^c ,* >v. ^bv" ^^-'^^ "-.^^' 1°*. '^0^ .-^o. ^Z .f^' " ^^\o X/' ^ o " ° , *b 0^ •»&•-. --v* •^■- 4 o ^°"t. , '^ /'\. V. w^ '^'"^ ^-- . ° '^<^ .1 <^^ O > ■'''^. "^^ '♦=.»«' ^v -> V .v^ v. 'V^ * = „ ' .-P,^ • 1 ^ o o o V .^"^ ■fi-r, ' ' - 4 O ^^ •*;?> °^:h ^^^ o » o o V ^0 'V, 'o-o- ft^ o > 4 O '> v' . '^ * o , o ' or<- UNIVERSITY OF C_ALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS, IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 16, No. 6, pp. 315-380 April 10, 1920 THE CAHUILLA INDIANS BY LUCILE HOOPER h UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY MoilOgfJMl. , . / I i I UNrVBRSITY OF CALIFOENIA PUBLICATIONS DEPAETMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY The following publications dealing with archaeological and ethnological subjects Issued undei the direction of the Department of Anthropology are sent in exchange for the publi- cations of anthropological departments and museums, and for journals devoted to general anthropology or to archaeology and ethnology. They are for sale at the prices stated. Exchanges should be directed to The Exchange Department, University Library, Berkeley, California, U. S. A. AH orders and remittances should be addressed to the University of California Press. AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY.— A. L. Kroeber, Editor. Prices, Volume 1, §4.25; Volumes 2 to 11, Inclusive, $3.50 each; Volume 12 and following, $5.00 each. Cited as Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn. Price Vol.1. 1. Life and Culture of the Hupa, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-88; plates 1-30. September, 1903 „ „ $1.25 2. Hupa Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 89-368. March, 1904 3.00 Index, pp. 369-378. Vol. 2. 1. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, by William J. Sinclair. Pp. 1-27; plates 1-14. April, 1904 _ 40 2. The Languages of the Coast of CaUfomia South of San Francisco, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 29-80, with a map. June, 1904 60 3. Types of Indian Culture in California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 81-103. June, 1904 25 4. Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern CaUfomia, by A. L, Kroeber. Pp. 105-164; plates 15-21. January, 1905 75 5. The Yokuts Language of South Central CaUfomia, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 165-377. January, 1907 2.25 Index, pp. 379-392. Vol. 3. The Morphology of the Hupa Language, by Pliny Earle Goddard. 344 pp. June, 1905 3.50 Vol. 4. 1. The Earliest Historical Relations between Mexico and Japan, from original documents preserved in Spain and Japan, by Zella NuttaU. Pp. 1-47. April, 1906 _ 50 2. Contribution to the Physical Anthropology of California, based on collec- tions in the Department of Anthropology of the University of California, and in the U. S. National Museum, by Ales Hrdllcka. Pp. 49-64, with 5 tables; plates 1-10, and map. June, 1906 .75 3. The Shoshonean Dialects of California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 65-166. February, 1907 150 4. Indian Myths from South Central CaUfomia, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 167- 250. May, 1907 75 5. The Washo Language of East Central CaUfomia and Nevada, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 251-318. September, 1907 75 6. The ReUgion of the Indians of California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 319-356. September, 1907 50 Index, pp. 357-374. Vol.6. 1. The Phonology of the Hupa Language; Part I, The Individual Sounds, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-20, plates 1-8. March, 1907 35 2. Navaho Myths, Prayers and Songs, with Texts and Translations, by Wash- ington Matthews, edited by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 21-63. Septem- ber, 1907 75 8. Kato Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 65-238, plate 9. December, 1909 2,50 4. The Material Culture of the Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians of North- eastern CaUfomia and Southern Oregon, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 239-292, plates 10-25. June, 1910 75 5. The Chimariko Indians and Language, by Roland B. Dixon. Pp. 293-380. August, 1910 _ 1.00 Index, pp. 381-384. Vol.6. 1. The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring Indians, by Samuel Alfred Barrett. Pp. 1-332, maps 1-2. February, 1908 „ 3.25 2. The Geography and Dialects of the Mlwok Indians, by Samuel Alfred Barrett. Pp. 333-368, map 3. 3. On the Evidence of the Occupation of Certain Regions by the Mlwok Indians, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 369-380. Nos. 2 and 3 In one cover. February, 1908 50 Index, pp. 381-400. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 16, No. 6, pp. 315-380 April 10, 1920 THE CAHUILLA INDIANS BY LUCILE HOOPER CONTENTS PAGE Editor's note 316 Origin beliefs 317 Eeligious life 328 Mourning commemoration and fiesta week 328 Shamanism _ _ 333 Spirits _ 339 Future life _ 342 Burial customs _ 343 Enemy songs _ 344 Boys ' initiation _ 345 Girla ' adolescence 347 Eagle ceremony _ 348 Social life 349 Moieties and clans 349 Naming of children _ 349 Pregnancy and childbirth _ _ 350 Sickness - 351 Social customs - - 352 Marriage 353 War - - 355 Property rights - 356 Industries and knowledge _ 356 Food „ _ 356 Clothing - - 357 Earth-covered houses - 357 Bows and arrows _ 358 Handiwork 359 Games 360 Dogs 361 Calendar 362 The stars _ - 363 Tales and beliefs 364 Takwich 364 Chehaum and Tukwishheraisli - 365 Kunvaclimal and Tukvachtahat 366 Takweltekesnikish 371 Origin of the birds 376 Whirlwind - 377 Bibliography 379 316 University of CaJiforitia Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 16 EDITOR'S NOTE This account of the Cahuilla, one of the largest surviving tribes in southern California, represents the work of Lucile Hooper as Univei-sity of California research fellow in anthropology in 1918. The Cahuilla occupy three contiguous but quite different habitats. The Mountain division inhabits Coahuilla i-esei-vation and certain near-by tracts, some four thou.sand feet above the ocean. To the north, in San Gorgonio Pass, are the Pass Cahuilla, at about half that eleva- tion. These are now mostly on Morongo reservation. The Desert Cahuilla are inland from the two preceding groups, about Indio and Coachella in Torres, Martinez, and a number of other small reserva- tions northwest of the Salton Sea. The territory of these people is almost wholly without rainfall, and lies at about sea level, in part below it. Their habitat is thus unusually specialized. Owing to late settlement of the district by Americans, this group of the Cahuilla has also best preserved its ancient customs. Miss Hooper's investi- gations relate chiefly to the Desert Cahuilla. There is a considerable bod.y of published literature on the Cahuilla and other Indian tribes of southern California, but no intensive monograph upon any one tribe nor a satisfactory comprehensive treat- ment of the region. The literature being so scattered, its citation would have resulted in innumerable detailed cross-references in foot- notes, which the ethnological specialist in this field would scarcely need, and which would not be of much aid to the novice. The list of the more important works. given at the end of this paper will probabh' meet the requirements of most readers. The first comparative problem about the Desert Cahuilla has hitherto been this. They speak the same language as the Mountain and Pass divisions, and are rather closely connected in speech with the other Shoshonean groups on the west — the Luiseiio, Cupeilo, Juan- eiio, Gabrielino, and Serrano. To the east and northeast is the home of the alien Yuman tribes of the lower Colorado River— t-the Cocopa, Yuma, Mohave and othei-s, all agricultural ; and of the Chemehuevi or Southern Paiute, nomads of the Great Basin. Do -the cultural connections of the Cahuilla run chiefly westward like their speech affiliations, or are they as close with the Yumans and Chemehuevi? Miss Hooper's data, taken in their entirety, settle this question. n. 0f B, APR 2, ,y20 1920] Hooper: The CahuUla Indians 317 With all their geographical proximity to the Yuma and Mohave, the Desert Cahuilla partake essentially of the native civilization of the Shoshonean coastal tribes of southern California. ORIGIN BELIEFS^ Birth of Mukat and Tamaioit. — In the beginning, there was no earth or sky or anything or anybody ; only a dense darkness in space. This darkness seemed alive. Something like lightnings seemed to pass through it and meet each other once in a while. Two substances which looked like the white of an egg came from these lightnings. They laj' side by side in the stomach of the darkness, which resembled a spider web. These substances disappeared. They were then pro- duced again, and again tliej' disappeared. This was called the mis- carriage of the darkness. The third time they appeared, they remained, hanging tliere in this web in the darkness. The substances began to grow and soon were two very large eggs. When tliey began to hatch, they broke at the top first. Two heads came out, then shoulders, hips, knees, ankles, toes ; then the shell was all gone. Two boys had emerged : Mukat and Tamaioit. They were grown meu from thv first, and could talk right away. As they lay there, both at the same time heard a noise like a bee buzzing. It was the song of their mother Darkness. Attempt to create light. — Mukat said he was the first to hear the song, but Tamaioit declared that he was. They argued about this, because the first one to hear it would be considered the older, and each desired this honor. As they lay there, they seemed to be old enough to tliink. Mukat suggested that they make light that they might see. Tamaioit said, "You think you are the older, now carry out your ideas." So they began creating things. Mukat reached into his mouth and took from his heart: (1) a cricket, Shilim shilim; (2) Papavonot, another insect; (3) a black and white lizard, Takmeyatineyawet ; (4) a person, Wliatwhatwet. Mukat and Tamaioit decided to turn all these new creatures loose and let them drive away tlie darkness. Since Mukat had made them. 1 The only previously recorded information on the Cahuilla origin story is the outline given by E. W. Gifford, Univ. Calif. Publ. Ajn. Arch. Ethn., xrv. 188, 189, 1918. T. T. Waterman has summarized and analyzed most of the literature on the origin myths of the southern California Indians in the American Anthropolo- gist, n.s., XI, 41-55, 1909. 318 University of California Puilications in Am. Arch, and Ethii. [Vol. 16 they had almost as much power as he. Lizard tried to swallow the darkness but was not successful. Finally, all of them together man- aged to drive east part of the darkness and then there was a little light. But when they returned to Mukat and Tamaioit, the darkness they had driven away rushed back and they could not drive it awaj' again. Mukat and Tamaioit then said they should have something to smoke to remove the darkness, just as medicine men smoke now to remove disease. Making tobacco. — Thej- therefore planned to make tobacco. Mukat took black tobacco from his heart and Tamaioit brought forth a lighter colored tobacco. Next, they needed some waj' to smoke it, so they each brought forth another substance from the heart. Mukat 's was dark, Tamaioit 's was light. With this they made pipes. There were no holes in these pipes, so they each pulled out a whisker and pierced holes in the pipes. Mukat then took a coal of fire from his heart to light the tobacco with. Now they were ready to smoke. Mukat filled his pipe first, held it up in the air, and inhaled. He then decided to play a trick ou Tamaioit, so he handed his pipe to him and said, "I am holding it up high," but he held it low, and in the dark, Tamaioit could not see it. However, Tamaioit was always suspicious of Mukat, so he reached low instead of high, as Mukat expected him to do, and seized the pipe. Tamaioit then got his pipe ready to smoke, held it out to Mukat and said, "I am holding it low," and really held it that wa}\ Mukat, thinking the same trick was being played on him, reached high and of couree missed it. Therefore, Tamaioit claimed he was the wiser, because he could not be fooled. Creation of the earth. — They next took a substance from their hearts to make a huyanachet (rod). As usual, Mukat made a black one and Tamaioit a white one. These were to be the roots of the earth. When they tried to stand them up, they found a support was neces- sary, so they made snakes to twine around them. Even this was not enough, so they made spiders which crawled to the top of the rods and made a web from there to the corners of the darkness. The huj'anachet were then firm. Mukat and Tamaioit climbed up to the top but had to rest several times. When they reached the top, though it was dark, they could see that something like a mist or smoke was rising up from below. Mukat asked Tamaioit what it was, and he answered, "I have alwa.ys told .you that I am the older, but j'ou say you are. How does it happen j^ou do not know that that is our 1920] Hooper: The Cahuilla Indians 319 after-birth coming up behind us, and that it causes all sickness and disease. ' ' Mukat then made a song about it ; he never seemed to know things first, but he always thought about creating things before Tamaioit did. While up on the toji, Mukat now thought about creating earth, so suggested it to Tamaioit. Tamaioit said, "I have always told you I am the older, but you say you are. So just go ahead with your ideas and don't consult me." But he consented to help. Mukat sang his song, then both shook all over, and soon a substance poured out of their mouths, ran down the poles, and spread all over, even reaching to the top of the huyanaehet. This substance was very soft at first; in order to make it solid they created whirlwinds to dry it, and brush to make it firm. They also made many kinds of insects of various sizes for this same pur- pose. Man.y of these insects have since then been used by shamans, who take them and let them bite a person who has a pain, and that person is then cured. The whirlwinds which they took were of two kinds: teniosha, which is the worse, and tukiaiel. These whirlwinds live in ant holes, and when a fire is placed in these holes the whirl- winds whistle in their anger. They are dangerous, for they often steal souls. After Mukat and Tamaioit made the earth, they made the ocean to hold the earth in one place. They made creatures and weeds to live in the ocean. The sky they made of metal so that it would be strong enough to stay up high and not fall. In this sky they put stars to make more light. Creation of people. — Now that the earth was solid and ready to walk upon, Mukat asked what they should do next. Tamaioit said, "You say j-ou are the older, so go ahead with your ideas." Mukat said that he thought it was now time to create people, for they needed someone to talk to and play with. This they did, Mukat making dark people and Tamaioit light people. As he made them, Tamaioit placed his people in a circle around him. When his circle was nearly completed, Mukat had only enough to go half-way around him. Mukat wondered how Tamaioit could make them so fa.st, so he made Sun, in order to see. Sun was too hot to hold and slipped away from him and went east, so there was not very much light yet. Mukat told Tamaioit about the escape of Sun and asked him what they had better do about it. Tamaioit said, "You insist that you are 320 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 16 older than I ; if you are, it is strange that you have to ask me what to do all the time." However, he consented to help, and the two of them created Moon. IMoon was a woman and was very bright and beautiful and white. After she was created, Mukat could see Tama- ioit's people, for there was more light. He did not like the people at all. Tamaioit's people were exactly alike on both sides. They had faces on both sides, toes pointing in both directions, breasts both in front and in back. All the fingers and toes were webbed. Mukat said, "No wonder you could make them so fast, they don't look good at all. You should make them right: look at mine." A quarrel followed. Tamaioit said, "Mj- people do not have to turn around to see behind them, nor wUl mine drop things through their fingers as yours wUl." Mukat said, "Mine can close their fingers when they wish to hold things." Tamaioit said that people should live always; or, if there was death, the person should return to life the next day and be young; or else people should remain young always. Mukat said it would never do not to die, for the world would get over- crowded and there would not be enough food for all. Tamaioit said they could make both more food and more room to live in. Jlukat said it was intended that people shoiild die, for after-birth's blood was meant to bring disease into the world and thus cause death. They then said that they must create doctors to take care of the people. They had created an old wood far north and a mermaid under the water. The wood and the mermaid were the ones chosen to give power to the doctors.^ They created a very short man in the north, Keketumnamtum, who was to be a medicine man and give power to the people through their dreams of North Wind or Rain. After obtaining this power, they would be able to create wind or rain. This world is a man. Rain was created and sent to the skj'. Rain is a man and makes things grow. North "Wind is a man and makes things diy up. Mukat and Tamaioit tried to decide when things should grow and ripen. First they said it should take fifty menyil (moons), but later they decided that it should be four menyil, and thus it is today. They quarreled continually about which people had been made the proper way, and as to whether there should be death or not. Finally Tamaioit got angry and said that since his suggestions did not seem to amount to anj-thing here, he would go to another world '■ This stat«meiit is not clear, but it is as clear as my interpreter could make it. 1920] Hopper: Tlie CahuUla Indiayis 321 and take his people. He said that, if he went down into the ground, the world would turn over; JIukat said he would prevent that. Tamaioit then sang his song and sank into the earth, taking all of his people. In his hurry he forgot Palm, Coyote, Duek, and Moon. Earth and Sky wanted to follow him, but Mukat knelt on the earth and held his hand up to the sky; by doing this, he prevented their going. There are now five stars in the sky where his fingers rested. As Tamaioit went into the ground, there was a tremendous rumbling and earthquake. Movintains arose at this time and the water in the ocean shook so that it overflowed and caused the rivers and streams we now have. The sky became bent and curved. Because of this, the sun seems to stop at noon when it gets to the highest point. Wliile the sun is making it light for us here, it is dark in the world below ; when we see it go over the horizon in the evening, it is begin- ning to get light there and dark here. Mukat took the people Tamaioit forgot and made them into the right shape, but he forgot the duck's feet; so they are still webbed. "While Miikat and Tamaioit were creating people, Mukat created a place in the east for the spirits of the dead to go to. He pulled out a wliisker and pointed it east. This made a road. At the end of this road was a gate. Montakwet, a man who never dies, guards this gate. Just beyond this gate are two large hills constantly moving apart and then together. As they move apart, an opening is left through which the spirits may enter. If the spirit has been wicked during its lifetime, it is caught between these movdng hills and crushed ; it then becomes a rock, bat, or butterfly. If it has lived a good life, it gets through this opening safely and pa.sses into the regions beyond, known as Telmekish. Because this road over which the spirits travel is toward the east, one must never lie with his head in that direction while sleeping; death might result. It is well enough to do this when old. for an old person can live only a short while longer anj'way. Life of Mukat and his peaple. — Mukat and his people lived in one big house. Animals were human then. They were all very happy here. Moon taught the people many games and they loved her very much. Every morning she took her people far away to the water, and here they played all day long, returning to Mukat "s house late in the evening. She taught them how to make things. "Cat's cradle" was one of the games she taught them. It was a game played by making fig- 322 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 16 ures by means of string twined around the fingers. There were many figures they had to know. Later when they died and went to Telmekish, they had to know how to make these figures and tell Montakwet, the guardian. If they could not do this, they were not admitted. Moon taught them that they would be getting married after a while, and explained to them what this meant. She said they would have children; that they must name their children and have songs for them. She said these children should be instructed in the right way to live ; that the old people were the best instructors. Rattlesnake was the only one that remained at home all day with Mukat. He stayed at the door of Mukat's house all day long. When the people returned at night, there was one man among them who always danced on and around the snake. This was To, the funny man whom they all loved ; he was very tiny. To made fun of Rattle- snake and made his head flat, by dancing on him; it is still flat. Rattlesnake complained to Mukat and asked him what to do. At this time Rattlesnake was not poisonous, for he had no teeth. Mukat decided that Rattlesnake should have teeth. He tried many ways of making them for him, but none succeeded until he pulled some of his whiskers out and used them for teeth. He then made the teeth poisonous and told Rattlesnake to bite To when To came home that night and danced on him, and then he must run away to the rocks so that no one could find him. Accordingly, when the people returned that night, very happy as usual, To began dancing on Rattlesnake, but Rattlesnake bit him and then ran away. Rattlesnake was the first to leave the big house and not return. Moon was very beautiful. One night Mukat seemed to notice this for the first time, and desired her as his wife. He did not tell her, but she knew it, and it made her feel very sad, for he was her father. She decided to leave, and told her people. She told them that there were a great many games she had not yet taught them, but that it was now too late. She said she would never die or have diseases as other people had, for Tamaioit had helped to create her. She told the women how to care for themselves during menstruation and pregnanej- ; they must not eat salt, meat, or fat, or drink cold water. She showed them certain herbs to use if they became ill. That night she left and got beetles and ants to crawl over her tracks so that no one would follow her. Everyone felt very badly and tried to find her. Coyote went to the water where they always bathed to 1920] Hooper: The Cahuilla Indians 323 look for her. He saw her reflection in the water and thought it was she. He jumped in after her but couldn 't find her. When he climbed out and looked in again, he was sure he saw her and again he jumped in, with the same result. As he came out this time. Moon, who had gone to the sky, spat on him. He looked up to see where the spit had come from, and he saw her. He begged her to return but she would not talk, only smiled. He then returned to the others to tell them where their beloved playmate and teacher had gone. He felt very sad, so he hung his head as he said, "Here she is, here she is." The people looked down where he was looking, but of course could not see. Finally someone happened to look up and there saw Moon in the sky. She seemed very far away and they all wept. Each night, for a long time, she went higher up, until she was where we now see her.^ Soon Mukat decided he wanted to have a little more fun with his people. For several days he thought about it. Then one day Sun rose out of the east. As soon as it was fully light, the people all talked in different languages and could not understand each other. Sun made them hot and many ran in search of shade. Many turned into trees or animals or birds. Tliis probably was meant to happen from the beginning. Those that looked for water and found water, turned into sea animals. Those that looked for shade turned into trees. The people who stayed with Mukat remained human. Mukat taught them how to make bows and arrows ; just what kind of material to use, how to dry it, and how to make arrowheads out of rock. Wlien the people put tliem down, after making them, the arrows made a queer noise. It frightened the people and they woiild not touch them. Mukat had showed them hew to use these arrows and had promised that the arrows would not hurt them, but they were afraid when they heard this sound. One among them, Takwich, picked up an arrow, and said, "Wliy be afraid of this? It will not hurt you." He put one right through his stomach and then pulled it out and it left no opening. When they saw this, the others were afraid no longer. Mukat lined them up on two sides and they shot at each other, as he had shown them how to do. The dust became very thick, so they stopped, and then they saw that several of their number were 3 Formerly, the Cahuilla -would not look at the full moon, for fear of disease. If they ate during an eclipse, they were likely to eat a " moon spirit. ' ' WHioever died during an eclipse was thought to have eaten one of these moon spirits. 324 Vnirersity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and lithn. [Vol. 16 dead. They wept, for they could not bring them to life. Mukat told them not to worry ; that the dead would return. At night the people heard them return, but it was only their spirits. These spirit.s could not find their abiding place ; they had hunted in all directions. Finally they thought of Tamaioit. They started down into the earth to find him. Tamaioit heard them coming and stopped them before they got there. He told them that he was sorry for them, that he had wanted the people to live always, but that he saw now why Mukat had made them as he did. It was so there would be sorrow in the world. Tamaioit said that, since they were not his people, he could do nothing for them. He said his people were all happy and he did not want any other kind down there. However, he could tell them something that might bring them back to life. They should go to the water and smear mud all over them- selves and twine brush around their bodies. They did as he advised them, but it did no good. The spirits then returned to Mukat and asked him where to go. He told them about Telmekish and that there was no sickness or sorrow there. He said this world was just to raise children in; Telmekish, the next world, would last forever. At the time Sun came the people turned different colors. The Negroes are those who stayed close to Sun. Wliite people ran farther away than anyone else. Indians went only a short distance, so they are brown. Death of Mukat. — Mukat had now done three things which made his people very angry. He had made Rattlesnake bite one of them, had insulted Moon, which made her leave ; ajid had given the people bows and arrows and let them kill each other, after promising them no harm should come to them. So they decided to kill Mukat, but did not know how to do it. They asked Bear and Puma to do so ; but they refused, saying it would be better for someone to bewitch his spirit. Now Mukat lived right in the middle of his big house and was never seen to leave there. They were anxious to find out what he did at night. For this purpose, they appointed the white lizard, that runs up mesquite trees, to get on top of the house and watch from above at night. Nobody saw Lizard go up. This is what he saw. Mukat smoked until the smoke was very thick and all the people were asleep ; he then went outside to defecate. Lizard heard the excrement drop three times. Mukat then returned to the house. 1920] Hooper: The CahuiUa Indmiis 325 Next day, Lizard told the people what he had seen. They then decided how thej- would kill Mukat. They put small animals under the log to catch his droppings, but they were unable to do so. Frog said he would try. That night, when Mukat went outside as usual to defecate, Frog caught the droppings in his mouth. Mukat did not hear anything drop as he usually did, so he put his cane down, to find out what was the matter. In feeling around, he struck frog on the back; the marks can still be seen on Frog's back. Right away, Mukat knew that something was wrong, for he felt very ill and weak; he felt a.s though hLs soul had left him. However, he pretended that he did know what caused his illness and asked many questions concerning it. Shamans pretended to help him, but they did not really try, for they wanted him to die. He asked his people to get North "Wind to come and cure him. The.y sent Swallow to tell North Wind that his Creator wanted his help. North Wind said he would come in the afternoon and for them to turn the Creator aroiind with his head to the north. Wlien the wind came, he blew dust all over Mukat. It seemed to help drive away the fever for awhile, but Mukat could not endure the dust in his eyes and ears. He wanted something to eat, so he sent Crow to get piyatam (something like snails). Crow found plenty, but just stayed there and would not bring them to Mukat. Mukat next sent Dove to the mountains for pine nuts and Dove really brought some back.- He wanted meat and sent Hawk after it, but Hawk never returned. Mukat said his people had forsaken him and he was very sad. He asked his people, the Locusts, to sing to him and cheer him up. This helped him for a time, but soon he tired and asked them to stop. He was anxious to die now ; he said death was so slow in coming. All the time Mukat was ill. Coyote stayed right by his side. He watched him every minute and ate all of his expectorations and excre- tions. Mukat was afraid of Coyote ; he was afraid Coyote would eat his body when he died. Because of this, he asked his people to send Coyote far away to get fire to light his pyre, for he felt that death was very near. Coyote did not want to go, but they told him it was his duty to do so, since he was the fastest runner. Mukat kept wondering in what moon he would die, aJid repeated the names of the moons over and over. He sang all the time,- knowing he was dying. This was to send his spirit to Telmekish. This is the reason people sing now when one of their number is dying. 326 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.16 Soon he could not move, and then he died. The people dug a hole in the ground and placed his body in it. Animals with big claws dug this hole. The Quail carried the wood for the fire, on their heads, to the pit. Fly then made fire by rubbing small pieces of wood between hLs feet ; he has been rubbing his feet together in this manner ever since. "When the fire was lighted, the people gathered round it. During this time, Coyote was on his way for the fire, but kept looking back constantly. Soon he saw the smoke and knew that they were burning Mukat. He ran back as fast as he could. As he drew near, he pushed his way through the crowd, and jumped over several. All of the body had burned, except a small piece of the heart, which is always the last to burn. Coyote jumped for it, and as he landed on it, it splashed blood. He then ran to the mountains. The blood stains can still be seen there. The people all wanted to kill Coyote when he ran off with Mukat 's heart, but they could not run fast enough to catch him. Conclusion. — Before Mukat died, he told his people they should hold a fiesta once a year, in memory of their dead. He said they should make an efBgy of each one who had died and with these they should dance. This fiesta was to be held in the winter, when they had time. He further explained that it would take six nights ; that during the singing of the songs which he had taught them, all should sit quietly on the ground, around the fire. One man must be appointed as the leader of the singing. He promised them that during the fiesta the spirits of the dead would return for the last time and would know just what was going on. All of the facts concerning Mukat and Tamaioit must be kept secret; anyone telling them would either die or become very ill. They planned to make a fiesta for Mukat, as he had told them to do, but they did not invite Coyote. He found out about it, however, and came. By that time, the people were no longer angry at him. When he returned he was very thin. All were sad after Mukat died. Coyote said, "Let's live in a different house and burn this one, so as not to think about Mukat so much." This they decided to do. Wlien they were ready to hold the fiesta, Coyote told them he knew what to make efSgies of, and offered to go to the end of the world to get it. Misvut (a seaweed) was what he got. It grew far under the water. It had probably been made in the beginning for this purpose. 1920] Hooper: The Cahuilla Indians 327 After Coyote made the body out of this, he made the eyes out of shells and decorated the body with feathers. Then they held a fiesta and Coyote was Net (chief). They have been doing this ever since, when a person dies. In the new house the people now lived in. Coyote became one of the pillars ( ?). However, they did not like that, so they made a roof of him. Before that. Coyote sang a great deal; he divided the songs into Mukat or Wildcat songs, and Tamaioit or Coyote songs. Because of this, the Wildcat people sing Mukat songs, and the Coyote people sing Tamaioit songs. During the time that Mukat and Tamaioit were in the stomach of the darkness, they had decided that Mukat would be a Tukut (wildcat person), Tamaioit an Isil (coyote person). During that first fiesta, the Isil people wanted some more misvut. When they went to get it, the water bubbled and made a queer noise. It was talking to them, but they could not understand it at first. Soon they understood that Misvixt was asking them what they wanted. They told him they wanted the big stone, sharvovoshal, which was to pound things on, more misvut, and a pipe made of rock. The misvut was always kept rolled up and had a stone pipe in it. Net had given a feast in order to get this pipe, for Mukat had told them that this was necessary. This pipe is used only at fiestas and can be obtained only after the Net has given a feast. As soon as the new home that Coyote had suggested was built, the people scattered. Wlien they got tired of wandering some turned into trees and deer. A few went out at midnight and therefore became dark-skinned. Some went in the daylight and so were white. Some went early in the morning and are brown-skinned. After Mukat died. Crow returned to where he had been burned, fell down into the pit, and thus became black. Buzzard also did this, and his head has been bald ever since. The white-spotted hawk fell in and became a mottled color. One day, Buzzard saw a lot of queer looking things growing out of the pit where Mukat 's body had been burned. He told the people about them. These things were different kinds of vegetables, but they had never heard of such things, and did not know what to do with them. They decided to send Palmechewet, the man who never slept, to Mukat to ask him what they were for. Palmechewet started out to find Mukat, and as he was going through the brush and mountains, lie constantly prayed to Mukat to guide him to his abode. Finally he heard Mukat but could not see 328 Vniversity of California Puhlications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 16 hiiu. Mukat said, "Those things are to eat. You killed me before I had a chance to teach you about them. Tobacco is for the old people to smoke. The melons grow from my skull; pumpkins from my stomach; corn from my teeth.* Keturn to my people and tell them that all of these things are good." Palmechewet returned to the people and repeated these words. They had never eaten vegetables before. RELIGIOUS LIFE MOURNING COMMEMOEATION AND FIESTA WEEK The most important ceremony of the Cahuilla alwaj-s has been and still is the annual tribal mourning gathering, known as Nukil, or Hemnukuwin. This ceremony is held because Mukat told the people they should have one each year in memory of their dead. It was the first ceremony they ever held ; the first time it was held was after the death of Mukat. Mukat had told them just how many nights to have it and what to do each night. It is verj' sacred to them. Each clan has a hereditary chief called a Net, whose chief duties are in connection with the mourning ceremonies. The chief has two ceremonial assistants, Paha and Takwa. The Net has complete charge of the fiesta. The Paha has charge of the singing and of leading the ceremonies: he stai-ts everything. Takwa superintends the gathering and distribution of food. He lets each member of the clan know how much food he is expected to furnish and sees that it is actually provided. At the fiesta at Agua Caliente, old Orenes was Takwa. He and his helpers skinned hun- dreds of rabbits which the young men had killed. The first three mornings of the fiesta week, the young men hunt rabbits. While I was there, the skins were being saved for an old woman who was going to weave blankets from them. The fiesta is always held in the fall or winter when the people have plenty of leisure. Several months beforehand, the Net gathers the old men of the clan together and they decide what people they will ' ' call ' ' to partici- pate in the fiesta. After this is decided, the Net appoints one man * These are the characteristic plants of- native agriculture. The Cahuilla have never been reported as having farmed before the advent of the Spaniards, but. the neighboring Yuman tribes on the Colorado River grew these plants, except perhaps melons. 1920] Hooper: The Cahuilla Indians 329 to inform these people that they have been "called." In return, this man is given some article or money, which means that the invitation is accepted. This is then given to the Net. The next year, when the Net is invited to a fiesta at that place, he returns the gift. The fiesta is held in the kishumnawat, which is the ceremonial house. At the present time it is made of arrow-weed and palm leaves plastered together, with a thin covering of adobe. It is a circular house ; the roof is very high in the center and slopes down at the sides to within about four feet of the ground. There is a small smoke hole in the top. Upright forked posts support the roof beams inside. This kishumnawat is about fifty feet in diameter. At the back of this house a door opens into a very small room in which are kept the ceremonial objects. This is also where the food for the fiesta is stored several days before it is to be used. The way in which the Cahuilla used to greet their guests is no longer followed. They knew about what time in the afternoon to expect those who had been invited. A runner was appointed to watch down the road for them. Here he would wait until he saw them approach- ing. He wore no clothes, only a breech clout. As soon as he saw them, he would run to the village where his people had gathered and would cry, "Wake up, they come." They would then all run down the road to meet the approaching guests. Certain ones who had been appointed would shoot their arrows up into the air and all would shout. Often the guests brought gifts with them. The gifts were returned to them later. Aside from this greeting, the fiesta of today is practically the same as it ha.s been for many years. When the guests arrive, they go to the homes in which they are to stay for the week and from there proceed to the kishumnawat. Here the Paha shows each one where to seat himself on the benches around the wall. Many guests come, but only certain ones have been ' ' called to take part in the ceremonies. As soon as they are seated, the Net goes to each one who has been "called," kneels in front of him, tells him he is welcome, talks for a minute in a low voice, then gives him a package of tobacco, and each of them rolls a cigarette. The guest gives him something tied up in a handkerchief in return. Sometimes it is shell money or even real money. After each one has been welcomed in this way. the Paha tells all of them to come and eat. No matter what time of day it is, they 330 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 16 sit down at a long table and eat. The table is there in the kishumua- wat. The food is usually bread, coffee, and a rabbit stew. It is prepared in one corner of the house by the old women, over a fire built on the ground. Verj^ little talking goes on at this time. It seems to be quite a serious affair with them. The fiesta begins on Monday night and continues for six nights. The first three nights, the old people gather around the fire in the kishumnawat. A tobacco can is passed around constantly and both men and women smoke all night. The Paha starts the songs. During these nights, the Creation story is sung in a queer minor chanting tone. Tliej^ stop everj' few minutes ; the Paha utters a queer grunt- ing sound, throws his head back and blows up in the air. The others do the same thing after him. After two or three minutes thej- con- tinue singing. Occasionally, during these three nights, the medicine men dance. I attended two fiestas, one at the Torres reservation, the first week in January, the other at Agua Caliente in Palm Springs Valley^ in Februaiy. At the fiestu at Torres, the medicine men performed several wonderful tricks. The natives still consider them to have supernatural power, and all have the greatest faith in them. The one I saw perform wa.s Casimiro. He got up and tied a baud around his head. In this, he stuck three bunches of owl feathers and held one buiich in his hand. He then began to jump up and down and shuiBe aroimd the fire, constantly singing his song and occasionally stopping to grunt and blow up in the air three times, motioning upwards with his hands at the same time. When he did this, the others all imitated him. After singing for a certain length of time, he began to shake so hard that he could scarcely stand. It was a sort of even trembling all over. The bunch of owl feathers which he held in liis hand was fastened to a stick about eight inches long and half an inch in diameter. This he stuck down his throat three times. The third time, he brought out of his throat a small black-looking object and held it down by the fire so that we might all see it. I could not see it well enough to tell what it was. Wlien I inquired later, I was told that it was something taken from his heart, probably a lizard. The shaking always occurs before they take things out of their ' ' heart " : it is caused by the desire of this object in the heart to get out. As soon as it is removed, the shaking ceases. This object is 5 This Agua Caliente must not be eonfused ■with the old Cupeno settlement of Agua Caliente on Warner 's Ranch in San Diego County. 1920] Hooper: The Cahuilla Indians 331 called a takwia. One takwia does not alwa.ys look like another, for different medicine men have different objects in their hearts. After Casimiro took the dark object from his heart, he reached into the fire with his foot and kicked out a few coals. One of these he picked up : it was about the size of a dollar. He immediately put it into his mouth. I was only a few feet away and one of the sparks from his mouth, as he blew, fell on my hand, so I can testify that they were hot. The glow from the coal could be seen on the roof of his mouth. He swallowed it in about a minute. He swallowed three coals in this way. I saw two other men do the same thing. The medicine men claim they get the power to do such things from a special guardian spirit. They have first to sing a song which is a sort of pra.yer to that spirit. They a.s.sert that they are never burned. During these three nights, young men often dance for the first time. They put the feathers in their hair in the same wa.y and sing. One night, while I was watching them, an old man by the name of Ormega got up to dance. He danced and sang for a while, then stopped, said a few words to the Paha, and sat down, to the surprise, apparently, of every one present. My interpreter explained to me that Ormega had intended to eat fire, but that his song had not gone right; he had forgotten part of it, no doubt due to some disturbing influence among those watching, or perhaps because of some spirit preventing his success. Since his song did not go right, he could do nothing. He was a man who usually did great things. Tlie next three nights are given over to the guests to sing their own songs. They sing all night long. A great many go to sleep before morning, but there are always a few who sing the night through. The women and children lie around on the floor asleep, behind the men who are singing. On the last night, just before sunrise, the dance of the effigies is held. During the week, effigies of the people who have died during the past year and for whom the fiesta is being held, are made. The immediate families of the deceased make the images. They are made just the size of the dead persons whom they represent. They are made out of matting or cloth, stuffed with gra.ss, and dressed. But- tons or coins are used to represent eyes; nose and ears are made of doth and sewed on. A human hair wig is made and placed on each effigy. They are dressed in considerable finery. I saw one with earrings and a hat and veil. These images are kept hidden until the time for the dance. 332 University of California Pvhlications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 16 The ceremony begins before sunrise in the kishumnawat (big liouse). It is started by giving presents to the guests. When I was a witness, the women wore large aprons, and four pans of mesquite meal were turned into each woman's apron. The efSgies are then brought out, each one carried by a female relative. They form a procession led by the Net. The women carry- ing the effigies follow him, two by two, the other people following closely. This procession goes around the interior of the big house and back — then out into the enclosure that surrounds it. During this part of the ceremony, a low chant is sung, with an occasional wail here and there. While walking in this procession, they come down more firmly on one foot than the other, keeping time with the music. Wlien they stop marching, the women holding the effigies gather in a circle just outside the big house. Here they dance and sing amid great wailing on all sides. The dance consists in stooping over, drawing themselves up on their toes, and coming down on their heels rather hard, while they are singing. After they have done this for a few minutes, the other members of the clan throw money and calico on the images. This is done as a sign of respect to the dead. No member of the elan may pick up the money or calico, but outsiders are not slow in doing so. Many yards of calico are thrown awaj' at this time. I saw one small white boy go right in among them and pick up money as fast as it was thrown. After it was over, he had eleven dollars in small change. There was a great deal more than that thrown, for many others were picking up the money, too. As fast as it was thrown, people grabbed for it. They dance a while longer, then the women with the effigies march out in single file to the gravej'ard and there burn them. No one is allowed to witness this, so I do not know what is done there. After the women have gone to the graveyard, the Net goes to each one who has been "called" to the fiesta and presents him with a long string of shell money. These shells are small round disks. They say that these strings have been handed down for many generations and are considered very valuable. The ones who receive the strings of shells thank the Net. They then depart. The fi.csta is over. The next year, these shell strings are returned in the same way in which they were received. In this way the shells pass from one village to another. 1920] Hooper: The Cahuilla Indians 333 Often cooking utensils are given to the women when they leave. The givers may have received these same utensils the year before from the same ones to whom they are now returning them. During pesta week, the ceremonies have been can'ied on and attended to by the old people only. Wliile they are singing and dancing in the kishumnawat, the younger people play tepanish or peon, as the native gambling game is known in Spanish. This has become part of the fiesta, and appears to have a religious significance. Peon has been previouslj' described." They play it all night and a great deal of money is put up. It is an intensely interesting game, even to the spectator. During these six nights, lunch counters are run by the Indians. They sell tamales, pie, and coffee. On the cold winter nights the coffee serves to keep one not only warm but awake. SHAMANISM The Cahuilla retain to this daj' the greatest faith in the shaman. These medicine men are still common among them and contiiuie the practice of healing tlirough supernatural power much as they used to do long ago. As a rule, the Indians speak of a shaman as a "witch-man" in Engli.sh, or "hechizero" in Spanish. The Cahuilla name is pul. They have absolute faith in his power. Even the young people, who have had the advantage of an excellent education and many years of contact with white people, retain this confidence. There seem to be more shamans among the Desert Cahuilla than among the Pass Cahuilla, at least more who are still keeping up their practice. This maj' be accounted for by the fact that the entire manner of living is more primitive in the desert ; also there is not such intimate contact with white people, for the desert reservations are more isolated than other reservations. In the beginning, before Mukat died, it is said that he gave to certain individuals special powers, such as curing disease — to each one the power of curing a certain disease. There were specialists in those days even as now. He also taught them the language of animals and birds and gave them powers with reference to spirits and death. « C. G. DuBois, present series, viii, 1()7, 1908; P. S. Sparkman, ibid., 212, 1908; T. T. Waterman, ibid., 330, 1910. 334 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 16 Takwich was the first medicine man appointed by Mukat, and the most powerful. He still holds an important place, which is dis- cussed under Tales and Beliefs. Mukat is still giving supernatural power to individuals. This he now does in their dreams, through the medium of a guardian spirit. This spirit visits the future medicine man in his dreams. The con- nection thus established between them is the source and basis of the shaman's power. From it, he receives the song which must always precede a supernatural act, the knowledge which enables him to remove disease, and gives him the power to do and endure what other men can not. Takwich seems to be the guardian spirit of most of the medicine men, though many get their power from other spirits. Contradictory accounts were told me as to when these dreams first occur. Several times I was told that they occur in early childhood. When this happens, the child never relates the dream. He is usually a sick child or cries a great deal. If an old man attempts to cure him by the sucking process, he sucks the power out of him and the boy will never become a medicine man. The child dreams the same thing many times. In the dream is revealed what he will be able to do and just how to do it ; for instance, how to eat fire. When he becomes a young man of about eighteen or twenty years he tells his grandparents that he wishes to dance and his grandparents tell the Net. A gathering of the village is then called at the kishumnawat, the ceremonial house. Here the young man gives a feast to the people. If he does not do this, he will not be successful when he dances and he may die. After the feast he must dance or some evil will befall him. He is usually very timid about it. He is given three nights. The first night he dances and sings one song, the second night two songs, and the third night three songs. If he can successfully sing these three songs, and dance, he is reputed a witch-man. From that time he can do many things which others can not do. At first, he can do only a few things, but the older he gets, the more powerful he becomes. Whenever he is called upon to cure a sick person, he must go, no matter what the hour may be. He may not accept pay in return, while he is young. Wlu'u he becomes old, he may do so, for he will then need the aid. He must never reveal the secrets learned in the dreams. Shamans can usually tell when they look at children whether they will be medicine men when they grow up or not, but may not make this known. 1920] Hooper: The Cahmlla Indians 335 Old Ambrosio, the famous fire-eater, told me that he did not dream when he was a child. He said it was not until he was about forty years old that he dreamed and then at once he could eat fire and perform many marvelous tricks. He also said that the first time tliat he sang his songs and performed his tricks was in the kishumaawat before all the people, that he had not had to practice them alone before- hand as I had been told all witch-men did. One informant stated that a shaman got his power by dreaming during childhood, and that when he grew up he iisually met his guardian spirit while out hunting and all alone. It was then that he was given directioiLs as to what to do. This was the only informa- tion I had of the acquiring of power by the Cahuilla through the "waking vision." In their dreams, the shamans are taught what herbs to use in specific diseases. There appear to be two kinds of medicine men : the herb doctor and the "spell" doctor; but the herb doctor often resorts to the methods employed by the spell doctor, and vice versa. The method of curing disease or pain most often practiced is that of sucking. Disease here, as among so many primitive people, is held to be the result of some small material object entering the body in a supernatural way. The sucking is performed directly by the mouth upon the part of the body affected. Sometimes they pretend to draw out dark fluid; more often it is a small black object. Several times it was described to me as looking like flakes of snow. There are many ideas on the subject. It is extracted by the witch-man without an incision or trace of its passage. No one but he can see plainly what he has taken out by this sucking. This is because only he can see spirits or super- natural objects. Others have at times caught a hasty glimpse of the object. . Occasionally pain is cau.sed by what we should call an organic disease. This must be cured by sucking, too. Lee Orenes and his wife are well educated Indians of Agua Caliente. She was very ill with stomach trouble, and went to Dr. Coffman, a white man, for help. He gave her some pills but she became worse. She then went to her father-in-law, old Orenes. He placed his mouth on her stomach and not only sucked awaj^ the pain but the pills which Dr. Coffman had given her. There was a Mexican woman who lived near the Indians. She had some kind of brain trouble and suffered a great deal. The 336 Vniversity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 16 Mexican doctors could do nothing for her, so she asked an Indian medicine man to help her. He sucked out the bad part of her brain and put it on a plate and showed it to her. She became well at once, the informant deposes. A snake bite is always treated in this way. Sucking, however, is not the only method of cure employed. Blowing or spitting over patients and stroking or rubbing their bodies were also resorted to. A fever was usually treated by blowing on the body. Many cases of immediate cui-es in this way were related to me. There was one woman who had not menstruated for many months. She went to Francisco Torres to be cured. The next time it was new moon, he inserted a long stick in his nose and caused his nose to bleed. This blood he caught in his hands and rubbed on her abdomen. The next day, she menstruated and had no trouble there- after. The moon is said to have influence over menses. One man at Martinez had a unique method of driving away the disease pain. This was by butting with his head against the body of his patient, at the same time uttering sounds and going through certain motions with his hands. In my discussion of the fiesta week, I have described the fire-eating ceremony. This, more than anything else, seems to hold the Indians to their faith in the shamans, even to this day. They consider it a proof that the witch-man has help from some spiritual being. It is said that about thirty years ago when the medicine men were still at the height of their power, many marvelous deeds were performed. In those times, during a fiesta, competitions between the various witch-men were held to determine which was the most powerful. When performing these feats the medicine men must never be disturbed. A story is told of one man who used to go out in the brush each day, scalp himself, and after a while replace his scalp and come home. One day, some hunters saw him do this and cried out. The man's scalp immediately dried up and he died. One incident occurred at one of these competitions which has been related to me by several informants. They say that Luis Quintano, who has an unusual amount of hair, took red-hot coals of fire and put them all over his head and let them stay there. One old man who was looking on became so frightened that he ran up to Luis and tried to put the fire out. In doing this, he accidentally touched the 1920] Hooper: The Cahuilla Indians 337 skin on Luis's neck. For a long time that spot on his neck was sore. Luis still has the scar of it. His hair was not even singed. One man pnlled his entrails out and hung them up while he danced and then replaced them. It was during this same fiesta, so it is related, that Juan de la' Cruz, now living at Morongo, assumed the shape of a bear. He did this just a-s he finished dancing, then ran away, so that they did not get a good look at him. He first began to growl and imitate a bear, and then he really assumed its appearance. Another man saw a dove walking around ; he raised his hands and clapped them together. The dove dropped as though dead and blood flowed from its mouth. He then picked it up, threw it into the air, and it flew off as though notliing had happened. The people should always do as the witch-man advises, for he knows many things which no one else does. He understands the language of animals, birds, and plants. Once, during a fiesta, they were all in the big house. A coyote howled. The shaman told the people that there would be an earth- quake, and the}' should come outside. They laughed at him. But very soon there was an earthquake and several people were killed. Certain animals, birds, and insects are messengers to the shaman. Owl, coyote, fox, humming-bird, yellow-hammer, crow, fly, wood- pecker, blind gopher, skunk, and earth, have been known to act in this capacity. Through a message from one of these, the medicine man knows when sickness or death is to occur among his people and who will be the victim. It is not always through these messengers that he finds these things out, however. When a star falls at night, he knows that some soul has left its owner and that that peraon will die soon unless the soul is made to return. When a portent of this kind appears, he calls the people together, dances, and tries to bring back the soul or prevent the sickness, as the case may be. In his song, he prays to his guardian spirit to help him. At a time like this, owl or yellow-hammer feathers are worn in the hair, for these birds have great wisdom and often give help. Many Indians besides medicine men claim to understand the cries of animals at night. Before going hunting, they always listen for the owl at night to learn if they are to have good luck. A certain cry of a fox at night means that death is to come to someone the following day. One night this occurred and the old men warned some young fellows who were going hunting the next day 338 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 16 not to go, that harm would come to oue of them. They would pay no attention but went. On the way, one man's hat fell off. He stooped to pick it up ; this occurred several times. The last time it happened, his horse kicked him when he stooped, and he died from the effects. A man 's hat falling off is always considered a sign of ill omen. When any of the animal messengers are killed, they can still be useful to the witch-man. Most medicine men carry a dead humming- bird in their pockets ; at least they used to, and some may do so even now. When the medicine man wishes anj^thing done, he tells his wish to the dead humming-bird and its hovering spirit hears and per- forms the request. It can go and return in an instant, no matter how far it has been sent. A very few men claim to be able to change the weather; they are said to have received this power in their dreams. It is told that at one time the Cahuilla heard that a foreign people was coming into the valley to kill them and take their land. One old man, who could change the weather, caused it to become so extremely hot that the people came in only a little way and then went back. This man's guardian spirit was Takwich. When a shaman wanted it to rain, he had first to give a feast, for that was what Mukat had told him to do. Next he would dance; rain would soon begin to come down. A few medicine men were able to make a potion which would give its owner swaj' over the affections of the opposite sex. One man told me that he had not believed this was so until he had actual proof with his own eyes. The man speaking was August Lomas, the best educated Indian in the valley. He then related to me what he considered was proof. A man, Celso by name, from Coahuilla, in the mountains, had been given some of this love potion by a medicine man. Celso was an Indian policeman. As a rule, the policemen are disliked by the other Indians, but they all liked Celso. This is because he has the love potion. Whenever he hears of one who does not like him, he watches for that one to expectorate on the ground ; he then puts some of the potion on the saliva. After that, all is well. One day, he and August were eating at a restaurant. August had just told him that he did not believe in the love potion. Celso said he would prove it to him. There was a Japanese waitress in the restaurant. Celso did something with the love potion which August did not see. In a few minutes the waitress came over to the table, stood there, and gazed at Celso. She had a great deal of work to do, but would not pay 1920] Sooper: The Cahuilla Indians 339 attention to anyone else but him. Celso told August that if he wanted to win a girl 's love, all he usually had to do was to put some of this substance on her door at night. The potion would last him always, but he was not allowed to give it to anyone else to use, nor even to show it to anyone. If he did so, it would lose its value, for it had been made for him alone. Occasionally a shaman became too powerful and the people feared him. Wlien this happened, sooner or later they murdered him. One ease of this kind which seems to have been especially celebrated was told me several times. A man whose name was Tamiotemevai, could do very extraordi- nary things. He could cut his stomach open and have no apparent pain and the opening would heal in an instant. He could pull his tongue out until it was several feet long. He could fill his pipe with tobacco, hold it up toward the sun an instant, and it would light. Tamiotemevai was very cruel to his wife, so she left him and ran away toward Torres; he ran after her. As he was about to capture her, the people seized and killed him. Thej^ tore him to pieces that he might not return to life, for they had apparently killed him several times before this, and each time he had returned. As they were doing this a lizard jumped out of his heart. They caught and killed it. Had they not done this, the lizard would have reassembled the pieces of the man's body and he would have lived again, for the lizard had been the source of power in the man. They buried the lizard far underground. Soon aftei-wards, there was an earthquake. It was the lizard trying to get out ; but he did not succeed. SPIEITS The Cahuilla belief is that everyone has a telewel, a spirit or soul. This spirit is very elusive and may leave one almost anj- time. Wlien they dream, this telewel has left them and is I'eally going through the experiences of which they are dreaming. Wliile the spirit is gone, they cannot wake up. But if someone conies and tries to waken a dreaming per.son, the telewel knows it and can return instantly. However, they are very careful not to waken a medicine man when he is sleeping, for he may be dreaming. His spirit has gone so far away and is so very busy that it cannot return immediately. In case a person wakes before his spirit returns, as occasionally happens, death results sooner or later. 340 Vniversity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethii. [Vol. 16 The spirit leaves the body many months before death comes. The person to whom it belongs does not know this, however. These wan- dering spirits cause much trouble. They haunt the homes of close relatives. Innumerable instances of this are told. For example, August Lomas and his wife, of Martinez, a young couple of excellent education, told me of an experience they had about a j^ear ago. They were in bed one night and knew that they had locked their doors, but they heard someone come in, walk all around the room, and then walk out again. That same night, Mrs. Lomas 's sister had the same thing happen in her home. A few months later their uncle died, so tliey knew then that it was his telewel that had been wandering around. Sometimes, when the spirit leaves many months before death is to come, the person gets sick and poor and seems lifeless. Only a medi- cine man can cure him. Accordingly, the father of the sick man asks a shaman to help get the telewel back. All the people then gather in the kishumnawat. Usually the spirit is somewhere in the neigh- borhood of its owner. The medicine man puts feathers in his hair and dances, chanting all the while, and making motions with his hands. Soon he stops and puts feathers on the forehead of the sick man who is lying near the fire. He next begins to riui around and make grabbing motions here and there, and may even run outside the house. He is the only one who can see the telewel, and apparently he has located it and is trj-ing to catch it. Wlien he gets it, it maj' be a lizard, a grasshopper, or almost any small object. I was told that he next "explodes" it, but I could not learn what that meant. After this, he places it among the feathers on the forehead of the sick man find then takes these feathers and brushes him all over. After a little more dancing, the process of restoring the spirit is complete. Of course, this takes place at night. The next morning, the cured man must take a dip in cold water. The Indians have great fear of epidemics. Many years ago, a smallpox epidemic killed many. Not long ago, they had an epidemic of mumps. They live such unsanitary lives that when a contagious disease is brought among them, it spreads very rapidlj'. Whenever they hear of an epidemic of any kind in Los Angeles, Riverside, or San Bernardino, they liold a meeting. Here the shamans exert all their power to drive away any spirits of disease which may be among them, and to keep the spirits of the epidemic where they are. They sing and dance all night. 1920] Eooper: The Cahuilla Indians 341 I was told tliat when people faint, their spirits have left them to commune with other spirits. "VVliether the fainting is a cause or a result of this, I was not able to find out. A falling star means that someone's telewel has departed. If the medicine man sees the star fall, he, and he alone, knows whose spirit it is. There are certain active spirits which steal a telewel whenever they can find one; often this is when a telewel has left the body in which it belongs, during a dream. These evil spirits watch for falling stai-s, thej^ then know a telewel is out wandering, and unless a medicine man prevents them, thej' seize that telewel. These evil spirits are : Takwich ; Hulim ; Tukaiel ; Tenaiaukel ; Tevlevel. Takwich is the most active and powerful of them. I found only one bit of evidence to lead to the conclusion that the Cahuilla believe in living persons being possessed of evil spirits. This was a story told to Mrs. McCaiToll, a white woman, who was for many j-ears the government doctor for the Indians and had their confidence. There was a half-witted Cahuilla girl, about sixteen years old, Mary Holmes by name, living with her parents on one of the reserva- tions. She was of rather questionable character, so the school teacher liad planned to send her awa.y to boarding school. About this time an epidemic of grippe and pneumonia broke out and many of the Cahuilla died. Dr. McCarroll attended most of these cases. Finally, in the home of Mary Holmes, two were afflicted in this way. About this time, a Paiute medicine man came among the Cahuilla. He announced tliat there was someone among them who was possessed by an evil spirit which was causing the sickness, and that until it was driven oxit, the sickness would continue. For some reason, Mary, the half-witted girl, was blamed for the trouble. She was taken and made to dance all night to drive the evil spirit out. When she would fall exhausted to the ground, she was beaten until slie got up and danced some more. The next day she disappeared. "Word came later that she had been taken to Mojave and burned at sunrise ; this custom was considered necessary in such a case. However, upon investigation by the civil authorities, she was found in San Bernardino. The Indians tlien explained tliat they could not burn lier because of the white man's law, but that they should have done so. Albert Augustin told Dr. McCarroll that this was not a custom merely introduced by the Paiute medicine man, but that it was a belief among the Cahuilla in olden 342 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 16 limes that tlie only way to get rid of an evil spirit was to burn its owner at sunrise. I was not able to obtain any other evidence con- firming this statement. After death occurs, the ghost stays around its familiar abode for a little while. Basket Chihuahua of Torres relates how at one time lie was sitting just outside his house, when he suddenly heard the sewing machine running inside, though there was no one there. The next day he heard that his sister had died at that very hour. This was held as conclusive evidence that her ghost had been running the machine. One bit of information on the subject of spirits was volunteered b.y Francisco Potencio, of Agua Caliente. It was evolved, as he said, from his own thought on the subject. He believes that our breath is our spirit, for it leaves us when we die. Breath is just like wind, so the winds which we hear at night are the spirits of the dead. FUTURE LIFE Mukat created a place in the east as a residence for the spirits of the dead. This was called Telmikish (compare telewel, spirit). At the entrance to Telmikish were two constantly moving mountains or large hills. They would come together and separate, come together and separate; this movement never ceased. Montakwet was made guardian of this entrance, and he will never die. When the spirits of the dead find their way to him, he questions them. One of the tests he puts to them is the making of many figures in the game we know as "cat's cradle." After they pass the tests he gives them, they try to enter Telmikish. If they have lived good lives, been generous at all times, thoughtful and respectful to the old people, and have obeyed all of Mukat 's orders, they pass through the entrance without any trouble. If they have not done these things, the mountains come together as they pass through and they are crushed. When this happens, the spirits become bats, butterflies, rocks, or trees near the entrance. The spirits know each other in Telmikish. Often they gather and decide that they want a certain person with them. This decision causes that person to die .soon after, and he goes to his friends in Telmekish. Sometimes a man dies undesignedly and the spirits in Telmikish liave not been prepared for his arrival. If they do not want him there, 1920] Booper: The Cahuilla Indians 343 he is sent back. This is evidenced by the fact that often a person who has apparently died, in a minute begins to breathe again. When this occurs, the person who has died but come to life again must not tell what he saw in Telmikish. At the end of three years he may tell, but if he does so earlier, he will die and his spirit will be caught between the moving mountains. This is all according to Mukat's plan. Many people do not pay any attention to his commands, however, especially young people. Evil will come to them in the end. BURIAL CUSTOMS As soon as a Cahuilla dies, he is washed, dressed, and taken to the ceremonial house, kishumnawat. The members of his clan gather round the body and sing all night. If the deceased was a man, the Creation story is sung, if it was a woman, a song about the Moon is sung, for the Moon was the teacher and best friend of the women. If death has occurred to either man or woman by accident, the Battle song is always sung. They sing for a while and then stop and cry and blow upwards three times. This is all done to send the spirit to a peaceful abiding place. Up to the time of contact with the Mission Fathers, cremation was universally practiced. After that, they began to bury their dead. One old Indian in explaining this to me said, "We used to burn our dead, but the white people told us that was wrong. Now the white people do as we used to and burn their dead, but we bury ours as they taught us to." After they have sung all night over the body, it is put in a rude coffin and carried to the Indian graveyard. Cloth, food, and often bedding also are put in the coffin. The Indians claim it will be useful for the spirit, if it can not find a resting-place elsewhere right away. If the dead person was a woman, every woman present picks up a handful of dirt, and drops it upon the coffin in passing. If the corpse was a man, the same thing is done by the men present. Mean- while there is a low chanting and wailing going on constantly. It is not always necessary that they sing over the body the first night after death occurs. For example, not long ago a man was killed in Los Angeles by an automobile running over him. It would have been expensive and useless to send the body from Los Angeles to 344 University of California PuhlicatioJis in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 16 Martinez. A friend sent part of the clothing, in.stead. They put this in a coffin and sang over it as they would have done over his body. When One is very ill and not expected to live, he is removed to the kishumnawat. Here the people gather and sing the death song over him all night. If he dies in the night, the song changes instantly to more of a wail, and different words are sung. I was told by a white woman of an instance where a small boy had his leg broken while playing. This was the second serious accident lie had had in one week. Because of this, his people decided it was intended he should die. Accordingly, they took him to the kishumna- wat and sang the death song over him. The poor child was suffering greatly, for they had not tried to relieve his pain ; he was also nearly frightened to death. During the night, the white woman who knew about the case, sent the Government doctor to set the boy's leg. The parents objected at first but finally consented. They continued, how- ever, to sing the death song over him. Soon the boy began to improve, so he was removed to his home. Destruction of property is still practiced. "Within two or three days after the funeral, the house in which the deceased has lived is burned, with all of his possessions. The belief in spirits is very strong. They believe if they burn the property of the dead one and his place of habitation, the spirit will not return. One other explanation has been offered. The constant sight of objects which have belonged to one who is no longer living or the associations attached to his home make the people sad. To avoid this, they burn everything up. At present, on some of the reservations, many of the Indians have rude frame houses. They do not burn these houses after one death, but when there have been three deaths in one home it is burned. ENEMY SONGS Up to a few years ago, each clan possessed songs known as enemy songs. They sang them during fiestas so that their enemies might hear them. Each side took turns. There was usually the kindliest feeling toward these so-called foes. This custom no doubt started from real troubles, but after the passage of years the descendants, though not knowing what the enmity had been, still continued singing these songs of ridicule as though it were a religious duty. The main point in singing them seems to 1920] Hooper: The Cahuilla Indians 345 have been to reveal the fact that the secret name of the opposing clan had been discovered. This is described below in the section on the naming of children. Occasionally, hand to hand fighting started among the women on account of something said in a song. Because of this, and because of a desire to prevent any new enmity being created among clans, the singing of these songs was abolished a few years ago. The words of a few are as follows : 1. His food gave out, his water gave out, Leave liini now, go away from hini: Isilwelnet (enemy name) (Eepeated as many times as desired.) 2. Bury him now, plant him now: And then they buried liim, and tlien they planted him : Pehuetematewilwish. 3. There stands the whirlwind, there stands the whirlwind, Where they burned him, where they burned him: Puchueulchalmalmia. 4. In the middle of the desert land. Lying on his back, Lying on his stomach: Tamiotingish. 5. They are coming back again. They are coming back again. Those moon-eaters and sun-eaters. Those moon-eaters and sun-eaters. BOYS' INITIATION It has been fifty or sixty years since these ceremonies have been performed among the Cahuilla, and it is therefore difficult to get an accurate account of them. Hardly any two versions agree. The ceremony of initiating boys was known as Hemvachlowin. Several weeks before the time set for the ceremony, the old people met together and decided which boys were to be initiated. The boys chosen were between the ages of ten and eighteen. About a week beforehand, certain old men went out to gather the plant commonly known as "jimsonweed" {Datura strwmowium) . They also were given charge of the preparation of the liquid to be made from it. They placed parts of it in jars and cooked it for a long time. 346 Vniversity of California Puhlications in Am. Arch, and Ethii. [Vol. 16 When the men went out to gather the jimsonweed, the candidates for initiation were taken to a brush enclosure outside the ceremonial house, made especially for this purpose. Here they were kept for five days and not allowed to see anyone except those who brought them their food. They were fed twice a day. The food could not contain any salt or grease. During the last three nights of the confinement of the initiates, the old people danced all night. On the fourth night, the boys were brought out. The decoction made from the jimsonweed was then given to them by some old man who knew exactly how much they could stand, according to their age. The Spanish word for tliis drink is toloache ; the Cahuilla word is rehasawel or kiksawal. The other old people sang while this drink was being administered. As soon as the boys had taken it they would begin to dance, but would shortly become very dizzy. They were then all put in a dark corner. It is asserted that drinking this decoction made the blood and mind clearer. The old people continued dancing around the fire. They encircled it three times and then sat down. At a signal from the leader, they made a qiieer grunting sound three times, then motioned upwards with the head and hands three times, expelling the breath each time. Eight after that, the medicine men among them jumped up and ran into the fire, trying to stamp it out with their bare feet. They say this did not burn them. By the next night, the bad effects of the narcotic had worn ofi' and the boj's usually felt about normal. During the succeeding five nights they were shown how to dance and how to use the gourd rattle as an accompaniment. At this time, they were also taught the enemy songs which had a very important part in the life of the people of that time. Each clan had its own enemy songs which it sang at special times. These songs had been handed down for man.y generations, as a rule, and while there may not have been any real enmity felt toward the people about whom the songs were composed, it was a sacred duty to sing them because their fathers had done so. Francisco Numbri of Martinez reservation, says they had to commit a great many enemy songs to memory, but that the songs were always short. For ten or fifteen days they spat on their legs instead of on the ground to remind themselves that they must remember the enemy songs. During these nights of initiation, the boys were instructed by the old men, concerning the right conduct in life. For one month they could not eat meat or anything containing salt, and could drink only cold water. 1920] Hooper: The Cahuilla Indians 347 All this time, they had arrow-weed twined around their waists and feathers stuck in their hair. The parents of the boys being initiated did a great deal of weeping at this time. It was supposed to make them feel very sad to see these ceremonies. Juan Lugo of Agua Caliente reservation, who gave me the account of the initiation as I have written it here, prefaced his story by stating that what he was about to tell me was absolutely true, for he had gone through this ceremony himself about sixty years ago. He stated that several men had died as a result of drinking too much toloache or of eating the wrong thing afterwards. GIELS' ADOLESCENCE Until within a few years ago, girls' puberty ceremonies were observed among the Cahuilla. These were called Hemelonewin' or sometimes Hemelushinum. They were held at the time of a girl's first menses. The father of the girl informed the people of her condition and called them together for the ceremony, which began the first night of her menstruation. A hole was dug in the ground several feet deep and long enough for the girl to recline in. In this stones were placed and a fire built to heat them. "VVlien the stones became hot they were taken out and the pit filled with brush, on top of which the girl was placed and covered over. Here she remained three nights, the pit being reheated occasionally. In the daytime she was kept in her house where it was warm. At night, during the ceremonies, the old men and women sang and danced around this pit. The song they sang was one which Moon had taught the people when she was on earth. In this song she instructed the girls how to care for themselves during their menstrual periods. The only food the girl was allowed to have during these three days was an herb tea prepared by the old women. One informant .stated that this same ceremony had to be repeated during the second menstruation. The same informant stated that at the conclusion of the second ceremony each girl's chin was tattooed before she was removed from the pit. It was usually just a spot or 'Present series, vin, 66, 1908: pemhvolu-niwom. 348 University of California Public 1.48 1920] Hooper: The CahuiUa Indians 379 BIBLIOGRAPHY CAHUILLA Babeows, D. p. 1900. The Ethnobotany of the Coahuilla Indians of Southern California, University of Chicago Press. The most important work on the Cahuilla, and very vividly written; it deals least fully with those phases of native life which are especially represented in the present monograph. Caballeeia, J. 1902. History of San Bernardino Valley. San Bernardino. Contains a brief account of the more westerly Cahuilla. GiPFORD, E. W. 1918. Clans and Moieties in Southern California, present series, xrv, 1.5.5-219. Pages 186-191 give practically all the information extant on Cahuilla social organization. Kkoeber, a. L. 1908. Ethnography of the Cahuilla Indians, present series, vin, 29-68. Ethno- geography and material culture. WOOSLET, D. J. 1908. CahuUla Tales, Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, xxi, 239-240. ADJACENT TRIBES BOSCANA, G. 1846. Chinigchinich, in A. Robinson. Life in California. New York. Reprinted by A. Taylor in California Farmer, xin. A rare work of very great value. It refers to the Juaneno and- Gabrielino of Mission San Juan Capistrano. Du Bois, C. G. 1901-1908. Of a long series of articles by this author, the following are the principal: The Mythology of the Dieguenos, Intern. Cong. Am., xin, 101-106, New York, 190.5 ; Diegueno Myths and their Connections with the Mohave, and Two Types or Styles of Diegueno Religious Dancing, ihid., xv, 129-134, 135-138, Quebec, 1907; Religious Cere- monies and Myths of the Mission Indians, Am. Anthr., n.s., vn, 620-629, 1905; Diegueno Mortuary Ollas, ibid., rx, 484-486, 1907; Mythology of the Dieguenos, Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, xrv, 181-185, 1901; Mythology of the Mission Indians, ibid., svn, 185-188, 1904: The Story of the Chaup. a Myth of the Dieguenos, ibid.. 217-242, 1904; The Religion of the Luiseno and Diegueno Indians, present series, vin, 69-186, 1908. The last is the fullest and most imuortant of these papers. 380 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 1(5 Harrington, J. P. 1908. A Yuma Account of Origins, Jour. Am. Polk-Lore, xxi, 324^348. James, G. W. 1902. A Saboba Origin Myth, Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, xv, 36-39, 1902. 1903. The Legend of Tauquiteh and Algoot, ibid., xvi, 153-159, 1903. Kroebek, a. L. 1902-1908. Preliminary Sketch of the Mohave Indians, Am. Anthr., n.s., iv, 276-285, 1902; Two Myths of the Mission Indians, Jour. Am. Folk- Lore, XIX, 309-321, 1906; Origin Tradition of the Chemehuevi In- dians, ibid., XXI, 240-242, 1908; A Mission Record of the California Indians, present series, viii, 1-27, 1908. LuMMis, C. F. 1902. The Exiles of Cupa; Two Days at Mesa Grande, Out West, xvi, 465- 479, 602-612. Reid, Hugo. 1852. The Indians of Los Angeles County, Los Angeles Star, 1852, republished by A. Taylor in California Parmer, xrv, January 11 to February 8, 1861, and abridged by W. J. Hoffman in Bulletin Essex Institute, Salem, xvii, 1885. Second only to Boseana in general importance. Rust, H. N. 1906. A Puberty Ceremony of the Mission Indians, Am. Anthr., n. s., viii, 28-32. SCHUMACHEK, P. 1880. The Methods of Manufacturing Pottery and Baskets among the Indians of Southern California, Rep. Peabody Mus. Am. Arch. Ethn., ii, 521-525. Spabkman, p. S. 1908. The Culture of the Luiseno Indians, present series, viii, 187-234. 1908. A Luiseiio Tale, Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, xxi, 35-36. Watekman, T. T. 1909-1910. Analysis of the Mission Indian Creation Story, Am. Anthr., n.s., XI, 41-55, 1909; Diegueno Identification of Color with the Cardinnl Points, Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, xxi, 40-42, 1908; The Religious Prac- tices of the Diegueiio Indians, present series, viii, 271-358, 1910. i UNIVEESITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS— (Continued) Vol.7. 1. The EmeryvlUe Shellmoimd, by Max Uhle.. Pp. 1-106, plates 1-12, with 38 text figures. June, 1907 1.25 2. Eecent Investigations bearing upon the Question of the Occurrence of Neocene Man In the Auriferous Gravels of California, by William J. Sinclair. Pp. 107-130, plates 13-14. February, 1908 35 3. Pomo Indian Basketry, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 133-306, plates 15-30, 231 text figures. Becember, 1908 1.75 4. Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Region, by N. 0. Nelson. Pp. 309- 356, plates 32-34. December, 1909 50 5. The Ellis Landing Shellmound, by N. C. Nelson. Pp. 357-426, plates 36-50. April, 1910 75 Index, pp. 427-443. Vol. 8. 1. A Mission Record of the California Indians, from a Manuscript in the Bancroft Library, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 1-27. May, 1908 .25 2. The Ethnography of the Cahullla Indians, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 29-68, plates 1-15. July, 1908 75 3. The Religion of the Luiseflo and Diegiiefio Indians of Southern California, by Constance Goddard Dubois. Pp. 69-186, plates 16-19. June, 1908 1,25 4. The Culture of the Luiseno Indians, by Philip Stedman Sparbman. Pp. 187- 234, plate 20. August, 1908 50 5. Notes on Shoshonean Dialects of Southern California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 235-269. September, 1909 35 6. The Religious Practices of the Diegiieno Indians, by T. T. Waterman. Pp. 271-358, plates 21-28. March, 1910 80 Index, pp. 359-369. Vol. 9. 1. Yana Tests, by Edward Sapir, together with Yana Myths collected by Roland B. Dixon. Pp. 1-235. February, 1910 2.50 2. The Chumash and Costanoan Languages, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 237-271. November, 1910 35 3. The Languages of the Coast of California North of San Francisco, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 273-435, and map. April, 1911 1.50 Index, pp. 437-439. Vol. 10. 1. Phonetic Constituents of the Native Languages of California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 1-12. May, 1911 10 2. The Phonetic Elements of the Northern Palute Language, by T. T. Water- man. Pp. 13-44, plates 1-5. November, 1911 45 3. Phonetic Elements of the Mohave Langniage, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 45-96, plates 6-20. November, 1911 -.. 65 4. The Ethnology of the Sallnan Indians, by J. Alden Mason. Pp. 97-240, plates 21-37. December, 1912 1.75 5. Papago Verb Stems, by Juan Dolores. Pp. 241-263. August, 1913 25 6. Notes on the Chllula Indians of Northwestern California, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 265-288, plates 38-41. AprU, 1914 30 7. Chilula Tests, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 289-379. November, 1914 ..._. 1.00 Index, pp. 381-385. Vol. 11. 1. Elements of the Kato Language, by PUny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-176, plates 1-45. October, 1912 2.00 2. Phonetic Elements of the Diegueno Language, by A. L. Kroeber and J. P. Harrington. Pp. 177-188. April, 1914 10 3. Sarsi Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 189-277. February, 1915 ....; 1.00 4. Serian, Tequistlatecan, and Hokan, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 279-290. Febru- ary, 1915 10 5. Dichotomous Social Organization in South Central CaUfomla, by Edward Winslow Giflford. Pp. 291-296. February, 1916 05 6. The Delineation of the Day-Signs in the Aztec Manuscripts, by T. T. Water- man. Pp. 297-398. March, 1916 1.00 7. The Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan Based on the Vocabulary of De la Cuesta, by J. Alden Mason. Pp. 399-472. March, 1916 70 Index, pp. 473-479. UNTVEESITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS— (Continued) Vol. 12. 1. Composition of California Shellmoimds, by Edward Winslow Gilford. Pp. 1-29. February, 1916 30 2. CaJifomla Place Names of Indian Origin, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 31-69. June, 1916 40 S. Arapaho Dialects, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 71-138. June, 1916 70 4. Mlwok Moieties, by Edward Winslow Glfford. Pp. 139-194. June, 1916 65 5. On Plotting the Inflections of the Voice, by Cornelius B. Bradley. Pp. 195- 218, plates 1-5. October, 1916 25 6. Tubatulabal and Kawaiisu Kinship Terms, by Edward Winslow Glfford. Pp. 219-248. February, 1917 SO 7. Bandolier's Contribution to the Study of Ancient Mexican Social Organiza- tion, by T. T. Waterman. Pp. 249-282. February, 1917 35 8. Miwok Myths, by Edward Winslow Glfford. Pp. 283-338, plate 6. May, 1917 ~ 55 9. CaUfomla Kinship Systems, A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 339-396. May, 1917 60 10. Ceremonies of the Pomo Indians, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 397-441, 8 text- figures. July, 1917 45 11. Pomo Bear Doctors, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 443-465, plate 7. July, 1917 25 Index, pp. 467-473. Vol. 13. 1. The Position of Yana in the Hokan Stock, by E. Sapir. Pp. 1-34. July, 1917 _ 35 2. The Yana Indians, by T. T. Waterman. Pp. 35-102, plates 1-20. February, 1918 75 3. Yahi Archery, by Saxton T. Pope. Pp. 103-152, plates 21-37. March, 1918 .75 4. Yana Terms of Relationship, by Edward Sapir. Pp. 153-173. March, 1918 .25 Vol. 14. 1. The Language of the SaUnan Indians, by J. Alden Mason. Pp. 1-154. January, 1918 1.75 2. Clans and Moieties in Southern California, by Edward Winslow Glfford. Pp. 155-219, 1 figure in text. March, 1918 75 3. Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory, by Llewellyn L. Loud. Pp. 221-436, plates 1-21, 15 text-figures. December, 1918 2.50 4. The Wintun Hesi Ceremony, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 437-488, plates 22-23, 3 figures in text. March, 1919 75 5. The Genetic Relationship of the North American Indian Languages, by Paul Radln. Pp. 489-502. May, 1919 15 Vol. 15. 1. Ifugao Law, by R. F. Barton. Pp. 1-186, plates 1-33. February, 1919 2.00 2. Nabaloi Songs, by C. R. Moss and A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 187-206. May, 1919 .20 Vol. 16. 1. Myths of the Southern Sierra Miwok, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 1-28. March, 1919 „ 80 2. The Matrillneal Complex, by Robert H. Lowie. Pp. 29-45. March, 1919 15 3. The Linguistic Families of California, by Roland B. Dixon and A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 47-118, map 1, 1 figure in text. September, 1919 75 4. Calendars of the- Indians North of Mexico, by Leona Cope. Pp. 119-176, with 3 maps. November, 1919 75 5. Yurok Geography, by T. T. Waterman. Pp. 177-314, plates 1-16, 1 text figure, 34 maps (In press) 6. The Cahuilla Indians, by Lucile Hooper. Pp. 315-380. April, 1920 75 Volumes now completed: Volume 1. 1903-1904. 378 pages and 30 plates $4.25 Volume 2. 1904-1907. 393 pages and 21 plates 3.50 Volume 3. 1905. The Morphology of the Hupa Language, 344 pages 3.50 Volume 4. 1906-1907. 374 pages, with 5 tables, 10 plates, and map 8.50 Volume 5. 1907-1910. 384 pages, with 25 plates 3..50 Volume 6. 1908. 400 pages, with 3 maps _.; 3.50 Volume 7. 1907-1910. 443 pages and 50 plates 3.50 Volume 8. 1908-1910. 369 pages and 28 plates 3.50 Volume 9. 1910-1911. 439 pages 3.50 Volume 10. 1911-1914. 385 pages and 41 plates 3.50 Volume 11. 1911-1916. 479 pages and 45 plates 3.50 Volume 12. 1916-1917. 473 pages and 7 plates 5.00 Note: — The University of CaUfomia Publications are offered in exchange for the publi- cations of learned societies and institutions, universities, and libraries. Complete lists of all the publications of the University will be sent upon request. For sample copies, lists of publications or other Information, address the MANAGER OF THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA, U. S. A. 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