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LETTER I 
 
 "O A MEMBER OF THE ^/ 
 
 I SOCIETY OF friends;! 
 
 IN REPLY TO OBJECTIONS AGAINST JOINING 
 
 BOSTON 
 
 I 
 
 ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES. ^^ 
 
 I 
 
 — i 
 
 Bsr WILLIAM BASSETT. E 
 
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 The cause which I I'aicw not I searched out. — Job. S\ 
 
 Prove all thiiigs; liold liist tli.-t which is good. — Paul. (S 
 
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 ^^^ PU15MSHED BY ISAAC KNAPP, J? 
 
 # 25, COKNHILL. )/ 
 
 I ''''■ i 
 
LETTER 
 
 TO A MEMBER OF THE 
 
 SOCIETY OF FRIENDS, 
 
 IN REPLY TO OBJECTIONS AGAINST JOINING 
 
 ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES. 
 
 By WILLIAM BASSETT. 
 
 The cause which I knew not I searched out. — Job. 
 Prove all things j hold fast that which is good. — Paul. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 PUBLISHED BY ISAAC KNAPP, 
 
 25, CORNHILL. 
 
 1837. 
 
D'(L'-\\ 
 
 ^ / f■r 
 f. P.Oi>er/i.£>/r■z_«.y- 
 
INTRODUCTION, 
 
 The following letter was written in reply to one recent- 
 ly received from a Friend, containing the following ob- 
 jections against members of the Society of Friends joining 
 Anti-Slavery Societies, viz.: — 
 
 That the fact of Friends at the North having joined 
 anti-slavery societies, has seriously affected the influence of 
 Friends at the South. 
 
 That, in Virginia, the Society of Friends has long been 
 held in the highest estimation, both by those in authority 
 and by the citizens generally ; — it having been admitted 
 by them that Friends in opposing slavery, were actuated 
 by religious motives. 
 
 That the motives of * Friends' have been respected and 
 their appeals listened to with attention, and with effect; 
 in evidence of which, we are referred to the Virginia 
 Convention, and to the tone of feeling there manifested, 
 so favorable to the abolition cause, in reference to which, 
 the writer says, ' This was a good work, — what did hinder 
 it?' 
 
 That Anti-Slavery Societies have not obtained credit 
 
for the same motives, — slave-holders appearing to believe 
 that in such societies, ambition and political influence are 
 the main-springs of action ; and that, of course, a distrust 
 of these societies is the consequence. Still, it is admitted 
 that one great reason for this distrust, on the part of the 
 slave-holder, is love for his own intesest, and consequent 
 dislike of all that seems to oppose it. But, the writer is 
 of the opinion that there must be other reasons^ because, 
 he says, while Friends and anti-slaverj societies have both 
 labored professedly to abolish slavery ; the one has obtained 
 credit for sincerity of motive, and the other has not. The 
 writer thinks that we can sufficiently account for ibe dif- 
 ferent estimation of them to determine our duty. 
 
 That * Friends ' are known to be a religious society, 
 and opposed to all violence, and * to act up to their creed, 
 that the end does not sanctify the means ; ' while, on the 
 other hand, the anti-slavery society is not a religious asso- 
 ciation, and the absence of religion, is no disqualification 
 for membership. 
 
 That, therefore, we cannot wonder that fears are enter- 
 tained at the South as to the means to be resorted to. 
 
 That, as ' Friends,' we cannot hope, nor even wish, to 
 abolish slavery by means inconsistent ivith our profession, 
 — that ' the weapons of our warfare are not carnal.' 
 
 That the only way to act avail ingly, is on the reason 
 and conscience of the oppressor. Hence the importance 
 of having access to it. That it is a serious thing to shut 
 the only door by which we can reach the slaveholder or 
 liberate the slave. 
 
That, although it may be said that this is the doctrine 
 of expediency, and that we must do right and leave con- 
 sequences, we are reminded that 'right consequences 
 follow right actions,' as invariably as an effect follows 
 its cause. 
 
 As similar objections are so frequently made, some of 
 the writer's friends, believing that a public notice of them 
 is required, have solicited him to submit his reply to the 
 press ; to which he has been induced to consent, from a 
 hope that it may be a means of bringing some of his 
 fellow members, who differ with him in sentiment on this 
 subject, to a more careful and candid consideration of it. 
 
 1* 
 
LETTER, 
 
 Dear Friend: 
 
 Thy letter came duly to hand, and having endeavor- 
 
 Dd to give thy objections against joining anti-slavery 
 
 societies, due consideration, I now proceed to give thee 
 
 my views in relation to them. 
 
 It is said, in the first place, that Friends at the North 
 
 having joined anti-slavery soeieties, has seriously affected 
 
 Ihe influence of Friends at the South. 
 Why should any such effect be produced on the minds 
 
 of those who really wish for the abolition of slavery^ but 
 from a misconception of the objects and principles of the 
 
 abolitioaists ? Surely, if such as these were correctly 
 informed of the real feelings of those who have espoused 
 the anti-slavery cause, they would hail their efforts with 
 joy ; and, so far from esteeming Friends the less for joining 
 the anti-slavery societies, they would but consider it as 
 an additional proof of their sincere attachment to those 
 principles of liberty which they had professed, and of 
 their readiness to avail themselves of so favorable an op- 
 portunity to aid in carrying out those principles into 
 practice. 
 
 But, that such an effect should be produced on those 
 who know what the real objects and principles of the 
 Abolitionists are, and who are well aware, too, that the 
 
8 
 
 measures by which they are seeking to give effect to their 
 principles, possess a powerful energy, and carry with them 
 a potency, terrible indeed to those whose happiness consists 
 in the indulgence of the love and lust of power, but who, 
 nevertheless, are determined, at all hazards, to fortify 
 themselves in the continuance of their wickedness, there 
 can be no wonder. Well may they tremble when they see 
 indications of the Society of Friends throwing the weight 
 of its influence in favor of a cause, the success of which 
 they so much dread. 
 
 It may be well to inquire, — what are those principles 
 and objects, the promulgation of which has caused such a 
 degree of consternation at the South, and which has so 
 exasperated the enemies of human freedom at the North? 
 and to consider whether the Society of Friends has ever 
 openly and explicitly avowed them. 
 
 The principles and objects of the Abolitionists may be 
 ascertained by the following extracts from the Constitution 
 of the American Anti-Slavery Society ; 
 
 ' Art. 2. The objects of this Society are the entire abo- 
 lition of slavery in the United States. While it admits 
 that each state, in which slavery exists, has, by the Con- 
 stitution of the United States, the exclusive right to legis- 
 late in regard to its abolition in that State, it shall aim to 
 convince all our fellow-citizens by arguments addressed 
 to their understandings and consciences, that slaveholding 
 is a heinous crime in the sight of God ; and that the duty, 
 safety, and best interests of all concerned, require it3 
 immediate ahandonment, witliout eocpatriation. The 
 Society Avill also endeavor in a constitutional way to in- 
 fluence Congress to put an end to the domestic Slave- 
 trade, and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our 
 
common country, which come under its control, especial- 
 ly in the District of Columbia, and likewise to prevent the 
 extension of it to any state that may hereafter be admitted 
 to the Union. 
 
 Art. 3. This Society shall aim to elevate the character 
 and condition of the people of color, by encouraging their 
 intellectual, moral and religious improvement, and by 
 removing public prejudice ; that thus they may, according 
 to their intellectual and moral worth, share an equality with 
 the whites of civil and religious privileges ; but the society 
 will never, in any way, countenance the oppressed in vin- 
 dicating their rights, by resorting to physical force. 
 
 Art. 4. Any person who consents to the principles of 
 this Constitution, who contributes to the funds of this 
 Society, and is not a slaveholder, may be a member of 
 this Society, and shall be entitled to vote at its meetings.' 
 
 These are the principles, the advocacy of which has 
 struck such horror to the hearts of those who make mer- 
 chandise of men, and which are calculated, not merely to 
 lop off the branches of the corrupt tree, but to overthrow 
 and utterly destroy it, root and branch. Slaveholders 
 know it, and how, then, can we expect to secure their 
 respect without the sacrifice of these principles ? And 
 shall we purchase their respect at such a price? But 
 what avails abstract principles , and how can I carry these 
 principles into practical operation but through the medium 
 of the anti-slavery societies? Not, surely, by means of 
 the Society of Friends in its present condition. For, I 
 contend that this Society has never avowed these princi- 
 ples to their full extent ; and no one, I presume, will take 
 the ground that our Society has adopted the measures of 
 the Abolitionists, which have been so unsparingly de- 
 
10 
 
 nounced, not only by the advocates of slavery, but by 
 those who are opposed to slavery in the abstract. But, 
 what are their measures ? They are these — 
 
 They will exercise the right guaranteed to them by the 
 Constitution, to petition Congress for the abolition of sla- 
 very in the District of Columbia, and the Territories. 
 They will use the right of speech and of the press, and 
 will address arguments to the understandings and con- 
 sciences of their fellow citizens, and endeavor to convince 
 them of the duty of immediate emancipation. They will 
 endeavor to secure to the colored people an equality of 
 civil and religious privileges, by encouraging their moral 
 and religious improvement, and the removal of existing 
 prejudices against them. 
 
 Such, then, are the principles and measures of the Abo- 
 litionists ; and if it be found that they have never been 
 fully acknowledged and adopted by the Society of Friends, 
 as I shall more fully make appear hereafter, may not this, 
 together with the prevailing misconceptions of the designs 
 of the Abolitionists, furnish sufficient reasons why Friends 
 should have been more respected at the South than the 
 Abolitionists ? 
 
 N( marvel that such doctrines and measures are un- 
 palatable to the slaveholder. His condition may be com- 
 pared to that of a wounded man, whose medical attendant 
 dresses his wound with applications of a mild and sooth- 
 ing nature, pretty well adapted to wounds of an ordinary 
 character, but not possessing sufficient virtue to effect a 
 cure in a case like this. A surgeon of greater skill, seeing 
 the alarming situation of his neighbor, and knowing that, 
 unless effectual means be forthwith resorted to, a fatal re- 
 sult must ensue, boldly and skilfully applies the knife to 
 remove the putrid parts, as the only means of effecting a 
 
11 
 
 cure, and preserving the life of his patient. But, no 
 sooner does the knife of the operator reach to the quich^ 
 than the wounded man cries out at the top of his voice — 
 murder — murder — and would fain have the surgeon in- 
 dicted for an attempt on his life ; but as no law exists 
 which can be brought to bear on the case, he resolves to 
 consign him to the tender mercies of lynch law, the first 
 time an opportunity offers. The benevolent surgeon, 
 finding himself in this dilemma, and feeling anxious to do 
 all in his power for his almost dying neighbor, calls on his 
 former attendant, who still retains the respect of his suffer- 
 ing friend, to consult with him on the best means of af- 
 fording relief. He is repulsed with the reply — * Why, I 
 am aware that our friend is in a very critical situation, and 
 that at a proper time it may be necessary to apply the 
 knife, but at present he is too much excited, and I think it 
 "will be most expedient to defer the operation — and, although 
 I freely acknowledge that it would be best for him to sub- 
 mit to thy mode of treatment, still, I dare not tell him so, 
 for fear of affecting my injiuence. I prefer keeping along 
 in my own way.' What should we think of such kind- 
 ness 1 
 
 The truth of the matter is, that, when the action on the 
 subject of abolition was mostly confined to an occasional 
 appeal or memorial from the Society of Friends, it was 
 considered rather as a matter of course, and while it «z- 
 tended no farther, the slaveholder felt that he had noth- 
 ing to fear. He might give them a compliment on their 
 good intentions, and pass it by unheeded. The old bastile 
 of slavery stood so firm, and its foundations were laid so 
 deep, that its defenders had no cause for alarm from an 
 occasional rill of disapprobation trickling against it. But, 
 when they hear the thunders of popular indignation roll- 
 
12 
 
 ing in the moral atmosphere — when they see the waves of 
 an enlightened public sentiment rushing onward, and 
 threatening to sweep away from foundation to top-stone, 
 the towering walls of their time-worn citadel, they know 
 full well the danger of their situation, and that they shall 
 not be able to withstand the shock. Senator Preston, of 
 South Carolina, in a speech in Congress, in the session of 
 1885 — 6, in reference to the petitions for the abolition of 
 slavery in the District of Columbia, said — ' They (the pe- 
 titions) do not come as heretofore, singly, and far apart ; 
 from the quiet routine of the Society of Friends, or the 
 obscure vanity of some philanthropic club, but they are 
 sent to us in vast numbers from soured and agitated com- 
 munities ; poured in upon us from the overflowing op 
 PUBLIC SENTIMENT, which, cvcry where, in all western 
 Europe and eastern America, has been lashed into excite- 
 ment on this subject. The bosom of society heaves with 
 new and violent emotions.' 
 
 The objection leads, after all, to the inquiry, whether it 
 is right to be governed in our actions by a desire to retain 
 the favorable regard of wicked men. Was Moses so ac- 
 tuated, when, in obedience to the Divine command, he 
 called upon Pharaoh to liberate the children of Israel from 
 their cruel bondage? Might he not have reasoned, and 
 would he not, if he had been actuated by this world's 
 policy, that it was useless for him to repeat the divine mes- 
 sage, because it only had the effect to harden the heart of 
 the royal slaveholder, and, in persisting, he should only 
 lose his influence ? Thinkest thou that the Prophets of 
 old sought the respect of the people, when they foretold 
 the awful judgments of an offended God on their rebel- 
 lious nation ? Were the motives of our blessed Lord re- 
 spected by the Jews, when they accused him of blasphemy 
 
13 
 
 and spit upon him, and buiTeted him, and finally put him 
 to an ignominious death ? Did they manifest their respect 
 for the motives of Peter and John wlien they -command- 
 ed them not to speak at all, nor teach in the name of 
 Jesus?' And did those devoted men seek the praise of 
 men when they replied—' Whether it be right in the sight 
 of God to hearken unto you more than unto God, judge 
 ye?' Did the sainted martyr Stephen consider how he 
 might retain his influence with the people, when he charg- 
 ed them with being the betrayers and murderers of the 
 Just One ? Was Paul respected by the Jews when they 
 went about to kill him ? Or, dost thou think that the early 
 founders of our Society were influenced by a desire to ob- 
 tain the good opinions of men ? Was not the whole com- 
 munity in an uproar, and were not the people aroused to 
 to a high pitch of excitement, on account of the plain and 
 fearless manner in which they rebuked, not only princi- 
 palities and powers, but spiritual wickedness in high 
 places? They appear to have been strangers to the policy 
 of the worhl, and to the fatal doctrine of expediency. A 
 prejudice was raised against the worthies of that day, no 
 less cruel and vindictive than that which is now indulged 
 by the sLaunchest friends of slavery towards the Abolition- 
 ists. Would it have been right, then, for those who were 
 converted by their preaching, to the principles they pro- 
 fessed, to have kept aloof, and said — ' We have no doubt 
 of the correctness of these men's principles, nor of the 
 honesty of tiieir purpose — but, their motives, we see, are 
 not respected by the world, and, therefore, we can do more 
 good by not becoming connected v/ith them, and we had 
 heiXcx keep hi/ ourselves? ' Might I not say, even now, 
 that as prejudice exists to a considerable extent against the 
 Society of Friends, and many will not go to hear a 
 3 
 
14 
 
 ' Q^tahcr' preach, nor read a ' QuaJccr' book, therefore, 
 if 1 would be respected and secure an influence with the 
 world, I must withdraw from the society — then I can do 
 more in spreading their principles? How wouldst thou 
 approve of such an application of the principle of thy 
 objection ? 
 
 We ought not to expect to retain the good esteem and 
 friendship of the wicked, if we are faithful in reproving 
 them for their sins. Our blessed Redeemer said to his 
 disciples—* Wo unto you when all men shall speak well 
 of you ' — ' Blessed are ye, when men shall revile you, and 
 persecute you, and shall say all manner of evil against you 
 falsely for my sake.' We must be willing to be of no rep- 
 vtation, for — ' it is enough for the disciple that he be as 
 his master, and the servant as his lord.' 
 
 An influence with wicked men, to be of any service to 
 them, must be found only in the rebuking power of Truth. 
 It is not in any wise to be confounded with personal pop- 
 ularity. The power of Truth may be felt, and the sinner 
 may be awed under its influence ; and at the same time 
 he may be constrained by his evil passions to 'gnash with 
 his teeth' upon the person who presents it, like the Jews 
 of old when ' cut to the heart' by the searching rebuke 
 of Stephen. The less there is of that ' influence ' which 
 dares not denounce the wrong for fear of giving offence to 
 the ivrong-docr, the better will it be for the cause of Hu- 
 manity and everlasting Truth. 
 
 Perhaps it may be well to consider whether in joining 
 anti-slavery societies, we should not gain the respect and 
 confidence of our colored friends in as great a degree, as 
 we should lose those of the slaveholder ; and, whether the 
 esteem of the poor and the oppressed is not as much to be 
 valued as that of their hard hearted oppressors. 
 
15 
 
 Thou sayest, that slaveholders acknowledge that 
 'Friends' act from religious motives, and offerest this as a 
 reason why they should keep by themselves. If it be true 
 that they do stand so high in the estimation of the South, 
 it is the strongest reason why they should give their une- 
 quivocal sanction to the abolition cause. Let us disabuse 
 the public mind of the South, and dispel the delusion that 
 may yet prove fatal to them, which leads them to look 
 abroad for a foe that exists only in their distorted imagina- 
 tion ; while a volcano is ready to burst beneath their feet, 
 and to the dangers of which, the very men whom they af- 
 fect to believe are their enemies, are endeavoring to arouse 
 them. 
 
 T;: Tu observest that, in Virginia the appeals of Friends ' 
 had been listened to with attention and with effect, and as 
 an evidence of it referest to the ' Virginia Convention.' 
 This Convention was held in 1829, in which the subject 
 of slavery only came up incidentally in a debate on the 
 basis of representation. The subject of emancipation was 
 scarcely mentioned — and slavery was only alluded to and 
 condemned on ^political grounds, as giving undue political 
 power to the slaveholders of Eastern Virginia. Thou 
 probably intended to refer to the Virginia Legislature of 
 1832, and to the celebrated debate in the House of Dele- 
 gates ; and it is in that debate, no doubt, that thou dis- 
 coverest a * tone of feeling so favorable to the cause of 
 abolition.' 
 
 I would be the last to lesson the credit justly due to 
 Friends for their labors in the cause of humanity, but I 
 am at a loss to discover any very strong and convincing 
 evidence, of a prevalence of benevolent feeling in that 
 legislative body towards the colored population. The dis- 
 cussion of the subject at that time was undoubtedly oc- 
 
casioned by llie bloody tragedy of the Soulbampton insur- 
 rection, from the horrors of which many of the members 
 had but just turned their eyes ; and on reading tlie ac- 
 count of the proceedings, we can but perceive that the 
 predominating feelings of most of those who w^ere in favor 
 of doing something, were those of fear and alarm, and 
 their primary object, self-preservation. L. M. Child, in 
 her ' Appeal &c.' alluding to this event, says, — * In the 
 course of that debate the spirit of slavery showed itself 
 without disguise. The members talked of emancipation ; 
 but with one or two exceptions, they merely wanted to 
 emancipate or rather to send away, the surplus population, 
 which they could neither keep nor sell, and which might 
 prove dangerous. They wished to get rid of the conse- 
 quences of the evil, but were determined to keep the evil 
 itself. Some members from western Virginia, who spoke 
 in a better spirit, and founded their arguments on the 
 broad principles of justice, not on the mere convenience 
 of a certain class, were repelled with angry excitement. 
 The eastern districts threatened to separate from the 
 ■western, if the latter persisted in expressing opinions op- 
 posed to the continuance of slavery.' Roane was one of 
 those who were in favor of action, but his benevolent dis- 
 position may be gathered from the following remarks. He 
 says — * I own a considerable number of slaves, and am 
 perfectly sure they are mine ; and I am sorry to add that 
 I have occasionally, though not often, been compelled to 
 niake thevi feel the impression of that ownership. I would 
 not touch a hair on the head of the gentleman's slave, any 
 sooner than I would a hair in the mane of Ids horse.' Gen. 
 Broadnax, another advocate of action, was in favor of rc- 
 
 moving the free colored people and that by force. 
 
 Chandler, also, fully acknowledged the slaves to be prop- 
 
IT 
 
 ttit}. The direct action of Friends on this occasion, was 
 by a memorial from the meeting for Sufferings of Virginia 
 Yearly Meeting, praying that some measures might be 
 adopted for the gradual abolition of slavery. The dis- 
 cussion occupied several days and resulted in the following 
 conclusions, viz.— -1st. That it was not expedient, at that 
 time, to legislate on abolition. 2d. That the colored pop- 
 ulation of Virginia was a great evil. 3d. That humanity 
 and policy demanded the removal of the free, and of those 
 who might become free. 4th. That this would absorb 
 their present means. 5th. That when public opinion 
 should be more developed, &c. it would be expedient to 
 commence a system of abolition. These are what the 
 Richmond Whig called ' astonishing and animating re- 
 sults ! ' And with these results, the pscudo-philanthrO' 
 pists of Virginia appear to have been contented, and 
 to have setthd down into a state of apathy, from which 
 it may require another Southampton tragedy to awaken 
 them. These are the results in relation to which 
 thou sayest — * This was a good work, — what did hinder 
 it?' no doubt, having in thy mind's eye the thread- 
 bare objection that. Abolitionists have put back eman- 
 cipation in Virginia, for proof of which, we are fre- 
 quently referred to the favorable disposition manifested in 
 the Virginia Legislature and to the present violent opposi- 
 tion in that State to abolition movements. Kentucky, it 
 is said, was also on the eve of emancipation. It may be 
 remembered that the very next year after the famous Vir- 
 ginia discussion, the price of cotton and negroes expe- 
 rienced a rapid rise, increasing up to 1836 : — and it appears 
 that the abolitionism of Virginia declined in proportion to 
 the increase of the price of human flesh in the man-mar- 
 ket ! Is not this what * hindered^ the work ? 
 2* 
 
IS 
 
 In regard to Kentucky, I refer thee to the language oT 
 John Green, a distinguished lawyer, and a member of the 
 legislature of that State, — an elder in the Presbyterien 
 church, and a slaveiioldePv. In a letter to the editor of 
 the Cincinnati Journal, written in 1S36, he says : ' Little is 
 doing for the negro, either in the way of colonization, or 
 voluntary emancipation, or religious instruction, and a 
 general apathy prevails on the subject, not only in the 
 world, but in the church. Many attribute all this to the 
 rampant zeal of the Abolitionists in attempting to force 
 public opinion ; and, with apparent self-complaeency jus- 
 tify themselves in doing nothing, becauL-e they are re- 
 quired to do too much. It cannot be denied that there exists 
 at present, a greater apparent opposition to emancipation 
 in any form, than has appeared at any previous period in 
 my recollection. But I am not suie that Abolition has 
 been the cause. I would say it has been the occasion of 
 manifesting that opposition which previously existed^ but 
 laid dormant for want of an exciting cause. I feel well 
 assured that our slaveholders do not fear that the Aboli- 
 tinists v;ill excite our slaves to revolt.' 
 
 In further reply to this objection, I copy the follow- 
 ing pertinent remarks from the Anti-Slavery Record, 
 of 4th month last. * If there was at the South any sin- 
 cere disposition to get rid of slavery, the agitation of the 
 subject could not possibly put it back. A sincere dispo- 
 sition to do justice, strong enough to stand any chance of 
 triumphing over the lust of power and pelf, could not be 
 turned from its purpose by any expression of opinion or 
 sympathy in favor of the slave, however imprudent it 
 might be. Who ever heard of a man, penitent enough to 
 make restitution for a life of plunder, being turned back 
 to increased robbery, out of spite at an injudicious re* 
 
pTOverl The objection is ridiculously absurd, and would 
 not be advanced but in a miserably bad cause. Have the 
 autocrats of history yielded free constitutions to their sub- 
 jects unasked, in still and slavish times? Have they in- 
 creased their own prerogatives, and doubled their chains, 
 as they heard 'the distant murmur of popular agitation? 
 Have they been most mild, and complaisant, and merciful, 
 and most backward to use their extortionary arts, while 
 there was no voice or press to reveal their deeds ? Per- 
 haps the objector has an edition of the book of human 
 nature, in which it is written that power is the least 
 abused where it has fewest checks ; that tyrants will 
 usurp least when left to themselves; that bad men will 
 commit the fewest crimes when least suspected ; and that 
 thieves will steal least, when least watched. As we have 
 read human nature, in the old received edition, it is always 
 a safe thing to put men, who are trusted with power, upon 
 their good behavior, by a full exposure of their derelic- 
 tions.' I do not believe that a S2)aj'k of genuine philan- 
 thropic feeling has been extinguished by the operations of 
 the abolitionists. I believe there is no force in the objec- 
 tion, and that if there were at that time, in Virginia or 
 Kentucky, any whose hearts beat in sympathy for the 
 suffering slave, and that there were a few such I have no 
 doubt, they are there still, and we have reason to believe that, 
 as far as they are acquainted with the Abolition move- 
 ments, their prayers are for their success. The following 
 striking fact is an evidence of this: — 'At an anti-slavery 
 concert of prayer for the oppressed, held in New York city, 
 in 1836, a gentleman arose in the course of the meeting, 
 declaring himself a Virginian and a slaveholder. He 
 said he came to that city filled with the deepest prejudice 
 against the A.bolitionists, by the reports given of their 
 
20 
 
 character in papers published at the North. But he de>^' 
 termined to investigate their character and designs for 
 himself. He even boarded in the family of an Abolition^ 
 ist, and attended the monthly concert of prayer for the 
 slaves and the slaveholders. And now, as the result of his 
 investigations and observations, he was convinced that not 
 only the spirit but the principles and vieasurcs of the Aho^ 
 litionists are righteous. He was now ready to emanci- 
 pate his own slaves, and had commenced advocating the 
 doctrine of immediate emancipation. — '' And here," said 
 he, pointing to two men sitting near him, *' are the first 
 fruits of my labors, — these tvvo fellow-Virginians and 
 slaveholders, are converts with myself to Abolitionism. 
 And I know a thousand Virginians who need only to be 
 made acquainted with the true spirit and principles of 
 Abolitionists, in order to their becoming converts as we 
 are. Let the Abolitionists go on in the dissemination of 
 their doctrines, and let the northern papers cease to mis* 
 represent them at the South, — let the true light of Abo-- 
 litionisni be fully shed upon the southern mind, and the 
 work of immediate and general emancipation will be speedi^ 
 ly accomplished.^' ' * 
 
 Does this look as though the Abolitionists were putting 
 bach emancipation? Such being the facts, it seems to 
 me there need be no difficulty in determining our duty. 
 What, though slaveholders do believe that in the anti- 
 slavery societies, 'ambition and political influence are the 
 main-springs of action,' and *of course a distrust of these 
 societies is the consequence.' I hope it is not necessary 
 to adduce evidence to convince thee that the eharges are' 
 utterly false. Northern pro-slavery men admit them to be 
 
 * Morning Star. 
 
521 
 
 so. "What said Governor Lincoln on the floor of Con- 
 gress Jast winter ? While he repudiates the views and 
 schemes of the abolitionists, he acknowledges them to be 
 ^piire and philanthropic' He says, in reference to the 
 Abolition memorials, — *I have presented them from men 
 and women of as pure, elevated and intellectual character 
 as any in the world ; — men and women, kind and gener- 
 ous, and of the tenderest sympathies, who would no sooner 
 do an injury or an act of injustice to any human being, 
 than the most chivalrous or true-hearted sons of the 
 South.' *-***« Those who sign these petitions 
 are among the most harmless, moral, conscientious people 
 of the land ; they would be the last to excite to violence, 
 or willingly do their southern brethren a wrong.' * * * 
 ' Believe me, there is nothing to fear. These thousands 
 of women, these hundreds of Clergymen, the kind-hearted, 
 the sympathetic and the devout who sign these petitions, 
 are not the incendiaries to apply the torch to southern 
 dwellings. May not piety utter its prayer for the relief of 
 human misery ? May not female tenderness heave a sigh 
 for the condition of the oppressed, without giving occasion 
 for alarm? This is no scheme of ambition, no plotting 
 of selfish, designing, reckless politicians ; it is principally 
 the unsophisticated, the artless, the simple and the unof- 
 fending who thus approach you.' 
 
 Knowing these charges to be false, as we do, should 
 we desert the innocent because they are falsely accused ? 
 If a man is suspected of committing murder, and we 
 know the accusation to be false and have it in our power 
 to relieve him from the imputation, shall we withhold our 
 assistance, from the fear that we too may be subjected to 
 suspicion? We must not forget that we have duties to 
 Derform towards those who are engaged in advocating the 
 
22 
 
 cause of the oppressed, and who are thereby exposed to 
 ridicule and reproach, as well as towards the lordly op- 
 pressor. Shall we be like the 'chief rulers' of old, who 
 believed on Jesus, ' but because of the Pharisees they did 
 not confess him, lest they should be put out of the syna- 
 gogue ; for they loved the praise of men more than the 
 praise of God ? ' George Fox and William Edrnundson 
 were accused of stirring up an insurrection among the 
 negroes, and inciting them to cut their masters' throats. 
 Should tJici/ have been deserted on that account? Clark- 
 son was stigmatized as an insurrectionist, and charged 
 with wanting to bring all the horrors of the French Rev- 
 olution into England, because he wanted to abolish the 
 s\3.ve-trade. Did our Friends in England refuse him their 
 co-operation in consequence of such accusations being 
 directed aginst him, from a fear that their injluence might 
 he affected? 
 
 But we have abundant evidence that slaveholders them- 
 selves who are well informed on this subject, do not believe 
 these charges to be true. And the currency which is 
 given to such malicious accusations, is derived mainly 
 from the misrepresentations of the northern press. Are 
 we, then, doing our duty, while we stand by in silence, 
 suffering our influence to be thrown against the Abolition 
 cause ? Apologists of slavery do consider the influence 
 of the society to be cast in the scale against the Abolitionists. 
 I quote the following opinion of Martin Van Buren on 
 this subject, from a letter to a North Carolina committee, 
 dated ' March 6th, 1836.' ' To one class of those who 
 have hitherto petitioned Congress for the abolition of 
 slavery in the District of Columbia, I cannot forbear ta 
 refer. I allude to the Society of Friends, or the people 
 usually denominated Quakers. The uniformity of their 
 
course upon this subject, the temperate manner in which 
 It has been manifested, and the marked excellence of their 
 conduct and character, appear to have conciliated respect 
 for their motives, even from those who differ with them in 
 opinion. As far as my observation has enabled me to 
 judge. It IS due to them to say, that as there has been no 
 indication of any change of opinion upon their part durino- 
 the present excitement; so has there been no evidence ol* 
 a disposition to lend themselves to the undue agitation of 
 the pubhc mind attempted hy others. There is certainly 
 no class of people in this country, who have a deeper 
 interest in the preservation of the Union and of the happy 
 system of government which it upholds, than they; and 
 It has now become very apparent to all reflectincr and 
 observing minds, that the question of slavery in the Dis^ 
 irict of Columbia cannot he pressed to the result they de- 
 sire, with safety to these paramount objects. Do not 
 these considerations justify the hope, that from them, at 
 least, we may expect, for the future, a mode of dealing 
 with the subject, which, whilst it does no injustice to their 
 principles, shall 7'epress instead of increasing agitation, 
 and not endanger the great interests to which Thave re- 
 ferred ? To doubt it, would be to distrust the influence 
 which industi-y, morality, intelligence and republican 
 habits,— qualities which all admit them to possess in a 
 high degree, are calculated, in great emergencies, to exert 
 upon the conduct of their possessors. And for the like 
 reason it may certainly be expected, that well disposed 
 persons of other religious denominations, who, without a 
 full consideration of the difficulties which surround this 
 subject, and of the dangerous consequences to which the 
 efforts of the Abolitionists so evidently tend, have lent to 
 those efforts ihe influence of their names and character, 
 
will be careful hereafter to avt>id the repetition of an error 
 so unfortunate and mischievous.' 
 
 If any person wishes for farther information of Martin 
 Van Buren's views on the abolition of slavery, I would re- 
 fer them to his Inaugural Address. 
 
 A celebrated Greek v.as at one time told that he had 
 been praised by a bad man. He carefully recollected 
 himself, and then exclaimed—' What evil thing have I 
 done ? ' The application is obvious. 
 
 Thou admitest that one great reason for a distrust of the 
 anti-slavery societies, on the part of the slaveholder, is 
 * love for his own interest and consequent dislike of all 
 that seems to oppose it' Very true, undoubtedly. If, 
 then, the Society of Friends has acted as efficiently in this 
 cause as the anti-slavery societies, why has it not conse- 
 quently come in for its share of distrust, and of the dislike 
 of all that opposes the interest of the slaveholder ? I will 
 close on this point by proposing a query for consideration 
 — Is love of interest a principle of the human mind that 
 we ought to seek to conciliate ? 
 
 I think I have sufficiently accounted for the diffisrent 
 estimation in which the Society of Friends and the anti- 
 slavery societies are held at the South. Before I close 
 this communication, however, some further suggestions 
 may arise, that may tend to place this branch of our in- 
 quiry in a still stronger light. 
 
 Tliou proceedest on the assumption that the Society of 
 Friends is, to all intents and purposes, an Abolition So- 
 ciety ; and therefore it is unnecessary for its members to 
 connect themselves with any other. While I again ex- 
 plicitly disclaim any desire to undervalue whatever effi^rts 
 may have been from time to time made by Friends, for the 
 relief of their oppressed and down-troddea fellow coun- 
 
25 
 
 trymen, I feel myself bound to call in question the cor- 
 rectness of this assumption, to the extent to which thou 
 and many other Friends seem disposed to carry it. Our 
 Society was constituted for certain well known purposes. 
 Its founders associated themselves together for the purpose 
 of maintaining certain religious views and principles 
 which, in many respects, distinguished them from the rest 
 of the Christian world. The abolition of slavery was no 
 part of the original objects of their association — on the 
 contrary, its members held slaves for many years after- 
 wards. In process of time. Friends became convinced of 
 the impropriety of holding their fellow-men in bondage, 
 liberated their slaves, and inserted a provision in their dis- 
 cipline, that no member of the Society should thereafter 
 hold any. This act, however it may reflect credit on the 
 Society, does not, in my opinion, give us a just claim to 
 the character of an Abolition Society, considering what is 
 implied in that term at the present time. Supposing that 
 a company sliould be formed for the construction of a 
 rail-road, and after proceeding some time with their work, 
 they see the bad effects of the use of ardent spirit ; and, 
 finally, adopt a reirubition that no member of the Corpora- 
 tion, and no person in their employ shall be permitted to 
 make use of any. This they scrupulously carry into effect. 
 After a while the public become aroused to the evils- of 
 intemperance, and it is proposed (o form a Society for the 
 promulgation of temperance princij)les. They call on the 
 members of the rail-road corporation to join them in the 
 enterprise. But, they say — ' No — ivhi; sliould we join a 
 temperance society 1 Do loe not belong to a temperance 
 society already 1 ' 
 
 By an Abolition Society, I mean a Society committed 
 to the support of certain fixed principles for effecting the 
 3 
 
26 
 
 abolition of slavery. We have already examined the prin- 
 ciples and measures of the anti-slavery societies. Now, 
 let us examine the abolition principles and measures of the 
 Society of Friends, and note the difference. If we ex- 
 examine the written Constitution of the Society, we find 
 but little on the subject. In 1773 and 1780, articles were 
 inserted in the discipline of New England Yearly Meet- 
 ing, prohibiting its members from holding slaves, but noth- 
 ing contemplating any especial action for the abolition of 
 slavery out of the pale of the Society. That this was not 
 considered as constituting it an abolition society to that 
 extent, as to preclude its members from joining societies 
 formed for the express purpose of still further extending 
 tiie blessing of freedom to the oppressed, appears conclu- 
 sively from the circumstance of many of its most prominent 
 and worthy members being soon after engaged in forming 
 such associations. With these old abolition societies, 
 Friends were for a long period, even almost to the present 
 time, connected ; and, on this side of the Atlantic, with 
 Franklin, and Rush, and Jay, and on the other, with La- 
 fayette, and Brissot, and Wilberforce, and Clarkson, they 
 contributed in no small degree to the abolition of the for- 
 eign slave trade, and in awakening that humane and gene- 
 rous regard for the rights of man, which has banished 
 slavery itself from the British Islands, and from half the 
 Slates of this confederacy. 
 
 I am not acquainted with the disciplines of the other 
 Yearly Meetings on this subject, but presume there is but 
 little variation. In ours, liowever, there is an advice, 
 * That Friends be careful to maintain our testimony faith- 
 fully against slavery ' — which it is required should be read 
 once a year in our meetings. Has there been, on these 
 occasions, such a manifestation of lively interest in the 
 
27 
 
 concern as might be expected from the members of a So- 
 ciety laboring 'professedly for the abolition of slavery 1 ' 
 I believe that, of late years, the idea has been very general- 
 ly prevalent that, if we kept from holding slaves ourselves, 
 we were ' maintaining our testimony/ and had nothing 
 more to do ; forgetting the admonition—' Thou shall in 
 any wise rebuke thy neighbor and not suffer sin upon 
 him.' There being so little in the written Constitution of 
 the Society from which to judge of its principles on this 
 subject, we have no other means but to form our conclu- 
 sions by the course of conduct pursued by its members. 
 
 Are they opposed in principle to the Colonization scheme 
 and, of course, committed in favor of ' emancipation imth- 
 out erpafriation V If so, their practice is wofully at va- 
 riance with their principles, for it will not, I presume, be 
 denied that many of them are members of Colonization 
 Societies, and many more are in favor of the project. I 
 am told that a prominent Friend is now, or was recently, 
 President of the Pennsylvania Colonization Society. I 
 trust it is unnecessary for me to enter into an argument to 
 show thee the evils of colonizationism. Did I not believe 
 thou wert already aware of them, I would refer thee to 
 treatises in which this subject is discussed by far more 
 able pens than mine. It will be admitted by those ac- 
 quainted with the prevalent feelings of the colored people, 
 that they are generally strongly opposed to that system, and 
 deprecate it as highly detrimental to their best interests. 
 This was made manifest at a meeting of that class of our 
 citizens, held in Philadelphia, soon after the formation of 
 the American Colonization Society. Notwithstanding this 
 manifestation of feeling, I have never heard it objected 
 against Friends joining that association, that their infu- 
 ence loith the colored people, to secure whose confidence is 
 
28 
 
 so important if we would benefit thcin, would be lessened. 
 Why have no apprehensions been indulged, of the conse- 
 quences of our members joining colonization societies? 
 And why has no advice been issued cautioning them against 
 such connection ? I believe ' the absence of religion is 
 HO clisqualiji cation for memhcrsliip ! ' Here may be a 
 grand reason, after all, why the Society of Friends has 
 been so much respected by the slaveholder, aiding, as its 
 members have been, one of their darling schemes for per- 
 petuating slavery ! A professed Abolition Society and the 
 American Colonization Society hand in hand. What an 
 anomaly ! 
 
 Has the Society of Friends, in its labors in this cause, 
 maintained the position that the sin must be immediately 
 abandoned? Has it proclaimed the doctrine of immediate, 
 unconditional emancipation ? The memorial of Friends 
 of Virginia to the Legislature of that State, in 1832, says 
 — *We submit for your consideration, the propriety of 
 passing an act declaring that all persons born in the State, 
 after some period to be fixed by law, shall be free; and 
 that the State of Virginia provide some territory, or solicit 
 the aid of the United States in providing one for the for- 
 mation of a colony for people of color, and also to aid in 
 removing such free persons as may L»e disposed to emi- 
 grate, and such slaves as may be given up for that inir- 
 pose.' Almost the only tract on slavery, published by 
 Friends, of late years, recommends attempts ^gradually 
 to diminish,'' the evils of slavery — ' to prepare ike rising 
 generation of negroes for liberty^ &lc. This doctrine of 
 gradually ceasing from sin will not ansv.er. It is power- 
 less. Preach this doctrine to the slaveholder and you ad- 
 minister a salvo to his conscience that renders your 
 preaching ineffectual. Admit that under existing circum- 
 
29 
 
 stances, he may be excusable in sinning to-day ; why not 
 to-morrow ? — or next week ? — or next year ? If existing 
 circumstances will warrant it now, depend upon it, existing 
 circumstances will never he wanting. With the slavehold- 
 er it is ahvays to-day. — To-morrow never comes. That 
 a contrariety of sentiment exists in the Society on this 
 point is undeniable. 
 
 The Anti-Slavery Society has waged an exterminating 
 warfare against that malignant spirit which is crushing 
 the colored man to the earth, and preventing his moral 
 elevation, viz : — Prejudice against color. That this cruel 
 prejudice exists to some extent among the members of 
 that Society, which has long professed to be, above all oth- 
 ers, the colored man's friend, evidence is not wanting. 
 It will be allowed that the * Negro Pew,' or its equivalent, 
 may be found in in some of our meeting-housesj where 
 men and women, brothers and sisters by creation, and 
 and heirs of the same glorious immortality, are seated by 
 themselves on a back bench for no other reason but be- 
 cause it has pleased their Creator to give them a com- 
 plexion darker than our own I I believe that an awful 
 accountability rests on us for the repulsive effect of our 
 conduct on our colored brethren and sisters, by which, 
 tender, seeking spirits among them have been deeply 
 wounded. I have in my possession some affecting ac- 
 counts, exhibiting the effect of this sinful prejudice on the 
 susceptible minds of those who have been brought under 
 its influence. I have been grieved that occasion should 
 have been given for remarks which have appeared in the 
 public prints, exposing the inconsistency of our practice 
 with our profession in this particular, and necessarily sub- 
 jecting our beloved Society to the reproach of the world. 
 Instances would not be wanting, were it necessary to pro- 
 3» 
 
30 
 
 duce evidence of the prevalence of this unchristian feel- 
 ing— ^but I forbear. Such exhibitions are painful and 
 humiliating. It is a rare occurrence for a colored person 
 to be a member of the Societ}' of Friends. May not facts, 
 like the above mentioned, account for this ? 
 
 With these facts before us, it must be conceded that this 
 Society, * which has labored professedly to abolish slave- 
 ry,' is in this respect, composed of very discordant mate- 
 rials — having no fixed principles of action in relation to 
 this subject. We find among its members, inimediatists 
 and gradualists, advocates of unconditional emancipation 
 and colonizationists. Notwithstanding they may all be 
 opposed to slavery in the abstract, there is a want of unity 
 of sentiment and harmony of purpose, without which, the 
 S ociety, as an abolition society, must neces- 
 sarily be inefficient; — and such being the case, I cannot 
 admit that it has a just claim to the name. 
 
 But it may be said, that it is the duty of Friends to en- 
 deavor to produce a unity of sentiment and action among 
 themselves. That is what we want. And the only way 
 to produce this desirable result is by a free and open dis- 
 cussion of this subject. We ask for discussion. Cut we 
 are told, — No, it is an exciting question, and it will not do 
 to discuss it — we must wait until we can see alike 1 How 
 long should we have to wait, unless there can be an in- 
 terchange of sentiment in relation to it? 
 
 Should, however, this desirable result be produced — 
 should the Society adopt to their full extent the principles 
 of the Abolitionists, — although it might do much by la- 
 boring in its appropriate sphere, and giving its influence 
 unequivocally in support of those principles; it is not so 
 constituted as to carry out efficiently that system of meas- 
 ures, by which those principles are to be brought to bear 
 
31 
 
 with the greatest effect on the public mind. Tliis appears 
 to have been well understood by our Friends in England, 
 when the Yearly Meeting of London recommended its 
 members, * individually to co-operate icith others ' in this 
 cause ; and when it directed subscriptions to be received 
 throughout its subordinate meetings, in consequence of 
 which about 50,000 dollars were raised, and a large pro- 
 portion of it given to the British Anti-Slavery Society. 
 To the American Anti-Slavery Society, we must look as 
 the most efficient agent for conducting our operations in 
 this cause, and this Society, I believe, may justly claim 
 our co-operation, whatever course the Society of Friends 
 may pursue. 
 
 An efficient system of operations, adequate to the im- 
 portance of the cause, and the magnitude of the object to 
 be accomplished, requires the concentrated efforts of all 
 the friends of emancipation. To act efficiently we must 
 act harmoniously and simultaneously. 
 
 Is it practicable, for the Society of Friends, as now 
 constituted, to adopt an efficient course, by itself? Would 
 its members not need all the information, in order to act 
 understandingly, which the American Anti-Slavery So- 
 ciety is at so much pains to procure, and to send forth to 
 the world, through its agents and lecturers, and by means 
 of its innumerable publications? And are we going to 
 avail ourselves of the advantages to be derived from their 
 arduous labors, and keep by ourselves and not contribute 
 to the common cause in which they have suffered so much, 
 while we have been enjoying the smiles of public favor? 
 Or, is it practicable for us to send out agents through the 
 land to disseminate knowledge on this subject — or, if 
 practicable, is there the least probability that such a course 
 would be pursued ? Shall we establish presses throughout 
 
32 
 
 the country, and send forth our newspapers, and tracts, 
 and pamplilets, spreading anti-slavery principles broadcast 
 over the land ? If such a system of measures were to be 
 introduced, our Yearly, our Gluartcrly, our Monthly, and 
 our Preparative Meetings, would be converted into Anti- 
 Slavery Meetings, and still, time would be wanting for the 
 needful discussions, and consultations, and arrangements. 
 So that there u'ould be an indispensable necessity for some 
 new organization. But no one will entertain the idea that 
 any thing of this kind will take place, and until it does, I 
 believe that, in order to * maintain our testimony faitlifully 
 against slavery,' we have duties to perform without the 
 limits of the religious Society to which we belong. 
 
 Moral Reform Societies must take the lead in these 
 moral reformations. How is it in regard to the Temper- 
 ance reformation ? We see the Temperance Societies, 
 with total ahstinence inscribed on their banners, leading 
 the way far in advance, while ?6'e are halting behind. Our 
 Society as a body, is not yet prepared to adopt the high 
 temperance principle. 
 
 Another objection is, that Friends are known to he a 
 religious body, and ' opposed to all violence; ' and ' to act 
 up to their creed that the end Aoesnot sanctify the means.' 
 Any one acv^uainted with the views of the Abolitionists 
 must be aware that the latter is one of their most promi- 
 nent doctrines — one which is so plainly inscribed on the 
 very portals of their doors, that he 'who runs may read.' 
 The anti-slavery societies are fully committed in support 
 of peaceable measures alone. Thou wilt find it to be the 
 case in the Constitution of every anti-slavery society in 
 the country. The pacific intentions of the Abolitionists 
 are acknowledged by southerners themselves. They fear 
 not ^liysical violence ; but the moral force of free dis- 
 
33 
 
 cussioN is what they so much dread. What said John C. 
 Calhoun in Congress in 1835 ? — * Do they expect the Aho- 
 litionists will resort to arms, and commence a crusade to 
 liberate our slaves by force 1 Is this what they mean 
 when they speak of the attempt to abolish slavery ? If so, 
 let me tell our friends of the South who differ from us, 
 that the war which the Abolitionists wage against us, is of 
 a very different character, and far more EFPtxTivE ; it is 
 waged Jiut against our lives, but our character J If there 
 be any who entertain fears of the means that will be re- 
 sorted to, let Friends, by their co-operation, undeceive 
 them, and assure them that their fears are groundless. 
 
 It is next objected that ' the absence of religion is no 
 disqualification for membership' in the anti-slavery socie- 
 ties. I think much need not be said on this point. If any 
 person ' consents to the principles ' of the Anti-Slavery So- 
 ciety as stated in its Constitution, I should not have much 
 hesitation in accepting of his assistance. The object of 
 our association is well understood, and I do not thereby 
 become accountable for his sentiments on other subjects. 
 
 This subject is treated with great clearness and perspi- 
 cuity by Joseph John Gurney, in an article on ' Christian, 
 Philanthropic, and Social Fellowship,' published in the 
 Friend, vol. 6, No. 2, and the distinction between relig- 
 ious societies, and those for benevolent or other purposes, 
 very satisfactorily shov.n. He takes the ground that any 
 one of the denominations of the Christian church is re- 
 ligious bi/ constitution, and that in that character, a union 
 cannot be properly maintained with any, who deny their 
 doctrines, or with persons of immoral character, because 
 that if we allowed religious fellowship with such an indi- 
 vidual, we should sanction his errors, and support them by 
 the authority of the respective churches to which we be- 
 
34 
 
 long. Bat, lie says, that those who refuse to maintain 
 church union with such as diflfer from them, do freely al- 
 low them to become, with themselves, members of ' a so- 
 ciety which, altliough religious as to its oujcct, is not so as 
 to its constitution, and which no more partakes of the na- 
 ture of a church, than any partnership whatsoever formed 
 among men, for civil or benevolent purposes.' He alludes 
 to the Bible Society in illustration of his views, but his 
 remarks are equally applicable to other benevolent asso- 
 ciations. He says further — * The principle which binds 
 him [the Christian] to the support of the Bible Society in 
 particular, is one of clear scriptural authority, of immense 
 practical importance, and strong enough to overcome a 
 thousand ill-founded prejudices, and scruples ; namely that 
 it is always our duty, under every possible circumstance, 
 and by all lawful means in our power, to promote the hap- 
 piness of our fellow-men, and the glory of God our Sa- 
 vior.' After comparing the grounds on which a serious 
 Christian stands, in connexion with other men, while he 
 prosecutes his various objects in life, to the successive 
 stories of a pyramid, he remarks — * Now, I contend, that 
 in the whole of this process, the Christian (barring the 
 weakness and sin to which we all are liable) is clearly de- 
 void of blame. He eschews the evil, whosoever may 
 separate from him ; he chooses the good, whosoever may 
 unite with him. With a steady consistency, he pursues 
 his own path of duty, and keeps a conscience void of of- 
 fence in the sight of God and man. The Christian ought 
 ever to fix his attention on principles, rather than on per- 
 sons. While he cleaves to the immutable rule of right in 
 his own conduct — abstaining from all that is evil, and do- 
 ing all that is good — the question of his connection with 
 other men, will mostly find its own right level. The pur- 
 
35 
 
 suit ofan unbending lineofduty, will separate him from the 
 world, just in the manner, and just in the degree, which 
 true Christianity requires — which God, in his perfect wis- 
 dom, has seen meet to ordain.' 
 
 I rejer thee to the article itself, which was accompanied 
 with a commendatory notice by the Editor of the Friend, 
 and which I think fully refutes the objection. 
 
 I think the article alluded to very fully meets the ob- 
 jection so frequently made, that by joining with others in 
 their associations, we are compromising our testimony to 
 the spirituality of divine worship, and to a free gospel 
 ministry. At these meetings, every one knows the pur- 
 poses for which we assemble, that it is not for the purpose 
 of performing divine worship — and I do not see how our 
 testimony in that respect is involved any more than in as- 
 sociating with our fellow-citizens for establishing a hos- 
 pital or for any other benevolent enterprise. 
 
 And how it comes in collision \\'\i\\ our views of the 
 ministry I cannot conceive, any more than in hiring a 
 lawyer to argue a cause, or a school-master to teach our 
 children. 
 
 The cause of the slave is now on trial before the people 
 of this country, and it is right that we should pay the 
 counsel engaged in his behalf. Grown-up children need 
 to be taught the A, B, C, of Abolitionism, and justice 
 demands that their teachers should be compensated. 
 
 I am aware that the formal manner in which prayers 
 are sometimes introduced at the opening of anti-slavery 
 meetings is inconsistent with the views of * Friends.' 
 But many of these meetings are managed by 'Friends' 
 in their own way, — and in some, their feelings and wishes 
 are so far regarded as to induce members of other religious 
 denominations, to omit their customary exercises. Where 
 
36 
 
 it has been otherwise, and the few Friends present have 
 not felt it to be their duty to object to the course of their 
 Christian friends and neighbors, in openine: the meetings 
 in their customary manner, it has been distinctly under- 
 stood that they were not to be considered as participating, 
 or in any way implicated in those exercises which are not 
 in accordance with their views of religious duty. I do 
 not think the objection has sufficient weight to prevent us 
 from co-operating in the praiseworthy object for which 
 we are associated. Our mere presence cannot, surely, be 
 considered as making us accountable for exercises in 
 which we decline participating. — For how, then, could 
 Friends attend the funerals of other people? — And how 
 can our friend, D. Wheeler, be excusable while attending 
 the missionary meetings in the Islands of the Pacific. 
 
 It is no new thing for Friends to be connected with as- 
 sociations for various benevolent purposes. Friends of 
 unimpeachable consistency of character, have been so 
 connected — I have been for years attached to such soci- 
 eties, against which the same objections might, with equal 
 propriety, be brought, — but, I scarcely ever heard a lisp 
 of disappro!)ation. Why has all this opposition to such 
 proceedings been reserved to be directed against those en- 
 gaged in the anti-slavery cause? It is a well-known fact 
 that some of those who are most warmly opposed to our 
 course, are themselves actively engaged in associations 
 similarly constituted. To such as these, the charge of 
 incunsistcncT/, I th.ink, may apply. 
 
 Thou sayest in reference to the Society of Friends, — 
 *Our weapons are not carnal.' The weapons on which 
 the Abolitionists rely are truth and love. Are thci/ 
 carnal? These are weapons of mighty efficacy, and with 
 them> trusting in Him who has declared that, for the op- 
 
' 37 
 
 pression of the poor and the sighing of the needy He will 
 arise, we will go forth to the conflict, nothing daunted, — 
 
 * Though a host should encamp against us, our hearts 
 shall not fear.' 
 
 I notice thy remark that the only way in which we can 
 act availingly, is * on the reason and conscience of the op- 
 pressor.' This has ever been the aim of the Abolitionists, 
 and they are encouraged in believing that they have been 
 to a great extent effectual. James Smylie, a Presbyterian 
 minister in Mississippi, in a work recently published by 
 him says, — ' From his intercourse with religious societies 
 of all denominations in Mississippi and Louisiana, he was 
 aware that the Abolition maxim, viz.: that slavery is in 
 itself sinful, had gained on and entwined itself among the 
 religious and conscientious scruples of many in the com- 
 munity, so far as to render them unhappy. The eye of 
 the mind, resting on slavery itself as a corrupt fountain^ 
 from which, of necessity, nothing hut corrupt streams 
 could flow, was incessantly employed in search of some 
 plan by which, with safety, the fountain could, in some 
 future time, be entirely dried up.' A further acknowl- 
 edgement of the effect of Abolition efforts will be found 
 in the following extract from the Herald of Freedom : 
 
 * A young gentleman who has been residing in South 
 Carolina, says, our movements (Abolitionist's) are pro- 
 ducing the best effects upon the South, rousing the con- 
 sciences of slaveholders, while the slaves seem to be im- 
 pressed as a body with the idea, that help is coming — that 
 an interest is felt for them, and plans devising for their 
 relief somewhere — which keeps them quiet. He says it 
 is not uncommon for ministers and good people to make 
 confession like this. One, riding with him, broke forth, 
 ** O, I fear that the groans and wails from our slaves enter 
 
 4 
 
38 
 
 into the ear of the Lord of Sabaoth. I am distressed on 
 this subject ; my conscience will let ine have no peace. 
 I go to bed, but not to sleep. I walk my room in agony, 
 and resolve that I will never hold slaves another day ; but 
 in the morning, my heart, like Pharaoh's, is hardened." ' 
 
 And there are others who have liberated their slaves to 
 the number of five or six hundred. Others, again, who 
 are weeping in secret places, over the abominations of 
 slavery, and praying for the success of our efforts. These 
 things we have learned from southern lips, and southern 
 pens. Let them stimulate us to unremitted effort to 
 * deliver him that is spoiled out of the hand of the op- 
 pressor, lest the fury of the Lord go out like fire, and 
 burn that none can quench it, because of the evil of our 
 doings, *' as a nation." ' For further evidence we can 
 point to our James G. Birney, and our James A. Thome, 
 who, having been converted, and having emancipated their 
 own slaves, are now zealously engaged in converting their 
 southern brethren, and in confirming northern Abolition- 
 ists. We might point to the instance where one of our 
 six-cent tracts has done wonders. But enough has been 
 said to show, not only that our object is to act upon the 
 consciences of the slaveholder, but to prove most conclu- 
 sively that we have had access to them. 
 
 * Right consequences follow right actions,^ is an excel- 
 lent maxim. It is one of the first principles of Abolition- 
 ists, and one to which they love to recur. But, it seems 
 to me, that thou appliest it wrong end foremost^ for thou 
 proceedest to consider what the probable consequences 
 will be, in order to determine the actions. Therefore, it 
 is not so much to be wondered at that thou hast come to 
 a wrong conclusion in relation to thy duty in this matter. 
 I choose to reverse the application ; and in so doing, I 
 
come to a different conclusion. Let us keep this maxim 
 in view, resting assured of its truth, and only seek to be 
 governed by the immutable principles of truth and right- 
 eousness. It is not for man to foresee the consequences of 
 his conduct. * Duty is ours, events are God's.' 
 
 I, some time since, considered it ray duty to join an 
 anti-slavery society ; — I believe it to be right to continue 
 my connection with it ; because, in so doing, T believe I 
 am openly acknowledging right principles ^ — and because, 
 I believe the measures of the Abolitionists are the only ones 
 that can peacefully effect the abolition of slavery. I think 
 those who object to this course are bound to prescribe a 
 better one. 
 
 What would be our course, were we now the pioneers 
 in this righteous cause ? Should we not seek the aid of 
 others, and hail with joy the prospect of additional assist- 
 ance ? Or should we refuse all connection with them, 
 and virtually say to them, * Stand by thyself, — I am holier 
 than thou 1 ' Should we expect, single-handed, to carry 
 on the great work to its consummation ? Or, should we, 
 more rationally, acknowledge the necessity of concen- 
 trated action 1 
 
 Let us not circumscribe our sphere of action improper- 
 ly, by considering wicre/y what are our duties as members of 
 the Society of Friends ; but let us also consider what is 
 required of us as members of the human family. 
 
 Although I have spoken my sentiments freely, I hope it 
 will not be thought that it is with any unkind feelings to- 
 wards the Society or its members ; I have thought that 
 the occasion demanded plainness of speech, and I have 
 endeavored faithfully to ' speak the truth in loveJ I dearly 
 love the Society of Friends, — I feel bound to it by ties 
 which could not be broken without keen sensibility of 
 
40 
 
 feeling. Still stronger do I feel attached to its principles 
 and testimonies, and my earnest solicitude is, that I may 
 be enabled to maintain them in all faithfulness and godly 
 sincerity. The indifference manifested, in relation to that 
 07ie which I have recently found it my place in an especial 
 manner to advocate, is deeply painful to me ; and I am 
 grieved to witness the uncharitable feelings which have 
 so much prevailed towards those who, like myself, have 
 publicly espoused the cause of the poor slave. It would 
 greatly rejoice my heart to see * Friends' taking a noble 
 stand in this cause after the example of our worthy Eng- 
 lish brethren, who have shown themselves so unequivocal- 
 ly on the side of the oppressed. I have just received an 
 extract from the London Christian Advocate, of 6th mo., 
 5th, by which it appears that on the 29th of 5tli month, 
 being the third day of the sitting of the Yearly Meeting, 
 the evening was occupied by friends in attendance, in 
 hearing a statement from Joseph Sturge, of Birmingham, 
 relative to his recent visit to the West Indies. The large 
 meeting-house was filled to overflowing. The meeting 
 was opened with remarks by Samuel Gurney, after which 
 Joseph Sturge spoke for two hours. He commenced by 
 saying that he * decpJi/ regretted that the ardor of Friends 
 in America was greatly abated on the subject of slavery.^ 
 At the close he spoke as follows : * He did not like to sit 
 down without expressing the feelings of pain which had 
 resulted from what he had witnessed during a brief visit 
 he had paid to the Continent of America, and especially 
 from the fact that not a single member of the Society of 
 Friends there v/as on the Committee of the American 
 Anti-Slavery Society. The Friends of Philadelphia had 
 actually issued a document advising their members not to 
 join the anti-slavery societies, and in which they attempted 
 
41 
 
 to cast a stigma upon others, and spoke of the anti-slavery 
 tracts as incendiary publications. This spirit and practice 
 was surely opposed to the views and writings of Geo. Fox, 
 of William Penn, of John Woolman, and others of our 
 noble-minded predecessors." Samuel Gurney and other 
 Friends spoke, and Samuel Cox prayed for the oppressed 
 and for the oppressor.* 
 
 While it is humiliating to witness the position in which 
 our Society in this country is thus placed in the view of 
 the philanthropists of England, it is truly refreshing to ob- 
 serve the unabated interest of our English 'Friends' in 
 the righteous cause. 
 
 If I know my own heart, I have no wish, in presenting 
 these considerations to thy notice, but to contribute to the 
 advancement of the cause of truth. Should it be the 
 means of inducing any to give their aid to the great work 
 of Emancipation, to Him be the praise, to whom that 
 work belongs. 
 
 Affectionately, thy friend, 
 
 WM. BASSETT. 
 
 Lynn, 9th mo. 2d, 1837. 
 
 * I have frequently heard it remarked, that our * Friends' in England 
 having seen the bad effects of their connection with the anti-slavery cause, 
 have REPENTED of the course they have taken. . I have never been favor- 
 ed with any evidence in support of this assertion, but, on the contrary, in 
 addition to the above, it appears that Anthony Wigham, an influential 
 Friend and minister, officiated as chairman at tiie recent anti-slavery 
 meeting at Aberdeen, — also, that in one of the sittings of the late Yearly 
 Meeting in London, notice was given by one of the clerks, that a subscrip- 
 tion paper was in William Manley's office, for the general purposes of the 
 Anti-Slavery Society. A great anti-slavery meeting has lately been held 
 at Exeter Hall, London, at which the Duke of Sussex presided, when 
 Joseph Sturge addressed the meeting. Our worthy friend William 
 Allen was also present, and moved a vote of thanks to the chairman, 
 and was otherwise active on the occasion. Such accounts are truly grati- 
 fying and encouraging. 
 
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