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SPEECH 
 
 HON. VOLNEY E. HOWARD, OF TEXAS, 
 
 .0 
 
 Y 
 
 THE MEXICAN BOUNDARY QUESTION— THE PACIFIC RAIL- 
 ROAD—THE COLLINS STEAMERS. 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 IN THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES, JULY 6, 1852, 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 PRINTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE, 
 
 1853. 
 

 
SPEECH. 
 
 The House having under consideration the bill to supply 
 deficiencies in the appropriations for the fiscal year ending 
 -30th June, 1852— 
 
 Mr. HOWARD said: 
 
 Mr. Chairman: I propose to speak to the sub- 
 ject in hand, and offer some observations on two 
 of the Senate amendments to the deficiency bill. 
 The first is the amendment of the Senate to the 
 appropriation for continuing the survey of the 
 boundary between the United States and Mexico. 
 It enacts — 
 
 " That nothing herein contained shall bo so construed as 
 to sanction a departure from the point on the Rio Grande, 
 north of the town called Paso, designated in the said 
 treaty," 
 
 And is made necessary by the illegal and unau- 
 thorised course of Commissioner Bartlett, in estab- 
 lishing the initial point of the boundary on the Rio 
 Grande, thirty-four miles north of the point fixed 
 by the treaty. 
 
 The fifth article of the treaty with Mexico pro- 
 vides that — 
 
 " The boundary line between the two Republics shall 
 commence in the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, 
 opposite the mouth of the Rio Grande, otherwise called 
 Rio Bravo del Norte, or opposite the mouth of its deep- 
 est branch, if it should have more than one branch empty- 
 ing directly into the sea; from thence up tlie middle of that 
 river, following the deepest channel, where it has more than 
 one, to the point where it strikes the southern boundary of 
 New Mexico ; thence, westwardly, along the whole south- 
 ern boundary of New Mexico (which runs north of the 
 town called Paso) to its western termination; thence, 
 northward, along the western line of New Mexico, until it 
 intersects the first branch of the River Gila; (or if it should 
 not intersect any branch of that river, then to the point on 
 the said line nearest to such branch, and thence in a direct 
 line to the same ;) thence down the middle of the said 
 branch and of the said river, until it empties into the Rio 
 Colorado ; thence across the Rio Colorado, following the 
 division line between Upper and Lower California, to the 
 Pacific Ocean." 
 
 And to preclude the possibility of all mistake as 
 to the true southern and western boundary of New 
 Mexico, the treaty declared: 
 
 " The southern and western limits of New Mexico, men- 
 tioned in this article, are those laid down in the map enti- 
 tled ' Map of the United Mexican States, as organized and 
 defined by various acts of the Consress of said Republic, and 
 constructed according to the best authorities. Revised edi- 
 tion. Published at New York, in 1847, by J. DisturnelL' 
 Of which map a copy is added to this treaty, bearing the 
 signatures and seals of the undersigned plenipotentiaries." 
 
 In order to mark and designate the boundary 
 upon the ground, a commissioner and surveyor 
 
 were appointed by each Government, with powers 
 described as follows: 
 
 " In order to designate the boundary line with due pre- 
 cision, upon authoritative maps, and to establish upon the 
 ground landmarks wldch shall show the limits of both 
 Republics, as described in the present article, the two Gov- 
 ernments shall each appointacommissioner andasurveyor, 
 who, before the expiration of one year from the date of the 
 exchange of ratifications of this treaty, shall meet at the 
 port of San Diego, and proceed to run and mark the said 
 boundary in its whole course to the mouth of the Rio Bravo 
 del Norte. They shall keep journals and make out plans 
 of their operations ; and the result agreed upon by them 
 shall be deemed a part of this treaty, and shall have the 
 same force as if it were inserted therein. The two Govern- 
 ments will amicably agree regarding what may be neces- 
 sary to these persons, and also as to their respective escorts, 
 should such be necessary." 
 
 It win thus be seen, that the true initial point 
 on the Rio Grande is that at which the southern 
 boundary of New Mexico, as laid down on the 
 map of Disturnell, strikes that river. If this point 
 can be found, it is not in the power of the joint 
 commission to agree upon one different from that 
 established by the treaty. That instrument de- 
 clares, that "the southern and western limits of 
 New Mexico, mentioned in this article, are those 
 laid down in the map entitled," &c. The treaty 
 also declares, that the southern boundary of New 
 Mexico runs north of the town called Paso, 
 When we look upon the map, we find that this 
 line is traced immediately north of the town of 
 Paso, and by taking the scale of the map and 
 measuring it, is found to be precisely eight miles 
 north of that town. If there were nothing else, 
 therefore, to fix the beginning point of the bound- 
 ary upon the Rio Grande, this would be absolutely 
 certain, for that is certain which is capable of 
 being reduced to certainty. It is as certain in its 
 character, as though the church of the town of 
 Paso had been named for the initial point of the 
 boundary. Unaided by anything else, it can admit 
 of no controversy, the town limits ^eing estab- 
 lished and known, as they are in all Spaish and 
 Mexican towns, by measuring a certain distance 
 from the center. 
 
 But the question does not depend on the town 
 limits and simple measurement, certain as they 
 must be in their character. At about the distance 
 of eight miles above Paso, and near the point on 
 the Rio Grande, given upon Disturnell 's map aa 
 the southern corner of the boundary of New 
 
Mexico, is laid down a place called La Salinern, i, 
 (the Saline.) It is a pliue noted for supplyin;^ 
 auk to the country, and corresponds on the ground i 
 with the map. It was at once recognized and ' 
 identified by Colonel Graham and the other mem- 
 bers of the scientific corps, as identical with the . 
 initial point. This of itself could establish, be- ' 
 yond the shadow of a donl)!, the l)eginning point ' 
 of tlie boundary on the west bank of the Rio 
 Grande. The result is too obvious to admit of 
 argument. Besides, il agrees with other points 
 and jdaces given on the map, and found to corre- ] 
 spond on the ground. j 
 
 It is a principle of law wh.ich will not be con- 
 tested, that fixed monuments, natural or artificial, 
 are to prevail over course and distance, and as a 
 corollary over latitude and longitude. Tlie true 
 point of beginning on the Rio Grande thus being 
 shown by the map and natural objects to he eight 
 miles above the town of Paso, it was, by the i 
 treaty, in the first instance to run " westwardly ; 
 along the whole southern boundary of New Mex- I 
 ico to its western termination," which, taking the , 
 scale of the map, is three degrees. j 
 
 When Mr. Barilett arrived at El Paso, in ad- i 
 ranee of his coordinate officer, the surveyor, he j 
 assumed, of his own authority, to open negotia- 
 tions witJi the Mexican Commissioner, and to fix | 
 the initial point at latitude 3iP 22' , which is about \ 
 thirty-four miles north of the point established 
 by the treaty. Tlie result is a clear loss to the ! 
 United States of a country thirty-four miles wide 
 and three degrees of longitude deep, equal to 5,950 / 
 square miles on that line.. In givmg up this [ 
 amount of latitude, Mr. Bartlelt has gained practi- „ 
 caily no longitude, because the southern boundary ^ 
 is three degrees, according to the treaty map, 
 whether you take the true line or the one agreed i 
 on by Commissioner Bartlett. Colonel Graham 
 reports that when he arrived at El Paso, instead 
 of finding the surveying party on the true treaty ; 
 line, he found them thirty-four miles north of it, 
 on a line commencing at ;^20 22'. j 
 
 In relation to this action of the joint conimis- 
 sion, I take it to be too clear for controversy, '. 
 that the commission had no right to change the j 
 boundary fixed by the treaty. They had no juris- j 
 diction to make a new boundary, and therefore j 
 their action Ijy which they have done so is void |, 
 for want of power. They might as well make a | 
 new treaty, as a new boundary. Their functions n 
 were limited to marking, and designating upon '• 
 theground,the boundary established by the treaty. ) 
 The treaty assumes to have defined the initial | 
 points with sufficient certainty to be rendily iilen- 
 tified and found, as in truth it has. And if il had I 
 not done so, the boundary clause would have been , 
 void for want of certainty. I am aware that it j 
 has been contended that this action was legal, be- 
 cause the agreements of llie Commissioners were 
 to be deemed part of the treaty. But this provis- 
 ion goes only " to establish, upon the ground, 
 Inndinafecs which shall sliriw tlie limits of both 
 Republics as drscrihnl inlltf. i»T,<ifn/[in the fith] ar- I 
 licit" of the treaty. They had no power to make 
 a new boundary. Their functions were the ascer- '! 
 tainnient of that alreiuly estalilishrd. They were 
 bound to go by the treaty, and not in ojiposition 
 to it. They hud no power to fix the boundary on . 
 the Pacific at Monterey, instead of " one marine | 
 lea^e due soulh of the southernmost point of the | 
 
 port of S.in Diego," as required by the treaty. If 
 the commission may fix the initial point on the 
 Rio Grande thirty-four miles north of that named 
 in the treaty, they have power to place it one 
 thousand miles north. Whenever tlu-commission 
 desregards the points established by the treaty, 
 their act is voifl for want of authority; il is an ex- 
 cess of jnrisdiciion, and cannot bintj eititer the 
 United Stales or Alexico. 
 
 There is another fatal objection to the action of 
 Ml'. Commissioner Bartlett. By the express pro- 
 vision of the treaty, each Government was lohave 
 on the work a commissioner and a surveyor. 
 They were treaty officers, and one had as much 
 autliority as the other. To render any line legal and 
 binding under the treaty, it was necessary that 
 both the commissioner and the surveyor sliould 
 concur in it; lor it is a principle of law, too well 
 estalilislied to be controverted, that when the ex- 
 ei'.ution of a ])ower is given to two or more, jointly, 
 all must concur to render il valid. When the sur- 
 veyor, Mr. Gray, arrived at El Paso, he refused 
 to concur in the line which had been agreed on by 
 Commissioner Bartlett and the Mexicans, and 
 filed his protest against it, showing, conclusively, 
 that it was not tlie point established by the treaty. 
 Bartlelt 's action would liave been void for want 
 of the concurrence of the surveyor, even if he had 
 commenced at tlie true ))oint. It was not only 
 illegal, but unjust, that the Mexicans should have 
 l)oth officers allowed by the treaty, while this 
 Government had only one to guard its interests. 
 
 It has been asserted that Lieutenant Whipple 
 acted as surveyor pro tempore, until the arrival of 
 Mr. Gray; but there is no evidence that he as- 
 sumed to act in that capacity, or ratify the line 
 with his signature. On the contrary, Mr. Bart- 
 lett states, in his communication of the 28th of 
 December, 1850, that Whipple acted as chief as- 
 tronomer, ad interim. Mr. Bartlett had no au- 
 thority to ap|)oint a surveyor, as that function was 
 confided by law to the President and Senate, and 
 the office filled by the appointment of Mr. Gray. 
 There could not at the same time be two surveyors 
 under the treaty. 
 
 At tliis stage of the proceeding, it becomes ne- 
 cessary to notice the singular course of Mr. Secre- 
 tary Stuart. Before Colonel Graham, who was de- 
 tailed as chief astronomer, left Washington, it was 
 known that Commissioner Bartlelt had established 
 this line, so far as he had the power to do so. It 
 was understood toi)ein opposition to the views of 
 the Department of the Interior. It was known to 
 be repugnant to the opinions of every officer of the 
 Engineer Coq^s, who had paid any attention to the 
 suiiject, and especially to those of Colonel Graham 
 and Major Emory, so much so, that 1 am informed 
 by tlie highest authority, that Colonel Graham 
 declared to Secretary Stuart, that he would not 
 put liis instruments up on l?artlett's line. Now, 
 what was the plain duty of the Secretary of the 
 Interior under these circumstances? Clearly, to 
 instruct the Commissioner to adhere to the treaty 
 boundary, and that he could not agree upon and 
 mark a line on the ground without the concur- 
 rence of the surveyor. That would have brought 
 the line back to the treaty point in the vicinity 
 of El Paso, and secured the rights of his Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 When Colonel Graham arrived at El Paso, 
 finding the line progressing in the wrong place, 
 
thirty-four miles too far north, he ordered in his 
 subordinate officer, Lieutenant Whipple, for con- 
 sultation and with a view to correct the error. 
 Subsequently , after a good deal of correspondence, 
 Colonel Graham, Mr. Bartlett, and the Mexican 
 Commissioner, came to an agreement by whicli 
 the work progressed on those sections not in dis- 
 pute. But as soon as Lieutenant Whip|)le was 
 ordered on to El Paso, Commissioner Bartlett, 
 without waiting to confer with Colonel Graham, 
 joined the Mexican Commissioner in a represent- 
 ation that Colonel Graimm had sto;)ped the work 
 on the line thus progressing from the wrong point, 
 which resulted in tlie recall of Colonel Graham. 
 In the mean time Mr. Gray, who accompanied 
 Colonel Graham to El Paso, protested the line, 
 and refused to sign tlie proceedings estaijlishing 
 the initial point, as contrar)"- to the treaty. On 
 being advised of this proceeding, the Secretary of 
 the interior first issued an order directing Mr. 
 Gray to agree to the line of Bartlett, and before 
 action could be had dismissed him from office, no 
 doubt under the impression thai he would not con- 
 sent to be the instrument of such an unjust and 
 unpatriotic act towards his Government. Thus 
 the leading motive which led to the dismissal of 
 Colonel Graham was his refusal to concur in this 
 line, and the only true reason of the dismissal of 
 Mr. Gray was his protest. 
 
 Not only does the Secretary pursue this course, 
 but in his annual report he enters into an argu- 
 ment to sustain what had been done by Commis- 
 sioner Bartlett, in which he adopts the views of 
 Bartlett, and the Mexican Commissioner. Their 
 only excuse for what has been done is, that the 
 map of Disturnell is inaccurate as to latitude and 
 longitude; that the initial point is not correctly 
 laid down on the treaty map with regard to their 
 true position on the earth's surface. Sir, Mr. 
 Trist, as well as the other authors of the treaty, 
 were quite aware of that fact. Humboldt pointed 
 it out many years ago, with reference to all Span- 
 ish maps. Hence, the treaty does not mention 
 latitude and longitude, but takes natural objects 
 for the initial points of the boundary. On the Rio 
 Grande, that object is the town of Paso, and the \ 
 other places in that vicinity appearing on the map, 
 especially La Salinera, which is near the immediate ; 
 point where the map re]3resents the southern line 
 of New Mexico to strike the Rio Grande. The 
 object of the negotiators of the treaty was to 
 avoid all difficulty about latitude and longitude, 
 by calling for natural objects, represented on the 
 map, and found on the ground. Their object has ; 
 been defeated by the illegal conduct of Commis- 
 sioner Bartlett and Secretary Stuart, who have 
 thrown away the treaty monuments to hunt for | 
 latitude and lonsfitude, an element not mentioned 
 in the treaty. Without the slightest reason or 
 justice, they have allowed the Mexican Commis- 
 sioner to inveigle them into giving up thirty-four 
 miles of latitude, without gaining an inch in Ion- ; 
 gitude, because tlie latter is three degrees by Dis- , 
 turnell's map on either line, and that is what they 
 have adopted. I 
 
 In his aimual report, Air. Stuart says: ; 
 
 "Difficulties also existed in rpgard to the latitude of the 
 point where the Rio Grande strikes the southern line of , 
 Nfuv Mexico. By the map it appears to br; at latitude 31° ; 
 45', whereas the true position is latitude 3-2° 22'. " j 
 
 Sir, this is a gross and extraordinary misstate- ; 
 
 ment of the whole subject. The point agreed on 
 by Bartlett and the Mexican Commissioner is 320 
 22'; but the latitude of the true [Joint e.stai^lished 
 by the treaty is 310 52', where the southern bound- 
 ary of New Mexico strikes the Rio Grande, aa 
 ascertained by our oiUcei-s on the ground, and as 
 appears by the protest of Mr. Gray, on file in the • 
 office of the Dejiartment of the Interior. The 
 church of El Paso is .'Jio 45', ,ia ascertained by 
 observation. 
 
 This effort of Mr. Stuart to misrepresent the 
 true boundary of the treaty, and to surrender a 
 portion of our territory, is difficult to understand 
 and impossible to defend. 
 
 Mr. Bartlett, in his correspondence with the 
 Department, gives his impression that the line 
 which he has agreed to will strike the San Pedro. 
 There was much more probability of reaching it 
 by adhering to the true treaty line— as it will be 
 seen by the map that it approaches nearer the Rio 
 Grande on that line — than on the one established 
 by the commission. He also says that, in case he 
 does not strike a branch of the Gila on the northern 
 boundary of New Mexico, the line will run , 
 directly to the Gila. Such is not the boundary 
 coiitemplated by the treaty. The fifth article de- 
 clares, that after running along the whole south- 
 ern boundary of New Mexico, it shall run " thence 
 ' northward, along the western line of New Mex- 
 * ico until it intersects the first branch of the river 
 'Gila; oi>if it should not intersect any branch of 
 ' that river, then to the point on the said line near- 
 ' est to such branch, and thence in a direct line to 
 ' the same; thence down the middle of said branch, 
 ' and of the said viver, until it empties into the 
 ' Colorado." 
 
 It will thus be seen that the treaty assumes, 
 what the fact is, that there is a branch on or near 
 the north line, which empties into the Gila, and 
 that when at the nearest p^int to the branch, the 
 boundary line is to run directly to it. The treaty 
 calls cannot, tlierefure, be answered by running a 
 due north line to the Gila. It is supposed by 
 some that the Mimbres is a branch of the Gila. 
 It is well known that the San Pedro is a branch 
 of that river. Thus, should Mr. Bartlett run due 
 north from the western termination of the line, as 
 he intimates he will, if he does not strike a branch 
 of the Gila, he will not fulfill the calls of the treaty, 
 by which it is declared, that in case a branch of 
 that river is not encountered in running north- 
 wardly, tlien when at a point nearest to such 
 branch, the line is to be run directly to it, and 
 thence down the same to the Gila. If Mr. Bart- 
 lett persists in this construction of the treaty, and 
 thereby misses the San Pedro, as will probably be 
 the result, then he will on both lines surrender to 
 Mexico 9,530 square miles. 
 
 It was extraordinary that Mr. Gray and Colonel 
 Graham should iiave been recalled under these 
 circumstances. Both were able officers. Colonel 
 Graham had rendered distinguished service on the 
 Northeastern Boundary, and was selected for his 
 peculiar fitness for the position. It is true he has 
 been succeeded by a very al)le and accomplished 
 officer — Major Emory. But it is obvious that 
 the motive of the recall of Colonel Graham and 
 Mr. Gray was to enable Commissioner Bartlett to 
 carry out this unfortunate and illegal agreement 
 for the surrender to Mexico of a large and valu- 
 able territory belonging to the United States. 
 
6 
 
 It cannot admit of doubt, that in assuming to 
 direct Mr. Gray to sign the agreement of Jlartlett 
 and the Mexican Commissioner fixing the initial 
 point, the Secrrinry of tlie Interior arrogated to 
 nimself a power wiiich, under tlie treaty, was 
 confided to tlie United States surveyor, and which 
 tlie Secretary had no right to control. If he had 
 the right to exercise any sucli power, it is to be 
 regretted that he did not exert it in favor of the 
 United States. It is unfortunate, that when he 
 saw the error of Mr. Bartlett, he did not sustain 
 the surveyor of the United States and Colonel 
 Graham, instead of the Mexican Commissioner, 
 General Conde. 
 
 I do not discuss this subject for the purpose of 
 making any point on the present Administration, 
 against which I entertain no hostility. 1 have no 
 doubt that if the atientinn of that able and honest- 
 minded officer, President Fillmore, had been 
 brought to the subject, he would have corrected 
 the error of Commissioner Bartlett. 
 
 The territory which would be surrendered, if the 
 action of our Commissioner were ratified, is neces- 
 sary to the country as furnishing a convenient 
 track for a military road, as well as a railway to 
 the Pacific. The further north we are compelled 
 to go the more mountainous the country becomes, 
 and the more difficult and expensive will be the 
 construction of any road to the Pacific. A military 
 road to the junction of the Gila and Colorado is 
 necessary to enable us to carry out our treaty 
 with Mexico in relation to the Indian tribes, and 
 the defense of our own frontier. Both of which 
 we have too much neglected. There has also, for 
 the last twelve months, been a system of fillibus- 
 tering on the Rio Grande which has nearly broken 
 up business and threatens to depopulate the 
 country. It originated in a system of lawless ag- 
 gressions from this side of the river, which has re- 
 eulted in retaliations fr«m the Mexican side, until 
 the whole frontier is a scene of murder and blood- 
 shed. Our own citizens are daily assassinated 
 with impunitj'. If this state of thin^js is not 
 promptly arrested it will soon lead to another war 
 with Mexico. All these outrages could have been 
 arrested by stationing four or five hundred good 
 mounted troops on the Rio Grande, who would 
 not only have restrained these crimes, but have 
 
 rrevented Indian hostilities and incursions as well, 
 f the Government had not this amount of re'.^ular 
 cavalry at its disposal, it ought to have called for 
 vohmteers. It has ample power under the law 
 for that purpose. 
 
 PACIFIC UAILKOAD. 
 
 More than all, is this country proposed to be i 
 Burrendered necessary to the United States, as fur- 
 ni.shiiig a convenient iron for a railroad to the j 
 Pacific. All aci'.ounts lend to prove that Mr. 
 Bnrtlett has surrendered the best route for the road. 
 He has given up to the Mexican Government pub- ' 
 lie land suffirient toconstiuct the road to the June- I 
 lion of the Colorado and Gila. ' 
 
 No one who has investiguled the subject can 
 doubt the naiioniil necessity of a railroad to the 
 Pacific. Look ut the reports of your offii'.ers, both 
 of the Army and Navy, upon the subject of our j 
 national defenseH, und they all tell you ilmt they ' 
 cannot lie made complete without a railroad and . 
 the telegrajih to the Pacific ocean. In the event j 
 of a war with any naval jiower, the firnt demon- j 
 
 slration would be upon California and our Pacific 
 possessions; and in the present condition of tilings 
 they would fall before you could afford them aid 
 or relief. We would have no right to march an 
 army through Mexico, by way of the Isthmus, 
 even if the navigation of the Gulf should remain 
 open, and the fate of the country would be decided 
 before you could sail round the Capeor march an 
 army overland through your own territory; but 
 with a railroad, you could transport an army 
 there in from four to six days. The enemy could 
 not effect a landing before the country might be 
 put in a complete state of defense, by means of 
 troops transported on a railroad, with wings of 
 steam. If the road is not constructed, the Gov- 
 ernment will be compelled to line the Pacific coast 
 with a system of forts, which will cost more to 
 build and man than the expense of a road, which 
 will change the commerce of tlie world, and fur- 
 nish ample defenses. 
 
 Consider, sir, the mighty effect of such a work 
 upon national and international commerce. It 
 would change into a new channel the cornmerce 
 of Europe with Asia. The United States are sit- 
 uated in the center of the world's commerce and 
 production. With a railroad to the Pacific, we 
 must become the largest store-house of the com- 
 merce of all nations, and the mart for the exchange 
 of products. Through our dominions would pass 
 the commerce between Europe and the Indies, as 
 well as all Asia. To a great extent the Asiatic 
 trade would fall into our hands. With the power 
 over it which such a work would give, our own 
 manufactures would enter China and other Asiatic 
 countries under the most favorable auspices. 
 Already this commerce has commenced between 
 China and California, and bids foir to be a trade 
 of great profit. No nation has ever jiossessed the 
 commerce of the Indies witlioftt growing wealthy 
 by its immense gains. It has created a race of 
 merchant princes for several Euro]'>ean nations. 
 This commerce is at our door, and we have only 
 to stretch out our hands and engross it. 
 
 I am in favor of devoting some portion of the 
 public lands west of the Mississippi, in the vicin- 
 ity of the road, to its construction. This may be 
 effected either liy granting it to Slates, or individ- 
 uals, upon condition of building certain sections of 
 the work. It is true that the Government has 
 no public lands in Texas; but that Slate has 
 already granted the right of way through her lim- 
 its for a Pacific railway, and made a liberal dona- 
 tion of lands in aid of that object. I have no 
 doubt that her Legislature will grant still more, if 
 necessary, to carry out this great national im- 
 provement. She has a rich territory, more than 
 five times as large as the Stale of New York, 
 which will contributea larare commerce to the sup- 
 port of this great work. Possessinj^- over a hun- 
 dred millions of acres of public doinain, it is her 
 interest to be liberal to this vast national project. 
 The elfect of a railroad to the Pa<-ific in increasing 
 the value of the public domain must be obvious to 
 all. This Government owns west of the Missis- 
 sippi more than a lliousnnd millions of acres of 
 public domain. Near six hundred millions of 
 acres of this public land is in New Mexico, Utah, 
 California, and Oregon. I have already presented 
 my views in favor of the power in the Federal 
 Government to grant sections of the pulilic lands 
 to aid in the construction of railroads, when the 
 
result is to enhance to an equal or greater amount 
 in value the land along the road reserved to the 
 Government, and shall not repeat them. 
 
 In New Mexico alone the Government has 
 nearly 135,000,000 of acres of public lands, which 
 will be almost valueless for half a century, unless 
 a railroad is constructed through that Territory. 
 The Government would be a great gainer to give 
 half this land for the construction of a railway 
 from the Rio Grande to the junction of the Colo- 
 rado and Gila. In an agricultural point of view. 
 New Mexico is comparatively a poor country; 
 but as a grazing country, it has great capabilities. 
 It is v/ell adapted for raising sheep, cattle, and 
 horses. It is a region where wool can be grown 
 with decided success, and the winter is such that 
 beef could be packed there with safety for the 
 Pacific and other markets. It is also the land of 
 the vine and the grape. Its great power, however, 
 lies in its mineral resources. It abounds in val- 
 uable metals. Gold has lately been discovered in 
 quantities sufficient to invite the miner both upon 
 the Gila and the Colorado. It is rich in silver, 
 copper, iron, and coal. With a railroad the 
 mining interest of New Mexico would soon be- 
 come a source of vast wealth. Without such a 
 work these mines will, ina great degree, be lost to 
 the country for ages. The same may be said of 
 a large portion of California. The mineral prod- 
 ucts of that country cannot be fully developed 
 without a road, which will afford rapid and cheap 
 means of communication. How many thousands 
 are there who would visit the mineral regions to 
 labor temporarily if they could reach them in a 
 few days at a moderate expense. Hereafter the 
 business of mining is to be one of the most 
 important interests in this country. The pre- 
 cious metals are already one of the largest items 
 in our exports, and destined to have a still greater 
 effect upon our foreign and domestic commerce. 
 It is estimated that the California mines have 
 yielded at least $200,000,000 up to this time. 
 But the great branch of industry which would be 
 promoted and benefited most extensively, taking 
 the Atlantic and Pacific both into account, by 
 such a road, would be that of agriculture. Not 
 only by means of opening new lands, by furnish- 
 ing transportation for the products of what would 
 otherwise be remote regions, but in effecting 
 exchanges of the products of the great valley of 
 the Mississippi with the people of the Pacific side. 
 It could not fail to open an extensive market for 
 the agriculture and manufactures of the population 
 of the Atlantic section of the continent. 
 
 But independently of all these considerations, 
 it is for the interest of the United States, as a pro- 
 prietor, to grant sufficient public domain to con- 
 struct a road to the Pacific. How else is this 
 Government ever to settle in a reasonable time the 
 thousand million of acres which it owns on the 
 other side of the mountains? No action which 
 the Government could take would enhance the 
 sale of the public lands to such an extent, because 
 the road would carry population to settle and im- 
 prove co\mtries that would otherwise remain a 
 waste wilderness for an indefinite period of time. 
 To make these grants is not to waste, but to in- 
 crease and enhance fourfild the land fund and the 
 value of the land west of the Mississippi; for real 
 estate, like all other property, has no test of value 
 but its use. If it cannot be occupied for want of 
 
 a market, it is without appreciation; and this ia 
 precisely the condition of four fifths of the coun- 
 try beyond the Rocky Mountain.s, exclusive of 
 the gold diggings. Off from the shore and navi- 
 gable waters of the Pacific, there are no means of 
 transportation for products to induce settlements. 
 
 It is not my purpose to enter at any length into 
 a comparison of the two routes — the northern and 
 the southern. My own opinion is, that if both 
 were constructed, the southern route would do the 
 largest portion of the business, so far as it might 
 be connected with the Pacific and Asiatic com- 
 merce. The southern road being through a better 
 climate, could be used at all seasons of the year, 
 without any interruption from snows. 
 
 Mr. Whitney estimates the northern route at 
 over two thousand miles; no one has ever sup- 
 posed the southern route to be more than seventeen 
 hundred miles from the Mississippi river; and in 
 point of fact it will not exceed fifteen hundred, 
 with all the detours, starting from any point south 
 of the mouth of the Ohio. With a railroad from 
 the Mississippi river to the Pacific, it would be 
 easy to reach China from London in thirty days. 
 I am not opposed to any individual enterprise in 
 the Tehuantepec route; but it cannot supply the 
 great national want. 
 
 The running distance from Tehuantepec, on the 
 Pacific side, to San Diego or San Francisco, is as 
 great as from the Mississipjii river to either of 
 those places by the running distance by railroad, 
 while the time made on the railroad will be at 
 least twenty miles per hour, and that on the steam- 
 ers about twelve. 
 
 From Tehuantepec by steamer to San Francis- 
 co is nearly 2,000 miles; to San Diego about 1,600. 
 From the Mississippi to San Diego by astraightline 
 about 1,380 miles; to San Francisco about 1,500 
 miles; and the detours of the road on either route 
 will not make the distance greater than the present 
 running course by steamers from Tehuantepec to 
 either of those places. And when the difference 
 of speed and the obstructions from the weather are 
 considered, it will be seen that the journey from the 
 Mississippi by railroad can be made in about 
 half the time that it can from Tehuantepec. Even 
 when you have reached the Pacific side, the time 
 saved in going from New York to California by 
 the railroad direct over that of Tehuantepec would 
 be sufficient to secure the construction of the rail- 
 road. A ship canal through the Isthmus would 
 not change the result, nor do away with the ne- 
 cessity of a railroad. 
 
 It has been urged that a railroad to the Pacific, 
 if constructed, would not yield enough to pay in- 
 terest on the investment, defray current expenses, 
 and keep the work in good repair. It can be 
 shown beyond controversy, that on the basis of 
 the present trade and travel between the Atlantic 
 and Pacific the road would not only be a good 
 stock, but a profitable investment. 
 
 The present emigration to California is not 
 likely to diminish for a number of years. It will 
 continue so long as gold is found in its present 
 abundance in that region; and there does not ap- 
 pear to be any limit to it. The mines, from all 
 appearances, are as productive now as they ever 
 have been since the discovery of the gold in Cal- 
 ifornia. The returns show that the commerce of 
 the Pacific is steadily increasing. The tonnage to 
 California for the fiscal year ending the 30th of 
 
a 
 
 June, 1851, foreign and from other portions of the 
 United Slates, was upwards of 258,000 tons. Of 
 lliis, tlie tonnage from the United States was up- 
 wards of 115,000 tons. It is known that vessels 
 out always go with full freights. Let us go more 
 fully into details as to the means of sustaining a 
 railroad to California. 
 
 Length of the road from the Mississippi river to 
 the Pacific, taking the largest estimate, one thou- 
 sand seven hundred miles, cost of constru<-,tion 
 
 §,40,000 per mile feC8,000,000 
 
 It is ascertained that in order to pay 
 and defray expenses, a road should 
 divide i'2 percent.; which on the 
 
 cost of the road $8,160,000 
 
 ■" The next question is, from what sources is this 
 amount to be derived .' It is known that an ordi- 
 nary trip around the Cape takes one hundred and 
 fifty days. As much as $40 per ton freight on that 
 voyage has been paid to the fast clipjiers. The 
 steamers, according to their advertisements, charge 
 seventy cents per cubic foot to Chagres, and §100 
 per ton from Panama to San Francisco. At $10 
 per ton from the Mississippi river, heavy freight 
 would pay cost, charges, and repairs on the road. 
 At this rate of freight the road would do nearly 
 all the business, owing to the greater expedition 
 and saving in insurance and interest on capital. 
 By the Isthmus the steamers now make the trip 
 in twenty-six days. It could by railway be made 
 from New York to San Francisco in six. The 
 profits from travel would be so great as to warrant 
 a very low rate of freights. It is estimated by 
 Lieutenant Barnard, in his survey of the Isthmus, 
 from official documents, that the average travel to 
 California for the years 1849, 1850, and 1851, was 
 141,320, which, at §50 per passenger, less than 
 one fourth the present average rate, would tjive 
 
 the sum of «,7,06();000 
 
 Then freights, 150,000 tons, at §10. . . 1,500,000 
 
 Which would produce an annual profit 
 
 of , . .§8,560,000 
 
 More than sufficient, without allowing for any in- 
 crease of the present Pacific commerce. 
 
 It will be perceived that the foregoing estimate 
 of resources for the support of a railroad is based 
 almost exclusively upon the present domestic 
 trade and travel between the Atlantic and the Pa- 
 cific. To this must be added the commerce of 
 China, and other portions of Asia. 
 The foreign trade willi Cbiua, in lts-15, was $43,390,784 
 
 In British Hhlps .'$lG,07.-},682 
 
 In Aincricnn «liips, infludiiig spceio 2,909,609 
 
 All other coiirilrif!' 1,417,433 
 
 Opiuiij, «mU(.'plcU 23,000,000 
 
 Total ,a43,390,76'J 
 
 Eiporta from China to Hriti^ih ICmiiiro ,$36,697,3>21 
 
 " " " Ihi- I 'nlli-d States «,a61,70'2 
 
 '' " " all ollur counlriuH l,97d,875 
 
 Total ,®36,931 ,898 
 
 Balance of traUv in favor of Kncland {$6,458,866 
 
 Ualancc of trade in favor of China, and against 
 
 Ihf i;nilcd .xiali-, paid in hills on London.. . $."),32.'>,0.13 
 China ron»uinri> in raw rolton .*7,000,000 
 
 Lieutenant Maury estiinated in 1840, that in 
 transporting oil on the railroad instead of sending 
 it home by sea, tliere would be u saving to the 
 
 whaling business of j^.OOO, 000 a year, in avoiding 
 loss of time, interest, and insurance, as well as the 
 loss incident to the present character of ships, and 
 that this freight would pay to the railroad §970,800, 
 at §20 per ton. This trade would probably pay 
 §500,000 a year on freight at §10 per ton. 
 
 There is still to be taken into account the way 
 transportation and travel, which all must perceive 
 will be immense, if we estimate only for the rich 
 planting district between the Mississippi and the 
 Ilio Grande. That portion of the road, alone, will 
 pay a good dividend as soon as it sliall be con- 
 structed. There is also the country from the Rio 
 Grande to the junction of the Gila and the Colo- 
 rado, whose mineral wealth has already been 
 alluded to. It is believed to be valuable for its 
 gold. It is well known to be rich in copper and 
 silver; and the working of these silver mines is a 
 matter of great interest to the country, as demon- 
 strated by the recent scarcity of silver for the 
 ordinary purposes of circulation. Not only does 
 New Mexico possess valuable silver mines, but 
 they abound also in the three northern States of 
 Mexico. If we had a railroad to the Pacific we 
 could, by our commerce, command the produce 
 of these mines, together with the Mexican trade 
 generally. And let me assure you, sir, that this 
 is a most important trade, which we have loo long 
 neglected. Mexico has a population of more than 
 eight millions of peojile, and may be said to be a 
 nation without manufactures. Merchandise has 
 been taken overland from Texas, not only into 
 the interior of Mexico, but to the capital itself. 
 With a road to the Pacific, the United States could 
 control this commerce; certainly in all except the 
 southern States of Mexico. Now, suppose this 
 population took of merchandise and goods, of all 
 sorts, only five dollars per year for each person — 
 which is a small estimate — it would amount to 
 §40,000,000. This, of itself, would create a very- 
 large way-freight and travel. It is well known 
 that the wants of these people increase with the 
 habit of consumption. It must be apparent, and 
 it is the opinion of commercial men, that our trade 
 with Mexico can be made quite as important as 
 our commerce with Asia; because, with proper 
 exertions on the part of our Government, it may 
 be nearly monopolized by the United States, and 
 open a vast market for American manufactures. 
 To effect this, a railVoad is not only necessary to 
 transport merchandise, but to enable us to furnish 
 the heavy machinery, indispensable to the profit- 
 able working of the rich silver mines of Northern 
 Mexico. 
 
 It is admitted that the efficiency of any road to 
 the Pacific, as a medium of commerce, must de- 
 pend greatly ujion the rate of tolls ciiarged for 
 freight. It is ascertained that at one cent per ton 
 per mile, a road will pay dividends, and it will 
 pay expenses and repairs at half a cent per mile. 
 At these rates heavy freight can be transported. 
 There is no doubt that the road would take the 
 freight from the Mississippi to the Pacific at §10 
 per ton. This would be cheaper than it could be 
 taken round the Cape or across the Isthmus by 
 steamers and railroad. Calculating the distance 
 at seventeen hundred miles, it would leave a profit 
 of §1 50 per ton. At these rates, cotton, corn, 
 flour, beef, and pork could be transported on the 
 road for the Chinese market, from tlie valley of the 
 Missisblppi, and leave u fine profit. But they cau 
 
be raised in great abundance east of the Rio 
 Grande, within one thousand miles of the Pacific, 
 and can therefore be transported tliere for !J^5 per 
 ton. Such a rate of freight would enable us to 
 supply the Chinese Empire with a large propor- 
 tion of its food in exchange for Asiatic products, 
 thus creating an extensive market for the agricul- 
 tural products of the United States. This rate 
 of freight will enable dealers to transport corn, 
 flour, and provisions from any portion of the val- 
 ley of the Mississippi to the Asiatic market. It 
 has been estimated that these articles can be trans- 
 ported from the Pacific to China for $14 per ton, 
 which would make the freight on corn about fifty 
 cents per bushel, and flour ^2 25 per barrel, from 
 the Mississippi to China. At these rates, such 
 articles would bear transportation and yield a fair 
 profit. 
 
 The route from the Mississippi through Texas 
 has this great advantage over the northern route: 
 it passes through a country which in its whole 
 length can produce something valuable for export, 
 and can therefore create a large way trade; where- 
 as the northern route will lay over more than a 
 thousand miles of desert, which can add nothing 
 to commerce. This single fact of itself should be 
 conclusive in favor of the southern route, as well 
 as the fact of its more immediate and direct con- 
 nection with the great mineral trade of Califor- 
 nia and Northern Mexico. On the soutliern route 
 there is no section of the road that would not pay 
 from the time of its completion. 
 
 MAIL STEAMERS. 
 
 The English have already projected a line of 
 steamers from Liverpool to New York, Chagres, 
 California, and Australia, to connect with their 
 other line to India. This country has no way to 
 maintain her natural influence over the commerce 
 of the world unless she sustains her own lines of 
 steamers from Liverpool to New York and China, 
 in connection with an overland railroad to the 
 Pacific. With such a road we can so far outstrip 
 them in speed as to command both the travel and 
 freight on this great line of commerce and em- 
 igration. The British Government perceives 
 this, and is taking steps to anticipate us, not only 
 with steamships, but is discussing the propriety 
 of a railway through Canada to the Pacific. 
 Tlfere is an able discussion of this subject in the 
 English Nautical Magazine of 1851, a semi-official 
 journal; and by the recent European mails we learn 
 that Government has already taken action on the 
 subject, by authorizing the steam mail line re- 
 ferred to. They see that, as connected with Asiatic 
 trade and European emigration to America, this is 
 but one great line of commerce and travel. This 
 is the key to all British operations in Central 
 America, and their eff'orts to get exclusive control 
 of a ship canal across the Isthmus. And if this 
 country does not bestir itself, our fine natural ad- 
 vantages will be superseded and thrown in the 
 background by British enterprise and capital. 
 
 This brings me to speak of the increased mail 
 pay to the Collins hne of mail steamers contained 
 in the bill under discussion, for I consider the con- 
 tinuance of these steamers in that trade as a great 
 national interest which it would be disgraceful to 
 abandon. It has been asserted that the appropri- 
 ation is unconstitutional, but I haveheard no argu- 
 ment advanced which would tend to prove that 
 
 we may not provide for carrying the mails, or the 
 establishment or increase of a steam navy. When 
 such an argument is put forth, 1 shall give it an 
 attentive consideration, as it will operate a repeal 
 of the express grants of the Constitution over the 
 mails and the creation of a navy. Indeed, consti- 
 tutional law IS getting to be a very anomalous 
 science in this body. With one class of gentle- 
 men it is clearly unconstitutional to remove a snag 
 out of the channel of the Mississip|)i, but coiisii- 
 tulional enough to erect a light-house over every 
 snag from the Falls of St. Anthony to the Balize, 
 to show the mariner where the danger lurks. 
 With another, it is unconstitutional for Congress 
 to make appropriations to internal improvements, 
 but quite constitutional to pass the land distribu- 
 tion bill which received the sanction of this House 
 the other day, by which GO.OOU.OOO of acres of 
 the public lands are divided among all the States, 
 except Texas, for the purpose of internal improve- 
 ments — a fund more than sufllcient to construct a 
 railroad to the Pacific, and which will be squan- 
 dered as was the distribution fund of 1837. Those 
 gentlemen who would think it monstrous to vote 
 for the erection of poor-houses in the States find 
 no difficulty in voting as a gratuity a form to every 
 man in the country, rich or poor, who is not at 
 present the owner of land, whereljy the whole 
 land revenue, amounting to millions a year, is alto- 
 gether destroyed for an indefinite period. And 
 even the Roman virtues of the sturdiest declaimer 
 about economy and the Public Treasury melt like 
 snow in a July sun before the potent influence of 
 a bounty land bill, altliough it will dissipate in 
 land and money nearly one hundred millions of 
 the public resources, about two thirds of which 
 go into the coffers of land-jobbers and Wall street 
 brokers, instead of the pockets of the soldier. I 
 observe, sir, that most subjects are constitutional 
 which bear directly upon the local sufl'rage, but a 
 great national measure must run the gauntlet of all 
 sorts of captious and line-spun constitutional argu- 
 ment. 
 
 Sir, we need no better illustration of the fact 
 than the steam-mail service and the steam-mail 
 navy. It is said that the Collins line is a monop- 
 oly. A monopoly is defined to be " the exclusive 
 right of the buying, selling, making, or using of 
 anything." It is said by a great English jurist 
 that, " every monopoly has three inseparable inci- 
 dents — the raising of the price, the deterioration 
 of the commodity, and the impoverishment of 
 artificers and others." It would be difficult to 
 bring the Collins line within any of these defi- 
 nitions. It has not the exclusive right of car- 
 rying even the mails. It has not the exclusive 
 right of any species of freight, which is as open 
 to free competition now as formerly. It has, 
 however, the merit of having broken up the mo- 
 nopoly of the Cunard line, both as to the mails 
 and the lighter species of freight. And when we 
 see these mighty steamers outstripping the Eng- 
 lish, and everything else upon the ocean, no one 
 can say that the " commodity" has been greatly 
 deteriorated. Such, certainly, is not the opinion 
 of the Cunarders. And I trust it will not ruin 
 that class of American artificers who have con- 
 structed the engines of those mighty leviathans 
 of ocean speed, and who are an honor not only to 
 our country, but the age in which they live. Sir, 
 the construction and navigation of these steamers 
 
10 
 
 has injured no class of American artificers, and j 
 no American sliipping interest. Where is the ' 
 rival American line to be injured? Its whole eflect 
 has been to destroy English monopoly and suprem- 
 acy in steam ocean navigation. 
 
 Gentlemen need not raise the clap-trap cry of | 
 protective policy. I shall vote to protect this great 
 national interest whenever it can be done without 
 creating a charge on the Treasury, or imposing 
 any tax upon the industry or produrtion of the , 
 community. In the present case I feel confident 
 that the postage will, in the end, meet the full • 
 amount of the appropriation; and it has been 
 demonstrated that by a reduction of freights on 
 exports and imporis, as well as on foreign letters, j 
 the Collins line has been a great benefit to all 
 classes of the community. It is not that protec- i 
 tion which levies a duty upon any article of con- j 
 sumption, or excludes it from importation, for the j 
 benefit of some home producer. 
 
 I am unable to perceive the force of the reason- 
 ing which is urged against this measure in a finan- ' 
 cial point of view. It appears that, for the two 
 years during which the contract for mail service ! 
 with the Collins line has been in force, after de- ! 
 ducting the amount of postage received from the ! 
 amount paid Collins for the transportation of the [ 
 mail, the charge on the Treasury is only about 
 §128,000 a year. The increase of the amount of 
 postage of the second over the first year was j 
 jjlS3,734. The amount of postage received in 
 
 1851 was $.14.3,641 j 
 
 Assume a like increase for 1852 of. 183,734 
 
 Makes for 1852 the sum of $527,375 
 
 A.ssunie a like increase for 1853 of. 183,734 
 
 Makes the amount in 1853 $711,109 
 
 for twenty trips. If twenty trips produce this ! 
 amount, the increase to twenty-six trips, as pro- ; 
 nosed, will produce for 1853 the sum of $924,441. I 
 It will thus pay a revenue to the Government; for I 
 the whole amount proposed to be appropriated for 
 the twenty-six trips a ye:ir, is $8.")S,()00. This , 
 estimate is reasonable. It goes on the ground of ' 
 an increase for two years equal to that of 1K51. , 
 If the steamers were kept on the line I believe the 
 increase would occur without the additional trips; 
 certainly with them, for it will be perceived the' 
 estimate goes upon the ground of a like increase, ' 
 and not u|ion thatof a proportioned increase, which ' 
 would be much greater in amount. Appearances 
 go to assure us that we are to have a large aug- 
 mentation, not only of business, but of immigra- j 
 tion, which must increase correspondence, and j 
 consequently the mail pay. I 
 
 The United Service Journal, for 1851, estimates 
 the emigration from Europe to America at 1,000' 
 per day. Recent estimates place it at 500,000 a |' 
 year. The same journal states that passage money ' 
 alone is a [irofitable trade for ship-owners, inde- | 
 
 [)endent of<-»rrying freight. This latter fact shows [[ 
 low important it is that American vessels should ' 
 be prepared to participate in this trade. But let : 
 UH reflect on the immense corresjiondence which j 
 this emigration must produce. The emigration • 
 and travel, taken together, cannot be less than ' 
 51)0,000 n year. Suppose those persons write and j 
 receive one letter each per year, at the present rate , 
 of postage, (IG cents,) it will produce.. .§100,000 
 We may safely eslimute that there are | 
 
 in this country 5,000,000 European 
 emigrants, who will write and receive 
 each two letters a year, which, at the 
 same rate, will be 3,200,000 
 
 Making an aggregate letter postage of. .$3,360,000 
 
 Under our postal treaty, half will belong to the 
 United States, if our steamers make equal trips 
 and carry an equal amount of letters, $1,680,000 
 per annum. 
 
 If our steamers, under the present system, 
 have not produced a proportional part of thissum, 
 it is because they have not performed half the 
 service which would entitle the Government to 
 claim half the mail pay. And there is still an- 
 other and stronger reason: A large portion of the 
 letters are carried by private conveyance, at less 
 charge or no charge, wliich ought to be remedied 
 by legislation, as recommended by the Postmaster 
 General. The abuse could easily be arrested; and 
 even if the rate of postage was reduced, the in- 
 creased correspondence would prevent a reduction 
 of the revenue. 
 
 By the terms of the amendment, the Govern- 
 ment has a right to terminate the service after 
 1854, and it is quite certain that, by that time, the 
 postages will be equal to the mail pay. But, if it 
 should still be a charge of $12S,O0U per year upon 
 the Treasury, it would be economy to keep the 
 line up; for if you let it go down, then the British 
 steamers will carry the mail at their own price; — 
 no doubt double the postage you now pay the Amer- 
 ican steamers. Nor does it seem to me that this is 
 an extravagant compensation. The English Gov- 
 ernment now pay their own, (the Cunard line,) 
 $856,820, which is very near the sum embraced in 
 the proposition to the American line. There is 
 no doubt the British Government would rejoice to 
 see the American steamers go outof tlie trade, for 
 in the six years previous to the establishment of 
 the American line, the Cunard paid that Govern- 
 ment, in postage, the sum of $5,286,800 as a clear 
 profit, according to the statement of the able re- 
 port of Senator Rusk. Sound economy, there- 
 fore, to the American Government, requires that 
 the American mail steamers to England shall be 
 continued and sustained. 
 
 That national policy dictates to us to support our 
 system of mail steamers, which can be converted 
 into efficient war steamers, cannot admit of a rea- 
 sonable doubt. The opinion is now universal, 
 that steam has produced a complete revolution in 
 naval warfare. This condition of things forces 
 upon us the necessity of an increase of our steam 
 naval marine, unless we intend to surrender our 
 position upon the ocean as a naval Power. There 
 IS no alternative. 
 
 According to the United Service Journal of 1850, 
 the English have 70 lineof-battle ships, 63 frigates, 
 117 corvettes, brigs, and smaller vessels. They had 
 at that time 150 steam war vessels, and 1,184 
 merchant steamers,and 40,000 seamen in the Navy. 
 It is said the English now have 320 war steamers, 
 including mail steamers, carrying ],. 520 guns. The 
 French have 224 sailing vessels, 100 war steamers, 
 and 291 merchant steamers, and 21, 000 seamen in 
 the Navy. It is said that a large portion of those 
 English and French war steamei-s could be armed 
 and made available for war purposes. The Uni- 
 ted Slates have 16 regular war steamers, and 24 
 mail steamers, 40 in all, carrying 73 guns. 
 
11 
 
 This state of things cannot be permitted to re- 
 main, unless we intend to abandon our commerce, 
 'now the first in the world in pointof marine ton- 
 nage, to the mercy, not only of our own enemies, 
 but to that of European belligerents, in case of 
 another general war. We must increase our steam 
 navy; we have too much at stake, not only of for- 
 eign commerce, but coastwise trade, along this ex- 
 tended country, to neglect longer this great national 
 necessity. Our force need not be near as large as 
 that of England or France^ but we cannot, with 
 safety, permit the continuance of the present dis- 
 proportion. 
 
 Tviro methods, then, are presented to us, by 
 which we may supply this national want. First, 
 by building war-steamers by the Government, to 
 be placed at once in the Navy, and used exclu- 
 sively for naval purposes. This would involve a 
 heavy expense to the Treasury, without any di- 
 rect aid to the commerce and business of the coun- 
 try. The other method is that of contracting to 
 carry the mails, in steamers so constructed as to 
 be well adapted for war and naval purposes, and 
 easily converted into war steamers, when required 
 for that purpose, and liable to be taken, at any 
 time, by the Government, on the payment of their 
 appraised value, as all the present contracts pro- 
 vide. This is undoubtedly the cheapest system, 
 and has the great merit of aiding commerce, facili- 
 tating emigration, and contributing to build up 
 and increase the general lousiness of the country. 
 We have now, on the different lines, twenty-four 
 mail war steamers, (if I may so express myself,) 
 which we might, at any time, if we chose, place 
 in the Navy, by paying their appraised value. 
 These vessels have cost nearly $10,000,000. The 
 Government has paid to them, for the transporta- 
 tion of the mails, over and above the postages re- 
 ceived from the lines, thesum of $1,534,158. Had 
 these steamers been donated to the Government, 
 ready mounted with guns for sea, it would, by 
 estimation, have cost nearly double that sum to 
 have preserved them in the navy-yards for the 
 same length of time. It would have cost the Gov- 
 ernment $10,000,000 to $15,000,000 to have kept 
 them in commission and actual service. 
 
 It should also be recollected that the postage is 
 constantly increasing on these steamboat lines, 
 and that the chance is that in the end they will be 
 very little charge to the Treasury. 
 
 The Collins line of steamers have had a very 
 important effect in another respect, which is 
 worth more to the country than all we have paid, 
 or shall pay, if the compensation is increased as 
 proposed. Since they came into the trade, freights 
 between New York and Liverpool have been 
 reduced from £1 10s. to £A per ton — nearly one 
 half in the rate of compensation. The effect of 
 this reduction upon the great staples of the coun- 
 try, and especially upon the production of cotton, 
 rice, and tobacco, is immense. It involves not 
 only the profits of these pursuits, but in some 
 sections, the capacity to * ontinue their growth 
 and production for export. There is scarcely 
 anything more advantageous to American agri- 
 cultural industry than cheap freights. This 
 country is a great exporter of raw materials, and 
 an extensive importer of manufactured goods. 
 Low freights, therefore, are of vast national im- 
 portance to our producing class throughout the 
 whole Union. Especially are low freights import- 
 
 ant to the South, and the producers of Southern 
 staples. The rate of freight generally settles the 
 question of loss or profit to the cotton grower. 
 
 The support of the Collins line, therefore, is not 
 a mere local question. It is of direct interest to 
 every man who grows a bale of cotton, or con- 
 sumes a pound of foreign goods or produce. The 
 subject of cheap freights is also one of vital im- 
 portance to the great Southwest and Northwest. 
 It is to ■determine whether corn, flour, and other 
 provisions can be exported to Europe to any great 
 extent for a series of years, when the crops are 
 not short on the other side of the Atlantic. It in- 
 volves the question of cheap bread to the toiling 
 and starving millions of the Old World, in exchange 
 for clothing for the men of the New. It is a ques- 
 tion of no ordinary moment to both, and espe- 
 cially to the producers and exportersof provisions 
 in tiie Western States. Let their Representatives 
 look to it. As soon as the Collins line is with- 
 drawn, the Cunarders will restore freights to the 
 price they bore previous t^ the competition created 
 by the American steamer^. 
 
 Not only is the South especially interested in 
 this subject, as a question of freight, but in the 
 continuance of the system, as it affects her own 
 commerce and navigation. There is no doubt that 
 the great Eastern cities, if the British Government 
 did not interpose to support English competition, 
 might establish and maintain a line of steamers to 
 Liverpool. But the Southern cities have not, at 
 present, sufficient commerce to enable them to 
 sustain any line of steamers to a foreign port with- 
 out the mail pay of the Government. Two or 
 three Southern lines have been projected of great 
 importance to the country, if they can be sus- 
 tained. I allude especially to the one from New 
 Orleans to Vera Cruz, and from some Southern 
 port to the mouth of the Amazon. 
 
 I also regard a steam connection between Cali- 
 fornia and China as a great national dcsideralum, 
 indispensable to give to this country the mastery 
 over Asiatic trade and commerce. If we neglect 
 this great interest, the British Government will at 
 once monopolize it. And it is because that Gov- 
 ernment is aiding English steam navigation and 
 capital on an extensive scale, that the American 
 Government ought to counteract its efforts on this 
 continent, and in the Asiatic trade, by sustaining 
 American enterprise, when it can do so without 
 any considerable charge on the Treasury. Let us 
 sustain our own steamships, wherever the mails 
 will re''und the outlay. 
 
 It has been urged that these mail steamers are 
 not adapted to war purposes. But the whole 
 weight of the testimony of the officers of the 
 Navy goes to show that they can be converted 
 into war steamers without an)'' great delay or ex- 
 pense, and be made to answer a valuable purpose. 
 It is true they say that these vessels would not be 
 equal to steamers originally constructed for that 
 purpose. But these professional opinions are to 
 be taken with certain grains of allowance. It is 
 natural that officers in the Navy should desire the 
 Government to build and own their own steam 
 navy, disconnected with commerce and the mails. 
 They, however, all agree that these steamers 
 would answer a valuable purpose in case of war, 
 if they were properly equipped with necessary bat- 
 teries. Such is the opinion of Commodore Perry, 
 Commodore Skinner, and others. They agree 
 
12 
 
 that tliese steamers nre strong enough to carry 
 lieavy guns, and the necessary armament. A 
 shot tliat would disable a Collins steamer would 
 have the like eflect upon any regular war steamer 
 in the Navy. Neither are shot proof. Tiie truth 
 IS, that if war steamers of the first class cannot he 
 furnisiied in this way, they cannot be built in the 
 Navy. Tlie plans and specifications have been 
 furnished by the Naval Bureau. The ships have 
 been constructed under the supervision of officers 
 of the Navy; and the law requires that tliey 
 should not be accepted unless fit to be readily 
 converted into war steamers. If, therefore, tliey 
 are not fit for that purpose, it is because the otn- 
 cers of the Navy are wanting either in capacity or 
 fidelity to the Government. Moreover, it is well 
 known that a war steamer cannot be wholly con- 
 structed in our navy-yards. They have not 
 been furnished with the shops necessary to make 
 the machinery. If we are to build steamers in 
 our own yards to any extent, we ought first to 
 
 Erepare the shops required for that purpose. The 
 uilding a steamer in the Navy is the work of 
 years, altogether too slow to furnish vessels for 
 an emergency. 
 
 It has been alleged that the necessary strength 
 required for a first-rate war steamer could not be 
 given to a mail steamer without impairing her 
 speed. But this is no answer. The slight gain 
 in speed is not important anywhere except on the 
 New York and Liverpool line, and that is already 
 supplied, or will be, by the Collins boats. The 
 English officers agree that the mail steamers are 
 equal toany for war purposes, if strengthened fore 
 and aft. Whatever may be the difTerence of opin- 
 ion as to the success of the first experiment, there 
 is no doubt that the mail steamers can be made 
 equal to any for war purposes, as well as a war 
 steamer can be made to carry mails. There is no 
 impossibility in the thing, and confessedly no 
 great difficulty. There is no necessity of sacri- 
 ficing strength to sneed. There is one great advan- 
 tage in requiring these vessels to be made strong 
 enough for vessels-of-war. It is the greater dura- 
 bility, and security for life and property. The 
 ocean steamers constructed under these contracts 
 have been free from those disastrous accidents so 
 destructive to life and property in ordinary steam 
 navigation. 
 
 There are other reasons for adopting this sys- 
 tem of mail steamers, convertible into vessels-of- 
 war. The service of ocean steam navigation is 
 yet in its infancy. Improvements are constantly 
 ueing made in the model and construction of this 
 class of vessels. If, therefore, the Government 
 were to expend several millions at this lime in the 
 construction ofsteamers, the probability is that they ^ 
 would prove useless before we should have occa- ' 
 sion for them in any actual war. Such is the | 
 progress in this branch of service, that, in all prob- 
 ability, it would be necessary to throw aside 
 steamers that would be built at this time, and 
 adiipt others, in order to keep pace with the prog- | 
 re.HS of improvement in steam navigation. Such 
 superannuated ships would result in a great loss 
 to the Goverinncnt. But the same extent of loss < 
 could not occur, if these experiments are made by ' 
 private builder.s, because they could adajit their 
 old models to some useful service in the merchant 
 marine, which would avoid any great sacrifice. I 
 But a still more cogent reason why uur peace i 
 
 establishment for war steamers should, for the 
 present, be in the merchant service, is, that, in all 
 probability, should the Government go to the ex- 
 pense of placing a number of these ships in the 
 regularNavy, they would rot, or be destroyed by 
 worms, before we should have a war, or any ur- 
 gent necessity to place them in commission. It is 
 ^ estimated that a war steamer will not do good ser- 
 vice, as a war vessel, longer than ten years. Al- 
 ■ though liable to that calamity, it is not probable 
 that we shall have a war with any naval Power in 
 the next ten years. 
 
 Why, then, should we sink a large amount of 
 Government c;ipitul in naval steamers, when we 
 can be prepared for an emergency by the system of 
 mail steamers, which are all the time building 
 up. and extending our foreign and domestic com- 
 merce? Why not make this system of defenses 
 contribute to the general wealth and prosperity of 
 the country.' 
 
 Until very recently, the side-wheel has been the 
 decided favorite in die propulsion of steam ves- 
 sels. Some recent exjieriments go to prove that 
 the screw-propeller is a'jout to divide steam navi- 
 gation with it. There is every probability now 
 that steam and sails are about to be so combined 
 by the screw-propeller, that it will not be necessary 
 to use steam when the winds are fair for sails. 
 Several recent English and American experiments 
 go very far to establish this fact. A vessel of this 
 character can be navigated at much less expense 
 than the side-wheel steamers. The estimate of 
 the English and American engineers is: that the 
 screw steamship will not consume quite half as 
 much coal, when steam is resorted to, as the side- 
 wheel steamer. It is asserted that the screw ship^ 
 in order to make good time, need not use steam 
 for more than one fifth of tlie time; whereas the 
 side-wheel vessel must use it all the voyage in 
 order to make any speed. It has been shown in 
 the English service, that the screw vessel can 
 carry a full broadside, which can never be mounted 
 on a side-wheel steamer. It is, therefore, no doubt, 
 a superior war vessel on that account, as well as 
 for its much greater economy. The English are 
 using them as mail steamers; and it ought to be 
 the object of the Government to test them in the 
 regular Navy as well as in the mail service, which 
 may easily be done by inviting bids to carry the 
 mails in this class t)f vessels. 
 
 I confess, for one, that I do not desire to see the 
 regular peace establishmeiU of the Army and Navy 
 increased to any greater extent, unless it shall be 
 absolutely necessary. In the first establishment, 
 we ought to rely on the militia as far as possible; 
 and in the other, upun the merchant marine, 
 wherever it can be made to ansv.er the purpose of 
 national defense. If it can be etfected, let a large 
 portion of the naval peace establishment belong 
 to the States in the merchant marine. I ilo not 
 desire to see the sumding Army of this Govern- 
 ment increased. In in my estimation, there is no 
 wisdom in increasing Me Feder.il jrower of this 
 Government. If we needed any proof that the 
 danger of standing armies, and regular establish- 
 ments, is as great now as it ever was, the recent 
 example of I''ranrc furnishes an instructive les- 
 s>)n. Mr. Ma<-aulay, in his I listm-y of England, 
 has made a profound observation on the compar- 
 ative power of the people to resist government in 
 the Middle Ages, and at the present time. He 
 
13 
 
 shows, that while there was little personal prop- 
 erty, it was easy for the baron to gather his re- 
 tainers about him, and resist government for a 
 time without leaving behind any lasting evidence 
 of the ravages of war. But in this age, with its 
 advance in civilization and wealth, its vast accu- 
 mulation of personal property, resistance to an 
 organized government is a fearful enterprise; and 
 
 concludes by saying that a civil war in England 
 at this tune, of even short duration, would be felt 
 for an age, from the Thames to the Hoangho and 
 the Missouri Sir, property and capital are pro- 
 verbially timid, and it is the tendency of the n-^e 
 to submit to oppression rather than encounter tL 
 fearful hazard of civil war, and the consequences 
 ot even successful revolutions. 
 
146 
 
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