowledge with the 
 opportunities of actual warfare. 
 
 The most serious drawbacks to the American 
 cause were the short terms for which the men 
 enlisted in the army, and the prevalence of the 
 spirit of jealousy which prevented true union 
 of effort, and often imperilled success. Colonial 
 governments, members of Congress, army offi- 
 cers, and the soldiers and people of the different 
 sections shared this latter fault to a greater 
 or less extent. Only a few great-souled, far- 
 sighted patriots like Washington, Franklin, and 
 some others seemed to be entirely free from per- 
 sonal envy and ambition. 
 
 Battle of Bunker Hill.— Soon after the affair 
 at Lexington and Concord, General Gage re- 
 ceived reenforcements from England. The 
 British held Boston, while the Americans occu- 
 pied the hills above the town. 
 
 On June 17 the British ships in the harbor 
 
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR 93 
 
 and the land forces made a combined attack. 
 Twice the British troops attempted to drive the 
 Americans from their position, but were repulsed 
 with heavy losses. Their brilliant red coats and 
 white breeches offered a splendid target for the 
 sure marksmanship of the Americans, whose 
 short-range muskets loaded with slugs and mis- 
 siles of various sorts did terrible damage. The 
 third time the Americans, owing to the exhaus- 
 tion of their ammunition, were obliged to re- 
 treat. Each side lost about one-third of its num- 
 bers, the British more than a thousand, the 
 Americans over four hundred. The battle ac- 
 complished nothing of military advantage for 
 either side, but the Americans were greatly en- 
 couraged. 
 
 The Attempt to Take Quebec— The revolu- 
 tionists hoped that the French inhabitants of 
 Canada might be persuaded to join them in the 
 struggle against Great Britain. While the main 
 army was engaged around Boston two small 
 expeditions were secretly despatched to Canada. 
 One, under the command of General Richard 
 Montgomery, moved by the Lake Champlain 
 route and captured Montreal. The other, com- 
 manded by Colonel Benedict Arnold, was sent 
 through the Maine woods to Quebec, which was 
 
94 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 reached only after weeks of heroic effort and 
 incredible suffering from cold and hunger. Men 
 boiled their shoes and leather breeches for food, 
 and hundreds fell exhausted along the line of 
 march. 
 
 On the night of December 31, 1775, the 
 two armies joined in a fierce though futile 
 attack on the walled city of Quebec. Mont- 
 gomery was killed and Arnold badly wounded 
 and taken prisoner. The Canadian project was 
 the most daring enterprise of the war, but it 
 failed to accomplish its purpose. Canada, 
 which had no desire for additional liberties, re- 
 mained loyal to the empire. 
 
 The British Evacuate Boston.— General Wash- 
 ington took command of the Continental Army 
 July 3, 1775. On account of the poor equip- 
 ment of his troops, the lack of discipline, and 
 the short terms for which most of the men had 
 enlisted, he was unable to commence active oper- 
 ations against the enemy at once. 
 
 In March, 1776, Washington seized and for- 
 tified Dorchester Heights, an eminence over- 
 looking Boston. General Sir William Howe, 
 who had succeeded Gage as commander-in-chief 
 of the British forces, finding the town no longer 
 tenable, embarked his troops on transports and 
 
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR 95 
 
 sailed to Halifax. Strange to say, he left a 
 large quantity of cannon, muskets, powder, and 
 bullets, practically making the Americans a pres- 
 ent of his military stores. 
 
 The Declaration of Independence. — Until the 
 spring of 1776 the colonists were not avowedly 
 contending for separation from the empire of 
 Great Britain, but only for a larger measure of 
 self-government. They wished to be free from 
 the control of Parliament, but were willing to 
 recognize the king, since his power alone was 
 not great enough to Interfere seriously with their 
 liberties. But when Congress again petitioned 
 for a redress of grievances, and as before the 
 petition was Ignored, all hope of reconciliation 
 was abandoned and Congress determined to 
 renounce British authority completely. 
 
 The growing sentiment for Independence was 
 in no small degree the work of the Englishman, 
 Thomas Paine, who In a newspaper series of 
 effective articles under the pen-name of '' Com- 
 mon Sense " had converted a great number of 
 his new compatriots to radical Ideals. 
 
 Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, Introduced 
 a resolution '^ that these United Colonies are, 
 and of right ought to be, free and Indepen- 
 dent states.'* The resolution was passed, though 
 
96 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 not unanimously. Thomas Jefferson drew up 
 a Declaration of Independence, which was 
 adopted on the evening of July 4, 1776, and 
 signed August 2d. This Instrument proclaimed 
 officially the birth of the United States. Every 
 man who affixed his name to the Declaration of 
 Independence was guilty of treason under Brit- 
 ish law and liable to the penalty of death. The 
 former colonies assumed the title of " States," 
 and reorganized their governments on more pop- 
 ular lines. 
 
 The Declaration of Independence Is perhaps 
 the most remarkable state-paper In history. Its 
 language, vehement, earnest, eloquent. Is ad- 
 mirably suited to its purposes. It Is Impossi- 
 ble to read Its famlhar phrases or to scan Its 
 immortal signatures without an answering thrill 
 of sympathy across the sweep of years. It not 
 only contains a clear statement of the Issues be- 
 tween Great Britain and America, but it gives 
 explicit and emphatic utterance to what was In 
 1776 a novel political theory; namely, that the 
 true object of government Is to serve the peo- 
 ple, and that when their government fails to do 
 this the people have a right to change or over- 
 throw it. This idea had been advanced by a 
 few writers in England, France, Holland, and 
 
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR 97 
 
 Italy, but the Revolutionary patriots were the 
 first to Invoke the principle of popular sover- 
 eignty In a practical experiment of empire- 
 building. 
 
 Philosophically the document abounds with 
 loose assumptions having no basis In fact nor 
 promise of fulfilment in the possibilities of the 
 human race. Indeed the academic simplicity 
 with which some of its announcements are ha- 
 bitually received and quoted has perverted great 
 truths vital to all human Interest and social 
 progress. In the mouth of the ranting dema- 
 gogue or the brain of the Ignoramus the catch- 
 phrases of this celebrated charter become preg- 
 nant with potentialities of mischief and crime. 
 Clothed in the flamboyant rhetoric of the agi- 
 tator and hurled in frenzied appeal at Incarnate 
 discontent, the dogma of equality breeds anarchy 
 and ruin. 
 
 But the Declaration of Independence Is not 
 to be indiscriminately condemned as a mere 
 philosophical vagary any more than It Is to be 
 blindly venerated as a repository of political 
 truth or an infallible assertion of eternal and 
 axiomatic principles. Rather Is it to be judged 
 by what It accomplished In firing the national 
 heart and In developing the policy of a critical 
 
98 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 and heroic time. It suggests the birthday of a 
 great nation whose achievements are the admira- 
 tion of history. 
 
 American Reverses. — Declarations and mani- 
 festoes, however powerful from the standpoint 
 of agitation, are Impotent to work out the liber- 
 ties of a free people. Revolutions are an appeal 
 to force. Declarations are sealed with blood, 
 and ratified, if at all, by the triumph of arms. 
 
 The crucial stage of the struggle for Indepen- 
 dence now began. The British, unable to make 
 headway In New England, transferred their 
 operations to the Middle States, which offered 
 a better point of attack, and whose people In- 
 cluded many loyalists. 
 
 General Howe's plan was to take New York 
 and to run a line of defence northward along 
 the Hudson River and Lake Champlain to Can- 
 ada, thus separating New England from the 
 rest of the country. Anticipating Howe's pur- 
 pose, Washington moved his forces from Boston 
 to the protection of New York. The British 
 outnumbered the Americans two to one. At the 
 battle of Long Island (August 27, 1776) Wash- 
 ington was defeated, and again at White Plains 
 in October. Two forts on the Hudson fell into 
 British hands. 
 
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR 99 
 
 Had Howe followed up his victories he 
 might have crushed the patriot cause then 
 and there. American enthusiasm began to 
 wane under disaster, the army dwindled, and 
 Congress was confronted with bankruptcy. 
 Had It not been for the splendid services of 
 Robert Morris, a wealthy merchant of Phila- 
 delphia, the Revolution might have failed at 
 this critical juncture for lack of financial sup- 
 port. Pledging his personal credit he raised a 
 loan for the Government sufficient to tide over 
 the emergency. For a time the private fortunes 
 of Washington and Morris were the only thing 
 that kept an army In the field. 
 
 Trenton and Princeton. — At this crisis occurred 
 one of the brilliant exploits of the war. The 
 town of Trenton, N. J., was a British outpost 
 defended by one thousand Hessians. On Christ- 
 mas night, 1776, Washington crossed the Dela- 
 ware River from the Pennsylvania side, and, 
 taking the Hessians by surprise, captured nearly 
 the entire force. The British General, Corn- 
 wallls, at once started In pursuit, but Washing- 
 ton by a clever manoeuvre outwitted him, and 
 the British, were defeated In a sharp encounter 
 at Princeton. 
 
 These victories partly retrieved the mis fort- 
 
100 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 unes of the previous summer and autumn, and 
 revived the courage of the despondent Ameri- 
 cans. Frederick the Great, King of Prussia and 
 foremost general In Europe, declared that 
 Washington's success at Trenton and Princeton 
 would compare with the achievements of the 
 most famous soldiers In the world's history. 
 
 The British in Philadelphia.— In July, 1777, 
 General Howe with eighteen thousand British 
 troops embarked at New York and landed at 
 Elkton, Md., with the intention of taking Phila- 
 delphia. Washington hastened from New Jer- 
 sey to defend the city, but was defeated at the 
 battle of Brandywine. Quickly recovering, he 
 again engaged the British at Germantown, but 
 was compelled to retire by reason of a heavy 
 fog which made the Americans mistake each 
 other for the enemy. Congress fled to Lancas- 
 ter, and afterward to York, where It remained 
 for nine months. In October the British capt- 
 ured two forts on the Delaware River and took 
 Philadelphia, where they went into winter quar- 
 ters, pleasantly entertained by the loyalists of 
 the city. 
 
 The Surrender of Burgoyne.— While Wash- 
 ington was encountering reverses in Pennsyl- 
 vania another division of the American Army 
 
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR loi 
 
 was winning laurels in New York. At the same 
 time that Howe was preparing to take Phila- 
 delphia General Burgoyne with ten thousand 
 British, Tories, and Indians moved down from 
 Canada toward New York with the object of 
 cutting off New England from the Middle 
 States. Had Howe gone north to cooperate 
 with Burgoyne instead of going south to take 
 Philadelphia the plan would have succeeded. 
 It was the intention of the British Ministry that 
 both generals should cooperate, and peremptory 
 orders to this effect were addressed to Howe and 
 Burgoyne. But Lord George Germain, in the 
 pleasurable excitement of a holiday trip, forgot 
 to despatch the instructions of the ministry until 
 too late. His negligence proved the salvation 
 of the American cause. 
 
 At first Burgoyne met with little opposition, 
 but when the Americans concentrated upon him 
 his disasters began. Several detachments of the 
 British Army were defeated in separate encoun- 
 ters. The main army of six thousand, finding 
 itself vanquished in battle, out of provisions, and 
 hemmed In by the Americans, surrendered at 
 Saratoga on October 17, 1777, to General 
 Gates, the American commander. 
 
 Gates was wholly inefficient. He had been 
 
102 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 appointed by Congress for purely political rea- 
 sons. The success of the campaign was chiefly 
 due to the skill and heroism of Benedict Arnold. 
 Nevertheless Gates received all the credit, while 
 the real victor was Ignored. 
 
 The Conway Cabal. — One result of Gates's un- 
 deserved prominence was a conspiracy known as 
 the Conway Cabal, from the name of its author. 
 General Thomas Conway, to remove Washing- 
 ton from the command of the Continental Army 
 and install Gates in his place. Several officers 
 and members of Congress were implicated in 
 the affair. The intrigue aroused great popu- 
 lar indignation, and was promptly crushed by 
 Washington. 
 
 The Winter at Valley Forge. — When General 
 Howe took Philadelphia the Americans went 
 Into quarters at Valley Forge. The winter of 
 1777-78 was unusually severe. The soldiers 
 were half-naked and starving; many froze to 
 death. In March the army was reduced by 
 death, desertion, and the expiration of terms of 
 enlistment to four thousand men. Howe with 
 his twenty thousand British troops in the near-by 
 city of Philadelphia could easily have destroyed 
 the depleted American Army. 
 
 Terrible as were these experiences, the win- 
 
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR 103 
 
 ter was fruitful of one great benefit. Baron 
 Von Steuben, a distinguished Prussian general 
 who had joined the patriots as a volunteer, de- 
 voted himself to drilling the raw, undisciplined 
 recruits in European tactics. When the winter 
 passed and the army was ready to take the field 
 Its efficiency was vastly increased. The good 
 results of Steuben's training were seen through- 
 out the remainder of the war. 
 
 Several other eminent foreigners freely gave 
 their aid to the American cause — Pulaski, Kos- 
 ciusko, De Kalb, and most famous of all, the 
 Marquis de Lafayette, a young French noble- 
 man, who became a member of the military 
 family of Washington in 1777 and rendered val- 
 uable assistance as soldier and counsellor. 
 
 Revolutionary Finance.— The reason why the 
 soldiers were so destitute, not only at Valley 
 Forge, but throughout the entire war, was not 
 because food and clothing were scarce, but be- 
 cause Congress had no money with which to buy 
 them. When the colonies created the Continen- 
 tal Congress they withheld from It the power to 
 levy taxes, so necessary to carrying on successful 
 war, fearing that such power would put the cen- 
 tral government beyond their control. When 
 Congress later requested the States to pay their 
 
104 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 proportionate shares of the general expense they 
 refused. 
 
 In order to provide funds Congress Issued 
 paper money, which consists of written prom- 
 ises to pay certain sums In cash on demand. 
 Paper as a commodity, unlike the precious met- 
 als, has no exchange value. Its circulating 
 power Is conferred upon It by law. Paper money 
 is purely promissory and representative, and is 
 good only so long as people have confidence In 
 the ability of the government to redeem Its 
 pledges. Should that confidence be destroyed, 
 the money which Is founded upon It becomes 
 worthless. The danger which Inheres In the use 
 of paper money Is liability to over-issue, which 
 inevitably leads to depreciation. 
 
 At first people accepted the " continental " 
 money, as It was called. But so much more of 
 it was issued than could ever be redeemed that 
 the notes became valueless. Before long it took 
 $600 In this currency to buy a pair of boots, and 
 a bushel of oats cost $200. By 1781 one silver 
 dollar was worth a thousand In paper. 
 
 While Congress was flooding the country 
 with worthless paper money, the individual 
 States were doing the same thing within their 
 borders. The financial evils of the Revolution- 
 
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR 105 
 
 ary period were felt for many years after the 
 war closed. 
 
 France to the Rescue. — After the Declaration 
 of Independence Congress commissioned Benja- 
 min Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee to 
 visit the court of France and negotiate a treaty 
 of alliance with that country, and also with 
 Spain, which was ruled by the same royal fam- 
 ily. The French Government desired the hu- 
 miliation of England, but knowing the weak 
 condition of the United States hesitated to form 
 an alliance, fearing that it would have to bear 
 the brunt of the struggle. The surrender of 
 Burgoyne convinced France that the United 
 States had a chance to win, and a treaty of com- 
 merce and alliance was signed early in 1778, by 
 which the United States was recognized as an 
 independent nation and French military and 
 financial aid promised. 
 
 The recognition of the United States by 
 France was an obvious breach of neutrality. 
 International law prescribes but two alternative 
 conditions under which neutral nations may rec- 
 ognize the independence of a community in re- 
 volt against Its parent state — either separation 
 must be actually and unqualifiedly achieved, or 
 else ultimate success must be morally certain. 
 
io6 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Now the outlook for the United States, despite 
 the victory at Saratoga, was never less promis- 
 ing than in 1778. Not only had independence 
 not been achieved, but the probabilities were that 
 it never would be. The credit of the Continen- 
 tal Congress was hopelessly impaired, the army 
 dwindling, and public support half-hearted and 
 uncertain. 
 
 Great Britain promptly declared war against 
 France and offered the Americans all that they 
 had ever demanded and more if they would 
 return to the British fold. But it was too late 
 for conciliation. The United States would ac- 
 cept nothing short of absolute independence, 
 which the French alliance now seemed to insure. 
 
 The Government of France was despotic in 
 type, and not at all in sympathy with the repub- 
 lican ideals of England's disaffected subjects. 
 Its motive in coming to the assistance of the 
 United States was to square accounts for the 
 loss of Canada, and other grievances of long 
 standing. 
 
 The highly intelligent and responsive French 
 middle classes, on the contrary, were enthusiastic 
 for the American cause per se^ since to them it 
 represented that spirit of liberalism which was 
 within a few years to achieve their own emanci- 
 
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR 107 
 
 patlon from an oppressive form of government 
 and an outgrown social regime. 
 
 But whatever the motive of her Government, 
 or the legal quality of Its action, the timely aid 
 of France saved the American cause when fail- 
 ure seemed probable. The successful negotia- 
 tion of the French alliance was due not so much 
 to the efficiency of the commissioners as It was 
 to the wisdom and diplomacy of Colonel John 
 Laurens, a member of Washington's military 
 staff, who had been despatched as special envoy 
 to France. 
 
 Naval Exploits. — The American Navy consisted 
 mainly of " privateers," vessels owned by pri- 
 vate parties and commissioned by Congress to 
 destroy British commerce. After the French 
 alliance was consummated Benjamin Franklin 
 purchased five old ships which had been dis- 
 carded by the French Government because prac- 
 tically worthless, armed and manned them, and 
 placed the fleet under the command of John Paul 
 Jones of the United States Navy — as brilliant a 
 commander as ever appeared In the history of 
 naval warfare. On September 25, 1779, with a 
 single ship he challenged two superior English 
 frigates off the coast of Scotland. After one of 
 the most desperate sea-fights In history, Jones 
 
io8 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 sank one of the English vessels and captured the 
 other. His own ship, the Bonhomme Richard^ 
 was so badly damaged that she sank within a 
 few hours after the victory. 
 
 Jones received scant recognition from the 
 Continental Congress. After the war he served 
 as admiral In the Russian Navy, and died in 
 Paris In 1799. His burial-place was recently 
 discovered by General Horace Porter, Ameri- 
 can Ambassador to France, who had the body 
 brought to this country, where it was interred 
 with ceremony at the United States Naval Acad- 
 emy in June, 1905. 
 
 The Battle of Monmouth.— When Sir Henry 
 Clinton, who had been appointed to the com- 
 mand of the British Army in place of General 
 Howe, learned of the French alliance, he aban- 
 doned Philadelphia to concentrate all the Brit- 
 ish forces around New York before the French 
 Army could arrive. Washington Immediately 
 started in pursuit and overtook the British rear- 
 guard at Monmouth Court-house In the village 
 of Freehold, N. J. After a sharp but Indecisive 
 battle (June 28, 1778) the British withdrew to 
 New York, which they held until the end of the 
 war. Washington took position In the high- 
 lands of the Hudson, where he could best 
 
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR 109 
 
 operate against Sir Henry Clinton in case the 
 British commander should attempt a hostile 
 movement. 
 
 Monmouth was the last important battle in 
 the Middle States; after 1778 the South was 
 the seat of war. 
 
 Stony Point. — ^One of the most heroic and 
 spectacular exploits of the Revolution was the 
 capture by General Anthony Wayne of Stony 
 Point, a strong British fortress on the Hudson. 
 On the night of July 15, 1779, Wayne with 
 twelve hundred light infantry made a rapid and 
 stealthy assault upon the works. To guard 
 against betrayal, which a random shot would 
 cause, the men were not permitted to load their 
 muskets. Charging up the steep ascent at dead 
 of night, the garrison was overpowered and the 
 fortifications carried at the point of the bayonet. 
 Stony Point proved to be of slight strategic 
 value, and was soon abandoned. It is the 
 audacity and heroism of its capture that makes 
 the incident memorable. 
 
 Before tracing the closing campaigns there 
 remains to be noted an event which nearly 
 proved the ruin of the American cause. 
 
 The Treason of Arnold.— The most important 
 fortress in the United States was West Point on 
 
no BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 the Hudson, commanded by Benedict Arnold. 
 Embittered and disheartened by the injustice of 
 his critics and the ingratitude of Congress in 
 failing to recognize his splendid services and in 
 promoting less deserving officers over him, 
 Arnold concocted a plot to sell West Point to 
 the enemy in exchange for $30,000 and a briga- 
 dier-general's commission in the British Army. 
 Major Andre, a young British officer, was made 
 the medium of negotiation. As Andre was 
 passing through the American lines he was capt- 
 ured by three American soldiers, and the plans 
 of West Point were found concealed in his stock- 
 ings. The plot was discovered and West Point 
 saved. Arnold narrowly escaped, but Andre, 
 in accordance with the rules of war, was hung 
 as a spy. 
 
 The tragic fate of the captive was regretted 
 by friend and foe alike. He was brave, mag- 
 netic, and accomplished. No American soldier 
 would act as his executioner. The man who did 
 blackened his face, and his identity was never 
 discovered. 
 
 The War in the South.— As early as 1776 the 
 British had attempted to gain a foothold in the 
 South. A fleet attacked Charleston, but was re- 
 pulsed by the American fire from Fort Moultrie 
 
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR in 
 
 In the harbor. Late In the year 1778 the Brit- 
 ish, having failed In New England and the Mid- 
 dle States, once more turned their attention to 
 the South. Savannah and Charleston were 
 taken, and by 1780 the British were masters of 
 Georgia and South Carolina. 
 
 Congress, thinking to match the British com- 
 mander, Cornwallls, with a greater general sent 
 Gates to the South. But he who had falsely 
 won the credit for Burgoyne's surrender and 
 had conspired to overthrow Washington proved 
 utterly unable to meet the situation. After a 
 crushing defeat at Camden he was recalled, and 
 the command of the Southern Army Intrusted 
 to Nathanael Greene. In a series of brilliant 
 campaigns Greene won back all that had been 
 lost. Cornwallls, completely outgeneralled, re- 
 tired Into Virginia. 
 
 The war In the Carolinas and Georgia was of 
 a peculiarly bitter nature. There were many 
 loyalists In those States, and the hatred between 
 them and the patriots constantly expressed Itself 
 in acts of wanton cruelty. 
 
 The Southern campaigns developed some re- 
 markable cavalry leaders. Colonel Henry Lee 
 — " Light-horse Harry " — with his celebrated 
 Legion was the right arm of Greene's army. 
 
112 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Marion and Sumter with their independent 
 bands of rangers rendered indispensable service 
 In surprising British detachments, destroying 
 wagon-trains, and capturing supplies. They fre- 
 quently lay concealed all day in the swamps, 
 dashing out at night to surprise the British. 
 
 Yorktown. — The summer of 178 1 arrived and 
 found Washington a few miles north of New 
 York planning an attack upon the city, which 
 was held by Sir Henry Clinton. Greene was in 
 South Carolina. Cornwallis was in Virginia 
 engaged in a vain attempt to catch the youth- 
 ful Lafayette, who with a small body of Amer- 
 icans had been sent to Virginia to stop the 
 depredations of the traitor Arnold. 
 
 In August Washington learned that a French 
 fleet and army would soon arrive in Chesapeake 
 Bay. Leaving New York, he hastened to Vir- 
 ginia to cooperate with the French against 
 Cornwallis, who had established himself at 
 Yorktown. The allied forces formed a half- 
 circle about the town, and after a siege of three 
 weeks, marked by much hard fighting, Corn- 
 wallis surrendered on October 19, 178 1. This 
 put an end to military operations, although arti- 
 cles of peace were not signed until September 
 3. 1783- 
 
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR 113 
 
 The Treaty of Peace. — Great Britain acknowl- 
 edged the independence of the United States, 
 whose boundaries were determined as follows: 
 Canada on the north; the Mississippi River on 
 the west; Florida, including the lower part of 
 the present States of Mississippi and Louisiana, 
 became the southern boundary. 
 
 Owing to a lack of exact knowledge of Amer- 
 ican geography on the part of the peace commis- 
 sioners some of these boundaries were Indefinite 
 at several points, which gave rise to many dis- 
 putes In after years between Great Britain and 
 the United States. 
 
 The last place to be evacuated by the British 
 was New York. On November 25 the rem- 
 nant of their forces embarked on transports and 
 the American troops entered the city amid the 
 huzzas of the rejoicing multitude. The flag of 
 England, which the retiring British had left fly- 
 ing over the town in token of their unwilling 
 departure, was torn away and the stars and 
 stripes nailed to the staff. After an affectionate 
 farewell to his officers, companions throughout 
 eight distressing but heroic years, Washington 
 went to Annapolis, where Congress was In ses- 
 sion, and resigned his commission as commander- 
 in-chief. The army was disbanded, and the 
 
114 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 American people were free to begin that perilous 
 experiment in republican government which all 
 the world was intently awaiting. 
 
 Revolutionary Doctrine and Modem Practice. — 
 So far as concerns the establishment and recog- 
 nition of the theories of government for which 
 the war was ostensibly undertaken, the Revolu- 
 tionary struggle was barren of result. Great 
 Britain has never admitted the correctness of 
 the principles for which the Americans con- 
 tended. Her colonies to-day, though enjoying 
 practical immunity, are theoretically subject to 
 whatever measure of control the British Parlia- 
 ment in its wisdom or Its whim may see fit to ex- 
 ercise over them. Nor have the United States 
 in their individual or collective practice adhered 
 closely to Revolutionary doctrine. 
 
 The national Government has steadfastly de- 
 nied home rule to its territories and dependen- 
 cies, which are under far greater political limi- 
 tations to-day than were the colonies in 1775. 
 The latter were and the former are taxed by 
 an external sovereign power upon whose irre- 
 sponsible will their rights and liberties depend, 
 and without any substantial semblance to a 
 " right " of representation in the national coun- 
 cils. True, the territories may, and most of 
 
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR 115 
 
 them have become States, but there is no con- 
 stitutional or other guarantee that they shall. It 
 was the plain intention of the framers of the 
 Constitution that the Republic should, if it 
 wanted to, hold dependencies indefinitely and 
 never allow them to become anything else. 
 
 Colonial liberties in prerevolutlonary days 
 possessed one highly effective safeguard which 
 constituted an immense popular advantage over 
 the territorial and colonial system of the United 
 States. In the former case, governors and 
 judges, though appointed by the crown, were 
 dependent for their salaries upon the colonial 
 assemblies, which could and often did use the 
 power which that fact gave them to defeat the 
 monarchical bias of royal officials. 
 
 It is a fundamental principle of Anglo-Amer- 
 ican jurisprudence that the judiciary shall be 
 irremovable by the executive power. This guar- 
 antee has always been withheld from the terri- 
 tories, and there is no territorial judge who is not 
 liable to removal at any time and for any cause 
 by the President of the United States — which 
 suggests the question. What becomes of the 
 Inviolability of the courts? 
 
 The United States Government has repeat- 
 edly acquired by purchase and conquest alien 
 
ii6 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 peoples, over whom It has ruled without the 
 " consent of the governed." 
 
 Nor has the nation recognized In Its domestic 
 policy the right of revolution, expressly affirmed 
 by the Declaration of Independence to be inher- 
 ent In all communities, and upon which the col- 
 onies justified their separation from the mother- 
 country in 1776. For when eighty-five years 
 later the seceding States of the South, which were 
 " communities " In the full acceptation of the 
 term as employed in the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence, resorted to the same ^' right," the 
 United States Government Invaded their terri- 
 tory, destroyed the property of their citizens, 
 and put to violent death as many as possible of 
 those Inhabitants who dared to resist. And 
 when the United States Government had finally 
 completed the subjugation of the seceding com- 
 munities, it deprived them of statehood, denied 
 them home rule and Constitutional protection, 
 substituted Federal military jurisdiction for local 
 government, and forced upon them the obnox- 
 ious alternative of either accepting certain illegal 
 limitations upon their subsequent political free- 
 dom or remaining permanently in the status of 
 conquered territory. 
 
 It would seem, then, that governments do not. 
 
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR 117 
 
 as the Declaration of Independence broadly as- 
 serts, " derive their just powers from the con- 
 sent of the governed." Governments have no 
 just powers in the accurate and philosophical 
 meaning of the term. They have necessary 
 powers, since the constant presence of recognized 
 authority is essential to the Integrity and safety 
 of the social structure, but these powers are 
 usurped and in no sense delegated. 
 
 Nor does there seem to be outside the sover- 
 eign power any such thing as an " inalienable 
 right," but all rights Inhere in the State by 
 which they are, justly or unjustly, bestowed, 
 withheld, or withdrawn at will. 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 FORMATION OF THE FEDERAL GOVERN- 
 MENT 
 
 AT the close of the Revolution the out- 
 look for the United States was In some 
 respects more discouraging than It had 
 been at any time during the war. The country 
 was prosperous, trade was Increasing, and edu- 
 cation advancing; but Congress had lost the re- 
 spect of the people, the States engaged In fre- 
 quent quarrels with each other, and finances 
 were more disordered than ever. The war had 
 driven the States Into a temporary union, but 
 now that they had achieved their Independence 
 the tendency was toward separation. Had this 
 tendency been followed the United States would 
 probably have fallen an early prey to some Eu- 
 ropean power or coalition. 
 
 The Confederation.— In 1777 the Continental 
 Congress, realizing its own weakness, had pro- 
 posed a plan of union called the Articles of 
 Confederation. Twelve States accepted, but 
 118 
 
THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT 119 
 
 Maryland refused. As unanimous consent was 
 required the plan failed of immediate adoption. 
 In 178 1, when the war was practically ended, 
 Maryland gave her consent to the Articles, and 
 all the States then went into the Confederation. 
 
 The new Government, while an improvement 
 on the Continental Congress, exhibited the same 
 serious defect — a lack of adequate authority to 
 deal with matters of public concern. There 
 were no national courts of law. Congress had 
 a very limited power of taxation, and no con- 
 trol whatever over foreign or interstate com- 
 merce. No important legislation could be en- 
 acted without the consent of nine States, which 
 was often impossible to obtain on account of 
 jealousies and clashing interests. The Individ- 
 ual States not only trespassed upon each other, 
 but they violated international law and the 
 treaties with France and Holland, which Infrac- 
 tions the general Government was powerless to 
 prevent. 
 
 The North-west Territory and the Ordinance of 
 1787. — The Confederation accomplished one un- 
 deniable benefit. The North-west Territory, 
 lying between the Ohio and Mississippi rivers 
 and the Great Lakes, was claimed In portions 
 by New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and 
 
120 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Virginia. For the sake of the public good these 
 States agreed to surrender their several claims to 
 the Confederation, and place the entire region 
 under the control of Congress. In 1787 Con- 
 gress passed an ordinance for the government 
 of the North-west Territory, providing for its 
 future division into States and forever excluding 
 slavery. The region rapidly filled with settlers, 
 and in time produced the States of Ohio, Indi- 
 ana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin. 
 
 The Constitutional Convention. — Conditions 
 steadily grew worse under the Confederation 
 until at last Congress reluctantly Issued a call 
 for a general convention to revise the Articles 
 of Confederation. 
 
 In May, 1787, fifty-five delegates from 
 twelve States met in Independence Hall, Phila- 
 delphia. Rhode Island alone refused to partici- 
 pate. Her Government was determined to con- 
 tinue the use of paper money, and feared that 
 this policy would be forbidden by the Conven- 
 tion. 
 
 An abler body than the Constitutional Con- 
 vention never assembled. Most of its members 
 had been prominent in the Revolution, and 
 some are among the best and wisest statesmen 
 in our national history. George Washington 
 
THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT 121 
 
 was unanimously chosen to preside. Among 
 the specially distinguished and useful repre- 
 sentatives were Alexander Hamilton, James 
 Madison, Roger Sherman, Benjamin Franklin, 
 James Wilson, John Dickinson, and Gouverneur 
 Morris. 
 
 The Convention decided that the Articles of 
 Confederation were not worth amending, that 
 the only way to cure the evils of which every 
 one was complaining was to organize an en- 
 tirely new government. The delegates repre- 
 sented extremes of opinion on all the vital sub- 
 jects of debate, and final action was reached only 
 by mutual concession. 
 
 State or National Sovereignty? — The crucial 
 point in the deliberations of the Convention was 
 the question whether the new nation should be 
 superior to the Individual States or whether each 
 State should retain its supremacy, and delegate 
 only a few of Its powers to the central Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Alexander Hamilton and several others fa- 
 vored a highly centralized and aristocratic gov- 
 ernment. They knew that the American people 
 would never tolerate a monarchy, but they 
 wanted to adopt the essential features of mon- 
 archy under the guise of republican forms. 
 
122 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Their opponents insisted that each State should 
 surrender only minor powers to the national 
 Government, reserving its most important ones. 
 
 Slavery. — The Southern people held vast 
 numbers of slaves. The people of the North 
 had also owned slaves in earlier days, but as 
 slavery had never been profitable in the North 
 it had almost disappeared. Agriculture was the 
 great mainstay of the South, and negro labor 
 was best adapted to the requirements of the 
 large plantations. In the North, where the cli- 
 mate was cooler and occupations diversified, 
 white men were almost universally employed. 
 
 Some of the Northern members of the Con- 
 stitutional Convention proposed to forbid sla- 
 very altogether, but many of the Southern dele- 
 gates declared that they would not come into 
 the Union unless slavery should be both recog- 
 nized and protected. The South also wanted 
 slaves to be counted in making up the basis of 
 representation in Congress. The North op- 
 posed this demand, contending that since slaves 
 were property and had no vote they should not 
 be counted at all. At that time negroes were 
 still being brought over from Africa. Most of 
 the Southern States desired to stop the slave- 
 trade at once — Maryland and Virginia had al- 
 
THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT 123 
 
 ready done so — but South Carolina, backed by 
 the slave-trading interests of the North, ob- 
 jected. 
 
 Finally all the States agreed to three pro- 
 visions : First, every slave should be counted as 
 three-fifths of a white man in estimating pop- 
 ulation; second, the African slave-trade could 
 continue until 1808, when it must stop forever; 
 third, runaway slaves must be arrested in any 
 State where they might be found and returned 
 to their owners. 
 
 The Constitution. — The scheme of government 
 adopted by the Convention was modelled large- 
 ly after Anglo-Saxon precedent and the State 
 constitutions. It was drafted by Gouverneur 
 Morris, and provided for three coordinate 
 branches — the legislative, the executive, and the 
 judicial. 
 
 The legislative power was vested in Congress, 
 consisting of a Senate and House of Representa- 
 tives. In order to guard the interests of small 
 States against the encroachments of large ones, 
 and at the same time to insure to the latter the 
 preeminence which their superior importance 
 warranted, senatorial representation was made 
 equal, while representation in the Lower House 
 was fixed on the basis of population. Senators 
 
124 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 were to be chosen by the State legislatures to 
 serve for terms of six years and to represent 
 their States as units. Members of the House 
 were to be elected by popular vote for terms of 
 two years. 
 
 Congress was empowered to make laws with- 
 in the limits of the Constitution, to levy taxes, 
 coin and borrow money, raise and support 
 armies, regulate commerce with foreign coun- 
 tries and between the States, and in brief to do 
 the necessary business of a national govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The authority of Congress has been greatly 
 extended by the doctrine of " implied powers," 
 which is that when the Constitution gave certain 
 express powers to Congress it implied all inci- 
 dental and instrumental powers which might be 
 necessary to carry them out. This interpreta- 
 tion originated with Hamilton, and was adopted 
 by the Supreme Court, finding its strongest judi- 
 cial exponent in John Marshall. 
 
 Power to execute the laws was lodged in a 
 President to be elected for a term of four years 
 by electors chosen by the people of the States. 
 Bills passed by Congress must be submitted to 
 the President for his signature before they could 
 become laws. Should the President veto a bill 
 
THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT 125 
 
 It might still become a law, provided Congress 
 could pass It a second time with a two-thirds 
 affirmative vote. Should the bill be neither 
 signed nor vetoed It would become law at the 
 expiration of ten days. It was to be the Presi- 
 dent's duty to appoint Federal officers, such as 
 ministers to foreign countries, judges of the Fed- 
 eral courts and postmasters, and to make foreign 
 treaties. 
 
 Associated with the President was a Vice- 
 president, whose duty was to preside over the 
 Senate, and In case the President should die, 
 resign, or be removed, to succeed to that office. 
 
 The judicial branch, or power to Interpret 
 the Federal laws, was represented by one Su- 
 preme Court and by several undefined courts, 
 which Congress was given authority to establish 
 as It should see fit. 
 
 Ratification of the Constitution. — The Impor- 
 tant question now was whether the States would 
 accept the plan of government which the Con- 
 vention had devised. Fortunately It required 
 the consent of only nine States. There was con- 
 siderable opposition, chiefly In New York, Mas- 
 sachusetts, and Virginia, based upon the fear 
 that the powers with which It was proposed to 
 endow the Federal Government would be used 
 
126 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 to destroy the liberties of the people and the in- 
 dependence of the States. 
 
 Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and 
 John Jay wrote a series of able essays under 
 the title of " The Federalist," which were 
 printed in a New York newspaper and scattered 
 broadcast, explaining the plan and showing its 
 advantages. John Dickinson rendered a simi- 
 lar service through a number of public letters 
 over the signature of " Fabius." 
 
 One by one the States swung into line, Dela- 
 ware and Pennsylvania leading, until the con- 
 sent of the necessary nine had been secured, and 
 by June, 1788, the Constitution was an assured 
 thing. New York came in eleventh by a major- 
 ity of one vote. Rhode Island held off until 
 1789, and North Carolina until 1790. 
 
 New York, Rhode Island, and Virginia rati- 
 fied the Constitution with the express under- 
 standing that they could leave the Union when- 
 ever they desired. This fact had an impor- 
 tant bearing on the question of succession in 
 i860. 
 
 Amendments. — In order to remove the popu- 
 lar objection that the Constitution did not as- 
 sure the liberties of the people and the rights 
 of the States, ten amendments were added in 
 
THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT 127 
 
 1 79 1 at the suggestion of Jefferson, who was 
 not present at the deliberations of the Conven- 
 tion, having succeeded Benjamin Frankhn as 
 Minister to France. They guarantee among 
 other things freedom of religion, of speech, and 
 of the press, trial by jury, and forbid the estab- 
 lishment of any national church. 
 
 These ten amendments are called the " Bill of 
 Rights." They are restrictions upon the power 
 of the Federal Government only, and do not 
 apply to the States. The Bill of Rights was 
 copied from similar provisions in such State con- 
 stitutions as had borrowed them from the fa- 
 mous Bill of Rights passed by Parliament to 
 protect the rights of Englishmen In 1688. 
 
 The tenth amendment contains the rule for 
 determining all questions of respective author- 
 ity which may arise between a State and the 
 Federal Government. The latter can exercise 
 only those powers which the Constitution ex- 
 pressly confers, while the State governments 
 possess all the powers which the Constitution 
 does not expressly take from them. 
 
 A Monarchical Type of Executive. — The Con- 
 stitution of the United States was not the spon- 
 taneous invention of its celebrated framers, but 
 the ripened fruit of centuries of political devel- 
 
128 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 opment. It rests upon governmental principles 
 tried and proved in the history of England and 
 by the experience of her American colonies in 
 the days of British sovereignty. 
 
 It may be observed, however, as a singular 
 fact — in view of the American antipathy to 
 monarchy engendered by colonial experiences 
 with George III — that the President should 
 have been given Independent executive powers 
 of so dictatorial a type — powers far greater 
 than those of the King of England, against 
 whose personal misrule the patriots rebelled. 
 There is no ruler in Europe, with the ex- 
 ceptions of the Czar, the Sultan, and the Kaiser, 
 to whom the title of Imperator may be so 
 aptly applied as to the President of the United 
 States. He cannot legislate, but he can annul 
 legislation by not executing the laws, while 
 his general veto power constitutes a real and 
 vital superiority. The right of appointment 
 and removal Is In Itself a prerogative of magni- 
 tude. The President is commander-in-chief of 
 the military and naval forces of the United 
 States with every protection to secrecy of Intent 
 and action, and in time of war Is censor of the 
 press. In short, the possibilities for the exercise 
 of personal tyranny Inherent In this office are 
 
THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT 129 
 
 Immeasurable. And not only do the elastic 
 powers of the American Executive In many re- 
 spects approximate dictatorship, but they are 
 invading the legislative sphere of Congress. 
 
 The First Presidential Election.— That George 
 Washington would be the first President of the 
 United States was certain. The electors met 
 early In February, 1789, and cast their votes 
 unanimously for Washington. John Adams, 
 one of the most prominent of the civil leaders 
 of the Revolution, who had served his country 
 as Minister to France, Holland, and Great Brit- 
 ain, was chosen Vice-president. They were In- 
 augurated on April 30th In the city of New 
 York, which was the temporary capital of the 
 nation. 
 
 Washington was socially and by tempera- 
 ment an aristocrat, fond of titles and ceremony, 
 which he believed properly belonged to the dig- 
 nity of office. He rode In a coach drawn by six 
 white horses with uniformed footmen. At pub- 
 lic receptions he wore a dress-sword and stood 
 on a dais. On such occasions he never shook 
 hands, but bowed to his guests. Washington 
 and Adams were reelected in 1792. 
 
 During these eight years some notable events 
 occurred, and certain tendencies appeared which 
 
130 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 gave direction to political development for many 
 years. 
 
 The Cabinet. — One of the first acts of Con- 
 gress was to create four executive departments, 
 which have since been increased to nine. They 
 were the departments of State, Treasury, War, 
 and the office of Attorney-general. 
 
 Washington appointed Thomas Jefferson Sec- 
 retary of State, and Alexander Hamilton Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury; Henry Knox, who had 
 been chief of artillery during the Revolution, 
 was made Secretary of War, and Edmund Ran- 
 dolph Attorney-general. 
 
 There is nothing to indicate that these offi- 
 cials met together until 1791. Afterward they 
 assembled occasionally, but not at regular times, 
 as is the case now. The term " Cabinet " did 
 not come into vogue until 1800. 
 
 Financial Reform. — The most imperative duty 
 of the new Government was to correct the finan- 
 cial evils inherited from the Revolutionary 
 period. When Hamilton took office the public 
 debt amounted to $54,000,000, representing the 
 money borrowed from France and Holland and 
 from our own people by the Continental Con- 
 gress during the Revolution with accrued inter- 
 est. The State governments had also borrowed 
 
THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT 131 
 
 large amounts, of which over $21,000,000 still 
 remained unpaid. 
 
 Hamilton proposed that the Federal Gov- 
 ernment assume the total debt of $75,000,000. 
 There was strong objection to having the Fed- 
 eral Government pay the State debts, partly 
 because some States had already discharged 
 the greater portion of their own obligations 
 and did not want to be burdened with the 
 debts of the rest, but chiefly because the trans- 
 action Implied the sovereignty of the Fed- 
 eral Government, which the State Rights men 
 were unwilling to admit. The bulk of opposi- 
 tion came from the South. Finally, through a 
 compact between Hamilton and Jefferson, the 
 Southern States agreed to support Hamilton's 
 plan on condition that the national capital should 
 be located In Southern territory. To satisfy 
 Pennsylvania the capital was taken away from 
 New York and given to Philadelphia for ten 
 years, after which It was to go to the District 
 of Columbia.* 
 
 Hamilton persuaded Congress to lay a light 
 
 * The city of Washington is situated on a tract covering a 
 territory of a little less than ten square miles which Mary- 
 land ceded to the Federal Government for the site of the 
 national capital. The District of Columbia is governed by 
 Congress. 
 
132 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Import tax on tea and coffee and a heavier tax 
 on such Imported articles as wines, brandies, 
 broadcloths, and velvets, which were purchased 
 only by the well-to-do. In this way the Gov- 
 ernment could get sufficient revenue without 
 overtaxing the people. 
 
 Another of Hamilton's financial achievements 
 was the establishment of a United States Bank 
 In Philadelphia, with branches In New York, 
 Boston, Baltimore, and Charleston. The bank 
 was chartered for twenty years, and was to act 
 as financial agent for the Government. 
 
 The Rise of Political Parties. — During the 
 public discussions of the Constitution those who 
 had favored its adoption were known as Feder- 
 alists, while those who had opposed It because 
 they believed in the supremacy of the States 
 were called Anti-Federalists. 
 
 When the Constitution was ratified the Anti- 
 Federalists of course accepted It, but retained 
 their principles unchanged, adopting the party 
 name of Democratic-Republican, and continuing 
 to be the champions of the States, intent upon 
 seeing that the Federal Government did not 
 overstep the limitations which the Constitution 
 had placed upon It. They were called Demo- 
 crats or Republicans, and were led by Thomas 
 
THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT 133 
 
 Jefferson, not so practical a statesman as Ham- 
 ilton, but sincere, liberal, learned, and patri- 
 otic. Associated with Jefferson In party lead- 
 ership were Aaron Burr and George Clinton, 
 of New York, and Albert Gallatin, of Penn- 
 sylvania. 
 
 The Democratic - Republican Party was 
 strongest in New York, Pennsylvania, and 
 the South. It was composed of the agricult- 
 ural class, ambitious young men, and the rest- 
 less and progressive element generally. They 
 believed in the reign of the common people, 
 hated monarchy and class rule, and thought that 
 the Government ought to help France against 
 England and the other royal and aristocratic 
 countries which were trying to crush the efforts 
 of the French people to establish a republic 
 in place of the monarchy they had over- 
 thrown. 
 
 The Democrats, to show their sympathy for 
 the French, wore cockades, the official emblem 
 of the French Revolutionists, and formed po- 
 litical clubs to which they gave French names. 
 But when the French minister. Genet, came over 
 to enlist the aid of the United States In a war 
 against England his purpose was opposed by 
 Jefferson, who believed with Washington that 
 
134 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN* HISTORY 
 
 It was best to avoid foreign entanglements. 
 Genet behaved so discourteously that Washing- 
 ton demanded his recall. The French Revolu- 
 tion was rapidly degenerating into anarchy, and 
 that fact, together with the undiplomatic con- 
 duct of Genet, alienated American sympathy 
 from the French cause. 
 
 It may at first sight appear remarkable that a 
 party whose avowed aim was to level social in- 
 equalities, should have taken root and flourished 
 In a section of the country which has from colon- 
 ial days been associated with the aristocratic 
 Ideal and principle of government. The 
 strength of the Jeffersonian Party, however, did 
 not lie with the wealthy planters who occupied 
 the choice lands along the lower river courses 
 and the coasts, but with the far more numerous 
 small farmers of the Interior. Within a few 
 years the Southern aristocrats were impelled by 
 their peculiar interests generally to affiliate with 
 the Democratic Party, but at the start there 
 were more Federalists among them than Demo- 
 crats. 
 
 The Federalist Party was led by Alexander 
 Hamilton, John Adams, John Jay, Gouver- 
 neur Morris, and James Madison, who later be- 
 came a Democrat. Its greatest strength was 
 
THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT 135 
 
 In New England, where It was composed of the 
 wealthy and cultured — the lawyers, ministers, 
 doctors, teachers, and merchants. It was also 
 liberally represented among the patricians of 
 the South. 
 
 The Federalists had little confidence In the 
 virtue and Intelligence of the masses. They be- 
 lieved that the National Government ought to 
 have strong powers, and that only citizens who 
 owned property and were educated should be 
 allowed to vote. 
 
 Trouble with the Indians. — The coming of 
 white settlers from the Eastern States Into the 
 North-west Territory was followed by Indian 
 wars. Two armies which were sent against the 
 Indians of the North-west were almost anni- 
 hilated. In 1793 Washington Intrusted an ex- 
 pedition to General Anthony Wayne, who had 
 been one of the most brilliant and successful 
 generals of the Revolution, and next to Wash- 
 ington the most popular man In the army. Gen- 
 eral Wayne defeated the Indians so completely 
 that they surrendered all claims to southern and 
 eastern Ohio. 
 
 The American People in 1800. — The census of 
 1800 announced a population of nearly five 
 and a half millions. Farmers were the most 
 
136 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 numerous class. They were prosperous and 
 economically independent, producing on their 
 farms everything required for their own sub- 
 sistence, even clothing, which was made from 
 domestic wool, spun and cut into garments by 
 their wives and daughters. 
 
 Merchants were a wealthy and Influential 
 portion of the community. Manufactures had 
 not yet developed to any great extent. 
 
 Ship-building was a prominent Industry and 
 commerce was rapidly Increasing. All Europe 
 was engaged In war, and the carrying trade, 
 which formerly belonged to England, France, 
 and Holland, had fallen to American vessels. 
 
 The Invention of the cotton-gin in 1794 by 
 Eli Whitney, of Connecticut, had made cotton- 
 raising a most profitable form of agriculture, 
 and the South was growing rich. 
 
 The interior of the country was still a wilder- 
 ness, but in swift and steady process of reclama- 
 tion by the hardy pioneer. The rough and 
 ready character of the West made it a nursery 
 of democracy. There every man stood upon 
 his own merit, or fell because of his lack of It. 
 The new Western and South-western States that 
 were admitted to the Union hedged the suffrage 
 with no property or religious tests. 
 
THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT 137 
 
 Horseback, stage-coach, and sailing packet 
 were still the only modes of travel, but roads 
 were multiplying and canals began to make 
 their appearance, built by private capital or by 
 State direction. 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 EARLY ACHIEVEMENT AND NATIONAL 
 EXPANSION 
 
 WASHINGTON could have been 
 unanimously reelected for a third 
 term, and was not in principle op- 
 posed to it, but being weary of public life, in 
 which he had engaged for forty years, he pre- 
 ferred to return to his estate and resume the life 
 of a Southern planter. His few remaining years 
 were spent in tranquil retirement at Mount Ver- 
 non, where he died in 1799, mourned by his 
 country and venerated by the civilized world. 
 
 The election of 1796 resulted in the choice 
 of John Adams for President and Thomas Jef- 
 ferson for Vice-president. Adams was a man 
 of highest honor, but cold in manner, austere, 
 and aristocratic, hence unpopular, on which ac- 
 count he was not reelected. 
 
 John Adams was the first and last strictly 
 Federalist President. Washington had never 
 been a partisan. Though sympathizing with 
 
 138 
 
EARLY ACHIEVEMENT 139 
 
 the general alms and policies of the Federalists, 
 he had selected his advisers from both parties. 
 
 The Adams administration is memorable for 
 the decline of the Federalist Party, which re- 
 sulted to some extent from its foreign policy, 
 though principally from stubborn resistance to 
 the growing spirit of the age. 
 
 The Jay Treaty. — In 1796 the Federalist Sen- 
 ate had ratified a treaty with Great Britain 
 which was not advantageous to the United 
 States, although it was then the best attainable, 
 and which humiliated the national pride. The 
 treaty also angered France, which was then at 
 war with Great Britain, because It gave privi- 
 leges to the latter country which were withheld 
 from France. The French Government retal- 
 iated by ordering Its cruisers to seize American 
 vessels, justifying Its course by declaring that 
 the United States was assisting Great Britain, 
 which was not true. The American Navy made 
 two captures of French war-ships. For a time 
 war between the United States and Its old Revo- 
 lutionary ally was imminent, but It was averted 
 by the diplomacy of President Adams and of 
 Napoleon Bonaparte, First Consul of France. 
 
 The Alien and Sedition Laws, 1798. — In the 
 meantime the Federalist Congress, thinking that 
 
HO BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 It would be well to strengthen the Government 
 In case of war, passed the Allen Act, empow- 
 ering the President to expel from the country 
 without trial any foreigners (meaning French- 
 men) whose presence he might regard as dan- 
 gerous to the peace and safety of the United 
 States. 
 
 The Sedition Act made It a crime for any one 
 to speak or write against the Government, and 
 was directed against the Democratic Party, 
 which by Its criticisms had exasperated the Fed- 
 eralists. 
 
 These laws aroused great opposition, espe- 
 cially In the Southj where the Democrats were 
 strong. 
 
 The Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. — The 
 legislatures of Virginia and Kentucky at once 
 passed resolutions declaring the Alien and Sedi- 
 tion Acts unconstitutional and calling upon the 
 other States to resist them. The Virginia reso- 
 lutions were written by James Madison, those 
 of Kentucky by Jefferson. 
 
 These resolutions are Important because they 
 contain the first official assertion of the doctrine 
 of "nullification"; that is, the doctrine that a 
 State may declare null and void a national law 
 of which it disapproves. 
 
EARLY ACHIEVEMENT 141 
 
 The rest of the States declined to follow the 
 lead of Virginia and Kentucky, asserting that 
 only the United States Supreme Court had the 
 right to pass upon the constitutionality of Fed- 
 eral laws. 
 
 The Alien and Sedition Acts gave the Feder- 
 alist Party Its death-blow, though it lingered in 
 a struggling condition for several years, and its 
 principles continued to be applied by Chief- 
 justice Marshall in the judiciary department. 
 
 The Election of Jefferson. — With the inaugu- 
 ration of Thomas Jefferson as President of the 
 United States in 1801 the Democratic Party 
 came Into full control of national affairs, which 
 It was to hold with but two brief interruptions 
 for sixty years. The transfer of political power 
 from the aristocratic to the popular party was 
 accompanied by a greater simplicity in official 
 habit and ceremony, for Jefferson, although 
 wealthy, was a man of plain tastes. 
 
 The Barbary War. — The United States enjoyed 
 a flourishing trade with the countries bordering 
 on the Mediterranean Sea. On the southern 
 shore lay the Barbary States, a group compris- 
 ing Algiers, Tunis, Morocco, and Tripoli. 
 
 The people of the Barbary States were Mo- 
 hammedans in religion and pirates by occupation. 
 
142 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 It was their practice to He In wait In their har- 
 bors for foreign merchantmen, and then suddenly 
 dart out, rob the vessels, and sell the crews into 
 slavery. All Europe paid tribute to insure the 
 protection of its commerce. Our Government 
 did likewise for a time, but soon grew tired of 
 it and determined to fight. War began In 
 1 80 1, when an American fleet bombarded 
 Tripoli. Other nations followed the American 
 example, and the Barbary terror was forever 
 destroyed. 
 
 This achievement greatly increased the pres- 
 tige of the United States abroad. It was the 
 first triumph of our national navy, and It notified 
 Europe that there was a new and vigorous power 
 this side of the Atlantic. Pope Pius VII said: 
 " The Americans have done more for Christen- 
 dom against the pirates of Africa than all the 
 powers of Europe united." 
 
 The Louisiana Purchase and the Expedition of 
 Lewis and Clark. — President Jefferson and other 
 far-sighted men realized that the political and 
 commercial Interests of the United States de- 
 manded full American control of the Mississippi 
 River and the city of New Orleans, as the prod- 
 uce of nearly half the country must reach the 
 market by the Mississippi route. In 1800 Spain 
 
EARLY ACHIEVEMENT 143 
 
 ceded to France the territory known as Louisi- 
 ana.* 
 
 Jefferson at once planned to purchase New 
 Orleans. Fortunately Napoleon Bonaparte 
 needed money to prosecute his mammoth wars 
 against Europe. He was willing to sell not only 
 New Orleans, but all Louisiana, because of the 
 impossibility of defending it against Great Brit- 
 ain, with which nation he was about to go to 
 war. He also knew that by selling Louisiana 
 to the United States he would gain the good-will 
 of this country, and at the same time raise up a 
 powerful future rival for his enemy. Great Brit- 
 ain. The north-western boundary of this im- 
 mense tract had never been clearly defined, and 
 Napoleon believed that the United States 
 would sooner or later come into collision with 
 Great Britain, whose Canadian possessions 
 touched the Louisiana territory. This is pre- 
 cisely what happened, although not so soon 
 as Napoleon expected. The two nations al- 
 
 * Louisiana was the name given to the French possessions 
 west of the Mississippi River. At the close of the French and 
 Indian War it was ceded to Spain, which kept it until 1800, 
 when it again became the property of France. It comprised 
 most of the territory now included in the States of Louisiana, 
 Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, North and South 
 Dakota, Montana, Wyoming, Kansas, Nebraska, Colorado, 
 Indian Territory, and Oklahoma. 
 
144 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 most went to war over the boundary of Oregon 
 in 1846. 
 
 The United States paid Napoleon $15,000,- 
 000, and in 1803 Louisiana became a territory 
 of the United States. This transaction is one 
 of the most momentous events in American his- 
 tory. It doubled our national area, and gave 
 us control of the Gulf of Mexico. It also pre- 
 vented those disputes or wars which would prob- 
 ably have arisen had Spain or France continued 
 to own neighboring territory, and led in course 
 of time to the extension of our boundary to the 
 Pacific. 
 
 The new country attracted large numbers of 
 immigrants from the States. The invention of 
 the steamboat and locomotive a few years later 
 was followed by a great increase in the wealth 
 and commercial importance of the Far West. 
 
 In the spring of 1804 President Jefferson 
 sent out Meriwether Lewis and William Clark 
 to explore the Louisiana territory and the coun- 
 try beyond as far as the Pacific Ocean. They 
 were gone two and a half years. In consequence 
 of their discoveries the United States laid claim 
 to the Oregon country, a fine territory including 
 the present States of Oregon, Washington, and 
 Idaho, but it was many years before the Ameri- 
 
EARLY ACHIEVEMENT 145 
 
 can claim was conceded by Great Britain, and 
 then only after a compromise. 
 
 The Hamilton-Burr Duel, 1804. — The Vice- 
 president of the United States was Aaron Burr, 
 one of the most gifted men In American his- 
 tory, but extremely ambitious; a man who never 
 spoke 111 of his most embittered and inveterate 
 foe ; who never denied the malodorous practices 
 with which he was constantly charged, nor retali- 
 ated In kind against his accusers. Burr was the 
 shrewdest politician of his day, and was hated 
 and feared by Hamilton and Jefferson alike, for 
 neither of them could match his skill, and both 
 distrusted his patriotism. 
 
 In the election of 1800 Jefferson and Burr 
 had polled the same number of votes for Presi- 
 dent. The Constitution provided that In case 
 of a tie the decision should lie with the House 
 of Representatives. The House was made up 
 largely of Federalists, whom Hamilton Induced 
 to oppose Burr, with the result that Jefferson 
 was declared President.* 
 
 * Under the original method of election there was no 
 balloting for Vice-president. The electors voted for two 
 candidates for President, and the one who received next 
 to the highest number of votes was declared Vice-presi- 
 dent. This method had worked well at first, but its 
 vital defect appeared in the election of Adams and 
 
146 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 In 1804 Burr was nominated for Governor of 
 New York, but owing to the hostile influence 
 of Hamilton he was defeated. On account of 
 this and other grievances Burr challenged Ham- 
 ilton to a duel and killed him. He was in- 
 dicted for murder, but escaped arrest by flight. 
 The man whose life he had taken was one of 
 the greatest statesmen in the history of the 
 world. Guizot, the French statesman and his- 
 torian, says of Hamilton: "He must ever be 
 classed among the men who have best under- 
 stood the vital principles and elemental condi- 
 tions of government; there is not in the Consti- 
 tution of the United States an element of order 
 or force or duration which he did not power- 
 fully contribute to secure.'' 
 
 As for Aaron Burr, he stands a discredited 
 figure In the galaxy of patriots. No man in 
 American history was ever more bitterly as- 
 sailed, and none ever preserved in the face of 
 
 Jefferson. As they were members of hostile parties it 
 necessarily meant a lack of harmony in the executive 
 branch of the Government, and a political change in the 
 event of succession. To remove these disadvantages as 
 w^ell as to avoid a repetition of the Jefferson-Burr incident, 
 a Constitutional amendment w^as passed in 1804 adopting 
 the present method. The electors now vote for President 
 and Vice-president separately, and the same political party 
 gets both offices. 
 
EARLY ACHIEVEMENT 147 
 
 persecution and abuse a demeanor more serene 
 or a self-control more perfect. That he was a 
 model of moral excellence In his private con- 
 duct or a type of the loftiest statesmanship is 
 not to be affirmed. But If he wore not with virt- 
 uous pride the " white flower of a blameless 
 life," he was at least a brave, defiant soul, who 
 bore with philosophic calm the life-long storm 
 of scurrilous attack and begged no quarter of 
 his legion foes. 
 
 Fulton's Steamboat. — The civilized world was 
 beginning to realize the possibilities of steam 
 as a motive power. Several attempts had been 
 made both in Europe and America to adapt it 
 to navigation. In 1786 John Fitch experi- 
 mented successfully with a steamboat on the 
 Delaware, and James Rumsey in the same year 
 put a similar craft on the Potomac. These at- 
 tempts, however, failed to take hold of the pop- 
 ular imagination; it remained for Robert Ful- 
 ton to awaken the interest of the general public 
 in steam navigation. In 1807 Fulton ran the 
 Clermont from New York to Albany against a 
 heavy current, attaining a speed of four miles 
 an hour. 
 
 The invention of the steamboat was one of 
 the great achievements of the nineteenth cen- 
 
148 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 tury. It became a powerful factor in opening up 
 the West, distributing population and increas- 
 ing commerce by making transportation both 
 easier and cheaper. 
 
 i 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 THE WAR OF 1812 
 
 DURING Jefferson's second administra- 
 tion the United States suffered great 
 annoyance from England and France, 
 which were then at war with each other. In 
 order to destroy England's commerce Na- 
 poleon proclaimed a blockade of British ports. 
 Great Britain retaliated with the Orders In 
 Council, forbidding all trade not only with 
 France, but with those countries which were 
 under French control. As every country In con- 
 tinental Europe except Russia was ruled by 
 France the Orders in Council practically closed 
 commerce between the United States and Eu- 
 rope. This was a heavy blow to American in- 
 terests, for the United States had acquired the 
 greater part of the carrying trade of the civ- 
 ilized world. 
 
 England needed more sailors to man her 
 ships and to enforce her blockades. In order 
 to get them she resorted to " Impressment." 
 
 149 
 
150 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Her courts declared, " once an Englishman al- 
 ways an Englishman," and they refused to rec- 
 ognize American naturalization laws or to admit 
 that the United States could by any process make 
 an American citizen out of a native-born Briton. 
 The American Navy and merchant marine con- 
 tained many Englishmen; some had deserted 
 from the British Navy, and others had been nat- 
 uralized under United States laws. The officers 
 of Great Britain boarded American vessels, 
 seized these men and ''impressed" them into 
 the British service. Very often, since it was not 
 always easy to distinguish between an American 
 and an Englishman, they took x'\merican sailors 
 and made them fight in British ships. 
 
 The Embargo. — In June, 1807, the British 
 frigate Leopard stopped the American frigate 
 Chesapeake and demanded the delivery of al- 
 leged deserters. The captain of the Chesapeake 
 refused to give them up, whereupon the Leopard 
 opened fire. The Chesapeake being quite unpre- 
 pared for action was compelled to surrender. 
 
 This outrage upon an armed vessel of the 
 United States should have been followed by an 
 immediate declaration of hostilities, but Jeffer- 
 son was a man of peace, and hoped to bring 
 Great Britain to terms by breaking off trade re- 
 
THE WAR OF 1812 151 
 
 latlons Instead of resorting to force. When 
 Congress met In December, 1807, It passed an 
 embargo act forbidding American vessels to sail 
 to European ports and European vessels to land 
 cargoes In American ports. The object was to 
 Injure French, and especially British, trade. But 
 Europe did not need American trade nearly so 
 much as the United States needed the trade of 
 Europe. 
 
 The Immediate effect of the Embargo was 
 to produce general discontent at home. Prices 
 dropped because there was no market for goods. 
 American vessels rotted at the wharves, sailors 
 lost employment, farmers could not sell their 
 produce, merchants became bankrupt, and grass 
 grew In the streets of the seaport towns. 
 
 But the Embargo had one beneficial result. 
 The restrictions Imposed upon commerce forced 
 the American people to make for themselves 
 many articles for which they had hitherto de- 
 pended upon Europe. In this way mills and 
 factories sprang up In New England. 
 
 The Presidency of James Madison, 1809-17. — 
 Like Washington, Jefferson could have had a 
 third term, but declined, although for a differ- 
 ent reason; because he believed that for one man 
 to serve longer than eight years would set a 
 
152 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 precedent which might have a monarchical 
 tendency. 
 
 Notwithstanding the unpopularity of the Em- 
 bargo, which had been passed by a Democratic 
 Congress, that party carried the election of 
 1808, and James Madison was chosen Presi- 
 dent. He had been a Federalist, and is some- 
 times called the " Father of the Constitution," 
 because of his prominent part in framing that 
 instrument and in securing its adoption, but 
 later he joined the party of Jefferson. 
 
 In the spring of 1809 the Embargo was re- 
 pealed, and the Non-Intercourse Act passed in 
 its stead, which permitted trade with the rest of 
 Europe, but forbade it with Great Britain. 
 
 Three years passed, during which Great Brit- 
 ain continued to seize American vessels and im- 
 press American sailors. Since 1803 more than 
 nine hundred American vessels had been seized 
 and several thousand American seamen forced 
 into the British naval service. The Democratic- 
 Republican Party demanded war. Led by such 
 men as Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania, and 
 Henry Clay, of Kentucky, it began to see the 
 necessity for a stronger national Government 
 than it had at first approved. 
 
 The Battle of Tippecanoe.— While the United 
 
THE WAR OF 1812 153 
 
 States was on the verge of war with England an- 
 other decisive victory was won over the Indians 
 in the West. 
 
 The white settlers were steadily pushing the 
 red men toward the setting sun. In 1 809 Gen- 
 eral William Henry Harrison, Governor of the 
 Territory of Indiana, purchased land from the 
 Indians for the United States Government. 
 Two chiefs, Tecumseh and his brother the 
 *' Prophet,^' believed the purchase had been un- 
 fairly made and organized the tribes for a con- 
 certed effort to expel the whites. 
 
 Tecumseh, although a barbarian, was a re- 
 former and a man of high principle. He wanted 
 to suppress the sale of the white man's liquor, 
 which was making a race of drunkards out of 
 his people. 
 
 In the autumn of 181 1 General Harrison 
 marched into the Indian country. Tecumseh 
 was in the South, working up an alliance with 
 the Creek Indians of Alabama. The Prophet 
 attempted to surprise the Americans by a sudden 
 attack, but Harrison was on his guard, and the 
 Indians were defeated with great loss at the 
 battle of Tippecanoe. 
 
 War Declared. — On June 18, 18 12, Congress 
 declared war against Great Britain. In his mes- 
 
154 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 sage to Congress the President specified the fol- 
 lowing principal causes of grievance: First, the 
 seizure of American vessels and the Impress- 
 ment of American citizens Into the British Navy; 
 second, the destructive effect upon American 
 commerce of British blockades; third, the com- 
 mon belief that the British fur-traders and gar- 
 risons on the Canadian frontier had Incited the 
 recent Indian outbreak under Tecumseh — which 
 is now known to be an error. 
 
 The War of 1812 Is often called the Second 
 War for Independence. The Revolution had 
 made us free on land, the War of 18 12 was to 
 make us free on the ocean; the Revolution had 
 given us political Independence, the War of 1 8 1 2 
 was to give us commercial Independence. 
 
 Military Disaster. — The first military event 
 of the war proved disastrous to American arms. 
 General Hull was commander of the forces In 
 the West. He started to Invade Canada, but 
 becoming alarmed turned back to Detroit. 
 Soon a British force appeared, and without 
 even attempting a defence General Hull sur- 
 rendered, thus permitting all Michigan to fall 
 into the hands of the enemy. He was tried by 
 a court-martial for cowardice and sentenced to 
 be shot, but the President Interfered to save his 
 
THE WAR OF 1812 155 
 
 life on account of his age and his honorable rec- 
 ord In the Revolution. 
 
 Naval Victories. — If failure followed the 
 commencement of hostilities on land, on sea 
 the war opened with brilliant success. The 
 American Navy numbered but twenty ships 
 and a few gun-boats, while the British Navy 
 comprised a thousand vessels. On August 19, 
 1 8 12, a few days after General Hull sur- 
 rendered Detroit, his nephew, Captain Isaac 
 Hull, commanding the Constitution, fought the 
 British frigate Guerriere, and captured her In less 
 than thirty minutes. It was the first victory of 
 the war, and the people gave the Constitution 
 the affectionate name of '' Old Ironsides.'* 
 In the same year the Americans won three other 
 memorable sea - victories. The Constitution 
 added the Ja'va to her prize record, the Wasp 
 captured the Frolic, and the United States took 
 the Macedonian. Before the war ended the 
 American Navy had captured twenty-five hun- 
 dred British prizes. 
 
 The reason for this astonishing success against 
 the greatest navy In the world Is to be found In 
 the superiority of American gunners and sailors, 
 which more than compensated for the lack of 
 ships. 
 
156 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 A large part of the northern frontier was 
 occupied by the Great Lakes, of which it was 
 highly desirable to get control. Captain Oliver 
 Hazard Perry built a fleet on Lake Erie to 
 operate against the British. On the morning of 
 September 13, 18 13, he saw the British ships 
 approaching. Captain Perry advanced to meet 
 them, and in less than two hours, after one of 
 the hardest fought naval battles in history, 
 gained a complete victory. He then sent to 
 General Harrison, who had succeeded General 
 Hull in the command of the army of the West, 
 this famous despatch: " We have met the enemy 
 and they are ours." 
 
 A similar victory was gained on Lake Cham- 
 plain, September 11, 18 14, when a small Amer- 
 ican squadron under Captain McDonough pre- 
 vented the invasion of New York State by a 
 British army of twelve thousand, backed by a 
 large fleet. 
 
 The War of 18 12 produced some able gen- 
 erals as well as sea-fighters. In Canada Gen- 
 erals Jacob Brown and Winfield Scott won the 
 battles of Chippewa and Lundy's Lane, brilliant 
 achievements, although resulting in no perma- 
 nent military advantage. 
 
 The Enemy in Washington. — Late In the sum- 
 
THE WAR OF 1812 157 
 
 mer of 1814 a British naval and military force 
 under Admiral Cockburn and General Ross 
 sailed up the Chesapeake Bay, landed in Mary- 
 land, and marched to Washington. They 
 burned the Capitol, the White House, and some 
 other Government buildings, destroying both 
 public and private property. On their return 
 the British attacked Baltimore, but failing to 
 take the city, which was valiantly defended by 
 citizens and militia, they embarked on their 
 transports and sailed away to Halifax. 
 
 It was during the bombardment of Fort Mc- 
 Henry that " The Star-spangled Banner " was 
 written by Francis Scott Key, who was detained 
 under a flag of truce aboard a British ship. 
 
 Jackson and the Indians. — The land fighting 
 was not confined to the North. Tecumseh had 
 persuaded the Creek Indians of Alabama to 
 join the British against the Americans. At 
 Fort Mims they massacred seven hundred 
 Americans — soldiers, women, and children. 
 General Andrew Jackson, commanding the 
 Tennessee militia, took a prompt revenge upon 
 the Indians in a series of brilliant engagements. 
 He proved to be such a hard and tireless fighter 
 that his soldiers gave him the nickname of " Old 
 Hickory," by which he became known all over 
 
158 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 the country. In 18 14 Jackson was placed In 
 command of the entire southern department of 
 the army. 
 
 New Orleans. — On January 8, 18 15, the Brit- 
 ish Army, outnumbering their foemen two to one 
 and composed of veterans who had fought 
 against Napoleon, made a grand assault upon 
 New Orleans. 
 
 The defenders of the city were commanded 
 by General Andrew Jackson. They consisted 
 of militiamen, negroes, and boys, Intrenched be- 
 hind barricades of mud and cotton-bales. The 
 British moved to the attack early In the morn- 
 ing. From the top of the crude parapet twelve 
 cannon poured their murderous fire Into the ad- 
 vancing enemy. One cannon, loaded to the 
 muzzle with musket-balls, brought down two 
 hundred British soldiers at Its first discharge. 
 In twenty-five minutes It was all over. 
 
 The battle of New Orleans, though the most 
 celebrated American victory of the war, was 
 wholly unnecessary because a treaty of peace 
 had been signed between Great Britain and the 
 United States two weeks before In the city of 
 Ghent, Belgium. Owing to the slow mode of 
 transmitting news this fact was unknown to 
 either army. 
 
THE WAR OF 1812 159 
 
 The Hartford Convention.— The Federalists 
 were violently opposed to the war with Eng- 
 land. The New England members of the 
 party, anxious to embarrass the Democratic ad- 
 ministration and to force peace, met In conven- 
 tion at Hartford, Conn., In December, 18 14. 
 After a secret session of three weeks the conven- 
 tion issued a report, which was a reproduction 
 of the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions, and 
 threatened the withdrawal of the New England 
 States from the Union unless peace were speed- 
 ily made. Before the purpose of the convention 
 could be carried out peace was declared. 
 
 The country never forgave the unpatriotic 
 conduct of the New England Federalists, who 
 sought to cripple the national Government In 
 the hour of Its distress to force a partisan ad- 
 vantage. The Hartford convention proved a 
 finishing blow to the Federalist Party. Years 
 afterward the memory of this episode was re- 
 vived by the South to furnish a Northern prece- 
 dent for the doctrine of secession. 
 
 Results of the War. — Not a word did the 
 treaty contain regarding Impressment or the 
 other grievances on account of which the United 
 States had gone to war. But If the original 
 causes of dispute were left unsettled, the United 
 
i6o BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 States had gained much. Great Britain never 
 again impressed American sailors. The Amer- 
 ican victories on sea and land raised the United 
 States to the rank of a first-class power. Euro- 
 pean respect for this country dates from the War 
 of 1812. 
 
 More than all this the war awakened a con- 
 sciousness of nationality which Imparted a 
 moral strength to the Union as nothing else 
 could have done. 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 
 THE GROWTH OF NATIONALITY AND THE 
 FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF POLITI- 
 CAL PARTIES 
 
 THE years immediately following the 
 War of 1 8 12 were not characterized 
 by startling events. James Monroe, 
 of Virginia, became President in 1816 and 
 served two terms. He was the last President to 
 wear the cocked hat and to dress in the fashion 
 of the Revolution. During his administration 
 the country entered upon a period of great pros- 
 perity. Commerce flourished, manufactures 
 sprang up in the North, and the rich agricultural 
 lands of the West came under cultivation. Then 
 began that mighty stream of foreign immigra- 
 tion that has poured steadily into this land ever 
 since, drawn by the superior opportunities 
 offered in a new and free country. 
 
 The feeling of nationahty that had been 
 awakened by the war was strengthened by the 
 growth of commerce, and by the canals, the 
 steamboat lines, and a little later the railroads, 
 
 i6i 
 
i62 BIRD*S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 which drew the different sections nearer together 
 and facilitated the settlement of the great West. 
 
 The Purchase of Florida. — Ever since Florida 
 became the property of Spain by the treaty of 
 1783 it had been a constant source of annoy- 
 ance to the United States. The Spanish officials 
 were indifferent to their duties, and made no 
 serious effort to enforce order. They violated 
 international law by receiving fugitives from 
 American justice, smugglers, hostile Indians, and 
 other disorderly persons who took an unfair 
 advantage of the fact that Florida was Spanish 
 territory to use it as a base for their lawless 
 operations against the people of Alabama and 
 Georgia, and as a means to escape from punish- 
 ment. 
 
 The United States, thinking it desirable to 
 bring this troublesome region under its con- 
 trol, and also wishing to diminish as far as pos- 
 sible Spanish sovereignty in the New World, 
 purchased Florida in 1 8 19. It was given a terri- 
 torial government, under which it remained 
 until 1845, when it became a State. 
 
 The Monroe Doctrine. — During the Napoleonic 
 wars, in which all Europe was for many years 
 engaged, the Spanish colonies in South America, 
 inspired by the earlier example of the United 
 
THE GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 1&3 
 
 States, took advantage of the mother-country's 
 weakness to declare their Independence and to 
 set up republican forms of government. At the 
 same time Russia, Prussia, Austria, and France 
 formed the " Holy Alliance," the object of 
 which was to prevent the spread of republican 
 ideas, then making great headway In Europe, 
 and to assist Spain to recover possession of the 
 South American countries which had revolted. 
 Great Britain was Invited to join but refused. 
 The British Government then proposed to the 
 United States that the two nations unite to 
 prevent the Holy Alliance from Interfering In 
 South America. The cooperation of Great Brit- 
 ain, with her superior navy, enabled the United 
 States to take a stand that would have been im- 
 possible without British support. 
 
 President Monroe, In his message to Congress 
 (December, 1823), announced the following 
 principles : That the United States would not In- 
 terfere with European rights on this hemisphere 
 as they existed prior to that date; but that in 
 future no European nation would be allowed to 
 colonize any portion of North or South Amer- 
 ica, or to extend hither their systems of monarchy, 
 or to oppress the independent nations of either 
 continent; and that the violation of any of these 
 
i64 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 rules would be considered an act of hostility to 
 the United States. 
 
 Although named for President Monroe, these 
 principles had been previously and strongly ad- 
 vocated by Jefferson, Madison, Henry Clay, and 
 John Quincy Adams. 
 
 The popular approval which greeted this mes- 
 sage offered convincing proof of the growing 
 spirit of nationality. 
 
 The Monroe Doctrine has been greatly 
 expanded In the course of years. Although the 
 caMses which produced It have long since disap- 
 peared, it is to-day more than ever the primary 
 and determined rule In the foreign policy of the 
 United States. 
 
 That American antipathy to European colo- 
 nization of South America Is at the present time 
 based upon fear of contamination to republican 
 institutions from monarchical influence Is pre- 
 posterous. France is republican, and England 
 is politically a democracy, but the intrusion of 
 either nation would no more be tolerated than 
 that of imperial Germany. 
 
 Nor can the Idea be seriously entertained that 
 it is the benevolent Intention of the United States 
 to hold South America in trust until the present 
 Latinized agglomeration of discordant, belllg- 
 
THE GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 165 
 
 erent and venal governments reach such a stage 
 of civic intelligence and strength that they can 
 protect themselves from European aggressions. 
 
 South America must some day be predomi- 
 nantly Teutonic, for the Latin race, its present 
 possessor, is doomed. The great Teutonic na- 
 tions are England, Germany, and the United 
 States. Germany, with its excess of population, 
 would long ago have sought a " sphere of influ- 
 ence " by political colonization and military es- 
 tablishment but for the Monroe Doctrine. The 
 United States, not yet ready for so tremendous 
 a step as the confiscation of a continent, is fully 
 determined that its rivals shall not acquire a 
 foothold within an area which for nearly a cen- 
 tury it has been accustomed to regard as its own 
 preserve. This is the probable intent of the 
 Monroe Doctrine as evidenced in the acts and 
 poHcies of state. 
 
 New Political Divisions.— The period covered 
 by the two administrations of Monroe is fre- 
 quently spoken of as the " Era of Good Feel- 
 ing," because there was but one political party, 
 the Democratic-Republican Party of Jefferson, 
 or Democratic Party, as it was commonly called. 
 The Alien and Sedition laws, the unsympathetic 
 and distrustful attitude of the Federalists toward 
 
i66 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 popular government, and the unsavory episode 
 of the Hartford convention proved the ruin of 
 the Federalist Party. After the election of 1 8 1 6 
 It completely disappeared as an organization, 
 although other parties have descended from It 
 which have kept alive In modified form the best 
 of Its principles. 
 
 But although there was only one political 
 party In existence the period was anything but 
 an era of good feehng In politics. There were 
 many differences of opinion on political ques- 
 tions, many bitter enmities between public men, 
 and these factors were leading toward the for- 
 mation of a new party. 
 
 The Democratic Party, following the ideas of 
 Jefferson, believed In as little government and 
 as few laws as possible, consistent with the pub- 
 lic welfare ; whatever government was necessary 
 It believed should be exercised by the Individual 
 States rather than by Federal authority, since the 
 States were nearer to the people and centralized 
 power was apt to beget tyranny. It favored a 
 strict construction of the Constitution as the 
 surest way to curb the aggressive tendencies of 
 the Federal Government and to guard the rights 
 of the States and the liberties of the people. 
 
 The acts of the Democratic Party, though 
 
THE GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 167 
 
 not always consistent with Its professions, have 
 been on the whole In line with these principles. 
 
 But the Democratic Party contained many 
 men who believed that In order to reach the full- 
 est national development the Federal Govern- 
 ment should be given a larger measure of power; 
 that there were some things that could be better 
 handled by Congress than by State legislatures; 
 In short, they believed In the old Federalist prin- 
 ciple of a strong central government, which, 
 according to their view, was not necessarily dan- 
 gerous either to State rights or Individual liber- 
 ties. 
 
 The creed of these Democrats contained 
 two prominent features : internal improvements^ 
 such as building roads and canals, at national 
 expense; and a protective tariffs that Is, a tax 
 on certain goods of foreign manufacture great 
 enough to keep them out of the country, so that 
 the people would be compelled to buy only 
 American goods. 
 
 The principle of Internal Improvements was 
 in harmony with the Interests of the farmers 
 of the West, who desired roads and canals In 
 order to connect them with the East and to les- 
 sen the expense of transporting their agricult- 
 ural products to Eastern markets. The prin- 
 
i68 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 ciple of protection was heartily approved by 
 the manufacturers of New England, who were 
 striving to establish great and permanent indus- 
 tries, and would in this manner escape foreign 
 competition. 
 
 This faction of the Democratic Party was 
 led by Henry Clay and John Quincy Adams. 
 It absorbed the Federalist remnants and grew 
 rapidly, assuming the distinctive name of the 
 National Republican Party. In 1824 the Na- 
 tional Republicans elected John Quincy Adams 
 President.* 
 
 The administration of Adams, like that of his 
 predecessor, Monroe, was uneventful. But be- 
 neath the quiet surface powerful movements were 
 taking definite direction. It was during the pres- 
 idential terms of Monroe and Adams that the 
 questions of slavery and the tariff, two of the 
 greatest issues of the nineteenth century in 
 
 * The election of 1824 was the second in our history to be 
 decided by the House of Representatives, as none of the can- 
 didates had a majority of the electoral votes. 
 
 John Quincy Adams was the son of John Adams and had 
 formerly been a Federalist. Like his father, he was a man of 
 very great ability, unselfish, incorruptible, and devoted to the 
 public welfare. Like the elder Adams, too, he was consid- 
 ered cold and aristocratic and largely for this reason failed 
 to be reelected. After his term expired he served with dis- 
 tinction for seventeen years as a member of Congress from 
 Massachusetts. 
 
THE GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 169 
 
 American politics, first came squarely before the 
 people. 
 
 The Slavery Question and the Missouri Com- 
 promise.— It will be remembered that slavery 
 formerly existed In the North as well as in the 
 South, although never to so great an extent. 
 The fact that it was not suited to Northern 
 manufactures made It unprofitable, and led to 
 Its disappearance. Even in agriculture It had 
 never paid, for the small farms of the North 
 were very different from the plantation system 
 of the South. Only in Pennsylvania, by the 
 efforts of the Quakers and some of the German 
 religious bodies, was slavery abolished on strictly 
 moral grounds. 
 
 The Ordinance of 1787 had forever excluded 
 slavery from the States which might in the future 
 be carved out of the vast territory that stretched 
 from the Ohio River to the Mississippi and 
 northward to the Great Lakes. 
 
 The Constitution, while guaranteeing protec- 
 tion to slavery as it existed, forbade the Impor- 
 tation of slaves after 1808. 
 
 Many Southern people and some of the great- 
 est Southern statesmen. Including Washington, 
 Jefferson, and Madison, had desired the end of 
 slavery. 
 
170 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 These facts indicated that slavery might ulti- 
 mately die, or at least that it would never in- 
 crease to a great extent or spread beyond the 
 region where it then existed. But this expecta- 
 tion was destroyed by the invention of the cot- 
 ton-gin, which, by enabling one slave to do the 
 work that previously required three hundred, 
 increased the value of every negro, and made 
 cotton the chief staple of the South. The re- 
 sult was that slavery became more firmly fixed 
 than ever as the basis of the industrial life of the 
 South. 
 
 Now, had slavery been confined to the lim- 
 its within which it then existed all might have 
 been well. It was the question of its extension 
 into new territory that created trouble. The 
 South realized that unless Its ranks were re- 
 cruited by the addition of new slave States it 
 would soon be outnumbered in Congress by the 
 North, whose population was increasing at a 
 rapid rate. The only way for the South to re- 
 tain Its political power was by the admission of 
 new States from the South-west and from that 
 part of the upper West which lay beyond the 
 reach of the Ordinance of 1787. Thus It could 
 balance its losses in the House, where represen- 
 tation was based on population, by its gains In 
 
THE GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 171 
 
 the Senate, where representation was based on 
 territory. 
 
 The first skirmish in the conflict between free- 
 dom and slavery occurred when Missouri ap- 
 plied for admission to the Union. Hitherto 
 new States had been admitted in pairs, one slave 
 State for one free State. Thus Kentucky and 
 Vermont came in together; Tennessee and Ohio, 
 Louisiana and Indiana, Mississippi and Illinois 
 offset each other. 
 
 In 1820 Maine, which had been a part of 
 Massachusetts in colonial days, was admitted 
 as a separate State. The North wanted Mis- 
 souri to come in as a free State, the South as a 
 slave State. Henry Clay, then a member of 
 Congress from Kentucky, came forward with a 
 compromise. He proposed to admit Missouri 
 as a slave State, but to exclude slavery forever 
 from all that portion of the Louisiana Purchase 
 which lay to the north of the southern bound- 
 ary of Missouri. 
 
 Clay's compromise became law in 182 1, and 
 undoubtedly saved the Union. Had Missouri 
 been refused admission as a slave State the 
 South would probably have seceded. There was 
 neither sufficient military power nor a strong 
 enough national sentiment In the North at that 
 
172 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 time to have prevented it. It Is not likely that 
 the Northern people would have rallied to the 
 defence of the Union then, as they did forty 
 years later. The aged but still clear-visioned 
 Jefferson, living in peaceful retirement at Mon- 
 ticello, heard the sharp, discordant note that 
 issued from the halls of Congress and knew that 
 the Missouri Compromise portended a coming 
 struggle. It sounded to him, he said, " like a 
 fire-bell in the night." 
 
 The dispute over Missouri involved no moral 
 principle. The motive on both sides was polit- 
 ical power. The North and South wanted the 
 votes of Missouri Senators and Congressmen to 
 support sectional legislation. If slavery won, 
 then the Northern free laborer would be shut 
 out, for free labor could not compete with slave- 
 labor, and white men would not go where they 
 were put on a social level with the negroes. If 
 the North triumphed, then the Southern slave- 
 holder would be excluded. 
 
 Close on the Missouri Compromise came the 
 tariff war, which was also sectional. 
 
 The Tariff Question. — Before the Revolution 
 the colonies had depended almost wholly upon 
 Great Britain for their manufactured goods. 
 The two wars with the mother-country, the Em- 
 
THE GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 173 
 
 bargo and Non-Intercourse Acts, the exorbitant 
 freight rates, and the Insecurity of ocean com- 
 merce at that stormy period had compelled the 
 American people to make their own goods. In 
 obedience to this necessity cotton and woollen 
 manufactures sprang up In some of the North- 
 ern States, chiefly In New England. 
 
 At the close of the War of 18 12 the English 
 merchants endeavored to recapture the American 
 markets by underselling their competitors. The 
 American manufacturers were In danger of being 
 ruined, and applied to Congress for protection. 
 In 1 8 16 Congress passed a tariff act which Im- 
 posed a duty of about twenty-five per cent on 
 cotton and woollen Imports. The tariff of 1824 
 increased the duty to thirty-seven per cent. The 
 higher duties, by removing foreign competition, 
 gave to the Northern manufacturer the whole 
 American market. But It caused dissatisfaction 
 In the South, which had no manufactures of Its 
 own, and was thus compelled to pay to the 
 Northern manufacturers very high prices for 
 necessaries which It could get nowhere else. 
 
 Thus on the two great questions of slavery 
 and the tariff the North and South took opposite 
 sides. 
 
CHAPTER XIV 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON AND THE REIGN OF THE 
 PEOPLE 
 
 THE year 1828 Is a remarkable one In 
 American politics. Forces that had 
 been slowly gathering for a long time 
 past had now assumed definite form and direc- 
 tion. 
 
 The Election of Jackson. — Andrew Jackson was 
 the first President of the United States who 
 really sprang from and belonged to the " com- 
 mon people." Washington, the two Adamses, 
 Monroe, and even Thomas Jefierson, whose 
 heart and sympathies were with the masses, were 
 all members of the rich and socially prominent 
 class of Americans. Jackson was a representa- 
 tive of the growing South-west, a soldier and 
 popular hero whose defeat of the British at New 
 Orleans was still fresh In the minds of his coun- 
 trymen. The triumph of Jackson In the presi- 
 dential election of 1828 over Adams, who had 
 the solid support of the wealthy, educated, and 
 
 174 
 
THE REIGN OF THE PEOPLE 175 
 
 conservative elements, meant that the great body 
 of the voters had awakened to a realization of 
 their power, and from this time on were to be 
 the real rulers of the nation. 
 
 Jackson was a great man, and In some re- 
 spects a great President. But he had had no 
 previous training or experience In statesmanship 
 such as his predecessors had enjoyed, and In- 
 evitably made mistakes which they would have 
 avoided. He was first of all a soldier, not a 
 statesman. He himself realized this. Parton, 
 In his standard biography of Jackson, says that 
 when the hero learned that a New York news- 
 paper had mentioned him as a presidential pos- 
 sibility he exclaimed : " Do they think I am 
 such a damned fool as to think myself fit for 
 the presidency? No, sir; I know what I am 
 good for. I can command a body of men In a 
 rough way, but I am not fit for President." 
 Although thoroughly honest and devoted to the 
 public good, he lacked many qualities which are 
 highly necessary In a chief executive. He pos- 
 sessed an extraordinary will to which obstacles 
 and opponents almost invariably yielded, and 
 remarkable Intuitive powers. But he was sus- 
 ceptible to flattery and was easily Imposed upon 
 by unscrupulous politicians, who gained his con- 
 
176 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 fidence and friendship by artful appeals to his 
 weaknesses. 
 
 The administrations of Jackson covered eight 
 years. They were full of stirring events which 
 were productive of far-reaching results. He 
 was the first presidential candidate nominated by 
 a national convention, and the first to stand 
 upon a platform of principles put forth by such 
 a convention. 
 
 The Spoils System. — The thing for which 
 President Jackson has been most severely criti- 
 cised is the change which he introduced into the 
 civil service. Under the earlier presidents Fed- 
 eral office-holders, such as postmasters, clerks, 
 and customs officials, had held their positions 
 as a general rule for life or during good 
 behavior. To turn a man out of the employ of 
 the Federal Government simply because he be- 
 longed to a different party was rarely done, al- 
 though it was a common practice in the State 
 politics of New York and Pennsylvania. 
 
 When Jackson became President, one of his 
 first acts was to order a wholesale removal of 
 Federal office-holders, putting in their places his 
 own friends and followers. This practice of dis- 
 tributing public offices among the members of the 
 victorious party as a reward for political services 
 
THE REIGN OF THE PEOPLE 177 
 
 has always been regarded by most thoughtful 
 men as a great evil. It Is called the " Spoils 
 System " from the motto which the party In 
 power so often quoted: *^ To the victors belong 
 the spoils." 
 
 But the Spoils System meant something far 
 higher than mere greed for office, although 
 that was doubtless the prime reason why It 
 met with such enthusiastic favor. It was a 
 direct and tangible evidence of the growing 
 spirit of democracy^ a demand on the part of the 
 great rank and file of voters that they be allowed 
 to enjoy some of the positions of dignity which 
 they had instituted and the salaries of which 
 were paid out of their taxes. 
 
 The Spoils System rendered one substantial 
 benefit to the country by preventing what might 
 have developed Into a bureaucracy of permanent 
 office-holders. It had its evils, and great ones, 
 but they have been reduced in recent years by 
 legislative and executive action. 
 
 Nullification.— This word as it is used In 
 American history means that a State has the 
 right to declare null and void and to resist any 
 act of the Federal Government which it disap- 
 proves. It was first asserted In the Virginia and 
 Kentucky Resolutions, and was a logical conse- 
 
178 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 quence of the principle of State sovereignty, 
 which had always been the basis of the Demo- 
 cratic Party. 
 
 The question of nullification arose in this 
 way: For a long time the North and the South 
 had been steadily drifting apart. Both felt 
 that their interests were different. The North 
 was largely industrial, the South altogether 
 agricultural. The North had free labor, the 
 South slave. The North wanted a high pro- 
 tective tariff for Its manufactures, the Southern 
 planters wanted a low tariff or none at all. Con- 
 gress passed several tariff laws between 1789 
 and 1828, each one higher than the last. These 
 laws benefited the Northern manufacturer, but 
 proved a burden to the South, especially to the 
 people of South Carolina. 
 
 In 1830 a great tariff debate, involving the 
 nature and purport of the Federal Constitution, 
 was held in the Senate between Robert Y. 
 Hayne, of South Carolina, and Daniel Webster, 
 of Massachusetts. 
 
 Mr. Hayne asserted the doctrine of State 
 sovereignty; that the Constitution was a com- 
 pact between independent sovereign States and 
 could be dissolved by any State at any time. 
 He declared that the tariff of 1828 was unfair 
 
THE REIGN OF THE PEOPLE 179 
 
 to the people of South Carolina, who therefore 
 had a perfect right to resist Its enforcement. 
 
 Senator Hayne was answered by Mr. Web- 
 ster, who took the position that the Constitu- 
 tion was not a compact between sovereign States 
 as States, but between the sovereign people of 
 all the States; that no State could Interpret the 
 Constitution to suit Itself or resist the laws of 
 Congress. Such acts, said Mr. Webster, would 
 result in anarchy. 
 
 The speech of Webster made a deep Impres- 
 sion upon the people of the North, giving a 
 strong and permanent impulse to the growing 
 spirit of nationality. 
 
 In 1832 Congress passed another tariff law, 
 which was more distasteful to the people of 
 South Carolina than that of 1828. A State con- 
 vention met and proceeded to carry out the 
 threat made by Senator Hayne. The conven- 
 tion passed an ordinance declaring null and void 
 the tariffs of 1828 and 1832. All State officers 
 were made to swear that they would support the 
 ordinance. The convention further declared 
 that South Carolina would secede from the 
 Union if the Federal Government attempted to 
 enforce the tariff laws. 
 
 President Jackson, although a Southern man. 
 
i8o BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 was an intense lover of the Union. He Issued 
 a proclamation in which he declared that resist- 
 ance to Federal laws was treason, and warned 
 the people of South Carolina against taking such 
 a step. Congress passed an act called the 
 " force bill/' which gave the President power 
 to enforce the law. 
 
 Henry Clay came forward with a compro- 
 mise. Through his efforts the objectionable 
 tariff of 1832 was repealed, and a lower rate 
 fixed as a concession to South Carolina. The 
 Ordinance of Nullification was repealed, and 
 further difficulty was for the time avoided. 
 
 The Democracy of Jefferson and of Jackson 
 Compared. — We may see right at this point the 
 difference between the earlier democracy of 
 Thomas Jefferson, the founder of the Demo- 
 cratic Party, and that of Andrew Jackson, who 
 was now its chief. 
 
 Both men believed In the rule of the people. 
 But Jefferson thought that this end could best 
 be effected by Independent local governments, 
 that is, State sovereignty; while Jackson be- 
 lieved that the reign of the people could only 
 be secured through the Federal Government, 
 that Is, by the whole people acting through the 
 Nation, Jackson's view was also the view of 
 
 i 
 
THE REIGN OF THE PEOPLE i8i 
 
 such leaders as Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, 
 and Chief-justice Marshall, and it was fast be- 
 coming the settled conviction of the people of 
 the North and West. The doctrine of State 
 sovereignty continued to be firmly held by the 
 people of the South, where it found its ablest 
 champion in John C. Calhoun, of South Caro- 
 lina. 
 
 The national ideal of Jackson was destined 
 to triumph in the end, but not without a fierce 
 and terrible war between the South, defend- 
 ing the ancient theory of State sovereignty, 
 and the North, committed to the principle of 
 nationality. 
 
 Like Jefferson, Jackson believed that govern- 
 ment to be the best, whether local or national, 
 which governed least, even when the people were 
 their own rulers. He was watchful to see that 
 the other branches of the Federal Government 
 did not overstep their Constitutional powers, 
 but he did not hesitate to magnify the preroga- 
 tives of his own office. 
 
 Jackson and the Bank. — In 1816 Congress 
 had chartered for a period of twenty years a 
 Bank of the United States, similar to the earher 
 institution founded by Hamilton, which was now 
 defunct, and had deposited in its keeping the 
 
i82 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 revenues of the Government. In 1832, four 
 years before Its charter expired, Congress grant- 
 ed a new charter. The President promptly 
 vetoed the bill, claiming that the Constitution 
 gave Congress no such power. He also alleged 
 that the existence of a private moneyed Insti- 
 tution in alliance with the Government was 
 dangerous to the public welfare, and that 
 the bank had used its power for political pur- 
 poses. 
 
 There was some truth in these charges. A 
 bitter controversy between the bank and the 
 President ensued. In the election of 1832 the 
 bank question was submitted to the people, who 
 reelected Jackson by an Immense vote. The 
 President felt encouraged, and continued his 
 war against the bank with renewed vehemence. 
 The next year he removed the Government de- 
 posits from its custody, and in 1836, having 
 failed to secure a new charter, the Bank of the 
 United States came to an end.* 
 
 It was undoubtedly best that there should be 
 no such institution, since a partnership of that 
 sort between a private enterprise and the Gov- 
 
 * After the expiration of its national charter the Bank of 
 the United States was incorporated by the State of Penn- 
 sylvania. 
 
THE REIGN OF THE PEOPLE 183 
 
 ernment was liable to grave abuses, and was cer- 
 tain to be the object of popular suspicion and 
 attack. 
 
 The Administration of Martin Van Buren. — 
 Jackson greatly desired to be followed in the 
 presidency by his friend and associate, Martin 
 Van Buren, who had been Vice-president since 
 1832. The Democratic Party, obeying the 
 wishes of its chief, made Van Buren its candi- 
 date in the campaign of 1836, with the result 
 that he was elected. Van Buren was an able 
 and experienced statesman and a remarkably 
 adroit politician, but he was given only one term 
 in the White House. 
 
 In 1837 the country passed through a period 
 of " hard times." A great financial panic ruined 
 business and brought disaster to many people. 
 It was due principally to the frenzy for specula- 
 tion which had seized the public mind, and 
 found expression in delusive schemes of money- 
 making. The panic was precipitated, however, 
 by the bank policy of Jackson, which caused 
 temporary derangement in the financial world. 
 The destruction of the wheat crop of 1836 in 
 many States by the Hessian fly aggravated the 
 suffering produced by the rise in the price of 
 money. 
 
i84 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 The Rise and First Success of the Whig Party. — 
 Andrew Jackson had been a self-willed and 
 arbitrary President. His warfare against the 
 bank displeased a large number of Democrats. 
 For the purpose of opposing Jackson more 
 effectively his enemies joined forces with the 
 National Republicans, whose leader and idol 
 was Henry Clay, the most eloquent and mag- 
 netic orator in the country. Under the magic 
 influence of Clay a new and effective party was 
 organized which offered a united opposition to 
 the Jackson Democrats. 
 
 The Whig Party,* for so it was named, held 
 to the Federalist doctrine of large powers for 
 the national Government, and to the National 
 Republican policies of internal improvements at 
 national expense and a protective tariff. An- 
 other of its leaders was Daniel Webster. In 
 1832 the Whigs ran Henry Clay for the presi- 
 dency against Jackson with the result already 
 noted. 
 
 The panic of 1837 proved a fortunate event 
 for the Whigs, for it furnished ammunition for 
 
 * "Whig" was the name adopted in 1680 by a poHtical 
 party in England which opposed the tyranny of the king. 
 Jackson's enemies denounced him as a tyrant and tried to 
 establish an historical parallel between themselves and the 
 English party which stood for liberty. 
 
THE REIGN OF THE PEOPLE 185 
 
 the guns of campaign oratory. The Whigs 
 heaped reproach upon the Democrats and fanned 
 the flame of popular discontent. 
 
 In 1840 the Whigs nominated General Will- 
 iam Henry Harrison for President. The candi- 
 date was an old soldier with an heroic record 
 In the Indian war of 18 11. He had never been 
 very active In politics, and hence had made no 
 enemies. He was now living as a farmer In 
 Ohio. John Tyler, of Virginia, was named for 
 Vice-president In order to draw votes In the 
 South. 
 
 The Whigs had no platform, and did not 
 declare for a single principle. They simply at- 
 tacked Van Buren's administration, laying upon 
 It all the blame for the hard times. General 
 Harrison's war record made him a popular can- 
 didate. People remembered his defeat of the 
 Indians, and affectionately called him " Old 
 Tippecanoe." They also remembered the panic 
 of 1837. Van Buren was renominated by the 
 Democrats, but Harrison was elected by an Im- 
 mense majority. 
 
 The Whigs Fail to Make a Record.— Notwith- 
 standing their success at the polls, the Whigs 
 accomplished nothing of Importance during their 
 four years of supremacy in the councils of the 
 
i86 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 nation. General Harrison was sixty-eight years 
 old and physically infirm. The labors of his 
 office proved too great for his strength, and he 
 died exactly one month after his inauguration. 
 
 Then trouble began for the Whigs. John 
 Tyler became President. He had formerly been 
 a Democrat, but had left his party because he 
 disliked Jackson. He was still a Democrat at 
 heart. The Whig Congress passed two bills to 
 reestablish a national bank. President Tyler 
 vetoed them both, at which the whole Whig 
 Party became enraged. The members of the 
 Cabinet resigned, and the President showed his 
 true colors by appointing Democrats to fill their 
 places. 
 
 With Congress and the President at variance 
 with each other the Whigs could accomplish 
 but little. 
 
CHAPTER XV 
 
 INVENTION, LITERATURE, MORAL PROGRESS, 
 AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 THE population of the United States In 
 1830, east of the Mississippi River, 
 was thirteen millions. The country 
 was remarkably prosperous. There were few 
 very rich men, and none who were very poor. 
 
 The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad was begun 
 In 1827. From that time on railroads Increased 
 rapidly In the East, though the stage-coach con- 
 tinued to be for many years a common mode of 
 travel. 
 
 The canals, which were constructed after the 
 War of 18 12, proved a great benefit to the 
 farmers by reducing freight charges, thus ena- 
 bling them to sell their produce In distant mar- 
 kets at a greater profit. 
 
 Invention was busy devising means to lessen 
 human toll and Increase the product of Indus- 
 try by making use of machinery. The McCor- 
 
 mlck reaper was placed In the market In 1831, 
 
 187 
 
i88 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 and proved a great boon to agriculture. The 
 invention of the sewing-machine by Ellas Howe 
 In 1846 came as a blessing to women In their 
 homes and to the thousands who tolled In busy 
 factories. But the crowning achievement of In- 
 ventive genius was the Morse electric telegraph, 
 over which the first message was despatched in 
 1844. 
 
 The use of anthracite coal for smelting Iron, 
 together with other improvements In the process 
 of mining, soon placed the iron and coal mines 
 of Pennsylvania In the front rank of American 
 industries. New England was steadily develop- 
 ing as a manufacturing centre. 
 
 Newspapers were numerous and exerted a 
 powerful Influence upon the minds of the peo- 
 ple concerning the prominent questions of the 
 day. 
 
 Many of the celebrated authors who have 
 contributed so largely to the glory of their coun- 
 try were now beginning to write. " The Sketch 
 Book " had already made the name of Washing- 
 ton Irving familiar In Europe as well as In 
 America. James Fenimore Cooper's sea-tales 
 and stories of pioneer life had given him an 
 international fame. The histories of Bancroft 
 and Prescott, the weird imagination of Edgar 
 
SOCIAL CONDITIONS 189 
 
 Allan Poe, the mystery of Hawthorne, the prac- 
 tical essays of Emerson, the poems of Longfel- 
 low, Whittler, Bryant, Holmes, and Lowell all 
 proclaimed that this country, though half Its 
 area was still unbroken wilderness, was the home 
 of a very real culture and a high degree of In- 
 tellectual life. 
 
 Why the South did not Develop. — In this In- 
 dustrial and literary progress the South had lit- 
 tle part. The reason for Its backwardness In 
 development was the existence of slavery. The 
 Southern people were as able, as Intelligent, as 
 ambitious as the people of the North, but as 
 long as slavery was the basis of their Industrial 
 system they could not develop In the same direc- 
 tion or to as high a degree. Slavery prevented 
 immigration because free labor could not com- 
 pete with slave labor, and because white men 
 would not perform the work which had been 
 associated for centuries with slavery. There 
 could be no manufactures because the slave was 
 incapable of anything but agriculture, and even 
 in that he was slow, stupid, and wasteful. 
 
 If slavery was a burden, why did not the 
 South get rid of it? One reason was that the 
 South did not realize how great a burden it 
 really was. Slavery had always existed; the 
 
190 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 South had never known any other system. To 
 change Its industrial basis would have been a 
 tremendous undertaking, Involving huge finan- 
 cial risk, perhaps temporary ruin. If the slave 
 should be emancipated, what would become of 
 him, and who would take his place ? The South 
 would have to pay him wages and would get no 
 better work. 
 
 Slave Life. — If slavery was on the whole a bad 
 thing for the white man, It conferred unques- 
 tionable benefits upon the black man. It found 
 the negro a savage of the lowest type In Africa, 
 and In less than two centuries transformed him 
 into a civilized being, trained and Christian- 
 ized. 
 
 But the lot of the slave differed according to 
 locality and according to the kind of service he 
 performed. In the Border States the evils of 
 slavery were less and Its benefits to the negro 
 greater than In the Far South. Again, house- 
 servants were better cared for than field-hands. 
 Between the house-servant and the family of the 
 master there often existed a deep and sincere 
 personal attachment. He was frequently edu- 
 cated In a rudimentary way and always well 
 cared for. The field-hands were less fortunate. 
 Their hours were long, their food and cloth- 
 
SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 191 
 
 ing coarse, and their treatment sometimes 
 cruel. 
 
 It is a fact of marked significance that serious 
 crime among negroes was almost unknown in 
 the days of slavery. 
 
 The AboUtionists. — With the exception of the 
 Pennsylvania Quakers and some of the German 
 sects, who had raised an early protest against 
 slavery, there was very little hostility to the in- 
 stitution on moral grounds anywhere in the 
 North until 1830. Massachusetts, New Jersey, 
 Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois enacted stringent 
 legislation against negroes, either forbidding 
 their presence in the State or prescribing 
 conditions and duration of residence. In 
 Boston a merchant or a mechanic who took 
 a negro apprentice incurred the bane of os- 
 tracism. 
 
 On the first day of January, 1831, a news- 
 paper appeared in that city called the Liberator. 
 It was edited by William Lloyd Garrison and 
 championed the cause of emancipation. Within 
 ten years there were hundreds of anti-slavery so- 
 cieties in the Northern States advocating the 
 immediate abolition of slavery. Prominent 
 among the abolitionists were Wendell Phillips 
 and Theodore Parker, of Boston, both leading 
 
192 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 citizens and eloquent orators; Gerrlt Smith, 
 Lucretia Mott, Thaddeus Stevens, John Green- 
 leaf Whittler, and later James Russell Lowell 
 and Henry Ward Beecher. 
 
 Public opinion in the North was intensely- 
 hostile to the abolitionists. The commercial 
 interests opposed them because their doctrines 
 jeopardized trade relations with the South. 
 The abolitionists were denounced as enemies of 
 the Union, and with reason, for their slogan 
 was, " Extinguish slavery or dissolve the 
 Union." Wendell Phillips, who was graduated 
 a lawyer, refused to support the Constitution 
 because it recognized slavery. Garrison called 
 the Constitution '' a covenant with death and 
 an agreement with hell." Abolition newspapers 
 were destroyed and the leaders themselves fre- 
 quently mobbed. George Thompson, a British 
 orator in the cause of abolition, was ejected from 
 a hotel in New York at the demand of a South- 
 ern guest, and the lecturer was publicly warned 
 by the press not to speak in the city. In New 
 England he fared much worse. 
 
 But the movement gathered strength despite 
 opposition, and the conviction that slavery was 
 morally wrong rapidly took root in the North- 
 ern mind. 
 
SOCIAL CONDITIONS 193 
 
 The South was naturally Incensed at the men 
 who called slave-holding a sin and advocated 
 with such fiery and persistent zeal the destruc- 
 tion of millions of dollars worth of private 
 property guaranteed by the Constitution. The 
 Southern people resented being held up as the 
 arch-sinners of the nation merely because they 
 adhered to a system of labor inherited from 
 their fathers, for which they were no more re- 
 sponsible than the people of the North. If the 
 abolitionist regarded the slave-holder as a mon- 
 ster, the slave-holder looked upon the abolition- 
 ist as an anarchist. 
 
 Great Statesmen. — The first half of the nine- 
 teenth century was an age of great statesmen. 
 In the Senate and House of Representatives 
 were some of the most gifted men in the history 
 of the nation: John C. Calhoun, the able de- 
 fender of State sovereignty; Henry Clay and 
 Daniel Webster, the zealous champions of na- 
 tionality, and others scarcely less distinguished. 
 
 Here, at least, the South was not behind the 
 North. The Southerner had a natural aptitude 
 for political leadership, which had always been 
 recognized ever since the days of the Revolu- 
 tion. The institution of slavery bred in him the 
 habit of authority and gave him leisure for the 
 
194 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 mastery of politics, which became his most seri- 
 ous occupation. 
 
 Another reason why there were so many men 
 of extraordinary ability in political life, North 
 as well as South, is because at that time there 
 was but one profession which offered oppor- 
 tunity for both wealth and fame. That profes- 
 sion was the law. It is not far from the truth 
 to say that all lawyers were politicians and all 
 politicians were lawyers. The practice of law 
 brought wealth, while politics brought popular- 
 ity and distinction. To-day there are many 
 occupations where the opportunities for wealth 
 and fame are as great as In the law. For this 
 reason law and politics no longer attract all the 
 best talent of the land. 
 
 Growth of Democracy. — In its structure the 
 Government was developing along the lines of 
 federalism and nationality marked out by Alex- 
 ander Hamilton. But In its spirit It was stead- 
 ily realizing the democratic Ideals of Thomas 
 Jefferson. The people had vastly more Influ- 
 ence and political power than they possessed 
 when the Constitution was adopted In 1789. 
 At that time nearly every State refused to allow 
 a man to vote unless he owned a certain amount 
 of property or belonged to a certain church. 
 
SOCIAL CONDITIONS 195 
 
 Out of a total population of five millions, only 
 one hundred and fifty thousand In the United 
 States were voters. Gradually the leaven of 
 democracy spread. Older States removed some 
 of their restrictions upon the suffrage, while the 
 new States In their constitutions prescribed 
 broader qualifications. By 1830 the suffrage 
 was almost as free as It Is to-day. 
 
 The growing spirit of fraternity found ex- 
 pression In various reforms and humanitarian 
 movements, such as the establishment of public 
 hospitals, asylums, libraries, and the Improve- 
 ment of prisons. The Eastern Penitentiary at 
 Philadelphia, built In 1830, first provided sepa- 
 rate cells for criminals. New York and Penn- 
 sylvania were the pioneers In the establishment 
 of rural schools, which placed the rudiments of 
 education within easy reach of the country boys 
 and girls. In 1833 Oberlln College In Ohio 
 opened Its doors to women. 
 
 We cannot emphasize too strongly the Im- 
 portance of this democratic spirit which was be- 
 coming more and more the keynote of American 
 life. It Is a part of the American creed that 
 every man deserves and ought to have a fair 
 chance to succeed In life; that a man must be 
 judged not by his family descent, not by his 
 
196 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 wealth, not by his education, but by what he 
 is and what he accomplishes; by the use which 
 he makes of the opportunities which America 
 affords him. 
 
 Note.— THE MORMONS. In 1830 Joseph Smith, an 
 ignorant but shrewd adventurer, proclaimed that he had re- 
 ceived a divine commission to found a new religion. He 
 claimed to have discovered, through an angel, some golden 
 tablets containing a revelation from heaven which he pub- 
 lished as the Book of Mormon. Smith gained converts and 
 established successive settlements in Ohio, Missouri, and 
 IHinois. His followers took the name of Mormons or Latter- 
 day Saints. 
 
 After the death of Smith in Nauvoo, 111., at the hands of 
 a mob, Brigham Young led the ''Saints" to Utah, where 
 they built Salt Lake City. Polygamy was enjoined upon 
 the Mormons by their early leaders as a religious and 
 political duty. When Utah was admitted as a State in 
 1896 it was on condition that the practice of plural mar- 
 riage should be abandoned — a pledge which has been per- 
 sistently and flagrantly disregarded. 
 
 The extraordinary thing about Mormonism is its superb 
 organization. The Church is ruled by twelve Apostles 
 whose word is law and who practically own the State. The 
 Mormons number about three hundred thousand. They 
 are exceedingly prosperous. 
 
CHAPTER XVI 
 
 THE SLAVERY QUESTION IN POLITICS 
 
 JOHN TYLER was an accidental President, 
 whose elevation to that office was due to 
 the death of his chief. He was anxious 
 to be elected President on his own strength and 
 merits. 
 
 Texas and the Election of 1844. — As he could 
 not hope to be nominated by the Whigs, Tyler 
 determined to gain the favor of the Democrats 
 by advocating the annexation of Texas, a meas- 
 ure greatly desired by the dominant Southern 
 wing of the Democratic Party. Neither the 
 Northern Democrats nor the Whigs wanted 
 Texas, but as the main strength of the Demo- 
 cratic Party was in the South it was to President 
 Tyler's advantage to cultivate the favor of the 
 Southern Democrats. Besides, being a Southern 
 man, he naturally favored his own section. 
 
 Texas had long been a province of Mexico, 
 but its population was largely composed of 
 197 
 
198 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 American settlers from the Southern States. In 
 1836 Texas revolted from Mexico and estab- 
 lished an Independent republic under the presi- 
 dency of Sam Houston, formerly Governor of 
 Tennessee, and the next year applied for admis- 
 sion to the Union. 
 
 The Southern politicians favored its admis- 
 sion because It would give the South two more 
 members In the Senate, where all the States were 
 equal In representation, and thus make up for 
 their weakness in the House of Representatives, 
 where the North had a steadily growing ma- 
 jority. 
 
 The North was opposed to the admission of 
 Texas because It meant an extension of slave 
 territory and of Southern political power. 
 
 In the hope of gaining the Democratic nomi- 
 nation President Tyler did his best to bring 
 about the annexation of Texas during his term 
 of office. He did not succeed in either of his 
 purposes, but he made the Texas question the 
 main Issue in the election of 1844. 
 
 The Democrats Again in Power. — The Whigs 
 nominated Henry Clay and declared against an- 
 nexation. The Democrats nominated James K. 
 Polk, of Tennessee, and George M. Dallas, of 
 Pennsylvania, and declared for annexation. The 
 
THE SLAVERY QUESTION IN POLITICS 199 
 
 abolitionists, whose strength was Increasing, or- 
 ganized the Liberty Party and took the field on 
 the Issue of slavery with James G. BIrney as its 
 presidential candidate. 
 
 The election turned upon New York, where 
 the Liberty Party drew so many votes from the 
 Whigs that the Democrats carried the State. 
 
 The Democratic Party was again In full con- 
 trol of the national Government. Congress 
 passed a resolution of annexation, and Texas 
 became a State of the Union in 1845. 
 
 Henceforth the question of the extension of 
 slavery was the one absorbing Issue In all minds. 
 
 The War with Mexico, 1846-48. — The South 
 did not long remain content with the single addi- 
 tion of Texas to the strength and number of the 
 slave States. The rapid growth of Northern 
 population meant an Increasing Northern ma- 
 jority In Congress. The only way for the South 
 to preserve its influence in the national Govern- 
 ment was to Increase Its representation in the 
 Senate. This could be done only by creating 
 new States, which required the addition of more 
 south-western territory. But there was no more 
 available ; everything west of Texas belonged to 
 Mexico. 
 
 The United States Government, finding itself 
 
200 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 unable to acquire justly the additional territory 
 demanded by the South, thereupon resorted 
 to an extraordinary measure. It decided to take 
 by force a portion of Mexico and annex It for 
 the benefit of the Southern slave-holders. 
 
 Between the Rio Grande and the Nueces 
 rivers lay a strip of territory about three hun- 
 dred miles long by fifty to one hundred wide. 
 Both the United States and Mexico claimed this 
 land, but it really belonged to Mexico. 
 
 President Polk sent a fleet to the Gulf of 
 Mexico and ordered General Zachary Taylor 
 to take possession of the disputed territory. On 
 May 8th, at Palo Alto, General Taylor encoun- 
 tered a Mexican army three times as large as his 
 own and won a complete victory. The next 
 day he defeated the Mexicans at the battle of 
 Resaca de la Palma, and In September took the 
 city of Monterey. The capture of Monterey 
 was followed a few months later by the victory 
 of Buena Vista, where General Taylor and 
 General Wool, with only five thousand Ameri- 
 cans, defeated twenty thousand Mexicans under 
 Santa Anna. 
 
 The battle of Buena Vista ended General 
 Taylor's military career. The Whigs were be- 
 ginning to mention his name as a candidate for 
 
THE SLAVERY QUESTION IN POLITICS 201 
 
 the presidency. The Democratic administra- 
 tion feared that If he were allowed to win any 
 more victories he would become such a popular 
 hero that nothing could prevent his nomination 
 and election. General Taylor was therefore 
 ordered home, and General WInfield Scott took 
 his place. 
 
 General Scott proved fully as successful as 
 Taylor. With the aid of a fleet the coast city 
 of Vera Cruz was taken (March 27, 1847). 
 From that point General Scott began his march 
 to the capital of Mexico, a city of two hundred 
 thousand Inhabitants, situated two hundred miles 
 In the Interior on a high plateau, ascent to which 
 was difficult and dangerous. A succession of 
 brilliant victories marked his progress. On 
 September 14th six thousand American troops 
 entered In triumph the City of Mexico and 
 raised the stars and stripes over the palace. 
 
 The war was over. It had been an unbroken 
 series of victories for the Americans against 
 vastly superior numbers. The Mexicans were 
 brave soldiers, but they were badly organized, 
 poorly officered, and the Mexican Government 
 was In a state of anarchy. The Americans were 
 thoroughly disciplined, and their generals and 
 regimental officers were unusually able men. 
 
202 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Just as the French and Indian War had pre- 
 pared the colonial officers for the larger battles 
 of the Revolution, so the war with Mexico 
 served as the training school for the future 
 commanders who were to lead the armies of 
 the North and of the South in the great Civil 
 War fast approaching. 
 
 Results of the Mexican War. — On February 
 2, 1848, the peace commissioners of the two 
 countries signed the treaty of Guadalupe 
 Hidalgo, so called from the town where the 
 commissioners met. Mexico gave up to the 
 United States not only the small tract between 
 the Rio Grande and Nueces rivers, but the vast 
 territory lying between Texas and the Pacific 
 Ocean, comprising Arizona, New Mexico, Cali- 
 fornia, Utah, Nevada, and parts of Colorado 
 and Wyoming. 
 
 As if In partial apology for Its ruthless bri- 
 gandage, the United States paid Mexico a 
 gratuity of $15,000,000 for the forced cession 
 of this valuable area — the only feature of the 
 entire affair at all indicative of that magnan- 
 imity and decency which have usually character- 
 ized the proceedings of this nation. 
 
 The Mexican War had the further effect of 
 making slavery more than ever the paramount 
 
THE SLAVERY QUESTION IN POLITICS 203 
 
 Issue of the day, for the question Immediately 
 arose, Shall slavery be permitted to spread to 
 the new territories? The North said no; the 
 South, yes. The question came definitely before 
 the country when David Wllmot, a member of 
 Congress from Pennsylvania, moved In the 
 House of Representatives that slavery be for- 
 ever excluded from the territory won from 
 Mexico. The motion was voted down, but 
 the Wllmot Proviso became the rallying point 
 for the growing anti-slavery forces of the 
 North. 
 
 The Election of 1848. — The Whigs, taking ad- 
 vantage of General Taylor's great popularity, 
 nominated him for President at a convention 
 held In Philadelphia. Neither Whigs nor Dem- 
 ocrats were willing at this time to take a bold 
 stand for or against slavery In the territories, 
 since both parties were afraid of losing votes 
 If they committed themselves In one way or the 
 other. Many of the anti-slavery men thereupon 
 withdrew from the old parties, and uniting with 
 the Liberty men, or extreme abolitionists, formed 
 the Free Soil Party, and nominated ex-PresIdent 
 Martin Van Buren, of New York. 
 
 Again, as In 1844, the election turned upon 
 New York. Van Buren drew so many Demo- 
 
204 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 cratic votes that the State was carried by the 
 Whigs, and Taylor was elected. 
 
 California. — In the summer of 1848 some 
 workmen, while building a saw-mill on the Sac- 
 ramento River, saw bright yellow particles 
 gleaming In the sand. Upon examination these 
 proved to be gold. 
 
 In a short time the whole world knew that 
 gold had been discovered In California. The 
 country went wild. Physicians abandoned their 
 practice, judges left the bench, merchants closed 
 their shops, and farmers sold their acres. A 
 torrent of humanity crazy for wealth poured 
 into California. There were no great railroads 
 connecting the Atlantic and the Pacific, over 
 which eager men might speed in five days. 
 Some crossed the mountains and prairies of the 
 West In deadly peril of hostile Indians; some 
 went by way of the Isthmus of Panama, with its 
 no less deadly fevers; others took passage in 
 slow sailing vessels down the South American 
 coast and around Cape Horn, the longest, but 
 the safest of the three routes. Cities and towns 
 sprang up almost In a night. 
 
 Within a year there were enough people In 
 California to warrant Its admission as a State. 
 Then trouble began. The Immigrants from 
 
THE SLAVERY QUESTION IN POLITICS 205 
 
 Northern States outnumbered those from the 
 South. The majority were opposed to slavery, 
 and drew up a State Constitution which forbade 
 it. The South, finding that so large a part of 
 the territory which had been gained for slavery 
 at the terrible cost of war was about to join 
 forces with the North, opposed the admission 
 of California. 
 
 Again the " Great Pacificator," Henry Clay, 
 came forward with a compromise. He more 
 than any other man had secured the passage 
 of the Missouri Compromise and the com- 
 promise tariff of 1833. Now, for the third and 
 last time, this patriotic statesman, whose one 
 purpose was to preserve the Union of the States, 
 guided the embittered sections through another 
 crisis. 
 
 The Compromise of 1850. — The measures ad- 
 vocated by Henry Clay consisted of a series of 
 eight laws which were passed during the summer 
 of 1850. The most Important features were 
 these : i. California to be admitted as a free State 
 in accordance with the wishes of the majority of 
 its citizens. 2. A Fugitive Slave Law, demand- 
 ing the return of runaway slaves who might es- 
 cape to the Northern States. 3. The people of 
 New Mexico and Utah to determine for them- 
 
2o6 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 selves whether or not slavery should be allowed 
 to exist In those territories. 
 
 The first law pleased the North, but dis- 
 pleased the South; the third pleased the South, 
 but not the North ; the Fugitive Slave Law was 
 obviously in favor of the slave-holders, and 
 highly repugnant to the Northern abolitionists, 
 but was In strict accord with the Constitu- 
 tion. However, the Compromise of 1850 
 seemed to be the best arrangement that could 
 be made. 
 
 Three Great Speeches were made in the Senate 
 in the month of March while the Compromise 
 was under discussion. The first was a strong 
 and eloquent argument by John C. Calhoun, de- 
 fending the institution of slavery. The second 
 speech was by Daniel Webster, supporting all 
 the measures of the Compromise; It was an ap- 
 peal for the preservation of the Union, which 
 he clearly saw was imperilled, and was addressed 
 to the temperate and conservative element of the 
 entire nation. The third represented the ex- 
 treme abolitionist point of view, and was deliv- 
 ered in opposition to the measure by William 
 H. Seward, of New York. 
 
 Webster, Clay, and Calhoun died within a 
 short time of each other, and their places were 
 
THE SLAVERY QUESTION IN POLITICS 207 
 
 taken by Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, Sew- 
 ard, and Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois. 
 
 The Election of 1852 and the Death of the Whig 
 Party. — President Taylor had died the year 
 after his Inauguration, and had been succeeded 
 by the Vice-president, Millard Fillmore. Nei- 
 ther Taylor nor Fillmore was a political leader. 
 
 There was great dissatisfaction throughout 
 the nation with the Whig Party. It had tried to 
 steer a middle course between the friends and 
 the enemies of slavery. It had endeavored to 
 please both sides while committing itself to 
 neither. Its Northern members were displeased 
 because it would not condemn slavery, and its 
 Southern members because it would not de- 
 nounce the abolitionists. In the election of 1852 
 It carried only four States. This marked the 
 end of the Whig Party. The Federalist Party, 
 from which the Whigs were descended, and 
 whose principles and policies they had Inherited 
 to a great extent, died because it was too aris- 
 tocratic. The Whig Party died because it lacked 
 backbone. It left no permanent legislation, and 
 Is not associated with any great or vital facts 
 In American history. 
 
 The Democratic Party, on the contrary, stood 
 for definite ideas and purposes, although they 
 
2o8 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 were not always right ones. Its main strength 
 was In the South, but it was powerful also in the 
 North. It was as old as the national Govern- 
 ment Itself, It had played an Important part In 
 history, and its leaders had been among the 
 greatest of Americans. These facts gave It a 
 place In the affections of the people. It had not 
 vacillated, as the Whig Party had done, but was 
 outspoken In Its defence of slavery — though not 
 unanimously In favor of Its extension. This was 
 because the Constitution recognized and allowed 
 slavery, and the Democratic Party was pledged 
 to defend whatever rights were guaranteed by 
 the Constitution. 
 
 With the defeat of the Whigs In 1852 the 
 Democrats returned to power, electing Franklin 
 Pierce, of New Hampshire, President. 
 
 The Kansas-Nebraska Act, 1854. — A new 
 Democratic leader now appeared In the person 
 of Stephen A. Douglas, United States Senator 
 from Illinois. He introduced a bill in Congress 
 providing territorial government for Kansas 
 and Nebraska, which Included that part of the 
 Louisiana Purchase extending from Indian Ter- 
 ritory to the Canadian boundary. From this re- 
 gion slavery had supposedly been forever ex- 
 cluded by the Missouri Compromise. 
 
THE SLAVERY QUESTION IN POLITICS 209 
 
 The Kansas-Nebraska bill was a Southern 
 measure. It declared that Congress had ex- 
 ceeded its Constitutional authority when it passed 
 the Missouri Compromise; that it was for the 
 people of the territories, not for Congress, to 
 say whether slavery should exist there ; and that 
 consequently the Missouri Compromise, which 
 had been in force for thirty-four years, was null 
 and void. The doctrine involved in this law was 
 popularly known as " Squatter Sovereignty." 
 
 The passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act was 
 a great blunder, for it reopened the question of 
 slavery in a region where the North and the 
 South had by mutual agreement ceased to dis- 
 pute about It. 
 
 Violence in Kansas. — Immigrants from North- 
 ern and Southern States flocked in great num- 
 bers to Kansas, which became the battle-ground 
 between freedom and slavery. The ambitions 
 of the South had suffered partial defeat when 
 California came in as a free State, and the 
 South was determined that Kansas should be 
 admitted as a slave State to balance the loss 
 of California. The North was equally deter- 
 mined that it should enter as a free State. The 
 first election was claimed by both the slavery 
 and anti-slavery forces, and each side formed a 
 
2IO BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 territorial government. Anarchy and blood- 
 shed followed. Eventually the immigrants 
 from the North outnumbered those from the 
 South, as they had done in the case of Califor- 
 nia. They drew up a constitution prohibiting 
 slavery, but Kansas did not become a State 
 until 1 86 1. 
 
 The Birth of the Republican Party and the 
 Election of 1856. — The Kansas-Nebraska Act 
 had the effect of consolidating the anti-slavery 
 forces. Many Northern Democrats joined the 
 Free Soil Party, which had also absorbed many 
 Whigs. These men, led by William H. Seward, 
 of New York, and Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, 
 organized the Republican Party, and took the 
 field on the principal issue of slavery. 
 
 The Republican Party was the lineal de- 
 scendant of the Federalist and Whig parties. 
 It believed in liberal powers for the Federal 
 Government, and declared that Congress had 
 full power to permit or forbid slavery in the 
 territories, regardless of the wishes of the in- 
 habitants. It also favored the Whig policies of 
 Internal Improvements at national expense and 
 a protective tariff. 
 
 The birth of the Republican Party definitely 
 aligned the North and South against each other. 
 
THE SLAVERY QUESTION IN POLITICS 211 
 
 There were no Southern members to compel It 
 to hedge or temporize. Its avowed purpose 
 was to overthrow the slave power. 
 
 The Southern Whigs, alarmed at the aggres- 
 siveness and growing influence of the abolition- 
 ists, joined the Democrats. Slavery was divid- 
 ing the parties, as it had already split the 
 churches.* 
 
 In 1856 the Republican Party named its first 
 presidential ticket, which was headed by John 
 C. Fremont, of California. The Democrats 
 had lost strength in the North, and could not 
 hope to win without Pennsylvania. In order 
 to make sure of that State they nominated James 
 Buchanan, who had served as Secretary of State 
 in Pierce's administration. Buchanan was 
 elected, but the Republicans carried eleven 
 States. 
 
 The election of 1856 exhibited a united 
 South pitted against a disunited North. The 
 new President sympathized wholly with the 
 
 * Between 1844 and 1853 the Methodist, Baptist, and 
 Presbyterian churches separated into Northern and Southern 
 organizations over the question of slavery. The last few 
 years have witnessed successful efforts to bridge the chasm 
 created so long ago. Although the Northern and Southern 
 branches of these denominations have not come into an or- 
 ganic reunion, their relations are wholly fraternal. 
 
212 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 South, and appointed Southern men to fill most 
 of his Cabinet offices. 
 
 The Dred Scott Decision.— In 1857 the Su- 
 preme Court rendered a decision which con- 
 firmed the Southern and Democratic view that 
 Congress had no right to legislate for the terri- 
 tories on the question of slavery. 
 
 One of the powers exercised by the Supreme 
 Court is to declare whether the laws passed by 
 Congress are in accord with the Constitution. 
 But the Court cannot pass upon the Constitu- 
 tionality of any law until some case comes regu- 
 larly before it which involves that question. 
 The Missouri Compromise had been in effect 
 for nearly forty years, and no lawsuit had ever 
 been brought to test its Constitutionality until 
 
 1857. 
 
 Dred Scott was a slave belonging to a sur- 
 geon in the army. His master was ordered by 
 the Government to a garrison in the Nebraska 
 territory, and took the slave with him. After 
 remaining there two years, master and slave re- 
 turned to Missouri, where Dred Scott was sold. 
 The slave then brought suit against his master 
 for his freedom. He argued that since the Mis- 
 souri Compromise had forever prohibited sla- 
 very in that territory he had become a free man 
 
THE SLAVERY QUESTION IN POLITICS 213 
 
 by living there. Then it was that the Supreme 
 Court, to which the case had been appealed, de- 
 cided that the Missouri Compromise was null 
 and void because the Constitution gave Con- 
 gress no power to exclude slavery from the ter- 
 ritories. 
 
 This decision was perfectly consistent with 
 the Democratic doctrine of large powers for 
 local government and limited powers for the 
 Federal Government. The South hailed it with 
 approval, the North with contempt. 
 
 The Raid and Execution of John Brown. — In 
 1859 occurred an event which further fanned 
 the flame of sectional bitterness. John Brown 
 had been one of the free-State leaders in the 
 Kansas troubles. He was honest and coura- 
 geous, but lacked judgment, and was a fanatic on 
 the subject of slavery. In the summer of 1859 
 Brown and a band of followers seized the 
 United States Arsenal at Harper's Ferry for 
 the purpose of distributing the arms which it 
 contained to the slaves of Virginia, so that they 
 might rise in insurrection and secure their free- 
 dom. United States troops and militia from 
 Virginia and Maryland were sent to Harper's 
 Ferry under the command of Colonel Robert 
 E. Lee. John Brown was captured, and after 
 
214 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 a fair and open trial by the State of Virginia 
 was convicted of murder and treason and 
 hanged. 
 
 The John Brown raid injured the abolition- 
 ist cause for a time. Public opinion was strong- 
 ly against such methods, and there was a slight 
 reaction In favor of the slave-holder. The 
 South, having In mind the recent West Indian 
 slave Insurrection, where murder, arson, and 
 anarchy ran their horrible course, realized the 
 peril of a slave uprising, and was more bitter 
 than ever against the abolitionists. 
 
CHAPTER XVII 
 
 SECESSION 
 
 THE presidential year i860 found sec- 
 tional lines more sharply drawn than 
 ever. What shall be the attitude of 
 Congress toward slavery in the territories? 
 This was the question which the political par- 
 ties must face. 
 
 The Election of Abraham Lincoln. — The Demo- 
 cratic Party met in convention at Charleston, 
 S. C. It was hopelessly divided. After ballot- 
 ing fifty-seven times in vain for a candidate it 
 adjourned. 
 
 The Southern wing met in Richmond and 
 nominated John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky. 
 It declared that slavery was recognized by the 
 Constitution, and that it was just as much the 
 duty of Congress to protect the rights of the 
 slave-holder to his property in the territories as 
 elsewhere. 
 
 The Northern Democrats met in Baltimore 
 and nominated Stephen A. Douglas. They de- 
 sired to get the slavery issue entirely out of 
 
 21S 
 
2i6 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 national politics. Their platform declared that 
 the Constitution had given Congress no power 
 to deal with the question, but that the territories 
 must decide for themselves. This had been the 
 Democratic position In the debates on the Kan- 
 sas-Nebraska bill. 
 
 The Republicans assembled In Chicago and 
 nominated Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois. He 
 had first attracted national attention in 1858 by 
 a series of brilliant debates with Douglas when 
 both men were canvassing Illinois for the United 
 States senatorshlp. The Republican platform 
 pronounced slavery to be an evil. It afiirmed 
 that It was both the right and the duty of Con- 
 gress to keep It out of the territories, although 
 denying any intention to interfere with it in the 
 States where it already existed. The party re- 
 peated Its declaration of 1856 In favor of a pro- 
 tective tariff. 
 
 A fourth party, composed of those who did 
 not know just where they stood, but desired 
 peace above all else, took the name of Consti- 
 tutional Union. Their slogan was '' The Con- 
 stitution, the Union, and the enforcement of the 
 laws " — which meant nothing at all, unless It 
 meant to continue things as they were, which 
 was Impossible. 
 
SECESSION 217 
 
 The contest narrowed down to a duel be- 
 tween the Southern Democrats and the Repub- 
 hcans over the question, Shall Congress protect 
 or shall it forbid slavery in the territories? 
 With a few exceptions, the Breckinridge Dem- 
 ocrats swept the slave States from Delaware to 
 Texas. The Republicans carried all the free 
 States.* Lincoln was elected, although in a 
 minority of a million in the total popular vote. 
 
 Thus the South lost the supremacy which it 
 had held in the national councils since the forma- 
 tion of the Government. 
 
 Secession of the Cotton States.— The slave- 
 holders of the cotton States had all along been 
 the most aggressive champions of slavery and 
 the most zealous advocates of its extension into 
 new areas. One reason for their excessive de- 
 votion to the Institution of slavery was that 
 their form of agriculture was the most dependent 
 upon slave-labor. They understood the election 
 of Lincoln to signify that the Republican Party 
 would use the powers of the Federal Govern- 
 ment to destroy the very basis upon which their 
 wealth and political Influence rested. Although 
 
 * The Constitutional Union Party carried Kentucky, 
 Tennessee, and Virginia. The Douglas Democrats carried 
 Missouri and three out of New Jersey's seven electoral votes. 
 
2i8 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 numbering but a small part of the white popu- 
 lation of their section, yet the political power 
 of this tiny minority was so great that It not 
 only ruled the South, but It had dictated to the 
 nation for many years. 
 
 Having lost control of the Federal Govern- 
 ment, the slave power now determined to build 
 a new government to suit Itself. It had enjoyed 
 supreme authority too long to be willing to sur- 
 render It now. 
 
 The South Atlantic and Gulf States were con- 
 vinced that by virtue of their control of the pro- 
 duction of cotton they had not only the North, 
 but Europe at their mercy. Said Senator Ham- 
 mond: *' I firmly believe that the slave-holding 
 South is now the controlling power of the world; 
 that no other power will face us In hostilities." 
 
 On December 20th South Carolina passed an 
 ordinance of secession, and withdrew from the 
 Union. Within six weeks Mississippi, Florida, 
 Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas fol- 
 lowed. On February 14, 1861, these States 
 formed a new government under the name of 
 the Confederate States of America, and elected 
 Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, President, and 
 Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice-presi- 
 dent. Davis was a man of brains, address, self- 
 
SECESSION 219 
 
 confidence, and indomitable courage; Stephens, 
 an intellectual prodigy of diminutive physical 
 stature and feeble health. Montgomery, Ala., 
 was chosen for the capital. 
 
 The Federal Government in the meantime 
 did nothing, for It was the policy of the Bu- 
 chanan administration to avert war if possible. 
 The President believed that he had no right 
 to coerce a State. Nearly all the members 
 of his Cabinet were in open sympathy with 
 secession. 
 
 Fort Sumter. — Very soon after his inaugura- 
 tion President Lincoln sent reenforcements to 
 Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor. This action 
 was taken by the Confederacy to mean that the 
 Federal Government had decided upon war. 
 President Davis ordered General Beauregard, 
 who was In command of the Confederate forces 
 about Charleston, to open fire on the fort. 
 
 The cannonading which began on the morn- 
 ing of April 12, 1 861, proclaimed to the world 
 that the greatest civil war of all the ages had 
 now begun. Major Anderson defended the fort 
 with valor, but his men were few, their provi- 
 sions were exhausted, and it was impossible to 
 hold out long. After thirty-four hours' heroic 
 resistance, during which the fort was reduced to 
 
220 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 ruins, Major Anderson surrendered, and the 
 garrison marched out with the honors of war. 
 
 The Call to Arms.— The effect of the attack 
 on Sumter was electrical throughout the whole 
 country, North and South. President Lincoln 
 called for seventy-five thousand volunteers, and 
 several times that number answered. Party dif- 
 ferences were forgotten In the assault upon the 
 flag, and the one supreme peril that threatened 
 the Union. President Davis Issued a call for 
 thirty-five thousand Confederate volunteers, and 
 the Southern people responded as one man to 
 repel the Invasion of their homes by Northern 
 troops. 
 
 Other States Secede. — The area of secession at 
 first included only South Carolina, Georgia, and 
 the Gulf States. It would probably have been 
 confined to that region had not President Lincoln 
 forced the Issue upon other Southern States by 
 ordering out their mllltia to assist In putting 
 down the Confederacy. The Northern States 
 cheerfully obeyed, but Virginia, North Carolina, 
 Tennessee, and Arkansas refused on the ground 
 that the Federal Government had no right to 
 coerce a sovereign State. Since they could not 
 remain neutral, these States proceeded to join 
 the Confederacy, which by June, 1861, num- 
 
SECESSION 221 
 
 bered eleven States. After the accession of Vir- 
 ginia the Confederate capital was moved from 
 Montgomery to Richmond. 
 
 The people in the western part of Virginia 
 were not in sympathy with secession, and re- 
 fused to go into the Confederacy. They formed 
 a State government of their own, and were ad- 
 mitted into the Union In 1863 as the State of 
 West Virginia. 
 
 The Confederacy made strong efforts to gain 
 the four remaining slave States. But Delaware 
 contained scarcely any secessionists. Maryland, 
 Kentucky, and Missouri were divided in their 
 sympathies, and sent many brave volunteers into 
 both armies, but as these States were under Fed- 
 eral military control throughout the war it Is 
 doubtful if they could have seceded, even had 
 the majority of the people been so Inclined. 
 
 The Confederate Constitution was very similar 
 to that of the United States, which Is a strong 
 proof that the Southern people were really at- 
 tached to the institutions of their fathers. There 
 were some points of difference. The Executive 
 was to be elected for a term of six years, and 
 was not to be eligible for reelection. Members 
 of the Cabinet were to have a voice in Congress 
 In matters which pertained to their departments. 
 
222 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 A protective tariff was declared Illegal, and the 
 principle of State sovereignty was upheld — con- 
 structions for which the South had always con- 
 tended. State legislatures had power to Impeach 
 officials of the Confederate Government acting 
 within the State. 
 
 The Motive and the Argument of Secession. — 
 Although the slave power had been the most 
 zealous advocate of disunion, it comprised only 
 a small fraction of the white population of the 
 South. Slavery precipitated the Civil War, but 
 it was not the fundamental cause of that terri- 
 ble struggle. There were few slaves in North 
 Carolina, and fewer in Tennessee. These States 
 would not have joined the Confederacy if sla- 
 very had been the vital issue. The Confederate 
 Constitution expressly forbade the reopening of 
 the African slave-trade. Mr. Davis and other 
 leaders declared that slavery would not last 
 forever. The magnificent popular enthusiasm, 
 which swept and surged like a tidal wave over 
 North and South for four long and bloody years, 
 was not excited either by the desire of the North 
 to free the negro or of the South to perpetuate 
 his servitude. Mr. Lincoln In his Inaugural ad- 
 dress expressly denied that he had either the 
 intention or the lawful right to interfere with 
 
SECESSION 223 
 
 slavery In the States where it already existed, and 
 said nothing about putting an end to it in the 
 territories, upon which his party had insisted. 
 He even went so far as to advocate an amend- 
 ment to the Constitution making slavery per- 
 petual; not because he approved of the institu- 
 tion, but because he was willing to do anything 
 to save the Union. At the same time he let the 
 South understand that the Federal Government 
 would resist secession, by force if necessary. 
 
 To discover the real and underlying cause of 
 the Civil War we must look elsewhere than to 
 slavery. We must remember that the South 
 had always held to the conviction that the States 
 were superior to the nation ; the nation was the 
 creature of the States, it came into existence by 
 their will, and how could the thing that was 
 created be superior to its creator? And if the 
 nation was inferior to the State, then the Con- 
 stitution, which was the law of the nation, could 
 not be taken as the measure of State rights. Ac- 
 cording to this view, if a State decided that it 
 would be better off out of the Union than In it, 
 it had a perfect right to withdraw. 
 
 This was the principle for which the Revolu- 
 tionary fathers had contended, and which the 
 Declaration of Independence had asserted. The 
 
224 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 same view had prevailed in the North itself up 
 to i860. The Legislature of Massachusetts In 
 1802 threatened to secede if the Jefferson ad- 
 ministration should purchase Louisiana. A con- 
 vention of the New England States, meeting in 
 Hartford In 18 14 to oppose the war with Eng- 
 land, had proposed secession because they could 
 not have their own way in national affairs. New 
 York, Rhode Island, and Virginia came Into the 
 Union on the express condition that they could 
 withdraw whenever they might choose to do so. 
 The abolitionists constantly advocated the seces- 
 sion of the free States rather than live under a 
 flag which sanctioned the curse of slavery. 
 
 But gradually the great mass of Northern 
 people had become converted to the national 
 Ideal expressed In Jackson's fiery challenge, 
 " The Union, it must and shall he preserved^ 
 The thrilling peroration of Webster's reply to 
 Hayne, " Liberty and Union, now and forever, 
 one and inseparable^'''' had been recited in every 
 school-house In the North. Their appeal to the 
 popular heart had roused the sentiment of 
 patriotism and given birth to the pride of na- 
 tionality. When the stars and stripes fell from 
 the bastions of Sumter thousands of Northern 
 men rushed to the defence of the Union, which 
 
SECESSION 225 
 
 the eloquence of Webster and the example of 
 Jackson had taught them to love and reverence. 
 In the South the warlike preparations of the 
 Government were regarded as the expression of 
 a tyrannical purpose to invade the homes and 
 destroy the liberties of a free people. They 
 could not see why they had not as clear a right 
 to withdraw from the Federal Union as the 
 colonies had to withdraw from the Empire of 
 Great Britain in 1776. When the Federal 
 troops marched into the South these people were 
 compelled to choose between their State — to 
 which they had always been taught that their 
 allegiance was first due — and the nation, which 
 represented to them only an enemy. The men 
 who filled the Confederate armies were no less 
 patriots than the soldiers of the Union. It was 
 a difference between patriotism to the State and 
 patriotism to the nation. The North fought for 
 federal government, the South for local gov- 
 ernment; the North to preserve the Union, the 
 South to defend its homes. Slavery simply hap- 
 pened to be the concrete issue over which these 
 two hostile theories came into collision. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 THE CIVIL WAR, 1861-65 
 
 THE probabilities were from the start 
 strongly against the success of the 
 Confederacy. The heroism of its 
 people could not be surpassed, but the South 
 was sadly lacking In those resources of wealth 
 and Industry without which no war can long be 
 sustained by any people, however determined. 
 
 The Belligerents Compared. — The Confederacy 
 numbered eleven States, with a white population 
 of less than five and a half millions. It had few 
 railroads or ships, and no manufactures of any 
 sort. Slavery had confined the South to the 
 single pursuit of agriculture, and had prevented 
 the development of other Industries. With the 
 exception of plantation products, It was depend- 
 ent upon the Northern States and upon Europe 
 for everything It used or needed. 
 
 The North, on the contrary, had plenty of 
 money, a flourishing foreign commerce, and In- 
 dustries of every kind, which made it self-sup- 
 226 
 
THE CIVIL WAR 227 
 
 porting and independent of the rest of the 
 world. It had numerous railroads for the trans- 
 portation of troops and supplies. With Its pop- 
 ulation of twenty-two millions It could put 
 immense armies In the field without draining 
 shops, factories, or farms of necessary hands. 
 
 The Federal Plan of War.— The military and 
 naval plan of campaign acted upon by the Fed- 
 eral Government throughout the war was this: 
 First, to surround the Confederacy with armies 
 and navies and attack It on all sides; second, to 
 starve It into submission by a close blockade of 
 the Atlantic and Gulf coasts, which would shut 
 it off from the markets of Europe. 
 
 The operations of the war covered an im- 
 mense area — from the Atlantic Ocean to the 
 Mississippi River, from the Border States to the 
 Gulf of Mexico — but most of the fighting took 
 place in Virginia. 
 
 Confederate Victories in the East— Neither side 
 at first appreciated or understood the heroism 
 and determination of the other. The general 
 opinion of the North was that the " rebellion " 
 would be over in a few weeks. Southern orators 
 boasted that one Confederate could whip ten 
 " Yankees." Few realized how vast the forces, 
 how terrible the cost, how tragic the consequences 
 
228 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 would be. Even the gallant thousands who 
 marched to the stirring strains of " John 
 Brown's Body " or " Dixie " could not foresee 
 the desperate trial of blood and battle. 
 
 Bull Run. — In the east, the Federal design 
 was to capture Richmond, the Confederate capi- 
 tal. The eastern campaign centred mainly in 
 Virginia, and until 1863 the Confederates were 
 generally successful. 
 
 The first Important battle of the war oc- 
 curred near the city of Washington, at Manas- 
 sas, or Bull Run, July 21, 1861.* General 
 McDowell, the Union commander, was ordered 
 to proceed against Richmond. His army was 
 composed for the greater part of raw recruits 
 who had never been under fire. About thirty- 
 five miles from Washington he was met by a 
 Confederate force under Generals Beauregard 
 and Joseph E. Johnston, who utterly routed the 
 Union Army and sent It flying back to Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 McClellan and the Army of the Potomac. — The 
 disaster at Bull Run aroused the over-confident 
 
 * The hostile armies often called the battles of the Civil 
 War by different names. Bull Run is the name of a creek 
 that flowed near the battle-field; Manassas is the name of the 
 railroad station. 
 
THE CIVIL WAR 229 
 
 North to the seriousness of the war. General 
 George B. McClellan was appointed to the chief 
 command of the army. He had been successful 
 in driving the Confederates out of West Vir- 
 ginia, and great things were expected of him. 
 
 The winter of 1861-62 was spent by McClel- 
 lan in organizing the Army of the Potomac. In 
 a few months he had completely transformed 
 the untrained recruits Into a magnificent army 
 of two hundred thousand men. The difficulties 
 of his task were enormous, and his services to 
 the Union incalculable. The people, the news- 
 papers, and the Government criticised him be- 
 cause he did not fight Immediately. They failed 
 to realize the Impossibility of using to advan- 
 tage a mass of inexperienced, undisciplined men. 
 The administration never gave him a free hand, 
 and he was constantly embarrassed by the med- 
 dlesome Interference of Edwin M. Stanton, the 
 Secretary of War. 
 
 Failure of the Movement Against Richmond. — 
 In the spring of 1862 McClellan was ordered 
 to move against Richmond. The army was 
 transported by water to Fortress Monroe, from 
 whence it was to proceed up the peninsula to 
 the Confederate capital. McClellan was con- 
 fronted by two of the ablest generals of the Con- 
 
230 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 federacy, Joseph E. Johnston and " Stonewall " 
 Jackson.* At the battle of Fair Oaks, or Seven 
 Pines, the Union forces retrieved the disaster of 
 Bull Run by scoring their first victory. General 
 Johnston was wounded, and forced for a time 
 to leave the service. He was succeeded In the 
 command of the Army of Northern Virginia by 
 Robert E. Lee, the greatest of all the Confed- 
 erate generals, and the most chivalrous figure In 
 the history of the South; a character of tran- 
 scendent purity and worth In whom neither 
 friend nor foe has ever found a flaw.f 
 
 The military skill of Lee proved too great for 
 his antagonist. McClellan got within four miles 
 of Richmond, but In the Seven Days' Battles the 
 Union Army was defeated. McClellan was re- 
 moved, and the Army of the Potomac was 
 
 * Called "Stonewall" because of the rocklike manner in 
 which he held at bay a Federal force at the first battle of 
 Bull Run. 
 
 t General Lee was born in Virginia in 1807. He was the 
 son of "Light-horse Harry" Lee of Revolutionary fame. 
 At the outbreak of the Civil War Robert E. Lee was con- 
 sidered the ablest officer in the United States Army, and was 
 offered the chief command of the Union forces. Lee was 
 one of the many Southerners who did not approve of secession 
 as a policy, but when Virginia joined the Confederacy he 
 considered it his duty to follow the lead of his State. The 
 worth of his name alone to the Southern cause was beyond 
 computation. 
 
THE CIVIL WAR 231 
 
 placed under the command of General John 
 Pope, who had made a reputation In the western 
 campaign. But at the second battle of Bull Run 
 (August 26, 1862) Pope was so badly worsted 
 by Stonewall Jackson that McClellan was rein- 
 stated. 
 
 The Merrimac and the Monitor. — All the im- 
 portant battles of the Civil War occurred on 
 the land. The navy rendered able assistance to 
 the Union cause, but Its services were chiefly 
 valuable In enforcing the blockade of Southern 
 ports. One naval engagement, however. Is of 
 particular Interest; not because It affected the 
 outcome of the struggle between North and 
 South, but on account of the great change It 
 wrought In methods of naval warfare through- 
 out the world. It took place just before McClel- 
 lan undertook the Peninsular Campaign. 
 
 The United States Navy at the outbreak of the 
 Civil War consisted entirely of wooden ships. 
 In 1 861 the Confederates raised the hulk of the 
 Merrimac, a Federal steamship that had been 
 sunk off Norfolk, and covered it with an Iron 
 sheath. 
 
 On March 8, 1862, the Merrimac, armed 
 with fifteen guns, steamed out to Hamp- 
 ton Roads, where several of the finest United 
 
232 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 States war-ships were anchored. The Congress^ 
 a fifty-gun frigate, and the Cumberland^ z. 
 lighter vessel, carrying thirty guns, aided by the 
 Federal batteries, trained their heaviest fire upon 
 the Merrimac. But the missiles rebounded from 
 her iron roof like rubber. Waiting until she got 
 within easy range, the Merrimac poured a vol- 
 ley into both vessels, then, driving her iron prow 
 with terrific force against the side of the Cum- 
 berland^ sent that unfortunate craft to the 
 bottom with all her crew. The Congress 
 continued to fight until obliged to surren- 
 der, when she was burned by the crew of the 
 Merrimac. The iron-clad then retired, expect- 
 ing to return the next day and finish the remain- 
 ing ships. 
 
 The news was flashed over the wires and set 
 the North in a panic. It looked as though the 
 blockade would now be broken and Northern 
 coast cities ravaged, for no wooden vessel could 
 stand before the Merrimac. But the terror of 
 the North was short-lived. When the Merri- 
 mac returned the next morning to complete the 
 destruction begun the day before she found a 
 strange craft awaiting her. It consisted of noth- 
 ing more than a flat iron deck, almost flush with 
 the water, upon which was a revolving iron turret 
 
THE CIVIL WAR 233 
 
 with two guns.* The little Monitor proceeded 
 to engage the Merrimac m a duel which lasted 
 five hours. Neither one could make any impres- 
 sion upon the iron armor of its adversary, 
 though they fought most desperately at a dis- 
 tance of only a few feet. But the Merrimac 
 had met her match, and finally gave up the 
 struggle and withdrew. 
 
 The duel of the iron-clads proved that the day 
 of wooden war-ships was past. The United 
 States remodelled its navy, and the European 
 nations, quick to seize a new advantage, fol- 
 lowed. The iron navies of the world to-day 
 trace their origin to the battle between the 
 Merrimac and the Monitor in the American 
 Civil War. 
 
 Antietam. — General Lee decided to carry the 
 war into Federal territory and attempt the capt- 
 ure of Washington. He believed that South- 
 ern sympathy in Maryland was strong enough 
 to wrest that State from the control of the 
 
 * When the Government at Washington learned that the 
 Confederates were building the Merrimac it made a contract 
 with John Ericsson, a Swedish inventor in New York, to 
 build an iron-clad. The two vessels were finished almost at 
 the same moment. The Monitor was at once ordered to 
 Hampton Roads, but having a greater distance to go, arrived 
 several hours after the Merrimac, 
 
234 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Union men if the Southern sympathizers should 
 be encouraged by the presence of Confederate 
 troops. 
 
 The disastrous battle of Antietam, or Sharps- 
 burg, followed the attempt of Lee to invade 
 the loyal States. It was one of the blood- 
 iest engagements of the war. Despite the fact 
 that McClellan's army greatly outnumbered 
 Lee's, the battle was indecisive, though the ad- 
 vantage lay with McClellan, since Lee was 
 forced for the time being to abandon the in- 
 vasion of the North. McClellan was again re- 
 moved, and Ambrose E. Burnside appointed in 
 his place. 
 
 Before taking leave of General McClellan 
 it is only fair to say of him that no other Union 
 general was beset by so many discouraging dif- 
 ficulties. Several years after the war was over, 
 General Lee, who ranks among the greatest 
 masters of military science that the world has 
 ever produced, was asked which of all his late 
 opponents he considered the ablest. ** McClel- 
 lan," replied Lee, '' by all odds." * 
 
 General Grant's opinion of the first com- 
 mander of the Army of the Potomac was thus 
 
 * Recollections and Letters of General Lee, by Captain 
 Robert E. Lee, New York, 1904, p. 416. 
 
THE CIVIL WAR 235 
 
 expressed: *' The test applied to him would be 
 terrible to any man, being made a major-gen- 
 eral at the beginning of the war . . . and if he 
 did not succeed, it was because the conditions of 
 success were so trying. If McClellan had gone 
 into the war as Sherman, Thomas, or Meade — 
 had fought his way along and up — I have no 
 reason to suppose that he would not have won 
 as high distinction as any of us." * 
 
 Emancipation. — In the spring and summer of 
 1862 Congress passed three emancipation acts, 
 liberating all slaves in the District of Columbia 
 and in the territories, and all Confederate slaves 
 who escaped to the Federal lines. Just after 
 the battle of Antietam President Lincoln issued 
 his famous Proclamation, warning the people of 
 the Confederacy that unless they returned to 
 the Union by the first day of January, 1863, he 
 would declare their remaining slaves free. 
 
 The President had long been urged by the ex- 
 treme abolitionists to destroy slavery. But Lin- 
 coln, though opposed to slavery in principle, had 
 no desire to give the civil struggle In which he 
 was engaged the appearance of a war in behalf 
 of the negro. At the outset he had even been 
 
 * Around the World with General Grant, by John 
 Russell Young, vol. ii, p. 216. 
 
236 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 willing to make almost any concession which the 
 slave interest of the South might demand in 
 order to prevent disunion. His attitude had 
 likewise been the attitude of the great majority 
 of Northern people. But the President and 
 other thinking men had come to realize that 
 even if the Union cause should prevail, slavery, 
 which had been so prominent a factor in pro- 
 ducing and perpetuating sectional bitterness, 
 would ultimately have to be destroyed. More- 
 over, Europe was chafing under the blockade, 
 and it was thought that the destruction of sla- 
 very would appeal to the moral sense of foreign 
 nations and prevent recognition of the Confed- 
 eracy, which the Confederate Government was 
 actively seeking. 
 
 These motives, however, could not have justi- 
 fied so sweeping an executive act as the destruc- 
 tion of millions of dollars' worth of private 
 property guaranteed by the Constitution. Nor 
 is it likely that the President would have adopted 
 such a policy on those grounds alone. But Mr. 
 Lincoln was not only President of the United 
 States; by the Constitution he was also com- 
 mander-in-chief of the army and navy. In that 
 capacity he possessed certain powers which as a 
 mere civil ruler he could not have exercised. 
 
THE CIVIL WAR 237 
 
 Now the slaves were the property of the enemy. 
 Their labor was necessary to the maintenance of 
 the Confederate armies. They raised and har- 
 vested the crops which supported the soldiers in 
 the field. To set them free would go a long 
 way toward disabling the Confederacy. As a 
 measure of mihtary necessity, therefore, Lincoln 
 decided to liberate the slaves. 
 
 No Confederate State returning to the Union, 
 the Proclamation became operative January i, 
 1863. It had no practical effect except when 
 enforced by the armies, but as fast as Southern 
 territory came under Federal control, slave-hold- 
 ers were compelled to surrender their negroes. 
 Many Southerners of their own accord liberated 
 their slaves after January ist, among them Gen- 
 eral Lee himself. 
 
 It is a significant fact, showing the friendly 
 ties that bound the master and his bondman, 
 that many negroes refused to avail themselves 
 of their freedom, but chose to remain with 
 those whom they had so long been accustomed 
 to serve. The truth is that the slave was not, 
 in the vast majority of instances, the discon- 
 tented and pathetic figure he is commonly be- 
 lieved to have been. The number of those who 
 enlisted in the Union armies was not large, con- 
 
238 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 sidering the inducements offered. Many ser- 
 vants accompanied their masters to the scenes 
 of war, and their devotion is a fact of univer- 
 sal familiarity. All through the war the care 
 of wife, children, and home was intrusted to 
 the slave — a trust that was never betrayed. 
 
 The Emancipation Proclamation did not 
 apply to the border slave States which had re- 
 mained in the Union. Such a measure might 
 at that time have driven them into the Confed- 
 eracy. Maryland and Missouri of their own 
 accord abolished slavery by State action before 
 the war was over. In Delaware and Kentucky 
 it continued to exist until 1865, when the 
 Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution 
 destroyed it forever throughout the United 
 States. 
 
 Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville. — The chief 
 fault found with McClellan was that he did 
 not do enough fighting. General Burnside de- 
 termined to be more aggressive, and to silence 
 criticism at once by taking Richmond. But at 
 the battle of Fredericksburg (December 13, 
 1862) the persistent Army of the Potomac was 
 again defeated by Lee. Burnside was removed, 
 and his command given to General Joseph 
 Hooker. Now at last, thought the North, a 
 
THE CIVIL WAR 239 
 
 man has been found who will take Richmond 
 and end the war. 
 
 Again failure mocked the heroic efforts of 
 the Army of the Potomac. The Union forces, 
 numbering ninety thousand, encountered forty- 
 five thousand Confederates at Chancellorsvllle 
 on May 2, 1863. For two days the veterans of 
 Hooker challenged the desperate valor of the 
 Army of Northern Virginia. But the tactics of 
 Hooker proved no match for the superb gen- 
 eralship of Lee and Stonewall Jackson. Chan- 
 cellorsvllle added one more defeat to the dis- 
 couraging record of Federal failures In the 
 East. 
 
 But the Confederacy paid a dear price for 
 Its victory. Among the heroic Southern slain 
 was Stonewall Jackson. While reconnoitring 
 the Federal position at some distance from his 
 troops, he and his escorts were mistaken by the 
 Confederates for a body of Federal cavalry. 
 The error was not discovered until too late. 
 Jackson ranked with Lee as a master of war, 
 and his death was an Irreparable loss to the 
 Southern cause. He is said by military critics 
 to have more nearly resembled Napoleon in 
 genius and method than any other American 
 commander. 
 
240 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Union Victories in the West. — If failure marked 
 the course of the Union armies in the East, 
 Union success had been almost uninterrupted in 
 the West. 
 
 The Federal object was to get control of 
 the Mississippi Valley, which divided the west- 
 ern half of the Confederacy into two parts, 
 and which on account of its productiveness was 
 the main granary of the Confederate armies. 
 A few railroad lines connected Vicksburg, Mem- 
 phis, Chattanooga, and Nashville, the chief 
 towns of the Western Confederacy, with Rich- 
 mond and with the Gulf of Mexico. The Con- 
 federate line of defence was strengthened by 
 fortifications on the Cumberland, the Tennessee, 
 and the Mississippi rivers. The important 
 points were to be attacked by armies moving 
 down from the north with the cooperation of 
 fleets, which were to take New Orleans and as- 
 cend the Mississippi. 
 
 There was not very much fighting in the West 
 until 1862. The summer and fall of 1861 saw 
 the Confederates driven out of Missouri, and 
 Kentucky saved to the Union. 
 
 When the campaign of 1862 opened there 
 were two Union armies in the West, which 
 shortly increased to four. The larger one num- 
 
THE CIVIL WAR 241 
 
 bered one hundred thousand men, and was com- 
 manded by General Buell. A subordinate force 
 of fifteen thousand under Ulysses S. Grant was 
 stationed at Cairo, 111. 
 
 The Confederate armies of the West were 
 under the command of Albert Sidney Johnston. 
 The South expected much from this officer, who 
 was recognized in military circles. North and 
 South, as possessing extraordinary abilities, and 
 who was considered by some, in these early days 
 of the war, to be superior even to Lee. 
 
 Forts Henry and Donelson and Island No. 10. — 
 In February, 1862, General Grant took Fort 
 Henry on the Tennessee, and ten days later re- 
 ceived the surrender of Fort Donelson, which 
 guarded the Cumberland. These victories gave 
 the United States forces control of two of the 
 principal water-ways of the South-west. The 
 capture of Island No. 10 on the Mississippi by 
 General Pope and the gun-boat fleet under Com- 
 modore Foote followed in April, and the Con- 
 federates were forced to form a new line of 
 defence. 
 
 Pittsburg Landing. — General Grant pressed on 
 and camped at Pittsburg Landing on the Ten- 
 nessee. Here he was attacked on the morn- 
 ing of April 6th by Albert Sidney Johnston. A 
 
242 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 furious engagement ensued, which lasted two 
 days. At first victory was with the Confeder- 
 ates, but Grant was reenforced by Buell's army, 
 and further aided by the gun-boats on the river. 
 Johnston was killed, and a Union victory was 
 the result. When Jefferson Davis heard of 
 Johnston's death he endured a temporary spasm 
 of despair. 
 
 The battle of Pittsburg Landing Is often 
 called the battle of Shiloh, after a church around 
 which the heaviest fighting occurred. 
 
 The Capture of New Orleans.— On April 25th 
 Admiral Farragut's Gulf fleet, aided by a land 
 force under General B. F. Butler, took the city 
 of New Orleans and Its surrounding forts. 
 This was a most Important achievement, since 
 it put an end to Confederate control of the lower 
 Mississippi. Two principal railroad centres, 
 Corinth and Memphis, soon passed Into Fed- 
 eral hands. With the exception of VIcksburg 
 and Port Hudson, the Mississippi River was 
 now under Federal control from New Orleans 
 to Illinois. 
 
 Vicksburg was besieged by General Grant In 
 the spring of 1863. Joseph E. Johnston was 
 now In command of all the Confederate forces 
 of the South-west. His intention was to fight 
 
THE CIVIL WAR ^43 
 
 Grant in the open field, and thus avoid a siege, 
 which he knew Vicksburg would be unable to 
 resist. But General Pemberton, who was in 
 command at Vicksburg, disobeyed his orders 
 and decided to stand a siege. General Grant 
 succeeded in dividing the forces of Johnston 
 and Pemberton, so that neither one could help 
 the other. After six weeks, during which the 
 Federal gun-boats on the river kept up a terrific 
 bombardment of the city, Vicksburg was blown 
 up by powder-mines which Grant had caused 
 to be constructed beneath the fortifications of 
 the city. On July 4th its defenders surrendered 
 to General Grant. Five days later Port Hudson 
 
 fell- ... . 
 
 The whole Mississippi Valley, with the ex- 
 ception of Chattanooga, was now under Federal 
 control. The Confederacy was cut in twain. It 
 was no longer possible to bring Western cattle 
 and grain to feed the Confederate armies in the 
 East. From now on each half of the Confed- 
 eracy must fight without help from the other. 
 
 Gettysburg.-We left the Army of the Poto- 
 mac broken by the defeat at Chancellorsville, 
 and the Confederates on the high tide of sue- 
 
 cess. 
 
 On the day before the fall of Vicksburg 
 
244 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 the Army of Northern Virginia suffered its first 
 great reverse. Public opinion at the South, 
 elated by victory^ demanded an invasion of the 
 North. General Lee decided to carry the war 
 into Pennsylvania. The invasion caused great 
 alarm in the North. Lee came up through 
 Maryland to Chambersburg with his main army. 
 Detached commands held York and Carlisle, and 
 came within a few miles of Harrisburg. From 
 Chambersburg Lee turned east to attack Phila- 
 delphia. General Hooker had been succeeded 
 by General George G. Meade, a commander of 
 great ability. Meade moved up between Lee 
 and the threatened city of Philadelphia. The 
 two armies met at Gettysburg. Here, on July 
 I St, 2d, and 3d was fought not only the decisive 
 battle of the war, but one of the most celebrated 
 battles in the history of the world. Deeds of 
 amazing heroism were performed by both 
 armies, but Meade had the advantage of larger 
 forces and superior position. Moreover, certain 
 vital orders of Lee were tardily executed. When 
 the sun set at the close of the third day it sym- 
 bolized the wane of Confederate fortune. 
 
 The repulse of Lee's invasion and the fall of 
 Vicksburg marked the turning-point of the war. 
 
 From Gettysburg Lee retreated to Virginia, 
 
THE CIVIL WAR 245 
 
 slowly followed by the Army of the Potomac. 
 The two forces took position on opposite banks 
 of the Rapidan River. Here they remained 
 through the following winter without much 
 lighting until the spring of 1864, when Grant 
 took command of all the armies of the United 
 States, and the llfe-and-death struggle began. 
 
 Chickamauga. — After the fall of VIcksburg 
 there still remained In Confederate possession 
 eastern Tennessee and Georgia. 
 
 At Chickamauga, a few miles from the city 
 of Chattanooga, the Confederates were attacked 
 by General Rosecrans on September 19, 1863. 
 After one of the most desperate battles of the 
 war, lasting two days, the Union Army was de- 
 feated. It would have been utterly routed had 
 it not been for the heroic stand of General 
 George H. Thomas, whose command covered 
 the retreat of the fleeing army. For this achieve- 
 ment General Thomas won the sobriquet of 
 " the Rock of Chickamauga." 
 
 Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge. — 
 The Union Army retreated to Chattanooga, 
 where It was besieged for two months by the 
 Confederates. All eyes were turned to General 
 Grant, the hero of VIcksburg, who had been 
 placed in command of all the Federal armies of 
 
246 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 the West, and who now came to the relief of 
 Chattanooga. The Confederates were strongly 
 intrenched on Lookout Mountain and Mission- 
 ary Ridge. By sudden and heroic assault up 
 the mountain-side the Union soldiers succeeded 
 In carrying both of these apparently Impregnable 
 positions. Part of the fighting occurred so high 
 up that the combatants were hidden by the 
 clouds, so that the engagement at Lookout 
 Mountain is often called *' the battle above the 
 clouds." 
 
 The victory at Chattanooga (November 
 24th-25th) completed the Union conquest of 
 the Mississippi Valley. 
 
 The Blockade. — Far more effective than the 
 work of Northern armies In crushing the Con- 
 federacy was the blockade. 
 
 " Cotton is king," boasted the South at the 
 beginning of the war, meaning that Its staple 
 product ruled the Industrial world. The South 
 believed in 1861 that the Federal Government 
 could not continue the war without the support 
 of the industrial Interests of the North, and that 
 this support would not be given when the manu- 
 facturers and the merchants found that they 
 were unable to procure cotton. It also be- 
 lieved the forced interruption of foreign trade 
 
THE CIVIL WAR 247 
 
 would cause such loss abroad that European 
 governments would compel the United States to 
 raise the blockade. 
 
 In both of these anticipations the South was 
 doomed to disappointment. The cotton manu- 
 facturers were only a fraction of the industrial 
 interests of the North. In spite of their In- 
 juries, the Federal Government never slackened 
 its efforts to compel the submission of the South. 
 Neither did Europe Intervene, though Incon- 
 venienced by the blockade. The truth was, that 
 badly as Europe needed Southern cotton, the 
 South needed European markets still more. Eu- 
 rope could exist without the South, but the 
 South could not exist without Europe. Only 
 from Europe could military arms, clothing, and 
 other necessaries be procured. 
 
 Within three months after the outbreak of 
 war the Confederacy was surrounded by fleets 
 and armies which pressed closer and closer until 
 the power of resistance was utterly destroyed. 
 
 To evade the blockade, small and very swift 
 vessels were built in Europe to carry military 
 stores and other cargoes to Confederate ports 
 In exchange for cotton. But as the war pro- 
 ceeded It became Increasingly difficult to escape 
 the vigilant United States cruisers. Trade of 
 
248 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 this sort amounted to very little. Before the 
 war was over cotton was worth $2.50 a pound 
 in Liverpool, while vast mountains of it rotted 
 on the wharves of Southern ports at four cents 
 a pound. Salt, which was worth $7.50 a ton in 
 Nassau, the capital of the Bahamas and the 
 nearest port for blockade runners, sold for 
 $1,700 in gold at Richmond. Supplies of 
 every sort became exhausted, and there was no 
 way to replenish them. The spinning-wheels 
 of farm and plantation were kept constantly 
 at work turning out rough homespun clothing 
 for the soldiers. Women of high social rank 
 suffered the stress of poverty. Roasted rye 
 took the place of coffee, persimmon seeds were 
 utilized for buttons and thorns for pins. 
 
 It was the blockade, not the armies of the 
 North, that killed the Confederacy. Had the 
 South had access to foreign markets it could 
 never, in all probability, have been conquered. 
 
 Confederate Finance. — An irredeemable paper 
 currency made bad matters very much worse. 
 All paper money is merely a promise to pay an 
 equal amount of gold or silver on demand of 
 the bearer. It Is good only as long as it can 
 be redeemed in standard coin. The entire 
 specie revenue of the Confederate Government 
 
THE CIVIL WAR 249 
 
 during Its four years' existence aggregated only 
 about $28,000,000. The Government was 
 therefore obhged to rely more and more upon 
 paper money, which dropped In value as the 
 chances of Confederate success grew weaker. 
 
 The scarcity of goods of every description 
 and the cheapness of money combined to make 
 fabulous prices. Before the war was over one 
 dollar in gold was worth one hundred dollars 
 of paper money. Corn-meal sold for $80 a 
 bushel, a barrel of flour cost $1,000, a spool 
 of thread $20, a pound of sugar $75, and a 
 newspaper $1. 
 
 The Beginning of the Final Struggle. — In the 
 spring of 1864 General Grant, whose victories 
 had made him the most celebrated of all the 
 Union commanders, was made Lieutenant Gen- 
 eral of the Armies of the United States, In the 
 hope that with a free hand and full power he 
 would be able to end the war. 
 
 There were now only two large Confederate 
 armies in the field; the Army of Northern Vir- 
 ginia, which we left in winter quarters on the 
 Rapldan, and the Southern Army under Joseph 
 E. Johnston In Georgia. 
 
 Grant's plan was to attack both armies si- 
 multaneously and keep them so busy that neither 
 
250 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 one of them could help the other. To this end 
 he sent General W. T. Sherman, who had 
 won renown at Shiloh and In the VIcksburg 
 and Chattanooga campaigns, against Johnston, 
 while he himself directed the movements of the 
 Army of the Potomac, commanded by Meade. 
 
 Sherman Takes Atlanta. — General Sherman 
 started from Chattanooga In June with one 
 hundred thousand men. His orders from Grant 
 were to take Atlanta, an Important railroad 
 centre and chief base of military supplies. 
 
 Throughout his entire campaign there was 
 comparatively little fighting. Johnston's force 
 was small and he desired to avoid direct battle 
 until he could risk It with advantage. Both com- 
 manders exhibited remarkable skill. But Jef- 
 ferson Davis, the President of the Confederacy, 
 disliked Johnston and made the vital mistake 
 of removing him from command, putting In 
 his place General Hood. This officer was a 
 bold fighter, but not the equal of Johnston or 
 Sherman In efficiency. After a strong but futile 
 resistance Atlanta capitulated to Sherman (Sep- 
 tember 2d). Hood then turned Into Tennessee 
 hoping to draw Sherman after him. But Sher- 
 man remained where he was and sent General 
 Thomas, " the Rock of Chlckamauga," to take 
 
THE CIVIL WAR 251 
 
 care of Hood. At the battle of Nashville (De- 
 cember I5th-i6th) Thomas utterly destroyed 
 the army of Hood. 
 
 Grant and Lee. — While Sherman was en- 
 gaged In the South, Grant was endeavoring 
 to take Richmond. These final campaigns In 
 Virginia against Lee were the fiercest and 
 bloodiest of the war. The course of the Army 
 of the Potomac lay through a vast region of 
 forest and swamp known as the Wilderness. 
 That army now numbered one hundred and fifty 
 thousand and was constantly Increasing In size 
 and In fighting strength. The Army of North- 
 ern Virginia could muster only sixty thousand 
 half-starved, ragged, worn-out men. 
 
 Notwithstanding the disparity of forces, 
 Grant's advance was ably resisted by Lee. The 
 battles of the Wilderness and Spottsylvania 
 (May 5th-i8th) were virtually Confederate 
 victories, since Grant was continually forced to 
 deviate from his contemplated line of advance. 
 Still, changing his tactics, he slowly pushed 
 toward Richmond. 
 
 At Cold Harbor Grant encountered the 
 strong centre of the Confederate defence. Af- 
 ter a heroic but futile charge, during which 
 twelve thousand Union soldiers lost their lives 
 
252 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 In thirty minutes, Grant was again obliged to 
 change his plan of attack. He determined to 
 move upon Richmond from the south. But here 
 his advance was blocked by the fortifications 
 of Petersburg, within which Lee, anticipating 
 Grant's purpose, had moved his army. As the 
 defences were too strong to be carried by assault, 
 Grant settled down for a prolonged siege In 
 June, 1864. 
 
 The Presidential Election of 1864.— While 
 Grant was besieging Petersburg and Sherman 
 was about to undertake his famous march 
 " from Atlanta to the sea," the country was 
 called upon to choose a President. Lincoln had 
 many enemies in his own party who desired to 
 prevent his renomination. But his strength 
 with the people prevailed over the plots of poli- 
 ticians, who were compelled to nominate him 
 against their will. Andrew Johnson, a Demo- 
 crat from Tennessee, was named for Vice-presi- 
 dent in the hope of drawing the Democratic 
 vote. Johnson had attracted wide attention In 
 i860 because he was the only Southern Senator 
 who refused to follow his State. 
 
 The Democrats tried to regain control of the 
 Government on a platform which declared that 
 the war was a failure and advocated a peace con- 
 
THE CIVIL WAR 253 
 
 ventlon of all the States for the purpose of 
 reestablishing the Union by common consent. 
 Their candidate was General McClellan, who, 
 however, repudiated the sentiment of his party 
 that the war was a failure. 
 
 Many Democrats voted for Lincoln, who 
 was overwhelmingly reelected, McClellan carry- 
 ing only New Jersey, Delaware, and Kentucky. 
 
 The Fall of the Confederacy.— We left Gen- 
 eral Sherman in undisputed possession of At- 
 lanta. After burning the city he started for the 
 coast, a distance of three hundred miles, leaving 
 in his wake a belt of desolation sixty miles 
 wide. There was no hostile army to check 
 his advance. Railroads, public property, and 
 growing crops were destroyed that the enemy's 
 power of resistance might be the more effect- 
 ually and speedily broken. Reaching Savannah, 
 he started north to join Grant in demolishing 
 the army of Lee. 
 
 In the meantime General Lee, who had been 
 given full power,, had recalled Joseph E. John- 
 ston. This officer collected the fragments of the 
 scattered Western forces, which he formed Into 
 an army to resist the advance of Sherman. 
 
 While Grant with iron purpose was hammer- 
 ing away at Petersburg, General Sheridan was 
 
254 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 despatched with a large cavalry force to ravage 
 the Shenandoah Valley, the last remaining Con- 
 federate granary. Sheridan executed his com- 
 mission with thoroughness, destroying mills, 
 barns, crops, railroads, canals, and bridges, and 
 defeating a Confederate army under General 
 Early, a detachment of which had invaded 
 Pennsylvania and burned Chambersburg. 
 
 For ten months Petersburg withstood the 
 efforts of Grant. At last Its weakened forces 
 could hold out no longer. In a final desperate 
 assault, Sunday, April 2d, the city was taken. 
 The Confederate capital was now without pro- 
 tection and the next day the goal of four years' 
 heroic effort was occupied by Union troops. 
 Jefferson Davis and his cabinet fled to Georgia.* 
 
 General Lee's purpose now was to escape 
 with his army In the night, join Johnston in 
 North Carolina and offer battle to Sherman 
 before he could be reenforced by Grant. But 
 the swarming Federals cut off Lee's retreat and 
 his handful of Confederate soldiers found 
 themselves surrounded. Even then these in- 
 
 * Davis was captured a few weeks later and imprisoned 
 in Fortress Monroe for two years. He was indicted for 
 treason but was released on the bond of three Northern gentle- 
 men. In 1868 Davis and other prominent leaders were par- 
 doned by the President of the United States. 
 
THE CIVIL WAR 255 
 
 trepid men were eager to fight. Lee, however, 
 realizing the folly of further resistance and un- 
 willing to sacrifice life to prolong a hopeless 
 struggle, gave up. At Appomattox Court-house 
 on April 9, 1865, the Army of Northern Vir- 
 ginia laid down its arms. On the 26th Johnston 
 surrendered to Sherman. 
 
 Both conquerors proved themselves to be as 
 generous in the hour of victory as they had been 
 heroic and skilful in battle. The starving Con- 
 federates were supplied with rations from the 
 plentiful stores of their victors and allowed to 
 return to their homes free of penalties after 
 promising to obey the laws and not to take up 
 arms against the United States. No celebra- 
 tions were indulged in by the triumphant Union 
 soldiers and no note of exultation mocked the 
 disappointment of their vanquished foes. 
 
 The Armies Disband.— In April, 1865, the 
 Union armies numbered over a million veterans, 
 equipped, disciplined, organized, and of superb 
 fighting efficiency. Prophets of evil said that 
 they had been bred to the love of war and camp 
 life and would never again be contented to re- 
 sume the employments of peace. And yet in an 
 incredibly short time this army completely dis- 
 appeared. There was no rioting, no disorder. 
 
256 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 As quietly as these men had left their homes 
 to fight for the flag, they came back and once 
 more took their places at the work-bench, be- 
 hind the plough, in the factory, and the law- 
 office. 
 
 The voluntary return of this vast army of 
 conquerors to the pursuits of industry was a 
 splendid vindication of American citizenship and 
 proved that in spite of gigantic military suc- 
 cesses we were still a peace-loving people. 
 
 Pathetic in its melancholy contrast was the 
 home-coming of the Confederate soldier. He 
 found a ruined farm, a plantation run to waste, 
 a land swept by the ravages of war. Men who 
 had once been rich were now reduced to pov- 
 erty. With courage never surpassed on the 
 battle-field these vanquished heroes in gray ac- 
 cepted defeat without a murmur and began life 
 anew, resolved that toil should know no end 
 until desolation should give place to plenty and 
 the desert blossom as the rose. 
 
 The Northern and Southern soldiers were 
 alike Americans, equally brave and equally 
 honest. Well may we take a national pride in 
 their splendid records though they fought in 
 opposing ranks. 
 
 Results of the War. — No mere combat of 
 
THE CIVIL WAR 257 
 
 arms can ever settle which side of a disputed 
 question Is morally right and which is morally 
 wrong. But it can and does remove certain 
 questions from all possibility of further quarrel 
 by proving to the defeated side the futility of 
 its purpose. 
 
 The Civil War determined forever that the 
 principle of secession, whether right or wrong, 
 could never win triumphant recognition; not 
 only because the Federal Government is too 
 strong to be resisted, but because the great 
 majority of the American people are convinced 
 that their prosperity is dependent upon condi- 
 tions which can exist only by a close political 
 union in which the States are subordinate to the 
 nation. The rights of the States are Important 
 and must be maintained, but the measure of 
 their extent must be the Federal Constitution. 
 The sovereignty of the States over the nation 
 is quite another matter ; that was removed from 
 the field of political discussion by the war and 
 will never be reasserted. The Southern people 
 have accepted this decision as final, and there 
 are to-day none more loyal to the flag of our 
 common country. 
 
 The war also took the slavery question out 
 of politics by destroying the institution itself; 
 
258 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 first by legislative and executive action, then by 
 the Thirteenth Amendment. The destruction 
 of slavery, while at first entailing great loss upon 
 the South, proved an ultimate blessing. It has 
 led to the opening of mines and the establish- 
 ment of factories, both of which were impossible 
 under the regime of slavery. The South is un- 
 excelled in natural resources. These are being 
 rapidly developed and in course of time its 
 wealth must equal or surpass that of any other 
 section. 
 
 The Civil War, then, solved the two prob- 
 lems of secession and slavery. But it created 
 other difficulties more tragic than the war it- 
 self and entailing far greater bitterness. 
 
CHAPTER XIX 
 
 RECONSTRUCTION 
 
 NO sooner had the Confederacy fallen 
 than the national Government was 
 confronted with the perplexing ques- 
 tion, What shall he done with the Southern 
 States? The Republican Party was completely 
 dominant and its decision would be final. But 
 on this point the party was not united. 
 
 President Lincoln, Secretary Seward, Grant, 
 Sherman, and other generals favored admitting 
 the Southern States at once to full representa- 
 tion in the Government, conditioned on their 
 acquiescence in the results of the war. Actuated 
 by the spirit of Lincoln's noble motto, " with 
 charity for all, with malice toward none," they 
 said in substance: The South was sincere in its 
 devotion to the Confederacy. But the war is 
 over and the South is defeated. Slavery is 
 abolished, the Union is saved. We can afford 
 to be generous, but we cannot afford to be un- 
 just. The surest way to establish fraternal 
 259 
 
26o BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 relations with our late foes is to let by-gones 
 be by-gones and devote our united effort to 
 building up our common country. 
 
 This was also the attitude of the soldiers and 
 of the great majority of Northern people. 
 
 The strongest and ablest opponent of this 
 liberal policy was Thaddeus Stevens of Penn- 
 sylvania, Republican leader of the House 
 of Representatives. Stevens declared that the 
 South was nothing more than conquered ter- 
 ritory to be disposed of in the way that would 
 best suit the purposes of its conquerors and 
 benefit the Republican Party. In this design 
 and policy he had the effective cooperation of 
 Charles Sumner, the distinguished abolitionist 
 Senator from Massachusetts, and the support of 
 a Congressional majority. 
 
 The Assassination of Lincoln. — Before the Gov- 
 ernment could determine upon any policy, an 
 event occurred which plunged the country into 
 blackest gloom and destroyed all possibiHty of 
 a fraternal adjustment of this delicate matter. 
 
 On the evening of April 14th President Lin- 
 coln was shot through the brain while attend- 
 ing a play in Ford's Theatre in Washington. 
 The assassin was John Wilkes Booth, an actor, 
 and chief conspirator in an infamous plot to 
 
RECONSTRUCTION 261 
 
 murder the President and his Cabinet. The 
 blow fell with crushing force upon the North, 
 which had learned to admire Abraham Lincoln 
 for his integrity and common-sense and to love 
 him for his magnanimous and sympathetic na- 
 ture. Born under the humblest conditions he 
 had risen by sheer force of surpassing character 
 to be the foremost ruler of his time and one of 
 the most impressive figures in the history of 
 mankind. 
 
 Thaddeus Stevens Supreme. — The assassina- 
 tion of Lincoln was the worst calamity that 
 could have befallen the prostrate South. Out- 
 side of its own borders he was the best and 
 wisest friend it had in a crisis when a powerful 
 advocate was most needed. So strong was Lin- 
 coln in the confidence of the Northern people 
 that Congress probably could not have offered 
 effective opposition to his Southern policy had 
 he remained at the helm of state. 
 
 The atrocious deed was ascribed by the 
 Northern press to the instigation of Jefferson 
 Davis and the Confederate leaders. The whole 
 North called for summary and speedy pun- 
 ishment. It is now known that the crime 
 originated in the wicked hearts and disor- 
 dered brains of a few desperadoes. Instead of 
 
262 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 rejoicing, mass-meetings were held in South- 
 ern cities, where indignant sorrow voiced un- 
 feigned regret. 
 
 But Northern passion, inflamed by rumor and 
 suspicion, demanded vengeance. The death 
 of Lincoln removed the only check upon the 
 purpose of the Stevens radicals who came into 
 full control of the Republican Party and of the 
 nation. 
 
 Andrew Johnson, who now stepped into Lin- 
 coln's place, is the most striking example of 
 rapid promotion from obscurity to exalted polit- 
 ical rank which the history of our country 
 affords. He was born In North Carolina, of 
 the despised '' poor white '' stock, and migrated 
 to Tennessee in his boyhood. He never at- 
 tended school and could not even write his name 
 until after he was married. A tailor by trade, 
 he entered politics and served in many dis- 
 tinguished offices. He possessed great natural 
 ability and courage, but he was deficient in tact, 
 and being a Southern Democrat he never had 
 the confidence of the party which elected him. 
 
 The President and Congress. — When Andrew 
 Johnson became President of the United States 
 Congress was not In session. The new Presi- 
 dent started to carry Into effect the generous 
 
RECONSTRUCTION 263 
 
 policy of his predecessor. In a few weeks the 
 Southern States were reorganized on lines em- 
 bodying the ideals of Abraham Lincoln. Noth- 
 ing was said about negro suffrage. Political 
 power remained In the hands of white men.* 
 
 The President, however, reckoned without 
 Congress and its powerful leader. When that 
 body met in December, 1865, the Southern 
 Senators and Representatives who had been 
 elected under Johnson's plan were refused ad- 
 mission to Congress. The work of the Presi- 
 dent was ignored and Congress, under the 
 merciless direction of Thaddeus Stevens, put 
 into operation an altogether different and drastic 
 plan of reconstruction. 
 
 The Fourteenth Amendment. — In South Caro- 
 lina, Mississippi, and Louisiana the black popu- 
 lation exceeded the white. These States, fore- 
 seeing the peril sure to arise In Southern 
 communities from the presence of a great mass 
 of ignorant and lazy negroes without legal re- 
 
 * Andrew Johnson, unlike Lincoln, was exceedingly bitter 
 against the prominent Confederate leaders and refused to 
 include them in the general pardon extended to the rank and 
 file of Southern people. This was probably owing to the 
 traditional and ingrained jealousy of the "poor white" for 
 the aristocratic class. Subsequently Mr. Johnson changed 
 his attitude toward the Southern leaders and became more 
 lenient. 
 
264 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 straint and unable to realize the obligations 
 which freedom imposed, passed laws requiring 
 idle negroes to work. Some of the laws were 
 very severe. 
 
 Congress interpreted the action of these States 
 to signify a deliberate purpose to reduce the 
 " freedmen," as the emancipated slaves were 
 called, to a condition of dependence lipon the 
 whites which would approximate their former 
 servitude, and thus practically nullify the 
 Thirteenth Amendment, which had forbid- 
 den the reestablishment of slavery. Congress 
 then proposed another amendment to the 
 Constitution, which would place the freedmen 
 under the protection of the Federal Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The Fourteenth Amendment defined citizen- 
 ship in such a way as to include the negroes, and 
 then forbade any State to abridge the privileges 
 of citizens or to deprive them of life, liberty, 
 or property without due process of law. When 
 the proposed amendment was submitted to the 
 people the Northern and Border States ratified 
 it, but the Southern States, with the exception of 
 Tennessee, rejected it. 
 
 The Reconstruction Acts. — In refusing to give 
 their assent to a legislative proposition unani- 
 
RECONSTRUCTION 265 
 
 mously disapproved by the judgment of their 
 section the Southern States acted strictly with- 
 in their Constitutional right. But Thaddeus 
 Stevens and the Republican leaders resented this 
 independent attitude on the part of the con- 
 quered South. 
 
 Desiring above all things the permanent tri- 
 umph of their party these men proceeded to 
 carry Into effect a plan which was nothing 
 less than conspiracy against the liberties of the 
 Southern people and the rights of the South- 
 ern States, and a plain subversion of the Con- 
 stitution itself. They resolved to take from 
 the educated, intelligent white men of the South, 
 trained for two hundred and fifty years In 
 the science of government, all political rights 
 and power and give the South over to the 
 control of a vast and irresponsible horde of ne- 
 groes, all of them Ignorant and inexperienced 
 and many of them vicious. The whites, who 
 were Democrats almost to a man, were to 
 be disfranchised, and the freedmen given the 
 ballot. 
 
 By this measure the Republican Party ex- 
 pected to build up a negro organization which 
 would transfer permanently the Southern States 
 mto the Republican column and destroy the 
 
266 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Democratic Party beyond all possibility of res- 
 urrection. Thaddeus Stevens openly declared 
 such to be his purpose. 
 
 To Insure complete success and to prevent the 
 opposition which the Southern white people 
 would naturally attempt, the United States 
 Army was to take military possession of the 
 entire region and support by force the experi- 
 ment of negro rule. 
 
 In 1867 Congress passed two acts by which 
 the ten Southern States that had rejected the 
 Fourteenth Amendment were divided Into Rve 
 military districts and each district placed under 
 an army officer who was to act In the capacity 
 of military governor. This official was directed 
 to hold an election for delegates to a State con- 
 vention. A test oath was required which prac- 
 tically debarred the whites and permitted only 
 negroes to take part In the election. Each State 
 convention must then frame a constitution which 
 would extend the franchise to freedmen. If the 
 ngw constitutions were approved by the colored 
 voters and accepted by Congress the States 
 would thereupon be admitted to the Union after 
 their legislatures had ratified the Fourteenth 
 Amendment. 
 
 The President vetoed both reconstruction bills 
 
RECONSTRUCTION 267 
 
 but Congress by an overwhelming vote passed 
 them over his veto. 
 
 The Fifteenth Amendment. — The Fourteenth 
 Amendment became a part of the Constitution 
 in 1868. But the Repubhcan leaders were not 
 satisfied. Knowing that their party in the South 
 depended wholly upon negro dominance, they 
 feared that if the white Democrats should re- 
 gain control of their States they would disfran- 
 chise the negroes and make the South again 
 Democratic. 
 
 Another amendment was accordingly drafted 
 with the intent of forever insuring negro suf- 
 frage. It denied to Congress or to any State 
 the power to disfranchise a man " on account 
 of race, color, or previous condition of servi- 
 tude." The negro governments of the South 
 ratified the Fifteenth Amendment, which became 
 a part of the law of the land in 1870. 
 
 Anarchy in the South. — It is now agreed by 
 nearly all historians and statesmen that the re- 
 constructive measures of Congress were a series 
 of tragic blunders. They engendered a bitter- 
 ness of feeling against the North which would 
 have been impossible under the humane and 
 generous policy of Lincoln or Johnson. Nor 
 did they accomplish their purpose — which was 
 
268 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 to make the South permanently Republican. 
 Not one of the negro governments endured after 
 the Federal troops, upon which they depended, 
 were withdrawn. They were corrupt and scan- 
 dalous beyond all precedent or parallel. The 
 whole Ill-fated region was flooded with un- 
 scrupulous adventurers from the North, called 
 "carpet-baggers," who took advantage of the 
 helplessness of the whites and the unfitness of 
 the negro to fill the offices and grow rich on 
 public plunder. The freedman was taught to 
 rely for the vindication of his newly acquired 
 political rights not upon the fruits of character 
 but upon force bills and Federal bayonets. 
 
 The States of the " black belt " fared worst. 
 Governor Moses of South Carolina was a pro- 
 fessional crook, whose photograph may be seen 
 to-day in the Rogues' Gallery of New York. 
 The South Carolina Legislature during a single 
 session spent $350,000 for whiskey, cigars, and 
 kindred luxuries for Its colored members. Tax- 
 able values in this State dropped from $490,- 
 000,000 In i860 to $184,000,000 in 1 87 1, 
 while In the same period taxes Increased from 
 less than $400,000 to $2,000,000. In South 
 Carolina there were two hundred negro trial 
 judges who could neither read nor write. 
 
RECONSTRUCTION 269 
 
 At the close of Reconstruction the average 
 debt of each State subjected to Its blasting 
 regime was nearly five times as great as at the 
 close of the Civil War — with nothing to show 
 for it but demoralization and ruin. 
 
 The Failure of Reconstruction.— Several addi- 
 tional laws were passed by Congress designed 
 to bolster up negro rule, but they were rendered 
 ineffective or declared unconstitutional by the 
 Supreme Court of the United States. 
 
 Gradually the whites recovered control of 
 their State governments. This was accom- 
 plished largely by means of the Ku-Klux-Klan, 
 a powerful secret fraternity which sprang up 
 all over the South. Its members wore disguises 
 and operated by night in armed bands. The 
 huts or houses of the negro rulers were visited 
 and the occupants taken out and flogged or else 
 frightened with a show of " magic." Sometimes 
 they were killed. The mysterious character of 
 the fraternity appealed to the superstition of the 
 negroes, who yielded at once. The Ku-Klux- 
 Klan directed the same effective policy of in- 
 timidation against the " carpet-baggers." At 
 first its membership was confined to conservative 
 men who were driven to these measures in nec- 
 essary self-protection. Later It passed into the 
 
270 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 control of a different element, and was finally 
 broken up by Federal marshals — but not until 
 It had achieved its purpose, which was to save 
 the civilization of the South. 
 
 The Fourteenth Amendment was greatly 
 weakened by several Supreme Court decisions, 
 which limited its scope and confirmed the South- 
 ern States in the possession of the powers of 
 which Congress had tried to deprive them. 
 
 The Fifteenth Amendment has likewise be- 
 come a dead letter. The later State constitu- 
 tions, drafted by white men, have practically 
 disfranchised the negro. 
 
 It is absolutely essential to the progress and 
 welfare of the South that white men shall rule 
 it. In no other way can its resources be devel- 
 oped and its general advancement keep pace 
 with the rest of the nation. Even the North 
 now recognizes this fact and is no longer dis- 
 posed to interfere in those problems which public 
 opinion has acknowledged the South alone is 
 competent to solve. 
 
 The harsh and futile measures of the Repub- 
 lican radicals not only dimmed the glory which 
 their party had won by its successful conduct of 
 the Civil War, but it resulted In committing the 
 Southern whites almost unanimously to the sup- 
 
RECONSTRUCTION 271 
 
 port of the Democratic Party; not primarily 
 because Democratic policies were better suited 
 to Southern Interests than Republican policies, 
 but because the Republican Party was associated 
 with the vindictive and disastrous experiment 
 of negro rule. 
 
 Since, however, the Republicans have given 
 up serious thought of enforcing negro equality, 
 It Is likely that their party will eventually com- 
 mand a liberal Southern support on the strength 
 of Its own merits. Already we can discover a 
 definite movement In that direction, and the 
 " solid South " shows signs of breaking up. 
 
 Vast sums of money have been expended 
 upon negro education. Part has been contrib- 
 uted by Northern philanthropists, but by far the 
 greater portion has been the voluntary gift of 
 the Southern people out of their poverty. 
 
 The Negro of To-day. — With the exception of 
 an exceedingly small class of Intelligent and 
 efficient colored people, the negro exhibits none 
 of the results that forty years of freedom and 
 Industrial opportunity under the tutelage of edu- 
 cation are popularly supposed to have produced. 
 
 The domestic and commercial requirements 
 of slavery, necessitating as they did careful at- 
 tention to hygiene and moral culture as well as 
 
272 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 a thorough training in the useful arts, produced 
 a being in whom bodily strength was united to 
 a considerable degree of moral virtue. But 
 with the passing of slavery the beneficent and 
 humanizing influence of white control disap- 
 peared, with the consequence that the original 
 elements of negro character, hopelessly rooted 
 in countless centuries of jungle life, at once as- 
 serted themselves, and have wrought sad havoc 
 with the manhood and the prospects of the race. 
 
 The overwhelming tendency to herd in cities, 
 aggravated by a constitutional inability to resist 
 the peculiar temptations of urban life, is having 
 a rapidly disastrous effect upon both physical 
 and moral character. The extraordinary pro- 
 clivity of the negro to find his keenest enjoy- 
 ment in sensual gratification, together with the 
 entire absence of self-control, renders him the 
 inevitable and easy prey of drunkenness, tuber- 
 culosis, and those diseases most demoralizing 
 to the soul and destructive to the body of man. 
 His mortality has increased above one hundred 
 per cent. 
 
 Crime is alarmingly on the increase, not only 
 in the region known as the " black belt," but 
 throughout the entire area of the former slave 
 States. Although the whites in the South out- 
 
RECONSTRUCTION 273 
 
 number the blacks three to one, yet the latter 
 furnish from eighty-five to ninety-three per cent 
 of the convict class. Even In the city of Wash- 
 ington, the colored " Mecca," the negroes fur- 
 nish eighty-six per cent of the criminals, while 
 comprising less than one-third of the population. 
 And the fact of most tragic import is that this 
 amazing criminal activity is almost wholly the 
 work of the generations born In freedom and 
 whose education has thus far cost $150,000,000. 
 The productive capacity of the negro Is 
 everywhere of the lowest. He owns but three 
 per cent of the taxable property of the South, 
 and most of that represents the accumulations 
 of the older members of the race who were bred 
 to the habits of industry which slavery pro- 
 moted. He has had wide opportunities to 
 prove his Industrial fitness in the manufactures 
 which are springing up all over the South, but 
 he has failed In factory and in mill because he 
 cannot be relied upon to keep his contract. The 
 average negro has not the first notion of moral 
 responsibility. He possesses neither strength of 
 will nor power of conscience to resist the in- 
 clinations of his baser nature. He knows no 
 motive to Industry beyond the simple barbaric 
 Impulse to fill his stomach or to decorate his 
 
274 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 person. With these primitive wants tempo- 
 rarily satisfied, he will knock off work with as 
 little compunction as he would steal a chicken 
 or sell his vote. 
 
 The appalling disregard of moral obligations, 
 plus his hand-to-mouth philosophy of existence, 
 is the secret of the negro's Indisputable failure 
 in the serious pursuits of life. 
 
 At his present rate of deterioration the 
 American negro Is destined to a certain and not 
 distant extinction. The mere fact that the race 
 numbers about nine millions in the United 
 States, so far from indicating a future of prom- 
 ise, signifies rather the contrary, for if the rate 
 of increase which prevailed before the Civil 
 War had continued to the present time, the nu- 
 merical strength of the negro would have far 
 exceeded that figure. 
 
 Left to the " uncovenanted " mercy of a supe- 
 rior race, and exposed to the untempered severi- 
 ties of natural law without the safeguards of 
 physical oversight or moral restraint, the ulti- 
 mate disappearance of the negro from this con- 
 tinent is only a matter of time. 
 
CHAPTER XX 
 
 FROM THE IMPEACHMENT OF JOHNSON TO 
 THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF 1884 
 
 THE Constitution gives the President 
 power to appoint many public officials 
 subject to the approval of the Senate, 
 but by common consent he has from earliest 
 times had the right to remove independently 
 any officer of the Government so appointed. 
 
 The Tenure-of-Office Act.— In the spring of 
 1867 Congress passed an act requiring the con- 
 sent of the Senate to removals from office. The 
 measure was designed by the Republican leaders 
 to reduce the President's independent powers 
 and thus bring him more completely under their 
 control. It was an outgrowth of the quarrel 
 between Congress and the Executive over Re- 
 construction. 
 
 Soon after the passage of the Tenure-of-Of- 
 fice Act, President Johnson requested Mr. Stan- 
 ton, the Secretary of War, with whom the 
 President was not on speaking terms, to resign. 
 Stanton refused to do so, whereupon the Presi- 
 275 
 
276 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 dent removed him in defiance of the law and 
 appointed General Grant to fill the office. The 
 Senate was not in session when this occurred. 
 
 When Congress met, the Senate refused to 
 concur in the action of the Executive. General 
 Grant resigned, and Stanton resumed his place 
 in the Cabinet. The President again dismissed 
 him and appointed another Secretary of War. 
 
 Then occurred an event which had never hap- 
 pened before in the history of the Republic. 
 The House of Representatives impeached the 
 President of the United States of high crimes 
 and misdemeanors. 
 
 The Impeachment of Andrew Johnson (1868). — 
 The Constitution gives the power of impeach- 
 ment to the lower branch of Congress, but pro- 
 vides that trial shall be by the Senate. In the 
 case of the President the Chief-justice of the 
 Supreme Court presides. 
 
 The charges against Andrew Johnson were 
 eleven In number, the most important being his 
 removal of the Secretary of War in defiance of 
 the Tenure-of-Office Act. During the course 
 of the trial, which lasted two months, popular 
 excitement reached fever heat. The President's 
 enemies were legion, his friends few. From 
 beginning to end the prosecution was a strictly 
 
FROM 1868 TO 1884 277 
 
 partisan affair, a policy of vengeance resorted 
 to by the Republican leaders in order to punish 
 the Executive for his insubordinate attitude 
 toward the party which had made his elevation 
 possible. 
 
 The trial was conducted with slight regard 
 to the rules which govern Impartial tribunals. 
 Important testimony favorable to the President 
 was repeatedly excluded by the Senate In spite 
 of the ruling of Chief-justice Chase, who de- 
 clared It admissible. 
 
 The Senate numbered fifty- four members; a 
 two-thirds vote was necessary to convict. As 
 their names were called most of the Republi- 
 cans voted, " guilty." The eight Democratic 
 members answered, " not guilty." A few Re- 
 publicans whom partisan fury had not blinded 
 to the equities of the case voted with the Demo- 
 crats, and the President was acquitted by a ma- 
 jority of one. 
 
 The Republican Senators who gave their 
 voices for acquittal did so in the face of public 
 threats, of newspaper abuse, and party pressure. 
 Most of them were defeated for reelection. 
 But the temperate judgment of later years has 
 applauded their courage and approved the wis- 
 dom of their course. 
 
278 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 The result of the trial was most fortunate, 
 not merely for the personal fame and official 
 record of Andrew Johnson, who, had he been 
 convicted, would have suffered the disgrace of 
 deposition from office, but because of Its deep 
 and permanent effect upon the political develop- 
 ment of our country. Had that single deter- 
 mining vote been cast for conviction, It would 
 have established a precedent for expelling the 
 President whenever he placed himself at cross 
 purposes with Congress. The result of that 
 would ultimately have been to destroy the ad- 
 mirable system of legislative and executive bal- 
 ance which the Constitution fixed as the effective 
 safeguard against encroachment by one branch 
 of government upon another and for the pro- 
 tection of popular liberties from the tyranny of 
 office. The conviction of Andrew Johnson 
 would have made the President a figure-head 
 and Congress supreme.* 
 
 The Purchase of Alaska. — In 1867 the na- 
 tional area was vastly Increased by the addition 
 of Alaska at a cost of $7,200,000. This region 
 had belonged to Russia since 1741. The pur- 
 chase was negotiated principally to accommodate 
 
 * The Tenure-of-Office Act was repealed by Congress in 
 1887. 
 
FROM 1868 TO 1884 279 
 
 the Russian Government, which alone of all 
 the governments of Europe had been distinctly 
 friendly to the cause of the Union in the Civil 
 War. 
 
 Alaska was not at the time regarded as a 
 specially desirable annexation, as its resources 
 were then unknown. Its seal fisheries, gold de- 
 posits, and other ascertained natural wealth now 
 make it a valuable territory. 
 
 The Presidency of General Grant, 1869-77. — 
 Four days after the close of the great trial the 
 Republican Party met in national convention to 
 nominate a presidential ticket. The man of the 
 hour was General Grant, the magnanimous vic- 
 tor of Appomattox, who received every vote in 
 the convention on the first ballot. 
 
 The Democrats named Horatio Seymour, of 
 New York. Grant won by a large electoral 
 majority, but Seymour polled a heavy popular 
 vote. Had It not been for the carpet-bag gov- 
 ernments of the South, Seymour might have been 
 elected. The Democratic Party was reenforced 
 by the "' war Democrats " who had formerly 
 supported Lincoln, and by a considerable num- 
 ber of Republicans who had become disgusted 
 with Congressional Reconstruction. 
 
 Grant's Weakness as an Executive.— Although 
 
28o BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 General Grant entered on the office of Presi- 
 dent with the best of intentions, his record as 
 a civil ruler fell far below the plane of his 
 achievements as a military leader. 
 
 The Republican Party had enjoyed a monop- 
 oly of government since 1861, and looked for- 
 ward to its indefinite continuance. No political 
 organization enjoying undisputed supremacy 
 and confronted with every opportunity for cor- 
 rupt profit can long remain uncontaminated. 
 The Republican Party proved no exception to 
 this rule. Since the war it had drifted into the 
 hands of men who were using its immense pres- 
 tige for personal ends rather than for the ad- 
 vancement of public interests. 
 
 General Grant was simple-hearted, straight- 
 forward, and patriotic, but without experience 
 in or aptitude for political life. Upright him- 
 self, he could not tell the difference among his 
 fellows between an honest man and a thief. 
 Consequently many of the acts and policies of 
 his administration attracted a fire of criticism 
 upon the party which would have been impos- 
 sible in the days of Lincoln. He was nomi- 
 nated in obedience to unthinking popular clamor 
 by crafty politicians, who saw in the military 
 idol of the American people a convenient and 
 
FROM 1868 TO 1884 281 
 
 certain means to bring themselves into power, 
 and in his popularity an impenetrable shield to 
 cover their evil deeds. He trusted his friends 
 and they deceived him. 
 
 The Republican Party Splits. — At the national 
 convention of 1872 the regular party organi- 
 zation renominated General Grant. 
 
 Some of the best and ablest men of the Re- 
 publican faith, who were dissatisfied with the 
 way things had been going for the last four 
 years, met at Cincinnati and placed in the field 
 a Liberal Republican ticket headed by Horace 
 Greeley, the gifted but erratic editor of the New 
 York Tribune. Their platform denounced civil 
 corruption and the disgraceful carpet-bag gov- 
 ernments of the South, the scandals of which 
 filled the civilized world. The Liberals were 
 anxious for tariff reform, but Greeley, who was 
 the most extreme protectionist in the country, 
 vetoed every suggestion favoring a declaration 
 to that effect, and the convention was obliged to 
 yield. The tariff issue was waived by a plat- 
 form resolution which left the matter to the 
 Congressional districts. 
 
 The Democrats also named Horace Greeley 
 as their standard-bearer, joining forces with the 
 Liberals in the hope of defeating the regular 
 
282 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Republican organization. The nomination of 
 Greeley by the Democratic Party was a political 
 Incongruity. It was brought about solely for 
 reasons of supposed expediency. By no man In 
 the country had that party been more vehe- 
 mently assailed than by the brilliant editor of 
 the Tribune^ the gist of whose abuse was popu- 
 larly put thus: " I do not say that all Demo- 
 crats are rascals, but It Is undeniably true that 
 all rascals are Democrats." His availability as 
 a candidate was thought to consist In the two 
 facts that he had never advocated Republican 
 methods of Reconstruction and that he had 
 given ball for Jefferson Davis. These consid- 
 erations appealed to the South, which desired 
 above all things else to recover home rule. 
 
 General Sherman, writing to his brother from 
 Paris, said : " I feel amazed to see the turn things 
 have taken. Grant, who never was a Repub- 
 lican, is your candidate; while Greeley, who 
 never was a Democrat, but quite the reverse, is 
 the Democratic candidate." 
 
 The result of the combine between the Lib- 
 eral Republicans and the Democrats was a 
 crushing disappointment to both. Greeley car- 
 ried but six States, all of them Southern. 
 
 A number of causes contributed to the over- 
 
FROM 1868 TO 1884 283 
 
 whelming victory of General Grant: the remem- 
 brance of his military triumphs and the prestige 
 of his name; the discontent of many old-time 
 Democrats and Republicans over their unnatural 
 alliance and Incongruous candidate cost Greeley 
 thousands of votes, as also did the powerful 
 enemies he had made by his caustic newspaper 
 editorials. The combination candidate had an 
 eccentric personality which easily lent Itself to 
 caricature. Although a great man and a gen- 
 uine patriot, he was made to appear ridiculous 
 by his clever opponents. 
 
 The Reign of Graft. — The Immense majorities 
 for Grant Imparted to the victorious Republi- 
 cans a sense of security which made them reck- 
 less. The four years that followed were char- 
 acterized by general demoralization. *' Force 
 bills " were enacted to sustain by the presence of 
 Federal troops the corrupt carpet-bag govern- 
 ments of the South. The " Whiskey Ring " de- 
 frauded the Government of millions of dollars 
 through the collusion of Internal revenue of- 
 ficials. Congress was smirched with railroad 
 scandals. The Indian Bureau was the willing 
 tool of guilty contractors who robbed the red 
 men and cheated the Government to fill their 
 own pockets. 
 
284 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 The Secretary of War, not to be outdone by 
 the rest, joined in the scramble for illicit gains. 
 He was impeached, but escaped trial and con- 
 viction by resigning his office. 
 
 The elevation of General Grant to the presi- 
 dency was a mistake, but the American people 
 have long since forgiven the tragic blunders 
 which form so sad a feature of his adminis- 
 trations. They remember only his magnificent 
 services on the field, and treasure the memory 
 of the incomparable soldier who brought to 
 glorious issue the greatest civil war in history. 
 
 Patriotic Achievement. — The Grant adminis- 
 trations, however, were not devoid of substan- 
 tial benefit and triumph. One of General 
 Grant's best services to his country was the ad- 
 justment of the " Alabama Claims." During 
 the war the British Government had permitted 
 Confederate ships to be built and equipped In 
 British ports. As these vessels were intended 
 by the Confederate Government to destroy 
 Northern shipping and commerce, the action of 
 Great Britain was a breach of International law 
 which imposes upon nations not at war the duty 
 of treating impartially nations which are at war 
 with each other. 
 
 The most destructive of these ships was the 
 
FROM 1868 TO 1884 285 
 
 Alabama, With one war of huge proportions 
 already on Its hands, the United States could 
 not at the time afford to run the almost cer- 
 tain risk of becoming Involved In hostilities 
 with Great Britain, never too friendly to the 
 North. But after the restoration of peace our 
 Government demanded of England an apology 
 and a cash Indemnity for the damages sustained 
 by Northern commerce by reason of British par- 
 tiality to the Confederacy. The matter was 
 submitted to a Board of Arbitration which met 
 at Geneva In 1871 and remained In session 
 nearly a year. The amount of the American 
 claims proved extravagant, but the Board de- 
 cided that England had failed In her duty as 
 a neutral nation, and awarded the United States 
 $15,500,000. 
 
 The arbitration of the " Alabama Claims '' 
 was a pronounced step In the moral advance- 
 ment of nations. The memorable precedent 
 established by these enlightened and powerful 
 states In thus submitting to peaceful process of 
 settlement an Irritating question gave Impulse 
 throughout the civilized world to the principle 
 of conciliation. 
 
 The Resumption Act. — During the Civil War 
 the Government had been compelled to Issue 
 
286 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 large amounts of paper money in the form of 
 treasury notes, or " greenbacks," as they were 
 popularly called, to meet the extraordinary ex- 
 penses of the war. Although these notes de- 
 preciated In value to some extent, there was no 
 serious doubt of the Government's ability ulti- 
 mately to redeem Its promises In hard money. 
 Nearly ten years had elapsed since the surrender 
 of Lee. The credit of the nation and the busi- 
 ness Interests of the country alike demanded the 
 return to a hard money basis. In January, 
 1875, Congress passed an act setting a date for 
 the resumption of specie payments, four years 
 ahead, January i, 1879. 
 
 The Centennial. — The year 1876 Is memorable 
 for the celebration of the Republic's one hun- 
 dredth birthday. In spite of difficulty and dan- 
 ger the United States had discredited every 
 gloomy prophecy of failure made by enemies 
 or sceptics a century before, and had established 
 a record for material achievement and moral 
 progress unparalleled by older nations. 
 
 The city of Philadelphia, which had been the 
 scene of the Republic's birth, was fittingly chosen 
 as the place for celebration, which took the 
 form of an international exposition. Congress 
 loaned money and the States made liberal 
 
FROM 1868 TO 1884 287 
 
 appropriations. Nearly every country in the 
 civilized world responded to the President's in- 
 vitation to participate in the first international 
 fair ever held on American soil. More than 
 two hundred buildings were erected In Fair- 
 mount Park, some of which still remain. 
 
 The bewildering variety of the American dis- 
 play gave Europe an object-lesson in the wealth, 
 the intelligence, and the enterprise of this coun- 
 try, while the European art exhibits impressed 
 the intensely practical American with the more 
 delicate refinements of civilization for which In 
 his eager devotion to material interests he had 
 as yet shown little consideration. 
 
 Thus by affording opportunity for friendly 
 participation In a mutual undertaking, the Cen- 
 tennial promoted fraternity among men and 
 nations. The Northerner and the Southerner, 
 lately estranged by civil war, the Easterner and 
 the Westerner, the American and the European, 
 met together on common ground for better ac- 
 quaintance and Interchange of Ideas. 
 
 The Contested Election of 1876.— x^nother 
 event of the Centennial year, in striking con- 
 trast to the harmonious spirit of the Exposi- 
 tion, nearly overthrew the foundations of the 
 Republic. 
 
288 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 There was a very strong sentiment for reform 
 in Government service which the Democrats in 
 1876 made the key-note of their party platform. 
 
 For the first time since the days of Stephen 
 A. Douglas a truly great Democratic leader 
 came to the front in the person of Samuel 
 J. Tilden, Governor of New York. He had 
 achieved national prominence in 1871 hy bring- 
 ing to the bar of justice the corrupt '' Tweed 
 Ring " which had debauched New York City, 
 and by his exposure while Governor of the 
 scarcely less notorious " Canal Ring " which 
 was exploiting the State. The Democratic 
 Party now nominated him for the presidency. 
 
 The Repubhcan nominee was Rutherford B. 
 Hayes, of Ohio, a thoroughly honest and capa- 
 ble man, though unknown outside his State, of 
 which he was Governor. The party was clearly 
 on the defensive. As the accusations against 
 it could not be successfully refuted, the cam- 
 paign managers endeavored to detract public 
 attention from the discreditable features of its 
 record by raising a louder cry against the Demo- 
 crats, denouncing them as enemies of the Re- 
 public who had opposed the war and who, if 
 intrusted with power, would put the South 
 again in the saddle and reenslave the negro. 
 
FROM 1868 TO 1884 289 
 
 The election was close. Of the Northern 
 States, Tilden carried New York, New Jersey, 
 Connecticut, and Indiana, every Southern State, 
 and had a popular majority of two hundred and 
 fifty thousand votes. This gave him appar- 
 ently two hundred and three electoral votes and 
 Hayes only one hundred and sixty-six. 
 
 The morning after election the newspapers 
 announced the election of Tilden. The Repub- 
 licans, seeing things slipping from their control, 
 at once claimed South Carolina, Florida, and 
 Louisiana, on the ground that Republican votes 
 had not been fairly counted. As these States 
 were still under carpet-bag regime, their return- 
 ing boards were obedient to Republican direc- 
 tion. Enough Democratic votes were thrown 
 out to insure Republican majorities, and it was 
 proclaimed that Hayes had been elected by one 
 hundred and eighty-five to one hundred and 
 eighty- four electoral votes. 
 
 It is said on high authority that the Repub- 
 lican leaders had bargained with the Demo- 
 crats of these three States to withdraw Federal 
 troops and give the Democrats entire domestic 
 control In exchange for their electoral votes.* 
 
 * A. K. McCIure, "Our Presidents and How We Make 
 Them." New York, 1900. 
 
290 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 The Democrats everywhere raised the cry of 
 fraud. Popular excitement was intense and 
 civil war threatened. Grant strengthened mili- 
 tary defences around Washington. 
 
 The Electoral Commission. — The people looked 
 to Congress for peaceful solution, but the Sen- 
 ate was Republican and the House Democratic. 
 At length both branches agreed to refer the dis- 
 puted election to a commission of five Senators, 
 five Representatives, and five Justices of the Su- 
 preme Court. Eight of them were Republi- 
 cans and seven Democrats. The Commission 
 was a partisan body and voted as such, deciding 
 for Hayes by a majority of one. 
 
 Although the decision of the Electoral Com- 
 mission was partisan, there can be no doubt that 
 it was wise. Had the result been different a 
 serious blow would have been struck at the 
 rights of the States. The real issue of the 
 dispute was not which party had received an 
 actual majority, but which set of electors had 
 received the legal sanction of State authority. 
 The Commission decided that it had no right 
 to go behind the returns as certified by the 
 States. 
 
 A few years later. In 1887, Congress passed 
 a law which enforced this finding by throwing 
 
FROM 1868 TO 1884 291 
 
 upon each State the responsibility of determin- 
 ing its own vote. 
 
 The Hayes Administration was marked by use- 
 ful accomplishment, and Is entitled to strong 
 indorsement. The President was the foe of 
 corruptlonists. Able statesmen were selected 
 for Cabinet positions. So capably did John 
 Sherman, Secretary of the Treasury, manage 
 the national finances that when January i, 1879, 
 arrived, the day set for the resumption of specie 
 payments, the people had so much confidence In 
 the Government that few notes were presented 
 for redemption. 
 
 The two great parties were about evenly bal- 
 anced. During the first two years the House 
 was Democratic. The last two years saw the 
 Democrats In full control of Congress, though 
 the presence of a Republican President pre- 
 vented partisan legislation. 
 
 Government scandals came to an end and 
 the wounds inflicted by the Civil War and 
 Reconstruction began to heal. The President 
 withdrew the last of the Federal troops from 
 the Southern States, and for the first time 
 since the Civil War the South was left to 
 take care of itself. It was the assurance 
 that this would be done that induced the 
 
292 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Democrats to acquiesce In the election of Mr. 
 Hayes. 
 
 The country was highly prosperous, and from 
 1875 to 1883 commercial development Is the 
 most striking feature of American history. 
 Cities and towns grew with rapidity, railroads 
 began to consolidate Into great systems, and 
 giant corporations appeared which centralized 
 business Interests In the hands of comparatively 
 few men. Labor became restless. In 1877 
 there were great railroad strikes In Pittsburgh, 
 Baltimore, and Martlnsburg, attended by mob 
 violence and *^ sympathetic " strikes in other 
 branches of Industry, the most serious disturb- 
 ance occurring In the coal regions of Pennsyl- 
 vania and spreading to West Virginia and Illi- 
 nois. The miners had the sympathy of the 
 public and gained an advance in wages. 
 
 Garfield and Arthur. — As the year 1880 ap- 
 proached the Democrats looked forward to a 
 victory. They nominated a promising candi- 
 date in General Winfield Scott Hancock, one of 
 the most picturesque figures of the Civil War, 
 called " Hancock the Superb " on account of his 
 gallant conduct, his chivalrous nature, and the 
 magnificence of his personal appearance. 
 
 The Republicans also named a soldier, Gen- 
 
FROM 1868 TO 1884 293 
 
 eral James A. Garfield, of Ohio, one of the 
 many public men in American life who have 
 risen from the commonest level to high political 
 station. 
 
 The campaign was a singularly clean one. 
 On the popular vote the two candidates were 
 almost even, but Garfield won in the Electoral 
 College. 
 
 The new President had not been at the helm 
 of state four months when he was shot by a dis- 
 appointed office-seeker, who was probably in- 
 sane. Garfield's life hung long in the balance. 
 He suffered intensely, but never complained. 
 On the night of September 19, 1881, he died 
 at Elberon, N. J., near Long Branch. 
 
 Chester A. Arthur, who became President on 
 the death of his chief, had been a New York 
 society leader and politician. His great ability 
 and wisdom were not realized at the time, but 
 he has gone down in history as one of the best 
 Presidents the country has had. He vetoed ex- 
 travagant legislation and did his best to secure 
 the prosecution and conviction of corrupt of- 
 ficials who had defrauded the Government dur- 
 ing the Grant administrations. 
 
 It was President Arthur who started the mod- 
 ern American navy. 
 
294 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 But the Arthur administration Is chiefly 
 memorable for the progress of civil service re- 
 form. Ever since the days of Jackson the 
 " spoils system " had held full sway with the 
 consent and approval of politicians, who used 
 the public offices and clerkships to build up and 
 Insure their personal following. In 1883 Con- 
 gress, In deference to public opinion on the mat- 
 ter of arbitrary removals from office for parti- 
 san reasons, passed a law classifying certain 
 offices in the Government service under a system 
 of examination and merit. President Arthur 
 enforced the act with sincerity and courage. 
 Since then nearly every branch of the service 
 has been protected by law. 
 
 The tariff was now becoming the paramount 
 question. Activity of discussion and an unsatis- 
 factory tariff act passed In 1883 shadowed the 
 coming Issue between the two great parties. 
 
CHAPTER XXI 
 
 THE OPENING OF A NEW ERA 
 
 THE election of 1884 was the most mem- 
 orable since i860. It marked the 
 final abandonment by both the great 
 parties of the worn-out Issues of the Civil War 
 and the substitution of questions of public ex- 
 penditure, the currency, the tariff, and the trusts. 
 The Democracy Returns to Power. — For nearly 
 a quarter of a century the Republican Party had 
 held the reins of government. It had saved the 
 Union, destroyed slavery, maintained the credit 
 of the nation through critical years, and given 
 permanent triumph to the sentiment and prin- 
 ciple of nationality over sectionalism. But along 
 with Its magnificent achievements it had com- 
 mitted some grievous mistakes. 
 
 The Democratic Party, though always de- 
 feated in presidential contests, had invariably 
 polled a heavy vote. In 1876 it had a popular 
 majority, in 1880 it fell only a few thousand 
 below the Republican vote. From 1875 to 
 
 29s 
 
296 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 1 88 1 it controlled the House of Representa- 
 tives. In 1884 the party faced its quadrennial 
 struggle confident of success. 
 
 The Republican nominee was James G. 
 Blaine. Born in Pennsylvania of Scotch-Irish 
 stock, he had emigrated to Maine in his youth. 
 He had been Speaker of the House, United 
 States Senator, Secretary of State, and was a 
 debater of unusual strength. He was popular, 
 renowned, magnetic, eloquent, briUiant. But 
 he had made powerful enemies in his own party, 
 chief and most vindictive among them being 
 Roscoe Conkling, United States Senator from 
 New York. 
 
 Against this versatile and famous chieftain 
 the Democrats pitted Grover Cleveland, the 
 Governor of New York. Cleveland had proved 
 himself to be an honest, industrious public ser- 
 vant with very positive convictions of official 
 duty and ample courage to stand by them. As 
 Mayor of Buffalo and Governor of his State he 
 had won the esteem of good men by his per- 
 sistent hostility to bad legislation. 
 
 The campaign was one of the bitterest in 
 American political history, and the election was 
 In doubt for days after the polls closed. When 
 at last the result was known the returns an- 
 
THE OPENING OF A NEW ERA 297 
 
 nounced Republican defeat. Again, as in 1844 
 and 1848, New York turned the scale. Senator 
 Conkling, who hated Blaine, could not be pre- 
 vailed upon to support his party's choice. In 
 Conkling's home district the falling off from 
 the normal Republican vote was greater than 
 Cleveland's majority In the State. The reform 
 element In the Republican Party, attracted by 
 Cleveland's splendid record, rallied to his sup- 
 port.* 
 
 The First Administration of Cleveland.— The 
 Republicans, who by reason of their long as- 
 cendancy had come to regard their party as In- 
 vincible, were thunderstruck at the election of a 
 Democratic President. Such a thing had not 
 happened since the election of Buchanan In 
 1856. Prophecies of disaster were heard on 
 every hand. " The South Is again In the sad- 
 dle, the work of the war Is undone, the negro 
 will be reenslaved," said the alarmists. 
 
 Mr. Cleveland promptly disabused the public 
 mind of Its baseless fears. The tone of his In- 
 augural Address was lofty. " Public office Is a 
 
 * The Republican reformers who "bolted" their party 
 ticket to support Cleveland were derisively called "Mug- 
 wumps" — a name that has since been generally applied to 
 those who vote independently. 
 
298 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 public trust," he declared, and he lived up to the 
 spirit of his words. His Cabinet was one of 
 exceptional breadth and ability, chosen without 
 sectional bias. Some of its members had fol- 
 lowed Grant and others Lee In the war between 
 the States. 
 
 Politically the Cleveland administration was 
 a quiet season. The Senate was Republican, 
 and therefore partisan legislation was Impos- 
 sible, though much useful legislation was ac- 
 complished by the cooperation of both parties. 
 
 Under the efficient direction of William C. 
 Whitney, Secretary of the Navy, the naval re- 
 forms begun by President Arthur were con- 
 tinued and the old wooden vessels further re- 
 placed by modern steel ships. 
 
 The Presidential Succession Act — 1886. — The 
 death of Vice-president Thomas A. Hendricks 
 In 1885 awakened the country to the necessity 
 of a change In the system of presidential suc- 
 cession. As the law then stood, In case of the 
 death of the President and Vice-president the 
 President of the Senate would succeed to the 
 Executive office, and after him the Speaker of 
 the House of Representatives. But this ar- 
 rangement might give the presidency to the 
 party that had been unsuccessful at the polls. 
 
THE OPENING OF A NEW ERA 299 
 
 and thus turn to defeat the victory of the party 
 that had carried the election. Accordingly, 
 Congress passed a law providing that the line 
 of succession should include only Cabinet of- 
 ficers in the following order: the Secretaries of 
 State, Treasury, War, the Attorney-general, 
 the Postmaster-general, the Secretary of the 
 Navy, the Secretary of the Interior. Of course 
 these heads of departments must be Constitu- 
 tionally eligible to the presidency to come under 
 the act. 
 
 Labor Troubles. — In order to make better 
 terms with employers, labor unions had been 
 formed by workingmen in various trades at an 
 early date. They did not, however, achieve 
 much importance until after the Civil War. 
 In 1886 the American Federation of Labor 
 united many of these special trades unions in 
 a national body for the purpose of more 
 effectively protecting the interests of the wage- 
 earners. 
 
 The labor unions were determined to win 
 '' recognition of the union," that is, to compel 
 employers to deal with their workmen through 
 the unions instead of individually, since better 
 advantages could be secured by collective action. 
 They also demanded shorter hours, more pay. 
 
300 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 and the exclusion of non-union men from em- 
 ployment. The American Federation of Labor 
 had authority to order and enforce general 
 strikes when employers refused to grant the de- 
 mands of a particular union. 
 
 The new organization at once made Its power 
 felt. The year 1886 saw the beginning of an 
 Industrial warfare that has continued ever since, 
 sometimes rampant and aggressive, sometimes 
 quietly Intense, always persistent and determined. 
 Nearly every branch of Industry was affected, 
 but chiefly the railroads. In Chicago and St. 
 Louis there were great strikes accompanied by 
 mob violence. 
 
 Anarchist Riots. — These labor disturbances 
 were aggravated by a new foreign element 
 which for several years had been pouring Into 
 the country. The earlier Immigrants to the 
 United States had come from the British Isles 
 and the north of Europe. They were intelli- 
 gent, law-abiding people who quickly caught 
 the spirit of American customs and institutions. 
 After the Civil War a heavy tide of immigra- 
 tion set In, made up of Italians, Poles, Hun- 
 garians, and Portuguese. Many of them were 
 anarchists who were intolerant of law and hated 
 government of every sort, which they identified 
 
THE OPENING OF A NEW ERA 301 
 
 with despotism Irrespective of form or actuat- 
 ing spirit. 
 
 On the night of May 3, 1886, about fourteen 
 hundred anarchists assembled In Haymarket 
 Square, Chicago, to listen to violent speeches 
 advocating the overthrow of government. When 
 the police ordered the crowd to disperse a bomb 
 was thrown which exploded, killing seven police- 
 men. The leaders of the mob were arrested by 
 the Chicago authorities, tried, and convicted. 
 Some were executed, and others given long 
 terms of Imprisonment. 
 
 The Interstate Commerce Act.— For many 
 years the railroads had been allowed to develop 
 In freedom. Because they distributed popula- 
 tion through hitherto unsettled regions, both 
 Federal and State governments had encouraged 
 their construction, giving them rights of way 
 and grants of land or money. But the rail- 
 roads had abused their powers. In the matter 
 of freight rates they had discriminated unfairly 
 between shippers by secretly granting much 
 lower charges to some than to others, thus en- 
 abling favored shippers to drive their less fort- 
 unate rivals from the markets. At length the 
 public became so Indignant at the methods of 
 the railroads that Congress determined to exer- 
 
302 BIRD*S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 else the power which the Constitution gives it 
 to regulate commerce between the States. In 
 1887 the Interstate Commerce Act was passed, 
 which forbade these and kindred practices, and 
 also prohibited such combinations between rail- 
 roads as resulted In the general injury of other 
 business interests. A permanent Commission 
 was appointed to investigate charges against the 
 railroads and render decisions, subject to review 
 by the courts. Its powers have since been in- 
 creased. 
 
 The Interstate Commerce Act has lessened, 
 though it has not cured, the evils which it was 
 designed to remedy. 
 
 Cleveland and Civil Service Reform. — The main 
 trouble with the Jacksonlan spoils system was 
 that it encouraged partisanship too often at the 
 expense of patriotism. The party might stand 
 for bad principles or selfish leadership, but men 
 must support it If they would hold office under 
 the Government. 
 
 Under General Grant's administration Con- 
 gress had authorized the creation of a Civil 
 Service Commission, which established a system 
 of competitive examinations for appointments 
 to office. After three years, however, the work 
 of the Commission was abandoned because 
 
THE OPENING OF A NEW ERA 303 
 
 Congress, which was not In sympathy with its 
 alms, refused to vote money for Its continuance. 
 
 President Hayes tried to reestablish the sys- 
 tem, but failed, owing to the determined oppo- 
 sition of politicians and the Indifference of the 
 public. 
 
 Garfield's assassination was Indirectly due to 
 the spoils system, since It was the work of a 
 crazed office-seeker. It brought civil service 
 reform again to the forefront, and a law was 
 passed in 1883 which President Arthur strictly 
 enforced. 
 
 The Independent Republicans who supported 
 Cleveland in 1884 did so because of his well- 
 known friendliness to reform and his hostility 
 to the spoils system, as evidenced by his record 
 as Mayor of Buffalo and Governor of New 
 York, and by his public utterances. 
 
 As President, Mr. Cleveland proved faithful 
 to his earlier principles, greatly extending the 
 civil service. But he could not disappoint office- 
 seekers indiscriminately; the Democratic Party 
 was not ready for so sweeping a departure from 
 historic precedent. Hence he failed to satisfy 
 the reformers who expected him to destroy the 
 spoils system immediately, root and branch. 
 While he would not turn out a Republican 
 
304 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 office-holder simply because he happened to be 
 a Republican, and appoint a Democrat in his 
 place, as most Presidents had done since Jack- 
 son's time, yet he distributed a large number 
 of postmasterships. The result was that nobody 
 was suited. The Democrats were displeased 
 because they did not get more offices, and the 
 civil-service reformers found fault because the 
 President did not do more reforming. 
 
 Cleveland's Famous Tariff Message. — In dis- 
 cussing the tariff it is necessary to remember 
 that the term " protection '^ has a somewhat dif- 
 ferent meaning to-day from that which it had 
 when advocated by Henry Clay and the Whigs, 
 and by the Republican Party itself for the first 
 thirty years of its history. 
 
 Prior to the war protection meant an Import 
 tax sufficiently high to exclude foreign goods 
 until American industries which were engaged 
 In the same lines of manufacture were strong 
 enough to stand foreign competition. Its pur- 
 pose was to encourage " infant " industries un- 
 til they could become self-supporting. It was 
 never intended by early advocates to continue 
 the protective policy indefinitely. 
 
 When the Civil War broke out the Govern- 
 ment was compelled to levy many new taxes in 
 
THE OPENING OF A NEW ERA 305 
 
 order to get money to carry on the struggle for 
 the Union. These taxes fell heavily upon the 
 manufacturers. To ease them of their unusual 
 burden, Congress passed a high-tariff act which 
 placed heavy duties upon the goods of foreign 
 competitors. This not only relieved the manu- 
 facturers, but it also put more money into the 
 national treasury by the simple device of raising 
 the duties. 
 
 After the restoration of peace most of these 
 extraordinary taxes were repealed, but the war 
 tariff continued. The manufacturers who had 
 built up a monopoly of the home trade by the 
 aid of the war tariff were unwilling to return to 
 the moderate schedules that prevailed before 
 the war. 
 
 One result of high protection was the accu- 
 mulation of a large surplus In the treasury. 
 Republican Presidents from Grant to Arthur 
 had deplored a steadily Increasing surplus on 
 the ground that it was a temptation to extrava- 
 gance in legislation. Each of them had recom- 
 mended lowering the duties. 
 
 In his annual message to Congress in 1887 
 President Cleveland boldly attacked protection. 
 He accused It of fostering monopoly by destroy- 
 ing competition, of encouraging legislative ex- 
 
3o6 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 travagance by creating a surplus, and of op- 
 pressing the poor through the maintenance of 
 high prices. 
 
 As the time for the next presidential election 
 approached, the Republicans had very little 
 campaign material to use against the party in 
 power. The Senate being Republican they had 
 necessarily shared In whatever legislation had 
 been enacted. But the President's message 
 gave them their cue. The party rallied to the 
 defence of the principle which Cleveland had 
 attacked. They not only opposed lowering the 
 existing duties, but they advocated raising them 
 still higher. 
 
 The Election of 1888. — The Democrats re- 
 nominated Cleveland, and fought the campaign 
 on the lines of his tariff message. The Repub- 
 licans nominated Benjamin Harrison, grandson 
 of a former President, and declared for protec- 
 tion. They claimed that It resulted in better 
 wages and more general employment, provided 
 a home market for domestic producers, and pro- 
 tected American labor against foreign compe- 
 tition. 
 
 The campaign was clean, dignified, and Intel- 
 lectual. Cleveland had a popular plurality over 
 the Republican candidate of about one hundred 
 
THE OPENING OF A NEW ERA 
 
 Z^l 
 
 and ten thousand, but Harrison won on the elec- 
 toral vote. Once more, as in 1844, 1848, and 
 1884, New York was the pivotal State, electing 
 a Democratic Governor, but giving its thirty-six 
 presidential votes to Harrison. 
 
 The Harrison Administration. — The most im- 
 portant events of President Harrison's term 
 took the form of three laws passed in 1890 
 dealing with the tariff, the trusts, and the cur- 
 rency, issues which were more and more absorb- 
 ing public attention. They are important be- 
 cause they show the directions in which the par- 
 ties were drifting and what the people were 
 thinking about. 
 
 The McKinley Tariff.*— The success of the Re- 
 pubhcans, which was due chiefly to the treachery 
 of a Democratic faction in New York, was 
 interpreted by themselves to mean that the 
 country was ready for more protection. A tariff 
 measure which became law October i, 1890, 
 raised the average of duties beyond any point 
 they had ever yet reached. Mr. Blaine strongly 
 counselled against passing the McKinley bill, 
 
 * Tariff laws are always named after the Chairman of 
 the House Committee on Ways and Means, which is the 
 Committee intrusted with the framing of such measures. 
 In 1890 the Chairman was William McKinley, of Ohio. 
 
3o8 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 predicting that if it were enacted into law it 
 would defeat the party In the end. His advice 
 was disregarded. 
 
 For the first time the most common articles 
 of household necessity were placed on the pro- 
 tected list.^ Instantly prices rose, but wages, de- 
 spite campaign promises, remained stationary. 
 The people were indignant. At the Congres- 
 sional elections in November the Republicans 
 were defeated and a Democratic House was re- 
 turned. But the Senate being Republican, re- 
 vision of tariff schedules was Impossible. 
 
 The Sherman Anti-Trust Law, 1890.— A strong 
 popular protest had been raised against the 
 great combinations, such as the Standard Oil 
 Company, the Sugar Trust, and the powerful 
 railroads, whose methods, often unfair and ille- 
 gal, had done much to destroy competition In 
 business. Senator Sherman, of Ohio, framed a 
 law empowering the courts to declare void any 
 contract which came before them that was in- 
 jurious to public Interests and In restraint of 
 trade. The statute remained a dead letter until 
 1904, when a decision of the United States Su- 
 preme Court dissolved the Northern Securities 
 Company, a combination of two great railroads 
 in the North-west. 
 
CHAPTER XXII 
 THE SILVER QUESTION IN POLITICS 
 
 WE now come to the only " third par- 
 ty " In the history of American 
 politics that has ever exerted a 
 profound Influence upon the events of its 
 day. 
 
 The Rise of the Populists.— For some years the 
 currency question had been steadily forging to 
 the front. Agitation centred in the West and 
 South, which had not shared to a great extent 
 in the prosperity of the East, and where the 
 spirit of discontent and unrest was therefore 
 strong. The South had not recovered from the 
 effects of the war, and the West had not yet 
 developed the Industrial strength that had made 
 the East wealthy, though its population had in- 
 creased with amazing rapidity.* 
 
 * Six new Western States were admitted in two years : 
 North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana, and Washington 
 in 1889, Idaho and Wyoming in 1890. Oklahoma Territory, 
 which had been carved out of Indian Territory in 1866 and 
 reserved for civiHzed Indians and freedmen, was thrown open 
 to white settlers in 1890. 
 
 309 
 
310 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Much of the Western farming-land was mort- 
 gaged to Eastern capitalists, to whom was at- 
 tributed the greater part of the Ills of which the 
 West and South complained. This feeling of 
 dissatisfaction expressed Itself In the form of a 
 political organization, which soon grew into the 
 People's, or Populist, Party. This party was 
 opposed to protection and also to some of the 
 fundamental principles of American commercial 
 life. It stood for Government ownership of the 
 railroads and of other public utilities which the 
 great corporations had monopolized, and upon 
 the control of which they had built up their 
 extraordinary power. But what gave the Popu- 
 list Party its peculiar hold upon the masses of 
 people in the South and West was Its persistent 
 advocacy of the free and unlimited coinage of 
 silver. 
 
 The Free Silver Movement. — For many cen- 
 turies the civilized world used gold and silver 
 as standard money In legal proportions varying 
 as the market value of the metals changed. 
 This system proved unsatisfactory, owing to the 
 difficulty In keeping the legal and the com- 
 mercial ratios the same. By 1873 most of the 
 civilized nations. Including the United States, 
 had abandoned bimetallism and adopted the 
 
THE SILVER QUESTION IN POLITICS 311 
 
 gold standard, though continuing to use sil- 
 ver as subsidiary currency at the ratio of 16 
 to I. 
 
 This antl-sllver legislation Inevitably cheap- 
 ened the commercial value of the white metal 
 and made the silver mines of the West less profit- 
 able to their owners, who thereupon demanded 
 that the Government restore silver as full stand- 
 ard money. 
 
 The demands of the mine-owners were sec- 
 onded by a large class of people who believed 
 that national prosperity depended upon having 
 a greater amount of money in circulation. 
 They were convinced that the bankers and capl- 
 tahsts of the East were trying to monopolize the 
 supply of standard money, and that the only way 
 to defeat their plot was to make money so plen- 
 tiful that Wall Street * could not " corner " the 
 supply. This they thought could best be done 
 by going back to the double standard and mak- 
 ing silver full legal tender. 
 
 The Populist Party was the recognized cham- 
 pion of these ideas, though many Democrats in 
 
 * A street in New York City where capitalists do business. 
 Because it was the financial centre of the country Wall Street 
 became a synonym for the money power which it repre- 
 sented. 
 
312 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 the West and South and many Western Repub- 
 licans held the same views. 
 
 As new States were admitted from the West 
 the silver movement became more formidable. 
 At length the silver men In Congress Introduced 
 a bill to open the Government mints to the free 
 and unlimited coinage of silver Into full legal 
 tender money at the existing legal ratio of 1 6 to 
 I, notwithstanding the fact that silver had stead- 
 ily declined in the markets of the world until the 
 amount contained In a silver dollar was worth 
 much less than the gold in a standard dollar. 
 The bill did not pass, but so strong were the 
 advocates of the white metal that in order to 
 conciliate them a compromise measure was 
 enacted in 1890 known as 
 
 The Sherman Silver Purchase Act.* — This law 
 authorized the purchase by the Government of 
 four million five hundred thousand ounces of 
 silver every month, to be paid for in treasury 
 notes redeemable in gold on demand. The sil- 
 ver bullion Itself was not to be coined, but was 
 to remain in the treasury and be represented in 
 
 * Named after Senator John Sherman, the author of the 
 Anti-Trust Law, and the most prominent member of the 
 joint committee of Senate and House that framed the meas- 
 ure, 
 
THE SILVER QUESTION IN POLITICS 313 
 
 circulation by the notes, which were made legal 
 tender. It was expected that the law would 
 help the mine-owners by creating a demand 
 for silver, which would consequently advance its 
 price. 
 
 The Second Cleveland Administration. — Blaine's 
 prophecy that the McKinley Tariff would de- 
 feat the party which enacted it was completely 
 realized in 1892. 
 
 Again Harrison headed the Republican ticket, 
 while the Democrats for the third time nomi- 
 nated Cleveland. The tariff was the main Issue 
 of the campaign, which ended with an over- 
 whelming Democratic victory. The personal 
 popularity of the ex-President, his well-known 
 Integrity, and the general dissatisfaction caused 
 by the McKinley Tariff, which had raised the 
 price of the necessaries of life but not the wages 
 of labor, were the chief factors in determining 
 the result. 
 
 A significant feature of the election was the 
 great strength developed by the Populist move- 
 ment In the West, where in several States the 
 Democrats named no electoral ticket, but sup- 
 ported Weaver, the Populist candidate, on a 
 platform calling for the free and unlimited coin- 
 age of silver. 
 
314 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 There was a growing tendency on the part 
 of the Western Democrats to cooperate with the 
 Populists, due to the conviction that Cleveland 
 and the Eastern Democrats were controlled by 
 the financial interests of Wall Street. Not a 
 few Silver Republicans also voted for Weaver, 
 who received twenty-two electoral votes. 
 
 For the first time since 1858, when James 
 Buchanan was President, the Democratic Party 
 was in full control of the Government, and there- 
 fore fully responsible. It had the Executive 
 and a large majority in both branches of Con- 
 gress. That the party failed to make a great 
 record for itself after waiting nearly forty years 
 for the opportunity, was due to jealousies and 
 disaffections within its own ranks. The East- 
 ern and Western Democrats were at variance 
 with each other. The President was disliked 
 by the politicians, who had been almost unani- 
 mously opposed to his nomination, and who had 
 yielded only because the popular demand for 
 his candidacy was too great to be safely re- 
 sisted. 
 
 From the standpoint of Mr. Cleveland's pub- 
 lic services, performed under difficulties of un- 
 precedented magnitude and gravity, his second 
 term deserves to be enrolled among the great ad- 
 
THE SILVER QUESTION IN POLITICS 315 
 
 ministrations in the national history. let 
 throughout its entire period, in nearly all im- 
 portant measures, his own party refused to sup- 
 port the President. 
 
 The Repeal of the Sherman Act, 1893. — ^The 
 Silver Purchase Act had disappointed the advo- 
 cates of that measure by failing to arrest the 
 fall in the price of silver, while it had alarmed 
 the conservative business class by seeming to im- 
 peril the gold standard. 
 
 During the Harrison administration Con- 
 gress had spent a great deal of money, so that 
 when the Democrats came into power the gold 
 reserve in the treasury was low. A spirit of un- 
 rest and apprehension pervaded the country. 
 As always happens under such conditions, the 
 Government revenues from the tariff diminished. 
 Then British India suspended the coinage of 
 silver, and that metal fell still further in value. 
 Meantime our Government was purchasing 
 four million five hundred thousand ounces of 
 silver every month and paying for It in gold. 
 Great distrust prevailed In financial circles as to 
 the ability of the Government to continue to 
 meet its obligations In gold, the standard money 
 of civilization. It was feared that the country 
 would be driven onto a silver basis. Business 
 
3i6 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 concerns failed, factories closed, and banks col- 
 lapsed. Clearly a remedy was needed. 
 
 President Cleveland, who believed that these 
 distressing conditions were chiefly due to the 
 Sherman Silver Purchase Act, called a special 
 session of Congress and urged Its speedy repeal. 
 Here arose a difficulty, for the Democrats, 
 though easily commanding a majority, were di- 
 vided over the money question. 
 
 A great debate was held In the House of Rep- 
 resentatives, which was remarkable for a speech 
 delivered by William J. Bryan, a young Con- 
 gressman from Nebraska, who attracted the 
 attention of the country by his able and eloquent 
 statement of the argument for silver. But the 
 Gold Democrats were strong In the House, and 
 with the aid of the Eastern Republicans the mo- 
 tion for repeal was carried by a large vote after 
 only three weeks of discussion. 
 
 In the Senate silver sentiment was strong, and 
 the repeal of the Sherman Act met with deter- 
 mined and prolonged resistance. The Silver 
 Senators of all parties resorted to '^ filibuster- 
 ing." Some tried to talk the motion to death. 
 One of them, a Populist from Nebraska, made 
 a speech fourteen hours long. Then the other 
 side attempted to tire out the opposition by pre- 
 
THE SILVER QUESTION IN POLITICS 317 
 
 venting adjournment, and for three days and 
 nights the Senators remained In their seats. At 
 last the President threatened to withhold Fed- 
 eral patronage from the Senators who were ob- 
 structing the passage of the motion, and those 
 who thought more of the spoils of office than 
 they did of their principles came quickly to 
 terms.* After three months of useless delay 
 the Sherman Act was repealed, but it came too 
 late to avert the panic that had long been threat- 
 ening. 
 
 The repeal of the Sherman Act was regarded 
 by the silver men in all parties as a victory for 
 the financiers of Wall Street, who It was be- 
 lieved were trying to reduce the volume of 
 money In order to " corner " or monopolize the 
 supply. 
 
 This impression was strengthened by another 
 policy which the President was compelled to 
 adopt in the emergency created by the low state 
 of the treasury. To save the credit of the na- 
 tion and enable It to meet Its obligations in gold, 
 
 * In every State there are many Federal offices whose in- 
 cumbents are appointed by the President. It is an unwritten 
 law that the senior Senator shall name the appointees. As 
 this privilege gives him a strong hold upon his constituents, 
 the President can greatly injure a Senator by withholding the 
 "patronage," as the bestowal of these offices Is called. 
 
3i8 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Mr. Cleveland negotiated a gold loan from a 
 New York banking syndicate, which received in 
 exchange interest-bearing Government bonds. 
 For this measure the President was bitterly de- 
 nounced by many in his own party, who accepted 
 it as additional evidence of the subserviency of 
 the Eastern Democracy to Wall Street. 
 
 The repeal of the Sherman Act and the bond 
 issue went far toward solidifying the alliance 
 already formed between the Silver Democrats 
 and the Populists. 
 
 The Wilson Tariff. — Another vital Issue on 
 which the President and his party failed to 
 agree was the tariff. 
 
 The Democrats had pledged themselves In 
 1892 to repeal the McKInley Tariff and substi- 
 tute lower duties. A bill was Introduced in the 
 House of Representatives by William L. Wil- 
 son, Chairman of the Committee on Ways and 
 Means, proposing to reduce the duties on many 
 articles, which was carried by a large majority. 
 The bill was then referred to the Senate where 
 some of the Democratic members, contrary to 
 their party creed and their election promises, 
 Insisted upon so much protection that when the 
 measure finally passed both Houses the Presi- 
 dent refused to sign It. But as he beheved It 
 
THE SILVER QUESTION IN POLITICS 319 
 
 to be an Improvement on the McKInley Tariff, 
 he could not veto it, and so allowed it to become 
 a law without his signature. 
 
 It was publicly charged, and generally be- 
 lieved, that corrupt influences had persuaded 
 certain Democratic Senators to vote for the re- 
 tention of extortionate duties. 
 
 The Wilson Tariff law carried with It a pro- 
 vision for raising additional revenue by means 
 of an income tax. This, however, was declared 
 unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. Opin- 
 ion was divided, and the decision reversed all 
 precedents. 
 
 The failure of the Supreme Court to sustain 
 the income tax aggravated the bitterness of 
 those who were already convinced that the Gov- 
 ernment was hand In glove with the million- 
 aires. 
 
 The Columbian Exposition which was held in 
 celebration of the four hundredth anniversary of 
 the discovery of America, offers a cheerful con- 
 trast to these troublous experiences. In fitting 
 recognition of the world-wide results which had 
 flowed from that remote event, it was deter- 
 mined to hold In the city of Chicago an Inter- 
 national exposition similar to the Centennial of 
 1876, but on a larger scale, showing the prog- 
 
320 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 ress that the human race had made in four hun- 
 dred years along all lines of effort. 
 
 The Exposition lasted from May to Novem- 
 ber, 1893, preparations having been begun too 
 late to hold It In 1892, the correct year. Mag- 
 nificent buildings were erected at great cost, 
 wherein were displayed the treasures of art and 
 the triumphs of science and Industry. The 
 world had made marvellous strides In civiliza- 
 tion since Columbus unfurled the banner oi 
 Spain on San Salvador In 1492, and America 
 had led the way In much of It. 
 
 The Great Pullman Strike, 1894. — The hard 
 times through which the whole country was 
 passing produced great discontent In the labor 
 world. Many men and women were thrown out 
 of employment or had their wages reduced. 
 
 The Pullman Company, manufacturers of 
 cars, whose shops were located near Chicago, 
 cut down the wages of their workmen, but did 
 not reduce the salaries of officers or the rents 
 of the Company's houses In which their em- 
 ployees lived. The men then struck. When 
 the Company were asked to arbitrate the matter 
 they refused, saying they were doing the best 
 they could and had nothing to arbitrate. 
 
 The American Railway Union, which many 
 
THE SILVER QUESTION IN POLITICS 321 
 
 of the Pullman strikers had joined, thereupon 
 ordered all members of the Union to handle no 
 cars made by the Pullman Company. As Pull- 
 man cars were almost universally used, nearly 
 every railroad west of Ohio was paralyzed by 
 the order. Interstate commerce, passenger traf- 
 fic, and the United States mails were seriously 
 Interrupted. 
 
 A Federal court issued an injunction against 
 the American Railway Union, ordering it to re- 
 frain from further attempts to Induce employees 
 to strike. This enraged the strikers, who up to 
 this point had not been guilty of violence. They 
 now began to destroy cars and tear up tracks. 
 The strike spread all through the West and 
 South-west, and many persons lost their lives. 
 Much of the violence was committed by an- 
 archists, who sympathized with the strikers but 
 were not members of the American Railway 
 Union. The President issued a proclamation 
 against rioting. 
 
 Some of the labor leaders, among them Eu- 
 gene V. Debs, the president of the Union, were 
 arrested and put in jail for disobeying the In- 
 junction of the court, on the technical charge of 
 contempt. This act was severely condemned by 
 many prominent men who had no sympathy for 
 
322 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Debs or his associates or the cause they repre- 
 sented, but who believed that it was contrary 
 to the spirit of our laws and institutions and 
 dangerous to liberty to permit courts to send 
 men to jail without trial. The incident was 
 destined to play a part in the next presidential 
 campaign. 
 
 Whether right or wrong, the Imprisonment 
 of the leaders broke the backbone of the strike. 
 The loss of life and property was immense, and 
 would have been vastly greater had it not 
 been for the energetic measures of President 
 Cleveland. The Governor of Illinois, who was 
 in sympathy with the strikers, refused to call 
 out the National Guard in spite of the hourly 
 destruction of life and property in Chicago. 
 Mr. Cleveland then sent Federal troops to the 
 scene of the rioting, and order was quickly re- 
 stored. 
 
 The President was widely criticised for his 
 action on the ground that he had exceeded his 
 authority. The Constitution does not specifi- 
 cally authorize the Executive to send Federal 
 soldiers into a State for such a purpose unless 
 the State Government requests it. But the Con- 
 stitution and laws do empower him to protect 
 the United States mails and interstate commerce 
 
THE SILVER QUESTION IN POLITICS 323 
 
 against conspiracies. These interests were clear- 
 ly imperilled, and it was on this ground that 
 Mr. Cleveland justified his course. This inci- 
 dent also was destined to assist in shaping the 
 Issues of the next campaign. 
 
 Cleveland Champions the Monroe Doctrine.— 
 For more than half a century there had been 
 disagreement between Great Britain and Venez- 
 uela over the boundary separating Venezuela 
 from British Guiana. The South American 
 country had many times offered to submit the 
 dispute to arbitration, but Great Britain had al- 
 ways declined. President Cleveland directed 
 the Secretary of State, Mr. Richard Obey, to 
 inform Great Britain that the United States, In 
 accordance with the Monroe Doctrine, must in- 
 sist on the arbitration of the British- Venezuelan 
 dispute. Lord Salisbury, the British Prime- 
 minister, refused, declaring that he did not ac- 
 cept the Monroe Doctrine. Then the Presi- 
 dent, believing that this time-honored policy 
 was in peril, sent a message to Congress^ In 
 December, 1895, recommending the appoint- 
 ment of a Commission to determine the exact 
 boundary, and declaring that In case the dis- 
 puted territory should be found to belong right- 
 fully to Venezuela It would become " the duty 
 
324 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 of the United States to resist by every means In 
 Its power " the aggressions of Great Britain. 
 
 The message threatened war and aroused the 
 national patriotism. Congress forgot party and 
 factional differences and came heartily to the 
 support of the President. Lord Salisbury then 
 receded from his position and agreed to arbi- 
 trate. 
 
 The Commission decided In favor of the 
 British contention, but the Incident Impressed 
 Europe with the fact that the Monroe Doctrine 
 was a vital and Integral part of the policy of 
 the United States, and could not be safely trifled 
 with. 
 
 Free Silver and the Battle of 1896. — The silver 
 movement, which had been steadily gathering 
 momentum, broke over the country In a perfect 
 tidal wave In 1896. 
 
 The Republican Party contained a strong and 
 numerous silver faction, but Its general leaning 
 was toward the gold standard. The convention 
 met at St. Louis In June, and adopted a com- 
 promise platform favoring the retention of the 
 single gold standard until the double standard 
 could be restored by the joint action of the other 
 leading nations, which It pledged Itself to bring 
 about. It nominated for President, William 
 
THE SILVER QUESTION IN POLITICS 325 
 
 McKInley, of Ohio, and for Vice-president, 
 Garret A. Hobart, of New Jersey. Both can- 
 didates had risen from poverty in early life by 
 industry and force of character. McKinley had 
 been fourteen years a member of Congress, 
 twice Governor of Ohio, and had shown great 
 strength as a party leader. 
 
 The Democrats met in Chicago a few weeks 
 later. For a long time the Democratic Party 
 had been drifting in the direction already taken 
 by the Populists. The convention was com- 
 pletely dominated by the Western wing, but 
 there was no leadership. While the convention 
 was trying to decide on a candidate, William J. 
 Bryan addressed the delegates in an impas- 
 sioned speech of great eloquence, giving ex- 
 pression in thrilling language to ideals and sen- 
 timents which the majority in the hall felt, but 
 which Bryan alone seemed to have the power 
 to utter. The effect of the speech was to stam- 
 pede the convention for the orator, who was 
 nominated for the presidency the next day. Mr. 
 Bryan was barely thirty-six years old, just one 
 year above the Constitutional age of eligibility. 
 Arthur Sewall, of Maine, received the nomina- 
 tion for Vice-president. 
 
 The Democratic platform demanded the free 
 
326 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 and unlimited coinage of silver at the existing 
 legal ratio of i6 to i " without waiting for the 
 aid or consent of any other nation." Its labor 
 plank denounced the sending of Federal troops 
 to Chicago during the Pullman strike, and the 
 abuse of injunctions by the courts, as instanced 
 In the committal of Debs and his associates to 
 jail without trial. The platform also demanded 
 an income tax as the best means to effect a just 
 distribution of the burden of supporting the 
 Government. 
 
 The Populist Party, finding Its aims and sym- 
 pathies so cordially reflected by the Democratic 
 Party, also nominated Bryan with Thomas E. 
 Watson, of Georgia, for his running mate. The 
 Populist demands coincided with those of the 
 Democrats, but included in addition Government 
 ownership of railroads and telegraphs and the 
 popular election of President, Vice-president, 
 and United States Senators. 
 
 Many Western Republicans who believed In 
 free silver turned against their party and In- 
 dorsed Bryan, while the Eastern Democrats 
 very generally supported McKinley. 
 
 A very small minority of the Democratic 
 Party met in Indianapolis and named an Inde- 
 pendent ticket on a platform declaring unequlvo- 
 
THE SILVER QUESTION IN POLITICS 327 
 
 cally for the gold standard. The Gold Demo- 
 crats were indorsed by President Cleveland, but 
 polled only a few thousand votes. 
 
 The Argument. — Had It not been for the hard 
 times of 1893 and 1894 the free silver Idea 
 would probably not have attained such wide 
 popularity. It was offered as a sure remedy 
 for existing poverty and business distress. 
 
 The Democrats claimed that ever since the 
 demonetization of silver by the leading nations 
 there had not been sufficient standard money — 
 that Is, gold — to keep pace with the growth of 
 business; that the supply of gold had remained 
 about the same while the demand for It had con- 
 stantly Increased, which meant that the yellow 
 metal was constantly appreciating In value. 
 Consequently a man who had borrowed $1,000 
 twenty years ago would have to pay It back to- 
 day In money worth very much more than when 
 the debt was contracted. This was an obvious 
 Injustice to the debtor class. Restore silver as 
 standard money along with gold, said they, and 
 gold will drop In value because It will be In less 
 demand, while silver will rise. When one metal 
 gets too dear we will use the other, and thus 
 maintain the parity. 
 
 The Republicans said in effect: We also be- 
 
328 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 lieve in the double standard, but we do not think 
 it possible for the United States alone to restore 
 bimetallism, for if we open our mints to the 
 free and unlimited coinage of silver, all the sil- 
 ver of the world will flow hither. The experi- 
 ence of the whole world proves that cheap 
 money always drives good money out of circu- 
 lation. We shall be driven onto a silver basis 
 hke the countries of South America and Asia. 
 A silver dollar is worth in the market only fifty 
 cents. If we pay our debts in fifty-cent dollars 
 we shall be dishonest to our creditors. Wait 
 until we can get the consent of Europe, and 
 then we will restore the double standard. 
 
 To this the Democrats answered : The United 
 States produces more silver than any other coun- 
 try. Europe must buy our silver, because no- 
 where else can she get all that she needs for 
 currency and for use in the arts. We admit 
 that the market value of a silver dollar is only 
 fifty cents. But if we offer to stamp all the 
 fifty-cent silver in the world with a dollar mark 
 we shall create such a demand for silver that 
 other nations will be compelled to do the same 
 thing, and a dollar will then be worth as much 
 in the market as it is at the mints. 
 
 Neither side intended to be dishonest to 
 
THE SILVER QUESTION IN POLITICS 329 
 
 debtor or creditor. It was simply a difference 
 of conviction as to the most effective method 
 of establishing a monetary system that both 
 parties seemed to think desirable. The Demo- 
 crats said: We can do It ourselves. The Re- 
 publicans said: We must have the consent of 
 Europe. 
 
 The Triumph of the Gold Standard.— After the 
 most exciting political battle since i860 the 
 Democratic Party was defeated and the Repub- 
 licans once more returned to power. 
 
 The campaign called out the largest vote In 
 the history of the country up to that time. Mc- 
 Klnley had a popular majority of over half a 
 million, but the vote for Bryan was larger than 
 Cleveland's vote In 1892. 
 
 The Administration of William McKinley. — One 
 of the first acts of the McKinley administration 
 was to conciliate the defeated silver forces by 
 sending three commissioners abroad to Inquire 
 Into the possibility of restoring the double stand- 
 ard by International consent, but the commis- 
 sioners found little sentiment favorable to such 
 a step. The gold dollar was then fixed by law 
 as the standard of value for the United States, 
 thus supplementing the earlier legislation of 
 
 1873. 
 
330 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 The gold discoveries in the Klondike and else- 
 where in recent years have eliminated the silver 
 issue from politics, and its revival is improbable. 
 
 The Dingley Tariff. — President McKinley sum- 
 moned an extra session of Congress soon after 
 his inauguration to provide means for increas- 
 ing the public revenue. The Dingley Tariff 
 was passed in July, 1897, superseding the Wil- 
 son Act. It raised the average of duties even 
 above the McKinley Tariff of 1890, and is still 
 in force (1907). 
 
 European nations began to retaliate with simi- 
 lar legislation against the United States, impos- 
 ing prohibitive duties upon American goods 
 
CHAPTER XXIII 
 
 WAR AND EXPANSION 
 
 AT the period with which this history 
 opened Spain was the dominant power 
 " of the world. We have seen how In 
 colonial days Spanish dominion gave place to 
 French and English control. Toward the close 
 of the nineteenth century the only territory 
 owned by Spain In the Western Hemisphere 
 were Cuba, Porto Rico, and a few other Islands 
 In the West Indies. These possessions were 
 still ruled In the Spanish fashion of the sixteenth 
 century, plundered by greedy and corrupt offi- 
 cials, their inhabitants having no acquaintance 
 with self-government. 
 
 The Revolt of Cuba. — The people of Cuba had 
 several times revolted against the tyranny of 
 their masters, but had always been pacified by 
 promises of better government, which were In- 
 variably broken. The last rebellion began in 
 1895, ^^d was carried on In a spirit of wonder- 
 ful heroism. 
 
 331 
 
332 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Spanish military methods were cruel. The 
 noncombatant population of the Island was 
 herded in camps and towns and subjected to 
 the slow torture of starvation. Both Cleveland 
 and McKInley, during their tenures of presiden- 
 tial office, had issued warnings that this inhuman 
 warfare must cease, but Spain gave no heed. 
 
 The Destruction of the Maine. — There were 
 many American citizens living in Havana, and 
 the United States had large commercial and 
 shipping interests in the Island. In February, 
 1898, President McKInley ordered the battle- 
 ship Maine to Cuban waters to protect Ameri- 
 can interests which were being constantly vio- 
 lated by the Spanish. On the night of February 
 15th, while the crew were asleep, the Maine 
 was blown up In Havana harbor. Two hundred 
 and sixty-six men lost their lives. A Spanish 
 commission, appointed to ascertain the cause of 
 the catastrophe, reported that the explosion was 
 the result of defective internal conditions, but 
 the report of a board of United States naval 
 officers indicated that the Maine had been de- 
 stroyed by Spanish treachery. 
 
 War with Spain. — The destruction of the 
 Maine infuriated the American people, who 
 were convinced that It was the deliberate act 
 
WAR AND EXPANSION 333 
 
 of Spaniards, and was answered by a general 
 demand for war, which was officially declared 
 on April 25, 1898. 
 
 The official declaration explicitly stated that 
 the object of the United States In resorting to 
 arms was to release the struggling patriots of 
 Cuba from the curse of Spanish rule and to 
 give them Independence. The war was destined 
 to be brief but exceedingly important in its 
 results. 
 
 As the regular army numbered only about 
 twenty-six thousand men, the President issued 
 a call for one hundred and twenty-five thousand 
 volunteers. The popular response was over- 
 whelming. Sectional, partisan, and social dis- 
 tinctions melted away In the unanimity of patri- 
 otic sentiment. In the regular army were 
 famous Confederate generals fighting side by 
 side with their former opponents of the Civil 
 War. 
 
 The Victory of Manila Bay. — Hostilities opened 
 in the Far East. Commodore Dewey, who com- 
 manded the American naval forces in Asiatic 
 waters, was ordered to attack the Spanish fleet 
 which was stationed in Manila Bay, Philippine 
 Islands. On May ist, after a terrific battle last- 
 ing half a day, the Spanish ships were utterly 
 
334 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 destroyed and hundreds of sailors killed, though 
 not an American life was lost. 
 
 A few months later the city of Manila was 
 taken by the combined attack of Dewey and a 
 land force under General Wesley Merritt, as- 
 sisted by a band of Filipinos commanded by 
 Agulnaldo, a native leader. 
 
 Congress passed a vote of thanks to Dewey 
 and his men, and made the Commodore an 
 Admiral. 
 
 San Juan and Santiago. — An American army 
 of seventeen thousand men was landed on the 
 coast of Cuba and took up Its march to the city 
 of Santiago. In an engagement with the Span- 
 iards on July 2d the Americans were victorious. 
 The feature of the day was the brilliant charge 
 of the " Rough Riders,'^ a volunteer regiment of 
 cavalry typical of our cosmopolitan citizenship, 
 made up of rich men and poor men, society lead- 
 ers, college graduates, and cowboys from the 
 Western plains. 
 
 While the army was approaching Santiago 
 by land a naval force under Admirals Sampson 
 and Schley was waiting at the mouth of the 
 harbor for the Spanish fleet which was stationed 
 within to emerge. On July 3d the Spaniards 
 made a brave though futile dash for liberty. 
 
WAR AND EXPANSION 335 
 
 Instantly the American ships opened fire. In 
 the course of a few hours every Spanish vessel 
 was sunk or captured and hundreds of their 
 crews slain. Only one American was killed and 
 one wounded. Two weeks after this event San- 
 tiago surrendered, and the whole island passed 
 under the military control of the United States. 
 
 A few weeks later Porto Rico was taken by 
 General Miles's army. 
 
 The End of the War. — The Spanish Govern- 
 ment, being unable to sustain the war any 
 longer, signified its desire to cease hostilities. 
 A treaty of peace negotiated between the two 
 belligerent nations at Paris in the fall was 
 ratified by the United States Senate February 
 6, 1899, ^^d signed by the Queen Regent of 
 Spain the following month. 
 
 Under the conditions of this treaty Spain re- 
 linquished her sovereignty over Cuba, ceded her 
 other islands in the West Indies, including Porto 
 Rico, to the United States, and also ceded to 
 the United States the entire Philippine group, 
 in return for which she received a gratuity of 
 $20,000,000. 
 
 The Philippine Question and the Presidential 
 Election of 1900. — The acquisition of the Philip- 
 pine Islands by the United States gave rise to a 
 
336 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 long and heated discussion in this country. 
 They had been captured as a military measure, 
 and when the war ended were still in our pos- 
 session. 
 
 There were apparently but three ways for the 
 peace commissioners to dispose of the Philip- 
 pines : to restore them to Spain and continue the 
 misrule of centuries ; to give them independence 
 and set them adrift ; or cede them to the United 
 States, to which they belonged by right of con- 
 quest. 
 
 The first course would have been wrong, the 
 second impossible. The Filipinos were utterly 
 unfit for self-government in their existing con- 
 dition, and would probably have fallen prey to 
 some stronger power had they been given inde- 
 pendence. Since it seemed to be the only prac- 
 ticable solution of the question, the United States 
 determined to keep the Philippines, and to do 
 what it could do to redeem their people from ig- 
 norance, superstition, and savagery. Being un- 
 der no obligation to give Spain one cent for the 
 islands — to which the United States was en- 
 titled by right of conquest — this nation (as 
 stated above) nevertheless offered Spain $20,- 
 000,000 as an equivalent. 
 
 A large proportion of Filipinos, under the 
 
WAR AND EXPANSION 337 
 
 leadership of Aguinaldo, rose against the Ameri- 
 cans and proclaimed an Independent Philippine 
 republic. For two years a guerrilla warfare was 
 carried on between the Filipino Insurgents and 
 the American troops. 
 
 There were many persons in the United States 
 who sympathized with Aguinaldo and his fol- 
 lowers, believing that our Government could 
 not, without subverting republican ideals and In- 
 stitutions, force its sovereignty upon an unwill- 
 ing alien people. The Democratic Party held 
 this view. 
 
 Before the Philippine revolt had been sup- 
 pressed the presidential campaign of 1900 
 was at hand. The Democrats renominated 
 Bryan and reiterated their principles of 1896. 
 Their platform contained an additional plank 
 In favor of the Immediate Independence of 
 the Philippines under an American protec- 
 torate, and denouncing Imperialism, which they 
 declared to be the main Issue of the campaign. 
 The knowledge that the Democratic Party had 
 advocated their cause encouraged the Filipinos 
 to resist the United States with renewed vigor. 
 
 The Populists also renominated Bryan, but 
 at the election polled a smaller vote than in 
 1896. The importance of the Populist Party 
 
338 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 as a separate political organization has steadily 
 waned, the greater part of Its membership hav- 
 ing been absorbed by the radical and predomi- 
 nant wing of the Democratic Party, whose aim 
 Is to extend the general activities of the Gov- 
 ernment In the direction urged by the Populists. 
 
 The Republicans again placed McKInley at 
 the head of their ticket, naming Theodore 
 Roosevelt, Governor of New York, for Vice- 
 president. They took the ground that the 
 United States was In duty bound as a humane 
 and progressive nation to civilize the benighted 
 people who by the fortune of war had been 
 brought under our flag; that a protectorate 
 would fall to answer the purpose; that the Isl- 
 ands must be pacified by military force before 
 anything could be accomplished; that the Fili- 
 pinos lacked the enlightened instincts of Anglo- 
 Saxon races, and would relapse Into barbarism 
 If allowed at this stage to go their own way. 
 
 The verdict of the people on this and on the 
 former Issues of 1896 was a majority for Mc- 
 KInley and Roosevelt larger than the Immense 
 Republican majority four years before. 
 
 What Has Been Accomplished in our Island 
 Possessions. — In March, 1901, Agulnaldo was 
 captured, and by the close of that year the 
 
WAR AND EXPANSION 339 
 
 Philippine insurrection was practically at an 
 end. 
 
 Military authority has been replaced by civil 
 government, in which the Filipinos have been 
 given a degree of representation; schools have 
 been instituted with American teachers, and the 
 work of civilization is advancing. The islands 
 have not, however, been granted those advan- 
 tages of an open market for their products to 
 which, as a part of our domain, they are in all 
 justice entitled. 
 
 In Porto Rico the conditions were different 
 from the start, the people being far more civil- 
 ized and willing to be annexed to the United 
 States. The Porto Ricans have a considerable 
 share in civil government. Popular education has 
 made great headway, and the domestic products 
 and commerce of the island are being rapidly 
 developed. 
 
 Neither Porto Rico nor the Philippines are 
 a part of the Union as a State or territory. 
 They are dependencies of the United States, 
 subject to the laws which Congress may make 
 for their government. 
 
 Cuba. — There were many things to be done 
 in Cuba before the island could be turned over 
 to Its people. With the commencement of 1899 
 
340 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 the United States Government assumed entire 
 charge of Cuban affairs. The legal and judicial 
 systems and methods of taxation were reformed, 
 the sanitary conditions of the cities improved, 
 public schools introduced, and the people pre- 
 pared for self-government. 
 
 In May, 1902, the American occupation 
 came to an end and the Cuban people entered 
 upon their career as a republican member of 
 the family of nations. 
 
 The United States had sacrificed life and 
 lavished treasure in the liberation of Cuba. It 
 seemed not unreasonable, therefore, to demand 
 in return that American interests should not be 
 ignored or jeopardized by the nation which 
 owed its existence to the intervention of the 
 United States. Accordingly, Cuba promised to 
 respect the Monroe Doctrine by never allowing 
 any foreign power to acquire control of any part 
 of Cuban territory, and further agreed never 
 to incur debts beyond its power to pay. Several 
 naval stations were granted in perpetuity to the 
 United States. These concessions were em- 
 bodied in the Cuban constitution. 
 
 The probabilities for a successful and perma- 
 nent Cuban republic, as indicated by the events 
 of the last four years, do not conduce to an opti- 
 
WAR AND EXPANSION 341 
 
 mistic view of the future. The pohtlcal history 
 of independent Cuba is not essentially different 
 from that of the common run of Latin-Ameri- 
 can republics. In 1906 it became necessary for 
 the United States to intervene for the protection 
 of its citizens and the preservation of their in- 
 terests. A state of anarchy prevailed in the 
 island, precipitated by the disaffection of a 
 strong revolutionary element and the inefficiency 
 of the Cuban administration to enforce author- 
 ity. The intervention was in strict accord with 
 legality, and was welcomed by government and 
 rebels alike. With their consent, and by author- 
 ity of the United States, a provisional govern- 
 ment was established to unravel the civil tangle. 
 Results of the War with Spain.— Only a few 
 months elapsed between the declaration of hos- 
 tilities and the signing of the peace treaty. 
 There were but two great naval engagements, 
 and no land battle that would at all compare 
 in magnitude with the battles of the Civil War. 
 And yet measured by its consequences the Span- 
 ish War was one of the most important con- 
 tests of modern times. It not only destroyed 
 the last remnant of Spanish sovereignty in the 
 Western Hemisphere, but It marked the definite 
 abandonment by the United States of Its former 
 
342 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 policy of Isolation from the affairs of the out- 
 side world and Its entrance upon the broad 
 stage of International life In the permanent 
 character of a world power. American sov- 
 ereignty over the Philippine and Hawaiian Isl- 
 ands In the Pacific, together with a steadily In- 
 creasing Oriental trade, have given this nation 
 so many points of contact with other first-class 
 powers having commercial Interests In the Far 
 East, that It could not any longer remain a 
 *' hermit " nation even If It were so disposed.* 
 This development has necessitated a larger 
 army and navy, but that does not necessarily 
 signify that Americans are becoming more bel- 
 ligerent. On the contrary, the United States has 
 shown a willingness beyond any other country to 
 arbitrate differences with other nations, excepting 
 Issues Involving the Monroe Doctrine, which it 
 has officially proclaimed It will never arbitrate. 
 It gave hearty cooperation to the establishment 
 
 * The Hawaiian Islands are a small group situated about 
 two thousand miles from San Francisco containing a mixed 
 population. In 1893 the native monarchy was overthrown 
 and a provisional government established under the leader- 
 ship of American residents. In 1898 the islands were an- 
 nexed to the United States by a joint resolution of Congress 
 and in accordance with the wishes of a majority of the 
 Hawaiian people. Two years later Hawaii was made a 
 territory. The islands are important chiefly as a naval station. 
 
WAR AND EXPANSION 343 
 
 of the international court known as The Hague 
 Tribunal (1899), and was the first to submit 
 a dispute to the decision of that body. 
 
 The United States and the "Open Door" in 
 China. — The reality of American influence in 
 the Far East received striking demonstration in 
 the events following the Boxer uprising. 
 
 Certain European powers had long been try- 
 ing to get control of China. In 1900 the Box- 
 ers, a Chinese secret society, started a crusade 
 against foreigners, and for five weeks the for- 
 eign legations at Peking were besieged. The 
 German minister and many other persons were 
 killed. The legations were saved by the timely 
 arrival of a relief expedition made up of British, 
 French, German, Japanese, Russian, and Ameri- 
 can troops. 
 
 Most of the European powers proposed to 
 punish China by taking territory away from her 
 and dividing it among themselves. This inten- 
 tion was resisted by the United States through 
 John Hay, the able Secretary of State, who suc- 
 ceeded in gaining general assent to the " Open 
 Door " policy — that is, that no nation appro- 
 priate any part of China exclusively for itself, 
 but that China be open to the commerce of the 
 world. 
 
344 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 The Assassination of McKinley. — The second 
 administration of William McKinley opened 
 with every indication of prosperity for the coun- 
 try over which he had twice been elected to pre- 
 side. In 1 90 1 a Pan-American Exposition was 
 held at Buffalo. The President attended and 
 delivered a speech full of wise counsel and noble 
 sentiment. At Its conclusion he was approached 
 by an anarchist who carried a revolver concealed 
 in a handkerchief wrapped about his hand, and 
 in unspeakable treachery shot the President as 
 the latter extended his hand in friendly greet- 
 ing. McKinley lingered a few days, but died 
 on September 14th. 
 
 As President, and throughout his long pub- 
 lic career, Mr. McKinley had shown himself 
 to be not only a wise and upright statesman 
 but a gentleman of exalted type, and his death 
 was the occasion of unfeigned and universal 
 grief. 
 
 The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt. — Mc- 
 Klnley's successor had been in public life ever 
 since his graduation from Harvard College In 
 1880, and was favorably known as author, civil 
 service reformer, and statesman. He had at- 
 tracted attention as Police Commissioner of 
 New York City by his rigorous enforcement of 
 
WAR AND EXPANSION 345 
 
 the laws. At the outbreak of the war with 
 Spain he was Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 
 but resigned to take the field, where he won 
 popular renown as Lieutenant Colonel of the 
 Rough Riders. After the war he was elected 
 Governor of New York, and subsequently Vice- 
 president of the United States. Roosevelt pos- 
 sessed courage, independence, firmness, and hon- 
 esty. On account of these qualities his strength 
 lay with the people rather than with the poli- 
 ticians. 
 
 The Coal Strike, 1902.— The industrial war- 
 fare between capital and labor broke out with 
 renewed fury in the spring of 1902, when the 
 anthracite coal-miners of Pennsylvania struck 
 after their demands for higher wages, shorter 
 hours, and the recognition of the United Mine 
 Workers' Union had been refused by the oper- 
 ators. In the interests of the general public 
 who were threatened with a coal famine by the 
 strike. President Roosevelt appealed to the 
 miners and operators to submit their dispute 
 to arbitration. Both sides consenting, a com- 
 mission was appointed which succeeded in set- 
 tling the strike by a three years' agreement be- 
 tween operators and miners. 
 
 One result of the coal strike was the creation 
 
346 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 of a new Cabinet position, the Department of 
 Commerce and Labor. 
 
 Roosevelt and the Trusts. — The great aggre- 
 gations of capital had been steadily growing 
 stronger, while the Sherman Anti-Trust Law, 
 which had been passed in 1890 for their regula- 
 tion, had never been enforced. Realizing the 
 peril to the public that lay in the misuse of 
 power by great corporations, President Roose- 
 velt directed the Attorney-general to bring suit 
 under the Sherman law against the Northern Se- 
 curities Company to prevent the consolidation of 
 certain railroads in the North-west. The Su- 
 preme Court rendered its decision in 1904, sus- 
 taining the action of the Attorney-general and 
 declaring the Northern Securities " merger " 
 illegal. 
 
 In 1903 a new and more stringent anti- 
 trust law was enacted compelling corporations 
 which do an interstate business to open their 
 accounts to the inspection of the Federal Gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 The Panama Canal. — For more than half a 
 century the United States had desired a ship 
 canal at some point on the isthmus joining 
 North and South America. During President 
 Tyler's administration the United States and 
 
WAR AND EXPANSION 347 
 
 Great Britain had entered Into a compact 
 known as the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, by the 
 terms of which each country bound Itself never 
 to obtain exclusive control over any isthmian 
 canal that might be constructed in the future, 
 but engaging to keep It neutral. 
 
 In course of time the relative interests of 
 the two nations in a possible canal greatly 
 changed. As the Pacific coast filled with peo- 
 ple a water-way became more than ever nec- 
 essary to the United States. After many 
 Ineffectual attempts to secure the abrogation 
 of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, that obstacle 
 was at last removed by a new international 
 agreement known as the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty 
 (1902) by which the United States secured full 
 power to construct and operate a canal across 
 the Isthmus. 
 
 A treaty was at once negotiated with the 
 United States of Colombia, the sovereign 
 power on the isthmus, for the necessary con- 
 trol of a portion of Panama. The terms were 
 very favorable to Colombia, but the Colom- 
 bian Senate, hoping to compel the United 
 States to pay a larger sum of money than had 
 been proposed, refused to ratify the treaty. 
 
 At this juncture the people of Panama de- 
 
348 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 clared their independence of Colombia, and set 
 up a republic which was recognized by the 
 United States three days after the event, and by 
 European powers quite as promptly. Secretary 
 Hay then offered the newly instituted Panama 
 Government terms similar to those which Co- 
 lombia had rejected, guaranteeing in addition the 
 independence of the Panama republic, and a sat- 
 isfactory agreement was soon reached for the con- 
 struction of the canal. 
 
 When finished the Panama Canal will be of 
 Immeasurable advantage to the commercial 
 world. Vessels will no longer be compelled to 
 voyage around Cape Horn to reach San Fran- 
 cisco and the ports of Asia. Although the prop- 
 erty of the United States, the canal will be open 
 to the commerce of other nations. 
 
 The Election of 1904. — As the presidential 
 year approached, public sentiment- — which the 
 politicians would gladly have stifled — demanded 
 the nomination of Roosevelt, whom the accident 
 of McKInley's death had promoted from the 
 dignified obscurity of the vice-presidency to un- 
 disputed party leadership. 
 
 The Democrats, unwilling or unready to ab- 
 jure the alleged heresies which had twice re- 
 sulted In Ignominious defeat, but anxious to 
 
WAR AND EXPANSION 349 
 
 reinstate their party in public confidence, nomi- 
 nated a conservative candidate on a mildly radi- 
 cal platform. Alton B. Parker, an able New 
 York jurist, was their standard-bearer. 
 
 The campaign was exceptionally quiet and 
 uneventful. The policies of the administration 
 were generally approved by the country, whose 
 faith In the common-sense and disinterested pa- 
 triotism of the President seemed invincible. 
 The electoral vote stood three hundred and 
 thirty-four to one hundred and forty for Roose- 
 velt and Fairbanks, backed by a popular major- 
 ity of unprecedented magnitude. 
 
 Congressional Legislation of 1906. — The first 
 session of the Fifty-ninth Congress was marked 
 by the enactment of a series of drastic measures 
 designed to extend the power of the Federal 
 Government, especially the executive branch of 
 it, over great corporations. 
 
 The railway rate law empowers the Interstate 
 Commerce Commission to regulate rates of rail- 
 roads and other common carriers. The meat 
 inspection and pure food laws are directed 
 against unscrupulous dealers In fraudulent food 
 products in the interest of the public health; 
 while the aim of the immunity law is to deprive 
 officials of recalcitrant corporations of certain 
 
350 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 artificial refuges which they have heretofore en- 
 joyed in criminal prosecutions. 
 
 The United States in the Twentieth Century. — 
 As the American of the present age looks out 
 with conscious pride over the vast domain 
 whose sovereign emblem is the stars and stripes, 
 and contrasts conditions of to-day with those 
 which prevailed when title passed from the 
 Latin to the Teutonic race, he beholds a change 
 so wonderful, a progress so marvellous, as 
 to challenge and surpass belief. He sees a 
 country which three centuries ago contained 
 scarcely a white man to contrast the pallor 
 of his skin with the dusky red of its aborig- 
 inal inhabitant, to-day maintaining in all their 
 strength eighty millions of prosperous and 
 happy citizens. To the war-whoop of the sav- 
 age resounding with horrendous din through 
 the forest's wild retreats, has succeeded the 
 hum of Industry In factory, field, and mine. In 
 regions of once unbroken solitude, or echoing 
 to the wild beast's cry now stand the busy 
 marts of trade. While greater than all Its 
 vaunted wealth, surpassing all material splen- 
 dor, a mighty moral Influence proceeds from 
 this favored people, illuminating by Its radia- 
 tions and lifting toward higher ideals of man- 
 
WAR AND EXPANSION 351 
 
 hood and citizenship the myriads from other 
 lands who seek our welcoming shores. 
 
 There are many indisputable evils in the po- 
 litical and industrial life of the times, but they 
 are in gradual process of correction — not so 
 much through doubtful remedies of legisla- 
 tion, which thoughtless agitators are apt to 
 invoke for insufficient cause, as in consequence 
 of the steady growth of an enlightened and 
 responsive public conscience and a natural evolu- 
 tionary adjustment Induced by the ceaselss play 
 of Inherent forces. 
 
 Despite the prevalence of Industrial conten- 
 tion capital was never so busy or so productive 
 as now, nor labor so richly remunerated. The 
 general tendency of wages Is up, not down. 
 American workingmen to-day enjoy material 
 comforts and intellectual advantages which were 
 unknown to their class a generation ago, and are 
 still Impossible In other countries. Some of the 
 great corporations encourage employees to in- 
 vest their savings In the stock of the employ- 
 ing enterprises, thus approximating the benefits 
 of cooperative effort. The Pennsylvania Rail- 
 road and certain other transportation companies 
 provide pensions for those who reach the age- 
 llmlt in their service. 
 
352 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 One of the obvious features of our time Is the 
 rapid growth of cities. Out of the nine cities of 
 the world having a population of more than a 
 million each, three are In the United States, 
 while many others are swiftly approaching that 
 mark. In 1790, when the first census was taken, 
 the urban population of the United States com- 
 prised less than one-thlrtleth of the whole; to- 
 day one-third find their homes amid the rush 
 and roar of great towns. This phenomenon Is 
 chiefly due to the fact that urban centres are the 
 foci of predominant manufacturing and com- 
 mercial activities. 
 
 The development of American cities has given 
 rise to serious problems which press for solu- 
 tion, not the least of which Is the question of 
 government. Many municipalities are cursed 
 by predatory '* rings " which rob the tax-payers 
 for purposes of corrupt and selfish profit. But 
 there is now observable throughout the land a 
 decided reaction from the passive acquiescence 
 of the past, and an unmistakable movement 
 toward the elimination of partisanship In munici- 
 pal government — a demand for public oflficlals 
 whose qualifications are honesty and adminis- 
 trative capacity. 
 
 In the invention and use of superior machin- 
 
WAR AND EXPANSION 353 
 
 ery, In business organization, and In transpor- 
 tation, America Is giving lessons to the world. 
 
 Our public-school system, more Inclusive and 
 efficient than ever, maintains a high level of 
 popular Intelligence to which the numerous pri- 
 vate institutions of every grade materially con- 
 tribute. The voluntary gifts of philanthropic 
 men of wealth to education aggregate millions 
 of dollars annually. 
 
 And now, In final retrospect, what is the secret 
 of this rapid and amazing metamorphosis — this 
 superlative achievement of material and moral 
 greatness, the foundations of which were laid 
 and the superstructure reared within the brief 
 compass of three hundred years? 
 
 The answer to this question, drawn from the 
 remarkable career of this unique people and 
 briefly epitomized Is this: The open secret of 
 American success Is the universal presence of 
 opportunity which begins In the public school 
 and extends through every avenue of industrial 
 employment and civic life; the habit of self- 
 reliance, formed under stress of early necessity 
 and fostered through years of continued and 
 voluntary choice; the freedom of Individuals 
 and associations from the curse of governmental 
 Interference, which would choke and paralyze 
 
354 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 private initiative and teach men to depend upon 
 the state rather than upon their own unaided and 
 aggressive energies ; the spirit of fair play which 
 recognizes before the law no Invidious distinc- 
 tion of race, religion, or social caste. It Is the 
 principle of individualism which, like the scarlet 
 thread that runs through all the cordage of the 
 British Navy, pervades our national philosophy 
 and gives direction to our practice. 
 
OUTLINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 CHAPTER I— DISCOVERY 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Attempt to Find a Short Sea-passage to India . 2 
 
 Columbus 4 
 
 Why the New World was Called America ... 8 
 John Cabot and the English Claim .... 9 
 Spanish Explorations and Conquests .... 9 
 Why North America did not Remain Spanish . .11 
 
 CHAPTER II— THE INDIANS 
 
 Appearance, Character, and Government . . .14 
 
 Mode of Life 15 
 
 Warfare 18 
 
 Religion 19 
 
 The Modem Indian 20 
 
 CHAPTER III— THE SOUTHERN COLONIES 
 1607-1733 
 
 Virginia (1607) 22 
 
 The Beginning of Slavery 24 
 
 Maryland (1634) 26 
 
 The Carolinas (1663) 27 
 
 Georgia (1733) 27 
 
 CHAPTER IV— THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES 
 1620-91 
 
 Massachusetts (1620) 30 
 
 Rhode Island (1636) 32 
 
 Connecticut (1636) 33 
 
 New Hampshire (1691) 34 
 
 King Philip's War 34 
 
 355 
 
356 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 CHAPTER V—WHE MIDDLE COLONIES 
 1664-81 
 
 PAGE 
 
 New York (1664) 36 
 
 New Jersey (1664) 38 
 
 Pennsylvania (168 1 ) 38 
 
 The People 42 
 
 Delaware — the "Territories of Pennsylvania" (1682). 45 
 
 CHAPTER VI— THE FRENCH AND INDIAN 
 WAR 
 
 Its Meaning 46 
 
 Differences in French and English Character . . 48 
 
 The Growth of French Dominion 50 
 
 The Final Conflict 51 
 
 Comparison of Military Strength 52 
 
 The Fall of Louisburg and Quebec . . . .54 
 
 Results of the English Conquest 55 
 
 The Conspiracy of Pontiac 57 
 
 CHAPTER VII— THE COLONIES IN THE EIGH- 
 TEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Points of General Divergence and Similarity , .59 
 
 The Southern Colonies 61 
 
 New England 64 
 
 The Middle Colonies 66 
 
 The Crudity of Colonial Life .68 
 
 Government . . . • 70 
 
 Town and County 72 
 
 CHAPTER VIII— CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION 
 
 A Change in British Policy 75 
 
 The Navigation Acts 76 
 
OUTLINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY 357 
 
 The Sending of British Troops 
 Taxation Without Representation 
 The Stamp Act and the Quartering Act 
 The Colonies Remonstrate 
 The Townshend Act 
 Opposition Becomes Violent . 
 The "Intolerable Acts" . 
 The First Continental Congress 
 The First Blood of the Revolution 
 The Meaning of the Coming Struggle 
 
 77 
 77 
 77 
 78 
 79 
 80 
 81 
 
 83 
 84 
 85 
 
 CHAPTER IX— THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR 
 
 The Second Continental Congress 88 
 
 The Combatants Compared 89 
 
 Battle of Bunker Hill 92 
 
 The Attempt to Take Quebec 93 
 
 The British Evacuate Boston 94 
 
 The Declaration of Independence 95 
 
 American Reverses 98 
 
 Trenton and Princeton 99 
 
 The British in Philadelphia 100 
 
 The Surrender of Burgoyne 100 
 
 The Conway Cabal 102 
 
 The Winter at Valley Forge 102 
 
 Revolutionary Finance 103 
 
 France to the Rescue 105 
 
 Naval Exploits 107 
 
 The Battle of Monmouth 108 
 
 Stony Point 109 
 
 The Treason of Arnold 109 
 
 The War in the South no 
 
 Yorktown 112 
 
 The Treaty of Peace 113 
 
 Revolutionary Doctrine and Modem Practice . .114 
 
358 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 CHAPTER X— FORMATION OF THE FEDERAL 
 GOVERNMENT 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Confederation ii8 
 
 The North-west Territory and the Ordinance of 1787, 119 
 
 The Constitutional Convention 120 
 
 State or National Sovereignty? 121 
 
 Slavery 122 
 
 The Constitution . . .' 123 
 
 Ratification of the Constitution 125 
 
 Amendments 126 
 
 A Monarchical Type of Executive 127 
 
 The First Presidential Election 129 
 
 The Cabinet 130 
 
 Financial Reform 130 
 
 The Rise of Political Parties 133 
 
 Trouble with the Indians 135 
 
 The American People in 1800 135 
 
 CHAPTER XI— EARLY ACHIEVEMENT AND 
 NATIONAL EXPANSION 
 
 The Jay Treaty 139 
 
 The Alien and Sedition Laws, 1798 .... 139 
 The Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions . . .140 
 
 The Election of Jefferson 141 
 
 The Barbary War 141 
 
 The Louisiana Purchase and the Expedition of Lewis 
 
 and Clark 142 
 
 The Hamilton-Burr Duel, 1804 145 
 
 Fulton's Steamboat 147 
 
 CHAPTER XII— THE WAR OF 1812 
 
 The Embargo 150 
 
 The Presidency of James Madison, 1809-17 . • 151 
 
OUTLINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY 359 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Battle of Tippecanoe 152 
 
 War Declared 153 
 
 Military Disaster 154 
 
 Naval Victories 155 
 
 The Enemy in Washington 156 
 
 Jackson and the Indians 157 
 
 New Orleans 158 
 
 The Hartford Convention 159 
 
 Resiilts of the War 159 
 
 CHAPTER XIII— THE GROWTH OF NATIONAL- 
 ITY AND THE FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF 
 POLITICAL PARTIES 
 
 The Purchase of Florida 162 
 
 The Monroe Doctrine 162 
 
 New Political Divisions 165 
 
 The Slavery Question and the Missouri Compromise, 169 
 The Tariff Question 172 
 
 CHAPTER XIV— ANDREW JACKSON AND THE 
 REIGN OF THE PEOPLE 
 
 The Election of Jackson 174 
 
 The Spoils System 176 
 
 Nullification 177 
 
 The Democracy of Jefferson and of Jackson Com- 
 pared 180 
 
 Jackson and the Bank 181 
 
 The Administration of Martin Van Buren . . .183 
 The Rise and First Success of the Whig Party . 184 
 The Whigs Fail to Make a Record . , . .185 
 
36o BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 CHAPTER XV— INVENTION, LITERATURE, 
 MORAL PROGRESS, AND SOCIAL 
 CONDITIONS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Material Improvement 187 
 
 Why the South did not Develop 189 
 
 Slave Life 190 
 
 The Abolitionists 191 
 
 Great Statesmen 193 
 
 Growth of Democracy 194 
 
 CHAPTER XVI— THE SLAVERY QUESTION 
 IN POLITICS 
 
 Texas and the Election of 1844 197 
 
 The Democrats Again in Power 198 
 
 The War with Mexico, 1846-48 199 
 
 Results of the Mexican War 202 
 
 The Election of 1848 203 
 
 California 204 
 
 The Compromise of 1850 205 
 
 Three Great Speeches 206 
 
 The Election of 1852 and the Death of the Whig 
 
 Party 207 
 
 The Kansas-Nebraska Act, 1854 208 
 
 Violence in Kansas 209 
 
 The Birth of the Republican Party and the Election 
 
 of 1856 210 
 
 The Dred Scott Decision 212 
 
 The Raid and Execution of John Brown . . .213 
 
 CHAPTER XVII— SECESSION 
 
 The Election of Abraham Lincoln . . . .215 
 
 Secession of the Cotton States 217 
 
OUTLINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY 361 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Fort Sumter 219 
 
 The Call to Arms 220 
 
 Other States Secede 220 
 
 The Confederate Constitution 221 
 
 The Motive and the Argument of Secession . . .222 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII— THE CIVIL WAR, 1861-65 
 
 The Belligerents Compared 226 
 
 The Federal Plan of War 227 
 
 Confederate Victories in the East 227 
 
 Bull Run 228 
 
 McClellan and the Army of the Potomac . . .228 
 Failure of the Movement Against Richmond . .229 
 
 The M err imac and the Monitor 231 
 
 Antietam 233 
 
 Emancipation 235 
 
 Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville . . . .238 
 
 Union Victories in the West 240 
 
 Forts Henry and Donelson and Island No. 10 . . 241 
 
 Pittsburg Landing 241 
 
 The Capture of New Orleans 242 
 
 Vicksburg 242 
 
 Gettysburg 243 
 
 Chickamauga 245 
 
 Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge . . .245 
 
 The Blockade 246 
 
 Confederate Finance 248 
 
 The Beginning of the Final Struggle . . . .249 
 
 Sherman Takes Atlanta 250 
 
 Grant and Lee 251 
 
 The Presidential Election of 1864 252 
 
 The Fall of the Confederacy 253 
 
 The Armies Disband 255 
 
 Results of the War 256 
 
362 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 CHAPTER XIX— RECONSTRUCTION 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Opposing Policies 259 
 
 The Assassination of Lincoln . . , . .260 
 
 Thaddeus Stevens Supreme 261 
 
 Andrew Johnson 262 
 
 The President and Congress 262 
 
 The Fourteenth Amendment 263 
 
 The Reconstruction Acts 264 
 
 The Fifteenth Amendment 267 
 
 Anarchy in the South 267 
 
 The Failure of Reconstruction 269 
 
 The Negro of To-day 271 
 
 CHAPTER XX— FROM THE IMPEACHMENT 
 
 OF JOHNSON TO THE POLITICAL 
 
 REVOLUTION OF 1884 
 
 The Tenure-of-Office Act 275 
 
 The Impeachment of Andrew Johnson (1868) . . 276 
 
 The Purchase of Alaska 278 
 
 The Presidency of General Grant, 1869-77 . . .279 
 Grant's Weakness as an Executive . . . .279 
 
 The Republican Party Splits 281 
 
 The Reign of Graft 283 
 
 Patriotic Achievement 284 
 
 The Resumption Act 285 
 
 The Centennial 286 
 
 The Contested Election of 1876 287 
 
 The Electoral Commission 290 
 
 The Hayes Administration 291 
 
 Garfield and Arthur 292 
 
 CHAPTER XXI— THE OPENING OF A NEW ERA 
 
 The Democracy Returns to Power 295 
 
 The First Administration of Cleveland . . .297 
 
OUTLINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY 363 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Presidential Succession Act — 1886 . . .298 
 
 Labor Troubles 299 
 
 Anarchist Riots 300 
 
 The Interstate Commerce Act 301 
 
 Cleveland and Civil Service Reform .... 302 
 Cleveland's Famous Tariff Message . . . .304 
 
 The Election of 1888 306 
 
 The Harrison Administration 307 
 
 The McKinley Tariff 307 
 
 The Sherman Anti-Trust Law, 1890 . . . .308 
 
 CHAPTER XXII— THE SILVER QUESTION 
 IN POLITICS 
 
 The Rise of the Populists 
 
 The Free Silver Movement 
 
 The Sherman Silver Purchase Act 
 
 The Second Cleveland Administration 
 
 The Repeal of the Sherman Act, 1893 . 
 
 The Wilson Tariff 
 
 The Columbian Exposition 
 The Great Pullman Strike, 1894 . 
 Cleveland Champions the Monroe Doctrine 
 Free Silver and the Battle of 1896 
 
 The Argument 
 
 The Triumph of the Gold Standard 
 
 The Administration of William McKinley 
 
 Whe Dingley Tariff 
 
 309 
 310 
 312 
 
 313 
 315 
 318 
 319 
 320 
 
 323 
 324 
 327 
 329 
 329 
 330 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII— WAR AND EXPANSION 
 
 The Revolt of Cuba 331 
 
 The Destruction of the Maine 332 
 
 War with Spain 332 
 
 The Victory of Manila Bay 333 
 
 San Juan and Santiago 334 
 
 The End of the War 335 
 
364 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Philippine Question and the Presidential Elec- 
 tion of 1900 335 
 
 What Has Been Accomplished in our Island Posses- 
 sions 338 
 
 Cuba 339 
 
 Results of the War with Spain 341 
 
 The United States and the "Open Door" in China . 343 
 
 The Assassination of McKinley 344 
 
 The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt . . .344 
 
 The Coal Strike, 1902 345 
 
 Roosevelt and the Trusts 346 
 
 The Panama Canal 346 
 
 The Election of 1904 348 
 
 Congressional Legislation of 1906 349 
 
 The United States in the Twentieth Century . .350 
 
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