COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT lOITN \V URBAN. Through the War THRICE A PRISONER REBEL DUNGEONS, A graphic recital of personal experiences throughout the whole period of the late War for the Union — during which the author was actively engaged in 25 Battles and Skirmishes, was three times taken prisoner of war, and incarcerated in the notorious rebel dungeons, Libby, Pemberton, Andersonville, Savan- nah, and others. An inside view of those dens of death, atrocities practiced, etc., etc.; in fact, a recital of possibly as varied and thrill- ing experiences as were known dur- ing all the wild vicissitudes of that terrible four years of internecine strife. BY JOHN W. URBAN, Company " Z>," First Regiment Pennsylvania Reserve Infantry. { MAY PROFUSELY ILLUSTRATED. J. H. MOORE & CO., Philadelphia and Chicago, 1892. 7^rAA Copyright, 1892. F. A. Eastlake. TO MOTHERS, WIVES AND SISTERS, DAUGHTERS AND SWEETHEARTS, OF THE UNION SOLDIERS, WHO BY HEROIC SELF-SACRIFICE AND BY LOYAL DEVOTION TO THEIR COUNTRY, EQUAL TO THE WOMEN OF SPARTA, GAVE THEIR iiONS, HUSBANDS, BROTHERS, FATHERS, AND LOVERS TO THE UNION CAUSE, AND WHO BY THEIR STEADFASl DEVOTION TO THE FLAG, DID SO MUCH TO PRESERVE THE GOVERNMENT, THIS VOLUME IS GRATEFULLY AND VERY RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY THE AUTHOR. VL PREFACE. history of our country can only be given by those who endured its horrors, and tasted of its bitter- ness. Survivors of these terrible dens will tell the story of their sufferings to friends, until the last of them have passed away ; but much will remain with the unwritten history of the war. The object of the author is to give a fair, truth- ful account of the course of treatment adopted by the rebel authorities toward the poor unfortunate Union soldiers who fell into their hands, and to avoid all artificial coloring or statements that are not in strict conformity with the truth, in such a statement as he would be willing to answer for at the great day of final account. It must, however, be remembered that the stern reality of our prison-life, the horrible scenes there enacted, are more strange, exciting, and wonderful than the most brilliant romance, or stories of fiction ; and, reader, if things should appear that may seem in- credible to you, remember that in reality compar- atively little is known of the terrible suffering of the inmates of these Southern hell-holes ; and with all you may glean from those who endured their horrors, and relate their sufferings, yet will it be far short of the whole truth — for no human tongue or pen can describe the agony, wretchedness, and misery the poor soldiers endured who fell into the hands of the rebels. In Andersonville alone, 13,269 Union prison- ers, who were in the prime of life — strong, robust PREFACE. VI 1 and healthy — perished. And in all the Southern prisons, as near as could be ascertained, about 65,000 men fell victims to rebel brutality. Who can doubt but that it was a fairly concocted, pre- meditated plan of their captors to destroy them, and that, too, in a most horrible manner ? The plea of inability to prevent the terrible mortality can avail them nothing. That thousands of their captives died in a land of lumber piles and for- ests, alone effectually destroys that defense. With such shelter, food, water, and medical attendance, as they could have furnished, and which the laws of humanity would have required, the mortality would not have been one-tenth of the number which perished. But, allowing even twenty per cent., which of itself would have been a fearful mortality, and the fact remains that at least 52,000 helpless men fell victims to inhuman treatment. It would, however, not be just to charge the people of the South with the great crime. The most and worst of these dens of death, the rebel authorities kept away from civilization as much as possible, and comparatively few of the people knew any thing of the barbarities practiced in them, and would have been powerless to prevent it. Especially was this so in Andersonville, the spot where the climax of barbarity was reached. Located in a sparsely-settled country, where but few persons would find out the horrible nature of Ihe slaughter-house, it was well adapted for the Vlll PREFACE. purpose it was intended for. To Jefferson Davis, his cabinet advisers, and to the derhons whom they sent to these prisons to carry out their devihsh plans, and who appear to have been well adapted for that kind of work, belongs the infamy of per- petrating one of the most horrible crimes known in the history of the world, and one that will for- ever remain a blot and stigma on that page of our country's history. But very little of the terrible barbarity which characterized the prisons in the South, extended to the combatants in the field. While it must be admitted that in a few cases the war was signalized by some acts that were a reproach and disgrace to the participants, the general conduct of the armies in the field was such as reflected honor on the people ol the land J. w. u CONTENTS. PACS CHAPTER I. The Overt Act of Treason and its Effect North and South, 13 The Overt Act of Treason — The Bombardment — Fire in the Fort — Surrender of Fort Sumter — Beauregard's Congratulation — The North Aroused — Volunteering — Prominent Adherents — A Solid North— Rebel Sympathizers. CHAPTER n. Advance of the Grand Army from Washing- ton AND ITS Defeat at Bull Run, . . 34 The P'irst Muster — The Storm of Secession — Prevalent Errors — Gen. Scott's Opinion — Advance on Richmond — A Host of Civilians -—Disastrous Delay — Battle at Bull Run — Victory at Hand — The Critical Moment — The Panic — Defeat — Forces Engaged — The Cap- ital's Peril — Cause of Disaster — Opinions on the Fight — Good Out of Evil. CHAPTER in. Departure of McClellan's Army for the Peninsula, 69 Organizing the Army — The Army Moving — Strength of Manas- sas — Off for the Peninsula— Fighting on the Peninsula — On the Chickahominy — Battle of Seven Pines — Interrupted by Floods — Precautions. CHAPTER IV. Advance of McDowell from Washington, . 89 Occupation of Fredericksburg — Jackson's Strategy — Defenses of Richmond — Reinforcing McClellan — Welcomed by Negroes — At Mechanicsville. CHAPTER V. The Seven Days' Fight on the Peninsula, . 103 Pushing the Fighting — Change of Base — Rebel Preparations — ■ Fight at Beaver Dam — A Creditable Retreat — Cold Harbor — The Battle Raging — Hand to Hand — Repulsing a Charge — Panic — A Rebel Account — A Rebel Report — Retreating — A Horrid March — Terrible Scenes — Leaving the Wounded — Pursuit Checked — Closing up the Fight — Malvern Hill — Harrison's Landing. ix X CONTENTS. rAoa CHAPTER VI. My First Capture, 146 Night Movements — Capture of a Spy — Desperate Fighting — Death of Col. Simmons — Fighting Renewed — The Last Shot — Brave Men — Among the Wounded — Taken Prisoner — Rebel Soldiers — Battle of Malvern Hill — Rebels in Retreat — Surgeons at Work — Off for Richmond — Libby Prison — Belle Island. CHAPTER VII. Gen. Lee's Invasion of Pennsylvania — Battle OF Gettysburg, 180 The Invasion Planned — Lee Advancing — The North Aroused — Secession Sympathizers — Hooker's Tactics — Hooker Superseded by Meade — Meade in Command — Disposition of Forces — Battle Im- pending—Death of Reynolds — Getting into Position — Lee Misled — Hancock's Inspection — The Battle Line — The Men in Line — Sickles' Movements — Furious Fighting — Struggle for Round Top — A Night Attack — The Final Assault — Roar of Artillery — -Terrible Slaughter — Close of the Contest — Lee's Retreat — Dr. Falk's Letter. CHAPTER VIII. Battle of the Wilderness — Our Capture and Re-capture, 234 Gen. Grant in Command — The Shenandoah Campaign — Forward Again — Counter Movements — In the Wilderness — Skirmishing — Withdrawing the Skirmishers — The Verge of Battle — Still Fighting — The Enemy Repulsed — The Battle Ended — A Close Race — Again in Battle Line — Fleeing for Liberty— A Prisoner Again — Marching to Richmond — Re-captured — Rebel Stores Burned — Contrabands — Brotherly Help — Sheridan's Raid — Sheridan's Gallantry — Leading in Person — Among the Boys Again. CHAPTER IX. Advance of Grant's Forces, . . . .284 Cold Harbor — Working and Fighting — Captured Again — Victory for the Reserves — A Plan of Escape — Shot on tlie Last Day — Searching Prisoners — Libby and Pemberton — En Route to Ander- sonville — Planning to Escape — Arrival at Andersonville. CHAPTER X. Andersonville, 309 Hard to Believe — The Prison Pen Described — Terrible Inhuman- ity — No Shelter — Miserable Rations — Soaked with Rain — Hopes of Exchange. CHAPTER XI. Hanging of the Thieves, . . . .324 Mosby's Marauders — Mr. Kellogg's Book — Pocket-picking — The Hanging — Severity Demanded. CONTENTS. xi VAGB CHAPTER XII. Enlargement of Our Prison, . . 336 A New Pen — Religious Work — Prayer Meetings — The Regulators — Rations Served — Molasses instead of Meat — Commotion Among the Rebs — Mean Workmen — Wretched Water — Indignant at Bar- barities — Digging for Water — Tunneling Out — Traitors Among the Prisoners — -A Traitor Punished — The Dead Prisoners — Shamming Death — Terrible Mortality — Longing for Death — Idiocy and Mania ^News from Without — The Old Flag and the New — Misapprehen- sions at the South — Loyal Prisoners — Rebel and Federal Prisons — • Who was Responsible ? CHAPTER XIII. Andersonville in August, .... 388 Andersonville in August — Suffering from Scurvy — Trading But- tons — "Yankee Tricks" — Stoneman's Raid — Efforts at Suicide — A Crazy Man Shot — Loneliness in the Prison — Dying of Despair — Cruel Deceptions — The Terrible Storm — Providential Spring — Words of Cheer— Horrors of the Dead-House — Heat and Hunger — The Prison Hospital — Longing for Home — Transfer of Prisoners — Out at Last — The " Bull-pen" at Savannah — One Meal a Day — Cold, Disease and Death — Womanly Nobility — Hunted by Bloodhounds. CHAPTER XIV. MiLLEN Prison, 43a Millen Prison-pen — Poor Shelter — Deaths from Exposure — Dying Comrades — The Candy Business — Clean Candy — Rebel Confusion — Sherman Coming — Robbing the Dead — A Comrade's Death — A Sham Parole — Insult added to Injury — Charleston Bombarded. CHAPTER XV. Florence Prison, 463 Economizing Salt — Unpardonable Cruelty — Selecting for Parole — Off Again — Bound for Charleston — Under the Old Flag — Home- ward Bound — St. John's College Hospital — Home Again. CHAPTER XVI. St. John's College Hospital, , , 458 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. John W. Urban, the Author . , . , Frontispiece Pennsylvania's War Governor, Andrew G. Curtin . . 16 Lieutenant-General Sheridan 32 Major-General Schofield, U. S. A. 48 A Bivouac 64 Road between Yorktown and Williamsburg ... 80 Battle of Seven Pines and Fair Oaks .... 96 Battlefield of the Seven Pines 96 General John C. Fremont 112 Battle of Gaines' Farm 128 Ruins of Gaines' Mill -. . . 128 Hand-to-Hand Fighting at Meciianicsville . . . 144 After the First Day's Battle 160 The Fury of Battle Hosts 176 General John A. Logan 192 Death in the Trenches . . . . . . . 208 LiBBY Prison in War Times 224 Field Hospital 240 Heroes of Lookout Mountain . , 256 Major-General O. O. Howard 272 Braving Mire and Fever 288 Capturing the Flag 304 General George G. Meade 320 General Robert E. Lee 320 Hanging of Six Thieves 332 Major-General Slocum 336 Fate of the Heroic General 352 Shot for Dipping too Near the Dead Line . . . 354 Defending the Commissariat . 368 Battle Heroes 384 The Dead Hero's Companion 400 Chapel in Camp 416 Prisoners in the Andersonville Prison Pen . . . 432 Governor James A. Beaver 448 In God's Country Again 478 xii CHAPTER I. THE OVERT ACT OF TREASON, AND ITS EFFECT NORTH AND SOUTH. 'PHE twelfth of April, 1861, will ever be memor- -*■ orable in the history of our country. It was on this day that the first cannon-shot was fired by the traitors in the South on the National flae. At half past four o'clock in the morning, the flash of a gun from the Stevens' Rebel battery, in Charleston Harbor, followed by the shriek of a flaming shell, which exploded directly over the starry flag on Fort Sumter, announced to the world that the South had rejected all peace over- tures of the North, and that they desired that the sword should be the arbiter to settle the issues in question. It was now evident that the era of compromise and diplomacy was ended, and that terrible war, with all its attendino- horrors and deluee of blood, only could wash away alike the treason and the curse, which since the formation of the govern- ment had been a constant, festering sore on the body politic, and a stigma and reproach on the boasted liberty of our Republic. The first gun was soon followed by others, and in a few mo- ments battery after battery responded, until the (■3) 14 GEN. BEAUREGARD'S MESSAGE. entire line of rebel fortifications in the harbor, amounting to more than one hundred heavy guns, was raining a torrent of shot and shell on the fort held by a handful of brave men, who were left by their government to defend and hold the most important harbor in the rebellious States, against a force exceeding their own more than one hundred times ; and so ill provided with provisions were they that starvation would have compelled them to surrender to the enemy or to evacuate their position In a few days, even had the rebels not fired a shot. This the rebels fully understood, for Gen. Beauregard sent a message to Major Anderson, a few days before the com- mencement of the bombardment, requesting him to state at what time he would evacuate the fort If not attacked ; and the federal commander re- plied, "that he would do so at noon on the 15th, three days later, if he did not In the meantime receive supplies or different Instructions from the government." The rebels, however, were too anxious to display their great military skill and prowess to desire so peaceable an ejectment of the hated "Yankees" from Southern soil; and so for fear that by giving them a few hours' time they might evacuate, and thus deprive them of the privilege of distinguishing themselves, they notified Major Anderson that in one hour they would open on the fort. That the bombardment of Fort Sumter, THE OVERT ACT OF TREASON. 1 3 under these circumstances, was entirely uncalled for, and was only a superb act of Southern bra- vado, is too plainly evident to deceive any one. Had not the rebels for five long months worked most industriously to collect a sufficient force of the most chivalrous soldiers in the South at Charleston, for the purpose of capturing the hated " Yankees " who dared desecrate Southern soil ? And now that they had a force of seven or eight thousand men, and had as many cannon in position as Napoleon had at Jena or Waterloo, Meade at Gettysburg, Grant at Vicksburg, and four times as many as the last had at the capture of Fort Donelson ; and as the best engineering skill in the South, or, as they boasted, in the world, had been brought into requisition to con- struct the forts and batteries that were to demol- ish their enemies, was it reasonable to suppose that when all these stupendous preparations had been perfected, and they were fully prepared to commence the assault with at least a reasonable hope of success, and thirsting for the gore of their enemies, that their hopes of immortalizing their names should be dashed to the ground by the peaceable withdrawal of Major Anderson and his seventy half-starved soldiers ? Such a thing could not be thought of. The South must have at least one chance to prove to the world that one Southern- er was equal to three Yankees ; so, the bom- bardment commenced. 1 6 DETERMINED TO VINDICATE THE FLAG. Major Anderson, the Federal commander was an experienced soldier, and understood perfectly well that his position could not be successfully defended against the tremendous force arrayed against it, unless he should receive aid from a powerful Union fleet. He, however, deemed it necessary so make such a defense as would at least vindicate his flag, and show the enemies of his country that all their efforts to dishonor the nation would not be met with suplnenes's and a willingness to submit to their base dictations. This brave commander, who appears to have, from the first commencement of the difficulty, understood the situation better than his government, had proven his sagacity and forethought by removing his small force from Fort Moultrie, a position even less defensible than Fort Sumter. Here, had he been properly supported, he would at least have made a respectable resistance to the assaults of the rebels. On account of the small number of his men, and the desire to give them all the rest possible before commencing the unequal contest, Major Anderson kept his men below, where they were safe fromx the furious shower of iron hail which was making sad havoc with the stone, brick, and mortar above them, until they had breakfasted ; when, at seven o'clock, after dividing his com- mand into three squads, he ordered the fort to respond to the enemy's fire. The first gun that PENNSYLVANIA'S WAR GOVERNOR, ANDREW G. CURTIN. THE BOMBARDMENT. Ij thundered back Federal defiance to Southern treason, was fired by Captain Doubleday, since Major-General of United States Volunteers. The small garrison kept up a vigorous fire on their numerous foes during the day; but, as the dark- ness of night closed over the scene, they ceased firing. Not so, however, the seven thousand men who were determined to overcome the seventy who were shut up in Fort Sumter ; and although aware that Anderson would have to surrender in a day or two, they kept up a tremendous bom- bardment durinof the entire nio-ht. Major Anderson had ordered the posterns of the fort to be closed, and kept his men inside of the bomb-proofs ; and although the beleaguered fort was shrouded in darkness and gloom, when not illuminated by the flashing meteors that fell from the guns of its multitudinous foes, the rebels evidently labored under the impression that some of the heroic defenders of it were still alive, and it would be the safest plan to keep up the grand fusilade until the last of the terrible enemy had been destroyed. Who can tell the disgust these chivalrous sons of the South must have felt when they at last succeeded in getting possession of the fort, to find that, after the furious assault that had cost them about half a million of dollars and sev- eral days' hard work, not a Yankee was killed, and not one even seriously injured ? When we read, however (as Schmucker, in his 2 1 8 FIRING APPLAUDED BY SOUTHERNERS. History of the Civil War, expressed it), "that tha wharves and what is called the battery were filled with a delighted and astonished multitude, who eazed with mino-led wonder and exultation at the countless shells as they described their symmetri- cal parabolas through the midnight heavens, and then descended upon the silent fortress," we may come to the conclusion that this demonstration was kept up to still further fire the Southern heart, ^and excite her sons to greater deeds of valor and daring. At dawn on the following day, the brave little garrison again opened fire, but were soon com- pelled to cease firing, on account of a greater dancrer threateningf them than the fire from the enemy's guns. The wooden barracks had caught fire several times during the first day's bombard- ment, but had been extinguished without call- ing off the garrison from working the guns ; but now the barracks were again on fire, and it soon became evident that the fiames could not be con- trolled without the grarrison devoting all their time to it. An eye-witness thus graphically describes the scene : " For the fourth time, the barracks were set on fire early on Saturday morning, and attempts were made to extinguish the flames ; but it was soon discovered that red-hot shot were being thrown into the fort with fearful rapidity, and it FIRE IN THE FORT, 1 9 became evident that It would be impossible to put out the conflagration. The whole garrison was then set to work — or as many as could be spared t — to remove the powder from the magazines, .'which was desperate work, rolling barrels of pow- der through the fire. "Ninety odd barrels had been rolled out through the flames, when the heat became so in- tense as to make it impossible to get out any more. The doors were then closed and locked, and the fire spread and became general. The wind so directed the smoke as to fill the fort so full that the men could not see each other ; and, with the hot, stifling air, it was as much as a man could do to breathe. Soon they were obliged to cover their faces with wet cloths, in order to get along at all, so dense was the smoke and so scorching the heat. " But few cartridges were left, and the guns were fired slowly ; nor could more cartridges be made, on account of the sparks falling in every part of the works. A gun was fired every now and then, only to let the fleet and the people in the town knew that the fort had not been si- lenced. The cannoneers could not see to aim, much less where they hit. "After the. barracks were well on fire, the bat- teries directed upon Fort Sumter increased their cannonading to a rapidity greater than had been attained before. About this time, the shells and 20 A TERRIBLE SCENE. ammunition in the upper service-magazine ex. ploded, scattering the tower and upper portion of the building in every direction. The crash of the beams, the roar of the flames, and the shower of fragments of the fort, with the blackness of the smoke, made the scene indescribably terrific and grand. This situation continued for several hours. Meanwhile, the main gates were burned down, and the chassis of the barbette guns were burned away on the gorge, and the upper portions of the towers had been demolished by shells. "There was not a portion of the fort where a breath of pure air could be had for hours, except through a wet cloth. The fire spread to the men's quarters on the right hand and on the left, and endangered the powder which had been taken out of the magazines. The men went through the fire and covered the barrels with wet cloths ; but the danger of the fort's blowing up became so imminent that they were obliged to heave the powder out of the embrasures. While the powder was being thrown overboard, all the guns of Moultrie, of the iron floating battery, of the enfilade battery, and of the Dahlgren battery, worked with increasing vigor. "All but four barrels were thus disposed of, and those remaining were wrapped in many thicknesses of wet woolen blankets. But three cartridges were left, and these were in the guns. About this time, the flag-staff of Fort Sumter was SURRENDER OF FORT SUMTER. 21 shot down, some fifty feet from the truck ; this being the ninth time that it had been struck by a shot. The men cried out, ' The flag is down ! it has been shot away.' In an instant Lieut. Hall rushed forward, and seized the fallen flag. But the halliards were so inextricably tangled that it could not be righted ; it was therefore nailed to the staff, and planted upon the ramparts, while batteries in every direction were playing upon them." Major Anderson, knowing that further resist- ance would be worse than useless, now surren- dered the fort, and his weary, half-smothered men devoted all their energies to extinguishing the flames that were threatening every moment to communicate with the remaining powder, and blow them all into eternity. This was accom- plished by evening, and the brave little garrison lay down to rest, feeling at least the conscious- ness of having done their duty, and that the sur- render of this important post to the armed foe« of the Government was no fault of theirs. It must be said to Gen. Beauregard's credit, that the terms given to the Federal commander were very fair and honorable. Major Anderson and his men were allowed to evacuate the fort instead of being held as prisoners of war, and to retain their arms and personal property, salute their flag with fifty guns, and march out with the honors of war, A United States steamship took them on board on Monday, April 15th, and brought them to New 2 2 MAJOR ANDERSON'S LETTER. York City, from whence Major Anderson sent the government the following dispatch : Steamship Baltic, off Sandy Hook, "(^ April 1 8th, i86i. J The Hon. S. Cameron, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. Sir : Having defended Fort Sumter for thirty-eight hours, until the quarters were entirely burned, the main gates de- stroyed, the gorge-wall seriously injured, the magazine sur- rounded by flames, and its door closed from the effects of the heat, four barrels and three cartridges of powder only being available, and no provisions but pork remaining, I accepted terms of evacuation offered by Gen. Beauregard (being the same offered by him on the nth instant, prior to the com- mencement of hostilities), and marched out of the fort on Sunday afternoon, the 14th instant, with colors flying and drums beating, bringing away company and private property, and saluting my flag with fifty guns. Robert Anderson, Maj. First Artillery. The news of the bloodless rebel victory in Charleston Harbor was received by the rebels all over the South with the greatest joy and "exulta- tion. Seven thousand Southern soldiers had conquered seventy of their enemies, and this great heroic deed set all the South wild with de- light. Had the contest been a battle of the mag- nitude of a Waterloo, or Gettysburg, the Southern rebels could not have been more ardent in their demonstrations of joy. The establishment of the Southern Confederacy was to many of them now BEAUREGARD'S CONGRATULATION. 23 an assured fact, and already in the distorted visions they saw the chivalrous sons of the South marching to Bunker Hill, to dictate terms of peace to the subdued and demoralized " mud- sills " of the North. Gen. Beauregard issued an address to his vic- torious legions that for silly gasconading, and idle Buncombe, is worthy to be put side by side with Falstaff's best effort. In this remarkable procla- mation the general thanks the officers who com- posed his staff (who, by the way, were more numerous than his foes) for their gallantry, and expresses his admiration for the bravery of the regulars, the volunteers, and even the militia, who composed the army and who had immortalized themselves by their heroism in overcoming the terrible enemy, and giving the death-blow to Federal interference with Southern rig-hts. He declared that " they had all exhibited the highest characteristics of tried soldiers." It has often been asserted by the rebel sympa- thizers in the North, that the people of the South did not, in the early part of the war, entertain the idea of an invasion of the North, but would have adhered strictly to a defensive policy to resist an invasion of the States that had seceded from the Union, That that supposition was an erroneous one, subsequent events have fully proven. The capture of Fort Sumter, and the defeat of the Union forces at Bull Run, had aroused the military 24 "GRAY JACKETS OVER THE LORDER." ardor of the South to the highest pitch, and they not only expected to capture the capital of* the nation, but the far-off Yankees up in Massachu- setts were to hear, on their own soil, the tramp of the victorious Southern legions, and to hear the fiery Bob Toombs call the long roll of his slaves from the steps of Faneuil Hall, in Boston. The capture of Washington and invasion of the North were fondly-cherished schemes of the leaders of the secession movement very early in the con- flict ; and the Southern press almost unanimously urged such a step, and declared that the people of the South demanded such an enterprise. The Mobile Advertiser, in an article urging such a measure, said : " We are prepared to fight, and the enemy is not. Now is the time for action, while he is yet unprepared. Let the fife sound, " Gray Jackets over the Border," and let a hundred thousand men, with such arms as they can snatch, get over the border as quickly as they can. Let a division enter every Northern border State, destroy rail- road connections to prevent concentration of the enemy, and the desperate straits of these States, the body of Lincoln's country, will compel him to a peace — or compel his successor, should Virginia not suffer him to escape from his doomed Capital ! Kentucky and Tennessee are offering to send legions south to our aid. Their route is north. They place theniselves at the orders of our gov- THE NORTH AROUSED, 25 ernment, and we have not yet heard that our government has ordered them south." There can be no doubt but that the South ex- pected an easy victory over the North, and that whatever fighting there might be, they expected but little of it would be fought on Southern soil. When the news flashed over the country that the rebels had at last fired on the old flag, the excitement in the North became probably as in- tense as it was in the South ; but while in the South it was a feeling of rejoicing and exultation, in the North it was one of the most intense indig- nation against the dastardly act of the traitors who had now fairly thrown down the gage of battle against the Government. Dastardly, how- ever, as was this act of the rebels, it was yet the very best thing that could have happened the Government. Slow as the loyal North was to believe that the South really meant war, and to accept the true situation of affairs, it needed somethine of the kind to arouse them to a sense of self-respect, and the necessity of arming and preparing to meet the contest forced upon them. It most effectually accomplished that purpose. The echo of the first gun had hardly more than died away, when from the pine forests of Maine to the broad prairies of the West, was heard the beat of the drum calling the loyal sons of the nation to arms to save the imperiled Republic. While it must be admitted that in almost every 26 THE GRAND NORTHERN ENLISTMENT. neighborhood in the North a few could be found who still wavered in their allegiance to the Gov- ernment, and who shed crocodile tears at the prospect of blood being shed by the Government in its endeavors to maintain its existence, yet it is a fact that the vast majority of the people in the free States, and at least a considerable por- tion in the border States, were loyal, and looked with abhorrence and indignation on this bold attempt to dishonor the flag of the nation. For a time party lines were almost swept away, and the cry, "Rally for the Union," could be heard in every street, hamlet, and highway in the North ; and the starty flag was flung to the breeze until it waved from almost every loyal home. The enthusiasm became indescribable, and the old and the young, men, women, and children, vied with each other in displaying their devotion to the Union. No age in the history of the world has ever witnessed an uprising of the people in defense of an imperiled government as great and grand as the uprising of the people of the North on this occasion. Mechanics and farmers dropped their tools, merchants and clerks left their stores, lawyers, physicians, and even ministers, their professions, and offered their services to the Government, and in the ranks could be found some of the best citizens in the country. Horace Greeley, in ItJs "American Conflict," relates, "that a regiment from Rhode Island con- VOLUNTEERING. 27 tained a private soldier who was worth a million of dollars, and who destroyed the passage ticket he had purchased for a trip to Europe on a tour of observation and pleasure, to shoulder his musket in defense of his country and her laws." The first call for troops was so promptly re- sponded to, that in a short time a large number hadi offered their services who could not at the time be accepted. Thousands of the names en- tered on the muster-rolls of the Union regiments belonged to boys of sixteen or seventeen years of age, who in their eagerness to serve their country, represented themselves as being eigh- teen years of age, that being the age required by the government for admittance into the army. The North, which but a few days before ap- peared to be a people of compromisers, who could not be aroused to a sense of the danger threaten- ing them flew to arms with an alacrity and enthusiasm that was in strange contrast with their former indifference. Military companies were soon formed all over the North, politics were almost forgotten, and the only thought that ap- peared to be actuating the minds of the people was how to put down treason and bring the traitors back to their allegiance, or destroy, root and branch, them, and all the institutions which had brought on the rebellion. A large number of pro-slavery Democrats and Conservatives in the free States, who had earnestly 28 HONOR THE AMERICAN FLAG. maintained that the North should accede to the demands of the slave power, and for a long time most emphatically opposed any measures that might have a tendency to inflame the South, ■now came out squarely for war measures to put down the traitors, and warmly supported the gov- ernment in its efforts to enforce the laws. The action of these men had a most salutary effect, and greatl^' strengthened Lincoln's administra- tion. Among the most prominent of these men might be mentioned the names of Edwin M. Stanton, subsequently Lincoln's great Secretary of War. Gen. John A. Dix, whose famous dispatch, " If any person attempts to haul down the American flag, shoot him on the spot," sent, at a later day, an electric thrill through the heart of every loyal person in the country. Stephen A. Douglas, whose noble support of the administration of his successful competitor for the Presidency did so much to unite the North- ern people in support of the Union, and whose bold declaration, at about the beginning of the war, " If the Southern States attempt to secede from this Union without further cause, I am in favor of their having just so many slaves and just so much slave territory as they can hold at the point of the bayonet, and no more !" was the ex- pressed sentiment of thousands of men in the North, who now felt that — PROMINENT ADHERENTS. 2g " Once to every man and nation comes the moment to decide, In the strife of truth and falsehood, for the good or evil side." ♦' Keep step with the music of Union, The music our ancestors sung. When States, like a jubilant chorus. To beautiful sisterhood sprung." Gen. B. F. Butler, who, although he had sup- ported Breckenridge for President in preference to Douglas, Bell, or Lincoln, as soon as he saw that the South meant disunion, arrayed him- self on the side of the administration, and early proved his loyalty by his works. His services in opening communication with Washington — com- munication with it and the North having been cut off by the rebels in Baltimore — and his seizure of Annapolis, Md., and marching of troops from that place to the Federal Capital, thus preventing it from falling into the hands of the rebel conspir- ators, alone entitled his name to rank high in the splendid galaxy of names made illustrious and heroic by our great civil war. Gen. U. S. Grant, of whom Henry Coppee, his biographer, said: "A decided Democrat before the war, he had in his limited sphere been in favor of conceding to the South all its rights, perhaps more ; but when the struggle actually began, his patriotism and military ardor were aroused to- gether." Directly after the attack on Fort Sumter, he raised a company of soldiers in his own neighbor 30 THE ARMY CONTROLLED FROM WASHINGTON. hood, and offered his services to his country ; and by his great skill and valor he worked his way up until he is acknowledo-ed as beinpf one of the greatest soldiers of the age. Gen. George B. McClellan, whose really great services to the country in the early history of the war were not fully appreciated, from the fact that he was in command at a time when the people of the North expected the armies in the field, and its leaders, to accomplish impossibilities, and before the extent and power of the rebellion was under- stood by the nation ; also, from the fact that the movements of the army were, to a great extent, dictated and controlled by men at Washington and New York who understood Blackstone and journalism better than military science. His sub- sequent acceptance of a nomination for the Pres- idency of the nation, from a party that was again manifesting considerable hostility against the war as being conducted by the Lincoln administration for the preservation of the Union, and the subse- quent abuse and vilifying he, in common with all other men, of whatever party, who have been candidates for high positions in the nation, re- ceived, had much to do to prevent him from re- celving the credit really due him. During the excitement that followed the fall of Fort Sumter, a large majority of the Democrats in the North arrayed themselves on the side of the war party, and for a time there appeared to A SOLIb NORTH. 3 1 be almost a solid North In support of the admin- istration. The following article, that appeared two days after the fall of Fort Sumter in The New York Tnbuney fully expressed the situation at the time : " Fort Sumter is lost, but freedom is saved. There is no more thought of bribing or coaxing the traitors who have dared to aim their cannon- balls at the flag of the Union, and those who gave their lives to defend it. It seems but yesterday that at least two-thirds of the journals of this city were the virtual allies of the Secessionists, their apologists, their champions. The roar of the great circle of batteries pouring their iron hail upon devoted Sumter has struck them all dumb. It is as if one had made a brilliant and effective speech, setting forth the innocence of murder, and, having just bidden adieu to the cheers and the gas-lights, were to be confronted by the gor)' form and staring eyes of a victim of assassina- tion, the first fruit of his oratorical success. " For months before the late Presidential elec-- tion, a majority of our journals predicted forcible resistance to the government as the natural and necessary result of a Republican triumph; for months since, they have been cherishing and en courao^inof the Slaveholders' Rebellion, as if it were a very natural and proper proceeding. Their object was purely partisan — they wished to bully the Republican administration into shameful 32 SUMTER LOST— THE COUNTRY SAVED. recreancy to Republican principle, and then call upon the people to expel from power a party so profligate and so cowardly. They did not suc- ceed in this ; they have succeeded in enticing" their Southern proteges and sometimes allies into flagrant treason. :i: * * " Most of our journals lately parading the pranks of the Secessionists with scarcely disguised exultation, have been suddenly sobered by the culmination of the slaveholding conspiracy. They would evidently like to justify and encour- age the traitors further, but they dare not ; so the * Amen ' sticks in their throat. The aspect of the people appals them. Democrat as well as Re- publican, Conservative and Radical, instinctively feel that the guns fired at Fort Sumter were aimed at the heart of the American Republic. Not even in the lowest groggery of our city would it be safe to propose cheers for Beau- regard and Gov. Pickens. The tories of the Revolution w^re relatively ten times as numerous here as are the open sympathizers with the Pal- metto Rebels. It is hard to lose Sumter ; it is a consolation to know that in losing it we have gained a united people. Henceforth, the loyal States are a unit in uncompromising hostility to treason, wherever plotted, however justified. Fort Sumter is temporarily lost, but the country is saved. Live the Republic ! " It must not be supposed, however, that although LIEUTENANT GENERAL SHERIDAN. REBEL SYMPATHIZERS. 33 (he mass of the people in the North »were so en- thusiastic in support of the Government, that all treasonable sentiments and sympathy for the rebels had been blotted out in the North. As stated before, almost every locality contained a few traitors, who could hardly conceal their exul- tation when the Union forces were defeated, and whose cheeks paled at every announcement of a defeat of the rebel army. These were, however, the exceptions, and, whatever mischief they might have wished to do was easily prevented by their more patriotic neighbors, and by the innate cow- ardice of the rebel sympathizers, who, instead of going to the South and helping their braver co- partners in treason, stayed at home, and, like a bird of ill-omen, kept up a constant croaking about the terribleness of the times. They never tired of lamenting about the dreadful war, but theii* lamentations were loud in proportion to the whipping received by the South. The fall of Fort Sumter, although at first re- ceived as a disaster, was really a blessing in dis- guise to the nation; for its loyal sons, now fully aroused to the extent of the dangfer threatening it, soon prepared themselves to meet treason on the bloody field of battle, and decide once and forever whether this Union was a mere compact between the States, that could be dissolved at will by any of them, or a nation, that could centralize its power, and crush out treason within its borders. 3 CHAPTER II. ADVANCE OF THE GRAND ARMY FROM WASHINGTON AND ITS DEFEAT AT BULL RUN AN the fifteenth day of April, two days after the ^ fall of Fort Sumter, President Lincoln issued a proclamation calling for 75,000 men to suppress rebellion in the South and execute the laws. This call to arms was so promptly responded to, that in a short time the number who had offered their services far exceeded the call. Unfortunately, they were not accepted, and that this was a short- sighted policy soon became fully evident, and proves conclusively that the Federal administra< tion had entirely miscalculated the magnitude of the rebellion, and the abilities, as well as the des- perate character, of the rebel leaders. The North had probably underrated the South as much as the South had the North, and the general supposi- tion among the Northern people was that a small force of troops would soon thrash the seceded States back into the Union. Doubdess there was great disappointment on both sides, and it needed actual war to understand the extent and character of the conflict before them. A considerable portion of the troops called into service was collected in and about Washington, (34) THE FIRST MUSTER. 35 and was known as the " Grand Army." To this body of men the loyal citizens of the country looked especially as the instrument that was to crush the main power of the rebel army, capture the Capital of the Confederacy, and put an end to die rebellion. The '* Grand Army," as it was absurdly called, consisted of about 40,000 men, all told, including the garrison which would be considered necessary to protect the Capital of the Nation should an advance be made on the enemy. This army, as well as the Union forces, was under the command of Lieut. Gen. Scott, who, being too old for active field service, was to direct the movements from the headquarters at the Capital. To Major Gen- eral Irwin McDowell, a graduate of West Point, who had distlnofuished himself in the Mexican War, and who was in every way worthy and com- petent to command the expedition, was assigned the command of the Union forces which were to make the triumphant march to the rebel Capital. The army, although almost entirely composed of brave and patriotic men who would have made the most excellent soldiers had the proper time been given to drill and qualify them for active service in the field, was in part little better than an armed mob, for peaceable citizens are not con- verted into good soldiers, by a few weeks* drill. About thirty-five miles from Washington is a tract of country known as Manassas Plains. 36 30,000 FRANTIC REBELS. This place is most admirably adapted by nature for a defensive position against an enemy advanc- ing from the north. In front of it is a small, nar- row stream, fordable at intervals of a few miles, known as Bull Run. On the south of the stream, and almost inclosing the immediate valley, are a number of hills or bluffs, which afford most excel- lent positions for posting batteries, which cover or command all of the roads leading in that direction. The most of these roads were so covered by woods or brush, that batteries occupying them could be so perfectly masked, that the attacking party could not discover them until fired upon. This position, made so strong by nature, was se- lected by the rebel leaders as the place on which to concentrate the main body of their army, which was to resist Federal invasion ; and by a com- plete system of fortifications, they made the place about as strong as military art could make it. To this formidable position the rebel Government had gathered about 30,000 frantic and maddened men, who had been made fanatical by the political dema- gogues of the South, who had aroused and excited their worst passions by making them be- lieve that they were to fight an enemy who would destroy their homes, murder or dishonor their families, and carry on a war of rapine, devastation, and plunder, contrary to all the rules of civilized warfare. The ignorant masses of the South had been THE STORM OF J5ECESSION. 3^ taught to believe that the Northern soldiers were coming South thirsting for their blood, and that with them it was a war in defense of their lives, their honor, and all that was dear to them. A people so inflamed and prejudiced against their' opponents are no contemptible foe ; and the feel- ing so prevalent in the North that they would not fight, was a most fearful delusion. Who can doubt that these men, had they had a proper understanding of the true state of affairs, or a true conception of the real state of feeling in the North, would have disbanded and gone to their homes, thus preventing a war that swept to bloody and untimely graves more than one-half a million of the people, which rilled almost every home In the land with sorrow. But such are some of the fruits which the teachings of the pol- itical demaofoofue brinof forth. How fortunate it would have been for the South had its people hearkened to the warning voice of one of its great leaders (Alexander H. Stephens), when with prophetic vision, and before he wavered in his allegiance, he proclaimed the terrible results which would follow an attempt of the South to secede from the Union. But the teachings of the rebel leaders had so thoroughly prepared the way for rebellion, that he " was as one crying in the wilderness," and his moaning cry for peace and union was soon drowned out in the rapfine storm of secession sentiment which 3$ ' IGNORANCE IN THE NORTH. swept like a hurricane through the South, and carried its people to financial ruin and untimely graves.. Directly after the firing on Fort Sumter, and when the citizen soldiers of the North were flock- ing to the Nation's Capital, to save it from falling igto the hands of the rebel troops, who v/ere rap- idly assembling in Northern Virginia, the press in the IlTorthern States commenced to clamor loudly that an advance should be made by the Union troops on the enemy's lines. The most absurd ideas existed in the North in regard to the extent of the rebellion, the fierce determination of the rebel leaders, and the means required to carry on the war. To judge from the absurd and ridiculous asser- tions of the Northern press, and the remarks con- stantly heard from the people, when discussing the war, its probable extent, and the best means of putting it down, it might have been supposed that all that was necessary to suppress the rebel- lion was to send a few men to the rebel camps, and by a process similar to the reading of the "riot act," bring peace and quiet to the countr}^; or, that at the worst a few Federal regiments would thrash and bring into submission all the troops the South could bring into the field. The general impression was that the Southern leaders were only blustering, that the South- ern soldiers would not, at least in this war, fight, PREVALENT ERRORS. 39 and that all the preparations the rebels were making to carr}'' on the contest were scoffed at and de- clared to amount to nothing. The rebel fortifica- tions at Manassas were declared to be mounted with wooden or "Quaker guns," whose harmless muzzles were keeping Scott's army from moving, and that the soldiers gathered at that place were so weakened with drunkenness and debauchery and possessed so little physical endurance, that tliey would not be able to cope with the more vigorous soldiers of the North. That these ideas were almost fatal delusions has been well established. It is known that the fnovemcnt from Washington by the Union forces against the rebel lines at Manassas was com- menced against the judgment of the best military men in Washington ; but the clamor became so great, and the military editors declaimed so loudly about the inactivity of the army, and the want of energy of its leaders in not advancing and anni- hilating the rebels, that, against the judgment of those w^ho would be held responsible for any dis- aster which might follow, the order was given to advance. If it was not a success in the sense it was ex- pected to be, it had, however, the effect of awak- ening the Nation from its dream of easy conquest to a sense of the maofnitude of the contest before it ; and that instead of suppressing the Rebellion in sixty or ninety days, it was engaged in a con* 40 PATRIOTISM vs. SAGACITY. test that would be a fierce struorde for its National oo existence. That the movement was commenced through the influence brought to bear on the Ad- ministration by men who had more patriotism than sagacity, and that it was opposed by General Scott, there can be no doubt. A few days after the disaster, the New York Times contained the following statement, made to the editor of that paper by Gen. Scott, which proves conclusively that the old veteran was opposed to that advance. He is there reported to have said, that if the matter had been left to him he would have com- menced by a perfect blockade of every Southern port on the Atlantic and the Gulf. Then he ivould have collected a large force at the Capital for defensive purposes, and another one on the Mississippi for defensive operations. The sum- mer months, during which it is madness to take troops south of St. Louis, should have been de- voted to tactical instruction, and, with the first frosts of Autumn, he would have taken a column of 80,000 well disciplined troops down the Mis- sissippi and taken every important point on that river. New Orleans included. " // could have been done,^' he said, ''with greater ease, less loss of life and with far moi^e important rcsidts than woidd attend the marchi7ig of an army to Richmond. At eight points the river would probably have been de- fended and eight battles would have been neces- sary ; but in every one of them success would GEN. SCOTT S OPINION. 4 1 have been made certain for us. The Mississippi and Atlantic once ours, the Southern States would have been compelled, by the natural and inevi- table pressure of events, to seek, by a return to the Union, escape from the ruin that would speedily overwhelm them out of it. This," said he, " was my plan. But I am only a subordinate. It is my business to give advice when it is asked, and to obey orders when they are given. / shall do it. There are men in the Cabinet who know much more about war than I do, and who have far greater influence than I have in determining the plan of the campaign. There never was a more just and upright man than the President — never one who desired more sincerely to promote the interest of the country. But there are men among his advisers who consult their own resent- ments far more than the dictates of wisdom and experience, and these men will probably decide the plan of the campaign. I shall do, or attempt, whatever I am ordered to do. But they must not hold me responsible. If I am ordered to go to Richmond, I shall endeavor to do it. But I know perfectly well that they have no conception of the difficulties we shall encounter. I know the coun- try — how admirably it is adapted for defense, and how resolutely and obstinately it will be defended. I would like nothing better than to take Rich- mond, now that it has become disgraced by be- coming the Capital of the Rebel Confederacy. I 42 THE COLUMN DIVIDED feel a resentment for it, and should like nothing better than to scatter the Congress to the winds. But I have Hved lonor enouoh to know that human resentment is a very bad foundation for pubHc policy; and these gentlemen will live long enough to learn it also, I shall do what I am ordered, I shall fight when and where I am commanded, But, if I am compelled to fight before I am ready, they shall not hold 7ne responsible. These gentle- men must take the responsibility of their acts, as I am willing to take that of mine. But they must not throw their responsibility on my shoulders." The advance from Washing-ton on the rebel position at Manassas, commenced on the i6th of July. The column was divided into five small divisions, and was directed to move in the follow- ing order: The first division, commanded by Gen. Tyler, in the direction of Viana. The second, commanded by Gen. Hunter, on the road direct to Centreville. The third, by Gen. Heintzelman, on the line of the Orange and Alexandria Rail- road. The fifth division, commanded by Gen. Miles, marched in the rear of the first, and the fourth division, commanded by Gen. Runyon, stayed in camp in front of Washington until the main body of the army reached Centreville, when it was advanced to within about seven miles of Fairfax. Gen. McDowell accompanied the column under Gen. Tyler, whose division advanced through Viana and Fairfax to German town on the first day's ADVANCE ON RICHMOND. 4^ march, where it camped for the night. A con*»icIer- able rebel cokimn, under the command of Gen. Bonham, had been in possession of Fairfax Court House, but retreated to Centreville on the ap- proach of the Union troops. Early on the follow- ing morning, Tyler resumed the advance, and by 9 A. M., had occupied Centreville, the rebels again withdrawing at his approach. About three miles from this place is Blackburn's Ford, one of the numerous fording places on Bull Run, and it was at that place that the rebels made the first effort to stop the advancement of the Federal troops. A reconnoissance made by the Union troops in that direction discovered the enemy in force, and apparently determined to stop the farther move- ment of the Federals. McDowell ordered Gen. Richardson's brigade, of Tyler's division, to ad- vance to dislodge the enemy. The brigade ad- vanced gallantly to the assault, but were drawn into an ambuscade, and being handled severely, were compelled to fall back in confusion. The enemy, who, in command of Gen. I,ong- street, occupied this position in strong force, being protected by strong entrenchments, easily beat back the Union troops. It was certainly a mistake to advance so small a body of troops to the assault of a strong position, without a better understanding of the nature of the ground and strength of the enemy's position than appears to have been had in this case. As a reconnoissance 44 THE REBELS CONFIDENT. in force it was, however, a success, so far that it re- vealed the fact that the advance on the rebel capital could not be continued without fighting a pitched battle. The attack, however, was unfortunate, as it gave the enemy the prestige of success in the very beginning of the fighting. It made them more confident, and had a correspondingly de- pressing effect on the Union troops. The loss of the Federals in this affray was somewhat over one hundred in killed and wounded. The loss of the enemy is not known, but as they fought almost entirely under cover, it was hardly half as large. The second and third divisions of the Union army arrived at Centreville directly after the fight, and encamped in the rear of Tyler's division. Miles' division, the fifth, was close in the rear, and Run- yon's, the fourth, about half-way between Arling- ton Heights and Fairfax Court House. Every- thing appeared in readiness to commence the first great conflict of the war. Gen. McDowell had intended moving on the enemy's position early on the following morning, July 20th, when it was dis- covered that a deficiency of ammunition existed, which necessitated a delay of twenty-four hours. Finally, at half-past two o'clock on Sunday morn- ing, July 2 1 St, the order was given to advance, and soon the mixed host of soldiers, teamsters, and civilians moved forward in the direction of the enemy's lines. That the authorities permitted a large number of the last-named class to accom- A HOST OF CIVILIANS. 45 pany the army to the immediate vicinity of the field of battle, was a most deplorable error, and can only be accounted for on the supposition that the impression was pretty general that the destruc- tion of the entire rebel army was considered a sure thing, and that all that was necessary was to march forward and capture it. Had everything gone well, their presence would probably not have been a misfortune ; but at the first indications of a disaster occurring to the army, they were sure to flee to the rear like a flock of frightened sheep. So, at least, it proved in this case. When the first few regiments gave way, the host of civilians, who had approached as near as prudence would allow, to witness the destruction of the rebels, fled to get out of the way ; and in almost an incredibly short time, the road to Centreville was filled with these people, who evidently had now witnessed all the battle scenes they desired to see ; and, among the torrent of humanity that fled in such hot haste from the battle-field to Washington on that disas^ o trous day. Congressmen, Government officials, politicians, and other civilians, took the most prominent part ; and as they had kept in the rear of the army in the forward movement, they now as determinedly kept in the van, and the most de- moralized, fleet-footed blue-coat was no match with them in the race to get into the fortifications at Washington. Gen. Tyler's division, accompanied by Gen. ^6 MCDOWELL'S ADMIRABLE PLAN McDowell in person, pressed directly on to the stone bridge that crossed Bull Run, and at about six o'clock opened fire on the enen^y, who were intrenched in strong force on the opposite side of the stream. The divisions of Hunter and Heint- zelman crossed Cub Run, and making a circuit of three or four miles, crossed Bull Run at Sudley, about three miles above the stone bridge. This • movement placed the two divisions on the flank of the rebel army, and was in accordance with Gen. McDowell's plan of battle, which was to merely menace the enemy's right and centre in the begin- ning of the engagement, while the main attack would be made by Hunter and Heintzelman on the left. The object of this strong concentration of troops on the right of the Union lines was to turn the left of the enemy's position in such a manner as to drive it back on its centre at the stone bridge, where Tyler's division was in line ready to cross the bridge and complete the defeat of the enemy. Miles' division was kept at Centreville as a re- serve, and for the purpose of guarding against an attack from the direction of Blackburn's Ford. That the plan of battle was a most admirable one, and failed of success only by a combination of circumstances which are often the overruling fatal- ities of war, and that Gen. McDowell can in no way be held accountable for the disaster that followed, there can be no doubt. Unfortunately DISASTROUS DELAY. 47 for the success of the movement on the enemy's left, the most of the troops were newly organized into brigades and divisions, and the inexperience of some of the officers caused a delay of several hours in the morning, before the two flanking di- visions were properly on the way, and it was fully eleven o'clock before the column was in position on the enemy's left. When the distance from Centreville to the battle-field is remembered, it can easily be comprehended that had the Union force consisted of old and tried soldiers, and all the di- visions, brigades, and regiments been led by ex- perienced officers, the column might have been in line ready to commence the assault by at least seven o'clock. This delay was most unfortunate, for had the movement been made before daylight, as was McDowell's intention, the position desired would have been obtained without the rebels under- standing the intention of the Union commander ; but the nature of the ground is such that Beaure- gard, from his position on the south side of the stream, could see plainly all the movements of the troops on the north side, and consequently was prepared for the assault. As already stated, Gen. Tyler's division, directly after arriving at the stone bridge, opened a brisk fire with artillery on the enemy's position. The rebels paid very little attention to this attack, not even replying with artillery to the fire of the ^8 CONCEALED REBEL BATTERIES. Union guns. Gen. Beauregard, who was full^ aware that this was only a demonstration to covei the real assault on his position, was moving the main body of his troops to the left wing of his army, to meet the shock that he knew would soon fall like a thunderbolt on that part of his line. The fire of Tyler's batteries eliciting no reply from the rebels, he ordered several regiments ta advance and reconnoiter the enemy's position. These troops soon encountered the rebels, and became severely engaged ; but owing to the great strength of the enemy's position, they were com- pelled to retire with heavy loss. The rebels had a number of batteries so concealed as to be invis- ible to the Union troops, until they were opened on with a torrent of shot and shell that compelled them to retire from the unequal contest. As the Union troops fell back. Gen. McDowell or- dered Carlisle's battery of heavy guns to move to the front, and open fire on the rebel batteries. This was accomplished in the most gallant style, and the terrific and accurate fire of these guns soon silenced several of the enemy's batteries. In the meantime the divisions of Hunter and Heintzelman had succeeded in getting into line. Hunter's division was on the right, and after the advance brigade, commanded by Gen. Burnside, crossed Bull Run at Sudley Springs, and was marching down the south side of the stream, he was opened upon with a heavy fire of artillery MAJOR-GENERAL SCHOFIELD, U. S. A. BATTLE AT BULL RUN. 49 and infantry. He, however, pressed on, driving the rebels for some distance when, encountering a vastly greater number of the enemy, his further advance was for a short time checked. The re- mainder of Hunter's division was soon brought into action, and after the most desperate fighting, the enemy was compelled to give way, contesting, however, every foot of ground with the fiercest determination. As the Union column advanced they were met with the most furious volleys from infantry and artillery; but most gallantly they pressed on. In spite of the great advantage of the enemy in position and numbers, their extreme left wing was being turned and driven from the field; and the victorious shouts of Hunter's men, as they pursued the retreating foe, were re-echoed by Heintzelman's men, whose division had crossed the stream about half the way between Sudley's Springs and the stone bridge, and was also fiercely engaged with the enemy. The larger part of Tyler's division had also crossed the stone bridge and engaged the enemy, and the battle now became general along the entire line. It was at this, time that the gallant Irish regiment, the Sixty-ninth New York volunteers, made the famous charge so characteristic of the heroic bravery of the Irish soldier. The battle now raeed with miost intense fury. The rapid volleys of musketry, the thun- dering of cannon, the shouts of the victorious Federals as they forced the rebels from the field. 50 A SOUTHERN RETREAT. the frantic yells of the maddened rebels as the) were compelled to yield one position after an- other, made an indescribable scene. The rebels fought with the utmost desperation, and as thu Union troops pressed forward, they were con- fronted with battery after battery, and line after line of troops, who poured a continued volley of shot into their ranks. Occasionally a furious charge from the enemy would compel the Fede- rals to fall back, only to again press forward to dislodge their assailants. The tide of battle was now decidedly in favor of the Union army, and in spite of the desperate fighting of the rebels, the general nature of the contest was everywhere favorable to the Union forces. The Federal right wing had completely rolled up the rebels' left, which was slowly but surely being forced back on the centre of their line, or in the direction of the stone bridge, where Tyler's division was prepared to receive it, and complete the rebel defeat, A part of his division had not yet crossed the bridge, it being held in reserve to strike the enemy at the critical moment. Gen. Jos. E. Johnston, the ablest commander in the Southern army, was on the field with most of the troops who had slipped Pat- terson at Winchester, and was personally direct- ing the movement of the Confederate forces. He and Gen. Beauregard were making the most frantic efforts to stop the further retreat of their 'ommands, but according to their own acknowl- VICTORY AT HAND. 5 1 edgments in vain ; and at i p. m., in spite of all the advantages the rebels possessed in fighting from fortified positions, which were constructed in |such a manner that every repulse would enable them to fall back into intrenchments, and concen- trate a terrific fire on their assailants from masked batteries, the Union troops were everywhere suc- cessful. The toils were now slowly but surely infolding the rebel army with a circle of death, that would have insured the destruction of its entire force, had not an event now occurred which turned the tide of battle, and reversed the order of things to such an extent that, what pro- mised to be a most decided victory, was turned to a disgraceful defeat. To prove that the rebels were completely whipped at this period of the bat- tle, it is only necessary to refer to their own pub- lished accounts. The correspondent of the Louisville Courier said, in describing the battle : "The fortunes of the day were evidently against us. Some of our best officers had been slain, and the flower of our army lay strewn on the field, ghastly in death or gaping with wounds. At noon the cannonading is described as terrific. It was an incessant roar for more than two hours, the havoc and devastation at this time being fear- ful. McDowell, with the aid of Patterson' s division of 20,000 men, had nearly outflanked us, and they were just in the act of possessing themselves of the railway to Richmond. Then all would have been 52 OFFICERS AND MEN LOST. lost. But, most opportunely — I may say, provident tially — at this ju7tcturey Gen. Johnsto7i, with the remnant of his divisioji — a7i ar^ny, as we fondly call it for we have been friends and brothers i7i camp and field for three months — reappeared, and made one other desperate struggle to obtain the vantage growid. Elzey's brigade of Marylanders and Virginians led the charge ; and right manfully did they execute the work." The correspondent of the Richmond Dispatch wrote as follows : "Between 2 and 3 o'clock large numbers of men were leaving the field, some of them wounded, others exhausted by the long struggle, who gave us gloomy reports ; but as the firing on both sides continued steadily, we felt sure that our brave Southerners had not been conquered by the overwhelming hordes of the North. It is, how- ever, due to truth to say that the result at this hour hung trembling in the balance. We had lost numbers of our most distinofuished officers. Gens. Barton and Bee had been stricken down ; Lieut. Col. Johnson, of the Hampton Legion, had been wounded. But there was at hand the fear- less general whose reputation as a commander was staked on this battle. Gen. Beauregard promptly offered to lead the Hampton Legion into action, which he executed in a style unsur- passed and unsurpassable. Gen. Beauregard rode up and down our lines, between the enemy THE CRITICAL MOMENT. 53 and his own men, regardless of the heavy fire, cheering and encouraging our troops. About this time a shell struck his horse, taking his head off, and killing the horses of his aids, Messrs. Ferguson and Hayward. * * * "Gen. Johnston also threw himself into the thickest of the fight, seizing the colors of a Geor- gia regiment, and rallying them to the charge. His staff signalized themselves by their intrepidity, Col. Thomas being killed and Major Mason wounded, "Your correspondent heard Gen. Johnston say to Gen. Cocke, just at the critical moment, 'Oh, for four regiments !' His wish was answered, for in the distance our reinforcements appeared. The tide of battle was turned in our favor by the ar- rival of Gen. Kirby Smith from Winchester, with 4,000 men of Gen. Johnston's division. * * "They were at first supposed to be the enemy, their arrival at that point of the field being en- tirely unexpected. The enemy fell back, and a panic seized them. Cheer after cheer from our men went up, and we knew the battle had been won ! Gen. Beauregard, in his official report, says: "Now, however, with the surging mass of over 14,000 Federal infantry pressing on their front and under the incessant fire of at least twenty pieces of artillery with the fresh brigades of Sher- man and Keyes approaching — the latter already 54 TERRIBLE SLAUGHTER. in musket-range — our lines gave back, but undei orders from Gen. Bee. "The enemy, maintaining their fire, pressed their swelling masses onward as our shattered battalions retired: the slauofhter for the moment was deplorable, and has filled many a Southern home with life-long sorrow." When Johnston, with the most of his command, left Winchester to re-enforce Beauregard, Gen. Kirby Smith's brigade was left to watch Gen. Patterson ; but the rebel commander, finding he had absolutely nothing to fear from that officer, ordered it also to Bull Run, and it was the unfor- tunate arrival of these troops that turned the tide of battle in favor of the rebel arms. The rebel briofade was beino- moved on the railroad, and as it approached Gainesville — a small village on the Manassas Gap Railroad — Smith heard the roar of battle. He immediately stopped the train, and unloading his men, marched them across the fields to the field of battle at the very moment when his services would be of the most benefit to the rebel cause. A brigade of rebel troops commanded by Gen. Early, which had just arrived from Rich- mond, and had not yet been engaged, formed on the right of Smith, and the two brigades advanced to the assault in the most gallant style. The frantic yells and cries of the advancing rebel host, which could be seen emerging from the woods, I— I OPINIONS ON THE FIGHT. 65 rer's and Heintzelman's divisions to Sudley's Springs, ten miles to the right, and Tyler's to the stone bridge, without leaving Centreville guarded against an advance from the enemy's right — but three miles distant — would certainly have been a very dangerous experiment, as the rebels could have marched, unobserved, a considerable num- ber of men on their riofht, and in an hour's march ofained the rear of the Union army. The con- sequences would have been the capture of die trains containing the ammunition and supplies for the Union army, and a stampede would have followed without the advantage of an open line of retreat. That the rebels would have taken advantage of the advance of Miles' division Is fully borne out by the fact that they did advance troops on the road to Centreville, to feel the strength of the Union lines at that place, and were driven back by Davis' brigade and the artil- lery belonging to Miles' division. Gen. Beaure- gard, in his official report, says : " 1 sent orders to Gen. Ewell, holding my ex- treme right at the Union Mills' Ford, next south of Blackburn, to advance and attack ; and they did advance a mile toward Centreville, on the Union Mills' road, but retreated again under a sharp fire of artillery." That Gen. McDowell made a skillful and judi- cious disposition of his command, and only failed to win ^ decisive victory from circumstances 5 66 A BLUNDER. which he could not control, and for which others, are responsible, there can be no reasonable doubt The mistake was in not sending Runyon's divi- sion to Centreville, instead of leaving it back so far in the rear, where it could be of no earthly good for anything or to any one. This would have enabled McDowell to move Miles' division in supporting distance of his assaulting column ; but as McDowell did not control Runyon's com- mand, that mistake cannot be imputed to him. A number of adverse events occurred which helped to bring about the disaster ; but the first great mistake was in hurrying the army from Washington before it was properly organized, drilled, and fitted for the campaign, and before il was strong enough for the accomplishment of the great work before it. It was also a serious blunder in not having a sufficient amount of am- munition with the army when it reached Centre- ville. This neglect caused a delay of twenty-four hours, which prevented the battle from being fought before the troops of Kirby Smith, and Early came on the field. The host of citizens and non-combatants on the ground ; the length of time taken by Hunter and Heintzelman to get their commands into position ; the superior numbers ol the enemy, and the strongly-fortified positions they occupied ; the inexperience of a number of Union officers, and a want of proper knowledge of the strength of the enemy's position — were all GOOD OUT OF EVIL. 6/ serious disadvantaofes to the success of the Union arms. With all these disadvantages, however, Gen. McDowell would have beaten Gen. Beaure- gard from the field, had not the rebel troops that slipped Gen. Patterson arrived on the ground at the critical moment, and turned the tide of battle in favor of the enemy. The battle of Manassas, although a defeat to the Union army, was not, in the full acceptance of the word, a great national disaster, as all at first believed it to be, for the light of subsequent events has fully revealed the fact that the defeat of the Union forces in that battle was productive of more good than evil to the country. The suc- cess of the Union forces would have been suc- ceeded by a still further disregard of the extent of the rebellion, and of the means required to crush it out. The grand hunt for rebels by the "grand army" in the direction of Richmond would have become more popular than ever, the number of spectators and bummers would have greatly increased, and the small army pressed forward by a still lower estimate of the prowess of the enemy, would have been met by a rapidly-concentrating Confederate army at Richmond, and compelled to fight when two or three times as strong as at Manassas, and a defeat would have followed to which Bull Run would have been no comparison. And had it been possible to make the victory so decisive as to crush out the rebellion, the great 68 AN ARMY EQUIPPED. curse which was the cause of it would have re mained, and the Union would have been restored with the same disturbing element to keep up a constant discord, and before many years again to plunge the country into war. The defeat was also beneficial from the fact that the people, now sobered, stopped boasting, and went to work to prepare for the mighty conflict before them ; and in a short time a well armed, drilled and equipped force of several hundred thousand men was in the field ready to confront the foe. CHAPTER III. DEPARTURE OF m'cLELLAN's ARMY FOK THE PENINSULA. A FTER the battle of Manasses, the Federal Government made a requisition on the loyal States for a large number of troops. This call was promptly responded to, and as the Capital was be- lieved to be in the most imminent- danger, a very large portion of these new troops were gathered in and about that place. The fortifications also were greatly strengthened, and every preparation made to make it impregnable. It was known that the rebel army at Manassas was being strongly reinforced from all parts of the South, and it was daily expected that an advance from that direc- tion would be made on the Capital, or for the purpose of attempting an invasion of the North. It was, therefore, felt to be highly necessary to place the Capital in such a fortified position that a small garrison could hold it against an attack, and leave the main part of the army free to operate against the enemy. The south side of the Potomac, in front of Washington, was strongly fortified before the battle of Manassas, but the city was ill protected on the north side, and immediate steps were (69) 70 McCLELLAN APPOINTED COMMANDER. taken to fortify it against an attack from any direc- tion. A considerable number of troops were also kept along the river above the Capital, to guard against an attempt of the enemy to cross over. Gen. George B. McClellan, whose brilliant ser- vices in West Virginia had brought his name Into great prominence, was called to Washington to take command of the Union forces. Gen. Scott, although not removed from office until later, was virtually set aside by the foundation of a new military district. This department included the troops in Washington and North-eastern Virginia, and to its command McClellan was appointed. The troops were immediately organized into bri- gades and divisions, and the most energetic mea- sures taken to drill and discipline the troops, and to form an army equal to the great task of crush- ing the armed hosts of treason, who had gathered in front of the Capital of the Nation. The formation of the army into corps was not, however, effected until March, 1862, just before the army left on the Peninsula campaign. On the 15th of October, McClellan reported the number of troops of all arms in and about Washington, including all along the Potomac south of Harper's Ferry and at Baltimore, at 152,025 men. This estimate did not include Gen. Banks' troops at Harper's Ferr}^ During the following winter the time was occupied in drilling and fitting the army ORGANIZING THE ARMY. for the spring campaign, and by that time the best drilled and disciplined army undoubtedly ever marshaled on the American continent was ready to take the field. The ninety-day hallucination had now been effectually dispelled, and the men who composed the army had enlisted for two or three years, and expected that hard blows would be necessary to put down the Rebellion. All were volunteers, not a conscript then, as yet, be- ing in the army ; and the morale of the army was certainly better than at any time during the war. The lines of this magnificent array of men ex- tended from Alexandria to Pierrpont, Virginia, and presented a solid phalanx to any attempt that might be made by the rebels against the Federal Capital. The army in front of Washington was now known as " The Army of the Potomac." On the eiofhth of March, this force was divided into four army corps. These were commanded by Gens. McDowell, Sumner, Heintzelman, and Keyes. On the nth of March President Lincoln issued an order coniininof McClellan's command to these four corps, the troops along the Potomac above and below Washinorton and in Baltimore, being taken from it. On the following day, Mc- Clellan was ordered by the President to advance on the enemy's position at Centreville and Ma- nassass. The President had, as early as the middle of January, prepared an order for the army to move on to Richmond by way of Manassas ; but 72 THE PRESIDENT'S ALARM. Gen, McClellan made some objection to that route, and argued that it would be better to attack Richmond by first concentrating the principal portion of the army at Annapolis, Md., and then ship them down the Chesapeake Bay and up the Rappahannock river to the town of Urbanna, then march them across the country to Richmond, and capture it before the enemy could concentrate a strong force to defend it. The city of Washing- ton had been made as strong by fortifying during the winter as engineering science could make it, and McClellan believed that a small force could successfully defend it against any attempt that could be made by the enemy in the absence of the greater portion of the army, A council of war, composed of twelve of the most prominent officers in the army, was held, and to them was submitted the two plans of operation, as proposed by the President and Gen. McClellan. These officers almost unanimously favored the route as pro- posed by McClellan, and the President at first yielded to their judgment ; but as the rebels had blockaded the lower part of the Potomac, and he believed that the plan would not interfere with the rebel batteries, he became alarmed for the safety of the Capital, and would not consent to the withdrawal of so large a portion of the army from its defense until the rebel line was driven from the river. He issued ap order " that no more than two army corps of said army of the THE ARMY MOVING. 73 Potomac should be moved en route for a new base of operations until the navigation of the Po- tomac from Washingtion to the Chesapeake Bay shall be freed from the enemy's batteries, and other obstructions, or until the President shall hereafter give express permission." This order effectually broke up the plan as proposed by McClellan, and the order was given to move on Richmond by way of Manassas Junction. Gen. McClellan issued a spirited proc- lamation to his command, in which he stated that they had been thoroughly organized and drilled, and that the time for action had arrived. He urged them to discharge "all the duties that may devolve on them with bravery and fidelity." About this time, however, it was discovered that the enemy were evacuating their position along the lower Potomac, and withdrawing from the front of the Union army. It was believed that the intention of the rebels was to concentrate all their forces on the old battle-field of Bull Run, and the army advanced in that direction to give battle. As the advance of the Federal troops reached Centrevllle, the rebels fled, leaving a large amount of stores burn- ing, and the fact was soon after discovered that the entire rebel army was evacuating Its strong position along the line of Bull Run, and the miles of fortifications they had erected with so much skill and labor fell into the hands of the Union 74 UNION ARMY INACTIVE. troops without striking a blow. Much has been written in regard to the strength of this position, and of the number of Rebel troops who occupied it during the winter, when the Army of the Potomac was in camp in front of Washington, and it has often been contended that it was not large enough to justify the inactivity of the Union forces during that time. A prominent writer, in writing about the hesitancy of the army to move at this time, said: "The loyal masses — awed by the obloquy heaped on them, falsely accused of having caused the disaster at Bull Run, by their ignorant impa- tience and precipitancy — stood in silent expecta- tion." As the writer of the above, before Fort Sumter was fired on advocated "letting the way- ward sisters depart in peace," but shortly after that event became so belligerent that he kept up a constant clamor about the inactivity of the army, and as he was responsible for a full share in creating the popular feeling which forced Mc- Dowell's undisciplined troops on the intrenched rebel position at Manassas, the reader can easily see with what silent expectation he looked on the scene. The same writer, in a published history of the war, in writing about the strength of the rebel army at Manassas, after stating that McClel- lan estimated the rebel force in Eastern Virginia at about 1 50,000 men, says : "Judging by informa tion received from 'contrabands' and deserters who came into our lines during the fall and winter, STRENGTH OF MANASSAS. 75 the strength of the enemy could not have been more than 60,000 men." When the average in- tellleence of the Southern contraband and de- serter is taken Into consideration, it can easily be understood how nearly correct their statements were likely to be. That the commander of the United States army, with all the advantages of having an able corps of detectives, spies and scouts at his command, would be likely to form a better estimate of the force of the enemy than the editor who received his information from the first- named class, is certainly more than probable. The possession of the rebel position at Ma~ nassas did reveal the fact that more than one hundred thousand men had occupied it during the winter ; and so strong had the position been made, that had an advance been attempted as early as was demanded by the impatient North, a great national disaster would no doubt have been the result. Standing at Centreville, and looking east and west, as far as the eye could reach could be seen forts, mounted not only with field artiller}^ but with large-sized guns of the best pattern, and commanding every foot of ground for miles. South of this line, in the direction of Manassas Junction, a continuous wave of intrenchments met the view. From this position 50,000 men might well have repulsed twice that number of assail- ants, had the attack been made in front. McClel- 76 REBELS CONCENTRATE FORCES. lan's army, which was, however, considerably larger than the enemy's force when the final ad- vance was made, would have endeavored to out- flank their position west of Centreville, resorting to the same plan that McDowell had pursued ; and the superiority of his command would, in all pro- bability, have given him the victory. The rebels, for the purpose of concentrating their forces close to the Confederate Capital, evacuated their strong position, and, as the Union troops advanced, they fell back in the direction of the Rappahannock river, which they crossed, and then marched to the fortifications of the rebel Capital. The advance guard of the Union army pursued the rebels as far as the Rappahannock, when the pursuit was discontinued, and the entire army returned to the vicinity of Washington. It had now been decided to advance on Richmond by way of Yorktown and up the Peninsula. The army was rapidly marched to Alexandria, to w^hlch place transports had been ordered to carry the troops to Fortress Monroe. Gen. McClellan ex- pected to take with him for the reduction of Rich- mond the four corps constituting the Army of the Potomac, and had left Alexandria with the ad- vance of the army, when the President, who had been informed by some of his military advisers that McClellan was moving too many troops from Washington, ordered that McDowell's corps — the strongest and most efficient should remain. OFF FOR THE PENINSULA. ']']' The embarkation had commenced on the i 7th day of March, and by the close of the following day, the three army corps which constituted Mc- Clellan's command, numbering about 110,000 men, had sailed for Fortress Monroe. Gen. McClellan had hoped to make a rapid movement on Yorktown before the enemy could concentrate their forces at that place ; but an unforeseen event occurred in the beginning of the campaign which caused a considerable delay. It appears that in planning the campaign the course of the short but deep stream known as the Warwick river was not perfectly understood, and it was not known that it ran directly across the Union army's line of march. It was found to be strongly fortified, and consequently, it considerably impeded the advance. The rebels, in the meantime, had been strongly reinforced at Yorktown, and by the time the Union forces arrived before its works, they found a force of between sixty and seventy thousand, and the place so strongly fortified as to be almost a Gibraltar in strength. The defences were found to be too strong to carry by assault, so prepara- tions were immediately made to lay siege to the place. The rebel Gen. Magruder had been in command of this position with about 20,000 men ; but the rebel Government, finding the Federal army was marching on that place, advanced both Johnston and Lee to his assistance. McClellan 78 . SUPPLIES CAPTURED. approached the place by erecting counter-works and the siege was progressing with great vigor, when suddenly, on the 3d of May, the enemy evacuated the place and retreated in the direction of Richmond. On the night of the evacuation the enemy kept up a heavy bombardment until mid- night, when, dismounting as many of the guns as they could take with them, they began to retreat and daylight revealed the fact that the immense forts and long line of intrenchments were de- serted. The fruits of the victory were, however^ considerable, seventy-one large cannon and a large amount of supplies falling into the hands of the Union troops. The abondonment of this strong position was one of the strangest events in the history of the war. The enemy had concen- trated the bulk of their army in Eastern Virginia at this place, fof the purpose of making the most earnest resistance to the further advance of the Union troops in the direction of their Capital. The place was made so strong that it would have been impossible to carry it by direct assault, and it would have required a considerable time to re- duce it by siege. Immediately after the retreat, McClellan ordered a vigorous pursuit, and the rear of the rebel army was overtaken by the Union advance under Gen. Stoneman, about two miles from Williams- burg, and a spirited engagement ensued in which the rebels were defeated and driven on their mai;» FIGHTING ON THE PENINSULA. /g column, which had taken position at that place. A sanguinary battle ensued, and the rebels were aeain defeated, beino^ driven from the field with heavy loss. The enemy left over 700 dead on the 5eld. The fighting on the Union side was done by the divisions of Hooker and Keyes. The bri- gade commanded by Gen. Hancock especially dis- tinguished Itself by a most brilliant flank move- ment on the left flank of the enemy's position, which decided the victory in favor of the Union arms. The enemy retreated in the direction of Richmond, and the Union troops continued the pursuit until the banks of the Chickahominy river were reached. Two days later, the enemy again suffered a defeat at West Point, on the York river. The division of troops commanded by Gen. Franklin had landed at that place to reinforce McClellan's army, and were directly after attacked by a strong force of rebels, who were defeated and driven back with severe loss. After this ac- tion, Franklin's troops formed a junction with McClellan's army, and the combined force contin- ued the pursuit of the enemy in the direction of Richmond. The two divisions of Keyes' corps, commanded by Gens. Casey and Couch, constituting the van of the Federal army, crossed the Chickahominy river about elofht miles from Richmond, and camped at a place known as the Seven Pines. The column crossed on one bridge, and as they 8o SICK SOLDIERS FIGHTING. were considerably in advance of the remainder oi the army, they occupied an isolated position, which proved most unfortunate. A heavy rain greatly increased the dangerous position of these troops, as the stream in their rear became so swollen that it would have been impossible 'to recross it at any place but on the frail bridge upon which they had crossed over, and which was now in momentary danger of being swept away. The enemy, discovering the dangerous position of these troops, immediately conceived the idea of destroying them before reinforcements could reach them, On Friday, May 30th, the enemy made a strong reconnoissance for the purpose of finding out the location of the Union camp ; and on the following day, after firing* three shots as a signal for their assaulting columns to advance, an immense rebel force rushed on the Union lines. To add to the misfortunes of the situation, Casey's division, which held the most advanced position of the Union line, was composed of the newest troops in the army, and at the time a very large number of the men were disabled by sickness. These troops, however, at first made a firm resist- ance, and for about one hour held the enemy'at bay, but finally broke, and in spite of the most determined efforts of Gen. Casey, who, with all the skill, daring, and gallantry of the most accom- plished commander, was endeavoring to steady his line, the entire division was driven in confusion ^^'^^^ .' :i^vr V .^' ON THE C IICKAHOMINY. 8l from the field. Couch's division had also, by this time, become severely engaged, and although fight- ing with the most desperate determination, it was borne down by superior numbers and was com- pelled to fall back. The situation was now most critical. The enraged enemy, fighting in sight of their Capital, swept over the field with frantic yells of raofe and exultation. The entire Federal line was slowly but surely being driven back to the banks of the Chickahominy, which presented an impassable barrier. At this most critical moment, Gen. Sumner, at the head of Sedgwick,s division of his corps, who had been ordered to advance to tho assistance of the hard-pressed Union troops^ arrived on the banks of the stream. The river was still rising rapidly, and the bridge was float ing, and could only be kept in place a short time. Fortunately Gens. Sumner and Sedgwick were two of the greatest of soldiers, and as they took in the situation at a glance, they knew that the division must cross this bridge or certain destruc- tion fall on the troops on the other side, and thry were not the sort of commanders to hesitate and make the plea that the same misfortune would probably overtake them should they advance to the assistance of their comrades. As the head of the division reached the bridge, the men hesitated, when Gen. Sumner shouted, "Forward, men ! your weight will keep it in place ! " The men, encour- aged by the presence of their great leader, sprang 6 82 SUMNER'S LINK OF BATTLE. on it with a will, and in an almost incredibly shori time the entire division was in line of battle on the other side of the stream. General Sumner made a most judicious disposition of his com- mand, and the troops of Casey and Couch, re- assured by the presence of reinforcements, again formed line of battle and presented a solid front to the enemy. Fortunately a large number of rebels had stopped to search for plunder in the camps the divisions of Casey and Couch had been driven from, and this gave Gen. Sumner a better chance to form his line. Never was time more industriously employed, and the Union line was soon in a position to mete out deadly ven- geance on the enemy for their first success. In the formation of the new line, Gen. Sumnei ordered the 31st Pennsylvania, the ist Minnesota, and a New York regiment to lie down flat on the ground in such a position that they would be con- cealed from the enemy, and then ordered the Anderson Zouaves to form line in the rear of these regiments. This disposition was hardly more than made when the rebels rushed forward in immense numbers, expecting no doubt to finish the destruction of the Union forces. The bright, showy uniforms of the Zouaves soon attracted their attention, and they charged on the Union line with the greatest impetuosity. The hidden line reserved its fire until the enemy was al- most on top of them when they poured into BATTLE OF SEVEN PINES. 83 their ranks a shower of lead which sw^,'pt their lines like a maelstrom of death. Perhaps no volley fired from the same number of troops has ever resulted in such terrible de- struction to an enemy as that from those three regiments. The carnage was dreadful, the ground being literally heaped up with the dead. The enemy, dismayed by this dreadful repulse, broke in confusion, and the Union lines advancing, drove them from the field. This ended the battle of Seven Pines, or perhaps what might be more properly called the first day's fighting of the battle of Fair Oaks. The enemy, although se- verely repulsed at the end of the conflict, had the advantage, all things taken into consideration. They had captured and held Casey's camp, with all of its camp equipage and several batteries of artillery ; and no doubt the Union troops waited with great anxiety during the following night for the dawn of day, when the conflict was expected to open again. Important changes had, however, taken place during the night. Large reinforce- ments had arrived, and the followino- mornino-, Sunday, June ist, found the Federals in strong battle line ready to confront the foe. Early in the morning the battle was renewed by the ad- vance of the enemy, who no doubt felt confident of completing the destruction of the Union troops. Gen. Hooker was ordered to make a counter- charge, and the battle soon opened furiously. 84 TERRIBLE LOSSES. The action soon spread along the entire lint, and a battle of the fiercest description raged until ID o'clock, when the rebels gave way and were driven from the field. By 1 1 o'clock the battle was over, the Union troops having regained the position they had lost the day before. The Union loss, as officially reported by Gen. Mc- Clellan, was 5,739 in killed, wounded, and miss- ing. The loss of the enemy, as officially reported by Gen. Joe E. Johnston, was 6,697. After the battle of Fair Oaks, the loyal people of the North who expected that the fall of the rebel Capital would follow this victory, were considerably disap- pointed that no immediate advance was made by the Union troops. It was contended that, had such an advance been made before the rebels received reinforcements, as they shortly did, it would have resulted in the capture of Richmond. But such an advance at the time would have been a physical impossibility. The greater part of McClellan's forces had not yet crossed the Chickahominy, and those which had, had been so severely handled as not to be in a condition to make a very vigorous pursuit of the enemy. The few bridges along the stream had been swept ,entirely away during the battle, and the high water overflowed the bottom to such an extent as to make it almost impossible to move an army over it. The rebels had fought with a desperation un- INTERRUPTED BY FLOODS. 85 surpassed in modern times, and to attack them in the strong forts around Richmond, with the troops on the south side of the river, would have been sheer madness, and could only have resulted in a fearful repulse to the Union arms. The clamor in regard to this matter arose from the fact that the people did not understand . the situation, and were, therefore, unreasonably un- just. Gen. McClellan, in a dispatch to the Secre- tary of War, said : "On the 31st, when the battle of Fair Oaks began, we had two of our bridges nearly com- pleted ; but the rising waters flooded the log-way approaches, and made them almost impassable, so that it was only by the greatest efforts that Gen< Sumner crossed his corps and participated in that hard-fought engagement. The bridges became totally useless after this corps had passed, and others, on a more permanent plan, were com- menced. "On my way to headquarters, after the battle of Fair Oaks, I attempted to cross the bridge where Gen, Sumner had taken over his corps on the day previous. At the time Gen. Sumner crossed, this was the only available bridge above Bottom's bridge. I found the approach from the right bank, for some four hundred yards, sub- merged to the depth of several feet, and on reach- ing the place where the bridge had been, I found a great part of it carried away, so that I could not 86 OBSTACLES. o-et my horse over, and was obliged to send him to Bottom's bridge, six miles below, as the only practicable crossing, "The approaches to New and Mechanicsville brldg^es were also overflowed, and both of them were enfiladed by the enemy's batteries, estab- lished on commanding heights on the opposite side. These batteries were supported by strong forces of the enemy, having numerous rifle-pits in their front, which would have made it necessary, even had the approaches been in the best possible condition, to have fought a sanguinary battle, with but little prospect of success, before a passage could have been secured. " The only available means, therefore, of uniting our forces at Fair Oaks for an advance on Rich- mond soon after the battle, was to march the troops from Mechanicsville, and other points on the left bank of the Chickahominy, down to Bot- tom's bridge, and thence over the Williamsburg road to the position near Fair Oaks, a distance of about twenty-three miles. In the condition of the roads at that time, this march could not have been made, with artillery, in less than two days, by which time the enemy could have been secure within the intrenchments around Richmond. In short, the idea of uniting the two wings of the army in time to make a vigorous pursuit of the enemy, with the prospect of overtaking him before he reached Richmond — only five miles distant PRECAUTIONS. 8/ from the field of battle — is simply absurd, and was, I presume, never for a moment seriously en- tertained by any one connected with the Army of the Potomac. An advance, involving the separa- tion of the two wings by the impassable Chicka- hominy, would have exposed each to defeat in detail. Therefore, I held the position already gained, and completed our crossings as rapidly as possible. "In the meantime, the troops at Fair Oaks were directed to strengthen their position by a strong line of intrenchments, which protected them while the bridges were being built, gave se- curity to the trains, liberated a larger fighting force, and offered a safer retreat in the event of disaster." Three days after the battle. Gen. McClellan, in a dispatch to the authorities in Washington, said : "Terrible rain-storms during the night and morning — not yet cleared off. Chickahominy flooded, bridges in bad condition. Are still hard at work on them. I have taken every possible step to insure the security of the corps on the right bank, but I cannot reinforce them here until my bridges are all safe, as my force is too small to insure my right and rear, should the enemy attack in that direction, as they may probably at- tempt. I have to be very cautious now. Our loss in the late battle will probably amount to seven thousand. I have not yet full returns. On 88 RECRUITS NECESSARY. account of the effect it might ha e on ouc own men and the enemy, I request that you will regard this information as confidential for a few days. I am satisfied that the loss of the enemy wac very considerably greater : they were terribly punished, I mention the facts now, merely to show yo^j that the Army of the Potomac has iiad serious work, and that no child's play is before it. Yo'j must make your calculations on the supposition that I have been correct from the beginning, in aj/,erting that a serious opposition was to be made here. "Please inform me, at once, what reinforce- ments — if any — I can count upon having at Fort- ress Monroe or White House Landing within the next three days, and when each regiment may be expected to arrive. It is of the utmost impor- tance that I should know this immediately. "If I can have five new regiments for Fort Monroe and its dependencies, I can draw three more old regiments from there safely. I can well dispose of four more raw regiments on my communications. I can well dispose of from fif- teen to twenty well-drilled regiments among the old brigades, in bringing them up to their original effective strength. Recruits are especially neces- sary for the regular and volunteer batteries of artillery, as well as for the regular and volunteer regiments of infantry. After the losses in our last batde, I trust I will no longer be regarded as an alarmist." CHAPTER IV. ADVANCE OF McDOWELL FROM WASHINGTON. TTT'E will now leave the army under McClellan on ' ^ the banks of the Chickahominy, and return to that portion of it which had been left under McDowell in front of Washino-ton. When Gen. McClellan made arrangements to ship his command from Alexandria to the Penin- sula, the first army corps, under Gen. McDowell, was to be shipped first, and land at West Point on the York river; but a delay having occurred by the transports not arriving in time, and then only in such numbers at a time as to compel the army to be shipped in smaller detachments, the first corps was kept back until the balance of the army had been shipped. McClellan desired the first corps to be moved in a body, and it was with the expectation of getting enough of transports together for that purpose that it was kept back until the last. As already stated, at about the time it was ready to start, some of the military advisers at Washington, who were about as nume- rous as " the leaves at Vallambrosia," and some of them about as useful, succeeded in persuading the President that the removal of so many troops would leave Washington unprotected, and he (89) 90 INTERFERENCE WITH McCLELLAN. issued the order already stated, that McDowell'* corps should not be moved to the front. That the taking of the strongest and most efficient corps from his command, after he himself had sailed with a part of his army, interfered very seriously with McClellan's plans, there can be no doubt ; and it had more to do with causing the failure of the campaign on the Peninsula than anything else. Aside from the question of who was right or wrong, of one thing there can be no doubt — that the support given to the commander of the Union army by the government was in strange contrast to that given to the Union com- manders during the last year of the war. Gen. McDowell's large corps was kept in front of Washington, perfectly inactive, for one month, when it was finally ordered to march along the line of the Alexandria and Orange Railroad to Manassas. After camping a few days at that place, Mc- Dowell moved a part of his command along the railroad in the direction of Culpepper Court House, and had proceeded as far as Catlett Station, when he received an order from the Government to the effect that, as his corps was intended to cover Washington, he was to act entirely on the defensive. After camping a short time at this place. Gen. McDowell, who was impatient in hav- insf his command so lonof inactive, and who felt keenly the absurdity of having his large force in a OCCUPATION OF FREDERICKSBURG. 9 1 position where it could be of no service, requested permission to advance and capture the city of Fredericksburg. About this time, Franklin's division of his corps was sent back to Alexandria, and shipped to West Point, in response to Mc- Clellan's requests for reinforcements. Permission being granted, McDowell with the remaining two divisions of his army, advanced on Fredericks- burg. The enemy occupied Falmouth — a small town on this side of the river, and nearly opposite the city — in small force. After a sharp conflict with the van of the Union troops, the rebels fled across the river and burned the bridge. About this time, McDowell received an order from Washington that he was not to cross the river, or make any effort to reconstruct the bridge ; so the small number of rebels were left in undis- turbed possession of the city for a short time. The Union troops encamped near Falmouth for several weeks, when McDowell, finding that the enemy was removing supplies to Richmond, and arresting loyal citizens and conscripting them into the rebel service, beeeed of the authorities at Washington for permission to cross the river and occupy the city. The request was at last granted, but with the understanding that he was not to advance any troops beyond the city. The river Was then crossed by the Union troops, and the city fell without any opposition into the hands of McDowell's command. 9.2 McCLELLAN ASSISTED. Gen. McDowell now became very anxious tc march his command down the Richmond pike to form a junction with McClellan's army, and sev- eral times requested permission of the authorities at Washington to do so. This wa? also McClel- lan's request, but the authorities would not at this time consent to it, and McDowell was ordered to recross the river to Falmouth, where his com- mand was encamped and inactive for about one month longer. Finally, however, it was decided to send a strong force of troops to McClellan's assistance, and Gen. Shields' division of Banks' army in the Shenandoah was ordered to march to Fredericksburg and report to Gen. McDowell, who was to march with the combined force and form on the right wing of the army in front of Richmond. Gen. McDowell immediately ordered his cavalry to advance and reconnoiter the road in the direction of Richmond as a preliminary movement before the orrand advance. These troops proceeded to within about eight miles of Hanover Court House, driving the enemy before them, when a messenger from McDowell reached them with an order immediately to return to Fredericksbu rg. This was in compliance with an order Mc» Dowell received from the War Department, and was issued on account of the rebel Gen. Jackson moving up the valley and threatening the com- mand of Gens. Banks and Fremont. McDowell Jackson's strategy. 93 was ordered to march his command, widi the exception of McCall's division, to intercept Jack- son. A wild-goose chase was the result, in which nothing was accomplished, and the troops finally returned to Fredericksburg. Gen. Jackson, by a rapid, bewildering series of movements, drove General Banks out of the valley, and so alarmed the authorities at Washington that they kept the commands of McDowell, Banks and Fremont frisking about without accomplishing anything definite, when the wily rebel commander finally skipped off to Richmond in time to take a most prominent part in the great Seven Days' batde which ensued soon after. The object of the enemy in making this raid was to prevent Mc- Dowell's army from marching to the relief of McClellan's troops. It appears strange that the combined force of Banks and Fremont, together with the troops around Washington, could not have held the line of the Potomac against Jack- son's 30,000 men, and let McDowell march to the Peninsula ; but such a chronic fear existed at Washington that the Capital might by some chance fall into the hands of the enemy, that the first report of a rebel army moving up the valley set half of the Union armies in motion. Gen. McClellan, in accordance with the movement made by McDowell's cavalry, sent Gen. Fitz John Porter with the fifth corps to Hanover Court House to engage the enemy. The result was the 94 CONCENTRATED REBEL FORCE. battle of Hanover Court House, in which the Union troops were victorious. The way was now open for a junction between McClellan's and McDowell's forces, and had such a junction been effected the rebel captain would in all probability have fallen into the hands of the Union troops. After the battle of Fair Oaks, Gen. McClellan, believing his force too weak to capture Richmond by assault, selected his camp and commenced to erect lines of intrenchments and fortifications for a regular approach to within commanding distance of the city, and to protect his men from an assault by the enemy. Almost one month was employed in this work, and by that time the army occupied a strongly fortified posi- tion, extending from the swamps below White Oak to the right of Mechanicsville, a distance of about fifteen miles. A part of this immense line was in sight of the rebel Capital, at which place the main strength of the rebel power was concen- trated. The people of the North and South looked on with almost bated breath for the result which would follow. The rebels had em- ployed the time as industriously as the Union troops in fortifying and strengthening their posi- tion, and preparing for the mighty conflict before them. A large part of Gen. Beauregard's forces had been transferred to Richmond, and with the thirty thousand Jackson brought with him from the DEFENSES OF RICHMOND. 95 valley, the entire force in the defences of Rich- mond was not less thon 135,000 men. To this was added the division of Gen. Magruder during the fio-htinof, which numbered about 15,000 men. Gen. McClellan's force when he first landed on the Peninsula was rather less than 1 1 5,000 men ; to this was added the division of Gen. Franklin, numbering about 12,000, the greater part of McCall's division, numbering about 10,000 men, and about ii,ooo from other sources, making a total of about 148,000 men, Directly after landing on the Peninsula, sick- ness commenced to spread with fearful rapidity through the Union army, and in a short time the number of men in hospitals was fearfully great. The losses in the different actions had also been quite heavy, and it is not probable that McClellan had a man more than 100,000 men when the Seven Days' battle commenced. This force could not even all be depended on in an engagement with the enemy, as it required the services of a full division to guard our base of supplies, and keep up communication with it at White House Landing. McClellan, finding that he could not hope for a junction with McDowell's corps, again requested that reinforcements be sent to him, and it was de- cided to send him McCall's division of that corps. On the 7th of June, Secretary of War Stanton advised McClellan of the departure of reinforce- 96 HAMPERED BY FLOODS. ments, and desired to know "whether he would, on their arrival, be in a situation to advance ?" to which McClellan replied : * "I have the honor to state that the Chickahom- iny river has risen so as to flood the entire bot- toms to the depth of three or four feet. I am pushing forward the bridges in spite of this, and the men are working night and day, up to their waists in water, to complete them. **The v/hole face of the country is a perfect bog, entirely impassable for artillery, or even cav- alry, except directly in the narrow roads, which renders any general movement, either of this or the rebel army, entirely out of the question until we have more favorable weather, "I am glad to learn that you are pushing for- ward reinforcements so vigorously. "I shall be in perfect readiness to move forward and take Richmond the moment McCall reaches here, and the ground will admit the passage of artillery. I have advanced my pickets about a mile to-day, driving off the rebel pickets, and se- curing a very advantageous position." To give a proper description of the events which followed, it will be necessary to again re- turn to McDowell's command at Fredericksburg. The division of that command which had marched to the assistance of Banks' troops had not as yet returned to occupy the position at Fredericks- burg ; but the necessity now appeared so great BATTL2 OF SEVEN PINES AND FAIR OAKS. BATTLEFIELD OF THE SEVEN PINES. REINFORCING McCLELLAN. 97 that some reinforcements should be sent to the Peninsula, that McCall's division was ordered to move without waiting for the other division to arrive and take its place. On Sunday morning, June 4th, the division marched to Gray's Landing — ten miles below Fredericksburg — at which place a fleet of trans- ports was in waiting to take us down the river. The march was made in the darkness of night, for the purpose of deceiving the enemy in regard to the. movement. At daylight on the foWowIng morning the em- barkation commenced, and by 10 o'clock the "first brigade was on board. At about 2 p. m., the steamers with the first and second brigades on board steamed into line, and commenced to move down the river. The third brigade was delayed for the want of transportation, and did not get off until two days later. We had been greatly disappointed in being severed from the Army of the Potomac, and pre- vented from ofoinor with it from Alexandria to the Peninsula, and the men were wild with delight at the prospect of joining it again. Cheer after cheer reverberated through the forest alone the shore as the steamers steamed down the stream ; and to judge by the joy and mirth of the men, it might have been supposed that they were going on a grand pleasure excursion instead of to a great battle, and it must not be supposed that these 7 gS> THE FORTUNES OF WAR. men expected anything else than hard work and severe fighting when they arrived in front of Richmond, They all believed that a grand effort would be made to storm the rebel Capital, and the result would be terrible battles, with great loss of life — but the men were eager for the fray, and rejoiced at the prospect of meeting the enemy. The playing of bands, the rolling of drums, and the wild cheering of the troops, made a most in- spiriting scene, and one not soon to be forgotten by those who witnessed it. Three weeks later, more than one-fourth of these men were lying dead or bleeding along the banks of the Chickahominy river, or in the swamps of the Peninsula. Such are the fortunes of war. On Monday evening we anchored at Fort Con- roy, where we stopped until the following morn- ing, when we again continued our voyage, and by 4 o'clock had reached the Chesapeake Bay. The weather was most delightful, and we all enjoyed the trip probably better than anything else we had experienced in our soldier life. On the way down the river we passed a number of very fine planta- tions, and large numbers of blacks, with a few whites, gathered along the shore to witness the sight. The blacks were wild with joy and excite- ment, and it was highly amusing to the boys to see their demonstradons of delight. Some ot them waded Into the water and shouted for " Massa Lincoln " to take them on board ; others WELCOMED BY NEGROES. 99 gathered in groups, and jumped, shouted, and clapped their hands, until they sank down on the ground exhausted. The few whites looked on in sullen silence. We were probably the first Union troops these people had ever seen, and to them, no doubt, we seemed a mighty legion, and to the blacks an army of deliverers who had come to set them free. These poor, ignorant people instinctively knew that the marching of Union troops, or "Massa Lincoln's men" — as they called us — South, would in some way, lead to their good ; and no doubt in the privacy of many an humble cabin was dis- cussed that night the joyful news, and many ear- nest, sincere prayers ascended to Almighty God in thankful praise that the day of deliverance was nigh, and that the promised "Moses" had at last appeared to lead them to freedom ; and who can say how much the prayers of these poor, op^ pressed people had to do with the deluge of blood which swept its crimson waves from shore to shore of our country ? On Wednesday, June nth, the fleet steamed up the Pamunky river to White House Land* ing, at which place we disembarked as rapidly as possible, and marched a few miles up the York River and Richmond railroad, where we encamped for the nio^ht. On the following morning the march was re- sumed, and we marched to Tonstall Station, and L.ofC. lOO REBEL DEPREDATIONS. on the next day to Dispatch Station, where we were to encamp and wait for the third brigade before continuing our march. Directly after going into camp Gen. McCall received a dispatch stating that the enemy had attacked the guards and laborers at Tonstall Station in our rear, and that the immense amount of army supplies at White House Landing was in danger of being destroyed. Our brigade was immediately or- dered to fall into line and march back to the station. It was already night, and the men felt tired after the day's march ; but the news that the enemy was in our rear, and that there was some prospect of meeting them, caused the men to form, line with alacrity and in the best of spirits. After marching about eight or nine miles, and a good part of the way on double-quick, we arrived at the station. The enemy fled at our approach, leaving a number of cars and the station in flames. The bodies of several unarmed laborers whom the rebels had murdered were lying near the railroad track. After extinguishing the flames, the march was renewed in the direction of the Landing. We had not marched very far, however, when we received word that the third brigade had landed at that place, and thus pre- vented the enemy from doing any mischief there. The rebels had appeared in sight of the Landing, but discovering the presence of a considerable number of troops, they fled. It was fortunate AT MECHANICSVILLE. lOI that the division arrived so opportunely in the rear of the army, thus saving the Union supplies from falling into the hands of the rebels. The force which had thus threatened the rear of the Union army consisted of Gen. Stuart's cavalry, and as it was, of course, useless to think of pursuing them with infantry, we marched back to camp. On the 1 7th of June, the division, with the ex- ception of the regiment of cavalry, the sixth in- fantry, and part of the Bucktail regiment, was again united at Dispatch Station, and ready for action. The cavalry and four companies of the Bucktails had been left with Fremont in the val- ley, and the sixth regiment was to guard Tonstall Station. The effective force now in the division was about 10,000 men. On the morning of the i8th of June, the march was commenced for the position the Reserves were to occupy in the army. On the day before the march commenced, we received orders to fall into line, as Gen. McClellan was coming to review die division. The boys were very anxious to see that popular commander again ; but as he did not put in an appearance, they suffered a disappoint- ment. After marching two days, sometimes in sio-ht of the rebel pickets, and sometimes under fire, we reached the extreme right of the Union position at Mechanicsville, at which place we went into camp. I02 READY FOR THE ASSAULT. The position thus assigned to the Pennsylvania Reserves was a most important one, and imme- diate steps were taken to make it as strong as possible. The first brigade was placed in posi- tion across the Walnut Grove Church road, its line extending from Beaver Dam creek on the left to a large swamp on the right. The second brigade formed on the left of the first, its line extending along the Beaver Dam creek. The third brigade was in position on Gaines' farm, a short distance in the rear of the two other briofades. By the 25th of June everything was in readiness to commence the grand assault upon the rebel Capital. The bridges had all been completed, and the troops, placed in the most advantageous posi- tion, eagerly awaited the order to advance. CHAPTER V. THE SEVEN DAYS' FIGHTING ON THE PENINSULA. 'TWO armies — the largest ever marshaled on the ^ Western continent — nov/ stood confronUng each other in such close proximity that the advance pickets of the contending forces could converse together, and all felt that a mighty struggle was close at hand. And yet an amazing amount of good feeling, and even jollity, cropped out between these opposed pickets at times. A brisk trade in newspapers was kept up almost continually. The exchange of coffee for tobacco was a very usual thing. Among the facetious things of these peril- ous posts was the conference between the "Reb," who called out " Hello, Yank ! what regiment do you belong to?" "To the Ninety-ninth Rhode Island," was the ready reply. "The Ninety-ninth Rhode Island! Good heavens !" cried the aston- ished questioner. " How many regiments must New York have, if Rhode Island has ninety- nme .-* As a preliminary movement to the great one then impending and that was so soon to follow. Gen. McClellan ordered Gen. Heintzelman's corps, and Richardson's division of Sumner's to (103) 104 BASE OF SUPPLIES IN DANGER. advance and feel the enemy in their front. The object of this movement was to place the corps of Heintzelman and Sumner in a more favorable position for the opening of the great assault that was to commence on the morrow. McClellan had received information that Gen. Jackson, with 30,000 men, was approaching along the line of the Virginia Central Railroad, to rein- force Lee's forces, and he now determined to strike before they could form a junction. In the evenino- after leavinp- the field where the advance had been made, and arriving at his headquarters, McClellan received additional information that Jackson was much closer than at first reported, and that he was moving with his entire force directly on the rear of the Union position, which greatly endangered his base of supplies. It now became plainly evident that the advance on the rebel Capital must be given up until the danger that threatened our rear was removed. Gen. McClellan immediately issued an order that the immense amount of supplies be removed from White House Landing and shipped to Harrison's Landing, on the James river. He had for some time before favored a movement of this kind, as he considered the James river a safer base of sup- plies, from the fact that it would be under the protection of the Federal gunboats, and would not require so many men to guard it. Unfortu- Tiately, it did not at first meet the views of the Gov- PUSHING THE FIGHTING. IO5 ernment, and it was delayed until it was absolute- ly necessary to remove them, or let them fall into the hands of the enemy. The immense amount of supplies was tumbled on transports, and sent down the Pamunky as fast as possible, and a con- siderable number of troops sent to hold the enemy in check until the supplies could be got out of the way. McClellan had, however, not given up the plan of fighting on the Chickahominy, but merely de- layed it until the change of base was effected He intended to renew the fighting, if possible, on the battle-field of the Fair Oaks, and compel the rebel commander to fight a great battle on the south side of the river. He had a number of good, strong bridges over the stream, which would have enabled him to concentrate his force in a short time on either side of the stream ; and if the enemy would refuse to fight on the south side, so far from their Capital, he could, at least, ad- vance his line nearer to the city, with the great advantage of having his base of supplies nearer and in a much safer position. Early in the evening, after the advance of Heintzelman, Gen. McClellan telegraphed to Washinofton : "The affair is over, and we have gained our point fully, and with but little loss, notwithstand- ing the strong opposition. Our men have done all that could be desired. The enemy has been I06 200,000 FIGHTING SECESSIONISTS. driven from the camps in front of this place, and is now quiet." ****** A few days later Gen. McClellan received in- formation that both Beauregard and Jackson had united their commands with Lee, and that they would, in all probability, assume the offensive on the morrow, and by flanking his right, compel him to fight on the north side of the Chickahominy. That this information was correct, subsequent events fully proved. At about 6 o'clock in the evening, McClellan telegraphed to the President as follows : " I am inclined to think that Jackson will attack my right and rear. The rebel force is stated at 200,000, including Jackson and Beauregard. I shall have to contend against vastly superior odds, if these reports be true. But this army will do all in the power of men to hold their position and repulse any attack. " I regret my great inferiority in numbers, but feel that I am in no way responsible for it, as I have not failed to represent repeatedly the neces' sity of reinforcements, that this was the decisive point, and that all the available means of the Government should be concentrated here. I will do all that a General can do with the splendid army I have the honor to command, and, if it is destroyed by overwhelming numbers, can at least die with it and share its fate. But if the result of the action, which will probably occur to-morrov/, CHANGE OF BASE. lOj or within a short time, is a disaster, the responsi- bility cannot be thrown on my shoulders ; it must rest where it belongs." McClellan now believed the situation to be most critical, and he took the most energetic measures to get the immense amount of supplies, wagons, and army material, out of the way of the enemy. The cars were kept constantly run- ning from the rear of the army to White House Landing, loaded with army supplies, where it was tumbled on boats and moved down the river. Immense trains of loaded wagons were kept moving along the rear of the army to the left, and all supplies on the way to the front were ordered back and up the James river to Harrison's Land- ing. ^ It is certainly creditable to Gen. McClellan that, although the fighting commenced on the following day, and raged with great fury for seven days, so little of the army supplies fell into the hands of the enemy, and the change of base to the James river was so successfully effected. The change of base at so late a day was, however, unfortunate, from the fact that it to some extent impaired the morale of the army. The fact that something unusual was going on could not be kept from the men, and the reports of the enemy being so strongly reinforced spread through the army, and the fear of a disastrous retreat, instead of a suc- cessful forward movement, soon became felt. I08 BASE OF SUPPLIES CHANGED, This was greatly increased after the second day's battle, when the right wing of the Union army re- treated across the Chickahominy, and the excite- ment and confusion proved conclusively that the army was retreating from its fortified position in front of Richmond. That the occupation of White House Landing for a base of supplies was a mistake, there can be no doubt. Who was re- sponsible for it will ever be a matter of dispute, but McClellan was certainly in favor of removing it before it was done. It has been contended by some that it was the commencing of this change of base which brought on the rebel attack on the 26th, but that is not borne out by the facts in the case. The order for commencing the movement was not made until in the evening of the 25 th, and that the rebel com- manders had, in council of war, decided to assume the offensive before that order was issued, is proven by the statement of a rebel officer who was present at said council. This officer said : "On the 25th of June another great council of war was held. In it were assembled nearly all that was eminent in the Confederate army. There stood like a rock General Lee, gazing cheerfully over the countenances of his comrades, for each of whom he had a part already assigned. Thoughtfully his eyes wandered from one to the other, as though he wished to stamp the features -)f each upon his memor)^ with the feeling that he REBEL PREPARATIONS. lOQ perhaps should never behold many of them again. Close beside him towered the knightly form of Gen. Baldwin ; at his left leaned passively Stone- wall Jackson, the idol of his troops, impatiently swinging his saber to and fro, as though the quiet room was too narrow for him, and he were long- ing to be once more at the head of his columns. A little aside stood the two Hills, arm-in-arm, v/hile in front of them old Gen. Wise was ener- getically speaking. Further to the right stood Generals Huger, Longstreet, Branch, Anderson, Whiting, Ripley and Magruder, in a group. When all these generals had assembled. General Lee laid his plans before them, and in a few stir- ring words pointed out to each his allotted task. The scheme had already been elaborated. It was compact, concentrated action, and the result could not fail to be brilliant. '•When the conference terminated, all shook hands and hastened away to their respective irmy corps, to enter upon immediate activity." Early on Thursday, June 26th, the day that McClellan had intended to move on the enemy's works, indications of an advance of the rebels on our extreme right commenced to show them- selves. Gen. Jackson's command had left Ashland at 3 o'clock in the morning, and after driving the Union pickets back in the direction of Atley's Station, advanced and engaged the Union cavalry under Gen. Stoneman at Hanover Court House* no UNION TROOPS PUSHED BACK. This movement uncovered the front of Gen. Branch's rebel division on the left of Lee's lines, and it crossed the river at the Brook turnpike bridge and attacked the eighth Illinois cavalry, which was in position between that bridge and the Meadow bridge. The cavalry, after a short resistance, fell back to Meadow bridge, where six companies of the Bucktails and four companies of the First Pennsylvania Reserves were sta- tioned. A sharp conflict ensued ; the Union troops were compelled to fall back, and a number of men belonging to one of the Bucktail com- panies were cut off by the enemy and taken prisoners. In the meantime Gen. Reynolds, with the first brigade, had advanced beyond Mechanicsville and formed line of battle; but it soon became evident that the rebels were in such force that it would be useless to try to oppose them with so small a force, and the brigade was withdrawn to its line of intrenchments this side of Beaver Dam creek. The second brigade was formed in line of battle on the left of the first, and the third brigade in the rear of the first and second, as a reserve. The disposition of these troops had hardly been more than effected when two full divisions of rebel troops, commanded by Gen. Lee in person, advanced to the assault, and the battle opened with great fury along the front of fthe first brigade. As the enemy's troops came FIGHT AT BEAVER DAM. 1 1 I within range of McCall's artillery, the batteries of Cooper and De Hart opened on them with the most terrific effect ; but the enemy, encouraged by the presence of Lee, pressed forward to the assault with the most desperate courage. The enemy, who were suffering dreadfully from the f:re of the Union batteries, were evidently deter- mined to come to close quarters as soon as pos- sible, and with frantic cries of rage they threw themselves on the Union lines. In front of the first brigade a part of the ground was low and swampy, making it almost impossible for troops to cross. Into this a part of the rebel column charged, and a scene of the most indescribable confusion, horror and tumult ensued. Hundreds of the men and horses sank into the mire, and were shot down by the deadly rifles of the first brigade. Again and again the enemy advanced to the assault, only to be driven back with the most terrible slaughter. Gen, Lee, finding he could not storm the position held by the first and second brigades of the Pennsylvania Reserves, sent a strono- column down the Ellison Mill road, for the purpose of turning the left of the position held by McCall's troops. That gen- eral, however, was equal to the sly rebel leader, and he had already dispatched both infantry and artillery to that point, and the enemy met the same repulse they had received on our right. The battle raged at different points along Mc- I I 2 REBELS' TERRIBLE DEFEAT. Call's lines until after dark, when the fighting ceased. At about sunset Griffin's brigade of Morrell's division and Edwards' battery came on the ground and became engaged ; but almost all the fighting was done by McCall's division. The rebels had two fijll divisions engaged, one of which, commanded by A. P. Hill, was officially reported as having 14,000 men when the battle commenced. The loss sustained by the Union troops was less than 300 ; the rebel loss exceeded 2,000. Althouorh the Reserves had inflicted a terrible o defeat on the enemy, and were abundantly able to hold their position against almost any force that might attack them in front, their position nevertheless was one of great peril. The rebel division commanded by Gen. Branch was advanc- ing to turn their right, and Jackson's corps was moving on the left of Branch's division, for the purpose of getting into the rear of the Union army. It became highly necessary to withdraw McCall's division from the dangerous position it occupied to one in closer proximity to the main army. Gen. McClellan in his rejDort says : " The position on Beaver Dam Creek, although so successfully defended, had its right flank too much in the air, and was too far from the main army, to make it available to retain it longer. I therefore determined to send the heavy guns at Hogan's and Gaines' houses over the Chickahom- ' -r^ GEN. JNO. C. FREMONT. A CREDITABLE RETREAT. I 1 3 iny during the night, with as many wagons of the fifth corps as possible, and to withdraw the corps itself to a position stretching around the bridges, where its flanks would be reasonably secure, and it would be within supporting distance of the main army. General Porter carried out my orders to that effect. "Meade's and Griffin's brigades were the first to leave the ground; Seymour's brigade covered the rear with the horse batteries of Captains Robinson and Tidball; but the withdrawal was so skillful and gradual, and the repulse of the pre- ceding day so complete, that, although the enemy followed the retreat closely, and some skirmish- ing occurred, they did not appear in front of the new line In force till about noon of the 27th, when we were prepared to receive them." The withdrawal of the troops commenced at daylight, but as the rebels opened fire directly after, and it was necessary to keep up a show of resistance for the purpose of deceiving the enemy. It was not fully accomplished until 9 a. M., when the last of the brave division which had fouo-ht and defeated three times their number was in retreat in the direction of Gaines' Mill. Gen. McCall, justly proud of his command, said: "In fine, our killed had been buried and our wounded had been sent off by 7 o'clock a. m. on the 27th, and not a man nor a gun nor a musket had been left on the field. The regiment filed 8 114 BURNING BRIDGES BEHIND. past as Steadily as if marching from the parade ground; and it must have been some time before the enemy were aware that we were gone, as no attempt was made to follow immediately." The loss of the enemy was heavy beyond precedent in this war in proportion to the num- bers engaged. I learned from official authority while a prisoner in Richmond that Lee's loss in killed and wounded did not fall short of two thousand men. In the official reports published it was admitted that the First North Carolina regiment lost nearly one-half its effective force, and the Forty-fourth Georgia nearly two-thirds. In this, the first great battle in which the Penn- sylvania Reserves had taken part, they won laurels that well might make any commander feel proud of them. Gen. Porter had been ordered to withdraw the whole of his corps to a position a short distance beyond Gaines' Mill, and the retreat continued in that direction. The Reserves cov- ered the line of retreat, which was made in the most orderly manner, the last of the column de- stroying the bridge at the mill after crossing. The enemy, finding that our troops were retreat- ing, and being strongly reinforced, rushed for- ward in pursuit, and as we were leisurely retiring we were soon overtaken by them. The destruc- tion of the bridge did not detain them very long, as they soon had a temporary causeway, on which they crossed their artiller>', and the stream was so COLD HARBOR. I I 5 insignificant that it did not long- retard the ad- vance of the infantry. The entire mass was soon across the stream and in pursuit of the Federal army. Gen. McClellan, finding that it would be neces- sary to fight another battle on the north side of the Chickahominy river to hold the enemy in check long enough to get his trains over the river, ordered Gen. Porter to take a position about two miles this side of Gaines' Mill, and re- sist the further advance of the enemy until that was accomplished. Gen. Porter formed his corps in line of battle in the following order : The divis- ions of Morrell and Sykes were advantageously posted in position, with the left of Morrell's line extending almost to the Chickahominy, and the right of Sykes to the rear of Cold Harbor. Mc- Call's division was held in reserve, being in posi- tion about one mile in the rear of the first line. By 1 1 o'clock everything was in readiness to re- ceive the enemy, every man and every gun being in position. The scene, as witnessed by the author from the position held by his regiment, was one of the grandest and most inspiriting imaginable. The space of ground presented to the eye, and on which was soon to be fougfht one of the most desperate and destructive battles known in mod- ern warfare, was about two miles in length and nearly as wide. It was made up of beautiful Il6 APPREHENSION. green meadows, large fields of waving grain, several swamps and ravines, which at some places interposed between the two armies, and a strip oi wood skirting along the rebel line opposite to the Union position. The long array of glittering steel, the waving of the numerous starry banners, which gracefully and majestically flung their folds to the breeze from every regiment, the dashing of officers from one part of the line to the other giving orders, and the knowledge that the rebels in immense numbers were close upon us, all con- vinced us that the loyal sons of the Nation would soon aeain have to meet armed treason on the bloody field of battle. The retreat from Mechanicsville, and the re- ports of the immense number of reinforcements which the rebels had received, had the effect of filling the hearts of the Union soldiers with appre- hension for the result of the conflict they knew would soon take place, but undismayed they awaited the approach of the enemy. The period of suspense did not last long. At a few minutes before i o'clock the enemy emerged from the woods along the entire front In countless numbers, and with wild yells advanced on the Union lines. The battle had opened almost instantaneously along our entire front, and the great superiority in numbers of the enemy soon compelled Gen. Porter to use his reserve division, and In a short time almost his entire command was engaged. THE BATTLE RAGING II7 A) 2 o'clock he sent a request to McClellan for reinforcements, and also for axes to fell trees, but unfortunately the message did not reach McClel- lan till late in the day, when a part of Slocum's di- vision was sent to his support. The battle raged > all the afternoon with the utmost intensity, and, although a panic seized several regiments which at one time threatened the most serious conse- quences, the mass of the Union troops fought with a desperation unsurpassed in the history of the war. For four long hours 27,000 men held 60,000, led by the ablest chieftains in the Southern army, at bay. At about 4 o'clock there v/as a short lull in the battle, when it again burst forth with even greater fury than before. The enemy had again been strongly reinforced, and, with the most frantic yells of rage, they in overwhelming numbers charged on the Union lines. The Union troops, with shouts of defiance, and the most destructive volleys of infantry and artil- lery, met their assailants, and the battle raged with all the fury which <:haracterizes an engage- ment in which brave men fight for victory or death. The fighting was now of the most terrible description, and would often be at such close quarters that the savage thrust of the bayonet, and the crash of the butt of the musket, as it struck through the head of some poor unfortunate, added to the horror and tumult of the occasion. In the reur of a portion of the Union position was a low. Il8 OVERWHELMING SOUTHERN HOSTS. marshy swamp, and into this the rebels tried with the utmost desperation to drive the Union troops ; but our men, knowing the nature of the ground, jand that it would be certain destruction if the enemy succeeded, fought with all the desperation of despair to prevent it. It was fortunate that at about this time the rein- forcements arrived from the south side of the river, and reached the front ; for, even the most heroic fighting could not much longer have held the overwhelming hosts of the enemy at bay. During the battle, the regiments belonging to the division of the Pennsylvania Reserves were sent to combat where their services would be the most needed, and were frequently in the severest parts of the battle. One of the fiercest conflicts that occurred during the battle was fought by Col. Duryea's regiment of Zouaves And a large force of rebels. The Zouaves held a position on an open sandy piece of ground, and the enemy occupied the wood in front of them. A rebgl column, six or eight men deep, cautiously advanced to the edge of this wood, when, rushing forward, they charged with frantic yells on the Union regiment. The Zouaves poured into their ranks a deadly fire, and then, with a wild shout, charged bayonets. The rebels for some time bravely stood their ground, and then ensued a conflict as terrible as human beings could make it. When the fighting was the sever- HAND TO HAND. I 1 9 est, our regiment was ordered forward to rein- force the gallant Zouaves ; and, as we advanced for that purpose, we could distinctly see the des- perate nature of the fighting. Neither side ap- peared to think of loading their muskets, but depended entirely on the bayonet. We advanced as fast as possible to the assistance of the Zouaves, but by the time we reached the ground, the orallant fellows had beaten the rebels back into the woods and out of sight. They had, however, paid dearly for their victory, as about 300 of this heroic band lay dead or terribly wounded on the field. The regiment was completely disorganized, and left the field in squads. Its brave com- mander stayed for some time with our regiment, evidently regretting that he did not have a fresh reofiment to seek reveno-e for the noble fellows lying dead in front of him. When the two Colo- nels met, Col. Roberts remarked, "Well, Colonel, they have used you up pretty badly ;" to which Duryea replied, "Well, yes; but, by the Eternal," — pointing with his sword to the heaps of rebel dead — 'T think we have paid them back in their own coin." For a few minutes after we arrived on the field, there was a lull In the fighting, and Col. Roberts ordered the regiment to advance over the ground so hotly contested a few moments before. As we advanced, I had a good opportunity of seeing the terrible character of the conflict. The ground I20 CLOSE-RANGE FIGHTING. was so thickly covered with the dead and wounded that it was with the utmost difficulty we could advance without treading on them. To accom- plish this the regiment were compelled to break ranks and get over the ground as best they could, regardless of system or discipline. The red uni- forms of the Zouaves, showing more conspic- uously than the gray of the enemy, gave us at first the impression that the Union loss was the severer; but a closer inspection of the field re- vealed the fact that the loss of the enemy was even greater. The nature of the wounds inflicted proved the close proximity in which the combatants contested for the mastery. Some of the dead had their heads broken in by blows from butts of rifles, and others lay dead with bayonets thrust through them, the weapon having been left sticking in their bodies. Some of the wounded begged piteously to be helped to the rear ; and altogether, it was the most sickening^ sio^ht I had ever witnessed. We had hardly more than advanced over the ground when Col. Roberts received orders to about-face his regiment, and march a few steps to the rear of the position held by the Zouaves. At this place the ground formed a small elevation several feet high, and behind this Col. Roberts formed his line. He had hardly more than done so when a chorus of yells, \vhich was enough to make us believe that all the demons from the REPULSING A CHARGE. 121 lower regions had broken loose, announced that the enemy was advancing to the assault. Col. Roberts ordered the regiment to lie down, and not fire a shot until the rebels reached the open ground. Some of the men could hardly be re- strained from firing as they came yelling through the woods; but the officers kept telling them to keep cool and wait for the word of command. After a few moments of painful suspense, the enemy like a swarm of bees burst from the wood into the open ground. The single word "Fire!" from our gallant Colonel, and the rifles of the first reofiment sent a shower of lead into the rebel mass which swept their line like a scythe of death. The rebel line broke and fled in the utmost confusion, and in a few moments after the men, with loaded rifles and without the loss of a man, were prepared to give them the same recep- tion. We did not have to wait long, however, to get the chance ; for they, having reformed their lines, again advanced to the attack. They were again driven back with great slaughter, and we were commencing to congratulate ourselves on having a soft thing of it, when the yells of the enemy again announced their advance. They had now a fresh and a stronger column, and were evidently determined to force us from our posi- tion at any cost. We again reserv^ed our fire until they were out of the woods, and then gave them the contents of our rifles. The rebel line 122 A BREAK IN THE LINES. wavered for a moment, but soon recovered, and then, giving us a volley, rushed forward to come to close quarters. A fierce conflict ensued, which raged for almost an hour, when they again fled from the field, leaving us in victorious possession. It was most fortunate, however, for us that they did, for our ammunition was running short, and after a few more volleys at the retreating rebels some of the men were entirely out; and the regi- ment which was advancing to relieve us made so poor a record after they became engaged, that, had we been compelled to fall back, they would, no doubt, have fled from the field before they did. Our regiment and the 8th Pennsylvania Re- serves, which had been engaged on our right, and was also out of ammunition, were now ordered to march to the rear for the purpose of getting a new supply and a short rest. The two regiments marched to the rear, stacked arms, and threw themselves on the ground. We had hardly more than done so, when a wild commotion in our front caused us to jump to our feet, when we discovered that a serious break had taken place in the line we had just vacated. The New York regimen* which had relieved us broke and fled as soon a.s the rebels charged on them, and the enemy, pour- ing through the gap thus created, flanked several regiments, which were also compelled to fall back. To add to the confusion, a body of cavalry under 4ie command of Gen. McCook, who, according to PANIC. 1 23 the report of Gen. Porter, had been commanded to remain behind the hill, and not under any cir- cumstances to appear above the crest, but to operate against the enemy on the bottom land on the left, should an opportunity present itself, charged on the rebel line. "This charge in the face of a withering fire of infantry, and in the midst of cannonading, resulted, of course, in their beino- thrown into confusion ; and the bewildered horses, regardless of the efforts of the riders, wheeled about, and, dashing through the batteries, convinced the gunners that they were charged by the enemy." Several of the batteries fell into the hands of the enemy, and a scene of the most indescribable confusion ensued. Horses plunged madly about, and sometimes ran into the ranks of the soldiers. Batteries fled to the rear, and from the point where the break occurred in the infantry line came a stream of flying fugitives, some of them throwing away guns and everything that could impede their flight. Everything now indicated a terrible disaster to our arms. Looking at the mass of running fugitives who came rushing toward us, I remarked to a comrade, "Now look out for a Bull Run stampede ;" but happily such was not to take place. Col. Roberts had formed his regi- ment in line, and to keep them steady com- menced to drill, throwing his command into col- umns by companies, and then into regimental 124 OUT OF AMMUNITION. line, with as much coohiess as if he had had us on a parade ground in camp, when an officer dash ing up, exclaimed, " Colonel, fire into those men who are falling back!" The Colonel replied^ " We are out of ammunition." In a moment after Gen. Porter came riding up in haste, and exclaimed, " Col. Roberts, can't you take these two regiments and stop those men ?" To which Roberts replied, "I will try; but get me some ammunition to stop the enemy." Col. Roberts formed the two regiments, and, although the shells from the enemy's batteries fell thick around them, and the shouts of the now victorious enemy, who were in hot pursuit of the broken Union troops, could be heard coming nearer and nearer, they stood as firm as if on dress parade, and presented a solid front of steel to the demoralized fugitives, who tried to pass them and get to the rear. The two regiments succeeded in stopping the most of them, but they were now in a most serious situation, as the rebels would soon be upon them, and they without ammunition to defend themselves. Fortunately just at this time the cheering in our rear announced the fact that reinforcements were at hand, and never were such more eagerly welcomed. The Irish brigade, commanded by Gen. Meagher, and a brigade commanded by Gen. French, both of Slocum's division, came on the ground on the double-quick, and charging on A REBEL ACCOUNT. I 25 the enemy with the ferocity of tigers, stopped their farther advance ; and finally the entire line, which was now again in good condition, advanced and drove back the enemy. The approach of night put an end to the fighting, and closed one of the severest battles, for the number engaged, in the history of the war. This battle, fought for the purpose of covering the retreat of the Union army over the Chicka- hominy, fully accomplished that purpose. The siege guns, wagons and army material on the north side of the river were safely crossed to the south side, and Porter's corps followed in perfect order during the night. The loss sustained by the Union forces was, however, very great, and as the rebels captured several batteries of artil- lery and held the battle-ground, the prestige of success was held by them. Gen. Fitz John Porter's corps, which did almost all the fighting, numbered about 27,000 men, and lost nearly one- third. Fearful as was the Union loss, the enemy's was even yet greater. The Union troops fighting most of the time on the defensive, inflicted the most terrible slaughter on their enemies. A distinguished rebel officer thus describes this terrible conflict : "The attack was opened by the columns of Hill (ist), Anderson and Pickett. These gallant masses rushed forward with thundering hurrahs upon the musketry of the foe, as though It were 126 COBB'S FEROCIOUS CHARGE. joy to them. Whole ranks went down undei' that terrible hail, but nothing- could restrain their courage. The billows of battle raged fiercely onward ; the struggle was man to man, eye tG rye, bayonet to bayonet. The hostile Meagher's brigade, composed chiefly of Irishmen, offered heroic resistance. After a fierce struggle our people began to give way, and at length all orders of encouragement were vain — they were fallinp- back in the o^reatest disorder. Infuriate, foaming at the mouth, bareheaded, sabre in hand, at this critical moment Gen. Cobb appeared upon the field at the head of his legion, and with him the Nineteenth North Carolina and the Four- teenth Virginia regiments. At once these troops renewed the attack, but all their devotion and self-sacrifice were in vain. The Irish held their position with a determination and ferocity that called forth the admiration of our own officers. Broken to pieces and disorganized, the fragments of that fine legion came rolling back from the charge. The Nineteenth North Carolina lost eight standard-bearers, and most of their staff officers were either killed or wounded. Again Gens. Hill (ist) and Anderson led their troops to the attack, and some regiments covered them- selves with immortal glory. Our troops ex- hibited a contempt for death that made them the equals of old, experienced veterans ; for, notwith- standing the bloody harvest the destroyer reaped A REBEL REPORT. 127 in our ranks that day, no disorder, no timid bear- ing, revealed that many of the regiments were under fire and smelt gunpowder then for the first time. But the enemy, nevertheless, quietly and coolly held out against every attack we made, one after the other. Notwithstanding the fact that some of their brigades had to stand their orround o o from four until eight o'clock p. m., they performed feats of incredible valor ; and it was only when the news came that Jackson was upon them in the rear, that, about eight, they retired before our advance. Despite the dreadful carnage in the ranks, they marched on with streaming banners and rolling drums, and carried with them all their slightly wounded and all their baggage ; and when the cavalry regiments of Davies and Wick- ham went in pursuit, repelled this assault also with perfect coolness. "By this time night had come on, and over- spread the field of death with darkness, compas- sionately shutting out from the eyes of the living the horrid spectacle of slaughter, * * I has- tened with one of my aids to that quarter of the field where the struggle had raged the most fiercely. The scene of ruin was horrible ; whole ranks of the enemy lay prone where they had stood at the beginning of the battle. The num- ber of wounded was fearful, too, and the groans and Imploring cries for help that rose on all sides had, in the obscurity of the night, a ghastly effect 128 TOOMBS' DEFEAT. that froze the blood in one's veins. Although } had been upon so many battle-fields in Italy and Hungary, never had my vision beheld such a spectacle of human destruction." The troops referred to by this officer as making so desperate a resistance were not, as he thought, the Irish Brigade, that body of troops not coming into action until late in the evening. During the time that this battle was in progress, the enemy made an attack on McClellan's left wing, for the purpose of preventing him from sending rein- forcements to the troops fighting on the north side of the river. The rebels, who were under the command of General Toombs, suffered a severe defeat, and were driven from the field with heavy loss. The enemy renewed the engagement at this point on the following morning, but were again defeated by the desperate fighting of Han- cock's brigade of the Union army. This action is known as the battle of Golding's farm, and as al- ready stated, had been brought on for the pur- pose of preventing strong reinforcements being sent to Porter. Some writers contend that it had that effect, but that is not in accordance with the facts in the case. Gen. McClellan had fully made up his mind to withdraw his army to the James river, and the reinforcements he did send to Por- ter's aid, although late through the miscarriage of the order from that general requesting aid, yet had the effect of checking the farther advance of 1 UNION I CONCCbERAT BATTLE OF GAINES'S FARM. RUINS OF GAINES'S MILL RETREATING. 1 29 the enemy, and enabled the army to concentrate on the south side of the river. The rear of the Union troops, after crossing the Chickahominy, blew up the bridges and en- camped on Trent's Farm. The greatest Activity, however, prevailed in the Union army, and the most extensive preparations were made to get the siege guns, wagons and army supplies safe off on the line of retreat. The army had succeeded in cencentrating on the south side of the river, but the greater task of getting it through the White Oak Swamp still remained. During the night of the 27th, between five and six thousand loaded wagons, a drove of three thousand head of cattle, and an immense number of ambulances and other war material, were started on the way to the James. There were but two passable roads on the line of retreat to Savage Station, and over then\ flowed a constant stream of wagons, cattle and men. The magnificent corps of reserve artillery of the Army of the Potomac, commanded by Gen. Hunt, and numbering over one thousand guns, was still parked on Trent's farm, waiting to get possession of the road, on the morning of the 28th, and it was of the utmost importance that this most valuable auxiliary of the army should be prevented from falling into the hands of the enemy. This splendid park of artillery consisted of thirteen batteries, its guns being of the most 9 130 BLOOD THE PRICE OF VALOR. improved pittern, and was intended to be used in the bombardment of Richmond. It was a few days later used with terrible effect on the enemy from Malvern Hill, and did much to win us that splendid victory. There was great danger that these guns, being so heavy that they could only be moved slowly, might fall into the hands of the enemy before they could be moved to another battle-field. A writer (J. R. Sypher) in describing the move- ment said: "Gen. McClellan nervously, and in deep anx- iety, called to mind his ablest generals and his trustiest troops. Gen. McCall and his division of Pennsylvania Reserves had been intrusted with the defense of the rieht winof at Mechanicsville; they had fully justified the confidence reposed in them by the commanding general. At Gaines' Mill, too, they had put to shame the regulars, and paid a terrible price in blood for their valor. There were other divisions which had rested while the Reserves had been fighting and march' ing, without sleep and without rations. But Mc- Clellan would take no risks in a labor so momen< tous. Gen. McCall was therefore ordered to guard Hunt's artillery, and conduct it in safety from Trent's Farm to the Quaker road south of White Oak Swamp." The giving of this important trust to Gen. Mc- Call and his men was certainly a very great A HORRID MARCH. I3I honor. In the two great battles that had been fought on the north side of the river, the rebels had gained no decided advantage ; in fact, had been severely punished ; but the rebel leaders^ mistaking the withdrawal of the Union forces for a hurried fliorht to White House Landing or down the Peninsula towards Yorktown, made a quick movement in that direction to cut off Mc- Clellan's retreat. They, however, soon dis- covered their mistake, and commenced to press the Union rear. The army was now In a posi- tion where a pitched battle with the enemy was out of the question, and it would require the finest generalship to extricate it from the laby- rinth of difficulties which surrounded It. This was accomplished with the most consummate skill. It was fully 9 o'clock In the evening before the road could be cleared for the departure of the artillery train, and then, with the regiments equally distributed along the line, the march com- menced. This artillery corps, with the wagons and batteries of our division made a train six or seven miles long, and this valuable property we were to guard over the swamps and bogs of one of the worst of the wretchedly bad roads which crossed the Peninsula. It was raining, and the night was as dark as pitch, and, as the mud at some places was almost knee deep, It was one of the most miserable marches Imagflnable. A con- utant watch had to be kept against a surprise T32 THE SICK AND WOUNDED. from the enemy. But the men, feeling the im portance of the trust confided to their keeping, kept cheerfully to the work, and by the following morning reached Savage Station. This place is a railroad station on the Richmond and York River railroad, running from Richmond to White House Landing, and was being used by the Union commander to send supplies from the latter place to his army. Since the change of base to the James river had been decided on, the road had been used to its utmost capacity to send army material and wounded to the landing for shipment. A large number of sick and wounded were still at the station waitino- to be moved, and a train loaded with them was just in the act of leaving when the telegraph stopped working. It was, of course, at once believed that the enemy had cut our communications with White House Landing, but the train pro- ceeded cautiously down the road a few miles, when it was discovered that the rebels had pos- session of Dispatch Station. It was now evident that all the supplies yet with the army and the wounded that could be got away would have to be sent through White Oak Swamp, and the greatest terror and alarm fell on these poor un- fortunates, who had anxiously hoped to be sent away on the cars from the terrible scenes sur- roundlno- them. The rapid movement of the troops as they TERRIBLE SCENES. I 33 marched past the station, the hurry and confusion of the countless teams as they left on the road to James river, the endless string of ambulances that were still arriving loaded with sick and wounded, the touching cries of those unfortunates, who had been unloaded and laid under the trees, and who were begging piteously not to be left behind, to- gether with the wild reports about the enemy having cut off our retreat, created a scene of the wildest excitement and confusion. About 3,000 sick and wounded were at the station, and a con- stant stream still coming in. The most active preparations were being made to get them away, but it soon became evident that a large number would have to fall into the hands of the enemy. A writer, in describing the scene at the station- writes : "The poor broken and wounded men, whose hearts had borne them up to endure all hardships, still waited on the cars, hoping against hope, and rejecting the offers of their friends to remove them to beds on the ground. Between two and three thousand sick and wounded were in the houses and tents, and under the trees at Savage Station. Deep gloom and sore distress fell upon all ; there were a thousand rumors of things most improbable, but the despondency of the men pre- pared them to 'believe the most extravagant stories, and the confusion that surrounded thetn increased their consternation. T-,^ BRAVE AND SYMPATHETIC. "When, therefore, on Sunday morning, the Reserves halted at the station, the men left the ranks and amid the army of wounded, sought out their companions, and ministered to their many wants For such as could walk they made canes and crutches ; they bound up the wounds of some, and aided many to follow their regiments m the retreat across the swamp ; to others who could not follow them, they gave water, and rations of bread, meat, sugar, and coffee; and each noble patriot placed in the pocket of his wounded com- panion all the money he had in his possession. The parting of brave men, companions in arms, is rarely witnessed under more distressing cir- cumstances ; the strongest heart was melted in sorrow ; many a manly cheek was wet with tears as the soldiers bade farewell to each other, ex- pecting never to meet again. Fathers dragged themselves away from the couches of their sons, son forsook father, and brother parted from brother. 'Both were patriotic and brave— one well, robust, and strong; the other all bleeding, maimed, and dying. They parted like brave men ; those who went, to die gloriously in battle, or to survive with the vindicated honor of their country ; those who remained, doomed to the most terrible hardships that befall men who, in war, become the prisoners of a vengeful foe. Without physician, nurse, or attendant, many died beneath the trees where their companions had left them; others, LEAVING THE WOUNDED. 135 carried towards Richmond, either died on the way, and were buried in the swamps, or, taken to the Confederate prisons, died of neglect, filth, and abuse." Rev. Dr. Marks, who was chaplain of the sixty- third Pennsylvania V^olunteers, said : "When it became manifest that such was to be their fate, the scenes of distress could not be pic- tured by human language. Some of the wounded men, who were left in their tents, struggled forth through the grounds, exclaiming, they 'would rather die than fall into the hands of the rebels.' I heard one man cry out, 'O, my God! is this the reward I deserve for all the sacrifices I have made, the battles I have fought, and the agony I have endured from my wounds?' Some of the young- est soldiers wept like children, others turned pale, and some fainted. Poor fellows ! they thought this was the last drop in the cup of bitterness; but there were yet many to be added." The rebel commander appears to have been somewhat perplexed by the movements of the Union army on Saturday, but on Sunday he dis- covered that the line of retreat was in the direc- tion of the James river instead of the Pamunky, as he had at first supposed, and he immediately made the most desperate efforts to cut off the Union forces from the James river. The left wing of the Union army abandoned their intrenchments on Sunday night, and also fell •LaiwuiwiLjuiuHnHiBnngmB rwt 136 A UNION VICTORY. back in the direction of Savage Station. The rebels immediately closed in pursuit, and Gens, Sumner and Heintzelman, who were in command of the Union forces on the left, were ordered by Gen. McClellan to form their commands in line of battle on Allen's Farm, and check the advance of the enemy. The rebels advanced on the Williamsburg road, and, forming line of battle within a short distance of the Union lines, ad- vanced to the attack. They were met with a terrific discharge of artillery and infantry. They fell back in confusion, but soon again advanced, and the battle raged with great fury until nearly noon, when the rebel line gave way and fled from the field. This action is known as the battle of Peach Orchard or Allen's Farm, and it was a severe repulse to the rebel army. It was deemed best, however, that Sumner and Heintzelman should fall back to a position nearer Savage Sta- tion ; and after the close of the battle they retired and formed line of battle near that place. The position held by the Union forces ex- tended over an almost level tract of land, com- prising several hundred acres ; and on this open ground, like a living wall of fire, stood the rear of the Union army to check the advance and save the Union forces from destruction. It was necessary to give the enemy one more repulse, and hold them in check long enough to enable <,he part of the army and trains that had left the PURSUIT CHECKED. 137 Station, to get through the White Oak Swamp before the rear corps could follow. A defeat of this line would have insured the destruction of a considerable portion of the Union army ; for had it been driven on the mass who were struggling to get out of the way, the most terrible conse- quences would have followed. That great soldier, Gen. Sumner, had been in- trusted with the command of the rear-guard, and never was trust placed in more loyal or abler hands. He had beside his own corps a part of Heintzelman's corps and Franklin's division, and, forming his column, he calmly awaited the assault of the enemy. At about 5 p. m. the battle opened with a furious discharge of artillery from the enemy's batteries, which was responded to by the Union batteries, and for almost an hour the thunder from these guns was incessant. The enemy's infantry had in the meantime advanced through the woods skirting the front of the Union position, and, at a given signal, in almost countless numbers, with the most frantic yells, they rushed on the Union lines. A sheet of fire from the Union lines, and the roar of musketry was added to the thunder of artillery. The battle raged with indescribable fury until eleven o'clock at night, when the rebels, defeated in every assault and at every point, sullenly withdrew from the field. The attempt of the enemy to drive our rear in confu- sion on the retreating army was a most signal I i 138 "BULL SUMNER." failure ; there is no doubt that Gen. Sumi er could have held at bay almost any force the en- emy might have been able to concentrate in his front; but the trains of artillery, wagons, ambu- lances, cattle, and supplies, in the van of the army, had by this time all left the station, and were either over or on the way through White Oak Swamp. So, at twelve o'clock. Gen. Sumner re- ceived orders from Gen. McClellan to evacuate his position as rapidly as possible, and follow the rest of the army. It is said that Gen. Sumner, who now had his blood up, retreated with the greatest reluctance^ and before doing so requested reinforcements, that he might renew the conflict in the morning; and that he was so disgusted with the order to withdraw from the position he had so nobly de- fended, that from some expressions which he made, he received the sobriquet of " Bull Sum ner." Subsequent events, however, fully proved the wisdom of the order, as the rebels had already started a strong column in the direction of White Oak creek, to cut off the retreat of the rear of the army, and it became highly necessary that all of the army should get across the swamp, and over the creek, before the enemy could intercept them. Gen. Sumner rapidly withdrew his men, and, before two o'clock the last of the troops, with the exception of the wounded, had left the station. <\s the troops marched away, and the wounded TERRIBLE SCENES. 1 39 found that they would really have to fall into the hands of the enemy, the scene was absolutely heart-rending ; and to add to the terror of these unfortunates, the woods had caught fire and were burning with great rapidity, threatening death to hundreds of them. The rebels had also again opened fire with ar- tillery, and, in spite of the hospital signs over the buildinofs that contained some of the wounded, fired into them. The flames lit the heavens as bright as day, the air was full of the most dismal sounds, and the shrieks of the flaming shells, with the piteous cries of the wounded, made a scene of horror no pen can describe, and a sudden de- moralization appeared to seize upon all in the rear of the army. The entire retreat had so far been made with the greatest coolness, the troops retreating from one position to another leisurely, and nobly con- testing every foot of ground; but the movement now degenerated into a rapid flight, and the men who had so nobly sustained themselves were now compelled to flee to save themselves from de- struction ; and a scene the most indescribable ensued. The race was, however, won by the Union troops, and before ten o'clock in the morn- ing the last of them had crossed White Oak creek, and had blown up the bridge in their rear. The race for position on White Oak creek had been won, but it soon became evident that the 140 FORCED TO FIGHT. army had secured very little time for rest. The pursuing enemy, as soon as they reached the front of the position occupied by the Federal right wing, opened with artillery, and also made several efforts to cross the stream, but were driven back by Gen. Smith's division. This demonstration was, however, only made for the purpose of diverting the Federal troops from the real attack of the rebels, who were marching to intercept the Union army at Charles City cross roads. This movement again compelled McClellan to give battle, as it was necessary to hold the enemy in check until the trains of siege guns, wagons, and other war material, could be safely transferred to Malvern Hill, and then to Harrison's Landing on the James river. The line of battle extended from near Turkey Bend on the James river to White Oak creek, a distance of about four miles. Sumner's corps held the right of the position, Gen. Porter's the left, and Gen. Heintzelman's the center. Gen. Franklin guarded the passes of White Oak Swamp. McCall's division of Porter's corps was in position on the New Market road, which is the principal one running from the direc- tion of Richmond. This position was the most important one in the Union line of battle, as the main body of the rebel army approached on the New Market road for the purpose of cutting throueh the Union lines and sfettino- between McClellan's army and the James river. Han- CLOSING UP THE FIGHT. I4) cock's brigade of Sumner's corps held the ex- treme right of the line, and the battle opened by a vigorous fire of artillery on that command. This fire was most destructive, and caused a short panic in several Union regiments, but order was soon restored, and the rebels repulsed. This demonstration, as well as several others on our right, was, however, only intended to cover the movement to be made by the enemy on the New Market road. It was not, however, before three o'clock that the enemy, in strong force, appeared in front of McCall's division ; but the battle soon after opened with great fury along his front, and rapidly spreading along the line held by the Union troops, raged with the most desperate fury until night put an end to the conflict. The enemy fought with a desperation unsur- passed in the history of the war, and at seyeral periods of the battle the total defeat of the Union army appeared to be certain ; but the equally des- perate fighting of the latter at last drove them back, and when the battle closed the ground was in possession of the Union troops. Several bat- teries of artillery had, however, fallen into the hands of the enemy, and the Union loss in killed and wounded was very great. During the follow- ing night, the army was successfully withdrawn to a strong position at Malvern Hill. The army was now again united, and in one body presented a solid front to the enemy. Harrison's Landing 142 TIRED SOLDIERS' GOOD WORK. was only six miles below, and to this place all the army material not wanted in the coming conflict had been sent. The soldiers, almost worn out by the marching and fighting, were now concentrated in a strong position, under the protection of the splendid train of artillery which we had guarded through the White Oak Swamp, and the gun-boats on the James river ; but their task was not yet finished, for the approaching day was to witness one more great conflict in the war for the Union. General McClellan posted his men with great skill, and by daylight the formation of the Federal line was completed. It was drawn up in a semicircle, with the artillery in such a position as to command the entire front. At about nine o'clock the enemy appeared in front of the Union position, but the battle did not open until about noon, when it commenced with a most terrific discharge of artillery, and for almost two hours the earth shook beneath the thunder of the combined artillery of the two armies. The enemy were worsted in this conflict, and finding that they could make no im- pression with artillery on the Union line, ad- vanced a massive column of infantry, commanded by Generals Lee, Jackson, Beauregard and Ma- gruder, to storm the Federal position. A battle of the most terrible description ensued, and the rebel line was driven back with the most dreadful slaughter ; but again and again they re- MALVERN HILL. 143 newed the assault, only to be again driven back with the same fearful loss. The battle raged until night, when the rebel army, fearfully beaten, fell back out of range of the Federal guns. The siege guns on Malvern Hill and the gunboats on the James river did most effective service, and did much to win the victory. A storm of shot and shell from these gruns was hurled on the retreat- ine rebel column with fearful effect, until it sue- ceeded in getting out of their range ; and until nine o'clock the occasional flash of a gun from Malvern Hill, followed by the crash of a flaming shell, gave notice to the rebels that the vigor of the Union euns was not exhausted. This ended the great Seven Days battle before Richmond, undoubtedly one of the bloodiest series of batdes in the annals of modern or ancient times. After the batde of Malvern Hill, the Union troops marched to Harrison's Landing and the change of base was effected ; it is true, not without great loss. But the loss of the enemy was yet greater, and they could not fairly boast of a victory. They had captured the larger num- ber of prisoners, from the fact that the Union forces falling back were compelled to allow a large number of wounded to fall into their hands ; but as the Union troops fought almost all the time on the defensive, and often from strong positions, the enemy lost a much larger number in killed and wounded. The rebels were, how- 144 FEDERALS "HOLDING THEIR OWN." ever, loud in their boasts of having gained a great victory ; and the fact of their getting pos- session of the field after the fighting gave their claim some semblance of truth ; but a more care- ful examination of the campaign disclosed the fact that they had suffered much more than the troops they claimed to have defeated. They had gained no important advantage over the Union troops in any of the seven battles, and had been driven from the field with great slaughter in every action but one, and on that occasion they had lost more men than the Union forces. The boast of having driven the Union army to the James river cannot be sustained, as it is unques- tionably true that the Union forces would have been withdrawn to the position they occupied after the battle of Malvern Hill had the rebels not pursued a step after the first day's fighting. The rebels had fought with a desperate courage, well worthy of a better cause ; but the fighting of the Union troops had been fully as brilliant, and they were handled by their officers with at least as great daring and skill. It is certainly to the credit of the Union commander, that, although greatly outnumbered by the enemy, and attacked at the unfortunate time when the removal of his base of supplies became a positive necessity, so little fell into the hands of the enemy. It was perhaps a mistake in not following his decisive victory at Malvern Hill by a pursuit of the flee Harrison's landing. 145 ing enemy ; but it must also be remembered that his men were well-nigh worn out with incessant marching and fighting, and consequently not in a condition to make a vigorous pursuit ; and if they had, they would have been compelled to fight the enemy in the strong fortifications of Richmond, and the result would probably have been as dis- astrous as the assault on Malvern Hill was to the enemy, when they charged on the Union lines in that strong position. Harrison's Landing, the place selected by Gen. McClellan for his new base, was admirably ad- apted for a defensive position, and was soon made so strong that it could easily have been held against any force that the enemy might have brought to bear upon it. 10 CHAPTER VI. MY FIRST CAPTURE. TN writing the narrative of my first capture by ^ the enemy, it will be necessary to give a more detailed account of the part taken by my regi- ment on the sixth day of the Seven Days' fighting before Richmond, than in the previous chapter, in which was given but a general description of the battle. As already stated, by Sunday morning, June 29th, our division had safely guarded the reserve, artillery corps of the army from Trent's farm, on the Chickahominy, to near the James river ; and on the following day this most important arm of the service was removed to Malvern Hill, where it took a prominent part in the great conflict fought at that place. Relieved of that important trust, and as we had now reached the James river, we hoped to get some rest ; and weary and almost worn out by the long marching and fighting we had passed through, we threw ourselves on the ground for that purpose. We were soon, how- ever compelled to realize that our rest would be a short one, for we had hardly more than nestled down when our brigade was ordered to fall in line, and marched down the New Market road to (ii>6\ NIGHT MOVEMENTS. * 1 47 picket and watch the movements of the enemy in our front. It had already been discovered that the rebels were advancing on this road in strong force, and that in all probability our division would have to stand the brunt of the attack; and that it was of the utmost importance that a strict watch be maintained along our front, to guard against a surprise. The terrible days of battle, and toilsome marching, had told severely on us all, and a large number of the men still in line were better sub- jects for the hospital than for the battle-field. But not a murmur or word of complaint could be heard ; and when the order was received to fall in and advance in the direction of the enemy, it was obeyed with as much spirit and alacrity as the weary spirit of the men would allow. Since the capture at Gaines' Mill of our be- loved commander. Gen. John F. Reynolds, the brigade was commanded by Col. Simmons, of the Fifth regiment, who immediately advanced his command about one mile, and then placed it in position to guard the New Market road. The night was so intensely dark that it would have been impossible to distinguish an enemy a few steps from us, and in advancing we had been compelled to move with the greatest caution, feel- ing our way at every step, until we reached a private road running at right angles with the New Market road, into which we filed, expecting every 148 ■ FALSE ALARMS. moment to meet the enemy ; and it was certainly a considerable relief when we were halted and ordered to lie down. A picket line was established a few yards in front of the line, and we were then informed that we might lie down and sleep, but with loaded rifle in hand, and ready in a moment's notice to jump into line and receive the enemy. I soon found out that, at least with me, sleep was out of the question, for it was a night of constant alarm. At one time a volley of musketry almost in our rear made us spring to our feet in alarm, as we sup- posed that the enemy was making an effort to cut us off from the army; but it subsequently was learned that two Union regiments had fired into each other in mistake. At another time, a num- ber of artillery horses, which had broken loose, dashed along the line snorting with terror, giving us the impression that a cavalry charge was being made on us. The almost constant barking of doofs at several farm-houses in our front grave us the Impression that the enemy was advancing, keeping us in a state of constant alarm, and pre- venting us from getting the sleep we so much needed to prepare us for the desperate work on the morrow. At daylight we were withdrawn from this ad- vanced position, and rejoined the division, which was in position in a large open field completely surrounded with woods of scraggy, low pines and CAPTURE OF A SPY. 149 scrub oak. We had prepared a hasty meal, ex- pecting we could then lie down and rest, when a fellow having the appearance of a mulatto, or very dark-complexioned white man, came into camp and gave some information which led to our regiment being ordered out on a reconnols- j sance, the stranger accompanying us as guide. After marching a short distance through the pines, we struck on a by-road, and had pro- ceeded but a short distance when we discovered that we were in the most imminent danger of being ambuscaded and our retreat cut off. The Colonel immediately gave the order to about-face, and double-quick for the rear. The stranger, who no doubt had been sent to decoy us into the rebel lines, made an effort to escape, but Col. Roberts ordered the men to secure and bring him along. We had uncon^ sciously been marching right Into the enemy's lines, and as they endeavored to close in and cut us off, it became a desperate race with us to get out of the trap. We had about got rid of the pursuing enemy, when a line of Union sharp- shooters, who had advanced in our rear, mistook us for the enemy and fired Into us. A large ditch that intervened between us and the sharp- shooters afforded a good protection ; we jumped into it, and after considerable difficulty we man- aged to let them know who we were, and after they ceased firing we rejoined the brigade. 150 A MISCREANT SHOT. The fellow who so nearly succeeded in lead« ing the regiment to destruction, trembled with terror, and his fears were not groundless ; for as soon as we got to the rear, one of the men shot him dead on the spot. Under any other circum- stances, we might have considered it a cowardly act to shoot him after being a prisoner ; but under the present circumstances we could not help but feel that the act was justifiable, and that the mis- creant richly deserved his fate. It soon became evident that the enemy were swarming along our entire front, and that a des- perate conflict would soon ensue. Gen. McCall formed the division in line of battle, with the second brigade on the right, the third on the left, and our brigade, the first, was held in reserve in the rear of the two other brigades. The position was a fairly good one, but the division was too small to properly occupy it ; and before the open- ing of the battle it was considered best to call the regiments of the Reserve brigade into posi- tion in the front line. Immediately after the battle opened, the entire division became fiercely engaged, and for several hours held three times their number at bay, without having a single regi- ment as a support in their rear. Our regiment and the Ninth Reserves had been placed in posi- tion in the rear of Kern's and Cooper's batteries as a support to them, but we were soon after ordered to advance with the Third regiment, and DESPERATE FIGHTING. 151 endeavor to feel the enemy and draw them from the wood. We soon found that the enemy occu- pied the wood in strong force. They appeared shy about advancing, but kept up a scattering fire with our regiment. This was no doubt for the purpose of deceiving us in regard to their strength, and for the purpose of getting us to charge into the wood, where almost sure destruc- tion would have been the result. Finding, how- ever, that we would not be entrapped in that way, they at last advanced and made a violent attack on the Third resriment on our rio-ht. At the same time everything indicated the advance of the en- emy along the entire line, and we were ordered to fall back to our former position in the rear of Kern's battery. The rebels had made a desperate effort to cut off the Third regiment, but after considerable difficulty it succeeded in extricating itself, and getting back into the main line of battle. About this time the enemy opened a heavy artillery fire alonsl our entire front, and under cover of this cannonading, their infantry advanced to the as- sault. A strong column threw itself with terrific fury on the left of our division line, and through the cowardly conduct of a New York German battery they at first gained a slight advantage in that direction. This battery became panic- stricken, and fled to the rear in the utmost con- fusion, and its base conduct might have resulted 152 "BRIGADE, FORWARD, CHARGE!" in a terrible disaster to our division, and perhaps to the entire army. The frantic horses attached to the caissons dashed right through the infantry lines, and threw them into disorder. The enemy, taking advantage of the confusion, charged with frantic yells on the now broken ranks, and the Twelfth regiment, which was in position on the extreme left of our division line, was cut in two, and the greater part of it driven back to the right and rear of Hooker's division. The enemy pursued them, but being taken in flank by Hooker's men, they were driven back on the Re- serves, and then driven from the field. When the break occurred on the left, Gen. Mc- Call immediately ordered Col. Simmons, with the Fifth and Eighth regiments of his brigade, to move to the left and support that part of the line. Col. Simmons was one of the finest soldiers In the army, and no braver spirit ever led an as- saulting column than he. Taking the two regi- ments, he advanced to the point of greatest danger, and ordering the Ninth and Tenth regi- ments in position on the left to change front, he formed the four regiments into line, and then his trumpet voice rang out ''Brigade, Fonvard, Charger and the four regiments with a loud cheer, which rang out above the roar of battle, charged on the enemy. A conflict of the most terrible description en- sued; the rebels with the most frantic yells o> DEATH OF COL. SIMMONS. 1$2 rage contested the ground with the brave Re- serves with the utmost desperation, but were finally driven from the field with the most dread- ful loss. The left wing of the division was saved, and the enemy, after leaving the ground covered with killed and wounded, and three hundred prisoners in the hands of the victors, were driven from the field ; but the Union troops had also suf- fered severely, a large number of brave patriots being left dead on the field, and they had also to mourn the loss of their leader, who fell mortally wounded while leading the charge. The death of Col. S. G. Simmons was a great loss to the army and the country. With no dispar agement to the other able commanders of regi- ments he was probably the ablest officer in com- mand of a regiment in the division. He was a graduate of West Point, and after participating in rhe Mexican and Seminole war, was connected with military schools up to within a short time be- fore the commencement of the Civil War, when he v^as in the far West. At the first commence- ment of hostilities he came to Harrisburg, and connected himself with the Pennsylvania Reserves, and was immediately appointed Colonel of the Fifth regiment, being one of the most accomplished soldiers in the army. The result was soon felt by his regiment, and under his skillful leadership it soon became one of the best organizations in the army. 154 SIMMONS SUCCEEDS REYNOLDS. When Gen. Reynolds was captured, Simmons was given the command of the brigade, and had he Hved he would have added one more to the three great army commanders produced by the division of Pennsylvania Reserves.* The entire division, as well as his gallant regiment, deeply felt his loss, and mourned his sad death. Directly after the enemy made the desperate charge on the left of our division, they also ad- vanced in strong force on the position held by Kern's and Cooper's batteries. As already stated, these batteries had been supported by the Ninth and our regiment; but as the Ninth had been taken to reinforce the left, our regiment was the sole support of these batteries during a con- siderable portion of the engagement. As the rebel lines advanced to the assault, we were ordered to lie down behind the barriers, and let the artillery first deal with them. On came the yelling mass of rebels until within a short distance of the Union guns, when a discharge of double-shotted grape and canister from these plowed through their ranks with fearful effect. The enemy recoiled a few steps, when quickly reforming, they rushed with the most hideous yells on the batteries. Our regiment was now ordered to fire, and then charge bayonets. This was accomplished with the greatest gallantry, the boys charging on the yelling enemy with *Mead, Reynolds and Ord. FIGHTING RENEWED. I 55 shouts of defiance, and in a short time we drove them from the field and into the wood beyond. They, however, soon reformed and advanced to the attack, and we soon again became fearfully engaged ; but the result was the same, the enemy being again driven from the field. After this assault, we had a few moments rest, and as the enemy had disappeared from our front, we were commencing to hope that the conflict was over, when the sharp whiz of a bullet over our heads, which was soon followed by others, gave indications that our work was not yet over, and that we would have at least one more attack from the enemy. They had now advanced a strong line of sharpshooters to the edge of the wood, and under the protection of the trees, endeavored to pick off the gunners of the batteries. The bat- teries thundered volley after volley into the woods ; but as the rebels were well protected, they prob- ably sustained very little loss, and the fire from their rifles was telling fearfully in the ranks of the batteries. A detail of the regiment now advanced to dislodge the enemy, and a sharp skirmish en- sued between them and the rebels. It soon after became evident that the enemy was again prepar- ing to charge, and our men were ordered to tall back into line. The enemy had been strongly reinforced, and in a few moments after our skirmishers fell back, they rushed in a massive column from the wood, 156 GRAPE AND CANISTER. and, yelling- like fiends, came swarming across the field and against our line. As the dense mass of humanity, maddened by former repulses, and driven to desperation by the desire to overcome the batteries that had so severely punished them, rushed over the field, the Union batteries, double- shotted with grape and canister, opened on them, and a scene of the most indescribable horror en- sued. The batteries fired with almost lightning rapidity, and every discharge plowed horrible gashes through the enemy's ranks, and strewed the ground with the dead. It appeared as if no flesh and bloodcould withstand these terrible dis- charges ; but the enemy filled up the chasms in their ranks, and pressed forward with a reckless- ness and desperate courage that was unsurpassed in the history of the war. The artillery men at last commenced to load triple charges of grape, and the overloaded guns recoiled with such force as to endanger the lives of those around them. Our regiment, inspired by the valor of the brave artillerymen, could hardly wait until the or- der was given to open on the enemy, and when the order was at last given, they went to work with a will, and crowding on the spaces between the guns, poured a constant stream of bullets on the advancing enemy. For almost two hours the battle raged with the most intense fury, the enemy rushing up to the mouths of the cannon with the fury of demons, and the slaughter was horrible in THE LAST SHOT. 157 the extreme ; the artillery often fired into them when only forty or fifty steps from the muzzles of the guns, and we kept up a fire so rapid that the guns commenced to heat so badly as to blister our hands ; but the rebels displaying a contempt of death that was almost incredible, pushed forward over the dead bodies of their comrades, and it now appeared as if the batteries would have to fall into their hands, but the terrible volleys of death were at last too much, and they fell back. But a terrible crisis was now approaching. Kern's battery was running out of ammunition, and Its brave commander, who had in vain been trying to get a new supply, was compelled to withdraw his euns. After firine the last round of his ammu • nition at the enemy, Captain Kern, with tears in his eyes, ordered his battery to withdraw from the position it had so nobly defended. The enemy mistaking the movement for a re- treat of the Union forces, immediately re-formed their lines, and charged on the now defenseless battery, and it would have fallen into their hands, had not the prompt measures of Col. Roberts prevented it. In the few moments which inter- vened between the repulse of the enemy and the withdrawing of the battery, the Colonel had re- formed his thinned and broken ranks ; and when the enemy with cries of exultation rushed forward to take advantage of the break in our line, his voice rang out, '' First Regiment, Forward, Charge 158 IN THE NIC O' TIME. Bayonets ! '" and with a loud cheer we rushed on the advancing enemy. We did not fire a shot, but relying on the bayonet we charged with an impetuosity that broke the rebel line, when we poured a deadly volley into their backs, and pur- sued them over the fields. Unfortunately the momentum of the charge carried us too far, and it soon became evident that we had got ourselves into a bad fix. A column of fresh rebel troops flanked us, and we were soon in the most immi- nent danger of being surrounded and cut off by them. We had also suffered fearfully in the charge; our gallant captain, George H. Hess, and a large number of officers and men of the regi- ment had fallen, and we were compelled to fall back in confusion to the edge of the wood in the rear of Cooper's battery. The enemy in strong force now rushed on the battery, and capturing it, were on the point of turning the guns on our lines, when Col. Roberts ordered us to take cover behind the trees and open on the enemy. We immediately opened a deadly fire on the rebels, who had possession of the guns, and for a short time we would tumble them over as fast as they could lay hands on the battery ; but we could not accomplish impossibil- ities, and the immense hordes of the enemy would soon have dislodged us and secured the battery, had we not at this most critical moment re- ceived reinforcements. DESPERATE FIGHTING. I 59 The Ninth regiment was hastening from the left for that purpose, and when informed that Cooper's battery was in the hands of the enemy, they demanded to be led against them for the purpose of recapturing it. This battery was a great favorite with the Reserves, and the fact of it now being in the hands of the enemy filled our hearts with rage and a fierce determination to re- capture it or die in the attempt. The noble Ninth regiment, joined by our regiment, with a tremen- dous cheer now charged upon the enemy, and a most terrific conflict ensued. Both sides dis- charged their pieces, and then with the most fran- tic yells of rage rushed on each other ; never was battle more severely contested, both sides fight- ing with all the desperation of the most infuriated men. No time could be secured for loading, so all had to rely on the bayonet or such weapons as they might have in their possession. Bayonet thrusts were frequently given, muskets clubbed, and even knives were used in this fearful struggle. The dead bodies of men and horses, and broken caissons were literally piled up around the guns of the battery, and in some cases afforded barri- cades for the contestants. On the left, the charge of the four regiments under the gallant Simmons had cleared the field, and on our right Randell's battery of regulars, supported by the Fourth and Seventh Pennsylva- nia Reserves, were sweeping the enem.y like l6o THINNED RANKS. chaff from the field, so the rebels in our front could expect no relief from that quarter ; and the desperate fighting of the Ninth and First regi- ments, who now appeared to be seized with a supernatural frenzy, was at last too much for them, and they broke and fled from the field. With shouts of rage we pursued them over the field, thinning their ranks at every step, until com- pelled by our officers to halt and return to the rear of the battery. The battery was now re-cap- tured, and the enemy was driven from the field, but at a fearful cost, and we looked with dismay on our thinned ranks, and listened with horror to the pitiful pleadings of our wounded comrades who were lying around us. As already stated, our brave Captain had fallen mortally wounded in the desperate conflict for the possession of the battery ; and as he was lying on the ground requesting to be helped to the rear, we were compelled to fight over his body for some time to drive back the enemy before his request could be complied with. More than one half of the company that went into this action a few hours before were either killed or suffering from wounds. Among the killed in our company was Sergt. John R. Court- ney — and the army did not contain a braver or more loyal spirit than his. But among the noble slain in our company it would be hard to make a distinction, and the army of the illustrious dead BRAVE MEN. l6l that lined the swamps of the Chickahominy from Mechanlcsville to Malvern Hill, contained no heroes that grave their lives in defense of their countr}^ more patriotic and brave than George H. Hess, John R. Courtney, Gottlieb Gainer, Samuel Gordon, Amos Haverstick, Henry Pickle, Samuel Robinson, and Robert Scott. Col. Roberts re-formed his line at the edge of the wood, and made preparation to meet the enemy, should they again advance; but we were not ao^ain called into action. The Irish brioade had come to relieve the regiment, and advancing until they met the enemy, after a short conflict drove them still further from the field. It has been said that Kern's and Cooper's bat- teries were captured from the Reserves; but that Is not true. These batteries remained in posses- sion of the Reserves after the close of the conflict, and were left on the field when the army retreated the nigrht after the battle. Sometime during the night, some of the officers of the batteries re- quested permission to make an attempt to with- draw the guns, and take them to the rear; but this request was refused by Gen. Heintzelman, on the ground that it would renew the engagement. The batteries had suffered terribly, a large number of men and almost all the horses being killed; and it may be true that it would have been imprudent, under the circumstances, to make an attempt to remove the guns ; but it was certainly highly XI I 62 A WOUNDED SOLDIER. unjust to charge the men who had so nobly de- fended them with their capture by the enemy. As we made the last charge on the enemy, a sharp pain in my right arm, followed by a rush of blood over the hand, announced to me the un- pleasant fact that I was wounded. I loaded and fired several shots after the fleeing enemy, when the copious bleeding from my arm alarmed me, and I went to the rear. In the excitement of the moment I strayed to the left, instead of going directly to the rear; and as it was some time before I got to an hospital, and the ball had opened a vein in my arm, I felt weak and sick from the loss of blood. My arm, however, was soon dressed, and the flow of blood stopped, when I threw myself on the ground for a rest. I had hardly more than done so, when the color-bearer of our regiment, William Lafferty, who was wounded in both arms, and also slightly in ' the side, came to me and said, "Urban, let us get out of this. I do not believe that it will be safe for us to stay here." To my question as to what made him think so, he replied, " Well, I wouldn't be surprised if this hospital is in the hands of the enemy before to-morrow morning." I told him I did not think so ; as we had now reached the James river, and did not think there would be any farther retreating; and even if the army did retreat down the river, we would no doubt be Informed of it, so as to give us a chance to es- AMONG THE WOUNDED. 1 63 cape. Lafferty, did not, however, appear to think so, and he left, and it was not long- before I wished I had followed his example. I did not get to see him again, and what became of him has always remained a mystery, as no one heard of him afterwards. The cries and groans of the wounded were so terrible that I could not sleep, so I moved away a short distance from the house, where I could not hear them so plainly, but still I could get no rest. On Friday before, at the battle of Gaines' Mill, I had given myself a severe wound in my hand with the bayonet while in the act of loading. My gun having become heated from the rapid firing, the ball I was trying to ram down stuck about half way, and it was some time before I could move it. Becoming excited in my efforts to ram it down, I finally, in ramming, bent the ramrod, and the bayonet catching my thumb, tore it open almost the full length, and to the bone. In the last fighting I lost the bandage, and in loading, powder and sweat would get into the cut, and the consequence was that it was getting exceedingly painful, and now prevented me from getting the sleep I so much needed. Late at night, however, I fell asleep, and when I awoke I found that it was daylight. I then moved back to the hospital and took a survey of the place. The house, out- buildings and yard were full of wounded, and among the sufferers were quite a number from my 164 CONFEDERATES TAKE A HOSPITAL. company and regiment. Captain Hess was lying in a room up-stairs, and I went up to see him, but I found him in so sad a condition that I could not speak to him, so I soon left the room. In and about the house I found William Wright, Jacob Finney, and several other members of our com- pany, badly wounded. I was looking around to find familiar faces, when hearing some one say that the enemy was coming, I walked out into the yard ; and, sure enough, but a short distance from the house was a line of rebel skirmishers. Flight or resistance was out of the question, so we could only submit to the inevitable and hope for the best. The enemy immediately took possession of the hos- pital, and their skirmishers advanced in the direc- tion of Malvern Hill. The house we were at stands but a few steps from the road on which most of the rebel army marched in the advance on the Union position at Malvern Hill, and it was but a few moments after the rebels had posses- sion of this house when a rebel column came marching rapidly past. I secured a good position, and for hours watched the rebels marching along. Most of the regiments appeared to be well equipped and drilled, and under any other circum- stances I might have enjoyed the sight ; but under the present circumstances, I felt so vexed and chagrined that it was anything but a pleasant sight to me. To look at the long lines of armed TAKEN PRISONER. 1 65 men marching along, with secession flags flung to the breeze, and in pursuit of my comrades and the dear old flag, and to realize that I was a help- less prisoner among them, made me feel most wretched, and filled my heart with dark fore- bodings of the future. The rebel refjiments all carried two flaofs, and these emblems of treason were a great annoyance to the Union wounded lying on the ground. "Look at their dirty rags!" and similar expres- sions, could be heard frequently, and some-of the boys cared very little who heard them. The finest body of rebel troops that marched along this road was Gen Macj-ruder's division. Some of the rebels who came to the pump inside of the yard for water, informed us that these troops had not yet been engaged ; and they did have the appearance of being fresh troops. The regi- ments had from seven to nine or ten hundred men. I counted seventeen regiments, and the division must have had at least 13,000 men. As the rebel army marched past, some of their men were constantly coming inside of the yard for water, and some of them sometimes stopped and exchancred a few words with us. After Magruder's troops had passed, and troops which I think belonged to Gen Jackson's corps, were passing, an officer who was surrounded with a numerous staff came riding into the yard, and I soon came to the conclusion that he was some I 66 STONEWALL JACKSON. leading officer of the rebel army. Directly aften riding into the yard, one officer came dashing up and handed him a paper, which I suppose was some kind of a dispatch, for, after reading it, he galloped rapidly down the road, followed by his escort, in the direction of the front. I was in- tently watching him, and wondering who he might be, when a rebel soldier who was standing close to me asked if I knew who he was. On my replying in the negative, he informed me that it was "Stonewall Jackson." I had considered him a very ordinary-looking kind of a man, but the mention of his name caused me to look closer, and I at least imagined that his face betokened a strong, resolute and brave character, and that he had the appearance of being a great soldier ; but then had it happened at the present day, and I been informed that it was Guiteau, I might have come to the conclusion that the face indicated a character of quite a different kind. After all, we greatly judge men's faces from what we have heard of them, and the ap- pearance of a person is a poor criterion to judge character from. The general appearance of Jackson on horseback was not of the kind that would impress the beholder with the idea that he was a great military leader, but rather that of a sturdy old farmer, who was riding along with his knees drawn up and shoulders stooped, contem- plating the probable value of his crops. REBEL SOLDIERS. ^ ^7 I had also the pleasure during the day of see- ine the o-reat Confederate leader, Gen. Lee, and I considered him one of the finest-looking military men I had ever seen. Sitting on horseback he appeared to be of medium height, strong built, with short, slightly gray, full beard, and warlike cast of feature, which made him look every inch a soldier. . . The stream of rebel soldiers kept marching along the road in the direction of Malvern Hill all the mornin-, and as early as nine o'clock indica- tions of a conflict began to show themselves in the direction of that place. Gen. Magruder's divis- ion after passing the hospital filed right, and formed in line of battle with his left but a short distance from the hospital, and his right extend- ing towards the James river. They then ad- vanced in the direction of the Union position. This body of men was to lead the assault on the Union lines, and after advancing to within the distance it was to occupy before making the charge, it came to a halt to await the formation of the rebel line of battle. A strong body of troops now advanced to within supporting dis- tance of Magruder's line, and a strong column also marched to the left of his position in the direction of the Union right. A large number of batteries of artillery also passed during the fore- noon, and were placed in position along the rebel line. It soon became evident to us that our men t6S twice repulsed. had made a stand for the purpose of contestiiv^ the farther advance of the enemy, and that in all probability a great battle would be fought in our sight; and we became very anxious as to what would be the result. Up to about noon the mov- ine of the rebel columns and the occasional firinof indicated that the enemy was feeling the Union position, and we waited with the most painful suspense for the opening of the conflict. Directly after noon the enemy opened on the Union lines with a terrific discharge of artillery. This was soon responded to by the Union guns on Malvern Hill, and for several hours the earth shook from the effects of the terrible cannonad- ing. We could plainly see that the advantage in this contest was with our men, and that the rebels were getting the worst of it; their artillery appar- ently making no impression on the Union lines, and some of their batteries being driven from position. It was well on to three o'clock when the loud cheering of the enemy indicated that they were advancing to the assault, and soon the crash of musketry announced the fact that the opposing forces had come into close contact. A severe contest ensued, and the rebels were driven back with fearful loss. They, however, soon re-formed, and again advanced to the at- tack, and the battle ao^ain raofed with the most intense fury, and lasted for about one hour, when the rebels were again compelled to fall back. FIRE FROM THE GUNBOATS. 1 69 After this repulse there was a short lull in the fighting, but we soon discovered that the enemy had not yet given up the hope of carrying the Union position, and that they were making the most earnest preparations to renew the conflict. Between five and six o'clock the rebel army sud- denly opened a terrific fire on the Union lines, and then with loud cheers their infantry advanced to the assault, and soon the battle opened with greater fury than ever. We could see brigade after brigade, and division after division charging through the woods and over the open ground in front of the Union lines, only to be driven back with the same dreadful loss. The guns of the Union fleet on the James river had also opened fire on the enemy's lines, and with the artillery along the Union position, kept up a constant shower of shell, which played havoc with the enemy. The scene was now one of the most terrible grandeur. The flash of the large guns from the ships, the shrieks of the two and three hundred pound shells, as they rushed through the air, and burst in the rebel lines with a report as if the globe had exploded, carrying death and dismay into the enemy's ranks un- paralled in the history of the war, the continuous flash and roar of the long train of artillery on Malvern Hill, the vivid flashes and incessant rattle of musketry, the shouts of the enraged combatants, all gave proof of a terrible battle. 170 FEDERALS' STRONG POSITION. The enemy fought with the recklessness of despair, but they could not accomplish impossibil- ities, and one assault after the other met the same result. No troops on the face of the earth could have carried the Union position, and it seemed like sheer madness for the rebel leaders to thus sacrifice their men. The battle rao^ed till almost sundown, when the rebel columns, no doubt now fully aware of the utter hopelessness of the contest, broke and fled in the wildest con- fusion from the field. Never had men more re- solutely advanced to an assault, and never were they more justifiable in falling- back, than the col- umn of rebel troops that charged on Malvern Hill. I was in the yard watching the progress of the battle, earnestly hoping and praying that our troops would be successful, but fearing every mo- ment that some part of our line would give way, and disaster follow our army, but while thus en- gaged, I was surprised and delighted to see a stream of flying men issuing from the wood in the rear of Magruder's position. It soon became evident that his entire division was completely broken, and was leaving the field in the utmost confusion. In a few moments after, the field in the rear of the woods was crowded with a mass of fleeing fugitives, and the shells from the Union guns cutting them down at every step. The panic soon spread along the entire rebel line, and it fell back in terrible disorder. REBELS IN RETREAT. 17I The greatest excitement existed amongf us at the hospital, and some of the men could hardly be kept from cheering when witnessing the flight of the enemy. Some of the shells from the Union gunboats commenced to fall in rather close proximity to the hospital, but we were too much elated at the defeat of the enemy to care much for that. In the excitement of the hour we commenced to entertain a strong hope that we would be re-captured by our men. Had the Union troops advanced after the defeat of the enemy, we certainly would have been, as the rebels had enoufrh to look after themselves with- out molesting us. The defeat of the rebels was most thorough and complete ; they had not only failed in accomplishing the purpose they had in view when they made the assault, but had been driven from the field with the most frightful slaughter, and it was with the utmost difficulty that they could get any of their men to rally as far back as the hospital. I saw Gen Magruder ridinof back and forth, swearinof and ravine like a madman, trying to re-form his lines, but all in vain. I do not believe that he succeeded in re- formino- a remment of his division that nieht. Close in the rear of the house I saw the colors of an Alabama refjlment with less than a dozen men around them, and an officer making the most frantic appeals to the balance of the regiment to halt and form in line ; but the most of them made in 172 FRUSTRATED ATTEMPT TO ESCAPE. hot haste for the fortifications of Richmond, and I am confident that not twenty men of the regiment re-formed with the colors that night. The Union guns kept up a slow, continuous fire on the enemy in the early part of the even- ing, but by ten o'clock the last shot was fired, and the great Seven Days' struggle had come to a close. During the night large numbers of rebel wounded were brought in and laid on the ground around us, and a constant stream of them were beine loaded in ambulances and waorons and sent in the direction of Richmond. The cries and groans of the poor v>rretches rang In our ears all nieht, and I commenced to think that In the con- fusion and hurry of getting the wounded out of the way the enemy might not keep a strict watch over us, and consequently there might be some thance to escape to our lines, so I determined to make the effort. I left the yard, and cautiously passing through the long rows of wounded, took a survey of the situation. I found, however, that a line of rebel guards extended around the hospital, and that escape was impossible. In the mornine a line of rebel skirmishers advanced a short distance in the direction of Malvern Hill, and we found with sorrow that the Union forces had fallen back, and we were sure of having a taste of prison life in the South. A number of Union surgeons were captured with ijs. and they with the rebel surgeons were SURGEONS AT WORK. 173 kept busy amputating limbs, and in other ways attending to the wounded. I here witnessed the most extraordinary display of nerve and courage I have ever witnessed in my life. A captain in a Union regiment had his leg so badly shattered that he was informed that amputation was neces- sary. He was propped up, and without giving him anaesthetics of any kind, the doctors took off his leg, the unfortunate man watching the opera- tion with as little display of fear or nervousness as if the doctors were performing the simplest service for him. On the morning after the close of the fighting, the most terrible reports commenced to come in about the condition of a laro^e number of Union wounded who were yet lying on the field, who had fallen in the battle on Monday, at Charles City cross roads. It had rained very heavily since the battle, and it was said that the low grounds being overflown with water, some of the men had drowned, and others were in the most wretched condition, and would have to perish if speedy relief was not sent to them. The Union surgeons secured the consent of the rebel authorities at the hospital to fit out an expedition and try to save them, and a number of wagons were furnished for that purpose. A number of prisoners, some of them wounded, but in such a manner as not to interfere with their duties, were selected to go with the train and load the wounded. I was se- 174 THE FIELD OF DEATH. lected to take charge of the squad, and furnished with paper and pencil, and instructions to return a written report of the condition of the field. We were accompanied by a few guards, and to farther protect us from the rebel soldiers who might be rambling over the field, we had white strips of muslin tied around our caps. Thus fitted out, we proceeded on our mission of mercy, and it was not long before we reached the battle field. The dead had not been buried, and the sight that met our eyes was horrible to behold. They lay thick on the ground, and in some places were heaped on top of each other, and presented a sight so sickening that we could hardly proceed. All had the appearance of being plundered by rebel stragglers, their pockets being turned inside out. Lying among the dead were a number of wounded, and the hope of helping them gave us nerve and strength to do what, under other cir- cumstances, would have been an impossibility. I had been instructed to remove only such as would probably have a chance of recovery, and not dis- turb those who were past hope ; but I soon found it hard to discriminate between them. They begged with tears in their eyes to be taken, and 1 soon loaded as many as we could take. We lifted quite a number out of the water and mud, and made them as comfortable as we could, and then started with our load for the hospital. On the way, several died, and I was told by one of the OFF FOR RICHMOND. 1 75 doctors that I should not have loaded men who were so hopelessly wounded. We had expected to be sent out again ; but, in the meantime, it had been decided to bring no more wounded to our hospital, and we did not get to go. As we were shortly afterward sent to Rich- mond, I never found out what means, if any, were taken to help the poor fellows; but I have no doubt that hundreds of them perished that might have been saved, had the proper means been taken. On the morning of the Fourth of July, all of the wounded not nursing at the hospital, and who could walk, were ordered to fall into line, and, after bidding our comrades a sad fane- well, we left for Richmond. We had proceeded but a short distance, when I made a narrow escape from being shot by one of the guards. I was walking along carelessly, thinking of our miserable condition, when I unthinkingly stepped a few steps to the side of the column. A guard, who at least pretended to think that I was going to make an attempt to escape, raised his rifle to his shoulder and aimed it for my head, and I suppose would have shot me down like a dog, had not one of my comrades caught me by the arm and jerked me back into the ranks. The brute of a o-uard cursed me, and said that if I attempted that again he would blow the head off my shoulders. The idea of making an attempt to escape had never entered my mind. 176 "YANKS" UNDER GUARD. It had been confidently asserted by the North- ern press that Richmond would be in possession of our troops by the Fourth of July, and the rebels appeared to be fully aware of this, and we had to hear it oftener than was pleasant. "Well, you Yanks did get to Richmond by the Fourth, did you?" greeted our ears along the way, and by the time we had reached the city, it appeared as if the entire population had prepared themselves to join the grand chorus. Our appearance seemed to give them intense delight; but some of our boys would keep telling them that they would some day see the "Yanks" enter the city, when the laugh would be on the other side of the mouth. As we marched through the city, we felt somewhat anxious as to what kind of a place we were to be shut up in ; but we were not kept long in sus- pense, for we soon marched up to a long, dingy- lookinor' brick buildingr somethino- over a hundred feet long, and nearly as wide. The sign at the one end, "Libby & Son," convinced us that we had arrived at the infamous prison of that name. It certainly presented a dreary and uninviting ap- pearance, and we sincerely hoped that our stay in it would not be lone. After beings searched for arms and valuables, v/e marched into the building, and our first experience of life in Southern prisons had commenced. After finding myself locked from the outer world, I looked around to examine what kind of a * l^i^^^^^y^ ■6: ^'% X^^ i:: 4 LIBBY PRISON. 177 place we had been shut in. I found it to be a room about forty feet wide, and nearly one hun- dred feet lone. At one end of this room was a wooden water trough, and a spigot to draw water i'rom, which gave us at least the privilege of washing. The room was without furniture of any kind, and the floor was filthy in the extreme. The few low windows at the front but poorly lit up the room, giving it a dreary and desolate appearance. I was informed that five more rooms of the same size, and several basement rooms, composed what was known as Libby Prison — a name that will be synonomous with all that is horrible and cruel ; and as the Tower of London and the Black Hole of Calcutta appear in English history, and the military prison of Paris in French history, so will Libby prison appear in American history, and it will ever remain a blot on the boasted civilization of the age, and a stigma on the American people. In this dreary and desolate room, crowded to overflowing with prisoners, almost all sick or wounded, I stayed twenty-three days ; but as I was subsequently a much longer time a captive in the hands of the enemy, and at a time when prison-life was even less endurable, I will not give a detailed description of my imprisonment at this time. I deem it but just to say, however, that the treatment we received at this time, although bad, was yet much better than the prisoners received during the last two years of the war. The food 12 I 78 OUT OF LIBBY. was of a better quality and also more of it, and more attention was paid to the sick and wounded at this time than later. Several United States surgeons, who had also been captured, were al- lowed to come and see us daily, which was con siderable of a comfort and benefit. A few days before my parole we had been in- formed that we would be sent to Belle Island, ii\ the James river, and as it was represented as being quite a pleasant place as compared to Libby, we all felt anxious to go and stay there as long as we should be compelled to be prisoners of war. About this time, however, the wound in my arm was getting somewhat troublesome. The arm from the wound to the hand had be- come full of dark spots, and threatened to get very sore. My lacerated thumb was also in a highly inflamed and painful condition, and I was terribly alarmed one morning to find that my jaws were aching fearfully and appeard to be getting stiff, and that I could not without the greatest difficulty swallow food. One of the men in the room had died a few days before of lock-jaw, and the fear of taking that terrible disease filled my heart with gloom, and I could hardly wait until the arrival of the doctors. As soon as I could Pfet to them, I informed them of it. They examined my arm and thumb carefully, and then put me under treatment, as I supposed for lock-jaw. It was on this day that the removal of prisoners BELLE ISLAND. " 179 to Belle Island commenced, and, as stated before, we all felt anxious to go ; but it appears that a number of the worst wounded were to be paroled and sent to our lines, and that I was one of the number selected for that purpose. But as I did not know this, I felt very indignant when the most of my comrades marched out and I was compelled to stay. To add to my misery, I found that I could not swallow any of the food which I received during the day, and I was settling down in utter despair, when it was announced to us that we were to get ready to be sent to the Union lines. My sorrow was immediately turned to joy, and although I felt fearful about the disease that ap- peared to be fastening itself on me, I felt rejoiced that I could at least have the satisfaction of dying away from the terrible scenes surrounding me, and under the folds of the dear old flag. We were immediately sent down the James river to Mill Creek Union Hospital, near Fortress Monroe, and there surrounded with all the care and kindness we could wish for. In about one month I regained good health, and was sent to Camp Parole, at Annapolis, Maryland. After be^ ing at that place for about six weeks, I was ex- changed and sent to my regiment. CHAPTER VII. [JEN. lee's invasion OF PENNSYLVANIA BATTLE OI GETTYSBURG. FjIRECTLY after the great battle of Chancel- lorsville, which had resulted so disastrously to the Union cause, it became apparent to Gen. Hooker, then the commander of the Army of the Potomac, that Gen. Lee contemplated an offensive movement and would probably attempt an inva- sion of the North. The battle of Chancellorsville was undoubtedly the most disastrous defeat the Union army sustained during the war, and as the term of a considerable portion of Hooker's troops was expiring, and the morale of the balance was supposed to be terribly affected by their late de- feat, it occurred to the Confederate Government that now would be the appropriate time to make a rapid movement northward, and by one great blow overthrow the Federal Government and put an end to the war. There was also at this time a considerable opposition manifesting itself in the North in regard to the conduct of the war, and a few prominent men in some of the Northern States, whose sympathy was with the South, but who had not the requisite courage to fight for the principles they believed in, kept up a terrible hue (180) THE INVASION PLANNED. l8l and cry about the shedding of blood, the expense of the war, and in every way possible obstructed the Government in its efforts to put down the re« belHon. There can be at least a reasonable supposition that the actions of these men had much to do with bringing about Lee's invasion of the North, for judging from their actions, the rebel commander may well have believed that it was only necessary for him to move North and he would receive sub- stantial aid from these, at least pretended, friends of the South. The rebel authorities appeared to be so confident of success that very little precau- tion was taken to keep the movement a secret. The Southern press loudly proclaimed the re- sults that were to follow the movement, and when the cominor secession storm burst forth, the Fed- era! Government, as well as Gen. Hooker, were almost fully aware of the intentions of the rebel commander. Gen. Hooker was not the com- mander, however, to be readily deceived by the movements of an opponent, and it is not probable that Lee could have stolen a march on him under any circumstances. Gen. Hooker, being now fully aware of Lee's intentions, ordered the Sixth Army Corps, com- manded by Maj.-Gen. Sedgwick, to cross the Rappahannock River on the 5th of June, for the purpose of reconnoitering the enemy's position and ascertain whether any considerable portion of I 82 REBEL PRISONERS. them had broken camp. He also ordered Gen, Pleasonton, with a portion of his cavalry com- mand, supported by a small force of infantry and artillery, to make an attack on the enemy's posi- tion at Beverly Ford, on the Rappahannock. The rebels at this point were under the command of their great cavalry leader, Gen. J. E. B, Stuart, and numbered about 1 2,000 men. These troops were the advance of Lee's mighty army, which was preparing to invade the North, and were pre- pared to commence the march, when attacked by the Union troops. A hotly-contested battle en- sued, in which the rebels were defeated and driven from the field, leaving a considerable number of prisoners in the hands of the victors. Gen. Pleas- onton having fully accomplished his object, re- crossed the river, taking his prisoners and his own wounded with him. This, with other reconnois- sances along the enemy's lines, fully demonstrated the fact that Lee was movinof around the rio-ht flank of the Union army, and Gen. Hooker im- mediately took the most energetic measures to keep his command between the enemy and the Federal capital. The Rebel Government had taken the most en- ergetic measures to supply Gen. Lee with men and material for this great movement, and when finally he started northward, he was in command of one of the best-armed and equipped armies ever marshaled on this continent. He boldly LEE ADVANCING. 1 83 crossed the Rappahannock, flanked the right wing of Hooker's army, and marched rapidly up the Shenandoah valley. On the i8th of June his advance corps, commanded by Gen. Longstreet, had reached Winchester, at which place Gen. Milroy with about 8,000 Union troops was sta^ tioned. The advance of Longstreet's corps attacked Milroy's command with great fury, but in the first day's action were defeated and driven from the field. The rebels were soon, however, largely re-enforced, and on the following day succeeded in forcing the Union troops from their position and driving them back to Harper's Ferry, and finally through Maryland into Pennsyl- vania. Gen. Milroy lost all of his artillery and left a large number of killed and wounded in the hands of the enemy. When it was fully ascer- tained that Lee with a mighty army had crossed the Potomac with the evident intention of march- ing into the free States, it created an intense ex- citement in the North ; but more especially so in die States immediately threatened by the advanc- ing rebel hosts, and the gravest fears existed in regard to the result. As stated before, the term of service of a large number of the troops had expired, or was just about expiring, and the army of the Potomac was now smaller than it had been at any time since Its organization. A great fear existed also that the army which had so lately experienced a terrible 184 THE PRESIDENT'S PROCLAMATION. defeat, would be in poor condition to meet the foe who, flushed with victory, was now boldly marching northward. On the 15th of June President Lincoln issued the following proclamation : "Washington, Monday, June 15th, 1863. " By the President 0/ the United States of America. ' ' A PROCLAMATION. " Whereas, The armed insurrectionary combinations now existing in several of the States are threatening to make in- roads into the States of Maryland, Western Virginia, Penn- sylvania and Ohio, requiring immediately an additional military force for the service of the United States : "Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States and Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy thereof, and of the militia of the several States when called into actual service, do hereby call into the service of the United States one hundred thousand militia from the States following, namely : "From the State of Maryland, ten thousand. "From the State of Pennsylvania, fifty thousand. " From the State of Ohio, thirty thousand. "From the State of West Virginia, ten thousand. "To be mustered into the service of the United States forthwith, and to serve for the period of six months from the date of such muster into said service, unless sooner discharged — to be mustered in as infantry, artillery and cavalry, in pro- portions which will be made known through the War Depart- ment, which department will also designate the several places of rendezvous. "These militia are to be organized according to the rules and regulations of the volunteer service, and such orders as may hereafter be issued. " The States aforesaid will be respectively credited, under THE NORTH AROUSED. 1 85 the enrollment act, for the military service rendered under this proclamation. " In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. "Done at the City of Washington, this 15th day of June, in the year of our Lord 1863, and of the Independence of the United States the 87th. "Abraham Lincoln. " By the President ; "Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of Stated The Governors, also, of the States which were in the most danger of invasion, issued to their people the most stirring proclamations, calling on them to rally in defense of their homes, and beat back the foe from Northern soil. Gov. Seymour offered 20,000 men from the State of New York, and the great "War Governor," Andrews, of Mas- sachusetts, all the available men of his State, includ- ing three regiments of old soldiers, who had returned to their native State after serving out their term of enlistment, but who now most nobly offered to return to the post of danger and help to save the imperiled Government. It must be acknowledged that a considerable portion of the people of the State, who had the most to fear from the approaching rebel hosts, did not act either wisely or patriotically. As the enemy entered the State, large numbers fled in the most abject fear, and those who remained made very little resistance to the foe. The miser- able indifference or the active sympathy expressed 1 86 THE DREAM OF SOUTHERN CHIVALRY. by a large class of people living in the border counties of Pennsylvania for the Southern cause, did not meet with much approbation by the rebel soldiers. They evidently did not have much faith in that class of people who, living in the North, pretended to be Southern in feeling. In a num- ber of Instances these rebel sympathizers fared worse than those who openly proclaimed their alleofiance and devotion to the old flaor. I have frequently conversed with Southern sol- diers, and I have never met one who justified a man, born and living in the North, who held seces- sion sentiments. One of the most shameful, cow- ardly exhibitions of this groveling spirit that disgraced a few of the citizens of the old Keystone State, was exhibited in the person of the Burgess of the borough of York. In his haste and desire to surrender the town he disgraced by being Its chief magistrate, and In his desire to meet with the Southern chivalry he had so long and lovingly dreamed about, he walked six miles to surrender the town to the foe. In another instance, a promi- nent ex-official of the county of York made his home a resort for the Southern officers who would honor him with their presence. This fine specimen of Northern loyalty boasted loudly of the kind consideration he received from the hands of the Southern chivalry. Somewhat different, however, was the experience of one of these rebel sympathizers that came under the notice of the SECESSION SYMPATHIZERS. iSj writer. This one, who has since moved to Illinois (more the pity he did not move to Alabama), when the rebels approached his house was loud in his expressions of sympathy for the South and his detestation of the Union. He was even mean enough to disclose to the rebels the places where some of his neighbors had hid their property, thinking, no doubt, that being so thoroughly seces- sion in his sentiments, his own property would be exempt from plunder. His barn was well filled with stock, his smoke-house with the finest hams and other pork, and with plenty of the good things of life all around him. Among congenial spirits that felt on political questions of the day as he did, great peace and contentment must have reigned supreme in his heart. Great was his surprise and dismay, however, when he saw his new-found friends lead out his two large, fine, fat, valuable horses and very considerately put in their stead two of the most dilapidated specimens of horse flesh he had ever seen, which put him to the additional trouble and expense of having a horse funeral in a few days. His surprise, how- ever, was not to end here ; for on looking in the direction of his smoke-house, he saw that it was broken open and the crowd of rebel soldiers were going for his pork as if they had had nothing to eat for a week. One of them, who had secured an extra fine large ham, exclaimed, " Look here, old fellow, you keep mighty fine hams in this part of 1 88 A NOBLE OLD HERO. the country'!" In a short time he was completely cleaned out. His love for the lost cause was, however, so great that he has since said, that he did not begrudge them a cent's worth of it, as he knew it all went for a good cause. How sincere he was in that the reader may judge for himself. .In glorious contrast to this cowardly, groveling spirit was the conduct of the old hero of Gettys- burg, John Burns. When the Government first called for troops to put down treason in the South, he promptly offered his services and marched with the First Pennsylvania Reserve Regiment to its first camp, near West Chester, Penna. He was, however, too old to be received into the United States service, and his services were rejected. Reluc- tantly he went home, regretting that he could not fight for the flag he loved so well. When the rebel army marched into his State and to his home, his love of country and patriotism were so thoroughly aroused that, shouldering his rifle, he marched up to one of the Union regiments, and again offered his services. This time they were accepted, and in a few moments the grand old hero was fighting with the best of them, and was finally left severely wounded on the field, when the victory was won. His name should go down in history as one of the noblest heroes of the age. We will again return to the movements of the Union army. hooker's tactics. 189 Directly after Gen. Hooker had ascertained that Lee had commenced his march northward, he rapidly marched and massed his army in the vicinity of Fairfax Court-House. He had con- stantly kept his command between Lee's forces and Washington. With his efficient corps of cav- alry, he had kept crowding Lee's right flank on the march, and thus finally compelled him to cross the Potomac much farther west than he had in- tended. Gen. Lee had expected that the Union commander would send a considerable portion of his army into upper Maryland or Pennsylvania, to head him off from entering the free States, but Gen. Hooker was too old and good a soldier to be caught in such a trap. Lee would undoubtedly have taken advantage of such a movement, by hurling his entire army on his weakened adver- sary, in the hope of crushing him and capturing the Federal Capital. Hooker was, however, soundly abused by some of the citizens of Pennsylvania for not immedi- ately marching to the defense of the State. Dur- ing this time quite a number of engagements between Gen. Pleasonton's cavalry and Lee's forces occurred, in most of which the Union troops were successful. Up to this time but a single division of the rebel army had crossed the Potomac. This body of troops, commanded by Gen. Jinkens, had pursued Milroy's retreating troops and had advanced as far north as IQC ORDER NUMBER SIXTV-FIVE. Chambersbiirg-, Fa. But Lee, with the bulk ot his army, was still on the south side of the Poto- mac, trying to defeat Hooker by strategic move- ments, but failing in that, he boldly advanced with his entire army northward. Gen. Ewell's corps of his army crossed the Potomac on the 2 2d of June, at Williamsport, and in a few days his entire army had crossed the river. Gen. Hooker immediately advanced and crossed the river at Edward's Ferry, and took position between Harper's Ferry and Frederick City, thus again interposing his com- mand between the rebel army and the Union Capital. Gen. Hooker was here removed from the command of the Army of the Potomac, and Maj.-Gen. George G. Meade, commander of the Fifth Corps, was appointed his successor. Gen. Hooker issued the following order, and in a few hours after left the army: " Headquarters Army of the Potomac, \ "Frederick, Md., June 28th, 1863. / "General Order, No. 65. — In conformity with the orders of the War Department, dated June 27th, 1S63, I re- linquish the command of the Army of the Potomac. It is transferred to Major-General George G. Meade, a brave and accomplished officer, who has nobly earned the confidence and esteem of the army on many a well-fought field. Im- pressed with the belief that my usefulness as the commander of the Army of the Potomac is impaired, I part from it, yet. not without the deepest emotion. The sorrow of parting with the comrades of so many battles is relieved by the conviction that the courage and devotion of this army will never cease nor fail ; that it will yield to my successor, as it has to me, a HOOKER SUPERSEDED BY MEADE. I9I willing and hearty support. With the earnest prayer that the trhimphs of its arms may bring successes worthy of it and the nation, I bid it farewell. ** Joseph Hooker, ' ' Major- General. "S. F. Barstow, ^^ Acting Adjutant- General y The army parted with Gen. Hooker with much regret. His connection with the Army of the Potomac from its first organization, his great skill as a commander, his dash and fearless courage which had given him the sobriquet of "Fighting Joe Hooker," and, above all, the care and devotion displayed for his men, had deeply enshrined his memory in the hearts of his soldiers, and had the question of his stay or removal been left to his army, his stay would have been decreed by a very decided majority. His successor was, however, also well and favorably known to the army and as events soon proved, was a fortunate appointment, and probably as good a one as could have been made. On taking command of the army he issued the following order: Headquarters of the Army of the Potomac,- "June 28th, 1863. "General Order, No. d^. — By the direction of the Presi- ient of the United States, I hereby assume command of the Army of the Potomac. As a soldier, in obeying this order, an order totally unexpected and unsolicited, I have no prom- ises or pledges to make. The country looks to this army to relieve it from the devastation and disgrace of a hostile in- vasion. Whatever fatigues and sacrifices we may be called 192 MEADE'S GREAT RESPONSIBILITIES, upon to undergo, let us have in view constantly the magnitude of the interests involved, and let each man determine to do his duty, leaving to an all-controlling Providence the decision of the contest. It is with just diffidence that I relieve in command of this army an eminent and accomplished soldier, whose name must ever appear conspicuous in the history of its achievements; but I rely upon the hearty support of my companions in arms to assist me in the discharge of the duties of the important trust which has been confided to me. "George G. Meadk, ^^Major-General, Commanding. **S. F. Barstow, ' ' Assistant Adjutant- General. ' ' Lee was by this time moving his army north- ward into Pennsylvania, On the 29th of June, the day of his appointment to the command, Gen. Meade ordered his army to move in parallel lines from its camp in the direction of Harrisburg, Penn- sylvania. The command of the army had been thrust upon Gen. Meade unsolicited and unex- pected, and at a crisis when very little time could be secured to decide on a campaign. As already stated. Gen. Hooker left the camp in a few hours after his removal, and, it is said, did not transfer to his successor what information he had in regard to the movements of the enemy, or submit to him any plans he may have had in regard to the campaign. Who can tell the fears and doubts that must have filled the new com- mander's breast, as he surveyed the situation and remembered the responsibilities resting upon him? GEN. JOHN A. LOGAN. MEADE IN COMMAND. 1 95 His Opponent, with an army larger than his own, was in his front and on Northern soil. The army of which he was so suddenly placed in command had been beaten in its last great batde, and the very life of the Government would, probably, be the forfeiture should it be beaten in a pitched bat- de now. A defeat of the Army of the Potomac at this time would have resulted in almost its entire destruction. The army fully understood the situation and knew the results of a defeat. Fighting in defense of their homes, the battle would be of such a description, that the enemy could only defeat by destroying it, or so nearly so, that the fragments of it would have been compelled to fall back under the protection of the guns of the Union fleets and forts in Baltimore harbor or into the fordfications of Washington. The endre State of Pennsylvania would have been left in this case, to the ravages of an enraged and victorious foe. It is true that a large number of milida from Pennsylvania and other States had been gathered at Carlisle, Harrisburg and other points in the State, but it is a significant fact, that great as was the peril, not one of these new soldiers was called into acdon, and how much headway these raw recruits would have made against Lee's veterans flushed with victory, can easily be estimated. It must also be acknowledged, and it is not much to the credit of the invaded State, that it was only ig6 DECISIVE METHODS. after considerable bodies of militia from othei States had marched into its borders, for its defense, that anything was done to repel the rebel hordes, which had come to despoil it. In the language of Prof. M. Jacobs, of Gettysburg, " It was not until the enemy was at our very doors and three days before the battle of Gettysburg was begun, that the people began to realize the magnitude of their danger, and Philadelphia, which was a most tempt- ing bait for the invaders, commenced to pour forth her men and treasures in real earnest." It was to the discredit of a portion of the vol- unteer militia of the State, that there was so much haggling about the term of enlistment and fear displayed that they would have to cross the line into a sister State to meet the foe. As stated before. Gen. Meade moved his command in parallel lines, with his cavalry on his left flank, watching Lee's movements and keeping his com- mand well in hand so as to be able to concentrate rapidly should Lee attack him ; or attack Lee him- self, should an opportunity present; for he had fully made up his mind to compel Lee to fight the Army of the Potomac at the first opportunity, or compel him to retreat South. Gen. Meade had all the elements that make a great soldier and he immediately saw the pecessity of compelling his opponent to loose his hold of the line of the Sus- quehanna by bringing him to a pitched battle or expelling him from the State. DISPOSITION OF FORCES. 1 97 On the night of the 30th of June, after two days of hard marching, Meade had established his head- quarters at Tarrytown, Pa., with his command in the following position : First Corps within about four miles of Gettysburg, bivouac along the right bank of Marsh Run ; the Eleventh in camp close in the rear of the First; the Second with his headquarters at Tarrytown ; the Third near Emmettsburg ; the Fifth near Hanover ; the Twelfth at a place known as the Two Taverns, and the Sixth at Winchester. The cavalry was in position along the left and front of the Union lines, watching the movements of the rebel army, and frequent small engagements took place be- tween them and the enemy, in all of which the cavalry were successful. One of the most important of these actions had taken place during the day near Hanover, be- tween a brigade of Kilpatrick's cavalry and a large body of rebel cavalry, in which the latter were completely defeated and driven from the field. During this time Gen. Lee had advanced part of Ewell's corps of his army to Carlisle, with designs on Harrisburg, the capital of the State. Gen. Early with a division of rebel troops had oc- cupied York and Wrightsville, thus threatening the Susquehanna at Columbia. The citizens of this town finding that the rebels were advancing with the evident intention of crossing the river, fired the large bridge which spans it. It was soon 198 REBELS ON THE MARCH. a mass of flames and completely barred the further advance of the enemy east. It is not likely, however, that the rebels would have made much of an attempt to cross the river at this place, for the rapid pursuit of Meade's army had compelled Lee to withdraw his troops from their advanced position and concentrated them for the coming conflict at Gettysburg. The larger portion of Lee's army, comprising the corps of Longstreet and Hill, were in camp at this time between Chambersburg and Greencastle, but early on the morning of the 30th, Lee ordered them to move through Cashtown Gap to Gettysburg, and on the memorable ist of July, 1863, the position of the rebel army was as follows : Hill's corps, number- ing about 35,000 men, in the vicinity of Marsh Creek and directly in front of Reynolds' position. Two divisions of Longstreet's corps, numbering about 24,000 men, in close supporting distance of Hill. The rest of the rebel army was marching as rapidly as possible from York, Wrightsville, Carlisle, Heidleburg and Chambersburg, all con- verging toward Gettysburg. Gen. Reynolds' command, consisting of his own and Howard's corps, numbering about 23,000 men, Buford's division of cavalry, numbering about 6,000 men, was in supporting distance, but the rest of the Union army was one day's march in the rear. The reader can readily understand the danger of Reynolds' situation when it is remembered that BATTLE IMPENDING. 1 99 Lee had now 59,000 men in his front, with at least 20,000 men within a few hours' march, and the entire rebel army could be concentrated on the battle-field at least one day sooner than the Union army. Both leaders were aware of the importance of securing the position at Gettysburg, but no blame can be attached to Gen. Meade in not having the body of his command sooner on the field. Lee had greatly the advantage in having his army northward of the Union army, and it is not to the credit of his generalship that he did not succeed in getting the position on Cemetery Hill, after the first day's action. His plan was to rapidly mass his army in the immediate front of the advance of the Union army and crush it before Meade could get the body of his army into position. In this he was foiled by the superb generalship of Gen. Reynolds. This intrepid leader and great soldier immediately discovered the intentions of the wily rebel commander and the great importance of holdinof him in check until the arrival of the main portion of the Union army. He immediately de* termined to attack Lee's superior numbers, in the hope of deceiving him in regard to the number of Union troops that had arrived on the field, and also of holding him in check until the arrival of Meade with the greater part of his army. In the attack that followed, the gallant Reynolds lost his life, and his small force was driven back with great 200 FEDERAL ARMY SAVED. loss through the streets of Gettysburg. But the object desired had been gained, for Lee had been completely deceived in regard to the strength of the Union forces, and had been held in check long enough for them to form on the position desired. Directly after the battle. Gen. Reynolds was censured by some for bringing on this attack, but it was really the means of saving the Union army, for had the enemy succeeded in getting possession of the position held by the Union forces on the morning of the second day's action, the defeat of the entire Federal army would have been certain. Having thus briefly sketched the importance of securing the position on Cemetery Hill, let us re- turn to the narrative of the battle itself As already stated, Gen. Reynolds' command, number- ing about 23,000 men, wearied out with a long march, was in position along Marsh Creek, within a few miles of Gettysburg. Gen. Buford's division of cavalry had advanced and taken possession of the town on the morning of the 30th of June, During the night following, he moved his com- mand to the left of Seminary Ridge, and formed line of battle by posting his batteries along the slope of the hill, with his cavalry drawn up in the rear of the batteries. A strong line of skirmishers held a position about three-fourths of a mile in ad- vance of the main line of battle. Two divisions of Hill's corps of the rebel army, numbering about 24,000 men, were at this time advancing on the DEATH OF REYNOLDS. 20t Cashtown road, leading to Gettysburg. A heavy line of skirmishers preceding this cokimn, brought on the engagement by a sharp attack on Buford's pickets, who were driven in on the main hne. The enemy advanced rapidly to the assault, but were driven back by a sharp fire from Buford's batteries. At about lo o'clock a. m., the rebels succeeded in getting their batteries into position, and commenced to reply to the fire of the Union guns, and in a short time the fighting became quite severe, Buford holding his position with great gallantry. At the first indication of a rebel attack on Buford, Gen. Reynolds advanced with his corps, and at half-past lo o'clock was marching rapidly through Gettysburg. He then formed line of battle, with his right wing resting on Seminary Ridge and his left extending along Oak Ridge. Gen. Buford was now- being severely pressed, contending- with four times his number, and Gen. Reynolds advanced his corps to his assistance. He soon encountered Heath's division of the rebel army and became severely engaged. A small strip of woods extending along the east side of Willoughby Run, the rebels had filled with sharpshooters, and as the Union column ap- proached it, Gen. Reynolds, with his usual bold- ness, rode forward to reconnoitre the enemy's po- sition and change the position of several of his batteries which were being severely handled by 202 "REVENGE FOR REYNOLDS!" the enemy. As he approached the eastern ex tremity of the grove he dismounted, and was in the act of stooping forward to examine the -woods when a rebel ball struck him in the neck and he was instantly killed. The death of this great sol- dier was a severe loss to the Union cause. Personally, he was the most popular officer of his rank in the service, and his death cast a deep gloom over all the army, but nowhere so much so as over the division of Pennsylvania Reserves, with which organization he had long been con- nected. He had greatly endeared himself to them by his great personal courage and daring and by his care and thoughtfulness for the welfare and comfort of his men. He was almost idolized by his old brigade, the First, and when they were in- formed of his death some of the men shed tears, and all demanded to be led against the enemy, and in the famous charge they made soon after on Round Top the cry "Revenge for Reynolds," rang out above the roar of battle. On the death of Reynolds, the command of the corps devolved on Gen. Doubleday, who soon after repulsed the enemy, in a furious charge and captured an entire brigade of rebel troops com- manded by Gen. Archer, which was sent to the rear. Gen. Hill had, however, by this time his entire corps, numbering about 35,000 men, in Doubleday's front, and after a brief resistance it became evident to the Union General that he GETTING INTO POSITION. 203 could not check the further advance of the enemy, and he fell back on Gen. Howard's corps which had just came on the field. Gen. Reynolds, know- ing the great numerical superiority of the enemy, had directly after his arrival on the field, sent an aid to Gen. Howard requesting him to move up his corps at once to his assistance. He also sent a messenger to Gen. Meade informing him of the engagement and of the great strength of the rebel force in his front. Gen. Howard promptly moved his corps to the front, and arrived on the field in person at about 1 2 m. and took command of all the troops. Posting Gen. Steinwehr's division of his corps on Cemetery Hill, he rapidly advanced with the rest to the assistance of Doubleday's hard- pressed troops. The movement was most for- tunate; for a large number of troops belonging to Ewell's corps were moving on the right flank of Doubleday's command and would have succeeded in completely turning his position, had they not here encountered the two advancing divisions of the Eleventh Corps, A most desperate conflict ensued, which lasted for one hour, the Union troops repelling the desperate assaults of the rebels with the greatest gallantry. It, however, now became evident to Gen. Howard that the enemy were bringing such numbers of troops into action, that his advanced position could not be held much longer, and he made preparations to withdraw his command to the position he had 204 UNION LOSS. selected, and in which he had posted Steinwehr's division. The rebels had now fully 44,000 men in action with a large force in supporting distance, and as Howard had barely 18,000 outside of Steinwehr's division, and both of his flanks were in the most imminent danger of being turned, certain de- struction would have awaited him in his present position. When Gen. Howard first arrived on the field, with the accurate judgment of a great soldier, he saw at once that Cemetery Hill was the key to the Union position. He also saw the vital importance of holding this point until the arrival of the main body of the Union army. His wisdom in posting Steinwehr's division, with the reserve artillery^ on this hill, was most fortunate for the Union army, as it formed a nucleus for the retiring troops to form on and eventually formed a barrier on which the rebel leaders hurled their legions In vain. The rebels, finding that the Union troops con- templated retreating from their advanced position, rushed forward in massive columns, and as the pressure of their advancing columns became greater the Union troops were forced back through the streets of Gett}^sburg with fearful loss. The First Corps succeeded In moving through thesouth- east part of the town in pretty good order and secured a strong position on the left and rear of Steinwehr's division ; but the Eleventh was forced LEE MISLED. 205 with such precipitation through Washington and Baltimore Streets, that they suffered very severely and left about twenty-five hundred men in the hands of the enemy. The balance of the corps succeeded in getting position on the right of Stein- wehr's troops, its line extending along the front and right of Cemetery Hill. As the Union columns fell back, the reserve artillery and batteries belonging to Steinwehr's division opened a fearful cannonade on the ad- vancing rebel lines. This, with the fire of Stein- wehr's infantry, checked the further advance of the enemy, and closed the first day's battle of Gettysburg. The Union troops although driven back after suffering severely, had succeeded in getting a good position, and undismayed, they waited to renew the conflict. Gen. Lee had been completely deceived by the impetuosity and vigor of Reynolds' attack, and believing that the entire Army of the Potomac was in supporting distance, made the blunder of not attacking Howard and driving him from his position before the arrival of the Third and Twelfth Corps of the Federal army. As these troops did not arrive in the field until after 7 o'clock in the evening and it was only half-past four when the lighting ceased, Lee's blunder can be easily understood, when it is re- membered that almost the entire rebel army was at that time on the field, and he might have brought 75,000 or 80,000 men into action against Howard's 206 GENERAL HOWARD'S SELECTION. 20,000 troops. As already stated, the Third Corps, commanded by Gen. Sickles, and the Twelfth, commanded by Gen. Slocum, arrived on the field at about 7 o'clock, and were immediately placed in position by Gen. Howard in the following order : The lines of the Twelfth, on Gulp's Hill, to the right of the Eleventh, extending to Wolf's Hill. The Third, along Cemetery Hill, to the left of the First. Gen. Howard displayed great skill in choos- ing his position and the disposition he made of his troops before the arrival of Gen. Hancock, who had been sent by Gen. Meade to assume com- mand until his own arrival on the field. There has been much dispute in regard to the leader to whom the honor belongs of selecting the position of this, the greatest battle-field of the war. Without any disparagement to the gallant leader whom Meade sent to represent himself on the field, it must be said that to Gen. Howard, more than to any one else, belongs the honor of securing the position that eventually saved the Union forces from defeat. His wise and skillful disposition of Steinwehr's division on Cemetery Hill, and the successful withdrawal of his hard- pressed troops, in the face of three times the number of rebels, to the position already described, had been accomplished before Slocum, Sickles or Hancock came on the ground. As Hancock, after his arrival, fully approved of the choice of position and disposition Howard had made of the HANCOCK'S INSPECTION. 20/ troops, it fully substantiates Howard's claim to that honor. When Gen. Meade received infor- mation of the death of Gen. Reynolds, Gen. Han- cock was at his headquarters, and as Meade had fully explained to him his intentions, he ordered him forward to take command until he himself could get to the front. If Hancock should find the position taken by the Union troops a strong one, he was instructed to endeavor to hold it ; but if in his judgment, it was not one that would in- sure success to the Union arms, he was to with- draw the army to a position on Pipeclay Creek, at which place the entire army could be concentrated. As already stated, he fully approved of the posi- tion taken by Gen. Howard, and so reported to the Commander-in-Chief. After the close of the first day's fighting the position of the rebel army was as follows: Ewell's corps had possession of the town and formed a line to Rock Creek, about one mile east of the town. Hill's corps was in line along Seminary Ridge extending from the Chambersburg pike to the Shippensburg road. Gen. Longstreet's corps was in position on the right of Hill forming the right of the rebel line of battle. Who can picture the anxiety and distress the people of Gettysburg must have suffered dur- ing the night after the first day's batde ? They had witnessed the Union troops retreating before a victorious foe through the streets of their town. They knew nothing of the approach of the main 208 BOASTING REBELS. portion of the Union army, so they no doubt felt that the utter defeat and destruction of the Union forces would occur in the morning. The rebels were boastful of what they would do in the morn- ing, and they had already commenced wantonly to destroy property, and it was with sad forebodings that these distressed people waited for the dawn of another day which would probably witness the destruction of their defenders and despoliation of their homes. Some of them had fled to the rear of the Union army, and crowded together in groups they passed the long dreary night, sadly waiting for the dawn which might come all too soon. As soon as Gen. Meade received Hancock's report of the favorable position taken by the Union troops, he ordered all the troops to move rapidly forward and concentrate in front of Get- tysburg. He himself hastened forward and by midnight had reached Gen. Howard's head- quarters, and with that officer he carefully exam- ined the Union position and made preparations for the terrible conflict that all felt would take place on the morrow. At 7 A. M. on the following morning, July 2d, the entire Union army, with the exception of the Sixth Corps and part of the Fifth, was in position and eager for the fray. The position of the Union army was now as follows : The Twelfth Corps, commanded by Gen. Slocum, on the extreme QEATH IN THE TRENCHES. THE BATTLE LINE. 20^ right extendinor along Gulp's to Wolf's Hill; the First, now commanded by Gen. Newton (Double- day having been wounded), on the right centre, its right joining the left of the Twelfth on Gulp's Hill ; the Eleventh, commanded by Gen. O. O. Howard, in the centre ; the Second, commanded by Gen. Hancock, on the left centre ; the Third Gorps, commanded by Gen. Sickles, on the left of the Second, holding a position somewhat ad- vanced from the main line of battle ; the Fifth, commanded by Gen. Sykes, was in position on the left, its left extending around Round Top, the extreme left of the infantry line, but the main por- tion of the corps extended along the rear of the Third, its right being about one mile in the rear of the left of Hancock's line ; the Sixth Gorps, commanded by Gen. Sedgwick, did not arrive on the field until 2 o'clock in the afternoon, and as they had marched thirty-two miles during the last twenty-four hours and consequently were very weary, they were ordered to form in the rear of the Union army. as a reserve, and in such a posi- tion as would the most readily enable it to re-en- force any part of the line, where its services would be the most needed. The cavalry, under the command of Generals Buford and Kilpatrick, held positions on the extreme flanks of the army. Gen. Meade had ordered his men during the night to throw up intrenchments, and such de- fenses as could be erected under the circumstan- 14 2IO THE BATTLE FIELD. ces, and as the men worked like beavers, daylight found them in a position not only strong by nature, but made double so by long lines of rifle-pits, stone walls, felled trees, and such protections as energetic soldiers, directed by competent engi- neers can erect in a few hours. The Union posi- tion was about five miles long, and from the right wing of the army to the left of Hancock's corps, formed almost the exact shape of a horseshoe, The position of the Third Corps changed the for- mation of the line and made the left wing of the army about one mile longer than the right. The distance from the extreme right of the Union position to its left did not exceed two and one- half miles. The position was almost entirely an elevated one, the ground sloping in the direction of the enemy's lines and to the Union rear. At some points it rose considerable higher than the main portion of the line, and these points com- manded the entire ground in front of the Union position, and afforded most excellent positions for the batteries. In front of Hancock's lines, the ground was less sloping than at any point on the field and so was less defensible by nature, but Gen. Hancock had greatly strengthened his posi- tion during the night by throwing up very complete lines of intrenchments. The slope in the rear of the Union position af- forded most excellent protection for the reserves, and the short distance between the two wings of THE MEN IN LINE. 2 1 I the army as already stated, enabled them to be quickly transferred to any point where they would be needed. It also gave very good protection to the ammunition and supply trains of the army. Gen. Meade thoroughly understood the situa- tion, and as his position was a strong one and his adversary was in a position where he could not remain very long, owing to his communication with the south being severed, and so would have to attack or retreat, Meade decided to act entirely on the defensive. Gen. Lee had about 75,000 men in position ready for action, early on the morning of July 2d. In a few hours the balance of his command had arrived on the field, making his entire force at least 100,000 men. He ap- peared, however, reluctant to attack the Federal position, and only a few shots were fired before 4 o'clock in the afternoon. This still further en- abled the Union troops to strengthen their posi- tion, and the time lost by the rebel commander was of great importance and benefit to the Union army, as it not only gave them the opportunity of strengthening their position but enabled the Sixth Corps, which was one of the most efficient in the army and was in the morning a considerable distance from the field, to arrive and form in line in the rear of the Union position. Gen. Lee, in his report of the battle, said that the Federal strength was unknown and he deemed it advisable not to attack until all of his army was 2 I 1 THE STRUGGLE AT HAND. on the ground. As the main portion of his con\ mand was on the ground, or in supporting dis tance, on the evening of the ist, he certainly made a fatal mistake for his cause in not renewing the conflict after pressing the Union troops back to Cemetery Hill, The Federal force present for duty on the morning of the 2d of July, was about 70,000 men, and the arrival of the Sixth Corps added 16,000 more, making the entire force about 86,000 men. As stated before, almost the entire day passed away in silence, the Union troops working like beavers to strengthen their position, and the rebels reconnoitering and trying to find out the strength of it. It is said that Gen. Lee considered the Union position so strong, that he felt loath about attacking it, but that his prudent judgment was overruled by his subordinates, who demanded to be led against the Union position, and that he bitterly regretted yielding to the judg- ment of those who would be held less responsible for the results which followed. Finally, at about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, more distinct indications of the approaching storm commenced to show themselves, and the Union army was eagerly wait- ing for the commencement of the terrible struggle which all felt was at hand. At twenty minutes after 4 o'clock the enemy opened a terrific fire of artillery on our left which was soon followed by a furious infantry charge. As already stated, Gen. Sickles had advanced his SICKLES MOVEMENTS. 213 rf:orps a short distance beyond the main line of battle, thus being in a position where he could not be promptly re-enforced and causing a defect in the line, which Gen. Lee discovering took advantage of by massing a large body of troops and hurling them on the Third Corps with the hope of destroy- inor it before it could be re-enforced. Gen. Meade arrived on the left a few moments before the opening of the battle, and discovering the ex- posed position of" Sickles' corps he dashed for- ward and pointed out to its commander the necessity of promptly withdrawing his command and connectinof with Hancock's left. Sickles promptly made arrangements to do so, but before anything could be done the enemy, in massive columns, charged on him. Gen. Sickles exerted himself with the greatest gallantry to preserve his line and hold the enemy at bay, but it soon be- came evident that his command must be driven back to the position held by the main army, or Meade 'move from the strong position he had secured and advance to the assistance of the Third Corps. This would have compelled Meade to fight on the open field, and in such a position that most of the chances of success would have been in favor of the enemy. A movement of this kind would also have exposed the Union infantry to the fire of the immense rebel artillery train in position on the ridge opposite. Gen. Meade promptly decided on the first alternative — that of 214 DESPERATE COURAGE. leaving the Third Corps be driven back to the formation of the main hne and thus getting Lee to fight him on ground of his own choosing. He ordered his old corps, the Fifth, now commanded by Gen. Sykes, to move to the right and form on Hancock's left. Doubleday's division of the First Corps, and two divisions of the Twelfth, were ordered to move to the left and every preparation made to check the yelling mass of the enemy, who were now pushing back the Third Corps. Gen. Sickles fought with the most desperate courage, but was severely wounded in the early part of the engagement and the command of his corps de- volved on Gen. Birney, who made every effort to hold in check the enemy, but all in vain. He himself was wounded and his command driven back with fearful loss. The enemy, now confident of success, pressed forward to obtain possession of the high ground between Granite Spur and Round Top. It was of the most vital importance to the Union cause that this position should be held, as the possession of it by the enemy would have enabled them to completely turn the left wing of the Union army, and to command almost the entire position held by the Union troops. There can be no doubt that the success of the rebels at this point would have insured the defeat of the entire Union army. Its ammunition and supply trains were packed in the rear of the left wing, and had the rebels sue- FURIOUS FIGHTING. 21 5 ceeded in cutting through or turning this part of our line, they would have been almost certain to capture these, and the entire army, swung from its strong position, would have been compelled to fight on ground and under circumstances where almost certain defeat would have awaited it. The struggle which followed, lasted almost four hours, and was one of the most desperate conflicts known in the history of the war. As Sickles' men were forced back, Hancock's corps opened on the enemy with the most deadly volleys of artillery and infantry, cutting horrible gashes through their ranks. But the rebel column pressed forward, driving the cannoneers from their guns and forcing back the infantry supports. Bigelow's Massa- chusetts battery, a new organization that had neve^ been under fire before, was almost destroyed, but it greatly distinguished itself in this conflict. Cap- tain Bigelow was ordered to hold his position at all hazards, until Gen, Warren, of Meade's staff, could get two batteries into position in such a shape as to give the enemy an enfilading fire, and most nobly Bigelow obeyed the order. The enemy appeared to be determined at all hazards to capture this battery; and, with the most demoniac yells, they charged up to the muzzles of its guns ; and, climbing on the limbers of the battery, they shot down the men and horses. The artillerymen, however, most nobly stuck to their guns; and, with volley after volley, they blew the 21 6 AWFUL CARNAGE. rebels to pieces. Captain Bigelow, five of his ser- geants, and almost all of his men and horses were shot down when the booming of the guns of the two batteries Warren had succeeded in getting into position, announced the fact that they had opened on the enemy, and that, to give them a better chance, Bigelow's battery should be with- drawn. An effort was made to withdraw the guns by dragging them back by hand, when the rebels rushed forward and captured four of them. Their success was but short-lived, however, as the two batteries already mentioned, opened on them with a destructiveness that was appalling. As volley after volley of grape and canister fired at short- range, swept through the rebel lines, the carnage became terrible. Hundreds of men were literally blown to pieces, and the rebels at this point were at last compelled to give way, leaving the ground covered with dead and wounded. The situation of the Union army, however, was still most critical. The rebels had massed an im- mense number of troops on our left, and it ap- peared as if flesh and blood could not withstand their fierce charges. As the retreating troops oi the Third Corps cleared the front of the Fifth Corps, Gen. Meade ordered Gen. Sykes to make a coun ter-charge on the enemy with the division of Reg- ulars belonainof to his command. These veteran o o ftoldiers advanced steadily to the assault, and in a STRUGGLE FOR ROUND TOP. 21/ short time were fiercely engaged with the enemy. They succeeded in driving the rebels from their immediate front, but the enemy in greatly supe- rior numbers outflanked them on the left, and their position soon became most critical. A ter- rible crisis was now approaching. Fragments of companies and regiments of the Third Corps were filling the roads and fleeing to the rear. The Regulars, finding themselves outflanked, endeav- ored to withdraw in order, but being aow hiard pressed on front and flank, broke and fell back in disorder. The shouts of the victorious rebels could be heard above the din and roar of battle, and it seemed as if the destruction of the Union left was certain. Gen. Meade, who was present in this part of the field, ordered his old division, the Pennsylvania Reserve Corps, to advance and charge on the enemy, who were rapidly moving up the slope to get possession of Granite Spur and Round Top. The first brigade of this divi- sion, commanded by Col. McCandless, was rap- idly formed in two lines, the second massed on the first in the following order : The First Regi- ment, commanded by Col. Talley, in the first line on the left; the Sixth, commanded by Col. Ent, on the right; and the Eleventh, commanded by Col. Jackson, in the centre. The Bucktails, or First Rifles, commanded by Col. Taylor, and the Second Regiment, commanded by Col. Wood- ward, constituted the second line. The Third 2l8 "FIRE-EATER" BARKSDALE SLAIN. Brigade moved on the left of the First Brigade. After delivering several volleys into the advancing foe, the Reserves with a mighty shout rushed down the slope and fell on the enemy with the bayonet. The contest which followed was terri- ble in the extreme. The rebel officers with the most reckless daring, threw themselves at the head of their troops and with sword in hand urged them on to the conflict. It was here that the famous " fire-eater " from Alabama, Gen. Barks- dale, formerly Senator from that State, fell dead at the head of his command. Sword in hand he endeavored, in vain, to rally his men, and at last fell a victim to the deadly fire of the First Regi- ment. The Reserves were fighting at their own homes, and in defense of all that was dear to them. They had also just been informed of the death of their dear old commander, Gen. Reynolds, and as they charged upon the enemy the cry, " Revenge for Reynolds," rang out above the din of the conflict. The foe could not stand against the terrible im- petuosity of this charge, and at last broke and fled from the field. The Reserves pursued them to a stone wall at the base of the hill, and the rebels fled across a wheat-field into a wood beyond. During this time, the Third Brigade, led by Col. Fisher, had dislodged the enemy from Big Round Top, and this closed the fighting for the day on the left. The Sixth Corps had moved to the front A NIGHT ATTACK. 219 and taken position close in the rear of the Fifth, thus forminof a stronsf Hne which was not agfain engaged until the following day. In this charge, we lost one of our most gallant officers in the per- son of Col. Taylor, commanding the First RiHe Regiment, who fell dead at the head of his regi- ment while in the act of cheering his men on to victory. Lee, supposing that the Union right had been much weakened by withdrawing the troops to re-enforce the hard-pressed left, determined to renew the conflict by an attack on our right. Directly after dark, Gen. Ewell's corps of the rebel army advanced and made a fierce attack on Slocum's position. That part of the Union line had been weakened very much, only a small por- tion of the corps being in possession of the in- trenchments. Green's briofade was about the only force left of Slocum's corps to meet the assaults of the enemy, and on this small body of men the rebel division, commanded by Gen. John- ston of Ewell's corps, charged with great fury. Gen. Green with his noble brigade, however, held this position most gallantly until the arrival of a brigade sent from the First Corps to re-enforce him, when the rebels were completely defeated and driven from the field. At a point known as Spangler's Spring, the enemy succeeded in pene- trating through the Union line, but fearing a trap, did not proceed any farther. 2 20 STUBBORN FIGHTING. At the same time that the attack was made on Green's brigade the rebels also advanced a strong column agrainst Gen. Howard's line but were soon driven back with great loss. The second day's battle of Gettysburg closed without any decided advantaofe to either side. The rebels had failed in every attempt to dislodge the Union troops from their position, with the exception of the as- sault made on the Second Corps. This body of troops they had succeeded in forcing from the position it had at first taken, and thus captured a number of prisoners, but Hancock and Sykes had captured fully as many from them, and as the position Sickles lost was an undesirable one for the Union troops to occupy, the rebels had gained very little advantage in that direction. The rebel loss also exceeded the Union loss, but they were not thoroughly beaten, and it soon became evi- dent that the great contest was not yet over, and the following day was to witness a renewal of the horrible scenes already enacted. At daylight on Friday morning Gen. Geary, commanding a division of Slocum's corps which had again returned to the intrenchments they had vacated to re-enforce the left, finding that the enemy were gathering in his front, opened fire on them with his artIller}^ This w^as responded to by a furious charge of the rebels and a terrible contest ensued. The wave of battle soon spread along the entire front of Slocum's corps and THE FINAL ASSAULT. 221 parts of the line held by the First and Eleventh Corps. The battle on this part of the field raged for more than six hours, and was said by old army officers to have been the most terrible conflict in the history of the war. Again and again, the rebels advanced to the assault, only to be again driven back by Slocum's command until the ground in front of his position was covered with the dead and wounded. At about half-past ten o'clock, the rebels, thoroughly beaten, retired from the field and left Slocum in undisputed posses- sion. The rebels had suffered a terrible repulse and the fighting was not again renewed for about three hours, a pause like the stillness of death resting meanwhile over the field. The rebel com- mander had not, however, given up all hope of storming the Union position, and during the lull which followed his terrible defeat on our right, he was busily engaged in preparing for one more assault. The point of attack now decided on by the rebel commander was the left-centre of our army, the position held by Hancock's corps. The ground in front of this corps had less slope than on any other part of the field, and as already stated, it was the weakest point in our line of bat- tle. Gen. Lee had now determined to make one more desperate effort to cut through the Union lines. He had massed about one hundred and twenty-five guns on a ridge about one mile in front of Hancock's line, which, at a given signal, 222 LEE'S TRIBUTE TO MEADE. were to open fire on the Union position, in the hope of demolishing our batteries and so demor- alizing our infantry, that their assaulting column could cut through and sever our lines. For this purpose he had massed Longstreet's and Hill's corps, which were to charge on the Union posi- tion as soon as the rebel artillery had silenced the Union batteries. From his headquarters on the hill, the Union commander earnestly, but calmly, surveyed the field and watched the movements of his wily and desperate opponent. It is related by a prominent rebel officer, then belonging to Lee's staff, that when the great Southern leader heard of the appointment of Gen. Meade to the command of the Army of the Potomac, he rested his head on the table in front of him and for some time appeared to be in a deep study and oblivious to all that was said to him. On risin^ to his feet one of his subordinates said, "General Lee, what do you think of the new commander of the Army of the Potomac?" "Gentleman," was the reply, "we have now the most dangerous opponent in the United States army to contend with." It would be safe to say that by the time the great rebel commander had withdrawn his terribly beaten army from the blood- deluged field of Gettysburg, his opinion of the abilities of our great Northern soldier had under- g-one no change. Gen. Meade soon thoroughly understood Lee's ROAR OF ARTILLERY. 223 intentions, and made the most energetic prepara- tions to defeat them. He issued orders to the commanders of his batteries to at first vigorously respond to the fire of the rebel artillery, but in a short time to slacken their fire to such an extent, that the rebels would get the impression that our o-uns were beino- silenced and hence move their infantry into the trap prepared for them. Sud- denly the report of a single gun, followed by a shrieking shell, which exploded above one of our batteries, broke the stillness that reigned undis- turbed for several hours over the battle-field. This was the signal gun, which was to announce the grand assault on our position. In a few mo- ments the thunder of more than a hundred guns shook the earth and poured forth their messen- gers of death. The Union guns soon replied, and for more than two hours the earth trembled beneath the roar of the combined artillery of the two armies. It really seemed as if the earth rocked, and the air seemed full of deadly missiles which whizzed and screamed from one line to the other. The trees and earth on both sides of the field were torn up and riven as if struck by light- ning, and it appeared as if no living thing could survive the terrible conflict going on. During the time this furious cannonade was in progress, our regiment was in position behind a stone wall in front of Little Round Top, and to the left of the position the rebels were so furiously 2 24 ^ SUCCESSFUL RUSK. assaultingf. The siofht as witnessed from this point was terrible but grand beyond description, and one that can never be forgotten by those who witnessed it. This terrible artillery duel was, how- ever, but a preliminary movement to the more destructive conflict which was to follow. The Union batteries, not from any want of vigor, but in accordance with the plan decided on, slackened their fire and finally almost ceased. The ruse was entirely successful; for Lee, be- lieving that the Union batteries had been worsted, if not altogether silenced, immediately pushed for- ward his infantry columns which, with the most frantic yells, charged on Hancock's lines. Lee had formed his infantry into three lines: Picket's, Wilcox's and Pettigrew's divisions of Longstreet's corps forming the assaulting column, which was supported by almost all of the remainder of Lee's army. The rebel line approached steadily to the attack, until within point-blank range of the Union artillery, when the guns they had supposed dis- abled, opened on them a terrific discharge of grape and canister, which played fearful havoc in their ranks. They hesitated, however, but a few moments, when, with the most frantic yells, they rushed on the Union lines. Gen. Meade had strengthened Hancock's line by moving Double- day's division of the First Corps to his support, and other portions of the army were held well In hand to help resist the enemy's assault. As the infuri- TERRIBLE SLAUGHTER. 2 25 ated rebels rushed on the Union lines, they were met with the most terrific volleys of infantry from Hancock's and Doubleday's commands, but they fought with the desperation of tigers, and Picket's division succeeded at one time in getting a foot- hold in the Union intrenchments ; but their success was but momentary, for Hancock now made a counter-charge, and the rebels were driven from the field with fearful slaughter. Picket's division, said to have been the most efficient in the South- ern army, was almost destroyed. Of its three brigade commanders, two were killed, and the other badly wounded, and two-thirds of the entire division were left on the field. The other two divisions suffered almost as severely. It is doubt- ful if there is in the entire history of the war an instance in which a body of troops fought with more determined courage, and sustained a more fearful loss, than this body of Southern troops that led the assault on the Union troops on this occasion. The enemy, thoroughly defeated, fell back in great confusion and did not again renew the battle at this point. Gen. Hancock, who had handled his men with great skill and gallantry, was severely wounded, and Gen. Gibbons, who received the com- mand of the corps, shared the same fate. The com- mand then fell on Brigadier-General Hays. During the terrible fighting on our left-centre, Gen. Lee had ordered the two divisions of Longtreet's corps, 15 2 26 A LAST IMPETUOUS CHARGE. commanded by Generals Hood and McLaw, to move on the extreme left of the Union position. But they did not meet with any better success than the other portion of the corps, for they were met by two brigades of Kilpatrick's cavalry and a small force of Union infantry and after a short but sharp action were driven from the field. After the terrible defeat of the rebels in Han- cock's front, the First Brigade of the division of Pennsylvania Reserves, who were in position in front of Round Top, and who had not taken any part in the fighting on their right, were ordered to charge and dislodge the enemy in their front. A strong column of the Sixth Corps was advanced to within close supporting distance. This, the last charge made by either side at Gettysburg, was one of the most brilliant and successful made by this famous division. After all the arrangements had been made for the assault, we charged rap- idly over the wheat-fields in our front and into the wood beyond. The rebels had a battery of artillery and a strong line of infantry posted there, but the impetuosity of our charge broke their line and drove their infantry in confusion from the field. The rebel battery was also dislodged, but succeeded in making its escape. We then changed front, faced from Gettysburg, and charged down the rebel line on our left. A full brigade of Geor- gia troops, belonging to McLaw's Division, held a position behind a stone wall close to our left when CLOSE OF THE CONTEST. 227, we charged through the enemy's Hne. After change ing front to the left, we fell on the left flank of this brigade, and charging down the line we cap- tured or drove the entire column from the field. Another rebel brigade, commanded by Gen. Ben- ning, which had position on the right of the Geor- gians, was also completely driven from the field. In this charge the First Brigade and Eleventh Regiment of the Third Brigade captured more than 300 prisoners and over 5,000 stand of arms. All of the ground lost by Gen. Sickles on the first day was also retaken, and the Union wounded, that lay mingled with the wounded of the enemy, aofain fell into our hands. The dead of both armies lay in heaps in every direction and pre- sented a most ghastly appearance. At some places the rebels had buried large numbers of their own dead, and heaps of them had been carried together for that purpose. The large number of Union dead, showed how desper- ate had been the defense of the Third Corps against the overwhelming numbers of the enemy, and how terrible had been their loss when they were compelled to fall back. At one place I counted the bodies of twelve Union soldiers, who had belonged to one company in a New York reoriment, and who must have fell dead in line as they stood facing the enemy. As soon as Gen. Meade saw the decided suc- cess the Reserves had won, he ordered the troops 2 26 SEVENTY THOUSAND LOST. to advance on the rebel position, but it was now after sunset, and before any further movements could be made night set in, and if was too late to take any further advantage of the victory on this day. This closed the great battle of Gettysburg, one of the greatest of modern times. This battle was a complete victory to the Union army. It had lost so severely, however, that it was in a poor situation to take much advantage of it. The Union loss was reported officially as being 23,180 in killed, wounded and missing, or more than one- fourth of the entire number of the army. The rebel loss in killed, wounded and missing, numbered 40,120. Early on the morning of July 4th, Meade ordered Gen. Slocum to advance on the rebel left. This movement disclosed the fact that Lee had withdrawn his troops from the front on our right and had reformed his lines almost parallel with our left-flank, and was preparing to retreat. Unfor- tunately a severe rain storm had set in, which made it impossible to make any extensive movements on the enemy's lines. On the following morning it was ascertained that the entire rebel army was in full retreat, moving on the Cashtown and Fair- field roads toward Haeerstown. Gen. Meade im- mediately ordered the cavalry and Sixth Corps in pursuit, and the enemy was overtaken near Fair- field, but so strongly posted were they in the oiountain pass, that Gen, Sedgwick reported tc LEE S RETREAT. 2 29 M _ade that as a small force could hold a larpe r Jmber at bay in the position occupied by the ' nemy, it would not be prudent to attack them. Meade now determined to pursue the enemy by a flank movement by Turner's Gap, on the Boones- boro road. His entire army had reached and was concentrating around Middletown, Maryland, on the 9th of July, at which place he halted for one day to supply his men with shoes and other needed clothino-. Gen. Meade has been somewhat cen- sured for this delay, but when it is remembered that a considerable number of his men were with- out shoes and had been marching" over the roueh stony ground barefooted, and his army was almost entirely worn out by hard fighting and marching, it can readily be understood that his stopping was only such a measure as the laws of humanity demanded, and that nothing was lost by this de- lay, for the men, somewhat rested and refreshed by their short: halt, were in a much better condition to resume their work in the morning, which they did with renewed zeal. On the following day the pursuit was continued, the arrangements having been so perfectly made to have the supplies needed by the army on hand, that the army was completely refurnished in one day. On Sunday, the 12th, the Union army again confronted the foe. Lee's army was found to be in possession of a position strong by nature and made doubly so by the spades and axes of 230 GOOD COUNSEL PREVAILS. the rebel soldiers extending: from Fallinor Waters to near Haoferstown. Gen. Meade, after moving his army into posi- tion, held a council of war, composed of his corps commanders, and submitted to them the propriety of attacking the enemy's position at a ven- ture, before its extent and strength were better understood. He himself at first believed such a movement practicable, but his subordinates almost unani- mously opposed it, and subsequent events fully proved that had the Union troops assaulted the position they would in all probability have suffered a terrible repulse. The rebel army was nearly, or altogether as large as the Union army, and in the position they held, almost all the chances of success would have been in their favor. Gen. Meade himself after examining the rebel position after their retreat, expressed the opinion that an attack on them would have ended in a defeat to the Union army. The following letter, written by Rev. Dr. Falk, who was a competent judge of all the facts, to Hon. J. R. Sypher, fully confirms the judgment of the Union generals : "Dear Sir: — After the battle of Gettysburg, General Lee offered battle to Gen. Meade, in a position between Hagers- town and Falling Waters. Since the latter has been most violently assailed because he did not attack and annihilate Lee and capture his whole army, permit me to make a few DR. FALKS LETTER. 2$ I statements of what I saw and heard during the five or six days before Lee's recrossing the Potomac. I was then at the College of St. James, within the rebel lines, and just in front of their centre. Lee's line began near Hagerstown and ex- tended nearly to Falling Waters, and was strongly fortified. The greatest part of it was on top of a range of hills on the left bank of Marsh Run, a small creek which flows through a swampy valley into the Potomac. On the right bank of the creek is a similar range of hills, nearly parallel, but somewhat lower, than the first. There the main army was intrenched. The hills are gently sloping down to the creek, the distance between them varies from one to two miles, and the space be t ween them is almost an entirely open field. The attacking party would have been from the first moment, where they left their intrenchments, exposed to the artillery and musketry fire of a well-protected and concealed enemy. The key of the rebel position was, according to their own statements, a prominent hill on the farm of John L. Roland, about three-fourths of a mile behind the College of St. James. The rebels had, of course, strong batteries on top of it and in the neighborhood. The College itself was held as a kind of out-post and strongly occupied by sharp-shooters. On account of its commanding position very many rebel officers of the highest rank came there, to reconnoitre Meade's lines, and General Wilcox, who commanded the intrenchments in the rear of the College, spent the greatest part of three days with his staff at this place. From the conversation of these officers among them- selves and with us, it was evident that they most ardently desired to be attacked. * Now we have Meade where we want to have him. If he attacks us here we will pay him back for Gettysburg. But the old fox is too cunning. He waits for our attack; but we surely will not make the same blunder twice.' Such and similar expressions showed clearly that they believed their position strong enough to hold it against any attacking force. In my opinion, an attempt to take Lee's position in front would have had a disastrous result. The » 232 RECONNOITERING. only possibility of defeating him, would have been success- fully to turn his left wing near Hagerstown. But the rebel army consisted, as far as I could judge from what I heard, of more than 70,000 men; Meade had not more than about 65,000, and it would have required at least 90,000 or 100,000 men to engage Lee's army on the whole front and to have left force enough to make a successful flank movement. Knowing the strength of the rebel position, I felt greatly relieved when Lee evacuated it. For in the case of a general engagement I feared a repulse of the Union army, and a disaster at that time Avould have been almost ruinous for the Union cause, since all the fruits of the enemy's defeat at Gettysburg would have been lost. " Respectfully yours, " T. W. Alexander Falk." On the day after our arrival before the enemy's position, it rained almost all day, but the Union Generals were busy reconnoitering the enemy's position, and Gen. Meade issued orders for a general assault at daylight in the morning. Promptly at daylight we moved on the enemy's position, but soon ascertained that the rebels had retreated during the night, part of Longstreet's and Hill's corps crossing the river on a pontoon at Williamsport, and Ewell's corps and the re- mainder of Longstreet's wading the river at Fall- ing Waters. At the latter place the enemy was subsequently overtaken and a sharp conflict ensued, in which Gen, Pettegrew was killed and about 2,000 rebels were taken prisoner. Some of the citizens in- RETREAT OF GENERAL LEE. 23^ formed us, that quite a number of the smallest men in the rebel army were drowned in attempt- ing to cross the stream. Gen. Lee retreated southward, pursued by the Union army, and so ended the stirring scenes of the great rebel inva sion of the North. CHAPTER VIII. BATTLE OF THE WILDERNESS OUR CAPTURE AND RE-CAPTURE. AN the first of March, 1864, Congress passed an act authorizing the President to appoint an officer of the grade of Lieutenant-General, who was to assume command of all the land forces of the Government. On the tenth of the same month, President Lincoln appointed General U. S. Grant to that important position. Grant was in Nashville,.Tenn., at the time he was notified of his appointment, and immediately hastened to Washino^ton to take command. In a general or- der, he announced his intention of making his headquarters with the Army of the Potomac, and accompanying it in person in the campaign against Richmond. The army was in winter quarters at Culpepper, Va., and was under the gallant Majop General Geo. G. Meade, whose fitness to com- mand that splendid organization had been fully tested at Gettysburg. Meade had, during the winter, thoroughly reor- ganized his command, and when it entered on the spring campaign, it was probably (with the excep- tion of McClellan's army when it marched for the Peninsula) the best equipped and drilled (234) GEN. GRANT IN COMMAND. 23^ army ever marshaled in this country. The First and Third corps had been broken up, and distrib- uted into the Second, Fifth and Sixth. The Second was commanded by Major General W. S. Han- cock, the Fifth by Major General G. K. Warren, and the Sixth by Major General John Sedgwick. These officers had greatly distinguished them- selves, and were recognized as three of the best corps commanders in the Union army. The cav- alry was in command of Major General Sheridan, who was ordered from the West for that special purpose. Major General Burnside was in com- mand of a force of about forty thousand men encamped at Annapolis, Maryland. This force was intended as a reserve corps for the Army of the Potomac, but was kept at Annapolis until the army was ready to move, evidently for the pur- pose of putting the rebel authorities under the impression that it was intended to strike some point along the Southern coast. Major General B. F. Butler was also in command of an army of about forty thousand men, with headquarters at Fortress Monroe. This body of men was called the Army of the James, and was intended to co-operate with the Army of the Potomac, by at- tacking Richmond via Bermuda Hundred and Pe- tersburg. The combined force, whose objective point was the capture of Richmond, numbered, about 200,000 men. Major General Siegel was also in command of a considerable force in the 236 A GREAT CRISIS MET. Shenandoah Valley. He was directed to move on Lynchburg at the same time Meade and But- ler moved on Richmond, Grant made his head- quarters with the army of the Potomac, and per- sonally directed its movements. There can be no doubt but that this had much to do in detracting from the honor that really belonged to Meade. The army was constantly spoken of as Grant's army, and the fact that he was with the army would do much to produce the belief that he, more than Meade, deserved credit for compelling the surrender of the greatest chieftain in the Confederate army. Gen. Meade had saved the country in one of its greatest crises, and, judging from the military genius he displayed wherever in command, the impartial reader can come to no other conclusion but that, had he been in chief command, Lee's overthrow would have been just as certain, and as soon accomplished. General Grant, in a dispatch to the Government, said of Meade: "Commandinor all the armies, as I did, I tried as far as possible to leave Gen. Meade in independent command of the Army of the Poto- mac. My instructions were all through him, and were general in their nature, leaving all the de- tails and execution to him. The campaign that followed proved him to be the right man in the right place. His commanding always in the pres- ence of an officer superior to him in rank has drawn from him much of the public attention THE SHENANDOAH CAMPAIGN, 237 which his zeal and ability entitled him to, and which he would have otherwise received." The campaigns of General Siegel, and of his successor, Gen. Hunt, in the Shenandoah Valley where a series of blunders that resulted in the Union forces being driven from the valley with heavy loss. This campaign, in place of terminat- ing in the capture of Lynchburg, and assisting Meade's forces in the capture of Richmond, en- dangered the Capital at Washington to such an extent as to necessitate the sending of a portion of the Army of the Potomac, under the gallant Sheridan, to the valley. Gen. Butler's campaign south of the James river was equally unfortunate, and only resulted in repeated disasters to his army. As these generals received all the odium connected with their respective campaigns, and their forces were under the command of the Lieutenant-General, as well as Meade's army, it would be but fair to suppose that Meade was equally entitled to the credit of conducting the campaign that ended in the surrender of the rebel army at Appomattox Court House. At the time Grant established his headquarters with the Army of the Potomac, our division (the Pennsyl- vania Reserves) was encamped along the line of the Orange and Alexandria railroad, our regi- ment (the First) being in camp at Bristow vStation. On the 29th of April we broke camp and marched to Warrenton, a distance of thirty 238 MEADE'S ORDER. miles, where we camped for the night. Early in the morning we continued our march, moving in the direction of Culpepper. 'V\'^e crossed the Rappahannock river at Rappahannock Station, and by evening had reached the army. We had been for some time separated from the main army, and were glad to get back to it again. We all knew that we were on the eve of an im- portant campaign, and one that would in all probability close the war. The greatest enthusi- asm existed throughout the entire camp, and all had the utmost confidence in the two great soldiers who were to lead us. On the 3d of May the camp was in a furor of excitement, and all anxiously waited for the orders to move. The army had been reinforced, and everything now appeared to be in readiness to commence the campaign that was to break the backbone of the rebellion. General Meade during the day issued the fol- lowing order, which was read to every regiment in the evening on dress parade ; Headquarters Army of the Potomac, ] May 3, 1864. j Soldiers: Again you are called upon to advance on the enemies of your country. The time and the occasion are deemed opportune by your commanding General to address you a few words of confidence and caution. You have been reorganized, strengthened, and fully equipped in every respect. You form a part of the several aiTnies of your countr)', the whole under an able and distinguished General, who enjoyj fif t^^'t^^'r* }> FORWARD AGAIN. 24 1 the confidence of the government, the people, and the army. Yom' movement being in co-operation with others, it is of the utmost importance that no effort should be spared to make it successful. Soldiers, the eyes of the whole country are looking with anxious hope to the blow you are about to strike in the most sacred cause that ever called men to arms. Remember your homes, your wives, and your children, and bear in mind that the sooner your enemies are overcome, the sooner you will be returned to enjoy the bless- ings and benefits of peace. Bear with patience the hardships you will be called upon to endure. Have confidence in your officers and each other. Keep your ranks on the march and on the battle field, and let each man earnestly implore God's blessing, and en- deavor by his thoughts and actions to render himself worthy of the favor he seeks. With clear conscience and strong arms, ac- tuated by a high sense of duty, fighting to preserve the government and the institutions handed down to us by our forefathers, if true to ourselves, victory, under God's blessing, must and will attend our efforts. George G. Meade, Major General Comtnanding . Directly after midnight, May 4th, the reveille in the Union army was beaten. Soon after, the troops were marching from their camps, and the great movement against the rebel capital had be- gun. Our corps (the Fifth) marched out on the Fredericksburg plank-road, and some time in the forenoon crossed the Rapidan river at Germania Ford. We marched until about four o'clock in the afternoon, when we camped for the night, having gone a distance of thirty miles. Our camp for the night was in the vicinity of what is known as the Wilderness tavern. The Sixth corps had 242 GRANT'S PLANS. followed on the same road, and had also crossed the river, its left connecting with our right. Gen- eral Hancock's corps crossed at Ely's ford, and marched to Chancellorsville. General Burnside, with the Ninth corps, had left Annapolis, Mary- land, about a week before, and by forced marches, succeeded in getting into camp at Culpepper at about the time the movement beo-un. He was instructed to stay in camp twenty-four hours, and then follow the army. It does not appear to have been Grant's plan to fight the battle of the Wilderness, but to compel Lee to abandon his strong position by a movement on his right flank, thinking, no doubt, that If Lee would find his communications with Richmond In danger of being severed, he would withdraw from the Wilderness, and be compelled to fight on ground where the chances of success would be more favorable to the Union army. The tract of land known as the Wilderness is covered with "scrub oak, low pines, cedar, and brush." It Is crossed in all directions by a number of narrow roads, and numerous foot or cattle paths. So dense was the underg-rowth where the orround was wet and low, that it was almost Impossible for troops to get through; and the entire nature of the ground was of such a description that It was almost impossible to bring cavalry or artillery Into action. Lee, who was familiar with the country, and had beaten Hooker on nearly the same COUNTER MOVEMENTS. i43 ground, had selected this wild and Isolated place for a defensive position. He had added to its natural strength by a complete system of fortifica- tions, which extended for twenty miles to the right and left of Orange Court House. Had Grant attacked him on his left or front, Lee's position would have given him all the advantage; but the weak point in his line was his right flank, and Grant and Meade seemed soon to have dis- covered it. Lee, who was undoubtedly deceived by Grant's movements, was unprepared to resist the passage of the Rapidan, and the movements of the Federal troops on the first day endangered his position to such an extent that immediate steps became necessary to prevent Grant from completely turning his right wing and cutting off his communications. But Lee was not the com- mander to be very long deceived by the move- ments of an opponent. He immediately com- menced a movement on Grant's right flank, assuminof an "offensive defensive" attitude that would compel Grant to give him battle on ground of his own choosing. In this movement Lee was entirely successful, and it soon became evident that Grant would have to fight him where the chances would be greatly against our side. Lee's army had been strongly reinforced by Longstreet's corps, which had just arrived from the west, and as near as can be ascertained the two opposing armies were about equal in num- 244 A COINCIDENCE. bers when the fighting commenced. Lee had greatly the advantage in fighting in a country where he was familiar with every foot of the ground, and could resist almost every movement of his opponent with fortified positions. Grant, on the other hand, had the advantage during the campaign that followed in being strongly rein- forced. It does not appear that Lee received any considerable number after the fighting com- menced. Grant was strongly reinforced after the first batde. On the night of the 4th of May, when the Union army was resting in its camps waiting for the dawn to continue the movement on Lee's flank, that crafty commander was mov- ing his army in two parallel lines on Grant's right flank. He had moved Gen. Ewell's corps on the turnpike and Gen. Hill's on the plank road, and before morning had them in position in front of the right wing of our army. There was a strange analogy between the two opposing armies on the morning before the great battle; each commander had moved on the rieht flank of his opponent, and yet from somewhat different motives. Long before daylight, May 5th, the Union army was in line, waiting for the orders to advance. At about sunrise the march was continued, but we had not proceeded more than about one-half mile when information was received that the enemy was in our front. It was evidently somewhat of a surprise to our officers, iN THE WILDERNESS 245 as the appearance of the enemy was unexpected. Preparations were Immediately made to give them battle. Our corps (the Fifth) was concen- trated on the pike and ordered to attack the enemy in our front whenever an opportunity pre- sented itself. The Sixth corps was ordered to move to the right of the Fifth and attack the rebels, who were moving in heavy columns in that direction, and endangering our line of com- munications. General Hancock was ordered to " deflect his line of march, and take position with his corps on the left of the Fifth." The position of our division (the Pennsylvania Reserve Corps) in the early part of the day was on Major Lacy's farm. At about ten o'clock we were ordered to move in the direction of Parker's store and form a line of battle. We moved along cautiously, meet- ing a few rebel skirmishers, who fled at our ap- proach. We then formed in line of battle near the plank-road, our regiment (the First) and the Bucktails being on the extreme left. Directly- after forming line, Capton Wasson, commanding our company, was ordered to take his command and move through the woods beyond for the purv pose of reconnoitering the enemy's lines. This wood was a perfect wilderness, being composed of "low-limbed and scraggy pines, stiff-bristling chincapins," and brush of every description. Through it, however, were several foot or cattle paths, on one of which we took our line of march. 246 A PERPLEXING SITUATION. After proceeding about one-half mile, we came to an opening, or small tract of cleared land. Along the edge of the woods on the other side, we could see a line of troops, but could not at first deter- mine to what army they belonged. When we started, we were cautioned to be careful about firing on any one, as Gen. Getty's division (which had been detached from the Sixth corps) was moving for position on our left. After discover- ing the presence of troops in our front, we came to a halt and tried to make out where they be- longed. They had by this time became aware ol our presence, and evidently were about as much perplexed about us as we were about them. We were, however, not to be left long in doubt as to what side they belonged ; for one of them ad- vanced a few steps from his line, and unfurled a large rebel flag. We could hardly be kept from firing on them ; but as our captain had received instructions not to bring on an engagement, he would not let us fire. As we fell back, the rebels fired one shot at us, which passed harmlessly over our heads. We slowly fell back to the line. About an hour after, Lieut. Wilder and ten men from Company B were ordered to make a recon- noissance in the same direction. As our company had been over the ground, Col. Talley thought it would be best to send two men from it with the detail. The Colonel then asked for two volun- teers from the company, and William Bruce and SKIRMISHING. 247 myself offered our services and accompanied the: squad. We had proceeded but a short distance when we encountered the enemy, who had ad- v^anced and occupied the wood our company had Just marched through. We were driven back to our regiment, making a narrow escape from death or captivity. Companies C and K were then sent out to dislodge them ; but, finding the enemy in strongf force, fell back in haste to our lines. The severe fighting did not commence, however, until about twelve o'clock, when the divisions of Grififin and Wadsworth, of our corps, which had position on the right of our division, met the enemy, and soon became hotly engaged. The rebels, who were commanded by Gen. Ewell, were driven back, and a decided advantage would have been gained, had the difficult nature of the ground not prevented the Sixth corps from getting into posi- tion In time to assist Griffin and Wadsworth. The advantage thus gained was unfortunate in the end, as it exposed the extreme right flank of our corps. The enemy soon took advantage of It, and attacking Griffin with great fury, succeeded In turning his right flank, and compelling him to fall back. The division of Wadsworth, after the most desperate fighting, was also compelled to give way, and the enemy succeeded in getting between his troops and our division. The right wing of our division was now in great peril, but bravely held its ground. 248 FIGHTING THREE TO ONE. During this time the fighting on our left was also very severe. A. P. Hill's rebel corps had at' tacked and driven in the cavalry, when they en- countered Getty's division of the Sixth corps. Getty, although outnumbered three to one, bravely held his ground until the arrival of Gen- eral Hancock with the Second corps. Had Getty's command given way, our division would have been surrounded and cut off from the army. As stated before, Hancock had marched his com- mand to Chancellorsville, where he was in camp on the morning the battle opened. When he re- ceived the order to deflect his march, he obeyed with his usual alacrity, and his arrival on the field was most fortunate. Hill's entire corps was con- tending with Getty's division, which could not much longer have held out against the tremen- dous odds it was fighting. Hancock promptly brought his corps into action, and for three hours the battle on this part of the field raged with the most intense fury. Directly after a gap was created between Wadsworth's command and our division on our right, and Getty's lines were threatened with destruction on our left, an aid rode up to Gen. Crawford, and informed him that his command was in danger of beingf surrounded, and if he did not withdraw immediately, his retreat would be cut off. Almost the entire Third brigade of our division was on the skirmish line. The Second brigade, under the command of CoL WITHDRAWING THE SKIRMISHERS. 249 McCandless, had been sent to support Wads- worth's hard-pressed troops. Our brigade was in line in the rear of the Third brigade. Gen. Crawford took immediate measures to withdraw his command from its dangerous position. To Col. Fisher, a most meritorious officer, was as- signed the duty of withdrawing the skirmish Hne in our front. A messensfer was sent to Col. Mc- Candless, ordering him to return to the division. Col. Fisher, with great skill, succeeded in with- drawing the skirmish line, and the First and Second brigades were ordered to a position about one mile in the rear. The Second brigade was, how- ever, not so fortunate. The messenger sent to inform McCandless of his danger, did not find him ; the consequence was, his command was surrounded by the enemy, who had advanced rap- idly over the ground vacated by the other two brigades. Col. McCandless was, however, too good a soldier to surrender his command without making a desperate effort to save it. Finding himself unsupported, and being surrounded, he ordered his command to "about-face," and en- deavor to withdraw from a position he knew had become untenable. The movement was made none too soon, as a rebel column had formed in line in his rear to cut off his escape. He imme- diately ordered the Eleventh regiment to charge on this line and open the road. This command was obeyed in the most gallant style, the men 13 2 50 BURNED TO DEATH. charging with an impetuosity that scattered the rebels in every direction. The most of the Sec- ond, Sixth, and Eleventh regiments succeeded in escaping through the opening made by the charge, but lost severely in killed and wounded. The Seventh regiment, commanded by Col. Bollinger, had been advanced too far in the woods to be successfully withdrawn, and the Colonel, with almost his entire regiment, were captured and taken to Richmond as prisoners of war. During the fighting, the woods caught fire, and it is said " a number of the unfortunate wounded burned to death." Our division was re-formed on Lacy's farm, which position we held during the night. The Sixth corps, on the right, in moving for posi- tion, had encountered the enemy several times during the day, and had some severe fighting — but very little was accomplished in that direction. Owinsf to the difficult nature of the ofround, Sed^. wick did not get his entire corps into position during the day. A demonstration by Hancock's corps, supported by a portion of the Fifth, put an end to the fighting for the first day ; but little was accomplished, however, by this, more than to get the lines into good position, to renew the conflict in the morning. Night had put an end to the fiofhtinc:, and both armies rested on their arms, too' ' waiting anxiously for the dawning of another day. The desperate nature of the fighting, and indeci- sive results arising from it, were enough to convince fHE VERGE OF BATTLE. 25 1 US that terrible would be the carnage before the great battle was decided. Two armies, whose combined strength numbered fully one-fourth of a million men, commanded by the best military men of the age, had locked in a deadly embrace, and both would have to suffer severely before the contest was over. Only those who have been in like situations can fully appreciate the feelings of a soldrer on the night after an indecisive battle. Many of his comrades have fallen, and he knows that before the setting of another sun, many more will be added to the " bivouac of the dead." He cannot avoid thinking that the chances are many that he, too, may be among the number ; and how lovingly he thinks of the dear ones at home, and hopes and prays that he may meet them again. I have frequently heard men say that the soldiers who fought for the Union were prompted by sel- fish ends, and that men never go to war from patriotic motives. " They enlisted for the money," is a common expression made use of by that kind of people. No baser or more cowardly slander could be invented against the dead, who died to protect the lives and property of their slanderers. Had the men who whipped the rebel army at Gettysburg been moved by no other motive than the few paltry dollars they received for their ser- vices, the boast of the rebel General Toombs, that he would call the roll of his slaves on Bunker Hill, would have become a fact. 252 THE HONEST, HUMBLE SOLDIER. " An honest soldier ne'er despise, Or count him as a stranger ; Remember, he's his country's stay In hour and time of danger." The first day's battle closed without any ma- terial advantage to either side ; if any existed at all it was probably on the side of the rebels. The loss in killed and wounded was about equal ; but the greater part of Warren's corps had been thrown into some confusion, and lost a consider- able number of prisoners. No blame can, however, be attached to Gen. Warren and his corps. His attack at noon would undoubtedly have been a complete success, had not the want of roads and denseness of the thicket prevented Sedgwick from bringing his corps into action at the time. On the other hand, it may be said that Grant and Meade had received valuable information in re- gard to Lee's strength ; and, although they had not driven the rebel army from its posidon, they had held their own against the fearful assaults made on them ; and a reasonable hope might be entertained that a decided success could be achieved on the morrow. General Burnside, with the Ninth corps arrived on the field late in the evening, and was moved to the right and rear of Hancock's corps, where it became evident the brunt of the battle would fall in the morning. Subsequent events proved that the disposition of Burnside's corps was most fortunate. General STILL FIGHTING. 253 Longstreet's corps of the rebel army arrived on the field during the night, and re-inforced General Hill, whose corps held position in front of Han- cock's lines. At daylight, May 5th, Hancock opened the bat- tle by a vigorous charge on the enemy in his front. The attack was at first successful, and Hill's rebel corps was compelled to give way, losing a large number of prisoners, and five stands of colors. Hill's hard-pressed troops were At this time re-inforced by Longstreet's corps, who, as yet, had not been in action. Longstreet and Hill succeeded in rallying Hill's broken divisions, and uniting them with Longstreet's corps. The combined rebel host pressed forward on Han- cock's lines. Then issued one of the most ter- rible battles known in the annals of the war. Hancock was at last compelled to give way and fall back to the Brock road, where, being re-in- forced by the Ninth and part of the Fifth corps, he succeeded in holding his position. It was in this action that the lamented General Wadsworth was killed and Getty severely wounded. On the right. Gen. Sedgwick's corps also became furiously en- gaged with Ewell's rebel corps, early in the morn- ing. Ewell commenced the battle by a charge on the Union line, and was driven back with terrible slaughter. At about ten o'clock Ewell renewed the battle, but was aeain defeated. At about noon the fighting stopped entirely, and 254 ANOTHER TEST OF STRENGTH. for four hours peace and quiet reigned along the entire front. During the heavy fighting on the right and left, our corps held the centre of the line, and with the exception of Wadsworth's divi- sion, was not severely engaged. During the lull in the fighting, both armies made preparations for another test of strength. The rebels had again massed in front of Han- cock's lines, and that part of the field was again to bear the brunt of the battle. Hancock's line advanced from the Brock road, and Stevenson's division, of Burnside's corps, was placed in posi- tion between the Second and Fifth corps. The balance of the Ninth corps was in position in the rear of the Second. At about four o'clock the cheering and rapid volleys of musketry announced the advance of the enemy. The two large corps of Longstreet and Hill, directed by Longstreet, who was known as the most rapid and desperate fighter in the rebel army, fell like a thunderbolt on the right of Hancock's corps and Stevenson's division of the Ninth. Birney's division of Han- cock's corps was in position on the right, and it, with Stevenson's, received the brunt of the attack. After the most desperate fighting, these two divi- sions were compelled to fall back. The rebel troops rapidly advanced through the gap thus created, and penetrated to within a short distance of Meade's headquarters. Their success was, however, short-lived. Gen, THE ENEMY REPULSED. 255 Hancock ordered Gibbon's division of his corps to charee on the advancino- rebel hosts, and after a terrible hand-to-hand conflict, first stayed the fur- ther advance of the enemy, and then drove them from the field, re-capturing Birney's entrenched position. The balance of the Second, Ninth, and Fifth corps were rapidly brought into action, and the battle raged with great fury until night. The rebels were defeated, and Lee's most desperate effort to cut throucjh our lines was frustrated It is said when Lee saw his troops beaten back by our men, he rushed forward to lead a rebel brigade, but was prevented by his officers and men, who begged him not to expose himself in that way. During the heavy fighting on the left, our division became engaged with the enemy in our front, and def'^.ated them. In the eveninof we marched to the assistance of Hancock's corps, but did' not proceed far when we received word that the rebels were defeated; we then returned to our former position. During the day our brigade lost one of its best officers, Lieut Col. Dare, of the Fifth regi- ment, who was killed at the head of his command. To all appearance the fighting was over ; not a shot was heard along the entire line, and we were thinking of getting a good night's rest. But in this we were greatly disappointed. Gen. Lee. after his terrible defeat in front of Flancock's lines, immediately made preparations to attack our right wing. Under cover of the night he rap- 256 THE ROAR OF BATTLE. idly moved a heavy column of troops, and hurled them on our extreme right. We had just finished our suppers and were congratulating ourselves that the day's work was over, when rapid firing on our right dispelled the delusion. The rebel at- tack was a complete surprise, and for sometime threatened a serious disaster to our army. The rebels had succeeded in turning the right wing of the army, capturing two brigades of Sedgwick's corps, and getting possession of our line of communication by way of the Rapidan. Our division was ordered to fall in line and march to Sedgwick's support. Communications between the army and that corps had also been severed, and to our division was assigned the duty of opening them. '' Guided by the roar of battle," we started on the march. As we did not know at what moment we might meet the enemy, we moved along with the utmost caution ; after pro- ceeding a short distance along the pike, we turned to the left, and followed a by-road down a hollow. As we marched through, we could distinctly hear the movements of a rebel battery on a hill to our left. With cautious steps and beating hearts, we worked our way slowly along, no one speaking above a whisper, and using the utmost care to prevent our tin-cups and equipments from clang- ing together or making any noise that would betray us to the enemy. After getting through the hollow, we continued" our march through a HEROES OF LOOKOUT MOUNTAIN. THE BATTLE ENDED. 257 wood until we reached Sedofwick's lines. The fighting' was by this time over, and as Sedgwick had stopped the further advance of the rebels, our services were not needed, and we returned to our former position on Lacy's farm. The fighting on the right ended what is known in history as the battle of the Wilderness. In the morning, Sedg- wick's batteries on the right opened fire, and as the rebels did not reply, skirmishers were ad- vanced along the entire line, which demonstrated the fact that Lee had withdrawn his army, and was marching in the direction of North Anna river. The battle of the Wilderness was a drawn battle, and neither army could claim much advan. tage over the other. The loss was probably about equal in killed and wounded, but the rebels held the largest number of prisoners. Their getf'ng possession of our line of communications, by way of the Rapidan, was a barren victory to them, as the day after the battle closed, the city of Freder- icksburg was occupied by the Union forces, and communications opened with the army in that direction. Both armies lost severely in officers. On the Union side, Generals Wadsworth and Hayes were killed, and Generals Hancock, Getty, Gregg, Owen, Bartlett, and Carroll were wounded — Hancock but slightly, as he did not retire from the field. The rebels lost in killed, Generals Jones, Jen- kins and Stafford, and Generals Longstreet, Peg- 258 LEE RETREATING. ram. Rickett and Hunter were wounded. The wounding of Longstreet was a severe loss to the Rebel army, as It disabled him from further ser- vice during the war. He was, without doubt, one of the best commanders in the Southern army. With no disparagement to the other able corps commanders, it may be said, that to the great skill and bravery of General Hancock, more was due for the success that was achieved in this bat- tle than to any other corps commander on the field. As soon as it was fully ascertained that Lee was withdrawing entirely from the field, prepara- tions were made to pursue him. The cavalry marched out on the Brock road, and our corps was ordered to move past the Second and join in the pursuit. As we marched well to the front, in passing Hancock's lines, we had a good oppor- tunity of witnessing the terrible effects of the fighting on that part of the field. It was here that the colored troops received their first baptism of fire, and the laree number of dead demon- strated how nobly they had sustained the ordeal. After we passed the Second corps, it fell in line and followed in our rear. The Sixth and Ninth corps marched on the Orange plank-road, "all converging to Spottsylvania Court House." During the night we marched slowly and made frequent short stops ; the cavalry being com- pelled to feel their way cautiously, as Lee was A CLOSE RACE. 259 moving' his army on a road parallel with the one we were on, and but a short distance from our column ; and as he was familiar with the ground, he might at any time stop and give us a blow. After daylight we commenced to move along rap- idly, and it soon became evident that we were racing with the rebel army for some object in our front. As we had a good rest the day before, and marched slowly during the night, we were in good marching condition, and all the men kept up to the w^ork, and by nine o'clock the march became a double-quick, which was continued for nine or ten miles. The most of the men g-ave out, and, when we formed line of battle on the Po, the regiments were small indeed. Captain Wasson, commanding our company, had less than a dozen in line. Most of the men, however, sue ceeded in getting up during the afternoon and joining their companies. It appeared to have been a race between Grant and Lee for position at Spottsylvania Court House, and Lee was suc- cessful, as he had the start and the shortest route. We may console ourselves with the fact that it was not a fair race, anyhow\ The cavalry struck the rebel column at Elsop's farm, and skirmished with the enemy until the arrival of Griffin's and Robinson's division of our corps, which soon be- came severely engaged. The rebels were com^ to fall back, but, being re-inforced, they made a desperate charge on Robinson's troops, and 26o MUSICAL INSPIRATION. succeeded in forcing his division from the field Our division was at this time arriving on the field, and we were immediately ordered to form line, and charge on the advancing rebels. The troops on our left were fleeing from the field, and a rebel battery was pouring at short range volley after volley, in rapid succession, into their demoralized ranks. This battery our brigade was ordered to charge. As we were almost worn out by the marching, it was with some difficulty that the men could be brought into line. It was a critical moment. The rebels had attacked Grif- fin's division in overwhelming numbers, and it, with Robinson's division, was forced from the field with fearful loss. After we formed line to charge on the battery, it opened its fire on us, and for a short time the brigade hesitated about advancing. Fortunately, a band belonging to one of the cavalry regiments came to our rear, and commenced playing a national air. The effect was almost magfical ; the men commenced cheer- ing, and dashed forward on the rebels. The bat- tery was sending volley after volley of grape and canister into our ranks ; but on pressed the bri- gade, reserving its fire until within short range, when, opening on them, it dislodged the battery, and drove its supports to the rear. The charge v/as made in the most gallant style, and was a decided success, as it enabled the retiring troops to re-form their lines, and stop the further AGAIN IN BATTLE LINE. 261 advance of the enemy. In the Impetuosity of the charge, we had, however, advanced too far, and belnof In Imminent danger of belno- flanked, we were withdrawn to the main Hne. Re-Inforce- ments were rapidly coming up, and a brisk skir- mish was kept up all along the line during the afternoon ; but there was no heavy fighting until about six o'clock In the evening. In the meantime, we had refreshed ourselves with a good dinner ; the most of the men had also .succeeded In getting a little sleep. At about five o'clock we agraln formed line of battle. Meade's entire army was now on the field. His line ex- tending from the north of Spottsylvania Court House along the Po river, our corps was again In the centre, the Sixth on our left, the Second on the right, and the Ninth in reserve. The marching of troops, the dashing back and forth of aids carrying dispatches, and more than all, the appearance of Meade and Grant on the field, inspecting the line, indicated that a great battle was again at hand. Directly after six o'clock the order was given to advance. As the mighty host moved forward, the loud cheering of the men- Indicated how little the hard fighting and severe marching of the campaign had dampened the ardor of the army. The rebels were driven back for a considerable distance, and their first line of intrenchments carried. They then fell back to a strongly fortified position, from which they sue 2 62 CONFUSION. cessfuliy defended themselves from the furious assaults of the Union troops. About dark, our division held a position along the edge of a wood. We were soon after ordered to advance through it and attack the enemy in our front. We had ofone but a short distance when we met the enemy, who held a strong intrenched position. They let us come close to their line, when they gave us a terrible volley of musketry. It was a complete surprise to us, and the line was thrown into some confusion ; but order was soon re- stored, and we commenced to return the enemy's fire. Fortunately for us the rebels had directed their fire too high, a shower of bullets passing over our heads, cutting the leaves and small limbs of the trees like a hail storm. Our brigade held its ground for some time ; but owing to the troops on our left giving way, we were flanked and compelled to fall back. We, at first, retired slowly, keeping up a continuous fire on the enemy, but finally broke and fled. After retreating a short distance. Col. Talley, commanding the brigade, made a determined effort to rally his men and check the rebel ad- vance. The result was, that he and about four hundred of his men were captured and marched to the rear. When the line broke I ran for the rear; but, after getting to the place where the Colonel was trj'^ing to make a stand, I fell in line again, but soon wished that I had continued in my FLEEING FOR LIBERTY. 263 flieht. We made a short resistance, but found that certain death would be our fate if we did not surrender. The rebels had flanked us on the left, and were, getting- Into our rear; discovering this, I came to the conclusion to attempt an escape by running to the right In the confusion I had succeeded In getting away, and would, no doubt, have escaped, had I not become confused In regard to the course I should pursue after get- ting away from my comrades. Had I turned to the right after running a few hundred yards, I would, no doubt, have succeeded in getting to our lines; but I continued running until I came to a small opening or clearing in the wood. I stopped to consider what would be best to do. As I was almost played out, and had got away from the rebels, at least for the present, I came to the con- clusion to lie down and take a rest, and watch for further developments. For a short time every- thing was as quiet as the grave ; and tired and worn out as I was, rest was very sweet, and I could hardly make up my mind to move. As I had had very little sleep for the last two nights, I soon became, after lying down, very sleepy. I was almost asleep, when I was startled by a small animal that ran close by me. I jumped up, but discovering the object of my alarm, I lay down again. However, I soon concluded to move on, and was getting up to do so, when I heard a noise as if some one was coming through the 264 "DROP THAT GUN." wood in my rear. I walked back a few steps and listened, when I discovered that a rebel skirmish, line was moving through the woods. Taking my gun at a trail arms, I started to run across the clearing, and had almost reached the other side, when the word "Halt!" from a skirmisher at the edge of the wood, brought me to a sudden stop. Thinking, however, that I had reached the Union lines, I stopped but an instant, when I advanced, gun in hand, exclaiming, "Do not fire — I am a Union soldier!" The reply was, "Drop that gun and march in here, or I will put a ball through you/' I again stopped, but did not drop the gun. The rebel repeated the order, when I threw down my gun and surrendered. My captors belonged to a North Carolina regiment, and were a gentle- manly, clever set of fellows, and as long as I was in their hands I was treated very kindly. After I was captured, one of them asked me where I had intended going. I told him I was trying to find the Union army. He replied, "O, never mind, you will soon find them, for in a few days we will have the rest of you." I could not help but tell him that, judging from the way they had kept up running since leaving the Wilderness, they, them- selves, must have feared capture. Somewhat to my surprise the rest laughed heartily, evidently enjoying the discomfiture of their comrade, who was inclined to be a little cross at what I suppose he considered my impudence. *'0, that's all A PRISONER AGAIN. 265 right ; we fell back to draw you on," he answered. Among my captors was a Sergeant Hill, who was especially kind to me. I had quite a chat with him, and, judging from what he told me, I do not think he was much of a rebel. During the niofht, my captors were relieved and sent to the rear, taking me with them. I was then given in charge of guards who proved themselves as mean as the others had been generous. As the sergeant left me, he bid me good-bye, and said he hoped I might soon be released and get home. We also exchano-ed addresses, I lost his soon after, and as I have never heard from him, I do not know whether he is livinof or dead. If he is livino-, I can assure him he will find the latch-string of mv door on the outside at any time. My captors had not searched or made any effort to take anything from me ; but I was not so fortunate with the new guards. I had a fine, new hat, which a big, burly fellow took possession of before I was with them ten minutes. He was, however, generous enough to leave me his ; but as I was not in the soap-fat business, I did not care much about it. It had brim enough to cover a small bake-oven, and looked as if it had been soaked in grease for a year or two. I attempted to remonstrate with the villain, but found the least said, the better for me. I here met Col. Talley and about three hundred and sixty men, who were taptured after I left there. 266 YANKEES ON VIEW. " Misery," it is said, " loves company," but in this case, at least, it was not so. I was sorry to see our brave Colonel and so many men in the hands of the enemy. Early in the morning. May 9th, we started for Beaver Dam station, where the rebels intended to put us on the cars and send us to Richmond. Our guards were again changed — a company of cavalry taking charge of us. This change was very agreeable, as the new guards, with few exceptions, were a great im- provement on the ones we had just left. The weather was very warm, and as we were tired out with marching, and received no food, we suffered very much during" the day. Some of the men gave out entirely ; what became of them, I could never ascertain. As we marched along, we were quite an object of curiosity to the natives, who gathered alonsf the road to see the " Yankees." Some of them must have formed strange ideas about our appearance and looks, as one good woman, exclaimed, "Why, they look just like our men." If the woman had the man in her mind who stole my hat when she made the comparison, I do not think it was much of a compliment. I did not care much about the opinion of most of them, but I could not help wishing that the few really pretty girls we passed would not des- pise us. When within a few miles of Beaver Dam station we passsed the house of a fellow who was terribly indignant, and had a great deal to MARCHING TO RICHMOND. 267 say about what should be done with us for com- inof "down here and takinof our nisfcrers from us," as he expressed it to one of the boys, who gave him a dincher by telling him to do all of his "Secesh" talk now, as the Union troops would be aionof, and then he would be a eood Union man. It was well-known to both armies that quite a number of citizens were rebels or Union men just as the occasion suited. The remark of the pris- oner was greeted with hearty laughter by the guards and prisoners, much to the disgust of Mr. Civilian, who, no doubt, came to the conclusion that soldiers were a queer set. We had marched thirty miles, and were within a short distance of the station, when a strange rumbling sound in our rear attracted our attention. The hope had impressed itself on every mind during the day that we might be recaptured ; and when I first heard the noise, I made the remark to one of my comrades, that I believed ou** cavalry was coming. One of the oruards, who was ridingf close to me, overheard the remark, when, turning his horse, he rode to the other side and commenced talkin