CJ1S6 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 014 314 8014 9 F 158 .8 .C2 B5 Copy 1 MPENTERS' HALL, (Chestnut Street, bet. 3rd and 4th.) 'M p^ismoi^iG QQemoi^ies. BY Richard K. Betts. REVISED EDITION (One hundred and tenth Thousand.) # PUBLISHED BY THE COMPANY. 1891. ^1 ©ESIIIMONIAL. Dfi^OlVed, That the thanks of the Carpenters' i Company of the City and County of Phila- delphia^ he and are hereby tendered to I^IGHAI^D I^. BE^PTS, For compiling the excellent pamphlet for distri- bution to our Centennial visitors. Thos. F. Shuster, President. Walter Allison, Vice President. Geo. Watson, Secretary. PHILADELPHIA, January 17th, 1877. ■k CARPENTERS' HALL, (Chestnut Street, bet. 3rd and 4th.) p^ISiPOr^IG 0}EMOr^IBS. BY Richard K. Betts. REVISED EDITION (One hundred and tenth Thousand.) PUBLISHED BY THE COMPANY. 1891 r 2 <^^ (SAI^PENJIIEI^S' Y}Ahh AND ITS r^ISmOI^IG fflEMOr^IES, When we survey this quaint old building, situ- ated at the head of Carpenters' Court, on Chestnut street, between Third and Fourth streets, and consider that when erected it stood beyond the outskirts of the city, we cannot but admire the public spirit of its founders. The Carpenters' Company, of the City and County of Philadelphia, is one of the oldest Associations of Pennsylvania, being instituted about forty years after the settlement of the pro- vince by William Penn, and maintaining an un- interrupted existence from the year 1724. Among its early members were many prominent in colo- nial history, and whose architectural tastes are impressed upon buildings that yet remain, memo- rials of that early day. The object of the Association, as expressed in its Act of Incorporation, was to obtain instruction in the science of architecture and to assist such of its members as should by accident be in need of support, and of the widows and minor children of such members. Yet matters pertaining to their business as Carpenters held an important place with them, as is evident by the establishment of a "Book of Prices" for the valuation of carpen- ter's work, "on the most equitable principles," so "that the workmen should have a fair recompense for their labor, and the owner receive the worth of his money." This system was declared to be "not inferior to any other in use in any city in his Majesty's dominions," and which is retained at the present time. It was not a sliding scale of prices, to which each member was bound to con- form, but fixed and unvarying. All carpenters were at liberty to work at such discounts off, or per cent, on, as they might agree to with their em- ployers, and as changes in the wages of workmen might necessitate. In its internal workings, the Company is in as active, vigorous life, as at any former period. It is " not beneficial, but benevo- lent." No one but a " Master Carpenter following the business" is eligible to membership. Any member, who through age or accident is incapac- itated to support himself, or the widow of any member left without adequate means for her sup- port, is placed upon the "list of annuitants," and receives a *' quarterly allowance " during life. A prudent care over its investments, and economical administrators of its estate has made its funds more than ample for its most benevolent action in these respects. , James Fortius, whom William Penn induced to come to his new city to " design and execute his proprietary buildings" was among the most active of its founders, being himself a member of " The Worshipful Company of Carpenters of London," founded in 1477. The armorial ensigna of this company are identical with those of that ancient body, the officers bore the same designations, and its declared objects, ceremonials and privileges were in futherance of the same ideas. At his death in 1736, he gave his choice collections of architectural works to his fellow members ; laying the foundation of their present valuable library. The original ''entrance money," four pounds sterling, led to the formation of rival associations, at a less fee of admission; those, possessing in- herent strength, soon saw their mistake, and "The Second Carpenters' Company" united with "their elder brethren" in 1752. The " Friendship Car- penters' Company" after several years negotiation were united with "their elder brethren" in 1786, each member paying into the funds the " original entrance money." The officers consisted of a Master, Assistants, and Wardens, and the meetings were occasionally held at their houses, but most generally at the "Masters," where the books belonging to their library were deposited. The records show an early attention to the erection of a Hall, but it was not until after an existence of forty years that these efforts were crowned with success. The Hall was erected in 1770, amid the excite- ment in the public mind occasioned by the per- sistent attempt of the "Mother country" to "bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever," which re- sulted in a general demand for a union of the colonies. The State House being used by the existing government, the Hall of the Company became the great centre of the gatherings of our patriotic citizens, whether to petition for a redress of griev- ances, or for the assertion of their rights. Almost all the " Town Meetings" of that eventful period were held on the lawn in front or within its walls. It began thus early to be used for civil purposes. The "town meeting" of 1774, demanding the con- vening of the Assembly, met therein, and sent therefrom their committee to Governor Penn, whose reply was read on their return that "he saw no necessity for calling the Assembly together," which was undauntedly met by the appointment of another deputation to " wait on the speaker of the Assembly and require a positive answer whether he would do it or not." Among the early events in the history of Car- penters' Hall, were the memorable sessions of the "Committee of the City and County of Philadel- phia," to initiate measures for calling a Provincial conference — to effect which an invitation was extended to the various counties of the Province, to meet the Philadelphia Committee in confer- ence on the 15th July then next following. On Fourth of July, (by a singular coincidence) 1774, the latter appointed a sub-committee to prepare "instructions," which the then great leader of Constitutional Rights, John Dickinson, thought " a duty, in order to be ready for the Pro- vincial Committee when it should meet." This great "Provincial Committee," (so it Avas styled), pursuant to the call referred to, also met at Car- penters' Hall, and remained in session there till its important and effective labors were completed, July 22d, 1774. Its chairman was Thomas Will- ing; clerk, Charles Thomson. The members were from — Philadelphia.— John Dickinson, Peter Chevalier, Edward Penn- ington, Thomas Wharton, John Cox, Joseph Reed, Thomas Whar- ton, Jr., Samuel Erwin, Thomas Fitzsimmons,Dr. William Smith, Isaac Howell, Adam Hubley, George Schlosser, Samuel Miles, Thomas Mifflin, Christopher Ludwick, Joseph Moulder, Anthony 8 Morris, Jr., George Gray, John Nixon, Jacob Barge, Thomas Pen- rose, John M. Nesbit, Jonathan B. Smith, James Mease, Thomas Barclay, Benjamin Marshall, Samuel Howell, William Moulder, John Roberts, John Bayard, William Rush. Bucks. — John Kidd, Henry Wynkoop, Joseph Kirkbride, John Wilkinson, James Wallace. Chester. — Fran. Richardson, Elisha Price, John Hart, Anthony Wayne, Hugh Lloyd, John Sellers, Francis Johnson, Richard Reiley. Lancaster. — George Ross, James Webb, Joseph Ferree, Matthias Slough, Emmanuel Carpenter, William Atlee, Alexander Lowrey, Moses Erwin. York. — James Smith, Joseph Donaldson, Thomas Hartley. Cumberland. — James Wilson, Robert Magaw, William Ervine. Berks. — Edward Biddle, Daniel Brodhead, Jonathan Potts, Thomas Dundas, Christopher Schultz. Northampton. — William Edmunds, Peter Keichlein, John Oke- ley, Jacob Arndt. Northumberland. — William Scull, Samuel Hunter. Bedford. — Gegrge Woods. Westmoreland. — Robert Hannah, James Carrett. This list is given, since it is rarely to be met with, and includes the names of those who formed the second link (the Non-Importation Resolutions of 1765, of the merchants of Philadelphia, being the first) in the local efforts to assert Constitutional rights. This committee, "in a body, waited upon the Assembly then sitting " at the State House, and presented the " Instructions" to appoint dele- gates to represent Pennsylvania in the intended Congress, and to require them, for and on behalf of the citizens of this Province " strenuously to 9 exert themselves to obtain a renunciation on the part of Great Britain of all powers of internal legislation for America, or of imposing taxes, &c., and a repeal of every statute affecting the Prov- ince of Massachusetts Bay, ]3assed in the last ses- sion of Parliament." These "Instructions," with the argumentative part upon which they were predicated, were es- teemed so admirable as to elicit a formal vote of thanks to their author, John Dickinson, rendered publicly from the chair, " for the application of his eminent abilities to the service of his country." The Assembly, by vote the day following, com- plied with these instructions, and appointed dele- gates to the "First American Congress." It has been asked, why did these most important conferences hold their sessions in Carpenter's Hall? Why did Congress meet there instead of the State House? It was well understood in 1774, the Governor feared the effect of the patriotic movements upon his interests in the Province, and his influence and authority were exercised in opposition to them. We cannot enter into the feelings of these patriotic men as they stood with their lives in their hands. John Dickinson, the great leader and advocate of Con- stitutional rights, was appealed to by his friends to pause; it was confidently asserted, "you will 10 be hanged, your estate will be forfeited and con- fiscated, you will leave your amiable wife a widow, and your charming children orphans, beggars, infamous, because of your doings." When the use of Carpenter's Hall was asked for, the Com- pany was convened to consider it, and the minutes of that meeting show that they felt the responsi- bility of their doings. The Royalist warned them of the confiscation of their Hall, and "that their necks might be inconveniently lengthened." The names of all present were carefully kept off the record, and it simply says "on the question being put, 'shall they be allowed to meet here?' voted that they shall." It was not until Governor Penn fully realized that the sceptre of power had already slidden from his grasp, and from motives of policy that he consented to be the bearer of the petition of Congress to the King. In his examination before the House of Lords, Nov. 10, 1775, in which he is pleased to style himself "the bearer of an olive branch" from America, he clearly manifests his fear that the Americans would adopt "the desperate resolution of calling in the aid of foreign assistance." After he sailed for England, there was no difficulty in using the State House. In his examination before the House of Lords, the queries were j^ut by the Duke of Richmond. Among the queries and replies were: — 11 Was he personally acquainted with all the members of Congress? He was personally acquainted with them. In what estimation were the Congress held ? In the highest veneration imaginable by all ranks and orders of men. Was an implicit obedience rendered to the re- solves of Congress? He believed that was the case. How many men had been raised in the province of Pennsylvania? Twenty thousand effective men. Of what rank, quality or condition were they? Men of the most respectable character in the province. Were they capable of making gunpowder ? They perfectly understood it. Could they make saltpetre? It was done with success. Were the Americans expert in shipbuilding ? More so than the Europeans. Did the witness think that the language of Con- gress expressed the sense of the people? As far as Pennsylvania was concerned he was certain it was the case. Did the Delegates to Congress fully represent the wishes of the people? He had no doubt of it. 12 In case a formidable force was sent to America did the witness imagine there were many who would openly submit to the authority of Parlia- ment? The number would be too fcAV to be of any con- sequence. The members of Congress gathered at the Mer-= chants Coffee House on Second street above Wal- nut, and on the morning of the 5th of September, 1774, walked in a body to Carpenters' Hall, the scene of their future deliberations, and " conscious of the impending perils of the movement," re- solved "that all their deliberations should be kept inviolably secret," except such as they should re- solve to publish. It was said of this Congress that "it is the grandest and most important assembly ever held in America, and that the all of America is entrusted to it and depends upon it. A body of greater men, of purer impulses, of nobler aims, or devoted patriotism, never met together or crowned a nation's annals. A distinguished Frenchman said : " With what grandeur, with what enthusiasm should I not speak of those generous men, who erected this grand edifice; by their patience, their wisdom, and their courage; the actors in this affecting scene. Their names shall be transmitted by a happier pen than mine. In remembering them 13 shall the friend of freedom feel his heart palpitate with joy. Heroic country! My last breath shall be to Heaven an ejaculation for thy posterity." Thus, in Carpenters' Hall, began that series of deliberations which resulted on the 4th of July, 1776, in declaring the colonies "free and inde- pendent." Peyton Randolph was elected Presi- dent, and Charles Thomson, though not a mem- ber of Congress, because of his acknowledged ability, was chosen Secretary. He held that posi- tion in the Assembly of Pennsylvania. At the passage of the Stamp Act, Franklin, who was agent for the colony, wrote from London, detail- ing its provisions, closed his letter with "The sun of Liberty is set, you must light up the candles of industry and economy." Thomson evinced his patriotic devotion and far-seeing vision by declaring, in reply, " Be assured, my dear sir, that we shall light up torches of quite another sort." The members of this Congress were from— New Hampshire.— John Sullivan, Nathaniel Folsom. Massachusetts.— Thomas Gushing, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine. Rhode Island.— Stephen Hopkins, Samuel Ward. Connecticut.— Eliphsilei Dyer, Roger Sherman, Silas Deane. Neto JbrZ;.— Isaac Law, John Alsop, John Jay, James Duane, William Floyd, Henry Wisner, S. Boerum, Philip Livingston. New Jersey.— James Kinsey, William Livingston, Stephen Crane, Richard Smith, John De Hart. 14 Pennsylvania. — Joseph Galloway, John Dickinson, Charles Hum])hreys, Thomas Mifflin, Edward Biddle, John Morton, George Boss. Delaware. — Caesar Rodney, Thomas McKean, George Read. Maryland. — Robert Goldsborough, Matthew Tilghman, Thomas Johnson, William Paca, Samuel Chase. Virginia. — Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Wash- ington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, Ed- mund Pendleton. North Carolina. — William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, Richard Cas- well. South Carolina. — Henry Middleton, Thomas Lynch, Christo- pher Gadsen, John Rutledge, Edward Rutledge. The chairs occupied by the officers of this Con- gress still stand upon the platform, and those in which Washington and his compeers sat are around the Speaker's desk. The first question was "how shall we vote ?" The larger colonies were unwilling to be on an equality with the smaller ones. Major Sullivan, of Rhode Island, said "a little colony has its all at stake as well as a large one." Lynch said "it ought to be a compound of property and num- bers." Rutledge said " we have no legal authority, our constituents are not bound by our acts." Lee observed " we are not provided with materials to decide." Gadsen said, "I cannot see any way of voting but by colonies." Ward said, " there are a great number of counties in Virginia, very un- equal in wealth and numbers, yet each sends two representatives." Pendleton thought "if a com- 15 mittee cannot ascertain the weight of the Colonies. Congress can take steps to procure evidence." Jay remarked " he was in favor of giving Virginia her full weight." It had been intimated that "Virginia will never consent to waive her full representations," and if denied it, "she would be seen no more in that Congress." On no one thing did they seem to agree ; some were willing to acknowledge the right of Great Britain to regulate trade ; others denied all right to legislate for America ; some were will- ing to pay for the tea destroyed ; others said that was to yield the point entirely ; one was defiant, another willing to conciliate. Gadsen desired in- dependence. Washington believed that "no re- flecting mind looked forward to such a thing." With this diversity of sentiment, Congress ad- journed its first day's session. The next day it was opened by reading the preliminary minutes. A silence ensued as of the stillness of death. The patriots sat side by side, and face to face, until that stiUness became oppressive. The seeming irreconcilable diff'erences of the previous day, filled their hearts with gloomy forebodings that they were to be separated without accomplishing any one object for which they had met, and with such separation, vanished all available struggles for the rights of the Colonies. The fate of human- 16 ity for generations to come, the hopes of the patriot and statesman were in the doubtful bal- ance ; each heart was too full for utterance, when Patrick Henry slowly arose, in a far off part of the Hall, and hesitatingly broke the silence. He calmly reviewed the wrongs of his country, until warming with his subject, his cheek glowed, his eye flashed, and his voice, rich and strong, rang through and filled the Hall. He counselled a union for general defence, and went beyond the utterances of Gadsen : he said, "this is but the first general Congress and no former one can be a precedent; we shall have occasion for more Con- gresses — Government is dissolved. Fleets and armies and the present state of things show that government is dissolved. Where are your land- marks? your boundaries of colonies? We are in a state of nature, sir, all lines are gone, and all America is one mass, the distinction between Virginians, Pennsylvanians, New Yorkers and New Englanders are no more. I am not a Vir- ginian, but an American." Thomas Cushing immediately proposed that Congress should be opened with prayer. Jay, of New York, and Rutledge, of South Carolina, opposed it, because " we were so divided in religi- ous sentiment, some Episcopalians, some Quakers, some Baptists, some Independents, some Catholics, 17 some Presbyterians, and some Congregationalists, that we could not join in the same kind of wor- ship." Samuel Adams immediately rose and said, "I am no bigot, I can hear a prayer from any man of piety and virtue who is at the same time a friend to his country. I am a stranger in Phila- delphia, but have heard that Mr. Duche, an Epis- copalian clergyman of this city deserves that character. I move that he may be requested to read prayers to Congress to-morrow morning." The motion was carried affirmatively. President Randolph waited upon him, and received the assurance that "if health permitted he would gladly accede to the wishes of Congress." The next morning attended by his clerk, he entered the hall, read prayers in the established form, and the psalter for that day, (which was the 35th Psalm) and unexpectedly to every one broke forth into extempore prayer, with such ardor, such fervor, such pathos, and in language so elegant and sublime : praying for America, for Congress, for the Province of Massachusetts Bay, and espe- cially for the town of Boston." This was the morning that Congress was informed of the can- nonade of Boston. It was a scene worthy of the painter's art, Washington Avas kneeling there, and Henry, Ran- dolph, Rutledge, Lee, and Jay •. and by their sides 18 stood, bowed in reverence, the Puritan patriots of New England, who, at that moment had reason to believe that an armed soldiery were wasting their humble households ; and who can realize the emotions with which they turned imploringly to Heaven for Divine interposition and aid. " It was," says a letter written on the 16th instant, "enough to melt a heart of stone, I never saw a greater effect upon an audience, it filled the bosom of every man present. I saw the tears gush into the eyes of the old grave pacific Quakers of Phila- delphia." It is cause of deep regret that no memorandum of this prayer was taken, and that we are indebted to the letters quoted above for all we know of it. The printed prayer sold to the public as the " First prayer," was never delivered in Carpenters' Hall, but before a succeeding Congress, and after there was an army "in the field." Congress resolved that each colony should have one vote. One of the memorable resolves of that Con- gress was an address to the people of Great Britian, adopted October 21st, 1774, in which they say : " But if you are determined that your min- isters shall wantonly sport with the rights of man- kind — if neither the voice of Justice, the dictates of the Law, the principles of the Constitution, or the suggestions of humanity, can restrain your 19 hands from shedding human blood in such an impious cause; we must then tell you, that Ave will never submit to be hewers of wood, or drawers of water for any ministry or nation in the world." The tone of manly energy which characterized the papers put forth by this Congress, drew this acknowledgment from a distinguished member of the British Parliament. "When your lordships have perused the papers transmitted to us from America; when you consider the dignity, the firmness, and the wisdom with which the Ameri- cans have acted, you cannot but respect their cause. History, my lords, has been my favorite study ; and, in the celebrated writings of antiquity, I have often admired the patriotism of Greece and Rome; but, my lords, I must declare and avow that in the master states of the world, I know not the people nor the senate, who, in such a compli- cation of difficult circumstances, can stand in pre- ference to the delegates of America, assembled in general Congress at Philadelphia. I trust that it is obvious to your lordships, that all attempts to impose servitude on such men, to establish des- potism over such a mighty continental nation, must be vain, must be futile." In an address to the inhabitants of the Colonies of the same date, they say : " But we think our- selves bound in duty to observe to you, that the schemes agitated against these Colonies have been so conducted as to render it prudent that you should extend your views to mournful events, and be, in all respects, prepared for any contingency. Above all things, we earnestly entreat you, with devotion of spirit, penitence of heart, and amend- ment of life, to humble yourselves and implore the favor of Almighty God; and we fervently beseech his Divine goodness to take you into his gracious protection." On the 20th of October, they adopted resolu- tions which were virtually the commencement of the American union, they were signed on a table in the Hall by all the delegates for themselves and their constituents. They say: "We do for ourselves and the inhabitants of the several colo- nies whom we represent, firmly agree and associate, under the sacred ties of virtue, honor and love of country." The resolution bound them not to import, purchase, or consume the products of Great Britain until the obnoxious acts of Parlia- ment were repealed; and directing the appoint- ment of " a committee in every county, city and town by those Avho are qualified to vote for repre- sentatives in the Legislature," that persons who should "violate the resolutions might be publicly knovrn and universally contemned as enemies of American liberty." Though these resolutions 2i possessed no legal force, yet never were laws more faithfully observed. It is worthy of note that the Bill of Rights adopted by this Congress, and their summary of the violations of those rights w^ere, two years after- ' ward recapitulated in the Declaration of Inde- pendence. There was a chivalrous disregard of self, in the prompt and energetic approbation of the measures of Massachusetts, which history rarely discloses among a temperate and calculating people ; and in approval of the resolutions of the County of Suffolk, "that no obedience was due from that province to such acts, but should be rejected as the attempt of a wicked administration to enslave America." In Carpenters' Hall, also, met on 18th of June, 1776, a convention which exercised a controlling influence on the question of Independence. The Assembly of Pennsylvania had appointed their delegates under the following " instructions :" " We strictly enjoin you, that you, on behalf of this Colony, desist from and utterly reject, any proposition, should such be made, that may cause, or lead to a separation from our Mother Country or a change in the form of government." Hence che delegates of Pennsylvania did not give their votes in Congress "for establishing government 22 throughout the continent on the authority of the people only," which Congress had recommended on the loth of May, preceding. Richard Henry Lee, had, on the 7th of June, introduced his celebrated resolutions for a separa- tion, and the Pennsylvania delegation were under these instructions bound to oppose them. This "Provincial Conference" met. It was composed of representatives from all the counties of the Province, and was presided over by Thomas McKean; it had as members, Benjamin Franklin, Benjamin Rush, Jona. B. Smith, Henry Wynkoop, James Smith, Alexander Lowry, Joseph Heister, John Creigh, and some ninety others. This Provincial Conference resolved that the present government of the Province was not com- petent for the exigencies of our affairs. That the present House of Assembly was not elected for the purpose of forming a new govern- ment. That the present House of Assembly, not having the authority of the people for that purpose, can- not proceed without assuming arbitrary powers. That a Provincial Convention be held for the express purpose of forming a government in the Province, on the authority of the people only. That we will support the measures now adopted at all hazards, be the consequences what they may. Besides complying Avith the purposes for which they had been assembled, they patriotically deter- mined to act for their constituents. On Sunday, the 23d of June, 1776, a committee, consisting of Dr. Benjamin Rush, Col. Joseph Small, and Col. Thomas McKean, were appointed to draft a resolution declaring the sense of the Conference with respect to the independence of the Province from the crown of Great Britain, and to report next morning. On Monday morning, the 24th of June, the Committee brought in a draft of a Declaration of Independence for the Colony of Pennsylvania, which was read by special order, and being fully considered was unanimously agreed to, in the fol- lowing words : Whereas, George the III, King of Great Britain,