1*^ .» • • ' v<^^ "0>/ *^ ♦ • • .\_ ^^^ ...... %*^ ' .^' 'bv" ■■ ** .* • .>.V^'. X/" .•'^■•: " %/ ' ;^^"t X/ ^oV" o_ * ,-. '^^O^ o^ ^. ••-»' ,V J.^ IPSWICH IN THE ]\LASSACHUSET TS BAY COLON!" PART I. HISTORICAL A 'history of the town from 1633 TO 1700, CONTAINING THE LETTERS OF MAJOR SAMUEL APPLETON, LISTS OF SlOLDIERS IN THE INDIAN WARS, RECORDS AND DEPOSITIONS OF THE USURPATION PERIOD, AND FACSIMILES OF ANCIENT DOCUMENTS, BEARING MANY AUTOGRAPHS OF THE EARLY SETTLERS PART II. HOUSES AND LANDS AN ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGINAL GRANTS OF HOUSE LOTS AND THE SUCCESSIVE OWNERS OF LANDS AND HOUSES, TO THE PRESENT TIME, ILLUSTRATED WITH DIAGRAMS, ANCIENT MAPS, AND PHOTOGRAPHS OF MANY ANCIENT HOUSES SEVEN APPENDICES By Thomas Franklin Waters President of the Ipswich Historical Society The Ipswich Historical Society ipswich, mass. 1905 ,I6W3 Bl 5BRARY or nONGRESS I T\»u QopiBs rtaceivot AUG 30 1906 Sooyrmni cnu-> Copyridht, 1905. UY Thomas Franklin WATf;Rs. Salem press: The Salem Press Co., Salbm. Mass. PREFACE. In the preface of his History of England, Macaulay observed : ' ' I shall cheerfully bear the reproach of having descended below the dignity of history, if I can succeed in placing before the English of the nineteenth century a true picture of the life of their ancestors." My own aim and method in the writing of this book could not be described more fitly. I have tried to tell, accurately but in readable fashion, the story of the builders of our Town: their homes and home life, their employments, their Sabbath keeping, their love of learning, their administration of Town affairs, their stern delusions, and their heroism, in War and in resistance to Tyranny. The seventeenth century was a brilliant and thrilling period in Ipswich history, and it seemed best to me to consider it some- what at length, and to close my historical study with the end of that century rather than to attempt a briefer summary of the complete history of the Town. If this work finds favor, I shall begin at once to gather material for another volume, in which the historical and topographical studies will be carried on to completion. No attempt has been made to construct a genealogical appendix. The magnitude of the undertaking, properly carried out, seemed too great, and the forthcoming i)ublication of the Vital Statistics of the Town, by the Essex Institute, renders it unnecessary. In Part Two, however, a topographical study has been made, from the beginning to the present generation- Nearly two thousand citations from the County Records have been carefully verified, and the likelihood of error has been reduced to the lowest possible degree. (iii) IV PREFACE. I wish to acknowledge my great indebtedness to the late Daniel Fuller Appleton Esq. for the original incentive to this work, and for his constant and substantial encouragement. 1 am indebted as well to Mr. Francis R. Apj^leton, Mr. John B. Brown, Mr. Charles A. Campbell, Mr. Moritz B. Philipp, Mr. Charles H. Tweed, and Capt. Augustus P. Gardner for valuable assistance. Mr. Robert Dudley Winthrop of New York gener- ously contributed a now photograph from the original portrait of John Winthro)) Jr., now in his possession, and the Essex Inslit uto of Salem kindly allowed tlic use of ancient maps. Mr. Jolin W. Nourse has contributed greatly to the interest and value of the topographical studies by his skilful diagrams. Ipswich, June, 1UU5. T. F. W. CONTENTS. PART I. PAGE CHAPTER I. Primeval Agawam, 1 CHAPTER II. The Coming of the English, 7 CHAPTER III. Homes and Dress, 21 CHAPTER IV. Some Notable Settlers, 45 CHAPTER V. The Development of our Town Government, . . 56 CHAPTER- VI. Common Lands and Commonage, 68 CHAPTER VII. Trades and Employments, 75 CHAPTER VIII. The Body Politic, 87 CHAPTER IX. The Sabbath and the Meeting House, 107 CHAPTER X. The Early Military Annals, 119 CHAPTER XL The Charter in Peril, 128 CHAPTER XII. The Grammar School and Harvard College, . . 146 (V) VI CONTENTS. PAGE CHAPTER XIII. King Philip's War, 159 CHAPTER XIV. Ipswich and the Andros Government, .... 225 CHAPTER XV. Laws and Courts, 274 CHAPTER XVI. Witchcraft, 287 CHAPTER XVII. War of William and Mary and other Indian Troubles, 301 PART II. Houses and Lands, 317 APPENDIX A. Names of the First Settlers, 490 APPENDIX B. Some Early Inventories, 495 APPENDIX C. Letters of Rev. Nathaniel Ward, 504 APPENDIX D. Dr. Giles Firmin's Letters, 508 APPENDIX E. Letters OF Samuel Symonds, 511 APPENDIX F. A Valedictory and Monitory Writing by Sarah Goodhue, 519 APPENDIX G. The Narrative of Rev. John Wise, 525 Index, 539 LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGK 'Portrait of John Winthrop Jr., . . . fronti.'^jiiece, Map op New England from Hubbard's History op THE Indian Wars in New England 7 ^ The original deed of Mttsconominet, 9 J Facsimile of petition of remonstrance against the departure of John Winthrop Jr., 50- vi Monument with tablets near the Meeting House of I the South Church, •'>4 r Home of Ma.ior Samitel Appleton, 224- 'J. Home of Rev. John Wise, Essex, built in 1703, . . 271 "i Grave of Rev. John Wise, Essex, 271 ^ Diagram No. 1, 319 n/ Whipple House, the home of the Ipswich Historical ; Society, rear view, 325 Whipple House, end view, 327 { Diagram No. 2, 338 4 Map of 1717 (A), 343 I Col. John Appleton house, 344 i Map of 1717 (B), 349 "' The Caleb Lord house 355. The John Caldwell house, 355 ■i Facsimile of petition of citizens against Corporal John Andrews, 360 ^ Rev. Nathaniel Rogers house, 385 Diagram No. 3, 386 - Capt. Matthew Perkins house, 389 H The Hovey house, 389 ^ The Meeting House Green, 422 V The Stone Bridge, 1764, 443 ■ Diagram No. 4, 445 Col. Samuel Appleton house, 446 The Ross Tavern, 446 Andrew Burley hoxtse, 458 : Dr. Joseph Manning hottsb, 458 / Dr. Philemon Dean house, used as a Lace Factory, 1824-1827, 460 / Dea. Thomas Norton hou.se, 468 / "Dutch's house," 473, ' Col. Nathaniel Wade house, 473 n/ Diagram No. 5, 477 ^ The Howard house, 481 \j Plan of Ipswich Village, 489 PART I HISTORICAL I CHAPTER I. PRIMEVAL AGAWAM. The long, simple, uneventful ages of the wilderness period that ended when the white man came, nuist ever remain too dim, shadowy and ghost-like to be subjected to the historian's rigid method. But a fine sense of justice to the unnumbered generations of Indian men and women, that preceded our own ancestors in ownership, as truly men and women as ourselves, however rude or cruel, compels us not to ignore their unre- corded history, but to construct it as best we can. In many localities they have left enduring memorials of their presence and the manner of their life. On the sandy tract sheltered by forest, bordering the way to Pine Swamp, where arrow heads innumerable have been found, and the ground is still strewed with chips struck off by their cunning hands, we can believe they made their winter home, and spent many an hour in fashioning their implements for the chase and for agri- culture, their arrows and spears, axes and hoes. That level field by the Lower Falls, now included in the County House grounds, must have been occupied for generations and centuries as a compact village of bark-covered wigwams. Here and there upon Eagle Hill and Jeffrey's Neck, and all the fields skirting the river on either bank and near the beaches, the abundant shell heaps, rich in debris of early ages, attest their presence. How vivid the ancient village life becomes as we burrow into these simple cairns ! Here are the very stones, blackened and chipped, and the charcoal of the camp fire. Near by, the black, grimy wigwam stood. Hither the warriors brought the bear, deer or beaver, their skill in arms had given them. Soon with their stone knives they have skinned and dismembered it roughly, and a feast is prepared, to which we arc not drawn, for their cookery (1) 2 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. was of the simplrst, fingers and teeth were not nsecl daintily, and cleanliness was not a virtue. Anon,we see them at their toil. The skins are smoothed and cured and reserved for robes, or divested of hair, softened and shred into strips for bow-strings and strong cords for fishing or domestic use; or cut and shaped and sewed skilfully to make them garments, squaw work, we presume, carried on most industriously, with sleek little pap- pooses slung up in the bushes near by, and naked children play- ing their rude games. Here are the very smooth stones, and bone awls and needles which they lost or left behind long years ago. Here, too, are the fragments of the clay dishes and bowls used in their housekeeping, skilfully fashioned and ornamented . Their stone pestles, gouges, axes ami hoes, tell of rude agricul- ture in the fields adjoining, toilsome carpentry anil deadly fights with other tribes. Now and then, one of these cairns tells a more thrilling tale. On the seaward side of Treadwell's Island a large and deep de- posit of shells, patiently examined, has yielded abundant re- turns. No less than foiu* feet of shells of the clam, oyster and mussel indicate a prolonged occupation of this site as a village. Mingled with these are bones, large enough to belong to the larg- est game, teeth of the beaver and the bear, vertebrae of large fish, the coals of the fires, and circles of stones. But the gruesome remains are the human bones, not laid in order as for burial, but broken and scattered and mixed with shells, and the bones of the head crushed and juml)lcd together in a little heap as though they had been cooked in some primitive kettle and thrown out in a mass — traces of a horrid feast on human flesh, we think though no other suggestion of such appetite has before been dis- covered. It is the body of some dreaded foe, perhaps, slain at last and now ignominiously consumed ; or can it be, that some living man was tortured here, while the wilderness round rang with the shouts of the torturers, though he scorned to give one dying groan before his bones were torn asunder? Some rods back from the highway at the Village, on the farm of John W. Nourse, a few years ago, the ploughshare disclosed a cache of finely fashioned stone spearheads, some forty or more, the buried treasure, perchance, of an Indian brave, or some armorer of the centuries past. PRIMEVAL AGAWAM. 3 Save for these remains, scant in variety, though wondrously abundant in quantity, this ancient people has passed away hke a dream. Not even their bones are left. Now and then, indeed, a solitary skeleton has been discovered; but where are the re- mains of the hundreds and thousands who dwelt here, who died in childhood and youth as well as mature age? Record re- mains, of a consuming pestilence that raged among them in 1616-17 and swept away full nine-tenths of their numbers. That pestilence, which reduced the red men of Eastern Massa- chusetts to a handful, broke their pride and made them the victims of the strong Tarratines of the Maine coast, seems a providential factor in the planting of the English settlement. Save for this the little group at Plymouth and the feeble com- panies of the later Colony might have been annihilated by the forest peoples. These strong children of Nature died tliat the more delicate pale face might live; but deep pathos attaches to the thought of the destruction of a whole nation by loathsome disease, which filled the land with gloom and strewed the earth with unburied corpses. But a knell of doom, surer than the pestilence, was sounded when the first white man amazed them by his appearance, and when William Jeffrey bargained with them for a trifle for what we still call Jeffrey's Neck, and John Winthrop purchased the fair, broad fields of their cherished Agawam for £20. They were doomed to disappear; but before they vanished there came ob- serving men who were interested enough in these rude people to describe them as they saw and knew them, when their primitive modes of life were just feeling the influence of higher civiliza- tion. The excellent Francis Higginson, pastor at Salem, described their personal appearance as early as 1629. "They area tall and strong-limned people, their colours are tawney, they goe naked, save only they are in part covered with beasts' skins on one of their shoulders and wear something before them." "Their haire is generally black and cut before like our gentle- women, and one lock longer than the rest much like to our gentlemen, which fashion I think came from hence into Eng- land." Thomas Lechford writingin 1641, completes the story of their 4 IP.SWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. hair dressing, by informing us that they wore the long lock on the side of their heads and "weave feathers of peacock and such like, and red cloth or ribbands at their locks, beads of wanipum- peage about their necks, and a girdle of the same two fingers Ijroad about the loins." "Some of the chief men wear pendents of wampum in their ears, and the women, some of the chief, have fair bracelets and chains of wampum." "John Jossclyn, Gentleman," as he subscribes himself, v(>n- tured from England in two voyages to these shores in 1638 and in 1663. He wrote a narrative which is not always judicious and trustworthy, as may be seen from his descriptions of the moose as an animal with huge horns, "the tips whereof are some- times found to be two fathom asunder, " "and in height from the toe of the foi efoot to the pitch of the shoulder, twelve; foot, both which," he naively observes, "have been taken by some of my scepti(iue Readers to be monstrous Lyes. " He says he has seen radishes, too, as big as a man's arm, and hens, with spurs like a cock, that crew often. Subtracting our grain of allowance from our Munchausen's tale, we still find much that is credible and vivid in Josselyn's record. The Indians but rarely wore beards, he informs us. "Their teeth are very white, short and even. They account them the most necessary and best parts of a man. " Their noses were inclined to flatness, yet their appearance was prepossessing. They were "of a disposition, " he adds, "very inconstant, crafty, timorous, quick of apprehension, and very ingenious, soon angry and so malicious that they seldom forget an injury, and barbarously cruel, witness their direful revenges upon one an- other; all of them cannibals, eaters of human flesh." This ex- treme statement, which he substantiates by the tale of cruel maiming, joint by joint, and burning with hot embers, of two Mohawk Indians while he was in this country, until the agony was finished by tearing out the heart, which was bitten into by every old Squaw, finds confirmation in the Treadwell's island cairn. Their wigwams built of poles, he describes, as generally round, but sometimes square. Leaving a hole at the top for the smoke, "the rest they cover with the bark of trees, and line the inside of their wigwams with mats made of rushes, painted with PRIMEVAL AGAWAM. 5 several colors. Round by the walls they spread their mats and skins where the men sleep, whilst their women dress their victuals . They have commonly two doors, one opening to the South, the other to the North, and according as the wind sets they close one door with bark and hang a deer's skin of the like before the other." Daniel Gookin's painstaking "Historical Collections of the Indians of New England " of the date 1674 give us light as to the cooking utensils. "The pots, they seeth their food in, which were heretofore and yet are in use among some of them, are made of clay [or earth, almost in the form of an egg, the top taken off; but now they generally get kettles of lirass, copper, iron, as the clay or earth they were made of, was very scarce and dear. Their dishes and spoons and ladles are made of wood, very smooth and artificial. Their pails to fetch water in are made of birch-bark. Some of their baskets are made of rushes, some of bents, others of maize husks, others of a kind of silk grass, others of a kind of wild hemp, and some of barks of trees, many of them very neat and artificial with the portrait- ures of birds, beasts, fishes, and flowers upon them in colours. Also they make mats of several sorts for covering their houses and doors, and to sleep and sit on. The baskets and mats are always made by their women, their dishes, pots, and spoons are the manufacture of the men." A scouting party of the Pilgrims discovered within a sand heap "a fine great new basket full of very fair corn of this year, with some six and thirty goodly ears of corn, some yellow, and some red, and others with mixed lilue. The basket was round and narrow at the top. It held about three or four bushels, and was very handsomely and cunningly made." Birch-bark furnished material for their canoes, as well, which were so light that a man could easily carry one a mile, and yet large enough sometimes to transport ten or twelve savages at once. William Wood records that they also made canoes of pine trees, which "they burned hollow, scraping them smooth with clam shells and oyster shells, cutting their outsides with stone hatchets ; these boats be not above a foot and a half or two foot wide, and twenty foot long." The century was well gone, in 1G85, when the bookpeddler 6 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. John Dunton came to Ipswich, with his stock of books and im- proved the opportunity to go to Wonasquam, an Indian village, "after a long and difficult ramble. " On the way he found some Indians, with faces blackened with soot, who rather alarmed him, though their greeting, Aseowequassummis, which was being interpreted, "Good morrow to you," relieved his fears. They were in mourning for a dead chief and they buried him that night. Dunton remained and made a note of the funeral ceremony. "First the gravest among them wound up and prepared the deafl body for the coffin; when the mourners came to the grave they laid the body by the grave's mouth, and then all the Indians sat down and lamented, and I observed tears to run down the cheeks of the oldest among them, as well as from little children. "After the dead body was laid in the grave (and in some parts some of their goods are cast in with them), they then made a second great lamentation. Upon the grave they spread the mat that the deceased died on, the dish he eat in, and two of the Iiidians hung a fair coat of skin upon the next tree to the grave, which none will touch, but suffer it there to rot with the dead." Map of New England from Hubbard's History of the Indian Wars in New England. CHAPTER II. THE COMING OF THE ENGLISH. Just when and whore the first white man stepped upon the shores of Agawani we may not hope to discover. As earlj- as 1G08, as Captain John Smith mentions in his History of Vir- ginia, Captain HaHow, Master of the ship Ordnance, touched here, wliile on a voyage in the interest of an English company, which inchided John Popham, Lord Chief Justice of England, to the grant it had obtained about the Kennebec. But one item of that visit has been preserved, — "the people at Agawam used them kindly." Smith, himself, landed here in 1614, and sa)^s of Augoan, as he calls it, "this place might content a right curious judgement; but there are many sands at the entrance of the Harbour, and the worst is, it is iml^ayed too farre from the deepe sea. Here are many rising hills, and on their tops and descents are many corne fields, and delightfuU groves. On the East is an Isle of two or three leagues in length ; the one half plaine marish ground, fit for pasture, or salt ponds, with many faire high groves of mulberry trees and gardens. There is also C)kes, Pines, Walnuts and other wood to make this place an excellent habitation, being a good and safe harbor." Thomas Morton in his "New English Canaan," and William Wood in "New England's Prospect" record the habit of the Indians of biu'ning over the country in November. B}^ this means, the dense undergrowth was destroyed, large tracts were made passable for the hunter, and easily capable of tillage, and the heavy woods grew like groves in a great park. The Pilgrim explorers found "a high groimd, where there is a great deal of land clearetl and hath been planted with corn," and good Pastor Higginson, of Salem, wrote to his friends in the old country, that he had been told, that a man might stand on a little hilly place about three miles from Salem and "see divers thousands of acres of ground as good as need to be, and not a tree in the (7) 8 IPSWiriT, IN THE MASSAOIITTSETTS BAY COLONY. sanio." When t he lands wore apportioned among the settlers, the broad suniniits of Heartbreak, Hagamore and Town Hills were assigned as i)lanting lots, and the mystery attending the choice of the hill tops for tillage instead of the rich and level lowlands may be solved by these records. The Indians had cleared these slopes with' patient industry anrl planted them with corn, and the new owners of the land enjoyed the fruits of their toil. News of the pleasantness of the Indian village, its gof»d land and rich fisheries spread abroad. The Pilgrims, shivering in their rude huts at Plymouth, debated whether they should not migrate at r)nce to this Land of Promise. Mourt, in his Relation under date of December, 1620, says that some of them, "urged greatly the going to Anguum or Angoum, a place twenty league? off to the Northward, which they .heard to ])e an excellent harbor for ships, better ground and better fishing." But they chose to remove to some less distant spot should removal become necessary. From time to time, settlers came and built their cal)ins, to fish for sturgeon, cod and salmon, a?id gather beaver skins and other ix>ltry from the natives by barter, ijxlividual adventurers or empkn^ees of some English trading company, and they were not molested by the Indian warriors. The first English- man, whose name has been preserved, was William Jeffreys. Jeffreys was never a resident, so far as is known. In 1623, he came over in Robert Gorges' company and settled at Wessa- gussett, now Weymouth, and in 1630 was reckoned one of the principal men of that little hamlet. Prior to 1633, however, he must have been in this neighborhood, for Great Neck was called Jeffrey's Neck from the Ijeginning. As late as 1666 he claimed ownership, and the General Court voted him 500 acre elsewhere, "to ])e a final issue of all claims by virtue of any grant, heretofore made by any Indians, whatsoever." The formal occupation and settlement of Agawam were now at hand. By a grant of King James, on Nov. 3, 1620, the whole country from the 4()th to the 4Sth degree of latitude, reaching from Philadelphia to the Bay of Chaleur had been granted to the "council at Plymouth" so called, headed by Sir Ferdinando Gorges. This company made no serious attempt - ^a^a i^. /•^ '^!-^ '•^/'^r,^:!^. J 1,^ UvJ. /iS^ l-t^- The original deed of Musconominet, preserved among the papers of the Winthrop family and given to the Essex Institute by Robert C. Winthrop Jr. I Musconominet, Sagamore of Agawam, doe by theise p'sents acknowledge to ha\e Received of M"" John Winthrop the some of Twenty poundes, in ful satisfacon of all the Right, property and Cleame, I have or ought to have, imto all the land lying and being in the Bay of Agawam, alls Ipswich, being soe called now by the English, as well alsuch land as I formerly reserved unto my owne use at Chibocco, as alsoe all other lands belonging unto me in those parts, M' Dummers farme excepted onh^ And I herby relinquish all the Right and Interest I have mito all tlie Havens, Rivers, Creekes, Islands, huntings and fishings, with all the woodes, swampes, timber and wliatsoever ells is or may be in or upon the said ground to me belongeing, and I doe hereby acknoledge to liave received full satis- facon from tlie said J" Wintropp for all former agreements touching the p''mises or any part of tliem, and I doe hereby bind my selfe to make good the foresaid bargaine and saile mi to the said John Wintrop his heires and assignes forever, and to secure him against the tytle and claime of all other Indians and Natives whatsoever. Witnesse my hand this 28 June 1638. MUSKONOMINET his marke. Witnesses hereunto. Thomas Coytmore. James Downinge. RortERT Hardixge. Jno Jollife. This deed above written, so signed & witnessed, being compared w*'' the original (4 : B. p 381 : 2) word for word, stands thus entred & Recorded at the request of Captaine Wayte Winthrop this IS"* of february 1682, as Attests Edward Rawson, Secret. THE COMING OP THE ENGLISH. 9 at settlement, and on the 19th of March, 1627-28, issued a patent to Sir Henry Rose well and others, covering the territory bounded by a line three miles south of the Charles River, and reaching northward to a line three miles north of the Merrimac. Charles the First confirmed this patent by royal grant to the re]-)resentatives of the Massachusetts Bay Company on the 4th of March, 1629, and on the 20th of June, the ship George, bear- ing John Endicott and the first company of colonists reached Salem. Ship followed ship, and hundreds of sturdy Puritans were soon found in the various settlements. The attention of the Court of Assistants was soon directed toward the squatter settlers at Agawam. On Sept. 7, 16.30, it was "ordered, that noe p'son shall plant in any place within the lymitts of this pattent without leave from Gounr and Assist- ants or the maior parte of them;" and, more specifically, "Also that a warrant shall p'sently be sent to Aggawam to coiiiand those that are planted there forthwith to come away." But it was not until March, 1633, that the Court made any effort toward peopling this attractive region with settlers after its own heart. "On the 17th of January, 1632-3," as Rev. William Hubbard, our famous Ipswich historian relates in his History of New Pjigland, "they had intelligence that the French had bought the Scottish plantation near Cape Sables, and that the fort there, with all the annnunition was delivered to them and that the cardinal of France (supposed to be Rich- elieu) having the managing of that affair, had sent some com- panies already, and that preparation was made to send more the next year, with divers priests and Jesuits among them. This news alarmed the Governor and Council to stand upon their guard and look to themselves, and upon further debate and consultation with the chief of the country, it was agreed with all expedition to finish the fort began at Boston, antl raise another at Nantasket, and to hasten the planting of Agawam (since Ipswich) one of the most commodious places in the country for cattle and tillage, lest an enemy should prevent them by taking possession of the place." Hubbard adds, "the settlement was well advised, but they were more afraid than hiu't, for the French aimed at nothing but trade." No less a person than John Winthrop, son of the Governor. 10 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS RAY COLONY. was selected as the leader of tiiis expedition. He was but twenty-seven years of age, yet a man of large ))ractical sagacity, and nndou])ted gifts of leadership. Twelve men were assigned him, with the promise of more when the ships arrived, but of these twelve, the names of only nine have been preserved. These were Mr. Clerk. Robert Coles, Thomas Howlett, John Biggs, John CJagc, Thomas Hardy, William Perkins, Mr. Thorn- dike and Will .Sergeant. i The urgency of the settlement is indicated by the departure of the colonists in March, as early as possible after the severity of the winter was spent. There were no roads, and the journey was made undoubtedly in a shallop, skirting the coast. Tn imagination we can see the hills that stand like sentinels on either side of the River, densely wooded and white perhaps with snow, the marshes laden with the stranded ice floes, and that little craft, with the tide at flood, slowly sailing up the river, eager eyes scanning every rod of the banks to guard against Indian assaults. It rounded Nabby's Point, and dropped anchor in the still cove, where there was firm landing place' near\at hand. We hope their wives and children did not accompany them, for those bleak March days must have been days of hardship, if not of suffering. If the squatter settlers, who had been driven away, had grace to leave their cabins undestroyed, temporary shelter might have l)cen found in them, or they may have lived al)oard ship awhile, if they really came that way. Yet for all we know, the planters at Agawam may have had the same experiences that Edward Johnson describes in his "Wonder Working Providence," as frequently falling to the lot of those opening up the wilderness. "After the}'- have found out a place of aboad," he writes, "they burrow themselves in the Earth for their first shelter, under some Hill-side, casting the earth aloft upon timber; they make a smoaky fire against the earth at the highest side, and thus these poor servants of Christ provide shelter for themselves, their wives and little ones, keeping off the short showers from their lodgings, but the long rains penetrate through, to their grate disturbance in the night season; yet in these poor wigwams, th(\v sing Psalms, pray ami I Wlntlirop'8 History of New England, ed. 1863, 1 : 120. I THE COMING OF THE ENGLISH. 11 praise their God, till they can provide them homes, which ordinarily was not wont to be with many till the Earth, by the Lord's blessins;, broiii>,ht forth bread to feed them, their wives and little ones." The long snnmier afforded ample opportunity to build comfortable homes, and make preparation for the winter, in striking contrast with the unfortunate experience of the Pilgrims, landing at Plymouth when winter was already begun. Nature lent kindly aid. The meadows abounded in grass, "both verie thicke, verie long, and verie high in divers places, with a great stalk and a broad and ranker blade" as Pastor Higginson of Salem records, and a letter of Master Graves mentions that it was "up to a man's face." The broad marshes afforded a plentiful supply of salt hay and thatch for their ropfs. Mr. Higginson found the vegetables grown in the virgin soil very comforting. "Our turnips, parsnips and carrots are here both l^igger and sweeter than is ordinary to be found in England. Here are stores of pumpions, cucumbers, and other things of that nature I know not. Plentie of strawberries in their time, and penny-royall, winter saverie, sorrell, brook-lime, liver- wort, carvell and water-cresses, also leeks and onions are ordinarie." Great lobsters abounded, weighing, it was affirmed from sixteen to twenty-five pounds. As for drink, Mr. Higgin- son declared, "a sup of New England aire is better than a whole draught of English ale." An air of dignity attached to the new settlement. Three men of the little company were gentlemen, as the title Mr. prefixed to their names proclaims. It was a far more signifi- cant prefix than it is today. Josias Plaistowe was found guilty of theft by the General Court in 1631, and the Court ordered that henceforth he should be called by the name of Josias, and not Mr. as formerly. Only the wealthier and the more educated wore that name of honor. Simple Goodman was the appella- tion of the common sort. The new plantation was not forgotten by the good people of Boston. On the twenty-sixth of November, Rev. John Wilson, by leave of his congregation, "went to Agawam to teach the people of that plantation l)ecause they had yet no minister." He tarried a week and on December fourth the snow fell knee 12 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. deep and dotaiuod him several days lonfier and a boat wliieh came was frozen up in the River.' Attain, in the f()lh)\vinp; spring, on April 3, 1634, th(> Governor himself, anxious to see his son, and the new settlement, went on foot to Agawam, and because the people there wanted a minister, spent a Sabbath with them, and (>xercised by way of i)r()i")heey, and returned home the lOth.^ The General Court was jealous of too great an influx of set- tlers into the new plantation at the outset, and forbade any taking up residence here, without leave from that body, except the original company. During the year, 1633, only one other man, Thomas Sellan, received permission to locate here. The year, 1634, witnessed a great incoming. In May, the people of Newton, now Cambridge, meditating removal, "sent men to Agawam and Merrimack, and gave out they would move," but they emigrated to Connecticut. Rev. Thomas Parker, and a company of a hundred, from Wiltshire in England, came and decided to make their home here;^ but Parker and a con- siderable company removed the next May, and settled at Quas- cacunquen, which they called Newbury, where Mr. Parker's name is still borne by the familiar Parker River. Notwithstanding all this coming and going, there was steady growth in population, and in August the settlement had attained to too great dignity to wear its Indian name any longer. Accordingly, on Aug. 4, 1634, the Court of Assistants decreed that the place be called Ipswich, after old Ipswich in Englaiul, "in acknowledgment of the great honor and kindness done to our people, who took shipping there." Previous to this, in Capt. John Smith's time, the name Southampton had been recommended, and this name occurs on Smith's map of New England. Three locations of the first importance were decided on at once. For their food supply, they needed a mill, and with com- mendable thrift they relieved themselves of any common ex- pense in building one, by granting to Mr. John Spencer and Mr. Nicholas Easton liberty to build a mill and a fish weir upon the 1 Winthrop's History of New England, ed. I&i3, 1 : 141. » Winthrop's History of New England, ed. 1853, I: 154. 3 Winthrop's History of New England, ed. 1853 i: 168. THE COMING OF THE ENGLISH. 13 river, "about the falls upon it," on condition that they sold half their fish to the inhabitants, at five shillings a thousand more or less, as the market price varied. Spencer and Easton did not improve their privilege and definitely resigned it in December. They removed to Newbury in Mr. Parker's com- pany in 1636. Mr. Easton became involved in the religious troubles incident to Mrs. Hutchinson's teachings, and subse- quently removed to Rhode Island and became the Governor of the Colony.^ Mr. Richard Saltonstall, however, son of the titled Sir Richard of Watertown, became a resident and built the mill just about where the old stone mill now stands. For their spiritual nurture, they must have a meeting- house, and they built some humble structure, perhaps of logs and thatch, like the first church in Winnisimmet. There is no reason to doubt that they chose for its location the sightly spot where the present First Church stands. "Meeting House Hill" it has been from the earliest times. The "way to the meeting house" was the name given to streets leading toward it, and Edward Johnson, who was here in 1646, says, "Their meeting house is a very good prospect to a great part of the town, and beautifully built." He was speaking of the new building that was erected that year, perhaps, but as the Town sold the old building to Thomas Firman in February, 1646-7, and stipulated that it should be removed by the 29th of September, the old building either occupied the very spot desired for the new, or was very near at hand, and detracted from the glory of the new edifice.^ For the burial of their dead they must have a Burying Ground. In their old English homes the village church had its quiet church-yard, and the dead slept close by the walls of the sanctuary. In their Puritan dislike of all things savoring of churchly leanings, our fathers built themselves not churches but "meeting-houses," and they had no "churchyards," but simple "burying-grounds." They selected a goodly spot, the old ground at the foot of the sunny-hill slope on High Street, and the year, 1634, saw a very sorrowful company gathered about a new grave somewhere there, for Martha, the young 1 Fell, page 7"2 . 2 See rublications of the Ipswich Hiat. Soc. Xo. XI, The Meeting House Green, etc. 14 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. vvifo of John Winthrop, Jr., lived but a year after the settlement was befjuti, — the very first, perhai)s, to be laid to rest there. Roads were cut through the woods. They were soon called "streets," but it is likely they were rough and encumbered with stumps and stones in these earliest years. The principal thoroughfare was quaint, crooked, venerable High Street, skirt- ing the bank of the river, reaching out to the fat tillage lands on Manning's Neck, the goodly pastures on Jeffrey's, and the level acres of salt marsh, on the one side, and on the other fol- lowing the warm, western slope of Town Hill, a most inviting shelter for the homes of the infant conmiunity, and opening a way to other marshes and pastures on the western border. That part of the street that now borders the wharves was at first called, "the way to the meeting house," or "the cross-way leading to the mill." How vividly these names recall the sim- plicity and reverence of those days! Later, it bore the more sounding title, "East End." The main portion of the Street was variously called "ye Great St.," "ye Long St.," High St., Hill St., and in common with other streets is sometimes alluded to as "the king's highway", while the upper portion was known as West End. North Main Street was styled originally "the way to the mill" or "to the meeting house" as physical or spiritual food engaged the thought of the speaker. Market Street and Washington Street both seem to have been called Mill Street. Access to the mill was gained through the present Union Street. Stony Street or Aniball's or Annable's Lane of the early days is now known as Summer Street. Scott's Lane was known later as Washington Street, and Dirty Lane, because it was so muddy, afterwards Baker's Lane, now rejoices in the name of Mineral Street. A crooked foot-way led from Scott's Lane toward the spot occupied by the Burke shoe factory, across the brook, and up over the hill where the cellars of the ancient Pindar houses show its course, and turning sharply to the right, entered North Main Street. This was distinctively a way to the meeting house for settlers in the northwest section of the town. It was known later as Pindar's Lane, and the upper end of it is still known as Loney's Lane. THE COMING OF THE ENGLISH. 15 Another lane, early distinguished as Hog Lane, and earlier than that as "the way to the Merrimack," came to be called Brook Street. This was the main road for eastern travel, and continued to be used for many years. Mr. John W. Nourse has very ingeniously traced this ancient way over the hills, and by bridge across Egypt River to its juncture with the present highway. Green Lane is recognized as Green Street. Thus in name at least the sturdy pioneers preserved the remembrance of the delightful, shadowy, quiet lanes of Old England, with their hedgerows and primroses, but in this land of forest, thicket and swamp the lanes were probably only narrower than streets and equally rough and uninviting. Close by the river bank, on either side, a public way was sedulously preserved from any encroachment. On the north side of the river it still remains in Water Street, and originally it seems to have continued near the river, through the present County lands. On the south side it skirted the river, where the remains of the old Heard's Wharf are seen today, followed Turkey Shore, and continued round the cove to the saw-mill. There were ways to the Labour-in-vain fields, and to the Heart- break Hill lands, "Old England," as we call it now, and to Che- bacco. One of these is known now, as from the earliest days, as Argilla Road. South Main Street, in part, at least, was not opened until 1646, when the bridge was built. The present County Road on the south side was an ancient way, extending to the river. Foot-travellers crossed the river on a foot-bridge in 1634. This bridge was near the saw-mill now owned by the Damon heirs. ^ On all these streets and lanes, plots of various sizes, but rarely exceeding three acres, were assigned for house lots. Til- lage lands were apportioned in six and twelve acre lots, and even larger, near the town, and great farms were granted on the out- skirts. It is a matter of more than passing interest to see how these earliest settlers chose their lands. Robert Coles received a house lot on East Street, not far from Brook Street, and the farm that is believed to be the Greenwood farm. Winthrop's 1 See a careful consideration of tliis in tlie chapters on Houses and Lands. 16 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. lot iiiljoiiKMl, lower down the street. Here we may suppose Winthrop bviilt his house. He also received a grant of a six- acre field that seems to have included a part at least of the fine lot on the south side of South Main St. opposite the Heard mansion, and a 300 acre farm, called the Argilla farm, afterwards owned by Samuel Symonds, and now, in part, the property of the heirs of the late Thomas Brown. Howlett and Hardy located on the land bounded by the way now called Agawam Avenue, leading from East Street to the shipyard. Hardy built his house there "on the highway leading to the river." Howlett's lot adjoined Hardy's, fronting "on the cross-way leading towards the Mill," and although no mention of his house occurs, I have seen an allusion to the well known as "KowIqW s well," on this tract of land. Back of the shipyard shed, an old well may be found by the curious searcher, and the bricks of ancient pattern strewn around attest an early residence, and suggest that here may have been Howlett's lot. The remains of old wharves near by indicate that this was a nuich-used way in those times. Win. Perkins owned land on the north side of the road to Jeffrey's Neck, and perhaps lived there, and Mr. William Clerk, or Clark, had an acre and a half house lot near the corner occu- pied by Mr. Glover. But he did not build, for Thomas Clark recorded a purchase of the lot in 1639, and the deed stated that he had "sett a dwelling there." William Clark also owned 60 acres in the Labour-in-vain fields, as they styled the lands near the great creek, called "Labour-in-vain." John Gage had a six- acre lot, as did Howlett and later settlers, on "this neck of land the Town standeth," as the Town Record quaintly reads, com- monly known as Manning's Neck. Thus we know that seven of the original thirteen chose lands in neighborly proximity, and the whole baker's dozen may have pitched their camp in this section. Convenience and safety and love of society naturally constrained these lonely adventurers to keep within easy touch of each other during those spring and summer months, while they livetl in expecta- tion of French incursions and Indian assaults. As for the homes of the settlers, we know some things and can imagine others. The house lots were fenced in, in 1635, thp: coming of the English. 17 or paled, as the phrase was, with sharpened stakes driven in to the earth, perhaps in the criss-cross style, a rough inclosiire, for we must beware of imagining any resemblance to the trim fence of oiu- day at the first. Within the fences, I imagine, were generally gardens or a grass plot separating the houses from the highway, for many of our oldest houses were built well back from the street, and old deeds contain many references to land in front. Edward Johnson, in 1646, remarked on "the pleasant gardens and orchards" about the houses. Here the housewives doubtless had their beloved English flowers, heart's-ease, mignonette and wall-flowers, and their lavender and thyme, rue and rosemaiy, marjoram, saffron and anise, for scenting chests and closets antl flavoring their cookery. Trees of many kinds were soon grown. The Assistants of the Company sent over in their first ships seeds or cuttings of the peach, plum, filbert, cherry, pear, apple, quince and pome- granate, as well as potatoes and hop roots. In 1646-47, an ancient interleaved almanac of Rev. Mr. Danforth mentions "great pears," "long apples," Blackstone apples, Tankerd apples, Kreton pippins, "long red apples" all ripe and gatherefl by the middle of August, "Russetines and Pearmaines" gath- ered in the middle of September. The home surroundings then were inviting. What of the homes themselves? Certain ancient mansions of venerable age remain. Their exact age is a matter of conjecture, but popular tradition as to their anticpiity is generally in error. Be that as it may, these fine old houses, large and imposing still, are not to be considered as the type of the first dwellings. It must be borne in mind that there was no saw-mill, of which we have certain record until 1649. Previous to that date, the sawing of trees into planks and boards was done by hantl with a long saw, working in a saw-pit, one man standing below and one above the saw-log; and clapboards and shingles were made by hand for a century and more. Every nail, hinge and bolt was forged out laboriously by the village blacksmiths. Cut nails were not made till 1790, and laths were not sawed till 1S30. There was no time for elaborate carpentry. Work 18 II'SWK'II, IN THK MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. must bo spent on clearinfj; the forest, anil breaking up the soil to provide food for themselves and their cattle. So they built for themselves small, rough houses. St)me of them were doubtless the simple log-house of the modern back- woods man, with a roof covered with tiles or with the long thatch, as many a laborer's cottage in Old England is still roofed. Sometimes, as in the case of Mr. Oldham at Watertown, they were built all of clapboards.^ The chinmeys were chiefly of wood, daubed with clay. Mr. Sharpe's house in Boston took fire ("the splinters being not clayed at the top") and "taking the thatch burned it down.'"^ This happened on March 16, 1630, and Governor Dudley's ac- count of the fire speaks of this and Colborn's house, "as good and well-furnished as most in the plantation." Repeated accidents of this kind show how common these wood chimneys were, and a vote of the Town was passed, in 1647,"re(iuiring chimnies to be kept clean," and "also to look to any defect in daubing." Gov- ernor Winthrop's Journal mentions, under date of March 16, 16o8, a violent south scnitheast storm that o^'erturned some new- strong houses, but the Lord miraculously preserved old weak cottages. He also records a dreadful tempest at northeast with wind and rain, in 1646, in which the Lady Moody's house at Salem, being but one story in height, and a fiat roof, with a brick chimney in the midst, had the roof taken ofT in two parts (with the top of the chimney) and carried six or seven rods off. This house, a letter of Winthrop mentions, as nine feet high.^ One item of quaint interest adds vividness to our conception of this simple type of dwellings. In 1668, the house of Jacob Perkins was burned. The maid servant was arrested on suspi- cion of incendiarism. She testified that she stood upon the oven on the back side of the house, and sui)ported herself by holding to the thatch of the roof, while she looked to see if there were any hogs in the corn. Standing there, she knocked the ashes out of her pipe upon the thatch . . . When she looked 1 WinUiroii'e History of New England, ed. 18.i8. i : 104. 2 Winthrop's History of New England, 18.i3, 1 : 58. ' See Publications of Ipswich Historical .Society, No. v, The Early Homes of the Puritans. I i THE COMING OF THE ENGLISH. 19 back from the cornfickl, she saw smoke, and gave the alarm to Neighbour Abraham Perkins's wife. She came in haste, and looked into "both the rooms of the house, and up into both the chimneys." 8he also "looked up into the chamber thro the boards that lay very open towards that side where the smoke was on the outside." A photograph could hardh^ be more realistic. The house had two rooms on the ground floor, and a chimney at each end. In the kitchen, an oven was built outside, opening froin the fireplace, without doubt. The house had but a single story, we judge from the low roof, and the floor of the loft was so loosely boarded that the roof could be seen through the cracks. Up and down our streets, these small, roughly-built pioneer homes were built. They were devoid of paint. Many windows were destitute of glass, and were provided with oiled paper. Heavy thatch roofs and clumsy wooden chinmeys blended well with the savagery of the wild forest. Winthrop's anticipation of "poor cottages in the wilderness" was realized by many a Puritan in all these early settlements. Here and there, how- ever, more pretentious houses arose at a surprisingly early date. Deputy Governor 8ymonds's house at the Argilla farm was of superior cpiality, if the plan of the owner was carried out. He bought the farm of Mr. Winthrop in February, 1637-8. Shortly after he wrote to Mr. Winthrop, desiring him to superintend the building.^ "I am indifferent whether it be 30 foote or 35 foote long; 16 or 18 foote broade. I would have wood chim- neys at each end, the frames of the chimney es to be stronger then ordinary, to beare good heavy load of clay for security against fire. You may let the chimneyes be all the breadth of the howse, if you thinke good; the 2 lower dores to be in the middle of the house, one opposite to the other. Be sure that all the dorewaies in evry place be soe high that any man may goe upright under. The staiers I thinke had best be placed close by the dore. It makes noe great matter though there be noe particion vpon the first floore; if there be, make one biger then the other. For windowes let them not be over large in any roome, and as few as conveniently may be : let all have cur- rent shutting draw-windowes, haveing respect both to present and future vse." ' Ma»sg. Hist. Soc. Collections, series 4, vol. vii, p. 118. 20 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. "I think to make it agirthowsewill inakeitinore cliarji;cable then needc; liowevcr, the side bearers for the second story being to be loaden with corne, etc., must not be pinned on, but rather eyther lett in to the studds, or borne vp with false studds, and soe tenented in at the ends; 1 leave it to you and the carpenters. In this story over the first, 1 would have a particion, whether in the middest or over the particion vnder I leave it. In the garrett, noe particion, but let there be one or two luconie' windowes, if two, both on one side." "I desire to have the sparrs reach doune i^retty deep at the eves to preserve the walls the better from the wether. 1 would have it sellered all over, and soe the frame of the howse accordeingly from the bottom. I would have the howse stronge in timber, though plainc & well brased. I would have it cov- ered with very good oake-hart inch board, for the present, to be tacked on onely for the present as you tould me." ''Let the frame begin from the bottom of the seller, and soe in the ordinary way upright; for I can hereafter (to save the timber within grounde) run vp a thin brick worke without. I think it l:)est to have the walls without to be all clap- boarded besides the clay walls. It were not aniisse to leave a doreway or two within the seller, that soe hereafter one may make comings in from without and let them be both vpon that side which the Income^ window or windowes be." As Mr. Symonds desired that it be built as speedily as pos- sible it may have been erected that same year. This was cer- tainly a comfortable home. The west end of the ancient house now owned by the Historical Society was framed in precisely this fashion, and was built probably by John Fawn, before his removal about the year 1638.'^ No other house of this period exists today in our|community. > Lutheran? * Publications of the li)swicli Hist. Society, No. x. I CHAPTER III. HOMES AND DRESS. Our surmise as to the common style of their dwellings is confirmed by indubitable record. Matthew Whipple lived on the corner of the present County and Summer streets, near Miss Sarah P. Caldwell's present residence. In the inventory of his estate made in 1645, his dwelling house, barn and four acres of land, were appraised at £36, and six bullocks were valued at the same figure. His executors sold the dwelling with an acre of ground on the corner, in 1648, to Robert Whitman for £5. Whitman sold this property, and another house and lot, to William Duglass, cooper, for £22, in 1652. John Anniball, or Annable, bought the dwelling, barn, and two acres of land, on the eastern corner of North Main and Summer streets, then called Annable's Lane, for £39, in 1647. Joseph Morse was a man of wealth and social standing. His inventory in 1646 mentions a house, land, etc., valued at £9, and another old house with barn and eight acres of land valued at £8, 10s and one cow and a heifer, estimated at £6, 10s. Thomas Firman was a leading citizen. His house was appraised in the in- ventory at £15, and the house he had bought of John Proctor, with three acres of land, was estimated to be worth £18, 10s. Proctor's house was near the lower falls on County street, and his land included the estate now owned by Mr. Warren Boynton, Mr. Samuel N. Baker and others. Few deeds of sale or inven- tories mention houses of any considerable value in these earlier years. Richard Scofield sold a house and two acres of land to Robert Roberts, in 1643, for £11, 17s. In 1649 John West sold John Woodman, for £13, a house and an acre of land, and another half acre near the Meeting House. Robert Whitman sold John Woodman a house near the Meeting House, for £7. In 1652, Richard Scofield, leather dresser, sold Moses Pengry yeoman, a house and land, for £17, and Solomon Martin sold (21) 22 IPSWK^TT, IN THE MASSACIITTSETTS BAY COLONY. Thomas Lovell, currior, a house and lot near the present "I)o(lo;e's Corner," for £16. Rarely in these openino; years, tlu^ ajipraised value of an estate amounted to £100. In KUB, this was the valuation of John Shatswell's. It included a "house, homestead, barn, cow house, orchard, yard, etc." Six oxen were appraised at £36, and five cows at £25, Os. The average price received from the actual sale of houses was less than £25. Mr.. John Whittingham had a house on High street containing kitchen and parlor, and chambers over the kitchen and parlor, sumptuously furnished, as the inventory records in 1648, and valued with the barn, cow house and forty-four acres of land, at £100, but the contents of a single chamber were appraised at £82 15s. The established value of a bullock seems to have been £6, and cowes were appraised at about £5. A day's work of a team in drawing timber for the watch house, in 1645, was reck- oned at 8 shillings, and in 1646, the inventory of the estate of Joseph Morse reveals the market prices of various commodities. 20 bushels of Indian corn were rated at £2, 10s. 4 bushel of hemp seede, ... 2 (1 small cheeses, 2 20 lbs. butter, 10 These prices fix the purchasing power of money at that period and make it certain that houses, that were quoted at £25 and less, were very simple and primitive. Often, we may jiresume, they were log-houses. Thomas Ijcchford, in his Note Book, preserves an interesting contract, made by John Davys, joiner, to build a house for William Rix, in 1640; it was to be "16 foot long and 14 feet wide, w'th a chamber floare finish't summer and joysts, a cellar floare with joysts finish't, the roofe and walls clapboarded on the out syde, the chimney framed without daubing, to be done with hewan timber." The price was to be £21. Houses of this dimension were common, as late as 1665. In that year such inroads had been made upon the oaks and other valuable trees, that the Town of Ipswich ordered the Selectmen to issue a permit before a tree could be cut. The certificates issued possess a curious interest. Edmund Bridges was allowed timber"to make up his cellar," HOMES AND DRESS. 23 in 1667. In 1670, Joseph Goodhue received permit for a house 18 feet square, and Ephraini Fellows for a house 16 feet square. In 1671, Thomas Burnam's new house was 20 feet square, that of Obadiah Bridges IS feet square, and Deacon Goodhue built one 16 feet square. In 1657, Alexander Knight, a helpless pauper, was provided with a house at the Town's expense, and the vote provided that it should he 16 feet long, 12 feet wide. 7 or 8 feet stud, with thatched roof, for which £6 was appro- priated. Within, these homes were for the most part very plain and simple. Governor Dudley's house in Cambridge was re- puted to be over-elegant, so that Governor Winthrop wrote him: "He did not well to bestow such cost about wainscotting and adorning his house, in the beginning of a plantation, l)oth in regard to the expense and the example." But Dudley was able to reply, that "it was for the warmth of his house, and the charge was but little, being but clap-boards, nailed to the wall in the form of wainscot." The common finish of the rooms of houses of the better sort was a coating of clay, over the frame timbers and the bricks which filled the spaces between the studs. The ceilings were frequently, if not universally, left unfinished, and the rough, unpainted beams and floor joists, and the flooring of the room above, blackened with the smoke and grimy with dust, were a sombre contrast to the white ceil- ings of the modern home. Nevertheless, I incline to believe that if we could turn back the wheels of time and enter an early Ipswich home, we should find that it was not only habitable, but comfortable, and the furnishings much beyond our anticipation. For these yeomen and carpenters and weavers very likely had transported some of their furniture across the sea, and they reproduced here in the wilderness the living rooms of their old P^nglish homes. Happily our curiosity may be gratified in very large degree by the numerous inventories that remain, and we may in imagination undertake a tour of calls in the old town, and see for ourselves what those houses contained. There were but two rooms on the main floor, the "hall" and the parlor, and entrance to them was made from the entry in the middle of the 24 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSAfHUSETTS BAY COLOXY. house. The "hall" of the old Puritan house, was the "kitchen" of the next century. Indeed, these two words are used of the same apartment from the earliest record. It was the living room, the room where they cooked and ate and wrought and sat; in one home at least, that of Joseph Morse, a well-to-do settler, the room where his bed was set up, wherein he died in 1646. The chief object in this family room was always the fireplace, with its broad and generous hearth and chimney, ample enough to allow boys bent on mischief to drop a live calf from the roof, as they did one night, into poor old Mark Quilter's kitchen. As brick chimneys were not the rule at first, safety could l)e secured only by building their wooden chimneys, daubed with clay, abnormally large. No wonder the worthy folk who wrote these inventories invariably began with the fireplace and its ap- purtenances. Piled high with logs, roaring and snapping, it sent forth most comfortable heat, and cast a warm glow over the plainest interior, and beautified the humblest home. "Here is good living for those that love good fires," Pastor Higginson wrote. Bare walls, rough, unfinished ceilings, floors without carpets or rugs, all took on an humble grace ; privation and loneliness and homesickness could be forgotten, in the rich glow of the evening firelight. Several pairs of andirons or col^irons were frequently used to support logs of different lengths. In one hall, at least, two pairs of cobirons, and a third pair ornamented with brasses are mentioned. Within easy reach, were the bellows and tongs, the fire-pan for carrying hot coals, the "fire-fork" and "fire- iron, for use about the hearth, we presume. Over the fire hung the trammel or coltrell, as it is called in one inventory. Pot hooks were suspended from the wooden or iron bar within the chimney that was supplanted by the crane in later times, and from them hung pots and kettles of copper, brass or iron, and of sizes, various. Some of these kettles nnist have been of prodigious size. Matthew Whipple had three brass pots that weighed sixty-eight pounds, and a copper that weighed forty pounds. The rich John Whittingham's kitchen, in his High street home, boastefl a co}i])er that was worth £3 10s, and Mr. Nelson of Rowley had a "great copper" that was HOMES AND DRESS. 25 inventoried at £10 sterlinjy. The family washinfi', soap-making, candle-dipping and daily cookery, no douljt, recpiired them all. A copper baking-pan, a great brass pan, spits for roasts, iron dripping pans to catch the juices, gridirons and frying- pans, an iron peele or shovel for the brick oven, a trivet (a three-legged support for hot pans or pots), anfl the indispensa- ble warming-pan, were common appendages of this central orb. Lesser articles — skimmers, skillets and ladles, chafing dishes and posnets, smoothing irons and box irons that were heated from within, and sieves covered with haircloth or tiffany, were found as well. Upon the open shelves stood the rows of pewter plates or platters, and latten or brass ware, all bright and shining in the firelight, and upon nails, " The porringers that in a row Hung high and made a glittering show." Trenchers and trays and platters of wood were still common; "juggs" and leather bottles found place. Pewter salts, pots, bottles, spoons, cups and flagons, candlesticks of pewter or iron, spoons of silver or "alchimie," an alloy of brass, were abundant. The cupboard or shelf bore the books that were foimd in almost every family, "the great Bible" and smaller Bibles, the Psalm book, some sad volumes of Doctor Preston's or Mr. Dike's or Doctor Bifield's theological writings, the "physike book" in one instance, and the silver bowl, or other cherished remnant of former luxury. For furniture, there were tables and frames on which boards were laid and removed, forms or long settees, stools and cushions, but only a chair or two, for chairs were luxuries then. Other clumsy things, that ought to have found place in barn or "leanto," are mentioned so regularly in the list of hall or kitchen chattels, that we are compelled to think they were really there — the "chirne," and powdering tub, as they called the great tub used for salting meats, barrels and keelers, cowles for water-carrying and jiails, bucking tubs for washing and buckets, beere vessels and sundry articles of un- known use, "earthen salts," "cheese-breads," "beekor balke," and "hayles." Either those halls must have had extraordinary capacity 26 IPSWTOTI, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. for storage, or the occupants must have had scant room in luany a house. Queer, confused rooms th(>y Tnust liave l^cnni at best, in their i'urnishings and the multitude of (>mi>loyments continually going on, as suggested by the imphnnents, the spinning and weaving, the sewing and knitting, the washing and ironing, cooking and brewing, butter and cheese-making. Their garnishings, too, wore quaint. Strings of dried apples and corn and fat hams swung in the smoke of the chimney and, grim and stern, the ever present fire-arms, ready for use at a moment's warning hung ujion the walls. The briefest inven- tory includes these. Matthew Whipple's "hall," on the corner of Summer and County streets, must have been a veritable arscMial. l^pon its walls hung three muskets, three pairs of bandoleers, three swords and two rests (or crotched sticks, in which the long heavy musket barrel was rested while aim was taken), a fowling piece, a "costlett," or armor for the breast, a pike and sword, a rapier, a halberd and bill. In John Knowlton's "hall," we should have found a musket, bandoleers, rest, knapsack, moulds and scourer. John Lee, the owner of the land still known as Lee's, or Leigh's meadow, on the Argilla road, had a sword and belt, pistols and holster, and Luke Heard owned a "pistolctt." Head pieces and corselets were not uncommon. John Win- throp's kitchen may have been a depot of supply, for it con- tained foiu'teen muskets, rests and ])andoleers. The frequent mention of candlesticks suggests that candles were in conunon use in these first Ipswich homes, yet a more primitive method was common in the poorer families at least. Higginson tells us how the Salem houses were lighted, at the ])eginning of the settlement. "Although New England hav(> no tallow to make candles of, yet by the abundance of the fish thereof, it can afford oil for lamps. Yea, our pine trees that are the most plentiful of all wood, doth allow us plenty of candles, which are very useful in a house. And they are such candles as tho Indians commonly use, having no other, and they are nothing else but the wood of the pine tree, cloven in two little slices, something thin, which are so full of the moys- ture of turpentine and pitch, that they ])m-n as cleere as a torch." "Candlowood," is the name of a fine farm district i HOMES AND DRESS. 27 of our town today. It assures us that the Ipswich planters knew the value of the fat pine strips. "Old lamps/' are some- times mentioned, perhaps the open iron or tin cuji with a wick lying over one side fed with fish oil, or lamps broniiht with their household goods. The frugality of the early living is frequently remarked on. Felt says, "For more than a century and a half, the most of them had pea and bean porridge, or broth, made of the liquor of boiled salt meat and pork, and mixed with meal, and some- times hasty pudding and milk, both morning and evening." But those great spits (Matthew Whipple had fom- that weighed together twenty pounds), brass baking pans and dripping pans, kettles and pots, gridirons, frying pans and skillets, tell of more appetizing fare. The cattle in the stalls and the abounding game in forest and sea, furnished the material for substantial and generous living for the great majority, we will believe. Yet the best spread table would have looked strange to vis. Wooden plates, sometimes a square bit of wood slightly hol- lowed or perfectly plain, and platters for the central dish, at best dishes and plates of bright pewter; no forks, for forks did not attain common use till the later years of the century; no coffee or tea, but plenty of home-brewed beer and cider and stronger spirits for drinks, — these things seem rude in style and deficient in comfort. In the parlor, or the "fine-room," surprises await us as well. liike the hall, it had its fireplace, and its goodly array of hearth furniture, but its furnishings were rarely elegant. The most conspicuous article, even in the homes of rich men, like Matthew Whipple and John Whittingham, was the best bed, of imposing size and stately elegance, with its curtains and valance or half curtain, that hung from the cross pieces to the floor, and is still in use with ancient bedsteads, — fitted most luxuriously with a mat upon the cords, and with beds that awake our envy. Matthew Whipple's best feather bed, bolster and nine pillows weighed one hundred and six pounds, and were valued at £5-6-0. Mr. "Whittingham's parlor bed and furnishings were worth £12-0-0, Thomas Barker's of Rowley, £13-0-0. What an amount of "solid comfort" is represented 28 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. by an hiuulrod weight of feathors with a warniinp; pan, in those bleak Puritan winters! 'i'he furnishings were ample. Mine host Lumpkin, one of the earliest iini-keepers, had two flock beds and two bolsters, in addition to the feather bed; also five blankets, one rug and one coverlet. Strangely enough, a rug or carpet was a bed furnishing and not a floor covering and mention remains of a rug for th(> baby's cradle. In John Jackson's house, close by the present Methodist meeting-house, was "a half-headed bedstead," that rejoiced in "an old dornix coverlet," and it had "a side bed for a child." Lionel Chute, the schoolmaster, in his East street home, had an "old damakell coverlet." Thomas Firman had "damicle curtaynes and vallens." A trundle bed was common. Beside the l)ed were a table, a "joyned table," as it is called, made with turned legs, and "joyned stools," few chairs, but plenty of cushions, and a "cushen stoole" occasionally. Whittingham's parlor had eleven curtains, and its two windows were adorned with curtains and curtain rods, one of the few instances men- tioned of which 1 am at present aware. In the parlor, too, were the chests, the common strong boxes in which they brought their goods and the more elaborate ones for storage of bedding and table linen. One chest in Whipple's parlor was furnished with a glass and there were three simpler ones. These chests were highly prized by their owners, and they were important pieces of furniture when the closet and modern bureaus and chifToniers had not yet found place. Lionel Chute mentions in his will, "all things in my chest, and white deep box with the locke and key." We read of great chests and small chests, long boarded chests, great boarded chests and John Knowlton's "chest with a drawer," also of trunks and boxes. Robert Mussey bequeathed his daughter Mary in 1642 his home, adjoining that of John Dane the elder, "in the West street in the town," also "my best Bible," "a great brass pan to be reserved for her until she comes of years." and "the broad box with all her mother's wearing linen." The "cubbered" as it was spelled, was common, and it bore HOMES AND DRESS. 29 a "cubbered clothe" "laced" or "fringed." In some of the finest houses there was a clock, valued at £1 in Matthew Whipple's, £2 in Thomas Nelson's of Rowley. In Whipple's parlor, too, there was "a stanicll bearing cloth;" and a "baize bearing cloth." This was used, it has been affirmed, for wrap- ping babies, when carried to baptism, and Puritan babies in- variably went to church on the first Sunday after birth. On January 22, 1694, Judge Sewall records — "A very extraordinary storm by reason of the falling and driving of the snow. Few women could get to meeting. A child named Alexander was baptized in the afternoon." I fancy that many wee new-born children may have been taken to that hospital)le fireside, before and after the baptism in the icy cold meeting house, and those bearing cloths may have been a kind of public property, and often seen in the first house of worship, for Whipple died the year the old house was sold, 1646. The famil}^ still for extracting the fragrant oil from rose leaves and the medicinal virtues from roots and herbs found place in the stately Whittingham parlor; and in Cliles Badger's of Newbury there were a "glass bowl, beaker and jugg," the only suggestion of toilet convenience which I remember. A case of glass bottles now and then is mentioned. But of pictures for the wall and carpets for the floor, and the ornaments now deemed essential for parlor adornings, there were few. The finest Puritan parlor of these early days was only a primitive best bed-room. Indeed, it was not always a spare room. Joseph Morse, whose will was probated in 1646, bequeathed his son John "the bed and all y'' bedding he lyeth on, standing in the parlor." Above stairs the sleeping apartments of the family were found. For the most part, they were cold and cheerless, mere lofts, as the houses were of one story. In one house at least, in Rowley, the floor boards were laid so loosely that a person above could look down through the cracks and see whatever was occurring below, as a witness testified before the court. If such wide spacing was common the heat from the hall fire would have made the "chamber over the kitchen" the coveted room. 30 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. lUit iMr. Whittiiifihani's house had a set of fire irons in the chamber over the parlor, and this excess of dignity betokens more of comfort tlian fell to the common lot. The contents of that cliamber are so interesting that they deserve a full record as showing how much of luxury even was found in the better class of Ii)swich houses of this early period. Item A bedstead, two fether beds, curtains, rung, etc £13- 0-0 " One fether bed, one boulster, two (luilts, two pair blankets, one coverlet, and trundlebed, G- 0-0 " Four trunks, one chest, one box, two chairs, four stools, two small trunks, 3- 5-0 " 9 pieces of plate, 11 spoons 25- 0-0 " 10 pr. sheets, £8 ten others £4 12-0-0 " 3 pr. pillow beers 8^ 1- 4-0 " 3 '• " " 5" 15-0 " Four table cloths 2-10-0 " 1 doz. iliaper, 2 doz. flaxen napkins 1-10-0 " 2 doz. of napkins 12-0 " the hangings In the chamber, 1-10-0 " 3 hoUand cupboard cloths 2- 4-0 " 2 half sheetes 1-10-0 " 1 diai)er and damask cupboard cloth 1- 0-0 " one screene 10-0 " 2 pair cob-iron, 1 pr. tongs 16-0 " one carpett 3-10-0 " one pair curtains and vallance 5-0-0 " one blew coverlet, 1-0-0 This was a regal room for the times, with its carpet and screen, its hangings upon the walls, its rich stor(> of family silver, and its sumptuous beds and bed linen. Think of twenty pairs of sheets, all spun and woven by hand, and a single bedstead with its belongings, worth 13 pounds sterling, more than twice the whole value of some of the dwellings of that day! But Shakes- peare's will specified the "second best bed" for his wife's por- tion, and extraordinary value commonly attached to these high-])osted, canopied, curtained structures. Yet this room had no looking-glass nor toilet articles, bureau nor case of drawers. In the other chamber we find a variety of miscel- laneous articles besides the beds and l)e(kling, a saddle, rolls of canvas of different value, 10 yds. of French serge, 6 yds. of HOMES AND DRESS. 31 carpeting", reinuants of lioUaud aiul a valuable assortiuent of wearing apparel, worth £22, unfortunately for our information, with no mention of garments in detail. In Matthew Whipple's chamber, there were 7 chiklren's blankets, and a pillion cloth and foot stool. At Joseph Morse's, the chamber was a store room, where were deposited, as we have mentioned: 20 bushels Indian corn £2- 10-0 mault half bushel hemp seede 2-0 6 small cheeses 2-0 20 pounds butter 10-0 " hemp drest and undrest." 10-0 One other fine interior must be noted — that of Nathaniel Rogers — pastor of the church from Feb., lGo8, to 1(355, whose residence stood very near the old Baker house, so called, fronting on the South Green, and whose house lot reached down to the River, and was bounded by Mr. Saltonstall's property on the S. W. and Isaac Coming's on the N. E. Mr. Rogers died in 1655 leaving an estate, real and personal, valued at £1497, a princely fortune in those days. His hall contained a small cistern, with other implements, valued at 17s. (this was an urn, probably of pewter, for holding water and wine, and the "other implements" were wine-glasses perhaps), two Spanish platters, of earthen or china ware, very rare at that time, a chest and hanging cupboard, a round table with five joined stools, six chairs and five cushions. Evidently this was a dining room, for the kitchen was a separate room? with an elaborate set of pewter dishes, flagons and the like that weighed a hundred and fifty pounds, and the usual parapher- nalia of cooking utensils including a " jacke" for turning the spit. The parlor contained some rare articles, a great chair, two pictures, a livery cupboard, a clock and other implements worth three pounds, window curtains and rods, and the one solitary musical instrument in all the town, so far as early inventories show, "a treble violl," by which is meant, it may be supposed, a violin. Yet this elegant room had a canopy bed and down pillows. The chamber furnishings were exceptionally fine. Its bed 32 Il'SWICH, IN THK MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY, and bc'ddinji were valiKnl at £14-10-0. A single "pcrpetuanny coverlot" was appraised at £1-05-0. There was a f;ilt looking glass, a "childing wicker basket" for the l:)abies' toilet, perhaps, a tal)le basket, and a sumptuous store of linen. A single suit of diaper table linen was reckoned at £4. two pair of holland sheets at £3-10s., five fine pillow-beeres or cases, £l-15s., and goods brought from Old England worth over twenty })ounds. In th(> chamber over the hall were a yellow rug, a couch, silver i)late worth £35-18s., and the only watch 1 have ever found mentioned, valued at £4, in adtlition to the common furniture. The study gloried in a library, worth £100-0-0, an extraordinary collection of books, revealing scholarly tastes as well as a plethoric purse, a cabinet, a desk and two chairs, and a jmir of creepers or little fire irons. In contrast with the comfort and luxury of these fine homes, "the short and simple annals of the poor" would be of deep interest. Unfortunately for us, as well as for the humble folk themselves, who dwelt in houses sixteen and eighteen feet square, their belongings were so few and cheap that an inven- tory seemed superfiuous, and we are left largely to our own surmising as to how they lived. One glimpse into the humbler sort of home is permitted us in the inventory of William Averill. His will was entered in 1652. He gave to each of his seven children the sum of five shillings, "for my outward estate being but small." In his inventory his house and lot were appraised at £10, and the furnishings enumerated are: 1 iron pott, 1 brass pott, 1 frying pan, 4 pewter platters 1 flagon, 1 iron kettle, 1 brass kettle, I copper, 1 brass pan, and some otlier small things, £ i;-17-0 2 chests, 1 fether bed, 1 other bed, 2 pair of sheets, 2 holsters, 3 pillows, 2 blankets, 1 coverlid, 1 bedstead, and other small linen, 5-10-0 2 coats and wearing apparel 3-0-0 a warming |)an 3-0 a tub, 2 pails, a few books 10-0 a corslett 1- 0-0 The total of house, land, cattle and goods was £50. He was not desperately i)oor then, but his circimistances were somewhat narrow. His family numbered nine souls. HOMES AND DRESS. 33 yet they had but one bedstead, and beds and bedding only adequate for this, antl foin- pewter platters for the daily meals. How these nine Averills ate and slept would be an entertaining story, and a reproof to much discontent. In Coffin's History of Newbury I find the following, under the date of 1657: "Steven Dow did acknowledge to him it was a good while before he could eate his master's food, viz. meate and milk, or drinke beer, saying he did not know it was good, because he was not used to eat such victuall, but to eate bread and water porridge, and to drink water." No doubt many a family of the poorer sort lived as frugally as he. The house of John Winthrop, jun., who led the little band of settlers to our town in 1633, is the most interesting of the earliest homes. "An Inventorie of Mr. Winthropps goods of Ipswitch," made by William Clerk, about the year 1636, while Mr. Winthrop was in England, has recently come into the posses- sion of the Historical Society. Thanks to the carefulness of the ancient recorder, we know the contents of every room, and we find far less of luxury than Mr. Rogers enjoyed. Indeed, the humblest of his fellow-citizens might have felt at home in the unpretentious domicile of the excellent young leader. The inventory was made at so early a date, moreover, that it gives us certain knowledge of the rooms and their furnishings of one of the original houses. Imp"; In the Cham' oV the parlor 1 feath"^ bed 1 banckett 1 cov''lett 1 blew rugg 1 boster & 2 pillowes. truiick marked with R. W. F. wherein is 1 mantle of silk wth gld lace 1 holland tablecloth some 3 yards loung 1 pr. SSS hoU [twilled holland?] sheets 1 pillo bear half full of childs liuning, etc." 5 childs blanketts whereof one is bare million 1 cushion for a child of chamlett 1 cours table cloth 3 yards long 6 cros cloths and 2 gnives? 9 childs bedds 2 duble clouts 1 p' hoU sleeves 4 apons whereof 1 is laced 2 smocks 2 pr sheets 1 napkin 1 whit square chest wherein is 1 doz. dyp. [diaper ?] napkins 1 damsk napkin 1 doz. hoU napkins 34 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. 2 doz. & 2 uapkius 2 cuberil cloths II pillow bcares II SSS napkius 2 table cloths i towillis 1 SSS hoU shirt 2 dyp tow ills 3 dyp table cloths I pf SSS hoU sheets I long great chest where in is I black gowne tam'y I gowne sea greeue 1 childs baskett 2 old petticotts I red 1 sand coU"^ serg 1 pr leath"^ stockins 1 muff 1 window cushion 5 (luisliion cases 1 small pillowe I peece stript linsy woolsy 1 pr boddyes I tapstry cov''lett I peece lininge stuff for curtins I red bayes cloake for a woman 1 pr of sheets In the Cham'' ov'" the kychin 1 fealh''bed I boster I pillowe 2 blanketts 2 ruggs bl. & w* 2 floq bedds 5 ruggs 2 bolsters I pillowe I broken warming pan In the Garrett Cham'" ov'' the Storehouse many small things glasses, potts etc. In the Parlor 1 bedsted I trundle bedsted w"» curtains & vallences I table & G stooles 1 miiskett, I small fowleing peece w"* rest and bandeleer ff 1 trunk of pewter tf 1 cabbinett, wherin the servants say is rungs [rings?] iewills I3sil'' spoones this 1 cannot open ^ I cabbinett of Surgerie In the kyttchin I brass baking pan 5 milk pans I small pestle & niorter J HOMES AND DRESS. 35 1 Steele mill 14 muskets, rests & bandeleers 2 iron kettles 2 copp"^ 1 brasse kettle 1 iron pott 2 bl jacks 2 skillitts whertof one is brasse 4 porrinyors 1 spitt I grat"^ 1 p'' racks 1 p"^ aiidirnes 1 old iron rack 1 iron pole 1 grediron 1 p"^ tongs 2 brass ladles 1 p"" bellowes 2 stills w"' bottnras In M Wards hands 1 silv"^ cupp 6 spoones I salt of silver In the ware howse 2 great chests naled upp 1 cliest 1 trunk w'''> I had ord"" not to open 1 chest of tooles ^ 6 coAves a steeres 2 heitters # dyv« peeces of iron and Steele Mr. Winthrop's wife and infant daughter had died not long before, and a pathetic interest attaches to the contents of the chests. The trundle bed in the parlor would indicate that this had been the family sleeping room. Evidently there were but four rooms and the house we can easily imagine was small and unassuming. A demure Puritan simplicity, we may think, characterized the dress of our forefathers. Life in the wilderness may seem to harmonize only with coarse and cheap attire, for an age of homespun logically admitted of no finery. Such preconcep- tions are wide of the truth. Puritan principle required a pro- test against current fashion as against religious and social usages; but the elegance and expensiveness of both male and female dress in Old England had been so great that a goodly degree of reaction and repression could find place and yet leave no small remnant of goodly and gay attire. Not a few of those men and women of old Ipswich came from homes of luxury, — Dudley and Bradstreet from the castle home of the Earl of Jvincoln; Saltonstall from contact with the nobility in his knightly father's house; Winthrop and Whittingham from 36 IPSWICH. IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. fine fuinily coiiiu'ction.s. Many fair Enfj;li.sh custunics found place in tlicii' chests and strong boxes that came over the seas, antl the ])lain houses and phiiner meeting-house were radiant, on Sal)bath da.ys and high days, with l)rigiit cok)rs and fine fabrics. The common dress of men was far more showy than tlie fashion of today. A loose-fitting coat, called a doublet, reached a little Ijelow the hips. Beneath this, a long, full waistcoat was worn. Baggy trousers were met just below the knee by long stockings, which were held in ])lace by garters, tied with a bow-knot at the side. About the neck, a "falling band" found place, a broad, white collar, that api)ears in all ))ictures of the time; and a hat with conical crown and broad brim completed the best attire. A great cloak or heavy long coat secm-ed warmth in winter. Their garments were of various materials and colors. Unfortunately, wearing apparel is usually mentioned in the bulk in inv(>ntories. but occasional specifica- tions afford us an idea of the best raiment. Mention is made of "a large blew cote" and "a large white coat;" of a fine "purple cloth sute, doublett and hose" belonging to John Goffe or Goss of Newbury, who also had a short coat, a pair of lead-colored breeches, a green doublett, a cloth doublett, a leather doublett, also leather and woolen stockings, two hats and a cloth cap. The men generally had their rough suits of leather and homespun for the farm work, and the delicate cloth- ing for special occasions. So we find musk-colored broadcloth and damson-colored cloth, cloth grass-green, blue waistcoats and green waistcoats, cloth hose, and hose of leather and woolen stuff, boots and shoes, black hats, home-made caps, gloves, silver buttons, of which John Cross owned three dozen and one, and sometimes a gown. Of the ladies' wardrobe, I am loath to speak. Certain pop- ular pictures of Priscilla at her spinning, and sweet Puritan maidens watching the departure of the Mayflower, have pleased our fancy, and forthwith we clothe the women of the days of old in quaker-like caps and dresses, graceful in their simplicity, — nun-like garbs, over which Dame Fashion had no tyranny. But the truth niu.st be told. Widow Jane Kenning, who lived near the corner of Lonev's HOMES AND DRESS, 57 Lane, had for her best array, "a cloth oowne/' worth £2 5s.. "a serge gown" vahied at £2, "a red petticoat with two laces," appraised at a pound sterling, and lesser ones of serge and para- gon, a cloth waistcoat and a linsey woolsey apron. That "cloth waistcoat" was no mean affair, I judge. The lawyer, Thomas Lechford of Boston, who indulged in a silver-laced coat and a gold-wrought cap for himself, records: "Received of Mr. Geo. Story, four yards and half a quarter of tuft holland to make my wife a wastcoate at 2s. 8d. a yard." Widow Ken- ning's was worth 8s. Lechford also enters under date 1640, Feb. 1: "I pay'd John Hiu'd [a tailor in Boston], delivered to his wife by Sara our niayd, for making my wife's gown, 8s." "Tailor made" dresses are not a modern invention, then, and if Boston dames were patrons of tailors, the ladies of aristocratic Ipswich were not a whit behind. For common wear, blue linen, lockram or coarse linen, linsey-woolsey, mohair, a mixture of linen and wool, and holland were the common materials. Dame Eliz. Lowle of Newbury had her riding suit and muff, silver bodkins and gold rings. Some interesting letters to Madame Rebekah Symonds, widow of the Deputy Governor, from her son by a former marriage in London, in the Antiqua- rian papers, reveal these wardrobe secrets. He wrote in 1664 of sending his mother a "flower satin mantle lined with sarsnet. £1 10s., a silver clasp for it, 2s. 6d., cinnamon taffity, 15s., two Cambrick whisks with two pare of cuffs, £1" also, in the same ship, "a light blew blanket, 200 pins, 1^ yards chamlet, also Dod on the Commandments (bound in green plush), also a pair of wedding gloves, and my grandmother's funeral ring." In 1673, he sent "one ell n of fine bag Holland, 2 yds. | of lute-string, a Lawn whiske, wool cards one paire, a Heath Brush, 2 Ivorie Combe, ye bord box rest." In her sixtieth year, Madam Symonds, keenly alive to the demands of fashion, had written her son for a fashionable Lawn whiske; but he, anxious to gratify her, yet desirou.- as well that his mother should be dressed in strict accord with London fashion, replied that the "fashionable Lawn whiske is not now worn, either by Gentil or simple, young or old. In- stead whereof I have bought a shape and ruffles, which is now 38 IPSWICH. IX THE MASSACHUSETTS HAY (MILOXY. tho vvaro of tlie <>;ravost as woll as tho yoiino; onos. Such as g,oo not with naked necks ware a blaek wifle over it. 'rher(>f()re, I have not only Bouo;ht a plaine one yt you .sent for, hut also a TiUstre one, such as are most in fashion." She had sent for (lanison-coU)red Si)anish k^ath(M- for women's shoes. This, he informed her, was wholly out of style and use, and "as to the feathered fan, I should also have found in my heart, to have let it alone, because none but very orave persons (and of them very few) use it. That now 'tis o-j-own almost as obsolete as Russets, and more rare to be seen than a yellow hood." Nevertheless, to please the exacting leader of the Ipswich ton, he sent, with ten yards of silk, and two yards of TiUstre "a feather fan and silver handle, two tortois fans, 200 needles, 5 yds. sky calico, silver gimp, black sarindin cloak, damson leather skin, two women's Ivorie knives, etc." Madame Symonds was no more addicted to the uttermost extreme of fashion than were the women of the first years of the settlement and the men themselves, we must confess. It is one of the anomalies of history that the most religious of all people, as we have come to think them, the Sabbath-keeping, church- going Puritans, should have been so far in thraldom to the world, the flesh and the devil, that they were guilty of frivolous excess in aping the fashions of the mother-land. But so it was. In 1634, the love of fine clothes was so notorious, that the General Court felt constrained to lament "the greate supflu- ous, and unnecessary expences occaconed by reason of some newe and imodest fashions, as also the ordinary wearing of silver, golde and silk laces, girdles, hat-bands, etc." and ordered fortliwith that no person, either man or woman, "shall here- after make or buy an appell either woolen, silke or lynnen, with any lace in it, silver, golde, silke or threade," under pen- alty of forfeiture of such clothes — "also noe ^son, either man or woman, shall make or buy any slashed cloathes, other than one slash in each sleeve and another in the backes; also all cut-works, imbroidered or needle worke, cappes, bands and rayles, are forbidden hereafter to be made or worn, under the aforesaid penalty." Apparel already in use might be worn J I HOMES AND DRESS. 39 out, but the immoderate great sleeves, slashed apparel, immod- erate great "rayles." long wings, etc., were to be curtailed and remodelled more modestly at once. In 1639, when our town had been gathering strength six years, the fiat again went forth against "women's sleeves more than half an ell wide in the widest place, immoderate great breches, knots of ryban, broad shoulder bands and rayles, silk roses, double ruffes and cuffes, etc." Sleeves were a target for Shakespeare's wit. "What, this a sleeve? There's snip, and nip; and out and slish and slash, Like to a censor in a barber's shop." No doubt the women of Ipswich needed admonition in these particulars, and some of the men most likely walked abroad with their doublet sleeves slashed to display the fine linen shirt sleeves beneath, with too large trousers and knots of ribbon in their shoes, or wearing boots with flaring tops, nearly as large as the brim of a hat, very conspicuous, if made of "white russet" leather, as Edward Skinner's in 1641. Perchance they dared to wear their hair below the ears, and falling upon the neck. The English Roundhead with short, cropped hair, in obedience to Paul's injunction, was the ideal of the sterner Puritans of our Colony, but there was from the beginning a persistent determination by some of the more frivolous sort,to wear long hair. Higginson jocosely discovered the origin of the fashion in the long lock worn by Indian braves. The General Court set its face as a flint against this in 1634. It was a burning theme of pulpit address, and the clergy prescribed that the hair should by no means lie over the band or doublet collar, biit might grow a little below^ the ear in winter for warmth. Rev. Nath. Ward, in his Simple Cobler, dispensed wisdom: "If it be thought no wisdome in men to distinguish themselves in the field by the Scissers, let it be thought no injustice in God not to distinguish them by the sword," and "I am sure men use not to wear such manes." It was derisively suggested that long nails like Nebuchadnezzar's would be next in fashion. Rev. Ezekiel Rogers of Rowley was so bitter in his detestation of the habit that he cut off his nephew from his inheritance 40 IPSWK'H, IN THTO MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. becauso of his porsistonco; and in his Election sermon before tlie (JiMieral Court, he assaiknl lonfi hair with fiery zeal. So enormous was the offence that on May 10, 1649,(Jovernor Endieott. Deputy Governor Dudley and seven of the Assistants thus declared themselves: "Forasmuch as the wearing of long hair after the manner of ruffians and barbarous Indians has begun to invade New England, contrary to the rule of God's woril, which says it is a shame for a man to wear long hair, etc.. We, the magistrates, who have subscribed this paper, (for the shewing of our own innocency in this liehalf) do declare and manifest our dislike and detestation against the wearing of such long hair, as against a thing uncivil and unmanly, whereby men doe deforme themselves, and offend sober and modest men, and doe corrupt good manners. We doe, therefore, earnestly entreat all the elders of this jurisdiction (as often as they shall see cause to manifest their zeal against it in their pub- lic administration) to take care that the members of their re- spective churches be not defiled therewith; that so such as shall prove obstinate and will not reforme themselves, may have God and man to witness against them." Some gay-plumed ladies of his Ipswich church may have been in his mind, when grim Mr. Ward discharged himself of his ill-humor against the sex, affirming "When I heare a nu- giperous Gentle-dame inquire what dress the Queen is in this week, what the nudius tertian of the Court, I look at her as the very gizzard of a trifle, the product of a quarter of a cypher, the epitome of nothing, fitter to be kickt, if she were of a kickable substance, than either honored or humored." "To speak moderately, I truly confess it is beyond the ken of my understanding to conceive, how those women should have any true grace or valuable vertue, that have so little wit as to disfigure themselves with such exotick garbs, as not only dismantles their native lovely lustre, but transclouts them into gant bar-geese, ill-shapen. shotten shell-fish, Egyptian hieroglyphics, or at the best into French flurts of the pastry, which a proper English woman should scorn with her heels. It is no marvel they wear drailes on the hinder part of their heads, having nothing as it seems in the fore-part but a few HOMES AND DRESS. 41 Squirrel brains to help them frisk from one ill-favor'cl fortune to another." His indignation against tailors for lending their art to clothe women in French fashions was intense: "It is a more common than convenient saying that nine Taylors make a man ; it were well if nineteene could make a woman to her minde; if Taylors were men indeed, well furnished but with meer morall principles, they would disdain to be led about like apes, by such mimick Marmosets. It is a most imworthy thing for men that have bones in them to spend their lives in making fidle-cases for futilous women's phansies; which are the very pettitoes of in- fermity, the gyblets of perquisquilian toyes." Ridicule, precept and statute law were alike powerless to check this over-elegance. Again, in 1651, the General Court repeated its "^greife . . . that intollerable excesse and bravery hath crept in upon us, and especially amongst people of meane condition, to the dishonor of God, the scandall of its professors, the consumption of estates, and altogether unsute- able to our povertie." Hence it proceeded to declare its "utter detestation and dislike that men or women of mean condition, educations and callings should take upon them the garb of gentlemen by the wearing of gold and silver lace, or buttons, or poynts at their knees, to walke in greate bootes, or women of the same ranke to wear silke or tiffany hoodes or scarfes, which though allowable to persons of greater estate or more liberal education, yet we cannot but judge intollerable in person of such like condition." So, at last, it was ordered that no person whose visible estate did not exceed £200 should wear such buttons or gold or silver lace, or any bone lace above 2s. per yard or silk hoods or scarfs, upon penalty of 10s. for each offence. Magistrates and their families, military officers, soldiers in time of service, or any whose education or employments were above the ordinarv were excepted from the operation of this law. The judicial powers were in grim earnest, and at the March term of the Quarter Sessions Court, in Ipswich, some of her gentle folk felt the power of the law. Ruth Haffield, daughter of the widow whose farm was near the bridge, still called "HafReld's," was "presented" as the 42 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. legal })hrasc is, for oxcoss in apparel, but iijx)!! the affidavit of Richard Coy, that her inotlKM- was worth £200 she was dis- eharKod. Georfje I'almer was fined 10s. and fees for wearing silver lace. Sanuiel Broeklebank, taxed with the same offence, was discharged. The vvif(^ of .John Hutchings was called to account shortly after for wearing a silk hood, but she proved that she had been brought up above the ordinary rank and was discharged. John Whipple made it evident that he was worth the recpiisite £200 and his good wife escaped. Anthony Potter, Richard Brabrook, Thomas Harris, Thomas Maybe and Edward Brown were all called upon to justify their wives' finery. In 1659 the daughter of Humphrey Griffin presumed to indulge in a silk scarf, and her father was fined 10s. and court fees. John Kimball was able to prove his pecuniary ability and his wife wore her silk scarf henceforth unquestioned. As late as 1675, Arthur Abbott, who is mentioned as the be^arer of fine dress goods from Madame Symonds's son in London, and who very naturally may have brought his good wife some finery from the London shops, was obliged to pay his 10s. for his wife's public wearing of a silk hood. Benedict Pulcipher for his wife, Haniell Bosworth for his two daughters, John Kindrick, Thomas Knowlton and Obadiah Bridges for their wives' over dress, were called to account before judge and jury. The middle of the century found one of the most whimsical and extraordinary fashions in vogue in England, and New England was infected as well, we presume. Ladies decorated their faces with court-plaster, cut in fantastic shapes. Bulwer, in his "Artificial Changeling," published in 1650, in England, speaking of these patches says "some fill their visage full of them," and he describes the shapes one fine lady delighted to wear: "a coach with a coachman and two horses with postilions on her forehead, a crescent under each eye, a star on one side of her mouth, a plain circular patch on her chin." In "Wit Restored," a poem printed in 1658: "Her patches are of every cut For pimples and for scars ; Here's all the wanderinsj planets' signs And some of the fixed stars, Already gummed to make them stick. They need no other sky." HOMES AND DRESS. 43 As the century waned, the offence of wearing lono- hair paled into insignificance beside the unspeakal^le sin of wearing wigs. Hap])ily, or unhappily, as the point of view varies, the ministers could not agree in this. The portrait of Rev. John Wilson, of Boston, who died in 1667, presents him wearing a full wig, and many of the clergy were addicted to the same head-gear; but pul)lic sentiment was strong against the fashion, and the rieneral Court in 1675, condemned "the practise of men's wear- ing their own or other's hair made into periwigs." Judge Sewall alludes to the hated custom with spiteful brevity in his Diary. .q685— Sept. 16. Three admitted to the church. Two wore periwigs.'- .ilG97— Mr. Noyes of Salem wrote a treatise on periwigs." .il708— Aug. 20. Mr. Cheever died. The welfare of the province was much upon his heart. He abominated periwigs." The Judge felt such extreme virulence toward these " Horrid Bushes of Vanity," that he would not sit under the ministra- tions of his own pastor, who had cut off his hair and donned a wig, but worshipped elsewhere. In our neighbor town of Newbury, the clerical wig was so much an affront that, in 1752, Richard Bartlett was taken to task for refusing to commune with the chiu'ch because the pastor wore a wig, and because the church justified him in it, and also for that "he sticks not from time to time to assert with the greatest assurance that all who wear wigs, unless they repent of that particular sin before they die, will certainly l)e damned, which we judge to be a piece of uncharitable and sinful rash- ness." But the battle was already lost. In 1722, here in Ipswich just about on the site of the Seminary building, Patrick Farrin, chirurgeon, boldly hung out his sign, "periwig-maker" and the gentlemen of Ipswich could have their wigs and keep then curled, powdered and frizzled as fashion required. Women, too, were given to marvellous coiffures. Cotton Mather apostrophized the erring sex in 1683— "Will not the haughty daughters of Zion refrain their pride in apparel? Will they lay out their hair, and wear their false locks, their borders and towers like comets about their heads?" They were called "apes of Fancy, friziling and curlying of their hayr." They had fallen far away from the Puritan "bangs" to which Hig- 44 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. o;insoii alliulos in his comment on tlie Indians. "Thoir hair is gciu'rally black and cnt l)(>fore like our gentlewomen." Then, their hair was built aloft and extended out "like butterfly wings over the ears." "False locks were set on wyers to make them stand at a distance from the head." A bill is mentioned by Felt, as contracted in this town in 1697 "for wire and catgut in making up attire for the head." But legal restriction of dress was at an end. The whim of the wearer, and the state of the purse, henceforth determined the fashion of head dress and raiment. CHAPTER IV. SOME NOTABLE SETTLERS. The little colony of a dozen souls became at once a con- spicuous center of light and influence. The leader, John Win- throp, eldest son of the Governor, gave great prestige.' He had been a student of Trinity College, Dublin, and after a course of legal study had been admitted a barrister of the Inner Tem- ple, February 28, 1624-5. A few years later he entered the navy and served with the fleet under the Duke of Buckingham, for the relief of the French Protestants of La Rochelle. He spent more than a year in foreign travel. Cultured and com- panionable, he drew about him by the force of his personality that group of eminent men, which made Ipswich a town of rare quality. One of the earliest arrivals was Nathaniel Ward, the first of the long line of eminent ministers. Thomas Parker had served the church for a few months, but had removed with his company to Newbury, and his residence seemed to have been regarded as temporary. "Perhaps no other Englishman who came to America in those days brought with him more of the ripeness that is born' not only of time and study but of distinguished early associa- tions, extensive travel in foreign lands, and varied professional experience at home. He was graduated at Emmanuel College. Cambridge, in 1603, and is named by Fuller among the learned writers of that college who were not fellows. . . . His per- sonal and professional standing may be partly inferred from his acquaintance with Sir Francis Bacon, with Archbishop Usher, and with the famous theologian of Heidelberg, David Parens. "^ He chose the law as his profession and became a barrister in 1615, but while travelling on the Continent, he was so much influenced by the advice of Parens, that he decided to enter the ministry. 1 See "A Sketch of John Winthrop the Younger," I'ublications of the Ipswich His- torical Society, vii. ' M. C. Tyler, "History of Americitn Literature", vol. I, p. 2i7. (45) 46 IPSWICH. I.\ THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. though he wa.s then about forty years old. He became rector at Htoiidou Massey in Essex. His uiiconiproniising Puritanism brou l-.>6. '- Miiss. Hist. Sec. Collec. series 4, voL vii, pp. 24-26. SOME NOTABLE SETTLERS. 47 by his legal learnino;^ his lonjj; familiarity with the legal systems of the Old World and his mature age. He spent three years in this work, and the result of his labors was a code of one hundred laws, which was submitted to the judgment of the General Court, discussed in every town, and finally adopted in 1641. John Cotton was associated with him nominally, but Governor Winthrop speaks of the code, "as composed by Mr. Nathaniel Ward,"' and it has been generally recognized as his work.^ "The Body of Liberties,'? as it was called, has challenged the admiration of many acute students. Speaking of the Preamble, Mr. W. F. Poole observes:^ "This sublime declaration standing at the head of the first Code of Laws in New England was the production of no common intellect. It has the movement and the dignity of a mind like John Milton's or Algernon Sidney's, and its theory of govern- ment was far in advance of the age. A bold avowal of the rights of man, and a plea for popular freedom, it contains the germs of the memorable declaration of July 4, 1776." Dr. Francis C. Gray'* remarks upon the originality of this Code, "although it retains some strong traces of the times, it is, in the main, far in advance of them, and in several respects in advance of the Common Law of England at this day (1818)." "It shows, that our ancestors, "he continues, "instead of de- ducing their laws from the books of Moses, established at the outset a code of fundamental principles, which taken as a whole, for wisdom, equity and adaptation to the wants of their com- munity, challenge a comparison with any similar production from Magna Charta itself to the latest Bill of Rights that has been put forth in Europe or America." This great work was followed by another, of different char- acter, but of unique and imperishable renown, the famous satire, "The Simple Cobler of Aggawam." It was published in England in 1646, and attained immediate success. Four edi- tions were called for before the year closed. Its pungent criti- 1 Winthrop's History of New Enfrlaiid, voL II, 1st ed. p. .55; 2nd ed. p. 66. « "Remarks on the early Laws of Massachusetts P.ay, with the Code adopted in 1641 and called the Body of Liberties, l)y F. C. Gray, LL.D. Mass. Hist. Soc. Col- lee, series 3, viii, 191." ■•> Introduction to his edition of .Johnsons Wonder Working Providence, page Ixv. ■* Maes. Hist. Soc.'CoUectious, aeries 3, viii, p. 199. 48 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. ci.sm. its orif^inality of thought, its striking vo('abiilaiy, more rugged and individual than Carlyle's, made it a j^ioneer work ill that (lei)artment of Hterature.' In the year following the beginning of Mr. Ward's ministry, a welcome addition to the settlement was made, when Richard Saltonstall, eldest son of Sir Richard, conspicuous for wealth and highest social standing, chose this town for his home. He was oidy twenty-five years old, but had already graduated from Ennnanuel College. With him came his young wife, Mericl or Muriel Gurdon, only twenty-two years old, and the baby Muriel of nine months. The old minister was more than glad, we are sure, when Saltonstall built his house only a few rods away, somewhere on the sightly fourteen acres, that bordered on the Green, the Highway, and the River, not far from the ancient Mcjrrifield house. Hie community honored young Saltonstall at once with responsible public office. He was elected Deputy to the Gen- eral Court, and in 1636, was appointed to hold court in Ipswich. He was chosen Assistant in 1637, and was re-elected annually until 1649. In March, 1635-6, the General Court passed an order providing that a certain number of magistrates should be elected for a life term as a standing council. The measure proved unpopular. The people saw in it an irresponsible body, the existence of which was wholly contrary to democratic ideas. Some action was taken by the Court looking toward its dissolution, but the Council still remained. Whereupon, Mr. Saltonstall, then an Assistant, with fair prospect of becoming a member of this life board, wrote a book, in which he argued with much force that it was contrary to the Charter and a sinful innovation. The book gave great offence, and many demanded that summary punishment be visited upon its author, but the book was rc^ferrcd to the elders. They all met in Ipswich on the 18th of October, 1642, differed much in their judgment about it. but acknowledged the soundness of the propositions ad- vanced. Again in 1645, single-handed and alone, he lifted up his voice like a trumpet in the Great and General Court, when Capt. ' See an excellent review of this work in M. C. Tyler's History of American Liter ature, vol. 1, page 228. . . . SOME NOTABLE SETTLERS. 49 James Smith, master of the ship Rainbow, brought into the country two negroes kidnapped from the Guinea coast. He denounced the heinous act of steaHng these poor l)lacks, as con- trary to the Law of God and of the country, demanded that the officers of the ship be imprisoned, and addressed a petition, signed by himself ah)ne, praying that the slaves be returned at the public expense. Mr. Saltonstall lived to be an old man, full of honors, but nothing gives such lustre to his name as this strong blow for the emancipation of these two African slaves.' That same year, 1635, saw the incoming of another family of great distinction. Gov. Thomas Dudley, having retired from the chief magistracy in May, 1635, removed from Cam- bridge and took up his home in Ipswich. He had distinguished himself as a man of affairs in Cld England, and brought wealth and reputation to the Colony. He was made Dei)uty Governor before the ship sailed, and continued in that office until 1634, when he was chosen Governor. He was in his sixtieth year, and a notable family circle had grown up about him. His daughter Ann had married Simon Bradstreet, and Patience had married Daniel Denison. Both sons-in-law accompanied him or soon followed, already men of weight, and destined to play a great part in the history of the colony. Denison took rank at once with the most conpicuous citizens. He was chosen Deputy to the General Co-urt the same year he arrived, and continued in public office all his life, as Justice of the lower Court, Assistant, and leader in political affairs. He was the one skilled soldier as well, and became the military leader of the Town and eventually of the Colony. Samuel Symonds soon arrived, a man of most lovable spirit, and a sharer with Deni- son in all political and judicial distinctions. He began his public career with the offices of Town Clerk and Deputy, but died while holding the high place of Deputy Governor. The careers of these men were inwoven with the history of our Town, and will be unfolded as later events claim our notice. Rev. John Norton^ came as associate to Mr. Ward near the close of his ministry. He was then thirty-two years old, and had gained already a reputation for extraordinary scholarship, > Bonii's History of Watertown, ]>. 91") and foUowinff. 2 Cotton Mathcr'ti Magnalia, p. 32, ed. of 1772. 50 ll'SWICH, IN THE MASSACMU.SKTTS BAY COLONY. and .urcat acutcness in the()l()l that they had Judges rather than Disciples). His Collegue here was the celebrious Norton, and glorious was the Church of Ipswich now, in two such extraordinary persons, with their different Gifts, but united Hearts, carrying on the Concerns of the Lord's kingdom in it!"' Mr. Rogers built his house near the "Gables" on the west sid(> of the South Green, the third graduate of Emmanuel College to make his home in this favored neighborhood. Mr. Norton purchased Mr. Fawn's house on East Street, on the site of the Foster Russell house, a little way from Mr. Winthrop's. Other men of sterling quality came: Samuel A}:)})leton from l^ittle Waldingfield. with his two sons, John and Samuel, destined for conspicuous careers; Robert Payne, the Polder of the Church, the generous friend of education; John Cogswell, the London merchant, and many others. This extraordinary circle of cultured and conspicuous set- tlers did not remain long unbroken. Mr. Winthrop returned from England in 1635 with a commission from Lords Say and Brook to begin a plantation in Connecticut, and he began active preparations in November, 1635. to build a fort at Say brook. His townsmen were greatly grieved at his prospective departure, and Mr. Ward wrote him a noteworthy and pathetic letter praying him to continue in Ipswich.^ He did not remove permanently, however. In the summer of 1637, fresh occasion of disquiet arose, from the report that he was to be a]:)pointed Connnander of the Castle at Boston, and a petition of remon- strance to the Governor and Councillors was drawn up and signed by Richard Saltonstall, Nath'. Ward, John Norton, Daniel D(Miison, Samuel Appleton, and more than fifty other citi- zens. This is dated June 21, 1637. ' Magiiiilia, p. 107. - The letter in full is in tlie Sketch of Jolin Wiuthrop the Younger, p. 19. Transcription of the petition of remonstrance against tlie departure of John Winthrop Jr. Page 50. (First page.) To our much honored Gov -S; Counsello'"' aft Boston, these. Our humble duties & respects premised: understanding there is an Intention to call JVP Winthrop Jun from us & to remitt the Custody of the Castle to him, we could not, out of the entire affection we beare to him & liis welfare, but become earnest petitioner* to your worship' that you would not deprive our Church & Towne of one whose pi'esence is so gratefuU & usefuU to us. It was for his sake that many of us came to this place & w*''out liim we should not have come. His abode with us hath made our abode here much more comfortable than otherwise it would have bene. M'' Dudley's leav- ing us hath made us much more desolate & weake than we were, & if we should loose anoth"" magistrate it would be too great a grief to us & breach upon us, & not a magistrate only but our Lieutenant Colonell so beloved of our Soldiou"'" & military men that this remote Corner would be left destitute & desolate. Neith"" can we conceive but that this removall from us will much prejudice & unsettle him ; the place he is chosen unto we feare will neith'' mayntaine him & his company comfortably nor prove certaine to him, but upon sund ray occasions mutable. It would be very uncomfortable to him, as we suppose, to live upon others maintenace, or to neglect that portion of land & love which God hath given him amongst us. The improvall of his estate here we hope wDl prove a better & surer support then a yearly stipend from the country, w'='' hath groaned much under the burthen of that Fort already. We find his affections great & con- stant to our Towne & we hope ours shall never faile towards him & his. We therefore humbly beseech you that we may still in joy him, & that you would not expose him to so solitary a life & a place where we hope there wiU not be much use of him ; nor us to the losse & want of one so much desired of us. The distance we are sett in hath made us earnest for the company of able men & as loath to loose them when we have obtained them. Thus hoping you wiU please to consider & tender our condition, we humlily take our leaves, resting You"^ worp* in all due serviss. June 21,1637. lilOH ARD SaLTONSTA KL , Nath"- Waroe. John Norton. s ,u.*/!C ^^yJTf 2/ 7^)^' ■TTCWp tin -K"'''! Q Ki A)c^ S'«i^v« (Second page of petition.) Daniell Samukll Thomas RoBERTT ANDREWES. Joseph Morse, Christopher Osgood. f John Perkins, Jouner. Richard Jacob. — Philip Fowler. WiLLLAM Goodhue. Roger Lanckton. Thomas Dorman. Joseph Medcalpb. Thomas Borman. John Webster. Robert Lord. Thomas Wells. John Gassett. John Coggswell, Humfrie Brodstree. Thomas Cooke. Heughe Sherratt. Edward Katcham. Thomas Clark. John Gage. William Barthollmew ,Micaell Catherite. Henri Pinnder. Samuell Sharman. Jhon Jhonson. Thomas French. Denison. Appleton. Bressye. W: Hubbard. Jonathan Wade. William White. John Pirkines, Senar. George Car. John Tuttell. Richard Haffield. George Giddings. Edward Gardner. John Satchwell. John Saunders. John Severnes. Antony Colby. Robert Mussy, John Peekins. Nathaniell Bishop. John Coventun. Allen Perlby. John Procter. Thomas Howlitt. William Fuller. Alexander Knight. Thomas Hardy. t ^1 ^^(^ '-^y^St-^- r fi^^^*^-^' ■V '^^5^^,f -■^'#rx)«f«d■ rirr-y*. (Third page of petition.) Some of us that are members of the Church at Boston are bold to olayme this promise from M' Winthrop for whome we write, that if we would come hith"" w"^ him he would not forsake us but live & die w*'^ us. Upon these promises we came w*^ him to beginn this plan- tation, and they were made to us upon the proposall of our feares that when we were drawne hith' he should be called away from us. And we both desire and hope that they might be alwayes remem- bered & pformed. » it ~ * I. / •J SOME XOTAHLK SETTLERS. 51 "We could not," it declares, ''out of the entire affection we beare to him & his welfare, but become earn(\st petitioner'' to your worship- that you would not deprive our Church & Towne of one whose presence is so gratefull & usefull to us. It was for his sake that many of us came to this place & w"'()ut him we should not have come. His abode with us hath nuide our abode here much more comfortable than otherwise it would have bene. Mr. Dudley's leaving us hath made us much more desolate & weake than we were, tt if we should loose anoth'' magistrate it would be too great a grief to us & breach upon us, & not a magistrate only but our Lieutenant Colonell so beloved of our Soldiou'"'* & military men that this remote Corner would be left destitute & desolate." In the following January the Town granted him Castle Hill and all meadow and marsh lying within the creeke, ''provided y he lives in the Towne and that the Towne may have what they shall need for the building of a Fort."' But during the year 1639, he seems to have removed his domicile,- and the allusion to Mr. Dudley in the petition indicates that he also had removed at that date. Mr. Saltonstall made repeated and prolonged visits to England, but he had part in one very interesting public matter, which must always be associated with the choice neighborhood about the South Green. The Frenchman, La Tour, arrived in Boston in 1643, and sought of Governor Winthrop help against his rival. D'Aulnay, who had blockaded the St. John River. Winthrop permitted him to hire four ships and a pinnace and sail away. This act roused severe criticism, and on the day the little fleet sailed, a vigorous written protest was handed the Governor, signed by Saltonstall, Ward and Nathaniel Rogers, John Norton and Simon Bradstreet, and Rev. Ezekiel Rogers of Rowley. Dr. Palfray finds Ward's hand in the pungent ut- terance, others attribute it to Saltonstall as the prime mover in the enterprise. Be that as it may, it was an Ipswich Protest, and is so styled in the records of the time. In one of these houses about our Common, the Ipswich clergy and magistrates may have taken deep counsel together and drafted this historic document. Winthrop failed of re- • Town Records. * Sketch of John Wlntliroi) the Younger, p. '26. r>'2 II'SWICH. IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. ck'ction and Dudley was chosen Governor. But this trouble- some Freneli business was not easily settled. In 1645, a com- mission was appointed and authorized to search out the whole truth, but the same Court granted La Tour liberty to arm and equip seven vessels, and Mr. tSaltonstall drew up a solenm minor- ity protest against such action, Mr. Hathorne alone signing with him. No state paper of the period, it is affirmed, excels this document in vigor of exi)ression and loftiness of tone. While the Body of Liberties and the "Simple Cobler" were being written in the humble home of Ward, a gentler Muse was moving the soul of the young wife and mother, Ann Bradstreet. No professional poet had yet arisen in the new Colony. Some metrical Psalms and hymns of singularly unmusical character had been composed for the services of public worship, but Poetry as a fine Art was doubtless reckoned an abomination- The writings of William Shakspeare were held in abhorrence, as the embodiment of that light and frothy spirit, which rejoiced in the drama and the dance, and all other worldly frivolities. But Ann Bradstreet had breathed the air of culture in the old coun- try, and her father's ample library contained the best books that were admissible in a Puritan household. There she found no doubt the works of the French Guillaume du Bartas, a poet now wholly forgotten, but who enjoyed a great reputation in our early colonial times. His chief poem, ''The Divine Weeks and Works," was a metrical version of the story of the Creation and the early history of the Jews. It achieved extraordinary popularity, running to thirty editions in six years, though its style is barbarous, judged by canons of modern judgment. Its pious theme commended it to the sternest Puritans, and Ann Bradstreet was allowed to feast upon its sweets. She was moved to write, and we may count it a necessity of genius. She was married when she was only a girl of sixteen ; she was only twenty-three and a family of children already recpiircd much of her when she came to Ipswich to establish a new home in the wilderness, with its burdensome routine of laborious house- work. She w^as of delicate health withal. Nevertheless, this young wife had presumed to write a poem as early as 1632, when she was twenty A^'ars old, and after she had setthnl into her new I])swich home, she burst into song, which surprised and SOME NOTABLE SETTLERS. 53 charmed hor generation. Poem after poem fell from her facile pen during those eight or nine years of her Ipswich life. Her "Elegy upon Sir Philip Sidney" bears the date, 1638. "In Honor of dii Bartas" was written in 1641. The Dialogue be- tween Old England and New England was composed in 1642, and the poem in honor of Queen Elizabeth in 1643. Her longer poems were composed, it is generally believed, during this same period,' and when her husband removed his home to Andover, her muse grew silent. We need not be surprised. Where else than in Ipswich could she have found the genial and inspiring surroundings which encouraged her song? Her father and mother were next door neighbors for a time. Her sister was close at hand. The excellent William Hubbard, whose two boys were both to become Harvard graduates, and one, Richard, was to marry his boyhood playmate, Sarah Brad- street, the second daughter of the Bradstreets, lived within a stone's throw. Her brother-in-law, Denison, and Sanuiel Symonds, were helpful society. The stern and rasping Nathan- iel Ward was so appreciative of her poetical efforts that he wrote the preface to the volume of poems she was led to publish in 1650. He railed most ungallantly against women with their "squirrel brains" in his Simple Cobler, but he generously ac- knowledged in her praise. "It half revives my chil frost-bitten blood, To see a Woman once do ought that's good: And chode by Chaucer's Bootes and Homer's Furrs, Let Men look to't, least Women wear the Spurrs." Norton and Rogers may have been no less kindly and praise- ful. The Saltonstalls were friends and companions. Keen critics, admiring friends, sympathetic neighbors were about lier. It was not the loneliness and desolateness of those years in Ipswich that drove her to poetry for relief but it was the privilege and richness of her life, the fine intellectual atmos- phere, the generous recognition of her talent, that inspired her. No wonder her pen faltered in the solitude of the Andover farm- house. Her poems are not read today, but the curious student of ' .John Harvarrl Ellis affirms tliat "all the poems In the first edition, at least, were thus apparently written Ijy the time slie waa thirty years old." 54 Il-SWIClI, IN THK MASSACHUSETTS RAY COLOXY. the lit('ratur(> of hvv tini(\ thr inimploclioiis h5niins, the stilted and ix'dantie Mas;iia]ia, tho dull, mochaiiieally measured ser- mons, the «rotes([U(> and bitter Simple Cobler, will feel in her verse, otten dull and laboivd, a singular delicacy and tenderness, and a true poetic instinct. It is not hard to imderstand that her j)ublished jxicmus should have been held in high regard. Her name heads the long list of New T^ngland poets, and her genius brought grace and strength no douljt to William E. Channing, the })reacher, antl Richard H. Dana, the poet, to the orator, Wendell Phillips, and Oliver Wendell Holmes, her direct descendants. Mr. Ward's son, John, who had been settled as rector of Hadleigh in England in 1688, joined his father in 1639, and be- came the minister of Haverhill. His younger son, James, graduated from Harvard in 1645, and in the following year, Mr. Ward and James returned to England. Susan Ward became the wife of Dr. Giles Firmin, who lived awhile in Ipswich on or near th{> site now occupied by the Parsonage of the South Pai'ish, but returned to England and became eminent as a preacher. Mr. Norton grew in scholarly reputation as the years passed. One William Apollonius of Holland, sent over some "Ques- tions" concerning church government in 1644, "whereto the ministers of New England unanimously imposed upon Mr. Nor- ton the task of drawing up an Answer, which he finished in the year 1645. And it was, I suppose, the first Ijatin book that ever was written in this country. "^ He had a large place in the Synod at Cambridge in 1647, and when there was need of a complete refutation of the heresies taught by a book, entitled "The Meritorious Price of Man's Redemption," the General Court appointed Mr. Norton to draw up a Reply, which he did to great acceptance. The renowned John Cotton in his last sickness advised that his church should select Mr. Norton as his successor. He died in December, 1652, and overtures were made at once to Mr. Norton. The Ipswich church made violent opposition to his leaving them, and council followed council, and eventually the good offices of the General Court were needed to secure the transfer of relationship. Cotton Mather dis- courses of Mr. Norton in the pulpit : "It even Transported the Souls of his Hearers to accompany 1 Magiialia, Book ill, p. 34. Monument with tablets near tlie ATeeting House of t\w South Church. A lew rods east of tliis spot were the dwelling and school iiouse of Ezekiel Cheever First Master of the Grammar School 1650 1661 On the east side of the Common was the house of Re^^ Nathaniel Ward 1634 Minister of Ipswich 1637 author of ' ' The Simple Cobler of Aggawam ' ' compiler of The Bodv of Liberties The residence of Richard Saltonstall was on tlie south side of the Common and that of Rev. Nathaniel Rogers Pastor of Ipswich Church 1638 1655 was on the west side ON THE KEVERSE. Here stood The First Meeting House of the 1747 South Parish 1837 The Expedition against Quebec Benedict Arnold in command Aaron Burr m the ranks Marched by this spot, Sept. 15, 177' Rev. William Hubbard Pastor of the Ipswich Church 1656 — 1704 Historian of the Indian wars lived near the river about a hundred rods eastward Erected by The Ipswich Historical Society 1S96 ^ ■h \ .it-' ■■'"'ri'VTt'^-' ■^JS*-^ • J '^V'V^ L^-V'^tBE^ SOME NOTAHLE SETTLERS. 55 him in his devotions, wherein its Graces would make wonderful Salleys into the vast Field of Entertainments and Acknowledg- ments, with which we are furnished in the New Covenant, for our Prayers. I have heard of a Godly Man in Ipswich, who after Mr. Norton's going to Boston, would Ordinarly Travel on foot from Ipswich to Boston, which is about Thirty miles, for nothing but the Weekly Lecture there, and he would profess That it was worth a Great Journey, to be a Partaker in one of Mr. Norton's Prayers."^ Mr. Rogers, the last member of this brilliant group, con- tinued his pastorate until 1655. He suffered much in his last years from the reproach of his hearers that he did not exert himself as he might to prevent the removal of his illustrious Associate. His health, never vigorous, was weakened. Cotton Mather records, by his disuse of Tobacco, to which he was much addicted. He was aware of his approaching end, and having blessed the three children of his daughter Margaret, wife of Rev. William Hubbard, he uttered his last words, "My Times are in thy Hands," and passed away on July 3, 1655. In the seventeen years of his ministry, "he went over the Five last Chapters of the Epistle to the Ephesians, . . the Twelfth Chapter to the Hebrews; the Fourteenth Chapter of Hosea; the Doctrine of Self-Denial, and walking with God, and the Fifty-third Chapter of Isaiah to the great Satisfaction of all his Hearers, with many other subjects more occasionally handled."^ ' Magnalla, Book ill, p. 40. = Magnalia, Book ill, pp 107, 108. CHAPTER V. THE DEVELOPMENT OF OUR TOWN fiOVBRNMENT. It was an easy matter, we imangth of Ipswitch should extend westward unto [ ] buryinge place, and Eastward unto a Cove of the River, unto the planting ground of John Pirkings the Elder." The cove here mentioned is that below the wharves, where East street touches the River; John Perkins Sen. owned land on the opposite side of the street. I^eyond these limits, the land was held in common. It was further specified that "the Neck of land adjoining Mr. Robert Coles extending unto the sea shall remayne for common use unto the Town forever." This may mean Manning's Neck, or Jef- frey's, or even both. "The Neck(> of land, whereupon the Great Hill standeth, w'ch is known by the name of Castle Hill," was likewise reserved. This vote, however, was revoked when Castle Hill was granted Mr. John Winthrop Jan. 13, 1637-8 "provided that he lives in the Town, and that the Town may have what they shall need for the building of a fort." devkl()PMf:nt of ouk town covernment. 61 To define this coinnion laiul, and separate it effectually from the Town proper, a fence was necessary, and the Town voted in January, 1637-8 "that a general fence shall be made from the end of the town to Egypt River, with a sufficient fence, and also from the East end of the Town in the way to Jeffries Neck, from the fence of John Perkins to the end of a creek in the marsh near land of W" Foster, to be done at the charge of all those that have land within the said compass, and by them to be maintained." On the south side of the River, this fence was near Heart-break Hill (1650), and it extended across to the present County Road, near the line of the brook, as seems prob- able from ancient deeds. Liberty was granted to fell trees for this purpose, and it may have been built easily of logs, piled zigzag fashion, as pasture fences are still built in wooded regions. As early as 1639, a special Conniiittoe was chosen to view this fence, the original "Fence Viewers," who are still elected at the March town meeting. Their function was of the highest importance. The principal use of these common lands was for jjasturage. Johnson, in his Wonder Working Providence, observes that the cattle had become so numerous in 1646 that many hundred quarters of beef were sent to Boston from Ipswich every autumn. Swine and sheep had increased rapidly also. Every day these great herds were driven out into the commons to find rich and abundant forage in the woods, and along the sedgy banks of ponds and streams. The common fence was necessary to keep them from straying back into the cultivated fields. Any breach in it might involve great loss in growing crops, at a time when a scarce harvest was a very serious menace to the health and comfort of the little community. No wonder they chose men of the greatest sobriety and care- fulness for the responsible duty of viewing and having charge of this rude fence. Their duties became even more onerous, we may presume, after the year 1653 when, in accordance with the order from the Cieneral Court, the town ordered "that all persons, con- cerned and living in Ipswich shall, before April 2()th have their fences in a good state (except farms of one hundred acres) made of pales well nailed or pinned, or of five rails well fitted, or 62 Il'SWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. of stone wall throe and a half feet hiijh at least, or with a ditch three or Foin- feet wide, with a snl)stantial bank, having two rails or a hedge, or some eciuivalent, on i)enaltv of os. a rod and 2s a week for each rotl while neglected." The herds of large and small cattle needed to be watched lest they should stray away into the wilderness, or be assailed by wolv(>s. For this service, the cowherd and shei)herd and swine-luM-d were essential, and thus we find the town olhcials of England in the Middle Ages again in vogue in our midst. Prt)f. Edward A. Freeman in his Introduction to American Insti- tutional Histor}^' aptly observes: "The most notable thing of all, yet surely the most natural thing of all, is that the New England settlers of the 17th cen- tury, largely reproduced English institutions in an older shape than they l)or(» in the England of the seventeenth c(Mitin'y. They gave a new life to many things, which in their older home had well nigh died out. The necessary smallness of scale in the original settlements was the root of the whole matter. It, so to speak, drove them back for several centiu'ies. It caused them to reproduce in not a few points, not the England of their own day, but the England of a far earlier time. It led them to reproduce in many points the state of things in old Greece and in medieval Switzerland." In the earliest ' contract with the cowherds mentioned in our Town Records, under date of Sept. 1639, agreement was made with Wm. Fellows to keep the herd of cows on the south sitle the river, from the 20th of April to the 20th of November. He was bound "to drive them out to feed before the sunne be half an hour high, and not to bring them home before half an hour before sunset." He was to drive the cattle, "coming over the River, back over the River at night," and to take charge of them "as soon as they are put over the River in the morning." He was liable for all danger conung to the cattle, either by leaving them at night or during the day, and was to receive 12 pence for each cow before he took them, a shilling and sixjx'nce fourteen days after midsunnner and the rest at the end of the term in corn or money, a total of £15. ' Johns Hopkins University Studies, 1. DEVELOPMENT OF <^UR TOWN GOVERNMENT. 63 The cows on the north side of the river were herded by themselves in 1640, and Wni. Fellows, Mark Quilter and Symon Tompson were the cow-keepers, receiving them at Mr. Norton's gate. In 1643, the cows were gathered, "over against Mr. Robert Payne's house," i. e. at the corner of High and North- Main streets. The cowherds were instructed in 1647, at "the first opportunity to burn the woods, and to make a Bridge over the River to Wilderness Hill,"i and all herdsmen were ordered "to winde a horn before their going out." The herds were driven out, partly "over Sanders." i. e. over Sanders's brook on the Topsfield road, and jjartly up High street. The owners of cows were bound to provide men to relieve the cow- herds every other Sabbath day. The herdsmen warned two on Fritlay night for each Sabbath day and refusal to do the service required was punishable with a fine of three shillings for each instance of neglect. In 1649, Daniel Ringe was ordered to "attend on the green before Mr. Rogers house" (the South Green) and the cowherd was obliged to keep the herd one Sunday in four. The whole time and attention of the cowherd and his assis- tants were regulated Ijy law. By order of the General Court in 1642, the "prudentiall" men of each town were instructed "to take care of such [children] as are sett to keep cattle be set to some other employment withal, as spinning upon the roek,^ knitting, weaving tape, etc., and that boys and girls be not suf- fered to converse together so as may occasion any wanton, dishonest or immodest behaviour." Wm. Symonds needed a special permit in 1653, before he could cut two parcels of meadow in the common, near Capt. Turner's Hill, while he kept the herd. "No great cattle, except cows and working cattle in the night," were allowed on the cow commons and any mares, horses or oxen found in the common two hours after sunrising, might be driven to the Pound by the finder (1639). The cowherd's recompense varied from year to year, but 1 This was the name of a liill near the present line of division between Essex and Ipswich, in the vicinity of Haflield's Bridge. The name is still remembered in con nection with the range of hills on the east side of the Candlewood road, near Saga- more Hill. 2 The rock was a hand distaff, from wliich thread was spun. 64 ll'SWICH. IN THIO iMASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. wji.s always a modest return for his service. Ilaniel Bosworth eoiitracted in 1()()1 to keej) the herd on the north side of the i'i\-er foi' thirteen shillings a week, "a peck of corn a head at their , of them to take the cows in Scott's lane and to blow a horn at the meeting-house green in the morning." In 1670, the town voted that every cow of the herd should wear a l)ell and the early morning air was full of rural music, wdth lowing cows, tinkling bells and the somiding Ijlasts upon the cowherd's horn. Swine caused more trouble than the great cattle. Certain sections of the common lands were set apart for their special use. In 1639 it was agreed wdth Robert Wallis and Thomas Manning to keep four score hogs upoii Plum Island from the lOth of April "until harvest be got in" "and that one of them shall be constantly there night and day, all the tyme, and they are to carry them and bring them home, })rovided those that own them sentl each of them a man to help catch them, and they are to make troughs to water them in, for all which paynes and care they are to have 12 penc a hogg, at tlie entrance. 2 shillings a hogg at mid summer, for so many as are then living, and 2 shillings a hogg for each hogg they shall deliver at the end of harvest." A herd of swine is alluded to in 1640 on Castle Neck and on Hogg Island. But many of the inhabitants preferred to keep their hogs nearer home, and as the idea of confining them in pens about the premises had not been conceived, they were driven out into the connnons to graze. A good two miles was to separate them from the town, and for any big pigs found within that limit the owners were liable to pay a forfeit of five shillings apiece; but it was "provided that such small pigs as are i^igged after 1st of February shall have liberty to be about the Towai, not being lial)le to pay any damage in house lots or gardens, but if any hiu't be done in house lots and gardens, the owner of DEVELOPMENT OF OUR TOWN GOVERNMENT. 05 the fence through which they came shall pay the damage. The pigges have liberty until 16 August next." "The pigges" used their liberty injudiciously, and brought upon themselves the severer edict of 1645, that no hogs should run in the streets or connnons without being yoked and ringed. Finally the town undertook the care of the hogs on the same basis as the cows. Contract was made with Wm. Clark in 1652 to keep a herd of hogs from the 26th of April to the last of October, "to drive them out to their feed in the Commons, being all ringed, between seven or eight of the clock, to have 12 shillings per week, six pence for every head." Hogs were to be brought to Mr. Payne's corner, and the owners were or- dered "to find for every six hogs one to help keep them till they be wanted." The next year, Abraham Warr and the son of Goodman Symnies were the swine herds, and they were expected to take them at the Meeting House Green and drive one herd through the street by Mr. P . . . (probably High St.), the other out at Scott's Lane (the present Washington St.). Robert Whitman also was commissioned to keep a herd of hogs on the north side, "he and his boys to keep out with them until 4 o'clock in the afternoon, to drive them out presently after the cows, — his boy has liberty to leave the hogs at one o'clock." This swine-herd, Whitman, is mentioned in the record of 1644 as the keeper of the goat herd on the north side. Sheep were kept on Jeffries Neck, and liberty was given sheep owners in 1656 to "fence in about half an acre of ground there for a year to keep their sheep in nights," and it was also ordered that "one able person out of every family shall work one day in May or June as they shall be ordered, to help clear the commons for the better keeping of sheep, upon a day's warning." Robert Roberts was the shepherd on Jeffries Neck in 1661 from April 8th till the end of October and his wages were £13. Robert Whitman was paid 10 shillings a week to keep another flock on the north side of the river. In 1662 there were three shepherds and the commons on the south side were so burdened that one hundred sheep were transferred to the north side. By vote of 1702 the shepherds were required to have cottages adjoining the sheep-walks to be near their 66 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. flocks. Felt^ says it was the custom for each shepherd to put his flock in the pen every Friday afternoon, that the owners might take what they needed for family use and for market. Another pubhc functionary of no small dignity was the Town Crier, whose task it was to proclaim with loud voice any announcement of ])ublic importance. The first allusion to this odicial occurs in the year 1640, when it was voted that "Ralph Varnham, for ringing the bell, keeping clean the meeting house and publishing such things as the town shall appoint shall have for his payncs, of every man for the year i)ast whose estate is rated under 100£, 6", from 100 to 500£, 12^ and upward, 18''; the like for this year to come." Henceforward the Town Crier was elected annually. Connnendablc care for the neat and tidy appearance of the public thoroughfares was manifested in the vote of March, 1645, that Robert Lord "keep the streets clear of wood and timber under penalty 12'' the load and as proportionable for more or less for lying or standing above three days in any of the streets or lanes," and in 1652, the Town "Ordered, that all dmig-hills lying in the streets shall be removed by the 20*'' of October and from that time noe dung hills to be laycd in the streets under the penalty of 10s." A stringent prohibition of felling any shade trees in the streets or highways, under penalty of 20* for every offence was enacted in 1666. A Committee to provide a building for the town school was appointed in Jan., 1651-2, and studious effort to secure the best educational advantages is manifest in the annual provision for the public school and frequent contributions to Harvard College. As various industries assumed prominence, special inspectors were appointed, generally in compliance with some edict of the General Court. Thus, John Knowlton was appointed to "search and scale leather" in 1652, that no unmarketable leather might be sold by any tanner of hides, and the sealer was a regular offi- cial henceforth. The Common Packer, whose function was to secure the pro])or packing of fish or meat in barrels, I presume, came into existence in 1658. "Pounders," for the care of 1 History of Ipswich. DEVELOPMENT OF OUR TOWN GOVERNMENT. 67 stray animals shut up in the public pounds and the collection of fines, were chosen in 1674, but some provision must have been made long before this as the pounds had been built some years. Tithing men were chosen first in 1677, and in 1680 there is mention of a Clerk of the Marketplace. "Gagers of casque" were chosen in 1726. The poor had been provided for always at the public expense, but the first mention of an overseer of the poor, of which I am aware, occurs in 1734. Capt. Thos. Wade was then elected to that office. Col. John Choate was chosen surveyor of flax and hemp in 1735. By the middle of the century, deer began to be scarce in the forests, and to prevent their extinction and to regulate their destruction for food, "deer reeves" were established and the first election was made in 1743. They were elected annually for many years, but as the office had been discontinued in 1797, it is probable that the deer had wholly disappeared. Thus the government of the town was systematized gradually. Every industry seems to have been supervised by some public functionary and the climax of petty officialdom might well have been reached in 1797, when the list of officers chosen at the Town meeting included Selectmen, Overseers, Town Clerk and Treasurer, Tithing-men, Road Surveyors, Fish Committee, Clerk of the Market, Fence Viewers, Haywards, Surveyors of Lumber, Cullers of Fish, Sealers of Leather, Hog-reeves, Gangers of Cask, Sealers of Weights, Measurers of Grain, Corders of Wood, Firewards, Packer of Pork, and Cullers of Brick. Surely the thirst for public office, which afflicts every American citizen, was easily gratified. The Ipswich of a century ago must have been a paradise for politicians. CHAPTJOR VI. COMMON LANDS AND COMMONAGE. Ownership of a house and land within the town bounds carried with it the right of pasturage, in the wide domain l:)e- yond the Conunon Fence. This right was definitely recog- nized, and could be bought or sold. But the i)rivilege of cutting woo.d in the dense forests, which were inchuled in these coin- nions, was retained by the town. Singularly enough the town claimed proprietorship even in the trees standing on the houselots granted to individuals, and graciously granted permission in 1634 to the grantees, to have such trees on "paying a valuable consideration for the fallinge of them." In 1635, the Town ordered that "no man shall sell, lend, give or convey, or cause to be conveyed or sent out of the Town, any timber sawn or unsawn, riven or unriven upon pain of forfeiting their sum or price." The "consent of the Town" was necessary before any timber or clapboards could be carried beyond her bounds. The enactment of 1639 was even more stringent : "Noe man shall fell any timber upon the Common to make sale of, neither Shall any man fell any tree for fuel without leave from the Constable under penalty of x® for such tree felled for timber or firewood, and if any man shall fell timber for their own use, and remove it not from off the Commons or cleave it or saw it not within one year after the felling of it, it shall be lawful for any man to make use of the same." Accord- ing to the vote of 1643, a special license from the Town or Seven Men was necessary before a white oak could be felled, and Mr. Gardiner was to give a written certificate that such license was fit. The felling of timber on "Jcffry's Neck, Castle Neck, Hog Island," etc., was prohibited in 1650, but some clearings had been accomplished, as provision was made in 1654 for Jef- (68) COMMON LANDS AND COMMONAGE. 69 fries Neck and other common lands to be "broken up and planted for English." Special privilege was granted the in- habitants of the Town in 1652, to fell for firewood the swamp between Timber Hill and Bush Hill, "provided no man may take above 2 rods in breadth, and to fell all and clear as they go across the Swamp." By the order of 1665, oaks or walnuts might not be cut without permission, but the maltsters, Capt. Appleton, Cornet Whipple and Thomas L were granted lib- erty to fell some walnuts for their kilns in 1667, and permit was given the tanners in 1671 "to fell for there supply for Barke for there tanning, being as good Husbands for the Town as they can." Neither did the right of commonage involve any privilege of cultivating any portion of the commons. In 1659, twelve citizens petitioned for the privilege of planting two acres apiece in Jeffries Neck, and they agreed to sow four bushels of hayseed per acre with the last crop. Their petition was allowed and seven others were granted like privilege "if the land holds out." This use of the common land sprang into instant favor. The next year, fifteen men agreed to cultivate two acres apiece on Jeffries Neck for four years, and with the fifth crop plant four bushels of hayseed, and leave it to the use of the Town for common feed as before. Twenty-four men agreed to clear, and then cultivate Bush Hill and Turkey Hill for six years, on the same terms, with the added proviso, that they "shall keep up fence one year after to let the grass get ahead." Redroot Hill was granted to eight for six years, Scott's Hill to nine, a parcel of land at Cowkeepers Rock to six, land between Hafficld's and Wilderness Hill to Giddings and John Andrews. By the time the first of these tillage rights had expired, the idea of permanent individual ownership had gained general acceptance. So, in 1664, the town voted that Plum Island, Hogg Island and Castle Neck be divided to such as have the right to commonage according to law, according to the propor- tion of four, six and eight. Those who did not pay more than 6^ 8** in personal & property tax in a single country rate were to form the first division. All that did not exceed 16** were to form the second. All that exceeded 16® "together with our 70 IPSWICH, IN THR MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Magistrates, Elders, Mr.John Rogers, and Mr. Thomas Andrews" (the school-master), were to constitute the highest. The Committee to which the task was assigned, reported in April, 1G65, that there were 203 inhabitants who had right of commonage, that 28 were entitled to a double share, 70 were entitled to a share and a half, 105 were entitled to a single share, 22G single shares in all. They reported as well that there were 800 acres of marsh and upland "beside beaches and gall'd hills," and that each single share would contain three acres. These shares wcr(> laid out, first a double share, next two one and a half shares, then three single shares beginning at the end of Plum Island towards Rowley, then on Castle Neck, including "the Pines" and Wigwam Hill. The commoners then took their shares by lot, and Cornet Whipple, Robert Lord, John Leighton and Thomas Lovel went with them to show where their land was. A full list of the shareholders was recorded, and this large section of the public domain was withdrawn from commonage forever. Large tracts of common land remained however, and the right of commonage was granted to five men in 1668 and to Thomas Giddings in 1674 by vote. Fishermen were allowed to cut wood from the commons for house building and fuel, and each boat's crew had leave to feed one cow on the Common (1670). Yet further privilege was granted them in 1696, when Mr. John Appleton, Mr. An- drew Dyamond, and Mr. Francis Wainwright', were "appointed and empowered a Committee to lay out the several lots that shall be desired by persons to carry on the fishing design at Jeffery's Neck, for flake-room and erecting stage or stages, the said lotts to run up and down the hill fronting to ye River on ye Southside." Traces of these lots are visible in the rows of stones, on the slope of Great Neck near Little Neck. Less favor had been shown other use of common lands in 1682, when the question, "whether any commoner or inhabitant may take up and inclose land upon the common or highways, as he or the}'' shall see good, for Tobacco yards and other uses," was decided in the negative. Finally, in the beginning of the next century, 1709, it was voted, that all the common lands be divided into "eight parts," COMMON LANDS AND COMMONAGE. 71 except what is hereafter to accommodate ancient and new commoners. These votes, we have mentioned, were all votes of the town in regularly warned town meetings. Provision was made for the carrying out of the several votes by the select- men, the town constable and other public officials. It might appear that the town in its corporate capacity had supreme control. Nevertheless, from the very beginning, the commoners, or those who had the right of commonage, met in commoners' meeting, had their own records, and legislated with rc^ference to all the duties and privileges of commoners. In fact, it has been affirmed by a careful student, that, in the town of Man- chester, land grants made by the town were really made by the commoners acting in their capacity of commoners.^ In our own town, the line of distinction seems to have been drawn more definitely, yet the commoners claimed and exercised very important rights. As early as 1644, the Town Records allude to a gift by the commoners: "a plot of the Cow Common on the north side of the river containing by estimation 3244 acres, was presented unto the freemen of the town. The freemen doth give and grant unto the Inhabitants of the Town with themselves, their heirs and successors forever [viz. all such as have right to commonage] all the aforesaid Common to be im- proved as aforesaid." In 1702 they divided the common lands into large sheep pastures. "The Great Neck by some cal*' Jefferies Neck, now named ye Ram Pasture being part of y® sheep walks on y*' northerly side of the River," was to be included in the "sheep walk," on the north side of the River; "and on y'' South syde of ye Mill River, excluding y'' bounds of y'' flock cal'' Whipple's (Job's Hill) flock, extending from Isaack Foster's in Chebacco to James Gittings his house; and from thenc to y'' valley he- twixt Long Hill and Wilderness Hill, and thenc in y^' valley betwext Red Root Hill- and Sagamore Hill and thence on a line to Mile Brook ag"' .... land." ' state Doc. " Inhabitants of the Town of Manchester versus Andrew C. Shtter," p. 18. = Now called Red-wood Hill. A 72 IPSWrC?!, TN THE MASSACHUSKTTS BAY COLONY. These "stinted sheep walks" having been defined for each flock, the commoners voted that there should be nine flocks : VK "y Ram Pastm-e flock" 2. "y^- Bush Hill " " 3. "Turners Hill " " 4. "Turkey Hill " " 5. "Bull Brook " " 6. "ye Town flock, alias Windmill Hill flock as far as the Bridge below Wm J3urges cfe as sd Rivilet runs by Henry Gold's to Choates land." 7. "Red Root Hill or Brags & Kinsmans flock." 8. "ye Farmers flock next Wenham called Whipplcs flock, alias Jobs Hill flock." 9. the Chebacco flock. • It was further ordered: "Every sheppard shall keep his flock in the limits prescribed to the particular flock y* he takes charge and care of, & not sufi"er them to stragle into other Flocks limits, on penalty of paying as a fine of two shillings and six for each time he is convicted of such his neglect: " Each shepherd was to have a cottage near his flock, and a fold in which he was to put them at sunset, "and put them out at sun half an hour high in y*" morne day by day." "Mr. Samuel Appleton & others" were to have "a flock in the Thick Woods and Pigeon Hill." In 1707, a division of wood, timber, etc., at Chebacco ponds, Knight's farm, etc., was made into four parts. In 1709, the final division of the common lands was made by a Committee of the Commoners and a Committee of the Town. The town voted on January 11, 1708-9, "That wood-land at Chebacco Ponds, that thatch banks and land above Baker's Pond, and Samuel Pcrley's, Jeffrey's Neck and Paine's Hill, be divided into three-fifths and two-fifths shares." Voted, "That any commoner who has one or more rights and has built one or more new houses in the place of old ones, shall have only the right for a new house, which belonged to the old one." The list of old and new commoners, and old and new Jef- COMMON LANDS AND COMMONAGE. 73 fries Neck commoners was agreed on, and tlien iho common lands were divided into eight parts. 1. "Convenient for Chebacco, about Chcbacco pond/' about 873 acres. 2. "Convenient for the inhabitants of the Hamblett," about 470 acres. 3. "From Chebacco Pond running northwesterly, taking all the Comon lands between the two lines to Cowkeepers Rock, and all that piece of Common up to the highway by Tanner Norton's, and by the fence to the Gate by Appleton's Mill," about 1181 acres. 4. "Thick Woods & Pigeon Hill." 5. "Beginning at Kimball's corner . . . Warner's or Day's gate ..." about 946 acres. 6. "From Goodhue's corner to Day's corner, by the River, etc.," about 578 acres (5 and 6 including Bush Hill and Turner's Hill). 7. "Turkey Hill and land about Egypt river," 954 acres. 8. "Toward Rowley line," 850 acres. The Committee proceeded to assign the commoners to their proper eighths, and each man's right was decided as accurately as possible. Some title to Castle Neck still remained in the possession of the commoners, as appears from the vote of 21 Mar. 1726, instructing the Treasurer to execute a deed of sale or conveyance of their whole right and title in the "wood that now is, or that shall hereafter be standing, lying, or growing on any part of Castle Neck so called beyond Wigwam Hill," to Symonds Epes, Esq., for ten pounds sterling. The commoners relin- quished their "right att Rocky Hill unto James Fuller, Ebe- nezer Fuller and Jabez Treadwell, they paying the sum of sixty pounds old Tenor, for ye Com" use." Aug., 1745. (This is the hill now occupied by Mr. Moritz B. Philipp.) Unappropriated thatch banks were let each year to the highest bidder, only commoners having the right to bid. Rights and privileges in the "Gravill Pit and Clay pitts" were reserved by the conmioners for their use and profit. The beaches be- 74 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. longed to the commoners, and in 1757 they voted that "Capt. Jonathan Fellows of Cape Ann, have the liberty of all the sands lying in the Town of Ipswich for the space of one year foi- th(^ sum of 2£ 13s. 4d." Their authority reached also to the fiats and the clams that dwelt therein, and in 1763 the vexed question of the control of the shell fishery led to the first regulation of which I am aware. The connnoncrs voted, on July 4th, "That the Committee take care of all ye flats & clams therein, belonging to ye proprietors of ye Conunon lands in Ipswich & that no person or persons be allowed to digg any more clams than for their own use, & to be expended in ye Town, & that all owners of fishing vessels and Boats shall apply to one of sd. Committee for liberty to digg clams for their vessels use fare by fare, & no owners of vessel or vessels, boat or boats, shall digg more clams than shall be allowed by one or more of sd. Committee on penalty of prose- cution; said Committee are to allow one Barl of clams to each man of every vessel going to the Banks every fare, & so also in propr. to boats fishing in the Bay, and a majority of said Com. are impowered to prosecute all offenders." The income accruing from these sales and leases was ex- pended for various public uses. In 1771, £100 was voted "for the use of building a work house in the Town of Ipswich," pro- vided the town build within eighteen months. In 1772, £20 was voted to Wm. Dodge and others "to erect suitable land marks for the benefit of vessels outward and inward bound," and 6s. to Anthony Loneyfor ringing the bell from Feb. 1771 to Feb. 1772. In 1773, £50 was voted for reading and writing schools, provided the town raise £40. Finally, in 1788, the majority of the commoners voted, though vigorous opposition was made by the minority, to resign all their interests in lands, etc., to the town toward the payment of the heavy town debt incurred during the Revolution. Mr. Felt estimated that this grant was worth about £600. Thus the body of commoners ceased to be but we still are reminded of the old commonage system by the "Common Fields," so called, in the neighborhood of the Poor Farm, and our South Common and the open lands in the centre of our town. CHAPTER VII. TRADES AND EMPLOYMENTS. Sunrise, in the summer time, found the ancient Ipswich wide awake and busily astir. The cattle were gathering on the South Green and at Dodge's Corner, while the cow-herds' horns were blowing, and some one had risen early enough in every family to milk the family cow antl drive her to the place of rendezvous. Before the herds had been driven well away, with shouting and lowing and clanging of bells and sounding of horns, the heaviest sleepers had been aroused, and were pre- paring for the day's toil. As we think of the manifold necessities of that little community, its remote isolation, and the need of its providing by its own varied and wearisome toil for its own wants, we are sure that the longest day was none too long, and that every hour of daylight could be well used. The pressing matter of food for man and beast was first to be settled, and a considerable proportion of the men were farm- ers, and almost every man had his garden about his house, and his six-acre tillage lot a little farther away. The town lots aver- aged about two acres, and allowed ample room for convenient raising of many food products. We should hardly recognize our fair green fields and soil yielding so easily to the plough, in the rough, stony lands cumbered with tree stumps, blackened with the fire, and slowly rotting away, which the first farmers here ploughed with their wooden ploughs, and made ready for the planting. But the virgin soil was black and rich, and even though rocks hindered the course of the plough sometimes, as the observing Johnson remarked in 1646, the toil expended found ample return. The fish that were caught plentifully in the Bay, or taken more easily, when the shad and alewives were passing in shoals up over the fishway of the dam, fur- nished cheap and good dressing. Moreton observed in 1637 "that a thousand were put into an acre, which would yield three times more corn than without them." But the dogs soon learned to dig up the fish from the corn fields, and they (75) 76 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. brought upon themselves a very singular abridgment of their liberty and impairment of their dignity, as we learn from the vote of the town in May, 1644: "It is ordered that all doggs, for the space of three weeks after the publishinge thereof, shall have one legg tyed up. If such a dogg should break loose and be foimd in any corne field, doing any harme, the owner of the dogg shall pay the damages. If a man refuse to tye up his dogg's legg, and hee bee found scraping up fish in the corne field, the owner shall pay 12s. besides whatever damage the dogg doth." Corn was the principal food staple, and a plentiful supply was of the highest importance. Rye was also a favorite article of diet, but wheat was grown and used but sparingly. Vegeta- bles of the common sort were grown, pumpkins, melons, pease, beans and turnips, but the potato, now the chief food crop on every farm, was not known for a century. Felt says that this vegetable was not cultivated in our town until 1733. They were planted in beds, like beets or carrots, and three bushels were counted an ample crop for a family. Hay and oats were essen- tial to the wintering of the cattle, flax was grown to furnish the material for the fine linen garments and table furnishings, barley was raised that there might be no lack of beer. Tobacco, too, was a crop that was prized highly, albeit the use of it was always under the ban of the \a,\v. The Statute of 1634 was, " No person shall take tobacco publicly, on fine of 2' 6d.or pri- vately in his own or another's house, before acquaintance or strangers." The buying or selling was prohibited in 1635. Nevertheless, the Rev. Mr. Rogers was a famous smoker, and his people persisted in cultivating the forbidden herb. All planting and cultivating were done in primitive fashion, and the scythe, hoe and hand rake were the chief implements for tli(> harvesting. Mr. SaltonstalFs great four hundred acre farm on the Topsfield border, and the great farms of Appleton, Den- ison and Symonds and all the wealthier people must have given plentiful employment to many stout yeomen. After the corn had been raised, there was work for the miller to grind it into meal. "The worshipful Mr. Saltonstall/' as he is called in many old records, had the exclusive mill privilege for many years. His mill-dam was built on the site of the present TRADES AND EMPLOYMENTS. 77 one, it is supposed, and the original grist-mill probably stootl very near the site of the old stone mill. A busy place it must have been, for every family in the whole broad township, from Chebacco to Rowley and Topsfield, was dependent on it, and many a bag of corn was brought on the back of a horse, or in the creaking tumbril, and due weight of meal was borne away, after a sixteenth part had been measured out for the miller. This valuable monopoly continued unbroken until 1687, though much dissatisfaction prevailed because of insufficient accommo- dation. In that year, permission was granted Nehemiah Jewett to build a dam and erect a mill on the south side of Egypt River,' and in 1696, Edmund and Anthony Potter and Abraham Tilton, Jr., were permitted to build another on Mile River, where the okl mill stands today on the farm of Mr. Oliver Smith. Robert Calef was granted leave, in 1715, to build his grist-mill in the Island by the lower Falls. But Mr. Jonathan Wade seems to have evaded the legal difficulty attaching to the erection of a grist-mill driven by water-power, by building a wind-mill, prior to 1673, on the top of the hill that still bears the name. Windmill, though the oldest inhabitant has no remembrance of such a structure. Its great, clumsy sails, revolving noisily, and the rumble of the millstones gave pleasant welcome no doubt to the traveller, coming slowly into town after his long journey through the woods. Almost as valuable as the grist-mill was the saw-mill. Singularly enough, though there was abundant water power on the Ipswich River, and the river at Chebacco, and a saw- mill would seem to have been a necessity at the very beginning, wc find no grant of water privilege for such a mill until 1649, when Mr. Wade was granted liberty to set up a saw-mill. The Town voted in 1656 that a saw-mill might be built on Che- bacco River, "and liberty to cut timber was granted, if one- fifteenth of what is sawed there be granted to the town, and that no timber be cut within three miles and a half of the meet- 1 This mill was built a little way from the highway, near the house lately built by Mr. John E. Tenney. 78 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. ing-house, and the inhabitants be charged no more tlian four per cent." Other grants for saw-mills were made in 1665 to Jonathan Wade and in 1667 to Thos. Burnani. Major Samuel Appleton had a saw-mill on his own land near the present bridge over Mile River, and the remains of a dam, which served for a mill on that site within the memory of some old people, may still be found within a few rods of the bridge, towards the east. A hemp-mill, "for the breaking of hemp" was built about 1657, we i)resiune, n(!ar the grist-mill on the u))per dam, as Richard Shatswell was granted the privilege that year, "pro- vided it be no prejudice to the Town or the corne mill." A fulling mill, for finishing homespun cloth, was built by John Whipple in 1673, at the lower falls, and other similar mills were built within a few years. Our forefathers knew" nothing of the luxury of hot tea and coffee, and found cold comfort as it seems to us in malt beer and other spirituous drinks. So the maltster was as needful almost as the miller, and a monopoly similar to that enjoyed by Mr. Saltonstall for his grist-mill, was accorded Mr. Samuel Appleton for his malt-kiln, which stood very near the railroad track, south of the crossing on the road toTopsfield. The Town Record under date of December, 1641, reads: "Mr. Apleton promised to have a malt house ready by 1''^ of April next, and to mault such corn as shall be brought from the people of the Tow^n at such rates as shall be thought equal from time to time, and noe man (except for himself) is to have any made elsewhere for the space of five years next ensuing." The malting establishment was built, and Mr. Appleton was permitted to cut wood in the Commons for the fires. In 1648, it was specified, that he might "fell for his kiln, twelve load of black ashes." In 1665, Mr. John Whipple and Mr. John L were engaged in the same business. Following the river down from the upper dam, we should have found the representatives of many industries. Near the present foot-bridge on South Main Street, near the old Lace Factory, Nath. Browne built his "work-house" in 1661 or 2, on the eight or ten rods of land the town granted him, "to TRADES AND EMPLOYMENTS. 79 make pott ashes and sope," and in 1691, the old soap-boiling establishment had given place to Samuel Ordway's blacksmith shop. Edmund Bridges was a smith of the earlier time, and his refusal to shoe Dep. Governor Symonds's horse with proper haste was made the occasion of a special reprimand from the Great and General Court, in the year 1647. " Ordered, that Edm. Bridges for his neglect of shooing Mr. Symonds' horse (when he was to come to Corte) be required to answer this complaint, and his neglect to fiu'ther publikc ser- vice." Isaac Littlehale and John Safford plied the same useful trade. Moses Pengry had a ship yard on the river bank, in front of Mr. Daniel S. Burnham's old mansion, in the year 1673, and in 1676, Edward Randolph wrote to England that ship-building was an extensive industry here. Thomas Clark had liberty "to sett down Tan fatts at the end of his planting lot, upon two rods reserved by the River" in 1640-1, and we should have found that ancient tanyard on the corner of Water and Summer Streets, and the vats on the river bank. Later in the century, Nathaniel Rust had a tanning establishment for the curing cf sheep skins and the manufacture of gloves on the site of the residence of the late Mrs. Rhoda Potter, now owned by Mr. Henry Brown, by the brook, on County Road, and here, I pre- sume, he made the four dozen pairs of gloves which the Town furnished for Mr. Gobbet's funeral in Nov., 1685. He sold it to Deacon Thomas Norton, another tanner, who dwelt in the old house under the great elm. On the river bank near the spot now occupied by Mr. Glover's coal wharf. Deacon Moses Pengry had his salt pans and works for the manufacture of salt from the sea water, as early as 1652, and the brew- house built by John Paine in 1663 was in the near vicinity, by the river. The river itself was a busy place, with the coming and going of the fishing craft, and the larger vessels that carried cargoes of fish, pipe staves and lumber to foreign ports. The build- ing of wharves began in 1641, when William Paine was al- lowed to build one for a warehouse, and a town wharf was constructed in 1656. I surmise that this wharf was near the dwelling of the late Isaiah Rogers, as two ancient abut- 80 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. incuts may still be seen in that locality. Daniel Hovcy built one in 1G59 or '60, and the decaying timbers of this or its suc- cessor remain on the south bank of the river, near the site of the old Hovey House. Thomas Clark and Robert Pierce had leave to build in 1662, the Wainwrights in 1668, Simon Stacy in 1682, Samuel Hunt in 1685, Andrew Sergeant in 1686, and the old wharf in Hunt's Cove, near the Turkey Shore Road, was built in 1722. These were unpretentious affairs for the most part no doubt, but they answered for the unloading of salt hay and cord-wood, and other commodities, which were handled more easily in boats than in wagons. The Town had a Committee for furthering trade in 1641, Mr. liradstrcet, Mr. Robert Payne, Captain Denison, Mr. Tuttle, Matthew Whipple, John Whipple and Mr. Saltonstall, and they had th(! care of buoys and beacons, the providing of salt and cotton, the sowing of hemp seed and flaxseed, and "cards wyer canes." A special Committee to dispose of Little Neck in such wise as to promote the fishing interest was chosen, Mr. Bradstreet, Mr. Hubbard, Mr. Symonds, Mr. Robert Payne and Mr. John Whipple, and they proceeded to accomplish their task, according to the vote of the Town: "Agreed that the little neck of land, where the fishing stage is, shall be sequestered and set apart for the advancement of fishing, and that the fishermen there shall have liberty to enclose it from the other neck, where the Cattcll goes; and it is agreed that every boat that comes to fish there shall have sufficient roome to make their fish in, as also every boat gang shall have liberty to break up & plant an acre of ground which they shall enjoy during the pleasure of the Town." "The like encouragement the Town intends to give to any other boat, that shall hereafter come to fish there, antl it is the professed desire and agreement of those fishermen that are already settled there, that those that shall hereafter come to fish th(>re, shall have equal privilege there with themselves." "Also it is agreed that the fishermen shall have liberty to build them such houses as they will be willing to resign to the Town, wlien(!ver they desert the place, and they are to have the places assigned them for building their houses, by some that the Town shall appoint." TRADES AND EMPLOYMENTS. 81 The Little Neck was full of life and bustle, and boats were coming and going from the Isles of Shoals, where the Ipswich merchants had another fishing station. Francis Wainwright was largely interested there, and sold land there to Thomas Diamond in 1690. William Roe had removed from the Shoals to Ipswich in 1671, and purchased land for his dwelling near Mr. Glover's wharf. In 1673, he sold his house and land to two other fishermen from the Shoals, Andrew Diamond and Henry Maine, and the old house by the wharves that bears the name of the Harry Maine house, though of later date, stands on land once owned by Maine. Diamond's name is familiar still from "Diamond Stage," where he had a fishing stage. The business was so flourishing that before the end of the century there was need of greater accommodation for the fisher- men in drying their fish and preparing them for shipment. So the Town voted June 15, 1696: "That Mr. John Appleton, merchant, Mr. Andrew Dyamond, Mr. Francis Wainwright be appointed and impowered a Com- mittee to lay out the several lots that shall be desired by Per- sons to carry on the fishing design at Jeffery's Neck for flake room and erecting of stage or stages, the said I^otts to run up and down the Hill fronting to ye River, on ye Southside, and those that have already built flake room, to order their orderty setting the same up and down said Hill, and that no flake room shall lye along the River to debar others from carrying on the design of fishing." "Stage Hill" is the name that still clings to one of the rounded hillocks on Jeffries Neck toward Par- ker River, and suggests yet further extension of the fisheries. An old picture in the possession of the Historical Society shows the fish-houses and stages on Jeffries, and the fishing craft at anchor, at some time previous to the Revolution, and the parallel rows of stones running up the hill on the Great Neck, probably indicate the several flake rooms of that period. Palfray in his History of New England tells us that in the latter half of the seventeenth century, the trade of the Colony had become extensive and profltable. Provisions, horses, boards, pipe staves and houses r«ady framed were shipped to Barbadoes, St. Christopher and other Islands. Fish, pipe- staves, and deals were sent to Spain, Portugal and the Straits. 82 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Madeira and Canary Islands. Masts and yards, fir and oak plank, and all kinds of peltry went to England. The Ipswich merchants, the Wainvvrights, Jonathan Wade, Thomas Bishop, Mr. Diamond and others were enter])rising men, and many a foreign bound vessel, laden with the dried fish and pipe-staves and other commodities sailed down the river and out into the broad Atlantic. We know some of the fishermen who were busy with their boats and fishing in those daj^s, Daniel Ringe, William Smalledge, Thomas Harris, Richard Gross, Robert Dutch, Robert Knight and Richard Lakeman. Shoreborne Wilson, George Palmer, William Douglass and George Hart were coopers, and they and many others no doubt made the barrels for the fishermen, and the staves for foreign shipment. Some of the sailors' names remain, and a romantic interest attaches to these bold mariners, who voyaged so far in the small and quaint vessels of that day: Joseph Met- calfe, Robert Dutch and Samuel, his son, Peter Peniwell, Freeman Clark and William Donnton. One other artisan con- tributed in no small degree to this flourishing river business, Simon Tompson, the rope-maker, who lived near Rocky Hill. But there was thrifty toil beside that on the wharves, and the fishing stages, in the fishing shallops and on the decks of the foreign bound merchantmen, and the tributary employments of the salt-maker and cooper, and rope maker. There were carpenters and some of their names remain: William Whitred, William Storey, John and Thomas Burnam, Ezekiel Woodward v Thomas Clark and Joseph Fuller. In the earliest days, indeed, there were thatchers, also, whose craft it was to cover the roofs of the newly built houses and barns with thatch, and the use they made of the heavy salt grass growing on the banks of the lower river has been perpetuated in the name, thatch- banks. Brick chimneys supplanted the wooden chimneys daubed with clay, and there was call for the bricks that John Day made, and the services of John Woodam or William Knowlton as bricklayers. Glass windows were universal after the middle of the seventeenth century, and there was a distinct trade of glazier. Samuel Hunt and his son followed this trade, and so did Robert Kinsman, one of the immortal group that stood TRADES AND EMPLOYMENTS. 83 with John Wise in his jjrotest against the Andros tax, and suffered with him. There was need of food and raiment. Samuel Younglove was the first butcher of whom we know. William White, Oba- diah Wood and his apprentice, John Spark, were "biskett bakers." Shoes and leather garments and gloves were needed, and Thomas Clark tanned the hides. Richard Scoficld and Thomas Lovell split and cured and made them ready for the shoe- maker. "The cordwainers" as the men of the awl and lap- stone were called, were quite a numerous body, and they were men of quality, too: Dea. Thomas Knowlton, Robert Lord, Thomas Smith, Nathaniel Knowlton, John Wilson, John Lovell and William Bulkley. The weaver, too, was a man of indispensable value. He sat all day at the heavy loom, harnessed like a packhorse to his load, and many a weaver grew round-shouldered and misshapen. We may think of James Sayer and Thomas Lull, Simon Adams and Nathaniel Fuller as philanthropists as well as weavers. The tailor went often from house to house to measure and cut and sew the garments made from the homespun fabric of the good wife, and the more finished product of the profes- sional weaver. John Annibal, Thomas Clark, Jr., John French and one woman, Mary Lord, were of this most useful guild. Samuel Graves, Samuel Wood and William Howard, Jun., were felt makers and hatters. Innkeepers provided for the needs of travellers, and the social tippling of the towns-folk, John Baker, Abraham Perkins, John Spark, and others not a few, including the sober Deacon Moses Pengry. The gunsmith was indispensable in those days of danger. William Fuller, Thomas Manning and Nathaniel Treadwell plied that calling. Jacob Davis, the potter, was the house- keeper's friend. John Ward was the original "chirurgeon". Giles Firmin was a trained physician, and John Aniball of later years was a limb dresser. Dr. Bridgman, formerly of Boston, Dr. Philemon Dane, and Dr. John Perkins ministered as well to fleshly ills. The division and subdivision of trades in those days are in great contrast with the combination of trades that ])revails today, because of the universal use of machinery and the 84 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. grouping of workmen in large manufactories. It is interesting, moreover, to note how much more of legal restriction there was in various ways in the olden time. The use of the wood on the common lands for various pur- poses brought it within the province of the commoners or freemen to decide whether this privilege should be granted. Tlie maltster and the brick-maker needed fuel constantly, and their business was thus dependent constantly on the favor of the commoners. The water-power on any stream was the property of the Town, and no mill could be erected without a popular vote. The fisherman was restricted in the use he nuidc of the fish he had taken with toil and trouble. In 1639, the General Court ordered that "after June 20th no bass nor cod shall be taken for manure, except their heads and offals." The artisan might not charge as he saw fit for his day's labor. "Carpenters, joyners, bricklayers, sawyers and thatch- ers" might not "take above 2*. a day, nor shall any man give more, under penalty of 10^ to taker and giver." Carpenters had been receiving 3^. a day, because workmen were scarce, and common laborers, 2^ G**. ; but the order of the Court, in 1633, reduced the skilled workman's wage one-third, and the laborer's pay to 18'^. The baker wrought under the eye of the law. The law of 1637 ordered that cakes or buns may not be sold except "such cakes as shall bee made for any buriall, or marriage, or such like special occation." In 1639, the General Court admonished John Stone and his wife "to make biger bread or to take heede of offending by making too little bread hereafter,"and again "no bread might be made finer than to afford at twelve ounces the two penny loaf." The leather trade was regulated by the General Court in 1642. To prevent deceit in tanning leather, it was enacted : "That no butcher, currier or shoemaker should be a tanner; nor should any tanner be a butcher, currier or shoemaker." "That no gash in a hide should be permitted." "That every hide should be well tanned." That tanners should not"sett their fatts in tan-hills or other places, where the woozes or leather which shall be put to tan in the sam(^ shall or may take any unkind heats, or shall put any leather into any hott or warm woozes, etc." TRADES AND EMPLOYMENTS. 85 The potter was girt about with restriction. The law of 1040 required: "Tile earth, to make sale ware, must be digged before the first of the ninth month (November), and turned over in ye last or first month ensuing, a month before it be wrought." The cooper's pipe staves were inspected "because often found wormy." Innkeepers might not charge more than 0''. a meal (1034). One woman, who aspired to professional dignity, was roundly rebuked, Jane Hawkins, wife of Richard, who was especially forbidden, in 1037, "to meddle in surgery or physick drinks, plaisters or oyles, nor to question matters of religion except with the elders for satisfaction." The traffic in "strong water" was carefully guarded. The statute of 1037 was: "Every town shall p'sent a man to bee allowed to sell wine and strong water made in the country, and no other strong water is to be sold." Mr. Symonds was per- mitted to sell in Ipswich. In 1039, Good. Lumpkin, Good. Firman or Good. Treadwell might be authorized by the Town. The ordinary was under close watch for illegal sales, for enter- taining of boys or habitual tipplers, for dancing or gaming, for permitting any to remain during the week-day lecture. The most extraordinary assumption of authority over the private affairs of families was made by the General Court in 1041, and several subsequent years. A scarcity of materials for clothing led to the statute of 1041, that heads of families should employ their children and servants in manufacturing wild hemp into a coarse linen cloth. In 1045, each Town was ordered to increase its sheep, to relieve the scarcity of woolen cloth, and in 1054, it was enacted that no sheep should be transported and none killed imder two years old. In 1050, the General Court again ordered that in every family :" all hands not necessaryly employ'd on other occasions, as woemen, girls and boyes shall & hereby are enjoyned to spin according to their skill & abillitie." The Selectmen were enjoined to con- sider the capacity of every family and rate it according to its employment in other pursuits, and the amount of time that might be given to spinning. The usual amount of spinning that a spinner could accomplish in a day was to be the standard, and each family was to be "assessed" as a spinner, or a half or quarter spinner. Every family assessed for a whole spinner 86 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. was required, after the year 1656, to spin for thirty weeks every year, three pounds per week of linen, cotton or woolen, and so proportionally for half or quarter spinners, under penalty of 12'' for every pomid short. To secure proper oversight, the fam- ilies were to be divided into groups or classes of ten, six or five, and a class leader was to be appointed over each group. The sowing of the seed of hemp and flax was also provided for. CHAPTER MIL THE BODY POLITIC. The political privileges of those early years of the seven- teenth century, when Ipswich was a frontier town, were few. In a community so thoroughly religious, one would expect to find perfect brotherliness. But Religion was itself narrow. Our Puritan forefathers founded the Bay Colony that they might enjoy the privilege of worshipping God according to their own consciences, and build up the kingdom of God on these shores. They were very jeah^is, however, of any who would not build with them, and they could not believe that any, beside the avowed children of God, were competent to direct the affairs of the new Commonwealth. So it was ordered by vote of the first General Court : "to the end the body of the commoners may be pre- served of honest and good men," "that for the time to come, no man shall be admitted to the freedom of this body politic, but such as are members of some of the churches within the limit of the same." Formal application was made to the General Court, and the Court granted the privilege of freemen to such as were deemed suitable under this law. Every freeman thus elected, took the freeman's oath, prescribed by vote of General Court, May 14, 1634. " I, — A B , being by God's providence an inhabitant and freeman within the jurisdiction of this Commonwealth, do freely acknowledge myself to be subject to the government thereof, and therefore do here swear by the great and dreadful name of the everlasting God, that I will be true and faithful to the same, and will accordingly yield assistance and support thereunto with my person and estate, as in equity lam bound; and I will also trvily endeavour to maintain and preserve all the liberties and privileges thereof, submitting myself to the wholesome laws and orders, made and established by the same. (87) 88 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY, And furthor. tliat I will not plot nor practise any evil against it nor consent to any, that shall so do, but will truly discover and, reveal the same to lawful authority now here established, for the speedy preventing thereof. Moreover, I do solemnly bind myself in the sight of God, that when I shall be called to give my voice, touching any such matter of this state, wherein free- men are to deal, I will give my vote and suffrage, as I shall judge in mine own conscience may best conduce and tend to the public weal of the body, without respect of persons or favor of any man ; so help me God in the Lord Jesus Christ." Having taken this solemn oath, the freeman was eligible to vote for the officers and magistrates of the Colony, and to have a voice and vote in town meeting, and freemen alone were thus privileged in the early years of the Colony. At first, the whole body of freemen met in Boston for the annual election, and we may presimie that every freeman of our little settle- ment made his toilsome journey to exercise his honorable right of franchise; but in 1636, Ipswich and five other towns were allowed to keep a sufficient guard of freemen at home and for- ward their proxies. For thirty years this restriction of the franchise to church members, who had taken the freeman's oath, was vigorously enforced. Neither wealth, nor family name, nor distinguished public service, could gain the right of voting, if he were not a church member in good standing. But after Charles the Second succeeded to the throne, there began to be a demand for loss exclusiveness. "In 1662, the advisers of Charles II wrote to the colonists that it was desired 'that all freeholders of com- petent estate, not vicious in conversation, and orthodox in re- ligion (though of different persuasion in church government) may have their votes in the election of all officers civil and military.' " "In 1664, the Commissioners for New England were appointed, and one of their chief duties was to remove the re- striction from the franchise and secure greater freedom in mat- ters of religion." "At the first General Court after the arrival of the Com- missioners, a substitute law was passed, but so exacting were the conditions that the change from the old to the new law, amounted to little or nothing. The records of the time say," THE BODY POLITIC. 89 " In answcn- to that part of His Majesty's lott(n- of June 28, 1662, concernino- admission of freemen, this Court doth de- clare that the law prohibiting all persons except members of churches, and that also for allowance of them in any county courts, are hereby repealed; and do hereby also order and enact that from henceforth all Englishmen presenting a certifi- cate under the hands of the ministers or minister of tlie place where they dwell, that they are orthodox in religion and not vicious in their lives, and also a certificate under the hands of the selectmen of the place, or of the major part of them, that they are freeholders, and are for their own proper estates (with- out heads of persons) rateable to the comitry in a single country rate, after the usual manner of valuation in the place where they live, to the full value of ten shillings, or that they are in full communion with some church amongst us, it shall l.)e the liberty of all and every such person or persons being twenty- foin- years of age, householders and settled inhabitants in this jurisdiction, from time to time, to present themselves and their desires to this Court for admittance to the freedom of the Commonwealth, and shall be allowed the privilege to have such their desire propormded and put to vote in the General Court for acceptance to the freedom of the body politic by the suffrage of the major part according to the rule of our patent."' Thus, very reluctantly, the sturdy Puritan legislators con- sented to even this allowance, but the way was opened to more material modification of the ancient usage ; and the separation of church and state went on apace. The commoners, as has been already stated,^ had the priv- ilege of voting on all questions relating to the common lands, and as a matter of fact, the majority of commoners were also freemen, but the privileges of the two bodies were distinct. Some freemen were not commoners, and commoners were not all freemen. A third body of inhabitants, and by far the largest, was distinguished as "residents." Every man, twenty years old, 1 .Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies, tenth series, ii, in. Chuvch and State in New Eng- land, Paul E. Lauer, A.M. 2 Page 71. 90 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. who had rosidod six months within the town limits, and was not enfranchised, was o])liij;cd to take the; 'MiesicU'nts' Oath" Ix'fore the (lovernor or Deputy Governor, or assistants, and was then recognized as a duly qualified inhabitant. The Statute of 1G47 allowed such to be chosen on juries by the freemen and to vote for selectmen. Beyond this they had no political privilege. Even this humt)le privilege of residing within the town limits, and hearing all the burdens of taxation and compulsory military service, and every other public duty, with no voice in the direction of affairs, was jealously guarded, and very grudg- ing welcome was sometimes accorded a new comer. From the begiiming, suspicion always attached to a prospective settler of any other nationality than English. A town vote of 1634 is to this effect: "That theire shall noe forriner amongst us come into our meetings, unless he will subject himself unto the like orders and penalties that we the freemen of the Towne have established for our peace and comfort in our meetings." As early as 1689, our record says, "The Town doth refuse to receive Humphrey Grifhn as an inhabitant, to provide for him as inhabitants formerly received, the town being full." Ref- erence is made without doubt to the practice of granting building lots and tillage land to new comers. Every new house erected carried with it a right of commonage, and a vote in commoners' meeting. This privilege they wished evidently to keep within their own hands. As a matter of fact. Griffin became an in- habitant, despite this uncomplimentary reception. "Robert Gray hath free liberty to come to town, and to dwell amongst us," was recorded in 1646, and in 1656, it was "Voted, that Mr. Stevens hath liberty to come to this Town, and be an inhabitant amongst us, and make use of our Commons for timber for his trade, provided that he serve the Town in the first place." In marked contrast with the welcome received by these two favored men, was the gruff action in the case of some hum- bler folk in 1673: " Ordered, the constable shall give notice unto William THE BODY POLITIC. 91 NelLson and Al^ner Ordway, and an Irish or (jurnscy man that married Rachell, Qr. Masr. Perkins' mayd, that the Towne will not allow them to inhabit here in this Town, but that they depart the Town, unless they give security to save the Town harmless from any charge the Towm may be put unto, by re- ceiving of them." And in the same year, yet more explicit action was taken: "No person shall suffer any stranger from other towns to continue or live more than one week in his own dwelling house or any tenement of his, unless satisfaction be given the Selectmen." The evident purport of these instances of class legislation was to secure the town against any liabilitj^ to sujiport poor and shiftless people. Our community was full of thrifty and busy life, and it had no place for any who were likely to become a public burden. The query may arise naturally, what proportion of the actual inhabitants were freemen, and what proportion were commoners? Various lists of freemen and commoners occur, but the complete list of male residents is lacking imtil 1678. In that year, Charles II ordered a new oath of allegiance to be taken, and the constables of every town and village were or- dered to convene all the inhabitants for the administration of the oath. In Feb., 1678-79, a list of commoners was recorded and in December, 1679, a list of freemen was also prepared and put on record. These lists are of such value, that I insert them in full: ' 'The list of those that by law are allowed to have there votes in Town affairs. Voted to be recorded at the Towne meeting, December the 2'i' 1679." The original list begins in the invariable order, the name of Gen. Denison first, then the names of the ministers, after these in a roughly arranged alphabetical order, the names of the freemen. Major Gen^' Denison Elder Paine^ M'" Thomas Cobbitt Mr. John Rogers Mr Wry Hubbard^ • Wry is the ancient abbreviation for William. - Robert Paine, the Elder of the church. 92 IPSWICH, THINE MASSACHUSETTS TiAY COLONY. For the sake of convonienco, the whole Hst has boon arraii in accurate ali)hal)etical order, as follows: Arthur Abbott Neh-miah Abbott Corp" Jo. Addams Nath Addams Corp" Jo. Andrews Mr. Thos. Andrews Capt. John Appleton Sergt. Belcher Henry Bennett Thos. Borman Haniel Bosworth Moses T^radstreet Edmund J^ragg John Brewer, Sen. Edmund Bridges John Burnam, Sen. Ens. Tho. I^urnam Tho. Burnam, Jr. John Caldwell Simon Chapman John Chote Serg^ Clarke Corpll. Thos. Clarke Tho: Clarke mill 1 Mr. Thomas Cobbitt Mr. John Cogswell Mr. Will Cogswell Edw. Coborne Robert Crose, Sen. Robert Day John Dane, Sen. Major Gen" Denison Jo. Denison, Sen. Nath. Emerson Mr. Daniel Epps lOphraim Fellows Isaack Fellows :^ Joseph Fellows Al)raham Fitts Abraham Foster Isaack Foster Jacob Foster Renold Foster, Sen. Rcnold Foster. Jr. "Phillip Fowler Ensign French Thomas French Thos. Gidding Deacon Goodhue Joseph Goodhue Wry Goodhue George Hadley Dan. Hovey, Sen. Daniell Hovey, Jun. James How, Sen. James How, Jun. Wry Howlett Mr. Richard Hubbard Mr. Wry Hubbard Sam. Hunt Samuel Ingalls Nathan iell Jacob Thos. Jacob John Jewett Neh. Jewett Daniel Killam Sen. John Kimball Roiy Kinsman 1 Sometimes nlluiled to as Thomjis Ulark at the Mill. THE BODY POLITIC. 93 Deacon Knowlton John Knowlton, Sen. John Lampson John Layton Edw*^ Lomas Robert Lord, Sen. Robert Lord, Jun. Tho. Lovell Thomas Low Thomas Lull Thomas Metcalfe John Newmarsh, Sen. Mr. Will Norton Elder Paine Aron Pengry Deacon Pengry Abra'". Perkins Jacob Perkins Jun. Qua'" Mas'" Perkins Serg. Perkins Sam. Perley Samuell Podd Anthony Potter Joseph Quilter Mr. John Rogers Mr. Sam Rogers Walter Roper Nath. Rust Mr. Smith Richard Smith William Smith Symon Stace William Story Sen. William Story, Jun. Nathaniel Tredwell Simon Tuttle Thomas Varney Mr. Jonathan Wade Mr. Wain Wright, Sen. Mr. John Wainwrigiit Richard Walker Nicholas Wallis Daniell Warner, Sen. Nath. Warner Nathaniel Wells Twiford West Capt. John Whipple Corp" John Whipple Joseph Whipple James White William White Robert Whittman Mr. Theoph. Willson Esaiah Wood Obadiah Wood Sam. Younglove, Sen. Sam. Younglove, Jun. The names of Major Sanuiel Appleton and Dep. Gov. Samuel Symonds do not appear, but the omission was acci- dental. Feb. 13:16781 " A list of the names of those p'sons that have right of coiTi- onage, acording to law ct oi'der of the Towne." ' Town Record. 94 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. The list as it is found in the Town Record beiiins witli the invarialjlo group of dignitaries: Maj. Gen. Denison Mr. Rich. Hubbard Mr. Jona: Wade Mr. Cobbit Capt. Jo. Aj^pleton Mr. Wry Hubbard Major Sam. A))])leton Mr. John Rogers For the ])urpt)se of affording convenient comparison with tile Hst of freemen, the entire list has been re-arranged in alpha- betical order. Tiie original spelling is folio wetl in every case. Neh. Abbott John Addanis Nath Adams Simon Addanis (by Thos French) ^ Corporal Andrews for Averills Hill Corp" Jo. Andrews John Annaball Appleton (by Starkweather) Capt. Appleton (by Mauing) Capt. Jo. Appleton Major Sam. Appleton Henry Archers (see Edmond Heard) Wry Averill (by Tilton) John Ayers (by Joseph Fellows) Sam. Ayres Sen. John Baker Henry Bachelors farme Serg. Belcher Henry Bennett Henry Bennett for Phillip Calls Mr. Berry for Sam. Bishop Gyeles Birdleys house Bishop for Dirky house Bishop (by Sam Ingalls) Sam. Bishop Thos. Borman Haniell Bosworth Bowles for Thos. Medcalfe Brabrook farm (by Downing) Brabrooks (see Taylor)] Moses Bradstreet Edward Bragg Ed. Braggs farme John Brewer, Sen. Edmund Bridges Mr. Brownes farm Jo. Browne Jo. Browne farmer Joseph Browne Bryer for Mr. Wade John Burnani, Sen. Ens. Thos. Burnham Tho. Burnham Jun. ' The entry in the Ttecord is " ThoH. Freneli for Simon Addanis." TIih reverse order is n.sed fo: the sake of convenience and is alwiiys imlicated by the parenthcBis. THE BODY POLITIC. 95 John Caldwell Phillip Calls by Henry Bennett Sam. Chapman Simon Chapman for Jo. Kimball John Choate Mr. Chute Corp" Clarke Thomas Clarke Mr. Cobbit Rober Coborn, Sen. Mr. Cogswell Rowley line Mr. John Cogswell Mr. Wry' Cogswell Robert Collins Robert Crose, Sen. John Dane, Sen. John Dane, Sen. for yt was Jo. Newmans John Dane, Jun. Roger Darby Hopkin Davis John Day Robert Day Edward Deare Maj. Gen. Denison Major Genlls Farme Daniel Denison John Denison, Sen. Thomas Dennis Dirky house by Bishop Downing for Brabrooke farm Robert Dutch Sen. John Edwards Mr. Emersons farme Nath. Emerson house at Towne Mr. Epps Ephraim Fellows Isak Fellows for Saltonstall Joseph Fellows for John Ayers Abraham Fitt Abraham Foster Isaack Foster Jacob Foster Renold Foster, Sen. Renold Foster, Jun. 'Phillip Fowler Ens. French Thos. French for Simon Addams. James Fuller John Gaines John Ciiddings Joseph Gidding Thos. Giddings Joha Gilbert Deacon Goodhue Joseph Goodhue Will Goodhue, Jun. Sam. Graves John Grow George Hadley Halfield farme Mr. Hammonds farme Mr. H — mans farme Hardys house by Jo. Newman John Harris Tho. Harris 1 Wry is the abbreviated form of AVilllam. 96 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Sam. Hart One for John Hassells house Will liayward Edniontl Heard y' was Henry Archers Mr. Hodges house Wni. Hodgkins the house at Towne Daniell Hovey Sen Daniel Hovey Jr James How Sen James How Jun Will Howlett Mr Rich. Hubbard Mr Wry Hubbard Huning (see Nath. Rogers) Sam Hunt, Sen. Samuell Ingalls Sam Ingalls for Bishop Nathaniel Jacob Jer. Jewett John Jewett Widdo Jordan Robert Lord Sen. Robert Ijord Marshall Thomas Lovell John Low Thos Low, Jun. for Matthew Whipples house Thos. Lull Mauing (for Capt Applet on) Thos. Metcalfe Thos. Medcalfe (by liowles) Widdo Metcalfe Moores house by Isaiah Wood Edward Nealand Benj. Newman John Newman for Hardy's, house John Newman, Jr. John Newman (see John Dane Sen) John Newmarsh Mr. Nortons far me Mr. Wry Norton Caleb Kimball John Kimball Jo. KimbalFs farme John Kindrick Robert Kinsman Deacon Knowlton Wry Knowlton's house (see Taylor) John Layton Jolm Lee to Webster Richard Lee Edward Lomas Henry Ossborne Elder Paine Elder Paines farme Andrew Peeters Robert Peirce Aron Pengry, Sen. Decon Pengry John Pengry Quar*"" Mr Perkins Mr. Perkins farme Qua'' Mas'" I'erkins Island Serg, Perkins THE BODY POLITIC 97 Timothy Perly Pery for Nich. Wallis John Pindar Nath. Pippers house 8ani. Pod Anthony Potter John Potters house Benj. Prockter Benedick Pulsipher Widdo Quilter, Sen Widdo (Quilter Widdo Redding Ring for Mr. Sani. Rogers Daniel Ringe for farnie Ezekiel Rogers house Mr. John Rogers Nath. Rogers where Huning is Mr. Sam Rogers Walter Roper Kilicros Ross for ye home y*^ was Simon Stace Kilicros Ross house (by Mr. Symonds) Nath. Rust John Safford Joseph Safford Saltonstall (by Isak Fellows) Mr. Saltonstalls farm Scoole-house Goodman Scotts house Richard Shatswell The house where Sherrin lives Richard Smith Sam. Smith Thos. Smith Sen John Sparke Simon Stace Simon Stace (see Kilicros Ross) Thomas Stace Starkweather for Appleton Wry Story Sen. Mr. Symonds for Kilicross Ross house Mr. Will Symonds taylor for Wry Knowl- tons house or purchase of Brabrook Sam. Tayler Tilton for Wry Avcrill Nath. Tredwell Simon Tuttle Thomas Varney Mr. Wade (by Brycr) Mr. Jonathan Wade Mr. Francis Wainwright Mr. John Wainwright Sergt' Tho Waite Nicholas WalUs Nich. WalHs (by Pery) Usuall Warden Wardell for Ezekiel Wood- ward Dan^' Warner Sen Wel)ster (from John Lee) Nathaniel Wells Twiford West Capt. Whipples farme Capt. Jo. Whipple Corpi' Jo Whipple Joseph Whipple Matthew Whipples house by Thos. liowe, Jun. 98 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. James White Simon Wood Robert Whitman Nichlas Woodberry farme Mr. Winthrops farm Ezekiel Woodward (see Ward- Mr. Willson ell) Esaiah Wood Isaiah Wood for Moores house Sam. Younglove Sen Obadiah Wood Sam. Younglove Jun The names of the commoners include those of four widows, who had the privilege of the ballot undoubtedly in the com- moner's meeting. Wealthy men like General Denison had two votes, apparently in the commoners' meeting; one, because of their town property, and one from their farms. (.)nly 125 names are recorded in the list of freemen, seventeen of which are not found among the commoners. 224 names of connnoners are recorded, and the ''School Farm." When we compare these lists with the total male population, yet more striking contrasts appear. Several enrollments of the male inhabitants above the age of sixteen are preserved in the old Records of Deeds. One bears the caption, "A list of those of Ipswich, who according to an order of the Gen" Court ap- ])eared before Worshipfull Major Gen" Uenison, Esq. ye Decem. and January 1677, and have taken the oath of alegance and fidelity." To this is appended another list, under the heading, "Samuell Symonds, Esq., dep. Gov'' his returne that had taken the oath." Another is headed, "A list of those that tooke the oath of Alegance of Ipswich Towne, before the worshipfull Maior Gen" Denison Esq., the ll'*^ of December, 1678." In 1683, a list of nineteen who took the oath before Samuel Appleton was recorded. I have compared these lists carefully, one with another, and have combined in a new alphabetical list, all the different names derived from these random enrollments. This list is probably an approximately correct enrollment of the total male population in 1678, and it possesses value sufficient to entitle it to full place in these pages. Frequent duplicates will be noticed, but I have ventured only in a few cases to strike out such, inasmuch as there were no middle names to distin- guish those who bore the same name, and various devices THE BODY POLITIC. 99 were in vogue to accomplish this end, as Serg. Clark, who -was also Thos. Clark, Thos. Clark, the tanner, Thos. Clark, Tersh. or the third, and plain Thos. Clarke ; " Isaac Foster" and " Isaac Foster, the tythingman ;" "Marshall Lord" (Robert), Robert Lord, Sen., Robert Lord, Jun., and Robert Lord Tersh. Some of these duplicates may have no rightful place, but I venture on few liberties with these ancient lists, which included all the youth and men from Topsfield line to Gloucester, who lived in scattered hamlets, and were members of large families, in which there was a reverent regard for the parental name. The same name may have been l)orne by several individuals without any confusion in those primitive times. Arthur Abbott George Abbott Nehemiah Abbott Nehemiah Abbott John Adams Nath. Adams Sam. Adams Symon Adams Edw. Allen John Allen John Andrews Corp. Jo. Andrews Joseph Andrews W'' Andrews Wry Andrews Thos. Andrews Mr. Andrews* (Thos.) John Annable Matt: Annaball Sam. Appleton Sam. Appleton Jr Sam. Ardway Thos. Attwood John Ayres Jo. Ayres of Andover Joseph Ayres Sam. Ayres Sam. Ayres Sen Sam. Ayres Jun Thos. Ayres Edw. Bagett John Baker W> Baker John Bare John Barnes John Barry Thos. Bayly David Belcher Rich. Beddford Henry Bennett Jacob Bennett Steph. Bennett W^ Bennett Mr. Berry Andrew Birdly James Birdly John Birdly Sam. Bishop Dan. Borman Thos. Borman Haniel Bosworth Sen. * The school master. 100 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Hanicl Bosworth Jim. Good. Boston (or ]3aston) Christopher Bowles Caleb Boyiitoii John Bradstrect Moses Bradstreet Edward Bragg Timothy Jiragg Thos. l^ray John Brewer, Sen. John Brewer, Jun. Edmimd Bridges John Bridge Chas. Brown John Brown John Brown John Brown jr. Joseph Brown Nath. Brown Nath. Brown Richard Bryer John Burnani John Burnani James Burnam Joseph Burnam Thos. Burnam Thos. Burnam W^-^ Buttler John Cabwell Dilhngham Caldwell John Caldwell Jun. Philip Call Rich. Carr Jo. Carpenter Nath. Chapman Sam. Chapman W^y Chapman Symon Chapman Nich. Cheverle? John Chote Sen. John Chote Jun. James Chute Sen. James Chute Jun. John Chubb Freeman Clark John Clark Thos. Clarke Thos. Clarke Tersh. (3d) Sergt. Clarke Thos. Clark, tanner Lawrence Clenton ^^ Thos. Coborne Mr. Cobbitt Edward Cogswell Mr. John Cogswell Wry Cogswell Daniel Colborne Ezra Colborne Edward Colborne Joseph Colborne Rob. Collins James Colman Thos. Comings Isaac Comings Sam. Cowdry Gyles Cowes James Creek George Cross Ralph Cross Robert Cross Stephen Cross Doctor Dane John Dane Philemon Dane Roger Darbye Hopkin Davis THE BODY POLITIC. 101 Dan. Davison James Day John Day John Day Thos. Day Robert Day Edward Deare Edward Deare Jun. John Denison Sen. John Denison Jun. Thos. Dennis Wry Dirgye Sam. Dodge Jeremiah Dow Thos. Dow John Downing John Dutch Robert Dutch Jun. Samuel Dutch John Edwards Sen. John Edwards Jun. Thos. Edwards Nallo Ely Peeter Emans Nath. Emerson Sen. Nath. Emerson Jun. Mr. Joseph Epps Mr. Lionell Epps Joseph Evely David Falton Jonathan Fanton Mr. Farley Mesheck Farley Mighill Farley Ephraim Fellows Isaac Fellows Joseph Fellows Sam. Fellows Philip Finler Abram Fitt Sen. Abram Fitt Jun. James Ford Abra. Foster Sen. Abra. Foster Jun. Benj. Foster Isaac Foster Isaac Foster, Sen. Isaac Foster, tythingman John Foster Jacob Foster Renold Foster Sen. Renold (or Reginold) Foster Jun Reginold Foster Thos. Fossie Philip Fowler Jun. John French Sam. French Thos. French Ensign Thos. French James Fuller Joseph Fuller Nathaniel Fuller Thos. Fuller John Gaines Nath. Gallop John Gamage Amos Gaudea? Amos Garding Curnel. genelee? James Gidding John Gidding Joseph Giddings Sam. Giddings Thos. Giddings John Gilbert 102 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Henry Goiib Henry Goub Joseph Goodhue Sen. Joseph Goodhue Jun. Wry Goodhue Jr. Dea. Goodhue John Graves Francis Graves Sam. Graves Sen. Sam. Graves Jun. Jonas Gregory Sam. Griffin John Grow George Hadley George Hadley John Hadley John Haggett Moses Haggett John Harris John Harris John Harris Timothy Harris Thos. Harris Thos. Harris Sam. Hart Thos. Hart Thos. Hay ward Wry Hayward Edmund Heard Jonath. Hobbes John Hodgkinson Wry Hodgkinson Sen. Wry Hodgkinson Jun. Nath. Hooker Daniel Hovey Sen. Nath. Hovey Abra. How James How James How Jun. Wry Howlett John Hubbard Sam. Hunt Sen. Sam. Hunt, Jun. Isaac Huniwell John Hunking Edmund Ingalls Sam. Ingalls Sam. Ingalls Jun. James John B. James , a frenchman Joseph Jacob Nath. Jacob Thos. Jacob Isaac Jewett Jeremiah Jewett John Jewett John Jewett Joseph Jewett Nehemiah Jewett Jeremy — Capt. Appleton Francis Jordan Thos. Kellin Daniel Killam, Sen. Daniel Killam, Jun. John Killam Joseph Killam Caleb Kimball Caleb Kimball, Jr. Robert Kinsman Thos. Kinsman Jo. Kindrick Jas. King Edw. Kitto John Knowlton John Knowlton, Jun. THE HODY POI.ITIC. 103 Joseph Knowlton Nath. Knowlton Sam. Knowlton Thos. Knowlton James Lambert John Lambert John Lampson Nath. Lampson John Lay ton John Lead John Lee Joseph Lee Richard I^ee Richard Lee Isaac Littlehale Richard Littlehale Edward Lomas Jonathan Lomas Sam. Lomas John Lord Nath. Lord Marshall Lord Rob. Lord Sen. Robert Lord Jun. Robert Lord Tersh {3'^) John Lovel Thos. Lovel Sen. Thos. Lovel Jnn. John Loveren Jo. Low Thos. Low Thos. Low Jim. Peeter Liirvey Thos. Lull Dan. Manning Nick. Marble Benj. Marshall Joseph Marshall Thos. Marshall Sen. Thos. Marshall Abra. Martin Robert Martin Alex. Merrill Thos. Metcalfe Joseph Metcalfe Samuel Moses Edward Neland Robert Nelson W>' Nelson Sen. Wry Nelson Jun. Benj. Newman John Newman Thos. Newman John Newmarsh, Sen. John Newmarsh Jun Thos. Newmarsh Zaccheus Newmarsh Bonus Norton Mr. Wry Norton John Osborne Henry Osborne Wry Owen Thos. Page Elder Paine (Mr. Robt. Paine Sen.) Mr.Robt. Paine Jun. Sam. Parker Robt. Pearce Sen. Rob. Pearce Jun. John Pearce Sam. Pearce Jo. Pearl Sam. Pearly 104 IPSWICH, IN THK MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Timothy Pearly Andrew Pcatoi-.s John Peeters John Vo]\ Jo. Pciiiiilly Deacon (Moses) Pengry John PcMiji'ry Aaron Penj^ry Jnn. Moses Peugry Sen. Abr. I'erkins Isaac Perkins Jacob Perkins Jacol) IVrkins Jnn. John Perkins Jnn. Luke J'crkins Matthew Perkins Nath. Perkins Qr. Master Perkins Saninel Perkins Scrg. IVu'kins Sam. Perley Matthew Perry Thos. J'errin John Pinder Sen. John Pin(U'r Jnn. Sam. Pinder Sam. Pipper Anthony Potter John Potter Edmund Potter Samuel Potter John Prickett Benj. Prockter Joseph Prockter Rich. Pryer Benedict Pulsipher John Pulsipher Nath. Pyper Mr. W™. Quarles Joseph Quilter Mark (fuller John Ring Dan. Ringe Isaac Ringe Rog(M' Ringe Jo. Roberts John Rogers Mr. John Rogers Mr. Nath. Rogers Mr. Sam. Rogers John Roper Nath. Roper Walter Roper Fenell Ross John Ross Kilicross Ross Era Rost Peter Rougetoll Nathaniel Rust Jer. Rylay John Sady Abeel Sadler John Safford John Safford Jun. Joseph Safford James Scandlin Benj. Scilian Joseph Scilian Joseph Scilian Jun. Roger Scott Sam. Searle Henry Serret John Shatswell Rich. Shatswell John Sherrin THE BODY POLITIC. 105 John Smith Sen. John Smith Jim. Rich. vSmith Sam. Smith Thos. Smith Thos. Smith Sen. Thos. Smith Jun. Wrj^ Smith Sen. Wry Smith Jun. W"". Smith John Sparke Tho. Sparke Simon Stace — Starkweather Moses Stevens George"Stinson Edw. Stone Sam. Stoi}' Seth Story Wry. Story Wry Story Jun. Henry Sweet Mr. Wry Symonds Sam Taylor ' Barnard Thorne Abra. Tilton Alex. Tompson Nath. Tompson Wry. Tompson Nath. Tredwell Thos. Tredwell Rich. Trells Simon Tuttle Thos., a Scotchman Thos. Varney Mr. Jona. Wade Mr. Thos. Wade Mr. Fran. Wainwright John Wainwright Simon Wainwright John Waite Serg. Waite Thos. Waite Jun. Nicolas Wallis Robert Wallis John Walden Elihu Warden llzell Warden Dan. Warner Sen. Dan. Warner Jun. John Warner Nath. Warner Benj. Webster (said to be of Salem) John West Twiford West Nath. Wells John Whipple John Whipple Jun. Joseph Whipple Matthew Whipple Rob. Whitman James White W^ry White Wry Whitredge Theophilus Willson Shoreborne Willson Wry Womben Isaiah Wood John Wood Nath. Wood Obadiah Wood Sam. Wood Symon Wood John Wooding 106 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. John Yell Sam. Younglove Sen. Francis Young Joseph Younglove. Sam. Young Lewis Zacharias To this list there are to be added the names of Gen. Daniel Denison, Dep. Gov. Samuel Symonds, Major Samuel Appleton, the magistrates before whom the oath of allegiance was taken. The total number of names thus attained is five hvmdred and eight. This included, it must be remembered, all youth of sixteen years and more; but making all due allowance for those who by reason of age were disciualified from the franchise, there remains a very large proportion of the men, who were not allowed to vote in civil affairs. Only 220 names of men appear on the commoners' list, about half of the adult male pop- ulation, and there were only 125 freemen. Probably there was no nation of the Old World where the lines of division between the rich and the poor, the learned and the unlearned, the master and the servant, were drawn more sharply. The aristocracy of old Ipswich was as definite and as haughty a bod}^, it may be, as the aristocracy of London. Nevertheless, the test of eligibility to full citizenship resided not in gentle birth, or in the possession of wealth or learning, or official station, but in Christian manhood, publicly professed by union with the Christian church. The poorest and most ignorant was not debarred from this privilege of church mem- bership, and the right of franchise followed naturally from this. Complain as we may of the intolerance and narrowness of the political system of the time, we can not refuse our admiration to those devout Puritans, who knew no test of character, no outward evidence of manhood, no fitness for citizenship, but the simple living of a Christian life. CHAPTER IX. THE SABBATH AND THE MEETING HOUSE. In the First General Letter of Instructions from the Massa- chusetts Bay Company to Endicott and his Council, it is speci- fied "To the end the Sabbath may be celebrated in a religious manner, we appoint that all that inhabit the Plantation, both for the general and particular employments, may surcease their labor every Saturday throughout the year at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, and that they spend the rest of that day in catechis- ing and preparation for the Sabbath as the ministers shall direct."! On Saturday, at three, therefore, we may imagine farmers returning from the fields, weavers stopping their looms, shop- keepers closing their doors, and all sound of toil ceasing. With- in doors the busy Saturday toil was hurried to completion, the play of children hushed, and the solemnity of the Sabbath was well begun, with the assembling of the family for worship and the instruction of children and servants in the catechism which the reverend teacher, Mr. Norton, had prepared. There seems to have been some general assembling for catechism apart from the family instruction, as Thos. Scott, one of the substantial citizens, was fined ten shillings in 1650, "unless he learns Mr. Norton's catechism by next Court." But he valued ten shillings less than the trouble of burdening his memory and forfeited his fine. The morning of the Sabbath found the household early astir, for a goodly service of home worship was always in order before the public meeting, and all must be ready at the appointed hour. Here, in old Ipswich, the summons to worship was given by a bell as early as 1640, and as Ralph Varnham woke the echoes with his ringing, the good people issued forth from every door. No option was left them as to attendance. The Assistants were clothed with power in 1635 to impose a fine 1 Youug's Clii'ouicles Mass. Bay, p. 163. (107) 108 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. or iniprisoninent at their discretion on deliberate negiectors. Only the sick and disabled were excused. They came afoot for the most part, in the earliest times. Under the law of 1635, no dwelling house might be built above half a mile from the meeting house, "except mill-houses and farm houses, of such as have their dwelling houses in the same town." As late as 1661, Henry Bachiler and wife were commended to the General Court by the local Court, for absenting themselves from Sab- bath worship, and inquiry was made ' ' whether the town of Ipswich might not dispose of him and his farme, so as he may live in the towne, and enjoy his estate, and ye public worship of God." The General Court authorized the lesser tribunal to settle the matter as its wisdom directed, but record fails us of the final event. ^ The meeting house was a very humble structure, I imagine. Built of round logs with chinks stopjied with clay or moss, or, of logs, hewn scpiare, and piled block-house fashiijn, it served the doul)le pur])Ose of sanctuary and citadel. Its roof was thatched, no douljt, like the meeting house in Winnisinunet. At best it was some roughly board(^d and shingled affair. More conspicuous than the meeting house was the fort built about it as a protection from Indian assaults. Fortunately, in our neighboring town of Boxford, specific record has been pre- served of "the old Meeting House fort." It was a stone wall, five or six feet high, and three feet thick at the bottom, sur- rounding the house. On the south side it was twelve feet, on the other three sides, ten feet distant, and at the southeast corner, within this wall, a watch house ten feet square was built. 2 Some such wall surrounded the Ipswich meeting house, as frequent allusion is made to it in the Town Records. It stood until 1702, when the rocks of which it was built were sold to buy a clock for the new edifice, erected at that time. A watch hous(!, too, for the convenience of the night watch, was in the immediate vicinity. As the groups of worshippers drew near, I suspect that man}' a shuddering glance was cast by the women and children,upon ' Mass. Uncords, vol. v, p. 3. History of Boxford, Siduej' Ferley, p. 63. THE SABBATH AND THE MEETING HOUSE. 109 the grim wolf heads, nailed upon the front of the sanctuary by every one who killed one of these dread foes, to secure the bounty promised by the Town. If the weather permitted, all tarried at the door to read the notices posted thereon. Documents of many sorts found place there: town ordinances enacted at the last town meeting; the latest laws of the General Court relating to public debts, fixing the penalty for selling fire-arms to Indians, or ordering the inspection of pipe-staves; or some scandalous libel against the good name of some citizen ; or Joseph Rolandson 's humble retraction in his own handwriting before the Ipswich Court, which is still preserved in the Court papers in Salem. More than a passing look was given the law against Sabbath- breaking by parents and youth. A quaint interest attaches to one of these laws, which was published from the meeting house doors. It was enacted in June, 1653. "Upon information of soundry abuses and misdemeanors, committed by soundry persons on the Lord's day, not only by children playing in the streets, and other places, but by youths, majds, and other persons, both straingers and others, uncivily walking the streetes and fields, travailing from towne to towne, going on shipboard, frequenting coinon houses and other places, to drinck, sport and otherwise to mispend that pretjous tyme, which things tend much to the dishonor of God, the reproach of religion, greiving the souls of God's servants, and the pro- phanation of the holy Sabbath: Therefore, ordered that no children, youths, majds, or other persons shall transgresse in the like kind on penaltje of being reputed greate provokers of the highest displeasure of Almighty God, and further incurring the poenaltje hereafter expressed, namely, that the parents and governors of all children about seven years old (not that we aproove younger children in evill) for the first offence in that kind, shall be admonished, for a second offence shall pay as a fine 5s, and for a third, 10-^ Youths and mayds above 14 years old shall first be admonished, for the second, 5^ etc. " "This to be understood of such offences as shall be com- itted during the daylight of the Lord's day. This law is to be transcribed by the constable of each towne, and posted uppon 110 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS HAY COLONY, the inoetiiiji; howse doorc, there to remajn the space of one month at l(>ast." With minds chily impi'essed with tiie solenmity of the day and honr, with gnilty reniend)rance of Ho;ht and wanton con- (.hict on other Sabbaths perhajjs, no lonii;er to be permitted by watchful constables, they entered. A middle aisle divided the interior into two equal parts. There were no pews, only benches, and the usage of the day required that the women should sit on one side and the men on the other. The interior was bare and cheerless. No plaster nor paint relieved the roughness and rawness of walls and roof of that first meeting house, and even the pulpit, destitute of fine finish or coloring, we may presume, was furnished only with Bible and Psalm-book, and the hour-glass, which revealed the length of the sermon to the eye of every worshipper. Neither carpet nor cushion was there, but a floor of hewn timber not over smooth. No sweet-toned organ invited to worship. There were instead the rattle of scabbards, the clank of muskets. Every man above eighteen years of age, except the magistrates and ministers, by command of the General Court, came with his musket or other firearms, and duly equipped with match, powder and bullets. The fear of Indian invasion was always upon them, and sentinels fully armed paced their beat without. There was semblance of an armed garrison rather than of peaceful worshippers. Nevertheless, great formality attended the gathering. Rude as the benches were, there might be no random choice of seats. In no stately edifice of modern days is there such rigidly aristocratic principle openly avowed. Official station, education, family connection, wealth, were carefully considered, and social rank was delicately adjusted. So we are sure that on those first benches sat Mrs. Winthrop, Mrs. Rogers, and Mrs. Norton, the wdves of dominies, Dame Dudley and her daughters, Ann, the wife of Simon Bradstreet, and Patience, the wife of Daniel Denison, Madame Symonds, Saltonstall's young bride, Muriel, just from the motherland, and behind them, the wives and daughters of the lesser gentry and substantial yeomen. Last, of all were the poorer ones and maid-servants. THE SABBATH AND THE MEETING HOUSE, 111 Across the aisle sat the men, John Winthrop and the good Governor, his father, now and then, Richard Saltonstall, Giles Firmin, the physician, and son-in-law of Nath. Ward, Symonds and Denison, the magistrates, gruff Dudley and gentle Brad- street, the Appletons, and all the rest. It was a notable assem- bly, remarkable for fine learning, for high character, for wise statesmanship, for grand devotion. Not a few of them grew hoary-headed in high and honorable public station, as govern- ors and magistrates, commissioners and soldiers, and guided the affairs of the infant Commonwealth so well that their names are written in gold. In the pulpit, clad in black Geneva gown and skullcap and ])ure white bands sat the pastor, Thomas Parker, or Na- thaniel Ward, or Nathaniel Rogers and John Norton, pastor and teacher, and below them, on a raised seat the deacons and ruling elders had their place of honor. Thomas Lechford, in his Plaine Dealing, describes the order of worship in Boston. It was substantially the same in old Ipswich, no doubt. "Every Sabbath, or Lord's day, they came together at Boston, by wringing of a bell, about nine of the clock or before. The Pastor begins with a solemn prayer continuing about a quarter of an houre. The Teacher then readeth and expound- eth a chapter, then a Psalm is sung, which every one of the ruling Elders dictates, after that the Pastor preacheth a sermon, and sometimes extempore exhorts. Then the Teacher concludes with prayer and a blessing." Once a month the sacrament was administered, non-communicants withdrawing. About two in the afternoon a second service began, in which the Teacher had the sermon, and the Pastor conducted the other exercises. This was followed by the baptism of children, "by washing or sprinkling," and then the contribution, after the preacher had earnestly exhorted to liberality. "The magistrates and chief gentlemen first and then the Elders," says Lechford, "and all the congregation of men and most of them that are not of the church, all single persons, widows and women in the absence of their husbands, come up one after another, one way, and bring their offerings to the Deacon at his seate, and put it into a box of wood for the pur- pose, if it be money or papers, — if it be any other chattle, then 112 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. set it or lay it down before the Deacons, and so passe anollier way to their seats again. I have seen a faire gilt cwp with a cover offered there by one,which is stiH used at the Communion." After this, new members were a(hnitted, matters of offence were h(>ard, and sometimes it was very late before the bene- diction was pronounced. Happily, at snuset, the day was done, and Puritan l)oys and girls, to say naught of men and women, in their hearts rejoiced that the iron restraints of the Sabbath were broken. Their psalm singing was curious, and wonderful. Their tunes for hymns were few — York, St. Ann's, Martyrs and the like. We make ourselves merry over the crudities and mon- strositi(>s that 2()th century culture^ detects in praise and preaching. Nevertheless, a sul)lin)e earnestness characterized it all. Stress of weather mattered little. Cold could not affright nor heat coiKjucn-, nor rain dishearten. That order adopted in 1642 "for the making and constant keeping of the meeting house tite" reveals the intrusion of the rain within tf) the discomfort of bared heads and the injury of Sabba-day clothing, but none might stay away. Only one suggestion of creature comfort relieves the utter desolation of the wintry Sabbath. It has been assumed as a universal truth that there were no fires, and it is beyond a doubt that later in the century, and down to the beginning of the nineteenth century ,there were no means of warming save the footstoves. But the original con- tract, still preserved, between John Pickering and the Town of Salem in 1638, to build an addition to the meeting house, spec- ifies "one catted chimney of 12 foot long and 4 foot in height above the top of the building, the back whereof is to be of brick or stone;." If the Salem people had a chinniojy large enough for ami)le warmth in 1638, the Ipswich folk would soon have indulged in the same. What pity, that Puritan self ab- negation frowned the fireplace out of countenance at the out- set and compelled two centuries nearly of worship at risk of health and life ! Stern and forbidding that olden worship seems to us, but beneath all the sternness of Sabbath laws and usages, and the martyr-hke torturing of the flesh, we catch sight of a rare THE SABBATH AND THE MEETING HOUSE. 113 nobility of purpose. .Simple, unswerving fidelity to Conscience and the Holy Book compelled those men to make their Sabbath what it was. We reverence them, and that bare hill-top is forever sanctified by their worship. As 3^ears went on, the old meeting house became not onh' out of repair but too small in size. In 1643, the young men and youths had permission to set up a gallery. The doom of the old house was sealed in 1646, and it was sold to Thomas Firman for fifty shillings in December to be removed by the following September. Various records seem to indicate that the new house was built in much more leisurely fashion than was contemplated when this vote was passed. It was not till Feb. 13, 1651-2, that the Town agreed with George Norton "to ground-sell the Meeting House and to leave doors and walls both for clapboards and dabing," for which he was to receive 12'' a foot, the Town drawing the timber and underpinning it; and again in Oct., 1653, ''to laye four gutters to the meeting house of large pyne trees, — and the house closed sufficiently — to cover the ground sells about the house, to make a sheet for the turret window and cover for the upper scuttell hole." Other allusions indicate that the new house was built in the prevailing style of the time, of which a fine example remains in the "Old Ship" church at Hingham. It was square, with a hip roof, and a turret or belfry at the apex, so that the bell-rope hung down in the center of the audience room. It was shingled and clap- boarded, with glass windows of small diamond panes, set in lead, and was furnished with galleries. The matter of seating accommodation was frequently be- fore the Town. In 1660, certain seats were ordered built and repaired in the galleries, also at the two corners of the meeting house and under the gallery for women. The question of greater and less dignity, carrying with it the question of higher or lower seat, became so sharp and vexing that, in 1663, the delicate and unenviable task of "seating the congregation" was laid upon the Selectmen. Yet more seats were ordered in the galleries in 1674, and in 1675 came a most startling inno- vation, even permission to Francis Wainwright, one of the most conspicuous citizens "to set up a pue six foot square or so much as amounts to it between the two seats and the stairs 114 IPSWICH, IX THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. on the North side." This vote was recognized as so revolution- ary' of ancient usage that the Town Record bears the entry: "I consent to the setting up of a square pew in the place al)()V(\said to come out as far as the midst of the seate, wherein John liurnam's wife setts." Daniel Denison. Fortified thus by the approval of the Autocrat of the Town, the first pew in old Ipswich was forthwith erected, and the loca- tion against the wall of the meeting house, rather than in some central spot, continued to be fashionable for a century. The Wainwright family was no longer separated but sat in a cos}- group in the grand new pew. A few years afterward. Major Samuel Appleton received permission to erect a pew in the east corner "not exceeding two short seats in breadth, near the middle of the window in the length, at his own charge, relinquishing his right in his wives seat." At the next Town meeting, Feb., 1680-1, Doctor Dane, Nath. Treadwell, William Hodgkins, Sen., Andrew Dymond, Thomas Lull, Thomas Dennis, Thomas Hart and Samuel Hunt united in a petition for liberty to "raise the hindmost seate in the norwest syde of the Meeting House two foote higher than it now is, for there wives to sitt in," and it was granted. That lofty row of eight ladies of the second order of social rank was a conspicuous ofTset against the pre- tensions of the family pew. The love of high seats reached the gallery as well, and Sar- gent and his son, and others had liberty to raise the hindmost seat in the gallery, called the boys' gallery. Higher still, the soaring ambition of the good folk reached. Some- where in the meeting house there had been a magazine to store the town's powder, well up among the beams it has been thought; and it was voted in 1681-2 that the Town would ' ' build a seate between where the old Powder room was and the gallery." That lofty bird's nest against the wall was accounted so hon- orable that the Town proceeded to vote, that Mrs. Cobbet, wife of the minister "shall have a seate there if she please." John Harris and John Staniford had permission as well to put up some boards to break off the wind from the seat where their wives sat. THE SABUATH AND THE MEETING HOUSE. 115 Pew by pew, encroachment was made upon the central space after the walls were lined, but a century elapsed before the transformation was complete, and the old benches com- pletely disappeared. It is a curious illustration of the vagaries of fashion that the central floor space, originally the most select, fell into discredit when the pew system became popular, and became the resort of the poor and those of middle rank. In our own day, the wall has been altogether abandoned in its turn, and the central floor has regained its pristine honor. Coincident with the building of the new and larger house of worship, new and peculiar trials began to appear, because of the disorderly behavior of the compulsory worshippers. The first hint of any disturbance is in connection with the family dogs. As early as 1641, the Prudential men of the Town ordered that no dog should come into the meeting house on Sabbath days or lecture days between twelve and three o'clock. Why they were so obnoxious during the afternoon service, and not in the morning, we are left to our wits to dis- cover. Certain it is, that from very early times, the dog had been legislated against as an undesirable attendant. In old English towns, the dog-whipper was a regular functionary, and a curious old law of the time of Edgar quoted by Mr. Charles Francis Adams^ specifies that "parish priests were to see to it that no dog should enter church, nor yet more a swine, if it could possibly be prevented." Shortly after we have a curious revelation of the weakness of the flesh among the Puritans themselves. Mrs. Earle in her "Sabbath in Puritan New England" quotes from the Journal of one Obadiah Turner of Lynn : "June 3:1646 — Allen Bridges hath bin chose to wake ye sleepers in meeting. And being much proude of his place, must needs have a fox taile fixed to ye ende of a long staff wherewith he may brush ye faces of them yt will have napps in time of discourse, likewise a sharp thorne whereby he may prick such as be most sound. On ye last Lord his day, as hee strutted about ye meeting house, he did spy Mr. Tomlins sleeping with much comfort, hys head kept steadie by being in ye corner, and his hand grasping ye rail. And soe spying, 1 Three Episodes, ii, 744. IK) IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Allen (lid (luickly thrust his staff behind Dame Ballard and give him a grievous prick upon ye hand. Whereupon Mr. Tomlins did spring vpp mch above ye fioore, and with terrible force strike hys hand against ye wall: and also, to ye great wonder of all, prophanlie exclaim in a loud voice, curse ye woodchuck, he dreaming so it seemed yt a woodchuck had seized and bit his hand. But on coming to know where he was, and ye greate scandall he had committed, he seemed much abashed, but did not speak. And I think he will not soon again goe to sleepe in meeting." Eventually, in some towns, the fox-tail and thorne were deemed insufficient, and a "cage" was built on the meeting- House Green, in which the persistent sleeper was ignominiously imprisoned, the object of public ridicule. But there were worse disorders than the snoring of sleepers in the old meeting house on the hill. In 1654, Edward Brydges had a legal admonition for disorder in the meeting house, and in that same year disorderliness had become so general and so offensive that the General Court took the matter in hand, and gave liberty to the officers of the congregation and the Selectmen of Towns to appoint one or two persons, "to reform all such disordered persons, in the congregations or elsewhere about the meeting houses." Our Town proceeded, in 1657, to avail itself of the new statute, and appointed Thos. Burnam and Symon Tompson to keep a watchful eye upon the youth — and none too soon — for John Averill had been before the Ips- wich Court in 1656 for striking Thomas Twigs in the meeting house "in the time of public ordinances on the Sabbath." For many years there was a vigorous spirit of disorder that must have marred the solemnity of many Sabbaths. The grouping of all the young men and boys together was the pro- lific cause of constant disorder. Sometimes the disturbance was violent, as when Thomas Bragg and Edward Cogswell fought together in the meeting house "on the Lord's day^ in time of exercise" in the year, 1670, for which they were fined 10^ apiece, or when Stephen Cross struck another worshipper. Two young misses, Elizabeth Hunt and Abigail Burnam, so disturbed public service one Sunday in 1674, that they were arraigned before the Court, and their fathers admonished to THE SABBATH AND THE MEETING HOUSE. 117 reprove them becomingly, and Sam. Hunt Jr. was admonished and fined for his light behaviour. Old Salem in 1676 wrestled with the unruliness of the boys in this fashion: "all ye boyes of ye towne, are and shall be appointed to sitt upon ye three pair of stairs in ye meeting house, on ye Lord's day, and Wm. Lord is appointed to look after ye boys yt sitte upn ye pulpit stairs. Reuben Guppy is to look and order soe many of ye boyes as may be convenient, and if any are unruly, to present their names as the law directs." But "disorderly carriages" increased still to the sorrow of all godly worshippers, and, in 1677, in accordance with a precept from the General Court, a new office, that of tithingraan, was created, and 24 men, good and true, including some of the most prominent citizens were chosen by the Selectmen. The tithingman was a most important functionary. His business extended much beyond the meeting house and disorder therein. To each officer was assigned the oversight of ten families, hence the name, though the origin of the office itself is found in the Saxon times of Old England. Within his special precinct, he was instructed by common agreement of the town officers in 1681, "to see that children and servants be taught to read and instructed in the capitall laws and Catechism as the Law p'vides, and that the Selectmen as they shall desire y'" goe with y"' to any persons to attend that dutye and where there is deficiency in any they are to inspect that the Laws be attended." Furthermore, the law enjoined them "to inspect dis- orderly persons, and to p'sent the names of single persons that live out from under family government — to enter ordinaries and inspect them" — and "whatever else tends to irreligion." They were to admonish all offenders, and if this proved in- effectual they were bound to make complaint to the Court. One tithingman, at least, pressed the law to the letter, as the Court Record bears witness under the date April 10, 1683 : "William Knowlton upon complaint of John Edwards, tithingman, against him for keeping a pack of gaming cards in his house, is sentenced according to law to pay a fine of 5*^." Upon his submission the Court ordered that upon "satisfying the informer his part as the law provides, and paying 20® to the Treasurer and fees, the rest be respitted." 118 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Two men of the united forces of selectmen, tithingmen and constables were "to look after the youth upon Sabbath dayes in their towns." That business of "seating the congregation" was prolific of heart-burnings and constant disorder. Distracted by their trials, the Deacons complained to the Selectmen in 1681, of the disturbance of p'sns in the meeting house "in not sitting where placed, and others crowding into seats to hinder those placed in there places." To quell these outbreaks, 5"* a day was or- dered as a fine for sitting in the wrong places. The final establishment of the pew system proved the solvent of all difficulties. Families sat together, the children and youth were distributed and were under the eye of their parents and the burning issues of early days were at rest forever. CHAPTER X. THE EARLY MILITARY ANNAL8. Constant danger "from plots and conspiracies of the heathen amongst us," as the Indians were frequently styled, likelihood of rupture with the mother country at a very early date, and anticipations of trouble with the French, produced feverish anxiety throughout the Colony for many years, and oiu- an- cient town, in common with the other communities, must have seemed like a warlike camp rather than a peaceful settlement, undertaken for the sake of securing liberty of worship and re- ligious belief. One episode of the very earliest times convinces u^ that their anxiety was well grounded. Rev. Thomas Cobbet, the minister of Ipswich, in a paper entitled, "New England's De- Uverances," relates, as follows: "About five or six yeares after (an intended attack upon 'Nahumkeick' by the Indians), in the first planting of Ipswich (as a credible man informs me, namely, Quartermaster Perkins) the Tarratines or Easterly Indians had a design to cut them off at the first, when they had but between 20 and 30 men, old and young belonging to the place (and that instant most of the men had gone into bay about their occa- sions, not hearing thereof). It was thus one Robin, a friendly Indian, came to this John Perkins, then a young man then living in a little hut upon his father's island on this side of Jeofrye's Neck, and told him that on such a Thursday morning early, there would come four Indians to draw him to goe down the Hill to the water side, to trick with them, which if he did, he and all neare him would be cut off; for there were 40 burchen canowes, would lie out of sight, in the brow of the Hill, full of Armed Indians for that purpose: of this he forthwith acquaints Mr. John Winthrop, who then lived there, in a house near the water, who advised him if such Indians came, to carry it rug- gedly toward them, and when their backs were turned to strike up the drum he had with him beside his two muskets, and then (119) 120 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY (llschar2;o thcni ; that those six or eight young men, who were in tlio marshes hard by a mowing haveing their guns each of them ready charged l)y them, might take the Alarmc and the Indians would perceive theyr plot was discovered and haste away to sea againe; which was accordingly so acted and tooke like effect ; for he told me that presently after he discovered 40 such canowes sheare off from under the Hill and make as fast as they could to sea. And no doubt many godly hearts were lifted up to heaven for deliverance, both in that deliverance at Salem, and this at Ipswich."^ As a precaution against such surprise a constant watch was maintained at night by the constables. Every adult male of each family above the age of eighteen, including "sons, servants and sojourners," was liable to this service. From the last of March to the last of September the streets and all exposed lo- calities were patrolled from half an hour after sunset to half an hour before sun rise. 2 For the convenience of the night watch a watch house was built, about the year 1645, near the meeting house, in which a fire was kept. All who were abroad after ten o'clock at night were likely to be challenged by the watch, and summoned to explain where they were going and what their business was, and if they failed to satisfy the inquisitive night-guard, they were liable to arrest and detention at the watch house, or "courte of guard" till morning. ^ An elaborate military organization was also provided for. The law of 1630 required training on every Saturday, but in 1634, the requirements were modified so that train bands met only once a month, with July and August excepted. The mi- litia was organized, in 1636, into three regiments. The first included the men of Boston and vicinity, under Governor Win- throp as Colonel, and Thomas Dudley, Esq. as Lieut. Colonel. The second was composed of the train bands of Saugus, Salem, Ipswich and Newbury and was commanded by bluff John Endi- cott of Salem, and our patron, John Winthrop, Jr., as Lieut. Col. More definite local organization was completed in 1645,when ' Perkiiirt Family Genealoffy, p. 8. 2 Mh88. Records, 1047, vol. II, p. 2"i4. 3 Mass. Records, 1645, vol. II, p. 130; 1652, vol. ill, p. 282. THE EARLY MILITARY AXXALS. 121 Mr. Symon Bradstreet, Captain Denison, Ensign John Whit- tingham, and others, were allowed by the General Court to be called "ye military company of Ipswich, N- wbiiry, Rowley, Salisbury, and Hampton,"' with liberty to assemble as often as they pleased, in Ipswich, Newbury and Rowley. The Row- ley company, however, organized in 1646, and the Ipswich sol- diers probably lost their eastern contingent at that time. Denison, we presume, was head and front in this movement. Winthrop and Saltonstall both outranked him at the outset the former holding the rank of Lieut. Colonel, as we have men- tioned and the latter, that of Sergeant-Major in Endicott's reg- iment. But, as early as 1634, Denison 's skill in military affairs was recognized by his appointment in connection with Mr. Nicholas Easton and Mr. Dummer on the board of local over- seers of powder, shot and all other ammunition. 2 Muskets, bandoleers, and rests lately arrived from England were held in charge by them as a common stock. He rose rapidly to the first place. How much quaint and picturesque association attaches to the stated training days of the olden time! Our level South Common was the training field. Thither all the able-bodied men resorted with their arms and accoutrements, and every boy and many a Puritan maid, to see the fine display. The minister was there in gown and bands to open the training with prayer. The first citizens were in the ranks or among the officers. Denison was there as Captain of the host, Whitting- ham as Ensign, Thomas Howlett as one of the petty officers. A motley company it must have been! Side by side, stood the lad of eighteen and the old graybeard, still obliged to train if the infirmities of age did not incapacitate him. "All Scots- men, Negers and Indians inhabiting with or servants to EngHsh'' were pressed into the ranks. ^ There is no hint of uniforms, so they came probably in their leather doublets and breeches, or suits of linsey-woolsey, or in the smart attire of the wealthier folk, with hats or caps, long boots or shoes as circumstances or choice determined. 1 Maes. Records, vol II, p. 111. 2 Mass. Records, vol I, p. 125. 3 Mass. Records, 1652, vol. Ill, p. 268. 122 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Nevertheless, the essentials of military effectiveness were niinutely refi-arcled. On ev. ry training day, in the forenoon and aflernoon, tiie roll was called and every absence noted by the Clerk of the train band, and twice a year he inspected the equipments to see if every soldier had a pound of powder, 20 bullets, two fathom of slow match, with musk(^t, sword, bando- leers and rest. Every man was recpiired to have as well a priming wire, a worm and scourer.' The armament was motley and curious. Muskets or "bastard muskets" were the only firearm but they might vary in length from three feet nine inches to four feet three inches, and unless the short guns were duly apportioned to tall men and the long guns to short ones, the topmost line of battle was very undu- lating. Prior to the year 1645, it is likely that the long six foot fowling piece and the muskets with "4 foote barrell" which were sent over in the earliest shipments of arms also found place. These firearms were all clumsy and inefficient. The ancient matchlock pattern was most common. A crooked iron lever occupied the place of the modern hammer, to the end of which a piece of slow match was fastened. By a pin-gear of simple nature, pressure on the trigger brought the match accurately down on the open powder pan, the lid of which had been pre- viously thrown back by the hand. As the match burned rather freely, several yards were needed for extended service and it was wound i-ound the musket and the body of the soldier. Rain extinguished the smoking match, and spoiled the powder ; wind blew the powder from the pan. The matchlock musket was so long and heavy, that it could not be held to the shoul- der, so a crotched stick called a rest was thrust into the ground to support it. Resting the barrel in the fork, the Puritan sol- dier took his deliberate aim, and when wind or rain did not pre- vent, discharged his weapon. The bastard or shorter-barreled muskets were many of them fittcnl with a snaphance lock a near approach to the ffint-lock of Revolutionary days, and were a far better weapon. Swords formed pa of the equipment, probably of the dag- ger pattern, which might be attached to the musket, bayonet J Mass. Uecovds, vol. II, pp. 118 and 119. THE EARLY MILITARY ANNALS. 123 fashion. Bandolc^ers, broad leather straps, to hold the am- munition, were worn over the shoulder. One third of the train band was permitted to carry pikes, instead of muskets. The pike was a long wooden staff, surmounted by a steel head with a variety of sharp edges, for wounding by thrusting and with- drawing, a weapon of no mean value, even against the clumsy and unreliable firearms. Corslets or costlets, to protect the body, and helmets, were required to be worn by pikemen even at trainings, and in time of service, a buff coat of leather, thick enough to resist the slash of a sword, was worn under the armor. John I>eigh of the Ar- gilla road, the ancient owner of the field still known as "Leigh's meadow," owned such a coat. Corslets and head pieces are frequently mentioned in the inventories of this early period. Twenty suits of armor were sent over in the first ships, by the officers of the Company. Each suit included "coslett, breast, back, culet. gorgett, tases, and hed piece, varnished all black, with leathers and buckles." The gorget was a crescent shaped plate, worn over the breast. The culet protected the throat. The tases were a series of narrow overlapping plates, that were attached to a lining of leather and covered the thighs. The low price of these suits, 17 shillings, indicates that they were of leather or thin metal or some other cheap matsrial. Some of these full suits or scattered pieces may have found proud place in these festal training displays. Drum, flag and halberds for the sergeants completed the brave show, and thus equipped the ancient train band lined up against the old stone wall, marched and counter- marched up and down the Green, wheeled, filed, faced, loaded and fired for many hours. Boys were sometimes pressed into line and formed a com- pany by themselves. A statute of 1645 required that all boys between the ages of ten and sixteen, with the consent of their parents, should be instructed by some military officer or ex- perienced soldier upon the usual training days, ' 'in ye exercise of arms, as small guns, half-pikes and bows and arrows." A horse troop was organized in the Colony in 1648, and a company of troopers was well established in our own town in 1655. Mr. John Appleton was its famous Captain and John 124 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Whipple its Cornet in 1668. This was the culminating glory of the militia. It was an aristocratic body of great pretensions. None could be members, who did not pay tax on a hundred pounds of estate. Great must have been the display, when that choice troop of Ipswich nobility pranced and curvetted and invited public admiration by that gay, swaggering spirit, that ran easily to riot and disorder, and is easily discerned as the secret cause of the ordinance, forbidding that troopers and soldiers shall remain in arms and "vainly expend their time and powder by inordinate shooting, on the day or night after their release."' It is not strange that the citizen soldiery should have proved itself quite unsoldierlike not only in this, "inordinate shooting," but in neglect of training and sundry breaches of military eti- quette. Some offences were punished by fine, and the fines were expended in buying an "ensign, or drum, or halberds, or candle or wood for their court of guard or powder and arms for the poorer sort." Neglect of training might be punished in ways various and fantastical, "by either ryding the wooden horse, or by bilboes, or lying neck and heels, or acknowledg- ment at the head of the company."^ The last was the most frequent sentence, and one of these acknowledgments remains. Erasmus James of Marblehead brought suit against Richard Glass for defamation of character, and the Court ordered that "on the next training day at the head of the company, at such time as the Captain or Chief officer in the field shall permit, if any training day be within fourteen days at ye place, or else upon the next Lord's day following before ye congregation at Marblehead," Glass should offer the following: "I, Richard Glass do hereby before God and his people here assembled owne and confesse that I have in my words, calling Erasmus James, cheating rogue, one dyde rogue, one dyde dog; sinned against God and wickedly abused the said James, of whom I had no reason to say, and do from my heart beg pardon of God, and of said James, whom I have justly offended in my words, hopeing to be hereafter more watchfull over the rash- ness of my heart and tongue and action." 1 Mass. Records, 1663, vol. iv, part 2, p. 97. 2 Mass. Records, 1672, vol. iv, part 2, p. 51). THE EARLY MILITARY ANNALS. 125 More than once, irrepressible Joseph Fowler was disrespect- ful to the haughty Denison, and for each offence in 1647 and in 1648, he was summoned to the head of the company, and then and there made humble acknowledgment in such terms as the Major required. Denison 's wounded honor may have been avenged, but Fowler's roystering suffered no lasting check. But let it not be thought that the soldiering of the early days began and ended in the training field. There was much serious business. The honored Governor VVinthrop came to town in June 1637 and the soldiers of Ipswich met him on the road from Salem, relieved that escort, and guarded him on his way, and on his return, "to show their respect to their governor, and also for his safety, in regard it was reported the Pequods were come in his way."^ Those fierce and warlike Indians from Con- necticut were greatly feared and the settlers were ever on the alert to prevent surprise. The military officers were ordered "to maintain watch and ward every day, to cause all men to bring their arms to the meeting house, and see that no person travelled above a mile from his dwelling, except where houses were near together, without some arms." At last the summons to arms came, and in April, 1637, seventeen young men marched away over the road to Salem to join the little army. Six more followed in May. Most of their names have been pre- served : William Whitred Robert Filbrick Andrew Story John Andrews John Burnam Robert Castel Robert Cross Edward Lumas ' Palmer Tingley William Fuller, gunsmith William Swyndon John Wedgwood Francis Wainwright Thomas Shermans Wainwright performed prodigies of valor. He pursued some of the Pequods until his ammunition was expciided- Then they turned upon him and he clubbed his nuisket, and laid on so long and so well that he broke his gun, but slew two 1 Winthrop's History of New Eugljind, voL I, p. 271. - Town Records. 126 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. of the enemy, whose heads he brought in triumph to the camp. Wedgwood was wounded and left a captive. Sherman also re- ceived a wound in the neck. In October, the war was over, and a day of Thanksgiving was ordered for God's great mercy in subduing "the Pecoits" and bringing the soldiers in safety. For this campaign they were paid 20'' a month for privates, 30^ for sergeants, besides their rations. In 1642, suspicion was raised against Passaconaway, the Sagamore of the Merrimac, as being partner to a general plot among the Indians to cut off the English. It was ordered by the General Court that public alarm should be given by dis- tinctly discharging three muskets, or the continued beat of the drum, at night, or firing the beacon or discharging a piece of ordnance at night. All sentinels were immediately to go to all houses in their neighborhood, crying. Arm! Arm! and all women and children and the old and infirm were to hurry with- in the fort, where the ammunition was to be guarded.' More than once, perhaps, the drake which the Town had received, sent forth its warning note, sentinels hurried up and down, and a wild rush of pallid faced women and crying chil- dren was made to the meeting house, while the men seized their arms and sought the foe. On a Saturday in the early September of 1642, intense ex- citement filled the town. A messenger arrived in hot haste with orders that the militia of Ipswich, Rowley, and Newbury march at once to disarm Passaconaway, and on the morning of the Sabbath, in a heavy rain, the Ipswich soldiers, twenty in number, started on the expedition against the wily foe. Hap- pily no blood was shed and in due time he delivered up his guns. The town settled with the soldiers who had served against the Indians on Dec. 4: 1643, paying "12'' a day (allowing for the Lord's day in respect of the extremity of the weather) and the officers dubble." John Perkins 3s. Sergeant Howlett 6s. Robert Roberts 3s. John Burnham 3s. 1 Ma.ss. Records, 1642, vol. II, p. 29. THE EARLY MILITARY ANNALS. 127 Humphrey Gilbert 3s. Robert Tilbrick 3s. Thomas Perkins 3s. Francis Wainwright 3s. Tho : Harris 3s. John Layton 3s. Ralph Dix 3s. Daniel Wood 3s. Tho: Burnam 3s. William Miller 3s. Jeremy Newlande 3s. Richard Hutley 3s. Nathaniel Boswell 3s. Jo : Wilds 3s. / Theop : Satchwell 3s. Henry Green 3s. On Dee. 25: 1643, the widow Lumpkin, who kept an ordi- nary was reimbursed for the provisions she had furnished the soldiers. The general alarm revived again in 1645, on Dec. 19 of that year. Denison had become so valuable as a leader that the people of the tow^n agreed to pay him every year, £24 7^ to retain his services and he remained the local Captain, even when he had attained the exalted rank of Major General of the Colony. A double military watch, armed with pike and mus- ket, was ordered, and a daily scout on the outskirt of each town." Thirty soldiers out of every hundred were ordered to hold themselves ready to march with knapsacks packed at a half hour's warning. Again in 1653, tales of a great assembly of thousands of Indians at Piscataqua affrighted the community and Denison, now Major General, ordered a scout of twenty-seven soldiers from Ipswich and Rowley to discover the facts in the case. They marched on Friday morning, returned on Monday night, and reported no cause for alarm. ^ Despite these frequent alarms more than twenty years elapsed before the dreaded In- dian war burst upon the Colony. 1 Mass. Records, 164.^, voL li, p. 122. 2 Mass. Records, vol. HI, p. 321. CHAPTER XI. THE CHARTER IN PERIL. The year 1660, when Charles II came to the throne, ushered in a long period of gloom and struggle in New England. The vital matter of a free and independent existence by right of the original Charter, was now called in question in the most alarm- ing fashion. From the very beginning, the enemies of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay had assailed its chartered rights Before a year had passed, the Browns, Morton, Gardiner and others, who had been dealt with summarily by the authorities, backed by Gorges and Mason, who claimed prior grants of territory included in the patent, made complaint to the Privy Council, "accusing us " as Winthrop wrote, "to intend rebellion, to have cast off allegiance, and to be wholly separate from the Church and laws of England ; that our ministers and people did continually rail against the State, Church and Bishops, etc." The alarming news soon came over the ocean that the Council planned to send a General Governor, and create a special commission for the management of all the Colonies, and for the revocation of their charters, with Laud, Archbishop V of Canterbury, at its head. The Charter was formally demanded on April 10, 1634, and the Magistrates replied that they could do nothing without the direction of the Gene al Court, which would not meet for two months. When the General Court met, it decided that a General Governor could not be accepted, and with perfect understand- ing of the revolutionary nature of this decision, orders were given for the training of citizens in military tactics and the erecting of a castle on an island in Boston harbor. An im- mediate conflict was saved only by the chaotic condition of public affairs in England. In 1638, another demand for the Charter called forth a calm and well-reasoned reply from Governor Winthrop, which main- (128) THE CHARTER IN PERIL. 129 tained the cause of the Colonists. But plots against their lib- erties continued, constant misrepresentations of the arbitrary administration of government were made, and, in 1646, the scheme was conceived of sending Governor Winthrop and the Rev. John Norton of Ipswich, the most scholarly, and ablest of the ministers, to England to state the case fairly before the Commissioners. Eventually Edward Winslow of the Plym- outh colony was sent, and he carried with him a formal decla- ration by the General Court. "We conceive," the document declared, "that in point of government, we have, granted by patent, such full and ample power of choosing all officers that shall command and rule over us ; of making all laws and rules of our obedience, and of a full and final determination of all cases in the administration of justice, that no appeal or other ways of interrupting our proceedings do lie against us."' Winslow was favorably received, and the growing unrest, 'ulminating speedily in the execution of the King, diverted attention from the officers of a remote Colony. Puritanism was in the ascendency during the Commonwealth, and there was no disposition to tamper with the Puritan Colony. Under the Charter signed by Charles I on March 4, 1629, the colonists had been granted liberty to elect their own officers; to make their own laws; to make war if necessary in their own defence, and to exercise all the privileges of English citizens. When news that Charles the Second had been crowned King arrived, suspicion as to his attitude toward the Colony checked any effusive demonstrations of loyalty. No official proclama- tion of his sovereignty was made, nor oath of allegiance or- dered. It was imderstood that the affairs of the Colony were under debate in the royal Councils, that the scheme of send- ing a General Governor had been revived, that petitions for the redress of grievances had been presented by the Quakers, and that the civil and religious liberty were likely to be im- paired. 2 The Navigation laws were applied rigorously to the Colo- nies, larger liberty for Quakers and those who were excluded 1 Wiutlirop's History of New Enul.-iml, ii, iTS-^sS. - PaUray's Histoiy of New Ktif-lanil, ii, 448, 130 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. f.om the franchise was ordered, and the relations between King and Colony were strained to such degree, that the peace of the people was sorely disturbed. The critical juncture of alTai's was discussed in General Court, and it was ordered in June 1661 : *'For as much as the pr sent condition of our affaires in highest concernments call for a dilligent and speedy vsc of the best meanes seriously to discusse and rightly to vnderstand oin- liberty and duty, thereby to begett vnity amongst ourselues in the due observance of obedjenc and fidelity vnto the authority of England and our ovne just jiriviledges, for the effecting whereof it is ordered by this Court that M"* Symon Bradstreete, M"" Samuell Symonds, Maj''. Gen. Denison, M'' Danforth, Majo'" W" Hawthorne, Cap* Th" Savage, Cap' Edward Johnson, Kliazer Leeshei-, M'' Mather, M'" Norton, M'' Cobbet, and M'' Mitchell be and hereby are ap- pointed a coinittee, imediately after the disolution or adjourn- ment of y*" Court, to meete together in Boston on second day next, at twelve of y'' clocke, to consider and debate such matter or thing of publicke concernment touching our pat- tent, lawes, priviledges and duty to his maj'-^ as they in theire wisdome shall judge most expedient, and drawe vp the result of theire apphensions, and ])resent the same to the next session for consideration, and approbation, that so (if the will of God be)wee may speake and act the same thing, becomeing prudent, honest, conscientious and faithfull men.'" The spiiit that moved so mightily in Samuel Adams and Otis and Patrick Henry a century later is felt in these calm but determined words, and it breathes in every sentence of the Report of this Committee. They affirmed that, under their patent, the Governor and Company were a body politic, in fact and name, vested w th power to make freemen, and that the freemen had power 1o choose their own Ciovernor and other officials. Tho}^ affirmed tha the government thus established had full power to govern the people, in all ecclesiastical and civil affairs, and to defend itself by force of arms against any assault, and that any enactment, "prejudicial to the country, contrary to any just law of ours, not repugnant to the lawes ' Mass. Kecorils, vol. iv, part II, j). 24. THE CHARTER IN PERIL. 131 of England, to be an infringement of our right." They declared they recognized the duty of allegiance to the King, but they affirmed it in very equivocal fashion.' The personnel of this Committee is of special interest. Mr. Symon Bradstreete, the Chairman, presumably, had been an Ipswich citizen from 1635 or 36 to 1644, and the two members whose names follow his, Mr. Samuell Symonds and Maj. Gen- eral Denison, were Ipswich men. They were both assistants of the Colony. Mr. Mather was a minister of Boston, and Mr. Norton, after twenty illustrious years in the Church at Ipswich, had removed to Boston only five years before to succeed the lamented Cotton. Mr Cobbet was in the Ipswich ministry and Mr. Mitchell was Pastor at Cambridge. Symonds and Denison were large figures already in public affairs. The elder of the two, Samuel Symonds, was now sixty- six years old; Daniel Denison was forty-nine. Both had been conspicuous for many years from family connections, and offi- cial station. Symonds married, for his second wife, Martha, widow of Daniel Epes, step-daughter of the famous Rev. Hugh Peter of Salem, and sister of the second wife of John Winthrop, Jr. In May, 1638, the year after he settled in Ipswich, he was chosen Deputy to the General Court, and in June, he was ap- pointed a magistrate of the Ipswich Court, ^ and was reappoint- ed in the three following years. In 1640, he was chosen to record sales, mortgages, etc., and was Town Clerk from 1639 to 1645. His life became busy with public interests of many kinds. He served the town as Selectman. He was one of the magistrates keeping court at Pascataquack, afterwards Dover; and, in 1643, attained the honor of election as an Assistant. The Court of Assistants, as it was called, was composed of the Governor, Deputy Governor and seven magistrates at this time. Its function was to hear and determine all cases of ap- peal from the inferior courts, all cases of divorce, all capital and criminal cases, "extending to life, member, or banishment." It was the Supreme Court of that day. He was a member of many important committees; one, in 1648, "to consider the articles of confederation with the United Colonies, another in 1 Mass. Kecords, voL iv, part II, pp. i!4, 25. " Mass. Records, 1638, vol.1, p. 227. 132 IPSWICH, IN THK MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. 1653, of which he was chah-inaii, to consider the relati(His with the Dutch and IiuHans, and ajjain, in 1654, he was Chairman of an important committ(M' of three, "to examine, compare, recon- cih^ and phice toi!;ether, in good order, all former lawes, both printed and written, and make fitt titles and tables for ready recourse^ to any })articnhir containtnl in them." In the same year, he was on a committee to rei)ly to a letter of Cromwell's. He held court at Salisl)uiy, Hampton, Dover, and York, and assisted in settling tiie civil affairs at Kittery, and the Isle of Shoals. In 1()5S, h ■ was one of the Commissioners to visit the country eastward, and receive the submission of the people at Black Point, Blue Point, Spurwick and Casco Bay, and xtend the jurisdiction of Massachusetts over this region. But better than any catalogue of official duties is the letter' he wrote to (Jovernor John Winthrop in 1647, in which he dis- cussed "what seemes to be God's ende in bringing his {)eople hether." He enumerated sundry particulars, to secure liberty in worship, "to afford a hiding place for some of his people that stood for the truth while the nation was exercised unto blood" and last of all, "to be hopefull instruments in God's hand to gaine these Indians to Christs Kingdome. Which mercy if attained in any considerable measure will make us goe sing- ing to our graves ..." A man of tender and sympathetic spirit, we judge him, of thoughtful and reverend mind, albeit as a magistrate h" had to harden his heart against the wicked. Denison, with his wife Patience, daughter of Governor Thomas Dudley, came to Ipswich in 1635, in the same year that Governor Dudley took up his residence here, and Bradstreet and Ann his wife, daughter of Dudley, as well, came shortly after. In the first year of his residence, he was honored with election as a Deputy to the General Court, and was reelected for two more consecutive terms, and repeatedly in later years. In 1637, he was numbered with the magistrates who tried Mrs. Hutchinson. He became actively interested in town affairs, serving it as Town Clerk in 1636, and as Selectman in many subsequent years, when the burden of manifold official duties pressed heavily upon him. His capacity in military affairs was recognized at once, and he was chosen Captain in 1636.2 ' Ancestry of Pris(;illa Baker, by W. S. Appleton, p. 7.5. - Mass. Reconis, IfiW, vol. i, p. 1!)1. THE CHARTER IN PERIL. 133 When a general alarm spread through the plantations from the report that a conspiracy had been formed among the Indian tribes, the General Court in May 1643 ordered that there should be a general training of troops, and provision of arms, and that Captain Denison, with five others should put the country into a posture of war.' His military skill was so highly esteemed by his townsmen, that £24 7s was voted by the Town on Dec. 19, 1648,"unto Major Denison, soe long as he shall be there leader, in way of Gratuit}' to encourage him in his military helpfulness unto them." This was raised by popular subscription, and the list bears the names of one hundred and sixty one men, headed by the worshipful magistrates and ministers. ^ He attained the distinguished rank of Major General of the Colony in 1653, and was chosen again many times. Judicial talents, as w^ell, were his. As early as 1636 he was appointed one of the Justices for the Quarterly Court held in Ipswich and became a Justice of the Inferior Court in 1647. In 1649, 1651, 1652, he was chosen Speaker by the Deputies in General Court, and in 1653, he became an Assistant and remained in that honor- able body until death. Ipswich enjoyed the unique honor of furnishing two of the nine members of that high Court. Special tasks of honor, that required tact and skill, industry and mental poise, were laid upon him. Cromwell's suggestion that the men of Massachusetts might remove to Ireland and establish their commonwealth there, was replied to by a letter from Denison and four others asking for information and stating the terms on which they might be led to remove. When difficulties arose with the Dutch colony in New York, he was appointed on a committee to join with the Commissioners of the United Colonies, "to draw up the case respecting the Dutch and Indians." Another delicate and responsible commission was given him in May, 1658, when the General Court voted, "that Major Gen'i Daniel Denison, diligently peruse, examine and weigh every law, and compare them with others of like nature; such as are plain and good, free from any just exception, to stand 1 Mass. Records, vol. II, p. 39. 2 Town Record. 134 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. without any animadversion as approved. Such as are repealed or fit to be repealed, to be so marked and the reasons given; such as an* obscure, contradictory or seeming so, to be rectified and the emendations prejiared. When there is two or more laws about one and tiie same thing, to prepare a draught of one law that may comi)i'eiiend the same; to make a plain and easy table, and to prepare what els(> may present, in the perusing of them, to be necessaiy and useful, and make return at the next session of this Court." In a few months the work was done, and the volume was printed. Two copies, it is said, are still preserved.' Samuel Symonds and Daniel Denison, then, were a strong contribution to that patriotic committee of 1661. The busi- ness intrusted to them was of paramount importance, and was a theme of much popular discussion. Evidence of this and of the deep interest the citizens of Ipswich had in these critical affairs of State is afforded by the minute in the Record of the General Court, of the sessions which approved the report of this Connnittee: "The Court hauing read and considered of seuerall petitions presented and subscribed by sundry of our freemen and others from Ipswich, Newbury and Sudbury, referring to some things as haue binn vnder consideration about our compljance w-'' England &c., and as wee cannot but acknowl- edge theire care and approove of theire good intencons in most things w'^''' haue been presented to our cognizance, so wee also must lett them vnderstand that this Court hath not binn alto- gether negligent to provide for theire and our owne safety, and to manifest our duty and alleagiance vnto his maj'>'', from whom wee haue had such a favorable auspect of late, doe therefore desire the petitioners will rest sattisfied in what is donne, assur- ing themselves this Court will not be wanting in the prosecution of such further wajes and meanes as may be most conduceable to our owne peace. "2 Similar reply was given to the petition from Boston of like character. Evidently there was a conservative party in all these towns, which was averse to any action that might involve the colony in a conflict with the throne; and which regarded 1 Sketch of Ueiiison by Prof. D. D.Shide. 2 Mass. Records, vol, IV, part II, p. 26. THE CHARTER IN PERIL. 135 the pronounced attitude of the General Court with alarm and disapproval The love of liberty showed itself more and more decidedly as their liberties were threatened. In view of the delicacy of the situation, Mr. Bradstreet and the Rev. John Norton were sent to England to represent the Colony in the Council debates. They returned in September, 1662, bringing word that the King had confirmed their patent, but expected that the oath of allegiance should be taken by the Colonists, administration of justice should be in his name, that the privi- lege of Episcopal worship should be allowed, that all persons of good and honest lives should be admitted to the Lord's Sup- per, and that all of wisdom and integrity should have liberty of voting f o ■ Governor and Assistants. Norton was so much depressed by the popular blame that was heaped upon the Com- mission that he lived only until the following April, and his decease was thought to have been precipitated by this mental frame. Answer to this letter was delayed and the King declared his purpose of sending over some Commissioners to see how the Charter was maintained, and to reconcile the differences between them. "The Clarendon Commissioners," as they are known, arrived in July 1664. The Governor and General Court received them coldly, and made a few conciliatory changes in the laws, but replied that the Book of Common Prayer could not be admitted, and that they held resolutely to their Charter. In some instances the Commission was openly defied. The King was informed, and he wrote by Secretary Morrice to Mas- sachusetts that it was very evident to him, "that those who governed the Colony of Massachusetts . . . did, upon the matter, believe that His Majesty had no jurisdiction over them, but that all persons must acquiesce in their judgments and determinations, how unjust soever, and could not appeal to his Majesty." Accordingly he ordered agents to be sent to England.^ When the General Court met on the 11th of September, 1666, to consider the King's letter, after Deputy Governor Willoughby had communicated the grounds of his assembling it, 1 Hutchinson History, 1 :4fit). 136 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. "Itt is oi-derod, that sonic of the reverend elders that are or may be in tovvne be desired to be present with the General! Court on the niorrow morning- and to begin the Court, & spentl the forenoone in prayer.'" On the following day, the Court met, and in very solenm mood. It was an hour of critical significance, "an occasion, which seems one of the most interesting events in the history of New England."^ The whole forenoon was spent in j^rayer. Mr. Wilson, Mr. Mather, Mr. Symmes, Mr. Whiting, Mr. Corbitt (Mr. Cobbet of Ipswich) and Mr. Mitchell prayed. On the next day "the petitions from the ports were present- ed and a full debate took place."" A petition from Boston bearing twenty-six names was read, one from Salem with thii-ty- five names, one from Newbury with thirty-nine signatures, and, most imposing of all, the Ipswich petition with the names of seventy-three citizens. These were almost identical, and the Ipswich petition alone needs special notice. It was as follows: Your petitioners being informed that letters are lately come from His Majesty to the Council of this Colony, expressive of his ill-resentment of their proceedings in reference to the Commissioners lately sent hither, insomuch that his Majesty hath thereupon required some principal) persons to be sent from here with (command upon their allegiance to attend his majesties pleasure, in order to a finall determination of such dif- ferences and debates as have happened between his majes'-^"* said Commission and the Government here, which declaration of His Majestie they cannot but looke upon as a matter of such great importance, as it doth justly call for all manner of most serious consideration what is to be done in reference thereunto. Wherefore ^'o'' Petitioners that they might neither bee wanting to themselves in w*'^ holding any due incouragenl^ w*^^'' their concurrence might afford, in so arduous a matter; nor to themselves and the Country in being involved by their silence, in the dangerous mistakes of persons (however other- wise welminded yet) inclining to unsafe if not disloyall princi- ples. They desire they may have liberty wdthout offence to propose some of their thoughts and feares, about the matter in hand, to yo'" serious deliberation. 1 Mass. Records, vol. iv, part ii, p. 314. ^Danforth Papers. Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections, ind series, vol. viii, p. 98. THE CHARTER IN PERIL. 137 Yo'" Petitioners humbly conceive, that those who live in this age of y*" world are as much as any others concerned in that advice of the wise man to keep y'^' King's coiTiandm'^: be- cause of y** oath of God, and not to bee hasty to goe out of his sight, that doth whatsoever pleaseth him. Wherefore they de- sire that seeing his maj*'^ hath allready taken no little despleas- ure ag""* us for so seeming to disowne his jurisdiction over us, effectuall care maj^ be taken least refusing to attend his mje-'^t'es order for the cleering of our right in that particular, we should phmge ourselves into greater disfavor and danger. Our re- ceiving our charter for the planting of this Colony from his Majt'es royall Pleasure with y*" confirmation of y^ same, ob- teyned by o'' late Addresse from his Royall Person, sufficiently declared this place to bee part of his dominions, and o'selves his subjects, the w'*' allso is further testify ed unto by the first Govern'" M'" Mathew Cradock his being recorded Juratus '''' fide et obedientia before one of the Ma'" of Chauncery, by which it is evident, that if any proceedings of o'* have given occasion to his Maj*'*' to app'hend that wee believe hee hath no jurisdiction over us: What speedy Course has need bee taken to free o'selves from the appearance, of so dangerous an ofTence & to give his Majt'^ all due satisfaction in that Behalf e. Such an assertion yo'" Petitioners conceive would bee no lesse derogating from his Maj^'^s hono'" then destructive to y*' welfare of this place. It were too much p'sumption for Subjects to Lye w"' their Prince upon the points of his Souveraignty & jurisdiction. The doubtfuU interpretation of y** words of a Patent (which there is no reason to hope, they sh'' ever bee construed to the divesting a Soveraigne Prince of his Royalle Power, over his naturall subjects and Liege People) they cannot but looke upon as too frayl a foundation to build such trans- cendent iiTiunities and priviledges upon. Yo'" Petition*^'"'' shall never bee unwilling to Acknowledge how much they are bound to yo'selves, and others in yo'" capacity for yo'" abimdant paines & travayle, for the upholding the Governm* of this Colony and maynteyning the Liberties thereof. And they doe hereby ex- pressedh' declare themselves ready to run any hazzards w*'' you in order to y*^ regular defence and securing y*^ same, and are most unwilling to reflect upon the psons of them, they so much honor & Respect, by any Vnnecessary manifesting theyr dissent from them, in things of another nature. But in a mat- ter of so great insight & moment as is this of their duty & al- legiance to their Prince wherein the hon'' of Allmighty God the credit of y*" Gospell as well as the interest of their owne Per- sons & istates are so much concerned they hope and earnestly desire that no party will so irresistably carry on any designs 138 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. of SO dangerous consequence as to necessitate their Brethren Equally eniiaged w"' them in y'" same undertaking to make their pticular Addresse to his Mai*''' and declaration to y'' world to cleare themselves from the imputation either of disloyalty to the person, or disaffection to the governm* of their lawfull Prince & Sovereign. Whereupon your Petitioners do humbly entreat that if any occasion hath bin given to his Maj*'" so to resent any of o'' former proceedings as in his lett'"^ is held forth, that nothing of that nature be farther proceeded in, but on y*' contrary that seasonable ai)plication bee made to his Majt^'e by meet Persons, chosen & sent for that end to cleare o'selves and o'" actings from any such construction least otherwise, that w*^'' if duely improved might have bin as a cloud of the latter raine, bee turned into that which in the conclusion may prove more te - rible then the roaring of a Lyon. Thus craving yo'" fav'able interpretation of what is here humbly p'esented Yo'" Petitioners shall ever bee Engaged to thankfulness etc. John Appleton William Norton George Gittings John Baker, Sen. Francis Wainwright Jeremiah Belcher Jeremiah Jewet John Newmarch Henry Bennet Will. Story John Andrews Tho. Wayt John Safford John Browne ^Philip Fowler Sen. Dan^ Warner Walter Roper George Smith Ez. Woodward v WiU. Hodgkin John Denison Joseph Whipple Theophilus Wilson Thomas Knowlton Samuel Adams Freegrace Norton Richard Kimball jun. Joseph Browne Andrew Peeters Thomas Lovell John Sparkes Robert Whitman Haniel Bosworth John Norton Samuell Lord Thomas Kimball John Kenricke Thomas Clarke, jun. Thomas Clarke, 3d. Simond Tomson John Roberts Kaleb Kimball THE CHARTER IN PERIL. 139 Rich. Hubbard John Perkins Jacob Perkins Robert Lord, Sen. Nathan" Rogers Robert Lord, Jun. Tho. Harris Tho. Low Sam'i ingalls John Caldwell Samuel Rogers John Burr Robert Day Thomas Hart^ Ezekiel Rogers John Payne Anthony Wood John Lee Nathan^ Piper Dan' Davison Rich't Walker John Whipple, jun. Moses Pengrey John Gittings Sam' Gittings Robert Colburn Sen. John Whipple,3*'u« Thos. Clark, Sen. William Mover Thomas Newman John Woodham Only seventy-two names appear on the copy, preserved in the Archives of Massachusetts, from which this list is made.^ In the debate that followed, the Ipswich magistrates took a prominent part. Denison siding with Bradstreet, stood for the kingly prerogative, and advised submission to the King. Governor Bellingham, Deputy Governor Willoughby, Mr. Sy- monds and Mr. Hathorne "stood stiffly for the chartered rights. They expressed the common sentiment, which did not require to be further urged by Danforth, Leverett and the others like- minded."^ A reply to Secretary Morrice's letter was finally adopted : "We have in all humility given our reasons, why we could not submit to the Commissioners and their mandates the last year, which we understand lie before his majesty — the sub- stance whereof we have not to add, and therefore cannot ex- pect that the ablest persons among us could be in a capacity to declare our cause more fully." 1 Inserterl in a list in Danforth Papers. ' Mass. Arcliives, book 10(5, leaf 172. ■■* Palfray'B History of New England, II, p. 6-27, note. The abstract of the debate is in Danforth Papers. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 2nd series, vol. viii, p. 98-101. 140 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. "We must, therefore, commit this our great concernment unto Ahnighty God praying and hoping that his Majesty, (a prince of so great clemency) will consider the state and con- dition of his poor and afflicted subjects at such a time, being in imminent danger by the public enemies of our nation, and that in a wilderness far remote from relief.'"^ Two days aftei'ward,on the 19th of September, "Major Den- nison declared his dissent from the letter to be sent to Secretary Morrice as not being i)roportionate to the end desired and he hopes, intended, and lU^sired it might be entered, viz., due sat- isfaction to his majesty, and the preservation of the peace and li])erty of this Colony."^ His strenuous attitude may explain the length of the Ipswich petition, and the earlier petition of 1661. The Court did not relish the tone of these petitions, and "finding that tlie peticoners doe therein vn justly charge, threat- en & reflect vpon this Court, to the dishono'' of the members thereof, — " "It is ordered, that Captaine William Gerrish of Newbery, Cap' John Apleton of Ipswich, M''. Edmond Batter of Salem," and four from Boston, " all of them principall persons in the say'' petitions . . . be by the secretary warned to attend this Court in October next to answer for the same."" It was proposed to call each one of them singly, and take his answer in writing. A series of questions was drawn up, to be proposed to them, the last of which was "Who was the inditer or framer of these petitions, and what arguments were used to draw or fear men to subscribe?' ' It was the evident intention of the Covn-t to sift the matter to the bottom, and bring the gnilty parties to justice. No further record of these proceedings has been preserved, but the fact that the parties appeared, and that there was warm discus- sion as to the propriety of their action is established inci- dentally in a very interesting way. On October 17th, Captain John Appleton appeared before the General Court bearing the following document ' Danfortli I'ai)crs. 2 Mass. Records, vol. iv, part ii, i>. 318. THE CHAKTER IN PERIL. 141 The Answar of iis whose names are hearto Subscribed to what Is charged upon us by y'' honored Generall Court As by ther Summons Appeares. (1) As to ye Substance & purport of y^' petition for w^h you' petioners are In question they must proffess they neyther doe nor can dare recede from It. besides other obhgations of contience & prudence Some of y"i have taken y'' oath of allegeance with many other y'' members of y^ honored General Corte Soe Httle while since cannot be forgotten by them nor can y'' be of noe Signification to y" you"" petitioners can avouch y* according to ther Contiens And best perswasion ther reall desire of y'' good of y'' Generall Court & every Member of it, of y'^ whole Contry tt Collony as of ye Continuance of or Libertys Granted by his Majestic in o^ Charter was y'' Sole Reason why they have peti- tioned & upon y*' Same Grounds cannot recall it. (2) You'' petitioners doe most Seriousely profess it to be con- trary to thei'' Judgem"t & intent in ther petition to cast any aspertion upon y" honored Generall Court or any member therof or to Express y^' least disrespect or disafection to y'' whole or any of it being sensible of y'' duty to Authority And therfore pleade not Guilty as to their dessighne in ther petition, yet being Seriouse : as to y" matter of y'' petition and scoape therof as y'" Case Requires: you^" petitioners were more Carefull ther- aboute then Curiouse as for Any Gramaticall Criticismes w^h they might presume the Generall Court would not be most observant of at such a tyme & in such a Case, whearein y'' matt"" abundantly swallowes up any Circumstance and therfore pleade for y® Candor of y*^ Generall Court in over looking what you"" petitioners might not soe narrowly looke into upon y® acco* already given ^ that they would not Strein Expressions to En- forc a bad Construction from y™ no^ yet would you"" petitioners be understood to acknowledge Guilt As to y^ Expressions more then in thir Intentions, they can but Guess at what maye be anything capable of harsh Interpretation & therfore shall give ther owne in all 3^^' passages which maye to any seeme Suspit- iouse upon w'*' y'' Charge Conteined in ye Summons maye pos- sibly Be Grounded. (3) As to y'" Expressions following viz Being Involved by ther Silence In the dangerouse mistakes of psons otherwise well mynded Inclined to unsafe if not disloyall principalis &c* And agayne desire y' noe pty will soe Irresistably carry on any dessighne of soe dangerouse Consequence In Answar heareunto you"" petitioners Crave y«" mentioning of thos many petitions ye Scoape wheareof ye Generall Court Cannot forgett, pre- sented In October 1664^ besides ye fame ther was of Croudes 1 See printed Records of the Colony of Massachusetts, vol. iv, part ii, pp. 136, 137. 142 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. of petitions then ready to be Exhibited to this Court of yp same tennor ^ith thos & yoiii" petitioners desire this honored Court to Understand Thos passages mentioned o^ any of y" hke nature in ye petition to have Reffrence unto such petitions o^petioners whome although they honor & Respect yet they cannot concurr with y"' in ther apprehension of y'' (psent Case & not to y Gen- erall Court; A: tliat you maye be pleased with good Reason soe to understand you"" petitioners begg of y^ honored Court not to allow such an interpretation of ye petition as should make it Controdict it selfe And to weigh with thos former this Ex- pression Necessaryly referring to y^ Courte viz That they would ■ not be wanting in with holding any due Encouragement y* their concurrence might afforde in soe a'"duouse A matter you^ petitioners Conceave a Concurrence w^^ ye Generall Courte Intended is inconsistante w**' A Charging of it o^" reflecting upon it. ffurther you^" petitioners make their address to y^ Generall Courte as Supplicants lV- therfore it maye be improb- able yt should be Charged on y™ wh was sued unto by them. [4] As to y* in ye petition upon w^h ye Charge of threatening must be Grounded namely necessitating their brethen & Equally Engaged w*^ them, (kc You^ petitioners answar Is y* it is im- propper for thos y* speake Supplications to Intend threatenings ye Sollicitouseness in ye petion to avoide inconveniency not desired but y*' maye in case be Judged necessary is noe Comina- tion; faithfull advertisem"*^ of danger argues noe will o^" pur- pose of procuring but preventing it; you'" petioners in those words doe butt suppose what necessity y^ highest of Lawes maye enforce & affirme what themselves are unbelieving to wheh can be noe threatening You^ petioners with others need not have been at ye trouble of troubling this honored Court but have waited ye ^ceedings of it, and accordingly have acted privately in such a waye as Is specified withoute ye proposing of such a danger to ye Consideration of ye Courte weh their Ingenuity & respect to ye publique good & Intrest of ye whole would not allow for w^h you»" petitioners presume they may not suffer. 17 October 1666. Capt. Jno Apleton Gave in this as his pticular Ans. tho it be writt in the plurall number it being so Intended then but now he gives it in his singular Capacity and to that he he desires to stand unto. E. R. S. The Court took no action, simply ordering the papers to be filed, but not recorded. The persons warned to attend were discharged. When the next General Court met on the 15th THE CHARTER IN PERIL. 143 of May 1667, Ipswich returned Captain John Appleton and Mr. Wm. Goodhue as her deputies. Appleton had been Deputy for several years prior to 1666, but had not been elected in the year the Petition was sent. The fact that he had headed the list of the Ipswich petitioners aroused the indignation of the Court, and it forthwith refused to receive him and sent word of its action to Ipswich. May 16: 1667 ^ ^. ^ , . u a i The deputyes of the Gen" Covu't finding Capt. John Apple- ton to be returned as a deputy for the Towne of Ipswich & that upon his presentation thereunto, some question is niade of his capacitie for that service by reason of some expressions in the petition by him signed the tendency whereof hath mani- festly breathed forth some unfaythfulness to the Government here established, as by the Generall Courts result on examina- tion thereof may appeare, & that in the management^ **\7'^''! he hath not retracted the sd offensive expressions but Justify ed himself under p'-tence of his good Intentions, nor hath he here in the debate thereof taken any blame to himself e but rather Impute blame to this House, Justifying himself e m all by his good Intentions, as afforesaid, the p'-mises considered, the de- putyes doe hereby declare the sd. Capt. Appleton to be no htt Member of theire body, and that the freemen of Ipswich may on a legall warninge proceed to the choyce of another, whereby the liberties of the freemen may not be Infringed nor the Privi- ledges of this house be Invaded. Voted by the deputvs by way of answer to the freemen ot Tn^wich " William Torrey. ipswicii ^^j^^.^X Ipswich resented the affront to her dignity and straightway made reply to the Court : "The humble Petition of the freemen of the Towne of Ips- wich to the Hon. Gen^ Court now assembled at Boston. May it please this honW« Court to understand that whereas according to the allowed priviledges and stated libertye and m attendance unto and pursuance of the laws specihed . . Wee the freemen of Ipswich have orderly and formally elected Capt. John Appleton (for that hee hath allways approved himself unto us a Gentleman fully orthodox m his judgment as to matters of fayth and points of Religion professed amongst us, right good, honest pious and prudent m his conversation, iMass. Archives, book 106, leaf 112. 144 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. true and firmly faithfull as to the interest of the Colony, and Government thereof); to negotiate for us in these publick af- faires, wherein o'selves as others are concerned, as a member of y'" House of Deputyes and whereas ye saytl Cap*. Ap})leton (although not forward yet) was pleased to Gratify us with the suscejition of the burthen of such service & trust, and accord- ingly to that end Repayred to the Hon'' Court and was there disaccepted and thence dismissed unto o"" great grief (if not to ()'■ damage by virtue of the second law) . . . especially so that we cannot understand what y'' reasons of such rejection were, nor that it was y'' act of the Co''' entire according to w' is inti- mated as requisite in the Law aforesayd Your Petitioners are bold hmiibly to crave of this hon. Co'* that y'' sd Capt. Appleton may yet have his admission as a member of- the House of Deputies for us, therein to discharge the trust committed to him by us. But if there bee cause to y" (iontrary appearing to y" hon'"'' Co'"' to whose determination wee ar(^ l)ound to submit, yet to the end wee may not bee in any capacity of jealouseye (which we would most religiouslye de- cline) of any disregard to us, partiality or non-attendance to ye Laws established anongst us, that we looke upon as o'" sanctuary of safety & a mutuall bond unto all, w''' upon no pretext or interest . . . may be violate. We further therefore most humbly entreat of this hon'"'' Co'"' that y"" would be pleased to favo"" us with the information of the grounds of the proce- dure in this case, and y'" Petitioners shall be bound ever to pray etc. Voted at a meeting of the freemen on the 27"' of May, 1667, that this petition be sent unto the Gen" Ct. as attest Robert Lord Clerk. ^ To which, reply was made: In Answ'" to this Peticcon, The mag'^ App'hend its meet that Cap' Jno. Appleton be admitted or continued in his trust as a Deputy of this Court, in behalfe of the ffreemen of Ips- wich, or that a just reason of his exclusion be rendred to the Court, that so there may be no just ground of dissattisfaccon given by this co\irt to the freemen of this Jurisdiccon. The magisf" have past this their brethren the deputy* hereto con- senting. Euw. Rawson, Secret. The deputyes consent not hereto 28: 3'' 67. William Tokrey Cleric. 1 Mass. Archives, book 106, leaf \dA. THE CHARTER IN PERIL. 145 However Capt. Appleton was elected a Deputy the next year, and no objection was made to him. Lord Clarendon soon fell from power. The annoying interferences of the King and his advisers ceased, and the sharp political discussions and anxious fears which prevailed in Ipswich and in the colony were put aside for a time. The incident was thought of sufficient importance to be mentioned by Samuel Mavericke in a letter to Lord Arlington, Oct. 16, 1667. Writing of the session of the General Court, he says: "The first act they did was the expelling Capt" Appleton of Ipswich who was chosen Deputy for that towne; the crime laid to his charge was the subscription (to) that Loyall Pe- tioon presented to the last Court of which coppies have been sent to your Lord."i It is an interesting episode as well as evidence of the warm support that Denison had in Ipswich, in his loyalist attitude. Samuel Symonds was aggressive in his opposition to this con- servative spirit. Many of his fellow citizens no doubt sided with him, and partisan feeling must have run high. 1 The Loyal Petition of Klfifi, by W. S. Appletou, p. 10. CHAPTER XII. THE GRAMMAR SCHOOL AND HARVARD COLLEGE. The ancient record book of the Grammar School contains tlie item, probably copied from some earlier source: "1636. A Grammar School is set up but does not succeed." The failure was but temporary, and an incentive to a more determined effort. [^Two lines of the Town Record chronicle the simple but impressive vote of the Town Meeting then assembled: The First third day of the 9^" 1642 It is granted that there shal be a free Schole. Side by side with this luminous record, it should be written that, in the summer of that same year, William Hubbard of Ipswich, the son of William Hubbard, in his twenty-first year, "was one of that remarkable group of nine young men whom Harvard College sent forth in 1642, as the first specimens of high culture achieved in the woods of America."* How the young student had been fitted for the College is left to our conjecture, but we conceive that in the little com- munity, which was adorned with five students of Emman- uel, and Winthrop of Trinity, there was no lack of guides and instructors. It may have been that the honor that came to Ipswich of having one of her sons in the first class that gradu- ated from their beloved college, impelled her to the resolve to have a free school in her midst. The preliminary vote of 1642 was followed by that of the third of October, 1643, that eleven pounds per year shall be raised, as the Committee shall determine. "And that there shal be seven free Schollars,or soe many as the Feoffees(to be chosen) from tyme to tyme shall order, soe as the numb, exceed not seven." The ^hool was estabhshed, and Lionel Chute, we presume ' M.C. Tyler: History of Ainericiin Literature, vol. I, \>. 13:?. (146) THE GRAMMAR SCHOOL AND HARVARD COLLEGE. 147 was the schoolmaster. He had purchased the house and land of WilUam Bartholomew on East Street, "P*day 8"' mo. called October. 1639"/ and may have been practising his profession in some quiet way. He died in November, 1645,^ leaving his house to his wife, Rose, and his books and other goods to his son James.'' The profound popular concern for the best educational op- portunities is reflected in the vote passed by the General Court in 1644, requesting the Deputies and Elders in every town to use their influence so that every family allow one peck of corn or 12d. for the College. The value of the College was em- phasized afresh to the good people of Ipswich by the gradua- tion of James Ward, younger son of the Rev. Nathaniel Ward, in the class of 1645. One mischievous prank had brought upon him the censure of the college authorities. He was pub- licly whipped by the President, and suffered other penalties, but he saw the folly of his misdeed, was pardoned and be- came a man of honor and usefulness.^ Again in 1649, an Ipswich boy of eighteen took his degree at the College Commencement, perhaps the first of the graduates from the Ipswich free school, John Rogers, son of the pastor. A brilliant student he must have been, for he added at once to the linguistic attainments, that fitted for the ministry, a prac- tical knowledge of medicine, and began a few years later, the double work in his native towm, of preacher and physician. In his mature years, he was destined for the Presidency of the College, the first of her graduates to attain that high honor. William Hubbard's second son, Richard, entered college the same year that young Rogers graduated, and Joseph Row- landson, son of Thomas Rowlandson, the only graduate from Harvard in 1652, had finished his Freshman year. One epi- sode of Rowlandson's college course remains. Being vexed by certain matters, he resorted to the device, not uncommon in his day, of posting on the Meeting House in Ipswich near the close of his Junior year, "a scandalous lybell",^ in which he 1 Town Record. - Felt's History of Ipswich, p. 157. •' Ipswich Deeds, vol. I, p. 50. J Sibley's Harvard Graduates, vol. I, p. 121. * Reprinted in full in Sibley's Harvard Graduates, vol. I, pp. 311-316. /^ 14s IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. vented his spleen upon the individuals who had aggrieved him. He paid d(^arly for this deed of rashness. In his mature years, he became the minister of Lancaster. His house was burned l)y the Indians, and his wife carried into captivity. Her pathetic narrative' is a classic of the time. The l})swich Granmiar School had become a pride to the Town, though the name of its master was never recorded. I^ut. in the year 1650, the broadminded citizens, with note- worthy ambition, called to the position of schoolmaster, the most eminent teacher in New England, P^zekiel Cheever. He was l)orn in I;ondon about 1615, had taken his degree at Ennuanuel, and had taught with brilliant success at New Haven. His Latin Grammar, "The Accidence," is supposed to have been written at New Haven. President Josiah Quincy wrote of this famous book, "a work which was used for more than a century in the schools of New England, as the first ele- mentary book for learners of the Latin language, which held its place in some of the most eminent of those schools nearly, if not quite, to the end of the last (the 18"') century, which has passed through at least twenty editions in this country ; which was the subject of the successive labor and improvement of a man, who spent seventy years in the business of instruction, and whose fame is second to that of no schoolmaster New Eng- land has ever produced, requires no additional testimony to its worth or its merits."^ He came to Ipswich in December, 1650,^ and the Town was moved at once to generous provision for the School. All "that Neck beyond Chebacco River and the rest of the ground up to Gloucester line" was given to the School in 1650. * It was leased forever to John Cogswell, Jr., his heirs and assigns, for £14 a year, £4 in butter and cheese, £5 in pork and beef, and £5 in corn at the current price. ^ On Jan. 26, 1652, the Town voted "For the better aiding of the schoole and the affaires thereof, Mr. Samuel Symonds Mr. Nathaniel Rogers, Mr. Jonathan Norton, Major Daniel 1 NiiiTative of Mrs. Mary Rowlanrlson. - Historical and Genealogical Register, vol. xxxill, p. IfU. 3 Cotton Mather: Funeral Sermon. * Town Record. <> Felt: p. 83, from Records of the Grammar School. THE GRAMMAR SCHOOL AND HARVARD COLLEGE. 149 Dennison, Mr. Robert Paine, Mr. William Paine, Mr. William Huljbard, Dea. John Whipple and Mr. Wm. Bartholomew, weare chosen a committee to receive all such sums of money, as have and shall be given toward the buildina; or maintaining of a Grammar schoole and schoole master, and to disburse and dispose such sums as are given to provide a schoole house and schoole master's house, either in buildings, or purchasing the same house with all convenient speed, and such sums of money parcels of land, rentes or annuities, as are or shall be given to- wards the maintenance of a schoole master, they shall receive and dispose of to the schoole master, that they shall call or choose to that office from time to time, towards his mainte- nance, which they shall have power to enlarge by appointing from yeare to yeare what each scholler shall yearly or quarterly pay or proportionably, who shall allso have full power to regu- late all matters concerning the schoole master and schollers, as in their wisdome they think meet from time to time, who shall allso consider the best way to make provision for teaching to write and cast accounts." Mr. Robert Payne proceeded at once to purchase a house and two acres of land of Richard Coy, attorney for Samuel Heifer, for the use of the school master.^ This lot w^as bounded by the present County Road, Poplar St. and Argilla Road, including the present Payne St. and land occupied by the Cogs- well School House, Mr. F. T. Goodhue's store, and other build- ings." In the succeeding year, Mr. Payne "att his own proper cost & charge" built an edifice for a grammar school, which was erected upon part of the land purchased. Various ancient deeds make it evident that it stood in the corner lot, bounded by County Road and Poplar St. Mr. Paine held title to this estate until 1683, when he conveyed it to the Feoffees.^ There Mr. Cheever made his home. Thither, as his wife and mother of his motherless children, he brought Ellen Lathrop sister of Captain Thomas Lathrop of Bloody Brook remem- brance, and a daughter and three sons were born there.'* ' Il>8\vich Deeds, vol. v, p. 269. - Publications of the Ipswich Historical Society, Xo. IX, A History of the old ArgillaRoad, pp. 6 and 7. ^ Iliswich Deeds, vol. v, p. 263. ■* Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxiii, p. 18o. 150 ipswi(;h, in the Massachusetts bay colony. Cotton Mather was one of his pupils in his later years, and in his Funeral Sermon bore loving witness to "his piety and his care to infuse documents of piety into the scholars under his charge, that he might carry them with him to the heavenly world. He constantly prayed with us every day and cate- chised us every week, and let fall such holy counsels upon us : he took so many occasions to make speeches to us that should make us afraid of sin, and of incurring the fearful judgments of God for sin, that I do not propose him for emulation." Rev. John Barnard of Marblehead was a pupil of his old age in the Boston Latin School. I "remember once," he said, "in making a piece of Latin, my master found fault with the syntax of one word, which was not so used by me heedlessly but designedly, and therefore I told him there was a plain gram- mar rule for it. He angrily replied there was no such rule. I took the grammar and showed the rule to him. Then he smil- ingly said, 'Thou art a brave boy, I had forgot it', and no wonder, for he was then above eighty years old."^ "When Scholars had so far profited at the Grammar Schools, that they could Read any Classical Author into English, and readily make and speak true Latin, and Write it in Verse as well as Prose; and perfectly Decline the Paradigms of Nouns and Verbs in the Greek Tongue, they were judged capable of Admission in Harvard College."^ This was the substance, then, of the course of study in the Ipswich Grammar School, though room was made probably for the elementary studies in reading, writing and arithmetic. The School became famous, and many boys came for their prep- aration for College. So many Ipswich boys graduated from Harvard in those years, that we are sure of the names of some who were trained by Mr. Cheever. Robert Paine, son of the Elder, who had dealt so generously with the School was graduated in the Harvard class of 1656. He was a preacher, and was the foreman of the grand jury that brought in some of the later indictments in the witch- craft trials. His classmate, John Emerson, son of Thomas Emerson, was for many years the minister at Gloucester. 1 nistorical and (ienealoijical Register, xxxiil, p. 181. ' Cotton Mather: Magnalia, Book iv, §4. THE GRAMMAR SCHOOL AND HARA'ARD COLLEGE. 151 Four of his Ipswich scholars were of the Harvard class of 1659. Nathaniel Saltonstall, the oldest son of Richard and Muriel chose the ministry for his profession and was settled in Haverhill, where he married Elizabeth, the daughter of Rev. John Ward and granddaughter of Nathaniel Ward. His son was graduated from the College in due time, and from that day to this there has never been a break. "There is no family but the Saltonstall, which has sent seven successive generations, all in the male line, to Harvard University."^ Ezekiel Rogers, son of the Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, died at the early age of thirty-six. Samuel Belcher, son of Jeremy, preached at the Isles of Shoals from 1660 to 1672, when ill health compelled his resignation. He resumed his ministry, settling with the First Church in West Newbury in 1698, and continued until 1711, when he returned to Ipswich. The fourth member of this class was his son Samuel Cheever, born at New Haven in 1639, who preached all his life at Marblehead. In the class of 1660, were William Whittingham, son of the merchant John Whittingham of Boston, and Martha, daughter of W"\ Hubbard, and his brother Richard, who entered, but did not graduate, and both were probably fitted by the Ips- wich schoolmaster. Simon Bradstreet, son of Simon and Ann Bradstreet, the minister of New London, of the same class, re- corded in his Diary that upon his father's removal to Andover he was placed in Mr. Cheever 's school. Samuel Symonds, son of the Deputy Governor and Samuel Cobbet, son of the minister, Thomas Cobbet, were of the class of 1663, and scholars of the Grammar School. Both were in- tended for the ministry by their parents, but both refused and turned to secular employn^ents. Samuel Bishop, son of Thomas, a merchant of the town, took his degree in 1665, and was the last, probably, of the Cheever pupils, as the school- master removed to Charlestown, in November 1661. He taught there nine years, and was then called to the Latin school in Boston, where he taught till his death. Shortly before Mr. Cheever 's removal in the year 1660, the fund of the Grammar School was greatly enlarged through the 1 Sibley: Harvard Graduates, vol. ii, p. 1. 152 IPSAVICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. bequest by Mr. William Paine of Little Neck, which is still held by the Feoffees, and the. income derived from it is still appropri- ated for the Manning school. Mr. Thomas Andrews was chosen as Mr. Cheever's successor and maintained the high reputation of the School until his death on Nov. 27, 1683, and the Granmiar School boys came forth in honor from the College. In 1669, there were the brothers, Samuel and Daniel Epes, sons of Daniel and Elizabeth, the daughter of Deputy Governor Symonds, the latter of whom was a famous schoolmaster in Salem fo'- many years. In 1671, William Adams, son of William Adams, completed his course. His Diary reveals a brave struggle with poverty, which cost him many pangs. Once he walked from Cambridge to Ipswich, and, returning on his uncle Daniel Epes's horse, he lost his way in Charlestown woods, and lay out all night completely bewildered. He became the Pastor at Ded- ham. In the same class was John Norton, son of William and nephew of Rev. John Norton, who was ordained colleague with Rev. Peter Hobar: of Hingham, and preached in the meeting house known as the "Old Ship," which was opened for public worship on the 8th of January 1681-2. Thus through the medium of the College, the Town was con- stantly sending the choicest of her youth into the ministry, and the Ipswich church was destined to share richly in the good fruit of her early and high regard for the best education. Upon the death of Nathaniel Rogers, Thomas Cobbet was called from Lynn to occupy the vacant pulpit. He had been a student at Oxford, and he was the last of the English Univers- ity men to fill the Ipswich pastorate. He was ])rominent in all ecclesiastical affairs, wrote many books and pamphlets of a controversial sort, and discharged his duty in all civil matters with zeal. As a preacher, he may not have excelled, if the iudgment of one of his Lynn parish is to be credited, who was brought to the bar of the Quarter Sessions Court for affirming he had as lief hear a dog bark as Mr. Cobbet preach. But Cotton Mather extols his maste y of public prayer. He wrote "a Large, Nervous, Golden Discourse of Prayer." . . . "Of all the Books written by Mr. Cobbet none deserves more to be Read by the World, oi- to Live till the General Burning of the World, than that of Prayer. And indeed Prayer, the Subject THE GRAMMAR SCHOOL AND HARVARD COLLEGE. 153 SO Experimentally, and therefore Judiciously, therefore Profit- ably, therein handled, was not the least of those things, for which Mr. Cobbet was Remarkable. He was a very Praying Man, and his Prayers were not more observable throughout New England, for the Argumentative, the Importunate, and I had almost said. Filially Familiar, Strains of them, than for the wonderful Successes that attended them. . . . That Golden Chain one End whereof is tied unto the Tongue of Man, the other End unto the Ear of God (which is as Just, as Old, a Resem- bling of Prayer) our Cobbet was always pulling at, and he often pull'd unto such Marvellous purpose, that the Neighbours were almost ready to sing of him, as Claudian did upon the prosper- ous Prayers of Theodosius, O Nimium Dilecte Deo."^ At the beginning of his pastorate, Mr. Cobbet received as his colleague, William Hubbard, the Harvard graduate of 1642, the first in the line of Harvard men and of Ipswich men in the famous pulpit of the Ipswich church. Mr. Hubbard's homestead was on the sightly knoll now^ owned and occupied by Mr. Gustavus Kinsman.^ He dwelt here we are sure in later years, until his involved financial condition compelled him to sell the paternal inheritance. His ministry was emi- nent for its literary fruitfulness. In 1677, he pubhshed a "Narrative of the Troubles with the Indians in New England," of which Prof. M. C. Tyler observes, 'Tf, in the seventeenth cen- tury was produced in America any prose work which, for its almost universal diffusion among the people, deserves the name of an American classic, it is this work."^ It is still recognized as the best of the old chronicles of this period. His "General History of New England from the Discovery to 1680" was left in manuscript and was first printed in 1815 by the Massachusetts Historical Society. He borrowed so largely from Morton's New England Memorial and Winthrop's Journal, that this work can scarcely be considered as m re than 1 A remarkalile instance of answer to prayer, as it was regarded, occurred (iuring King Philip's war, when his son was in captivity. 2 Publications of the Ipswich Historical Society, No. ix, History of the Old Argilla Road, pp. 7-9. 3 History of American Literature, vol. I, p. 13.S. 154 IPSWICH, IN THK MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. a compilation. Nevertheless, Mr. Hubbard was a large figu e in his day, far superior to Mr. Cobbet in gifts and attainments. One thoughtful critic has declared that he "certainly was for many years the most eminent minister in the county of Essex, equal to any in the province for learning and candour; and superior to all his contemporaries as a writer."* Mr. Hubbard invited his brothe: -in-law, the scholarly John Rogers, son of Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, of the Harvard class of 1649, to be his associate in the ministry. Mr. Rogers continued the practice of medicine with his pulpit work, and gained em- inence for his literary attainments. This busy, many-sided man was reckoned far above the ordinary, and, in 1677, on the death of Leonard Hoar, he was chosen President of Harvard. He declined this honor and Urian Oakes was elected, but on the death of Mr. Oakes, he was elected again, and was solenndy inaugurated on the 12th of August, 1683. Commencement day of the next year fell on the first day of July, an occasion of special interest to Mr. Rogers, as the first Commencement of his Presidency, and the graduation day of his eldest son John, and the young John Denison, son of Rev. John Denison, and grandson of Major General Denison and Deputy Governor Sy- monds. He was taken sick suddenly at Commencement time and died on the following day, July 2, 1684, widely and sin- cerely lamented. He was laid in the old burying-ground in Cambridge, under the shadow of the College, and the high sounding Latin and Greek epitaph carved upon his headstone still recounts his virtues: " a treasury of benevolence, a store- house of theologic learning, a library of the choicest literature, a living system of medicine, an embodiment of integrity, a re- pository of faith, a pattern of Christian sympathy, a garner of all virtues." This scholarly man added to his scientific and theologic attainments a fine taste and capacity for poetry. It has al- ready been remarked that Ann Bradstreet, during her residence in Ipswich, attained renown as the first poet of the New World. It i's a singular and noteworthy fact that the two men of the following generation, whose poetry is worth recognition, were 1 J.Eliot: Biogi'Miiliicat Dii'tioiiiiry. THE GRAMMAR SCHOOL AND HARVARD COLLEGE. 155 Ipswich men. President John Rogers was only a boy of four- teen when Ann Bradstreet removed to Andover, and could have received no direct personal impression from her genius. John Norton, the Hingham Pastor, was twenty years younger than Rogei*s. Both were admirers of her muse, and both were moved to poetry to voice their regret at her death. Professor Tyler finds in Mr. Rogers's poem addressed to Anne Bradstreet, his only poem, "a monument of the keen enthusiasm which the writings of that admirable woman awakened among the bright, young scholars of New England during the latter part of her own life and for some years afterward."^ "Though in one place the poem lapses into a conceit that is gross . . . upon the whole it is very noble : it is of high and sustained imaginative expression: it shows, likewise that this Puritan scholar, of our little college in the New England wilder- ness, had not only conversed to good purpose with the classics of pagan antiquity, but had even dared to overleap the barriers interposed by his own sect between themselves and the more dreadful Christian classics of the Elizabethan singers: "Madam, twice through the Muses' grove I walked, Under your blissful bowers I shrouding there. It seemed with nymphs of Helicon I talked ; For there those sweet-lipped sisters sporting were; Apollo with his sacred lute sate by ; On high they made their heavenly sonnets fly; Posies around they strewed, of sweetest poesy. Twice have T drunk the iicctar of your lines, Which high sublimed my mean-born fantasy, Flushed with these streams of your Maronian wines. Above myself rapt to an ecstasy, Methought I was upon Mount Hybla's top. There where I might those fragrant floweis lop. Whence did sweet odors flow and honey-spangles drop."^ John Norton published only an election sermon in 1708 and in 1678 a poem occasioned by the death of Ann Bradstreet. "It is this poem, 'A Funeral Elogy upon that pattern and patron 1 History of American Literature, vol. II, p. 13. 2 For tlie wliole poem, see the Works of Ann Bradstreet, edited by John Har- vard Ellis. 156 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. of virtue.' that will preserve for him a hio;h and permanent memory among the few real singers of our colonial time. We know not what else he did in verse, but certainly the force and beauty that are in this little poem could not have been caught at one grasp of the hand."^ "Some do for anguish weep: for anger, I. That Ignorance should live and Art should die, Black, fatal, dismal, inauspicious day! I^e it the first of miseries to all. Or last of life defamed for funeral, When this day yearly comes, let every one Cast in their urn the black and dismal stone, Succeeding years, as they their circuit go, Leap o'er this day, as a sad time of woe. Virtue ne'er dies: time will a poet raise. Born under better stars, shall sing thy praise. Praise her who list, yet he shall be a delator; For Art ne'er feigned, nor Nature framed, a better. Her virtues were so great, that they do raise, A work to trouble fame, astonish praise. Beneath her feet, pale Envy bites her chain. And Poison-Malice whets her sting in vain. Let e\ery laurel, every myrtle-bough. Be stript for leaves to adorn and load her brow: Victorious wreaths, which 'cause they never fade. Wise elder times for kings and poets made. Let not her happy memory e 'er lack Its worth in Fame's eternal almanac. Which none shall read, but straight their loss deplore, And blame their fates they were not born before. "- Mr. Cobbet died in 1686, and Mr. Hubbard invited his nephew, John Rogers, son of the President, and John Denison, to assist him in the ministry, but Denison was frail in health, and 1 M. C. Tyler: History of American Literature, vol. ii, j). 9. ^ The whole poem is in The Works of Ann UnidHtreut, edited by .lohn Harvard Ellis. THE GRAMMAR SCHOOL AND HARVARD COLLEGE. 157 died in 1689, in the twenty-fourth year of his age, leaving a widow Elizabeth, only daughter of Nathaniel Saltonstall, and sister of his classmate, Gurdon Saltonstall, and a son John, who graduated from Harvard in the class of 1710. John Rogers continued in his ministry until his tleath in 1745 in his eightieth year, having as the associate of his later years, his son Nathaniel, a graduate in the Harvard class of 1721. Mr. Hub- bard prolonged his service until 1703, when his colleague, Jabez Fitch, of the class of 1694 succeeded him, and died on Sept. 14, 1704, at the venerable age of eighty-three. The good work of the Grammar School, carried on by Thomas Andrews until 1683, was continued by Noadiah Russell until 1687. Francis Wainwright, son of the merchant of the same name, and Daniel Rogers, son of the late President, took their Harvard degrees in 1686. Wainwright became a merchant, a Representative in General Court, and a Colonel in the I'ort Royal expedition. Rogers became the Teacher of his old school, and remained in it until 1716, fitting fifteen young men in that time for the College.^ In after years, he became Justice of the Quarter Sessions Court and Register of Probate, and lost his life in tragic fashion on the Salisbury marshes^ in 1722. The third son of the President to take academic honors, Nathaniel, graduated in 1687, became minister at Portsmouth, where he died in 1723. Wm. Paine was among the graduates of 1689, Rev. John Wade in the class of 1693, Doctor John Perkins in the class of 1695, and Rev. Francis Goodhue, son of Capt. Wilham, in the class of 1699, who died in 1707. Rev. Jeremiah Wise son of Rev. John Wise of Chebacco rounded out the century in the class of 1700. Thus the Grammar School made liberal contribution to the ranks of broad-minded and scholarly men in the learned profes- sions, and in business life, and the debt of gratitude that was due to Harvard College is abundantly recognized in the regular rates that were raised by taxation for the relief of the College. Seven pounds six shillings and seven pence were appropriated in 1664 and in 1665. In 1677, the General Court sent a letter to our town, praying for a subscription for the new brick build- ' Sibley's Harvard Graduates, voL ill. - Publications of Ipswich Historical Society, xi, p. 35. 158 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. ing, which lagged for want of funds, and in 1681, a committee was appointed to gather up what was behind for the College, and John Dutch's sloop was laden with seventy-eight and a half bushels of corn and thirty one and tliree quarters of malt, valued at £19 15s. for the College.^ Grave compUcations in political affairs, the heavy financial burdens resulting from King Philip's war, the tense strain in- duced by the renewed attacks upon the Charter, the convulsed social condition of the Ursurpation period, were not allowed to cool the interest of Ipswich in the struggling College. Through all these troubled years-, the vSchool did its work, sending many up to the College, and many more into business and polit- ical life, and Ipswich had her reward in the high standard of her citizenship, her patriotic devotion to the noblest ideals, her prosperous and powerful place in the Colony. 1 Felt'8 Hifitory of Ipswich, pp. 92, 93. CHAPTER XIII. KING Philip's war. Since the year 1653, there had been no fear of Indian assaults. The settlers went to work in the fields, or assembled for public worship, and journeys were made over the lonely roads through the forests without suspicion of danger. But, at last, there were signs of an approaching rupture in the peaceful relations between the English and the Indians. A chief of commanding influence, Metacun, the son of Massasoit, known commonly by his English name, Philip, dwelt at Mount Hope, near the present town of Bristol, Rhode Island. He had sold his tribal lands so extensively, that his people began to feel the pressure of civilization. The settlers had dealt unfairly in many in- stances in their traffic with the natives. They had deprived them of their arms, on pretence of treachery, and had occupied their lands without purchase. Brooding over his wrongs, Philip organized a plot for the extermination of his dangerous neigh- bor's. It was discovered by a Christian Indian, who reported it to the authorities of Plymouth Colony. Philip condemned the informer to death, and he was slain in January, 1674. Three Indians were brought to trial for the crime and sentenced to death. Two of them were executed in June, 1675, and Philip began at once to plan for his revenge. On the 24th of June, 1675, the first blow was struck. The town of Swansea in the Plymouth colony was attacked and eight or nine of the English were slain. A foot company under Cap- tain Daniel Henchman and Captain Thomas Prentice with a troop of horse were dispatched from Boston toward Mount Hope on the 26th. The state of affairs was critical and with true Puritan reverence, the 29th of June was set apart as a day of humiliation and prayer. The troops met the enemy near Swansea and some lives were lost on both sides. It soon became evident that a general Indian uprising was imminent. On the (159) 160 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. 14th of July Meiulon, about 36 miles from Boston and within the bounds of the Massachusetts Colony, was assailed and four or five of the settlers were killed, and on Au.u. 2'"* the fvdl horrors of an Indian war were revealed in the bloody affair at Brookfield. Captain Edward Hutchinson, accompanied by his troopers, and some of the men of Brookfield went to the place agreed on with the Indians for a conference, near the town of Brookfield, and not meeting them there, pushed on to find them. In a narrow defile, shut in by a rocky hill on one side and a swamp on the other, they were suddenly fired on, and in the short, sharp fight that followed eight were slain. Retreating to the town, they made their stand in the garrison house. The Indians assailed them hotly with loud yells. One young man, the son of WilUam Pritchard, who had been slain in the morning, was killed while venturing away from the garrison. They cut off his head, tossed it about in plain sight of the beleaguered settlers, and then set it on a pole against the door of his father's house. The Indians endeavored repeatedly to burn the garrison house, and, after several unsuccessful attempts, were just completing a long cart filled with combustibles, and provided with poles, with which they could push it against the house. A providential shower wet the kindling-wood so thoroughly that it would not burn readily. The news of this affair must have caused many a pang in Ipswich. A plantation six miles square, near Quabaug Ponds, had been granted by the General Court in 1660 to some persons of Ipswich, if twenty families and an approved minister be there in three years. In 1667, on the 15^'' of May, the Court voted that the time be extended for a year from the next midsummer, as only six or seven families had settled there. John Warner and William Pritchard removed from Ipswich to the new set- tlement in the year it was granted, and Captain John Ayres was a resident there in 1672.' Other Ipswich folk may have migrated thither, and the tale of the tragic death of Ayres and the Pritchards, and the sufferings of their families in the garrison house made the war vividl}'' real and terrible. In the year 1675, the Essex regiment was commanded by 1 Felt'e History of Ipswich, pp. 75, 76. KING Philip's war. 161 Major Denison. The Ipswich company had for its officers, Dcn- ison as Captain, Samuel Appleton as Lieutenant and Thomas Burnham as Ensign. The first Essex troop, recruited in Salem and vicinity, and the second Essex troop, which was composed of Ipswich and Newbury men, were also attached to this regiment. Of Denison, it has already been said that his mihtary skill was so highly esteemed, that he had been elected Major General of the Colony's forces. Lieutenant Samuel Appleton was brother of Captain John. Their father, Samuel, had emigrated from Little Waldingfield in England to Ipswich about 1636, and had taken a place of honor at once in his new home. He was chosen Deputy in 1637. John, his elder son, born in 1622, began his public career in 1656, when he was chosen Deputy to the General Court. He was continued by successive yearly elections until 1664, and was elected again in 1665 and 1667, 1669 to 1671, and 1674 to 1678. Samuel, two years younger, attained public notice more slowly. He was forty-six years old when he was chosen Deputy for the first time, succeeding his brother. From 1669 to 1671, both brothers were members of the Court, and Samuel was again in office in 1673 and 1675. From this year to the end of his life, we shall find him a conspicuous figure in all affairs of the highest moment. Another resident of Ipswich, the Reverend William Hubbard> is of great interest, as the Historian of the Indian wars. His intimate knowledge of all the events of King Philip's war, and his close personal friendship with Denison, Appleton, Whipple and all the soldiers of Ipswich, fitted him for his work in rare degree. Upon the breaking out of the war, Denison had been ap- pointed commander-in-chief of the Massachusetts troops. His commission is an interesting document, and the Instructions that were sent him are an admirable epitome of the spirit of the times, which insisted on the utmost regard for the offices of religion even under the most trying circumstances.^ As the General was prevented by sickness from taking the field. Major Thomas Savage was appointed to the command of >Mass. Archives, book G7, leaves 206, 208. 102 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. the active ()i)erati()ns.' Denison, however, directed the move- ments of th(^ troops. In the latter part of July a levy of troops had IxMMi made in Essex County^ and immediately after the disaster at Brookfield, Captain T^athrop of Salem was sent with a company from Salem and the neighborinsz; towns, in- cluding som(> from Ipswich. Captain Beers also marched from Watertown with his command. The troo]:)s gathered at Brook- fieUl and Hadley, but no body of Indians was discovered. Many towns were threatened and the soldiers were kept on the move. With the beginning of September, the war was pressed most vigorously along the Connecticut River. On the first of that month, Deerfield was burned and one man killed. Two or three days later,'' the Indians attacked Squakeag, now North- field, where they killed nine or ten of the jieople. The next day Captain Beers, with thirty-six men, marched to relieve the garrison at Squakeag, not hearing of the disaster of the day before, and was ambuscaded by a large number of Indians. He made a brave defence, but after a valiant fight, he and about twenty of his men were slain. Rev. William Hubbard, in his History of the Indian Wars, remarks, in this connection, "Here the barbarous Villians showed their insolent Rage and Cruelty, more than ever before, cutting off the Heads of some of the Slain, and fixing them upon Poles near the Highway; and not ordy so, but one (if no more) was found with a Chain hooked into his under Jaw, and so hung up on the Bow of a Tree ( 'tis feared he was hung up alive) by which Means they thought to daunt and discourage any that might come to their Relief, and also to terrifie those that should be Spectators with the Be- holding so sad an object; insomuch that Major Treat with his Company, going up two days after, to fetch ofT the Residue of the Garrison, were solemnly affected with that doleful Sight, which made them make the more Haste to bring down the Gar- rison, not waiting for any Opportunity to take Revenge upon the Enemy, having but an hundred with him, too few for such a purpose. Captain Appleton going up after him, met him com- ing down, and would willingly have persuaded them, to have • Mass. .\rcliivc8, book (57, leaf -207. " Bort^e, Soldiers of King I'liilip's War, p. 128. ^ Bodge, Soldiers of King Philip's War, p. 32, says Sept. 2. KING Philip's war. 163 turned back, to sec if they could have made any Spoil upon the Enemy; but the greatest Part advised to the Contrary, so that they were all forced to return with what they could carry away leaving the Rest for a Booty to the Enemy, who shall ere long pay a sad Reckoning for their Robberies and Cruelties, in the Time appointed." This is the first mention of Captain Samuel A])|)leton in this neighborhood. He had taken the field with his com- pany about the first of September, it is connnonly tliought, and he and his Ipswich soldiers had a grewsome beginning of their warfare, marching over the road lined with the dismem- bered bodies of their fellow soldiers, and the smoking ruins of the farms. It was a valiant beginning withal, of which we are proud, when Captain Appleton, amid these depressing suiround- ings, urged his superior officer to turn back and attack the enemy. Other counsels prevailed, and the troops were distrib- uted as garrisons at Northampton, Hatfield, Deerfield and Had- ley. Captain Appleton was stationed at Deerfield^ and arrived there about the tenth of September. On the 17th of August, Gen. Denison sent orders from Boston to Major Richard Waldron to proceed to Pennicook (Concord), "supposed to be the genall Randevous of ye enemy where you may expect to meet Capt. Mosely, who is ordered thither." He instructed him to take a chirurgeon with him, and informed him that the main body of the soldiers was at Hadley."- On Sunday the 12tii of September, the soldiers and set- tlers at Deerfield gathered for worship in the stockade. Re- turning, the north garrison was ambuscaded, with the loss of one man captured. Appleton rallied his men and attacked them and drove them off, but the north fort had been plun- dered and set on fire, and much of the settlers' stock stolen. As he had not force enough to guard the forts and engage in offensive operations, the Indians still hung round insultingly and burned two more houses. " Red tape and a storm prevented action that night, but the next night a party of volunteers, with a few from Hadley, and 'some of Lathrop's men' came up to the relief of our town. 1 Sheldon, History of Deerfleld, vol. I, p. 98. "- Mass. Archives, book 67, leaf '241. 164 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. On tlic iiioniiTic; of 'J^uosday, the 14th, the united forces under A])])le(()n marched to Pine Hill. Spies had doubtless reported the arrival of j-einforcements, and the Indians had all fled."^ It was decided that Deerfield sliould be abandoned, and as there was a larr(; ashamed to speak with the enemy in the Gate; their dear Relations at Home mourning for them, like Rachel for her Children, and would not be comforted, not only because they were not, but because they were so miserably lost." The number of the slain, including Captain Lathrop, as reported by Rev. John Russell of Hadley in a letter written shortly afterward, was seventy-one. Only a few escaped. Among the dead, were several Ipswich men, Thomas Hobbs, Caleb Kimball, John Littlehale,^ Thomas Manninge, Thomas Mentor, and Jacob Wainwright. They were all buried in a single grave near the place where they fell. The Ipswich Historian, Rev. Mr. Hubbard, narrates, "As Captain Moscly came upon the Indians in the Morning, he found them stripping the Slain, amongst whom was one Robert Dutch of Ipswich, having been sorely wounded by a Bullet that rased to his Skull, and then mauled by the Indian Hatchets, was left for dead by the Salvages, and stript by them of all but his skin ; yet when Captain Mosely came near, he almost miraculously, ' Sliclilon, HiBtory of Deerfleld, I, p. 100. Mn the Ipswich (leefls, vol. iv, 54, "the Inventory of the estate of .John I^ittle- halc, being slane with Capt. Latlirop," is recorded in full. KING Philip's war. 165 as one raised from the Dead, came towards the English, to their no small Amazement, by whom being received and cloathed, he was carried off to the next Garrison, and is living and in perfect Health at this Day. May he be to the Friends and Relations of the Rest of the Slain an Emblem of their more perfect Resurection at the last Day, to receive their Crowns among the Rest of the Martyrs that have laid down and ven- tured their Lives, as a Testimony to the Truth of their Religion , as well as Love to their Country." Captain Appleton and his Ipswich company seem to have been stationed at Hadley, and his value as a military leader was becoming more and more evident to the Council of the Col- ony. Instructions were sent to Captain Wayte : "The Council do order and appoint Captain John Wayte to conduct the 120 men appointed to rendevooze at Marlborough the 28th day of this instant September & to deliver them unto the order of Maio"" John Pincheon, Commander in Cheefe in the County of Hampshire, & it is further ordered y* in case Cap- tain Samuel Appleton should be com away from those parts then the said Captain Wait is ordered to take the conduct and chardge of a Company of 100 men under Maic John Pincheon, but in case Captain Apleton do abide there then Captain Wait is forthwith to returne Backe unles Maic Pincheon see cause to returne him upon y^ service of the country. past E. R. S. 24 Sept. 1675 It is ordered that there be a commission issued forth to Capt. Samuel Appleton to Command a foot Company of 100 men In the service of y^ country. But in case hee should be com away from those parts then that Capt. Waite is to have (a) like commission. past 24 Sept. 1675 Ordered By y*" Council y* y'' Commissary Jn" Morse deliver Mr. Thomas Welden snaphant nuisket."^ Capt. Appleton already held a local commission as Captain of the Ipswich company. He undoubtedly received the new commission, as he continued to act with Major Pynchon. 1 Mass. Archives, book 67, leaf -JfiS. 166 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. On iho 26tli of ScptcMiilxM', the Indians appeared at Spring- field and bin-ned Major Pynchon's barns and ()utl)uildings. He was then at Hadley, and the report of these losses, following cl()s(^ upon the reverse at Bloody Brook, completely unnerved him. He wrote from Hadley to the Council on Sept. 30th, pleading for r(4ease from his command as he was so distracted about his liome affairs and reporting that two of the settlers had been killed at Northampton. He added in a postscript "Capt. Appleton is a man y^ is desirous to doe something in this day of distress; being very sensible of y^ cause & people of God at stake: & is much to be comended & incouraged & u])on yt acct. to be p'ferred before many yt dare not Jeopard there Lives in y^ high Places of y^ field."' Major Pynchon's high regard for Captain Appleton may have been due to long acquaintance. The wife of the Major was Margaret, daughter of the Rev. Wm. Hubbard, and in an old deed of the Hubbard property, the seven acre field, from which the house had disappeared, is called "Pinchon's Close," and the name is remembered by one of our oldest residents in that neighborhood.^ On the 5th of October, Captain Mosely wrote from Hadley, "Majo"" Pinchon is gone with Cap*" Apleton and Cap'" Sill w^^ a company of above 190 souldi'^^"^ They hurried to Spring- field but found the town in flames, and the Indians already fletl. Major Pynchon's grist mills, Rev. Mr. Glover's Parsonage with his valuable library, and nearly all the buildings were destroyed. Rev. John Russell wrote a letter which described the disaster, and lamented that Hadley would be the next to drink the bitter cup. "Perhaps," he wrote, "the impowring of some man or men, as the Honor^'i Major or Captain Appleton, or both to direct and order us fortifications might not be un- usefull."4 Completely broken down by these disasters. Major Pynchon wrote to CJovernor Leverett describing the pitiful con- dition of affairs, and praying that a more competent commander be chosen. 1 Mass. Ar<-,liives, book (IT, leiives 273, 274. 2 Publi(;ati(>ii8 of the Ipswicli Historicil Society, IX, p. 8. •■■■ Mass. An^liives, book (17, leaf 281. •• Mass. Archives, book 67, leaves 28S, 289. KING Philip's war. 167 Springfield, Oct. S, 1675. Honored S"", I desired M^" Russel to give yo" an acc^ of y^ sore stroake upon Pore distressed Springfeild, w^'i I hope will excuse my late doeing of it. On y^ 4*^ of Oct. o'' soldiers w^^ were at Spring- feild, I had called all off, leaving none to secure y^ Towne, y comissioners order was so strict. That Night, word was sent to us that 500 Indians were about Springfeild, intending to destroy it; so yt y^ 5^^ of Oct. wtt about 200 of o'' soldiers, I marched down to Springfeild where we found all in flames, about 30 dwelling houses burnt downe, & 24 or 25 Barnes, my Corn Mille, Sawmill & other Buildings. Generally, men's hay ik corne is Burnt, & many men, whose houses stand, had their goods burnt in other houses w^'h they had caryed y^^too: Leift. Cooper & 2 more slayne, & 4 psons wounded, 2 of W^^ are doubtf ull of their Recovery. The L'' hath made us to drink deepe of the cup of sorrow. I desire we may Considcn- y^^ oppcraticjn of his hand & what he speakes. Yet that y^ Towne did not utterly perish is cause of grt Thankfulness. As soone as o'' forces appeared, y^ Indians all tlrew off so y* wee saw none of y'": — sent out scouts y' Night it y*' next day, but discovered none neither can we sattisfye o'selves wh^h way they are gon, their Tracts being many ways. We thiidc they are gon dowaie y" River. O'" last discovery was of a Considerable Tract upwards. O'' indeavors here are to secure y" houses Si Corne y* is left. Providence hath obstructed o"" goeing out w^^ y« Army & w^ can be done I am at a great loss: O'" People are under grt discouragement. Talk of Leaving y Place; we need y orders *fe direction about it. If it be deserted, how wofully doe we yield & incourage o'' insolent enymy, & how doth it make way for y<' giving up of all y^ Towns above : If it be held it must be by strength ct many soldiers, and how to have pro- vision, I meane bread for want of a Mille, is difficult: y^ Soldiers here already complaine on y* aec*, although W(^ have flesh enough; & this very trouble, I meane noe Mille, will drive many C" Inhabitants away, especially those y* have noe corne, & many of them noe houses, w<=h fills & throngs up every Roome of those yt have to go there w^^ ye soldiers (w^h yet we can- not be w'hout) now increasing o^ Numbers: so y* indeed it is very uncomfortable living here & for my owne pticular it were far better for me to goe away, than bee here where I have not anything left, I meane noe corne, neither Indian nor English, and noe means to keepe one beast here, nor can I have Releife in this Towne, because so many are destitute. But I resolve to attend what God calls me to, & to stick to it as long as I can, & though I have such gr* loss of my comforts, yet to doe what 168 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. I can for dofonding ye Place. I hope G*^' will make up in him- self what is wanting in y" creature, to mee & to us all. This day a Post is sent up from Hartford, to call off Major Treat w^^ a p*^ of his soldiers, from InteUigence they have of a pty of Indians lying ag* Wethersfeild on y^ East side of y^ River. So y*^ matters of action here doe linger exceedingly, w'"'' makes me wonder what y*' 1/' intends with his People; Strange Providences diverting us in all o'hopt^full designes; & yf^l/' giving o])portunity to y^ l*]nymy to do us niischiefe,& then hiding of y'" and answering all o'' Prayers by Terrible things in righteousness. S'", I am not capable of holding any Comand, being more & more unfit & almost confounded in my understanding: the Iv' direct y Pitch on a meeter pson than ever I was : according to Liberty fro'" y" Councill, I shall devolve all upon Cap* Apple- ton, ludess Major Treat return againe, when y"" shall give yo^ orders as shall be most meete to yo^ selves. To speake my thoughts, all these Townes ought to be Gar- risoned, as I have formerly hinted, and had I bin left to my- selfe, should, I think, have done y*, \v^^ possibly might have prevented this damage. But y^ express order to doe as I did was by y wise directing hand of God, who knew it best for us, & herein we must acquiess. And truly to goe out after y Indians in y** swamps & thickets is to hassard all o'" men, unless we knew where they keepe, w^^ is altogether unknowne to us, & God hides fro"' us, for ends best known to himself. I have many tymes thought y* y*' winter were y^ tyme to fall on y"^, but there are such difhcultys y* I shall leave it, yet suggest it to consideration. I will not further trouble y"" at p'' sent, but earnestly crave y prayers for y«' L'l'^ undertaking for us, & sanctifying all his stroakes to us. I remain, y unworthy serv* John Pynchon. We are in gr* hassard if we doe but stir out, for fear to be shot downe by some sculking Indians. M"". Glover had all his Bookes Burnt, not so much as a Bible saved; a gr* loss, for he had some choise Bookes & many.i The Council had already replied on October 4''', very cour- teously and sympathetically, to his earlier request, relieving him of his command and conunissioning Captain Appleton in his place. iMas'j. Archives, book 67, leaves 286, 287. KING Philip's war. 169 Honoured Si""^ Your letter dat Sept. 29 wee received and although wee could have desired your continuance in that trust committed to you as coiTiander over o^ forces in y^ p*«, yet considering your great importunity y® I'easons alledged wee cann but greatly simpathize with you in ye present despensatiou of Divine Prov- idence towards your family in yoiu* absence and have ordered Capt. Apelton to take the charge as Comander in Cheife over the united forces whiles in o^" Colony, and uppon a removall of the seat of Warr the Comanders to take place according to (the) appoyntment of y^ Commissioners. Inclosed in this letter to Major Pynchon was Captain Apple- ton's commission as Commander-in-chief. THE COUNCIL OF MASSACHUSETTS TO CAPTAIN SAMUEL APPLETON. Capt. Appleton, The Councill have seriously considered the earnest desires of major Pynchon & the great affliction upon him & his family, & have at last consented to his request to dismiss him from the cheefe coiiiand over the Army in those parts, and have thought meet, upon mature thoughts, to comitt the cheefe co- iuand unto yourselfe, beeing perswaded that God hath endeow- ed you with a spirit and ability to manage that affayre; & for the Better inabling you to yo^ imploy, we have sent the Councill's order Inclosed to Major Pynchon to bee given you; and wee reffer you to the Instructions given him for yo"" direction ordering you from time to time to give us advise of all occurr- ences, & if you need any further orders & instructions, they shall be given you as y^' matter shall require. So coinitting you to the Lord, desireing his presence with you and lilessing upon you, wee remaine: Your friends and servants. Boston, 4*^ of October, 1675. Captain Samuel Appleton, Commander in chiefe at the head quarters at Hadley. The position to which he was called was full of difficulty. The Indians had ravaged the country so sorely and had inflict- ed such terrible losses upon the forces sent against them, that a general feeling of discouragement prevailed. The authority 1 Mass. Ai'chives, book 67, leaf -280. 170 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. vested in him was not supreme. The Connecticut Colony sent soldiers into the field, under Major Treat, who looked for his direction to the Joint Commissioners of tiie three Colonies, or the Council of Connecticut. Friction between the two officers was inevitable under such a system. The choice of Captain Appleton under these circumstances reveals the confidence of the Council in his prudence, skill and ('om-a'>;(>. He had carried himself so bravely in the campaign, that all turned to him as the man for the iiour. His first letter to Governor Leverett is of special interest, as revealing his modest sense of incapacity for the momentous requirements of his office, and his dissent from the order of the Council that the soldiers be not used for garrison duty in the neighboring towns. Major Treat's absence was a great em- barrassment to him. capt. appleton to governor leverett.* Oct. 12, 1675. Right Worpfi Yors by Leift. Upham I received; as alsoe that of Octob"" Qth from yo^s: together w^^ the order from ye Commission'"*, concerning the number & order of managem* of the forces in these parts. In reference whereto, I humbly p''sent two t-hings to yC consideration; ffirst, as to the ordering the chiefc comand to one of such an inferior capacity, the very thoughts of it were and are to me such matter of trouble A: humiliation, as that I know not how to induce my spirit to any Complyance therew*h, lest it should prove matter of detriment and not help to the publitiue, ffrom W^ nothinge should have moved me but y^ Consideration of y« p''sent exigence, together w**^ the remem- brance of that duty I owe to yo^s: and the comon concerns; unto w^^h i\iQ Honoe'i Major having added his sorrowfull com- plaints, for wch there was such abundant & manef(\st cause. It was indeede an hart breaking thinge to me, & forced me against my own spirit to yeild to y^' improvem* to y whole of my small talent in yo^ service, untill I might send to yorselves (W^h now I doe) to intreate that there may be speedily an ap- pointm* of some other more able to y^ worke, and likely to ob- tain ye desired end. I humbly intreate 5'0'" most serious con- ideration and help heiiii. ' Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 3. KING Philip's war. 171 Secondly, my humble request is that j^ou would be pleased to revise that part of yo"" own and the Hono'"'^! Commission '•■' order, w^h doth strictly prohibite the fixeing of any of o'' souldiers in garrison. I doubt not but y^ reasons inducing hereto were weighty; which notwf'\standing, we finde the atten- dence here extreamly hazzardous to ye losse of o"" Towns (w^^ is ye loss of all) as appears both by y*' lamentable experience we have had at Springfield, as also by what is obvious to the eye of each man's reason. The thoughts hereof putt us to great straights. Most willingly would we attend y^ expresse letter of yo"" order, & yet cannot but tremble at the thoughts of exposing the Towns to mine. Be pleased, as seasonably as may be, to give us yo*" resolve herin. As to the state of poor desolate S}:)ringfeild, to whose releife we came (tho w^^^ a march that had putt all o^" men into a most violent sweate, and was more than they could well bear) too late, their conditione is indeede most afflicted, there being about thirty three houses and twenty-five barns burnt, and about fifteene houses left unburnt. The people are full of fear & staggering in their thoughts, as to their keeping or leaving of the place. They whose houses & provisons are consumed incline to leave the place, as thinking they can better labor for a livcing in places of lesse danger then that where now they are; hence seeme un- willing to stay, except they might freely share in the Corn & provision w<^h ig remaining and preserved by the sword. I can- not but think it conducible to the publike (& for ought I see, to the private) interest y*^ the place be kept; there being corn and provision enough and to spare for the sustenance of the persons whose number is Considerable and cannot be maintained elswhere w* out more than almcist any place can afford to their releife. The worth of the place is also Considerable, and the holding of it will give nmch incouragement and help to others; and the quitting of it great discouragem* to others, and hazzard to or passage from one place to another; it being so vast a dis- tance from Hadley to any other Town on this side the River. I have, in regard of p'sent distresse of y^ poor people, ad- ventured to leave Capt Sill there, to be ordered by the Hono^d Major untill further orders be received. What hazzard I run I am not insensible, but do rather chuse to adventure hazzard to myselfe than to y^ ]3ublike, and so draw myselfe to yo'" worps: mercy in so doing. We are at p^sent in a broken posture, uncapa]:)le of any great action, by reason of Major Treat his absence; who upon a re- port of Indians lower down the River about Hartford, was (while I was absent) recalled by y^ Councill of Connecticutt, upon the eighth of this instant, & is not yet returned, nor doe I know how it is w*^ him nor when he is like to return. We 172 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. have sent to y^ Coimcill of Connecticiitt sijjnifying y' C Col- ony having bin mindful to conipleate their numbers, we do earnestly intreate and expect his speedy returne, and y' ye Ainunition now at Hartford & needed l^y us may be brought up under their guard. Hereto we have not yet received answer. In the account of Springfeild houses we only p''sented y" number of them on the East side of the River & y*^ in the Town platt ; ffor in all on the West side <.V: in the outskirts on y^ East side, there are about sixty houses standing, and much Corn in & about them, w^h coming into the Indian hands will yield great support to them. We have bin considering ye making of a boate or boats, & finde it not adviseable; ffirst, because the River is not Navigable, & so none made here can be had up ; Secondly, should we make any above the falls, there must be an army to guard the workmen in the worke; Thirdly, we finde exceeding hard, by any provision, to secure o"" men in the boats, by reason y* ye high banks of ye River give ye enemy so great advantage of shooting downward upon us; And lastly, as we must follow the enemy where he will goe, we must either leave a very strong guard upon o^ boats or lose them perhaps as soon as mad(\ There being now come in sixty men imder Capt. Poole and Lieft. Upham, and we needing Comanders, especially part of or men being now at Springfeild & we not daring to send all thither, we have retained Capt. Poole to comand these sixty men untill further orders be given. We are but this evening come up from Springfeild, and are applying o 'selves pJ'sently to ye sending out scouts for ye dis- covery of the enemy, y* so the Lord assisting, we may w^h these forces that we have, be making some onsett upon him, to do some things for ye glory of God and releife of his distressed people : the sence of w^h is so much upon my hart, y * I count not my life too dear to venture in any motion wherein I can persuade myselfe I may be in a way of his Providence, and ex- pect his gracious p'"sence, wt^out w^h all o^ indeavo''*' are vaine. We confide, we shall not, cannot faile of ye steady & continued lifting up of ye hands and harts of all God's precious ones, y*- so o'' Israel may in his time prevail against this cursed Amaleck ; against whom I beleeve the Lord will have war forever untill he have destroyed them. With him I desire to leave o''s : & all ye concern and so doing to remain Yo"" servant obliged to duty, Samuel Appleton. I communicated thoughts w*h Major Pynchon, about y® garrison placeing at Brookfeild; And alth^ we judge it would be some releife & comfort to c messengers going Post, yet con- KING Philip's war. 173 sidering the great charge w^h must necessarily be expended upon it, and that they have no winter provision there for the keeping of horses, wthout much use of w°^ we see not how they can subsist, we have not seene cause to order any garrison thither, nor (for ought yet appears) shall doe, except we have some special direction from yoi^.s: for it. We also finde y* these three Towns being but small, and having sustained much losse in their crop by reason of ye war, and had much expense of what hath bin gath(n-ed here, both by the souldiers and by those come into them from the places that are already deserted, are like to finde the work of sustaining ye army too hard for y'"; and therefore we app''hend it will be adviseable and necessary to send to Connecticutt to afford some help as may be needed from some of their Plantations. Capt Mosely makes p^sontm* of his humble services to yo"" worp: whereto the scribe also desires to subjoin the tender of his own. These ffor the Worship'^ John Leverett, Esq., Governor of the Massachusetts at Boston. Captain Appleton's letter to the Council of Connecticut, to which he refers, has not been preserved but the reply of that body is on record : the council of connecticut to samuel appleton.^ Hartford, Octob^ 12th 1675. Honord S"": Uppon the occasion of the tidings of the enimyes movinge down towards our quarters, and report made of Trecks neer Hartford, & Intimation of some scoutinge Indians seen about us : It being a time & place not onely of the Councell, but also of the General Court's sitting heer: We could doe noe less than call hither Major Treat with a guard with him ; for better secur- inge these Towns, while they are now makeing some flankers &c : as is done above in your Towns, that soe we might not lye altogether naked at home, when soe many of our men are or may be abroad in pursuit of the warr: yet are all those soldiers heer kept ready to move when and where there may be opportunity to doe God and y" countrey best services, in conjunction with a sufficient force sent from the Massachusets and Plymoth such as may be competent to grapple with the enimy in his rapacity; and to assault him in his head quarters 1 Appleton Memorial, p. 111. 174 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. or where they may meet with liis force abroad. Besides guard- inge these Towns, we have heer in like readiness about one hunch-ed M()h(>af;s it Pecjuots, which we keep iipi)on ciiari>;e at Majoi" I^viH'hon's desire to attend the like service: but we see not cause to send them further ujjvvards to char of means with christian courage and fedulity seasonably aplyed is yet hoped for. Gent"; By your affectionate ffreinds & servants the Councill of Conecticott; pr their order. Signed, John Allyn, Secr'y. Vera copia. This letter did not reach Captain Appleton until the 16th as appears from the letter of that date. Meanwhile , he had written again, on October 14th, declaring the "obstructive difficultyes," which necessitated his repeated appeals. CAPT. appleton to THE COUNCIL OF CONNECTICUT.* Hadley, October y^ 14™ 1675. Right Worship" Haveing received comission and orders from our Councill, together with ye order of the Comissioners of the united collonies respectinge the management of ye joynt forces raised & miited for the prosecutinge the war against the barbarous enemy in the westerly plantations uppon Connecticott : and having, after the sad diversion given us by the mischiefe done at Springfield, been ai)lying ourselves to the pursuit of the enemy: we have mett with some obstructive difhcultycs heerin which occasions t Mass. Archives, book 68, leal' 10. KING Philip's war. 175 and necessitates our present aplication to yourselves. The matter of difficulty is, ffirst, the absenc of our honored ffreintl and assistant, Major Treat with his Company: whose being called of without any order from the Comissioners,or agreement of the Councill upon the place, we know not how to reconcile with y« order of the Comissioners for the prosecutinge the warr. Secondly, haveing this morninge (upon our resolve of a mo- tion), summoned Leift. Seely with his whole comjmny to apear at our head quarters forthwith to attend the publick service of the country, we fayled heerof ; for the said Leift. apearing himself without his company, excused there non-apearance by his doubting o"" comission to bear him out : Thereby it comes to passe that we Vjeing heer with y^ full numbers required to the proportion belonging to our Collony, find our way as to any regular motion ol^structed. Our aplication to your selves is to Intreat ct call up})on you for the removall of the said obstruction, with all possible speede, both by the sending up the honored Major Treat forthwith, & by removing all matter of difficulty that is or may be with those that are heer for the service. We have received Intelligence of a suply of ammunition, clothing and other necessaries for our armey, sent to Hartford; we Intreat your help for the conveyanc of the same hither, there being the opertunity of a guard by Major Treat his com- pany 's coming up, and our necessity calling for the same with ye first y* may be. We trust we need not provoke you to use the utmost ex- pedition heerin, your selves knowing the vast expenses of the whole, together with y*' dayly hazzards, and the difficulty of the season which may soon render all action unfeizable. We beg your candid acceptanc and Improvement heerof, so as may be to the promoting of the publick Interest; wherto adding our hearty prayers, & the presentment of most cordial respects & humble service to your Worp^: and all of you respect- ively, I take leave & remain Your Worps most humble servant, Vera copia. Samuel Appleton, Comd^ in Chiefe. This for the Worshipfull William Leet, Esc}., Deputy Gov- enor at Connecticut, or to y^ worshipfull John Allyn, Esq., to be communicated to y^ council at Hartford. Deprived of the cooperation of Major Treat, with another Connecticut officer insubordinate, in need of the stores of am- munition, clothing and other necessaries for his army, which 176 IPSAVICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. were detained at Hartford, Captain Appleton's impetuous spirit was cliafed and fretted. A swift post bore his letter to Hartford and tlie next day a reply came from the Council of Connecticut. thk council of connecticut to samuel appleton.* Hartford, Oct. 15""': 1675. Yours of ()ctol)er y^ 14'^> came to us this day, who doe well resent the courage^ and readiness therin nianifest(>d to be in action agaynst the eriimy, and doe thither refer the urgent en- vitations to have our forces joyned to yours, according to the Commissioner's order, and doe refer you to the long lyinge of our full number of our forces with you before yours were ready, as a demonstration of our forwardness in this good cause; but further to sattisfy all scruples, you may please to understand that oui- Councel's calling for Major Treat (from the place where he lay in garrison) hither with y« party that came with him, was the apearance of the eniniy in these parts as was reported, unreadiness of your full number and Major Pynchon's per- mission therof,and some other occasions we had with the Major not convenient heer to mention, and sine his cominge we have received intelligence from the Reverend Mr. James Fitch of Norwich that Phillip with four hundred men, had determined this day to fall uppon Norwich, with Importunate request of some ayd to prevent it; where uppon we could not but comply so far as to send forty of those men, who marched away the last night before your letter came, and y® Pequott and Moheage Indians who were heer ready with ours to come to you, returned home to defend their own Interest, which indeavour is soe con- sonant to ye grand design as we think, you will not be unsat- tisfyed therein. We have ordered their speedy return unless the enimy be there, and expect them at the beginning of the next week ; onely this we further advise you that by a letter from Mr. Stanton, he sayth he hath Intelligenc that Phillip in- tends to fall uppon the Moheags & Pequots, and that the Nar- ragansetts make great preparation for warr, and other matters that have a looke as If treble were next like to fall in these south- ern parts. Now if your Intelligenc concurr and lead you to march southwards, and you signify the same, and save our forces their March upwards, they will be ready to Joyn with you in the most convenient place; but if you have Intelligenc of the enimyes continuanc in those parts, and by your scouts doe make a full discovery of him, and will resolve to march with 1 Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 11. KING Philip's war. 177 your whole luiniber of thre hundred forth, we desire you will speedily signify the same to us, that so we may comply with you therin. We have not to ad but our respects to you, & our prayers to God for his presenc with you, and that we are S'" your affectionate friends, The Generall Court of Conecticott, pr their order; signed, John Allyn, Secr'y. postscrip : The ammunition & part of the cloathes you desire, were taken hence by Major Pynchon's order, yesterday to Springfield. It was a tart and discouraging retort to his earnest appeal for Major Treat and his soldiers, but Captain Appleton replied with fine dignity, giving the alarming reports of the presence of the Indians very near him, and repeating his request for reenforcement and for the supplies at Hartford. SAMUEL APPLETON TO THE GENERAL COURT OF CONNECTICUT.! OcTo: 16: 1675. Worshipful! S'"'^: This day I received yours of Octobr; 12 signifiing y^ reason of Major Treat being called off: as alsoe ye readiness he is in to be sent upon the publick service agayn. Before the receipt heerof, I signified to you, by a letter bearing date Octo^r; 15th our desire and need of Major Treat his return with your whole number of men belonging to your Colony. Heer are from our Colony the full of the proportion belonging to us, & to ye makeing up of the 500 men, so y* heer is the reality of things done, tho we heer know not y^ reason of Plimouth's not bearing a share in it. You, we doubt not, also understand y^ order of the Comissioners of the United Collonies, for y^ management of the forces joyntly raised which we looke at as y^ rule of our pro- cedure; however, in y^ exigency, by reason of the desolation at Springfield, and in the absenc of Major Treat with your forces, (wherby we are incapacitated from attending ye publick orders) there hath been some digression till y® return of your forces. By scouts sent forth last night, we understand that the en- imy is very neer us; many of them at Deerfield, and many on this side within a few miles of Hatfield : wherby we have been alarumed once A: again. A: are in constant danger. I was this 1 Mass. ArcliiveB, book G8, leaf 19. 178 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. day propariufi; to .send to Springfield for the anmnuiition, l)iit by a sudden alaruni diverted : And tlie neer aproach of the enimy makes us apprehensive of the Inconvenience of sending any of our forces (especially in the absenc of yours) far ofT; which occasions me again to Intreat y« spedy return of the Honor'' Major Treat with his forces, as also to request your help in this time of need, that Major Treat his company may help us up with what they can possible of the necessaiyes for our souldiers, which we hear are at Hartford; and also with y« annnunition or some considerable jmrt of it, which is at Springfield. We, by reason of the .straite we are in, deferr our sendinge till we see how far you can grattify us heerin. I Intreat your answer, with all possible speed. Sine the writing heerof, our post is come with yours of the 15*^ of octo^^r presenting new d' fiu'ther matter of humiliation & fear. Oh that it might be a provocation & incitement to strengthen faith, and cause us to flee to y^ rock yt is higher y" ourselves. The Lord our God is a present help in time of trouble ; now is the tim(> of our Jacob's trouble. O that faith may say he shall be saved from It. We have most certayn Information that y® Indians are this evening discovered within a mile of Hat- field, which we expect to have assaulted, either this night or in the morninge, and therefore are now in the night hasting over to Hatfield to their defenc. We greatly need the company & help of all our forces now. And I trust should the forces be brought together, I shall be as ready to attend the Commis- sioners orders, as your officers or any others shall ; it being my concern, both with respect to the publick Interest & my own. Our hast will not pmitt us to Inlarg. We commend you with ourselves to y^ great keeper of Israel, whose everlasting armes are underneath his distressed ones in their most low estate, & in him remaine S^s; Your worships most assured ffreind & serv* Samuel Appleton. Vera copia. About the same time, the Council of Massachusetts wrote, giving him larger liberty in the use of his troops, and recom- mending that he forbid Major Treat to withdraw again. There is a touch of the grotesque in their ord(n- to this trained soldier that he beware of massing his troops in a "huddle." KING Philip's war. 179 THE COUNCIL OF MASSACHUSETTS TO SAMUEL APPLETOn/ Boston: Octob". 15: 1675. Capt. Appleton, Yclast came to ns the 14'hi]istant, whcrby we are well sat- isfy' with yC acceptance of the charge comitted to yon, not tU)nbting of yo^ care and dilligence therin, and therfore for the present yon ninst not expect any alteration. We are apt to think our orders are not rightly understood, as that you instance in, about fixing of garrisons. It was judged here that having furnished a body of 500 men, a considerable Stretch, and a very great charge for the defence of one part of the country (other parts being not only in danger, but actually assaulted and spoyled and Suffering the Same calamityes that they should (especially the season favoring) be employed in feild service, to witt, in prosecuting the enemy to their ({uarters, and not to ex- pect him at the townes only, wherin we know very well that our forces must, at times, have their quarters, which if you call gar- risons, you mistake us, we never expecting our soldiers should continually keep the feild. We know they must have their re- cruits and relaxations, but intended not nor consider^ there could be a necessity of keeping fixed garrisons to the particular towns : for while such a number of soldiers are abroad, we would hope (if prudently employed) the inhabitants might be a suf- ficient guard to their respective Towns, and this was the utmost intent of the order. We cannot but further intimate that incase your soldiers living in their quarters, and you see cause to make any expedition, there is noe reason to draw all your forces to one towne, but that the most convenient place be appoynted for the Rendevouze of yo"" forces, whether in town or feild. Wee are very sensible of the great losse sustained at .Springfield and are of the same oppinion with you, that it is not advisable to have it deserted, and would hope that the inhabitants of all- most 100 houses might be able to defend the maine of the re- mainder, while the Army is employed abroad. We must leave much to yo"" prudence with the councill of yo'' chief coinanders, without attendance to popular insinuations; and you must at- tend yor orders so as never to practice contrary theronto; but you may and ought, according to right reason, to interpritt and understand all orders in the largest and most extensive signifi- cation, for the welfare and security of those under yo'' comand and care. We have taken notice of Major Treat's Retreate, upon the order of the Councill of Conecticote, of which we are very sensable, and have represented the same to Conecticote, and I Mass. Archives, book 08, leaves 13, 14. ISO IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. doc advise you, if ho return, to lett him or any others know tliey may not depart, nor withch-aw from under yo"" command, whilst in our jurisdiction, without express orders from the Commissioners of the United Collonys, or yo'' particular licence, with consent of yo"" chief officers. Wee are satisfyed in your deserting Qua])ague,and sup])osed the order taken b}^ the Commissioners for supply of victualls from Hartford will be efTectuall. We desire and hope wee shall not be wanting to second yo^ endeavors by our hearty suppli- cations to our God, the father of mercyes, to pitty, pardon, heale and help us, in this our distressed estate. Remaining, Sir, Yc" assured friends, Ed. Rawson, Secretary, by order of the Council. We cannot but advise you in yo^ marches, to keep good dis- tance between your partyes of men, that you be not sur- prised in a huddle, and that in bushy places (if you fear not by such discovery to loose yo"" design) that you fire the woods before you. Captain Appleton wrote again to Governor Leverett, narra- ting in detail the distracting condition of affairs, the insubordi- nation of a Connecticut officer, his correspondence with the Con- necticut authorities and his own unwearied and courageous exertions in the field. capt. appleton to governor leverett.^ Hadley, Octo: 17, 1675. Right Worpfii I thought it convenient and necessary to give you a p^sent account of o"" state & posture, that so yo^s: might thereby be the better capacitated both to send orders to us, & to know how to act towards others, as the case doth require. On Tuesday, Octo: 12, we left Springfeild & came y^ night to Hadley, neer 30 mile. On y*' 13'h <.'(: 14*^ we used all diligence to make discovery of y® enemy by Scouts, but by reason of y*^ distance of the way from hence to Squakeheage," et y*" timerous- nesse of ye scouts, it turned to little account ; thereupon I found it very difficult to know what to doe. Major Treat was gone ' IMasB. Archives, book (iS, leaves -li, 23. - North field. KING Philip's war. 181 from us, and when like to return, we knew not. Oin- orders were to leave no men in garrison, but keepe all for a feild armye, w^^ was to expose the Towns to manefest hazzard. To sitt still and do nothinge is to tire o^s: and spoyle o"" souldiers, and to ruin y" country by y^ insupportable burden and charge. All things layd together, I thought it best to goe forth after the enemy w^^ C p'sent forces. This once resolved, I sent forth warrants on y^ 14*^ instant early in the morning to Capt. Mosely, & Capt. (as he is called) Seely at Hatfeild and Northampton to repair forthw^^ to y^ head-quarters, y^ we might be ready for service. Capt. Mosely was accordingly w^h us, wt'^ his whole company very speedily. Capt. Seely\ after a Consideral)le time, came w*kiut his company, excused their absence by his want of Coinision. His comission he produced, ct upon debate about it, seemed satisfyed; expressing y*^ his purpose was to attend any ord"" y * should be given ; I wrote another warrant and gave into his hand, to appear w^^ his company w^h are about 50 men, the next morning ; but in y^ night he sent a messenger to me, w'li a note about intillegence from Major Treat to stay till further orders iVc. I p'sently posted away letters to ye Councill at Hartford, declaring to y™ how the worke was obstructed by absence of Major Treat, (whose company indeede I much desired, he approving himself e while ^\^^ us a worthy gentleman, and a discreete and incouraging CoiTiander) & by absence (in- deede) of Capt. Seely, and those few that were w^^ him. The copy of my letter to y^ Councill & of my warrants to Capt. Seely, and his returns to me, I send you here all of them in- closed. This morning, Octo : 16 : I received a letter sent first to Majo^" Pynchon & from Springfeild hither, from y^ Councill at Hart- ford, dated Octo: 12: w^'h I also send y^ copy of wherljy you will perceive y* they seem to make some excuse, and sticke at y want of forces here from Plimouth, wherin I am not so fitted to return y™ an answer as perhaps I might be, for want of under- standing the specialties of agreement between the Hono-'t' Coin- issionrs of the United Colonies ; only thus much seemes evident, that they all agreed th"" number should be 500 ; the W^^ is made up by C" Colony and Connecticute though there be none from Plimouth, so y* we see the reallity of the thinge is done, though we know not the reas(jn of Plimouth their not bearing a share in it. _ By a letter from Major Pynchon, we imderstand y* the Ani- unitioniscome up to Springfeild, wc^ I am p^sently sending for. This likewise informs of an old Indian Squaw taken at Spring- • Capt. Seely was statioued at Northampton with a company of Connecticut troops. 182 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. field, who tells y* the Indians who burnt y' town lodged about six miles off y Town; some men went forth, found 24 fires and some plunder. 8hee saith there came of ye enemy 270; that the enemy in all are 600. The place where they keepe is at Coassit (as is supposed) about 50 miles above Hadley. After ye sending my letters to Hartford, I drew forth o"" own men, all but Capt. Seely's (who are neer sixty) intending to march up to Sqhakheage. We had not marched above a mile or two, ere we received intelligence by post y* y^ enemy was by his track discovered to be in great numbers on y" West side of the River. We pi'sently changed o"" course, and hasted over the River. It was after sunsett ere we gote out of Hatfield. We marched some miles, and in ye darke saw a gun fired, and heard its report & o'" scouts saw and heard this gun. Some hIso sd they heard a noise of Indians. My purpose was now to march to Deerfield, but upon what we discovered, o"" officers, especially Capt. Mosely, were very app'hensive of danger to the Towns here if we should march up. This being often p''ssd and I alone for proceeding, none of the Connecticute men w*"^ us, nor any left in the Towns of Hadley and Hatfield, & night threat- ening rain and tempest, I yeilded, against my own inclination to return to o"" quarters, wh we did late in the night. This morning we und'stand by scouts that there is certainly a great number of y<^ enemy at Deerfield and some of them much neerer. This evening we have received a letter from y^ Gen ''all Court at Hartford, whcrby I perceive its very uncertain when we are like to have their forces again. In very truth, I am in straites on every side. To leave y^ Towns without any help, is to leave y™ to apparent mine. To supply w*^ any except now in y" absenc of Connecticute, is hardly reconcilable with y^ order of ye Coiliissioners. This evening late, I am assaulted w^^ a most vehement and affectionate reciuest from Northampton, (who have already w'^ them about 50 of Capt. Seely 's men) y' I would afford y'" a little more help, they fearing to be assaulted p'sently. And at ye same time while these are speaking, Capt. Mosely informs y* ye enemy is this evening discovered wt'»in a mile of Hatfield, and that he verily expects to be assaulted there too- morrow; w*"'^ I am so sensible of yt I account it m^y duty p'^sent- ly to repair thither, now at 10 or 11 of ye clocke in the night, some of the forces having already passed the River. Nor are we w'^out app'hension of Hatfield's &: Hadley 's danger at the same time, where, w"' respect to the wounded men & ye Town, I strive w''» my self e to leave about twenty men or but few more, tho ye Indians were yesterday discovered within five or six miles; and we are necessitated to send so many of them for Posts (on weh account six are at this pi'sent) and other occasions, KING Philip's war. 183 as makes y™ less than their little selves. I desire in all, to ap- prove myselfe to the Lord, and faithfully to his people's interest, so as I perswade mys: would most reach and take yo"" harts were you pi'sent. I crave yo"" candid acceptance of what comes from a hart devoted to yo^ service; & yo-" speedy, seasonable return to what I have written, w^^ waiting for, I leave the whole matter w>h the wise ordering, and remaine Yor Worps: most humble serv^ Samuel Appleton. Hoping for y^ Return of o'' Post from yo'"s: and y* o'' going forth last night might p'^oduce something of Consequence, we delayed the sending away this letter a day. But Providence hath denyed o^" expectation & desires in both. Our Post is not come in, and we have wearied o^s.-w^^ a tedious night and morning's march, w'^^out making any discovery of y^ enemy. Thus y liOrd orders all things wisely, holily and well. May we but see and close w^'^ the goodnesse of his will, and waite for the work- ing of all things together. It shall be peace at ye latter end, to all y^ love Tiod y^ are perfect ones, ffor W^^ praying & waiting, I am vo"" servant as above. S. A. Octo: 17: afternoone. These for the Worp^' John Leverett, Esq., Governor of the Massachusett in Boston. Hast — Hast — Post-Hast. Two days later, the apprehensions of Indian assault were realized. On the 19th of October, an attack was made upon Hatfield, but Appleton had foreseen the danger and provided for it. Mr. Hubbard gives a vivid narrative of the fight: "But according to the good Providence of Almighty God Major Treat was newly returned to Northampton, Cajitain Mosely and Captain Poole were then garrisoning the said Hat- field, and Captain Appleton for the like End c}uartering at Had- ly, when on the sudden seven or eight hundred of the Enemy came upon the Town in all Quarters, having first killed or taken two or three Scouts belonging to the Town, and seven more be- longing to Captain Mosely his company: But they were so well entertained on all Hands where they attempted to break in upon the Town, that they found it too hot for them. Major 184 IPSAVini, TN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Apploton with <;r('at Coviraf2;c (lofeiulin(Mle his Company and heli), and his men are not easily satisfyed w''^ his absence from them. I leave the matter wholly to yo"- wisdome. I have expelled out of y« army David Bennet, chirnrjiion. for his quarrelsome & rebellious Carriage, but so y* (seeing o'' Court Martiall, by reason of Connecticute men's not being one w>'i us, is weak & lyable to som(> (piestion) T have left y^ rat- ifying or disannulling y^ main part of his sentence to yo's : I have not further to adde but y^ comending yo's: and all yo'' Counsells to ye blessing of y^ most High ; and so doing remain gr yor Worps: most liumble servant, Samuel Appletox. Our p'^sent Posts are Sergeant James Johnson, and Nathaniel Warner of Hadley, and Sergeant John Throp. These ffor the Woi'pf^' John Leverett, Esq., Governor of the Massachusetts at J^oston. The "further orders" which he awaited from the Governor and Council were not forthcoming, and Major Appleton pro- ceeded at last on his own responsibility to issue the following Proclamation. PROCLAMATION.^ To ye Inhabitants of Springfield, Westfield, Northampton, Hadley, & Hatfield, & to all y^ Indwellers, & soejourners in all & each of them I, Samuel Appleton, l^eing betrusted with y^ conduct of ye Army heer, and alsoe with y^ care of fortifyinge & sccuringe these Townes, doe declare, That whereas in this time of trouble & danger, ye Honor^ Generall Court & ye whole Countrey have expressed great care & natural! tenderness towards these plantations, for securinge & preserving of them as parts and members of the whole from the rage of the cruel enimy, and doe still manifest ye same in continuing forces heer for ye defenc thereof: It would be too unequall, Irrationall, and unnaturall y*^^ Inhabitants ik Indwellers who have been willing in i'nnos of peace, to suck ye sweet of that blessing poured out upon the whole and each particular, should now desert ye whole it ye parts: It is there- fore heerby ordered that noe person shall remove from or desert any of these Towns, soe long as forces are continued heer for ' Mass. Archives, book 08, leaf M. KING Philip's war. 191 their defence, without liberty under y^ hand of y Command'' in Chiefe; nor shall any goe out of the Townes without a pass under y^ hand of y^ Command'" in Chiefe: Heerof noe man is to fayl uppon hazzard of the displeasure of the Gennerall Court, & such penalty as they or y<' Councill shall Impose : And If any be attemjitinge or preparinge to depart otherwise, all officers civill & Millitary are heerby Injpowered & required to prohibit their departure, and alsoe to secure them & their estates, and bring them to y" Chief Officers. I doe further declare, that whatever officer or officers shall draw off any forces out of this Jurisdiction without order from the Commissioners, or y^ Joynt Counsell of the chiefe officers, & license of y^ Command^ in Chiefe of the Army ; their soe doing is a breach of the Articles of Confederation of y^ united Collonyes. Given at My head quarters at Hadley, y^ 12'*' of Novemb'' 1675. P"" Samuel Appleton, Coin in Chief. Undoubted reference is made in the last sentence of this Proclamation to the restiveness of the Connecticut troops under Major Treat. The Council of Connecticut was informed at once of this action of the Commander-in-chief and made its resentment manifest in the following letter, curt in its address and bitter in its tone: the council of connecticut to samuel appleton.^ Hartford, Nov: 15: 1675. It is noe small greife of heart to us, that in this hour of dis- tress, wherein God seems to frown upon us, (this among the rest being none of the smallest) that instead of a candid complyance & setting our selves as one man agaynst y^ connnon enimy, studying all wayes of loveing & amicable complyance, we find little less than a tendency in your actions to render us contem]5t- ible; we doe not judge it a time to stand soe much upon punct- ilioes of honour t*c suprcam command, & that soe absolutely taken on yom-selfe that our officers are not worthy to be of yoiu- Councill in these affayres, but rejected t*e only serve to waytc your positive commands, without being loveingly Informed of your power soe to command, & y^ rationallity of your motions : Your soe highly Insistinge uppon the acts of y^ Commissioners, 1 Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 56. 192 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. A: studyino; to lay y lin^acli of articles iippon us, shall not deter us from solicitous att(Muliu^' what may be for y** good of y whole, not doubting but our actions will be found as consonant to ye acts and true Intents of y" Commissioners as yours; for it was never Intended by their acts that our souldiers should be kept meei'ly (or indeed not at all) to garrison your Towns, (that be- longs properly to your Collonye) but to be in a vigorous pursuit of ye enimy, -^: It was no small comfort to me in reading your Lines of Nov : 15: to think I was nothing conscious to myself of any wilfuU transgression or gross error, nor doe I fear that any will be able to demonstrate me soe: I have not stood uppon punctilios & honours, nor acted with a studious tendency to render you contemptible; and therfore to represent me as soe doinge seemes not charitable: I profess otherwise, & if my profession be not sincere, I am soe much a stranger to my heart & actions : To make a true narrative of the state of things & all momentous occurrents, is soe plain a duty of those y* are betrusted with publick concerns, that I doubt not you expect it from those to whome you have committed y** command of your forces : And therfore for soe doinge. I hope you will not looke at me as Culpable : And of other crimes, I know not that you can justly accuse me: That your officers are not worthy to be of my counsell but re- jected, and onely to waite my positive Commands &c. is far from my thoughts or Intentionall actings. I desire to honour their persons & worthy Indowments where apearinge, and have given testimony thereto: True, where y^ question hath been who are of my Councill, I have with due respects & honor to the persons of men of worth, asserted my orders; yet I may say there hath been carriage among them not tending to their honour, but might have exposed them (if not tenderly dealt with) to more suffering than a little : My studious Indeavour to respect & attend y^ orders of y** Commissioners, is my special duty, and y*' more your actions are consonant heerto, y^ more com- mendations I shall Indeavour to give them : yet to my plainess its ever more acceptable to see the thing done. It is not to be expected but that people, where y® seat of war is, should be distressed. I wish none of yours may give occasion to think that they are willing to ad to distresses. As to y^ return of your men, I should gladly comply with your desire therein, might I doe it with discharge of my trust ; but not knowing y * ye enimy is gone nor whither, and haveing aprehensions from your Information & our own, that y^ enimy is Likely to be at 1 Mass. Archives., book 68, leaf aS. 194 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Narragausett, where also we have reason to think the warr may sucUlenly break out, I may not (without most weighty ground) doe anything that, should we be presentl}' called thither, may render us more unready for ye speedy answering of such a call, ^'our advice to a more candid complyance A: consult with your officers, I am willing to take in the best part, and trust that it will apear that I have been far from acting in a separate way, or aproveing any such acting: whatever is represented to you otherwise, I hope, when you have heard with both ears, you will perceive to be misrepresented. 1 have not fixed your nor our men in Garrisons. I called them forth uppon the first opper- tunity to field service, & am ready soe to doe as occasion shall present: And may I find a Htle of that loveing i^- amicable com- plyance you speake of: I am willing to offer any of my procla- mations (tho called strict) to a fair and o])en examination cV: judgment: A little time 1 hope will show us plainly our way; meanwhile let us rather waite than stund)l(' in y^ darke. or goe backward when it is not soe easy to return. Srs: I am not without feelinge some smart in your Lines, tho I would not be over tender, or ready to complain: I beg your charitable construction of what may seem to your wisdome to apear otherwise than I have been able to discern, professing myself to be one studious of action, & of uniting therin for y« common good : The Lord grant us all (if it be his will) to think, speak, & doe the same things for y^ advance of his glory, & ye attainment of his peoples safety, which is y^ serious prayer & endeavor of him who is, with due respects to you all, Srs: Your assured ffreind & servant, Samuel Appleton. Postscript. Honr*^' S^'s: Some of yours heer have, out of a Letter, acquainted me with some reports & suspitions of Indian enimyes to y^ westward : but its not of soe much weight to me, because I understand that y^ Letter hath been with your^: and in yours to me, I perceive not that you take any notice of it. Superscribed, These ffor ye Worpii William Leete, Esq., Depy. Gov. Or to ye Worp" John Allyn, Esqr. To be communicated to ye Councill at Hartford. Vera copia. Harassed by the constant imi)ortunities of the Connecticut soldiers, and the C'ouncil of that Colony, a Council of War was KING Philip's war. 195 held at Northampton on the very day he wrote this letter. Major Applcton still refused to give permission to any to with- draw without the order of the Council. But as all those who met in Council were against him, he was obliged to yield, and he issued a reluctant permission to Major Treat to move with his forces downward on the next Friday morning, as the enemy had probably moved that way. He wrote to Governor Leverett on November 19th, that he had receivetl no instructions since November 1st. He nar- rated the exigences of the situation, due to the approach of winter, and his final decision to dismiss Major Treat. SAMUEL APPLETON TO GOVERNOR LEVERETT.' Hadley, Nov. 19: 1675. Right Worpf": In yo^ last to me bearing date Nov. l^*, yo^ doubled assurance of speedy ord'"" to me have kept me in a constant and now tedious and thoughtful expectation thereof. Full fourteen days are now past since the arrival of our last Post, and yet we have no word nor signification from you. Winter is upon us. Necessity (w'^h knows no law) enforceth us to dispose of ourselves. If we stay here and our horses remain in y^ field, they will be fitt for no^service, yea, I fear how we shall gett them home. If we take them to dry meate, we undo the inhabitants, hay being so very scarce, their cattell will perish. And we have in expec- tation of ord^'s, already stayd to extremity. Since o"" last we can discover no enemy, nor hear whither he is gone. Connecticute men have been beyond measure impatient of being stayed here sometimes pleading for liberty to be gone, sometimes seeming as if they would be gone w'^out it. Nothing but unquietness and discontent at their stay, striving by all means to gain my consent for their removall which I still withhold expecting to hear from yo^s: About y^ 12th instant they informed me yt they had intelligence from Owenequo, Uncas his son, y< Philip boast- ed he was a lOOOd strong, intended to send 600 against the Massachusetts, and 400 against those in Connecticute, but w^^ all signifying yt if I should desire them to move toward Mendon, they were expressly forbidden to goe w*i» me, except we had certain intelligence that the whole body of the enemy was there, and except I would march w^h my full 300. I told their Major 1 A)>iJleton Memorial, p. 132. 196 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. they did but instruct me how to answer them, should they call me to their parts. There is talk of a great festival meetine; of Indians at a place neer Stratford. What they are, or whether they may be counted or pursued as enemies, we know not. The people in these Towns, especially y^ younger sort, have showed themselves soe ready to desert the Towns, some already gone others talking of and ))''paring for it, so as I counted mys: ne- cessitated to ])rohibit them by a proclimation, till I might hear from vol's : i t being so cross to the safety and good of the whole, yt ye i)lantations should have their own inhabitants desert them, and y Country be necessitated to send men to guard them, o'" else expose them to ruine. I therein ventured to the utmost extent of your order. I beseech your pardon in, and orders about it, as also how to behave ourselves; whom to leave here and under what command. Together with the proclimation I thought mete, ace: to your orders, to declare to Major Treat that his drawing off his forces was against the articles of confederation. A copy of this and their declaration upon it, I send you here inclosed. I de- layed them as long as possibly I could; But, at aCouncill Nov. 17th, they pressed so hard andTthe oeople complaining so sadly of the burthen of their stay.*"and those I had with me to Counsel being all: against me, I was forced to permit their going, except some orders from y" Coiiiission''s or yo's: came by the 19th in the morning: so y* tomorrow morning they are preparing to goe homeward by permission, on the terms expressed in y^ writing here inclosed. As also I herewith send a copy of the letter I received from the Council of Connecticute, w^^ the an- swer I returned thereto. However they are pleased to expresse, my great trouble hath bin their acting in a separate way, con- cerning w<^h I have much more to say than I can now write. I humbly intreate yo"" speeding away a post to us without any delay; we are wholly at a losse till then. I have not further to adde, but p^snt of humble service to yo*" Worp: and the rest respectively, and so to remain Yo'' Worps: ever to be commanded Samuel Appleton. The posts sent down are Thomas Hovey and Robert Simson. On the same day that he wrote, he began the distribution of the Massachusetts troops among the exposed towns. Twenty- nine soldiers under Captain Aaron Cooke were stationed at West field. Twenty-nine were sent to Springfield under com- mand of Major Pynchon.^ Leift. Clarke and twenty-six men ' Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 66. KING Philip's war. 197 were left at Northampton, thirty at Hadley commanded by Captain Jonathan Poole, and thirty-six at Hatfield, with Leift. Allice. Having made this provision for the defence of the frontier towns, Major Appleton marched home, probably about No- vember 24th. A feeling of comfortable security filled the town, when the Major and his soldiers returned. A few weeks before, the Indians had appeared at Salisbury, and General Denison marched thither with his troops. The outposts at Tops- field and Andover were greatly alarmed at seeing Indians, as they supposed. "It is hardly imaginable," Denison wrote from Ipswich on the 28th of October, "the panick fear that is upon our upland plantations, and scattered places, respecting their habitations."* The General Court on October 13th had ordered a guard of two men, appointed by General Denison or the chief commander of the town of Ipswich, to keep watch at Deputy Governor Symonds's Argilla farm, as it was "so remote from neighbours, and he so much necessitated to be on the country's service." No doubt the distracted people slept more soundly, and gathered hope and strength. But the interval of calm was short. Scarcely had Appleton and his men returned from their campaign, when they were summoned into the field for a united assault upon the Narragansett Indians in their stronghold. Though his distinguished services would seem to us sufficient reason for his appointment to the chief command of the army of a thousand men, that was now raised from the colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Connecticut, he readily accepted a subordinate position. The Massachusetts complement of soldiers was 527, and Major Appleton was appointed to command this regiment, as well as his own company.'^ A fresh impressment was necessary, and it is not strange that the hardships of military service in mid-winter and the peculiar dangers and horrors of the war with the Indians, should have terrified many of the colonists. Many, who were impressed, hid away and it was with no small difficulty that the full quota was secured. Especial interest > Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 30. " Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 91. 198 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. attaches to the following letter, written by General Denison, which reveals the strain put u])on our own Town to meet the heavy demands of the War. 8ri In obedience to your late order for the imj^ressinc; of 185 souldiers wee have listed the persons underwritten who are fitted with arms, ammunition & cloaths as the order directs only you may please to understand y* some of the persons now returned have withdrawn themselves, Although warning hath been left at the places of their abode & their parents required to be ready to go in their steads if their sons should faile. Wee have also (lest the services should be neglected) warned other men to ma.ke up the number of 28 which is our town's proportion, if any of these now retiu-n(Ml should faile. Moses Pengry Jonathan Fantum John Denison Sami' Hmit Jun^ John Perkins John Thomas Sam^i Perkins Abram Fitz Abrain Knolton Richard Bidford Thomas Faussee Thomas Killom Lewis Zachariah Isaac Cuinins John Ijovel Richard Pasmore Sami' Peirce Richard Prior Sam'i Smith George Timpson Andrew Burle,y Peter Lurvey Thomas Dow Benjamin Newman 1 Thomas French Wi"m Hodgskin I John Knolton Samuel Taylor j These thi-ee last very Lusty young men were under a late press c^' not discharged but required to attend when called, have by the artifice of their parents absconded for the present though their parents have beene required to bring them foorth or be ready themselves to march. Wee have not 3 abler, lustier young fellows in ourtowne and few exceeding them in the country nor may be better spared. I have not further to trouble you but presenting my services to yourselves & the rest of the magis- trates. rest V'' humble servant Salem, Novem. 30: 1G75. Daniel Denison. These three eventually appeared and acquitted themselves with honor, and one of them, Samuel Taylor, fell in the 'Mass. Archives, book 68: leaf 71. KING PHILIP S WAR. 199 assault_^upon the Indian stronghold. Many a home must have been saddened by the voluntary enlistment or the impressment of the young men, and great honor is due to the parents, who willingly gave up their sons, and to the seasoned veterans, and the new soldiers, who went with them to receive their baptism of fire. Major Appleton marched away on the eighth of December probably, as the whole Massachusetts force mustered on Ded- ham Plain on the ninth. There were five companies, commanded by Captains Mosely, Gardner, Davenport, Oliver and Johnson, beside the company of which Major Appleton was Captain. A list of Major Appletoii's company, of which Jeremiah Swain was Lieutenant, is preserved in the state Archives, and is transcribed in fulL^ It included soldiers from many towns, but the place of residence is not given. Sergt Ezek. Woodward Sergt John Whitcher Sergt Francis Young Sergt Daniel Ringe Corp, John Pengillie Corp. James Brarley Clark Philemon Deane Trump. John Wheeler Josiah Bridges Thomas Wayte Thomas Sparks Abiell Saddler Gershom Browne Israel Henricks Thomas Tennie Thomas Hazon Robert Dounes Richard Briar Joseph Richardson Thomas Chase William Williams Thomas Abbey John Rayment Robert Leach Samuel Hubbart Anthonie Williams Steven Buttler Samuel Verry William Wainwright Samuel Foster Robert Simson Israeli Thorne Samuel Person John Newhall Timothie Breed Samuel Pipin Phillip Matoon Nath Wood Robert Sibbly Will Webb Joseph Eaton Roger Vicar Arthur Neale Isaack Ellirie Ben Chadwell John Davis 1 Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 97. 200 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Samuel Brabrook Isaach Ilsley Roger Markes Ben Leingdon John Reylie Steven Gulliver Daniel] Hall Solomon Watts Eliezer Flagg John Warner Thomas Firman Will Knowlton Nath Masters Michale Parrich Thomas Davis Caleb Richardson John Boyenton Seth Story Ben Webbster Edward Ardaway Samuel Russ Silvester Haz Will Russel Sam Peirce Sam Buttrick Ephraim Cutter George Stedman Edmond Sheffeild Roger Joans Those yt are wanting John Ford Thomas Parloe John Davis Robert Peas The men y* are now listed Moses Pengrie John Denison John Perkins Abraham Knowlton Lewis Zachriah John Lovwell Sam Peirce^ George Stimson Thomas Dow Thomas French Sam Hunt John Thomas Abraham Fitts Richard Bedford Thomas Killam Isaach Cummins Richard Partsmore Richard Priar Ben Newman Will Hodgkins Sam Taylor Amos Goddin Samuel Perkins Peter Emons Nath Emerson Symond'Adams Zacheus Newmarsh John Hobkins John Sticknie Joseph Jewet Joshua Boyenton John Leyton John Jackson Will Browne 1 Occurs in list of old soldiers. KING Philip's war. 201 Caleb Jackson Sam Tyler Thomas Palmer Joseph Bigsby Symond Go win Daniel Somersby Samuell Lovewell Steven Sweet Israh Ross Sam Poore Henry Poore Christopher Bartlet Edmond Browne Jonathan Emerie Christopher Kenniston Christopher Cole John Straton John Harvey George Maier Nicolaz Rollings Thomas Roggers Cornelius Davis Jonathan Clarke Will Sayward William Warrin John Shepard John Guylie Morgain Joanes 61 new men 75 old souldiers 136 Many Ipswich men were in that little army beside the group of newly impressed, whose names have been given. Moses Pengry, son of the salt-maker, whose house still stands at the foot of Summer street, John Denison, John Andrews and Abiel Saddler had been with Lathrop in the slaughter at Bloody Brook. Sergt. Daniel Ringe was a survivor of that fatal day. Philemon Deane, Clerk of the Company, had been in the fall campaign, and many familiar names appear in the roll of the "old soldiers." Major Appleton led his force on that winter's day, Decem- ber 9th, a long march of twenty-seven miles to "Woodcoks", now Attleboro, and another day brought them to Seaconck. On December 14th, as his scouts had brought in some Indians, he led his troops, foot and horse, on a detour into the Indian country, and burned a hundred and fifty wigwams, killed seven of the enemy and brought in eight prisoners.' As the army advanced, several of the soldiers, straggling from their companies, were slain by roving bands of Indians. To prevent this, Major Appleton stationed some of the compa- nies three miles from headquarters, to guard all approaches. 1 Capt. Oliver's Narrative. 202 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. The Ipswich company was located tlius, on the 15th of Decem- ber, when an attack was made and several of the soldiers killed.' By the 18*'' of December, the Connecticut and Plymouth soldiers had joined the Massachusetts regiment, and as provi- sions were scarce and the cold was sharp, an advance was made at once. A heavy snowstorm cam(! on. There was no shelter for officers or common soldiers, and after a long and trying march, they lay down in the snow, "finding no other Defense all that Night, save the open Air, nor other covering than a cold and moist fleece of snow." At daylight the march was resumed, and Rev. Mr. Hubl:)ard, recording the substance of many conversations no doubt, with the Major and his men, in- forms us that "they marched from the break of the next day, December 19*'^, till one of the Clock in the Afternoon, without either Fire to warm them, or Respite to take any Food save what they could chew on their March." They wallowed through snow, two or three feet deep, with many frostbitten in their hands and feet, fourteen or fifteen miles to the edge of a swamp, wliere their Indian guides affirmed the Narragansetts had their stronghold. Captain Mosely and Captain Davenport led the van, Captain Gardner and Captain Johnson followed, Major Appleton and Captain Oliver brought up the rear of the Massachusetts force. The Plymouth soldiers with General Winslow marched in the centre, and the Connecticut men under Major Treat formed the rear guard of the little army. Notwithstanding the hardshi]is of theii' march, the soldiers rushed impetuously into the swamp, without waiting the word of command, and pursued the Indians, who had shown them- selves, to the fort, which had been built on an island, and strong- ly defended with an impassable palisado of logs, stuck upright, and a dense hedge. At one corner only there was a gap, where a single tree, placed horizontally formed the only defence, but a kind of l)lockhouse had been built over against this, for its defence. A rush was made at this point, but it was met with a deadly fire from the block-house. Captain Johnson fell dead at the entrance, and Captain Davenport, a few steps within. Re- treating a little, all fell on their faces that the hot fire might 1 Ciipt. Oliver's Narrative. KING Philip's war. 203 spend itself a little. Our Ipswich historian, Mr. Hubbard, says that at this crisis, "two companies Ijeing brought up besides the four that first marched up, they animated one another to make another assault, one of the Commanders crying out, 'They run ! they run !' which did so encourage the Soldiers that they presently entered a main." These two companies, undoubtedly , were those led by Major Appleton and Caj^tain Oliver, and an old record remains that John Raymond of Middleborough, who is credited to Major Appleton 's company, was the first to enter the fort. The Indians held their ground with great determi- nation, but after several hours of sharp fighting, their wigwams were set on fire, anil they were put to rout with great slaughter. It was a dearly bought victory. Three of the six Massa- chusetts Captains, Davenport, Gardner and Johnson, and three Connecticut captains lay dead, and many officers and men were wounded. All had behaved with the greatest gallantry, but Hubbard singles out the Major of the Massachusetts regiment and Captain Mosely for special commendation. The short win- ter day was spent before the battle was done, and as the In- dian fort was deemed an unsafe camp, the desperate alterna- tive remained of marching back to the nearest settlement, full fifteen or sixteen miles, after night had fallen. Bearing thei dead, and helping the wounded, the survivors struggled back. The horrors of that night march pass imagination. Many of the wounded perished by the way, and the strongest were com- pletely spent before a safe shelter was reached. Four of Major Appleton 's soldiers were killed, vSamuel Taylor of Ipswich, Isaac Ellery of Gloucester, Daniel Rolfe of Newbury and Samuel Tyler of Rowley. Eighteen were wounded, including John Denison, George Timson, and Thomas Dow of Ipswich.' Providentially the battle was fought and the retreat made on the 19th of December. A great snowstorm set in on the day following, succeeded by a great thaw. While they remained in camp, fresh impressments of troops were made, and on Jan- uary 10*'', "Fresh Supplies of Soldiers came up from Boston, wading through a sharp Storm of Snow that bit some of them by the Heels with the Frost." A contemporary writer records 1 Mase. Archives book 68, leaf 1(4. 204 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. that eleven were frozen to death. ^ A second body of recruits was sent to Major Appleton a little later, and among them was James Foord of Ipswich, a soldici' in tlie company of Captain Samuel Brocklebank of Ro\vl(\y who had taken the field early in Januaiy. ^ By the hitter part of the month, the weather grew milder and the ))ursuit of the Indians began. It continued as far as Quabaug, but no decisive action was possible with the wily foe. Provisions were scant, and men and horses were sorely pinched with himger. Many of the horses were killed and eaten and the campaign was long remembered as the Hun- gry March. The soldiers arrived honu^ early in February, and Major Appleton seems to have retired from active service. Within a week after their return, the weary soldiers, scarcely recruited from the exhausting ordeal of the Hungry March, were again in the field. Alarming reports had come of the disaster at Lancaster. The minister of the town, Jose]3h Rowlandson, was an Ipswich man, whose father's house was near the meet- ing house on Meeting House Hill. The older folk of Ipswich remembered him well, and the tale of the assault upon his home in his absence, the massacre of many gathered there, and the capture of his wife and children, added fresh horror to the war. Mrs. Rowlandson was finally released, and her Narrative of her captivity reveals a most pathetic and dreadful experi- ence. Medfield was soon burned, and on February 25th, Wey- mouth was partly destroyed. In March, Groton was surprised and burnt, and the inhabitants fled in terror, abandoning the settlement. Wrentham was abandoned in similar fashion. The Indians moved rapidly from point to point; small parties appeared suddenly in the most unexpected localities, killing a man or two, and then disappearing, "skulking up and down in swamps and Holes, to assault any that occasionally looked never so little into the woods. "^ The towns in the Connecticut valley were panic-struck. A new army was immediately ordered, and fresh levies of foot and horse soldiers were ordered by the General Court on the 21st of February. Cornet John Whipple of Ipswich, who 1 Uodge, SoIdiL'iB of Kinjf Pliilip's War, p. 201. 2 Hubbard, ludian Wars. KING Philip's war. 205 had already served with honor in the earlier campaigns, was made Captain of the new troop of horse, and Major General Denison was ordered to Marlborough to dispose the soldiers gathered there under the several captains, and take charge of the campaign.' Captain Brocklebank, of Rowley, was placed in command of the Marlborough garrison. Alarming reports were soon brought to Ipswich of the ap- proach of marauding bands. General Denison was at home, and his letter of the 19th of March to Secretary Rawson, reveals a time of alarm and nervous apprehension of an attack, in which his presence must have been a source of great comfort to the community. 2 Mr. Secretary : — I received your intelligence, the substance whereof I had 2 hours before by y^ way of Billerica and Andover together with certaine intelligence, that the eneni}^ is passed Merrimack, their tracks found yesterday at Wamesit and 2 of their scouts, this morning at Andover, whojby 2 posts one in the night turne, some of their occasions & familyes will extreainely suffer, as Samuel Ingols a farmer with a great family, Mr. Tli" Wade cV: div(n'S others indeed the most of Ipswich and one of Rowle\', l.eifteiiant Mihil. The arrival of the two galloping post riders, the hasty as- sembling of troops, their march at sunset, the discontent of the town in being left defenceless, made the day memorable. Ca])tain John Ajjpleton is un(loul)tedly the Captain A])pleton mentioned, as he had been apjiointed Chairman of the Commit- tee on Defence^ for the County. His sixty men were proba- bly the train band of the Town, and there must have been great distress through that long March night in numy homes. The regular night watch was kept with redouliled diligence, and at early dawn the scouts and pickets were sent out. A few hours would suffice to bring the dreaded foe from Andover or Haver- hill, and at any moment the war whoop might sound and the assault be made. But the hours wore on, no alarm was given, and gradually confidence returned to the distressed town. Instant care was now given to fortifying the eastern towns. The Quixotic scheme of building a line of fence or stockado or stone fort was seriously proposed. It was to be eight feet high and extend from Charles River, where it was navigable, to Con- cord RiA^er in Billerica, about twelve miles, reaching from pond to pond, and ending at Merrimack River. It was ordered by the Council that "the several towns that fall within this tract, viz., Salem, Charlestown, Cambridge, Watertown, Ipswich, Newbury, Wooburne, Maldon, Billerekey, Gloster, Beverly, Wenhani, Manchester, Bradford, Meadford . . . each choose one able & fitt man to meet at Cambridge on last day of March at 8 o'clock in the morning, «fe thence proceed to siu'vey the line & how it should be built, maintained & defended." ^ The men of Topsfield questioned the wisdom of this order and recommended that as they were already divided into four garrisons and four companies, it would be best for some man » Mass. Archives, hook 68, leaf ]72. KING Phillip's war. 207 or men to be assigned to order each company. The citizens of Rowley apprehended that the cost would be very great, and hoped that they would not be compelled to send out men to garrison towns beyond the line.^ The action of Ipswich coin- cided in spirit, but is expressed curiously and wonderfully. 2 Ipswich, March 23, 1675/6 At a meeting of the Selekt men of Ipswich March 23'' 75/76. We having taken Into Considderation what the Honored Cd at his post in command of the garrison. ( )n the first of April, Major Savage, in a letter of instructions, remarked, "touching that rebuke of God upon Captain Whipple & y« poore people at Si)ringfield, it is matter of great shame 1 Mass. Archives, book (i.i, leaf 179. 2 Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 180. KING Philip's war. 209 and humbling to us."i Evidently our trooper was held respon- sible for the reverse in that quarter. Soon after, he began the homeward march. At Quabaug (Brookfield), the order from the Council to make an attack upon the Indians at Wachu- set was discussed in a council of war. It was decided to be im- possible under the circumstances, and Captain Whipple seems justified in his stand against it, as he reported that half of his troop was not able to march, and the other half had but one day's provision for six days' march. 2 Sixteen men under Lieu- tenant Flood petitioned for leave to go home and plant for the support of their families, as their poor horses were nearly worn out. Two of the Ipswich troopers, Thomas Numan and Nathaniell Adams, were of this group. 3 Captain J^rocklebank remained at Marlborough, which was assailed and set on fire a second time, and on April 21st, the neighboring town of Sudbury was surprised. Captain Wads- worth was sent from Boston with "fifty soldiers to relieve the Marlborough garrison. They made a hurried march of twenty- five miles, reaching Marlborough at night. Finding that the enemy was at Sudbury ten miles away, without allowing them- selves time for rest, they hastened thither, Captain Brockle- bank and some of the garrison, accompanying them. Near Sudbury, they met a small body of Indians, who withdrew at their approach and lured them into the woods. There a great body assailed them. The weary soldiers made a brave defence, but they were hopelessly outnumbered. Captain Wadsworth fell, and Captain Brocklebank, whom Mr. Hubbard characterizes as "a choice spirited Man, much lamented by the Town of Row- ley, to which he belonged." More than thirty soldiers, it is believed, were slain, as they were making their retreat from the hilltop, where they had made a brave stand for four hours. This was the last great tragedy of the War. Later operations against the Indians were uniformly successful. On August 12, 1676, Philip was slain at Mount Hope. Exultation over the death of the dreaded chief had hardly 1 Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 192. - Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 23.5. = Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 246. 210 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. spent itsolf when hostilities began at the Eastward. Many of the Indians, who had been scattered by the successful tactics on the Connecticut, made their way to the Indian tribo^s in the neighborhood of Casco Bay, and incited them to rise against the white men. Hostilities began there in September, 1676, and atta(;ks were soon made on Oyster River and J)urham, N. H., and Exeter. An old man was shot down on the road to Hamp- ton. York suffered on the 26th of Sept(Mnber, and the whole country about the Piscataqua was in alarm. Men, women and little children were killed and scalped, houses and barns burned, and cattle driven away. (leneral Denison was commander-in-chief, and Major Ha- thorne led the forces in the field. Again Ipswich became the cen- tre of activity. One of Denison 's letters, directed to some offi- cer at the front, indicates the constant alarms, which disturbed the Town. Sir- Yours of the 27 instant came to my hands about 10 at night being then in Bed & very ill yet notwithstanding by l)rcak of day I got up, though then in a feverish distemper to . . . the contents thereof to the deputy & Major Hathorne, but by reason of their distant lodgings could not understand their minds till they judged it impossible for them to reach Boston till late at night. Ipswich, Sept. 28 at 9 mor. Mr. Hubbard gives a distressing account of the outrages committed by the Indians in the neighborhood of the Kenne- beck river. The whole country was a scene of desolation, houses burned, crops destroyed, and many lives lost. Early in Octo- ber, the alarming tidings came that the settlement at Cape Neddick had been burned. The smoke from the burning might have been seen perhaps from our Town Hill or Castle Hill. The hearts of our Ipswich people might well have failed them. Major Hathorne had hurried away from Ipswich to defend the settlements at York and further Eastward. His letter of Oct. 2, 1676, brought word of the disaster at Cape Neddick, and, on the next day. General Denison wrote that he was send- KING Philip's war. 211 'ng forward aniniuiiition and supplies for his troops.' The trains of creaking wagons, laden with these supplies, guarded by soldiery, dragging through our Town, the arrival and depart- ure of troops, the galloping haste of post-riders with dispatches to the commander-in-chief, nuist have disturbed the peace of the community constantly. Major Appleton was drawn once more into the public service and dispatched to the Eastward under orders, dated October 19th, to take charge of all the forces.^ He seems to have declined this responsibility how- ever, as the order was rescinded. A vigorous march was made to Ossipee, where it was reported there was a great gathering of Indians. It was a fruitless move in its direct result, but indirectly it may have been the im-. polling cause that led Mugg, one of the Indian chiefs, to desire peace. He demanded and received a "Letter of safe conduct" from Governor Leverett, and started for Boston. General Deni- son was at Portsmouth and met the Indian, but declined the re- sponsibility of making terms with him and sent him on by land to Boston. He stopped in Ipswich and paid his respects to the minister, Mr. Thomas Gobbet, whose son was then in captivity among the Indians at the Eastward. Mr. Hubbard, who was associated with Mr. Gobbet in the ministry, very likely saw the famous chief, and perhaps conversed with him for he had been much with the English and was well acquainted with the lan- guage. The monotonous chronicles of his History might have been marvelously enlivened, if he had but recorded in detail that picturesque event, when the Indian, who was held responsible for the horrors of the Eastern war, whose name was a watch- word of fear and hate, appeared in the Town, and went his way down High street, to Mr. Gobbet's homo. No visitor to Ipswich, we may well believe, was ever the object of greater cu- riosity and awe. To Mr. Gobbet, it was an occasion of tragic in- terest. His son, Thomas, had been captured by the Indians, in October, but had not been injured, and tidings of his capture had been sent his friends, with demand for a ransom. Not ' Mass. Arcliives, book 6',), leaves 6G, f>7. 2 Mass. Archives, book 6U, leaf 70. 212 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. relying upon schemes for' release, the Pastor, "all the Time of his Son's Captivity, together with his Friends, wrestled with God, in their daily Prayers for his Release." > The coming of Mugg must lijive seemed providential, and great pressure must have been brought to bear upon the chief to secure his release. He made fair promises and went his way to Boston, where ho ma(h' a formal Covenant and Agreement with the Governor in the name of Madockawando and Chebartina. Sachems of Penobscot. He bound himself, in return for favoi's promised by the (iovernor, tos(>cure the release of all the English captives, and pledged that he would remain as a hostage until the captives were delivered. Having been sent to the Maine coast on a vessel, he arrived at the Penobscot early in Deceml)er. There, l)y a happy circum- stance, he met Tliomas Col)l)et. Taking the young num l)y his hand and calling him by name, Mugg told him he had been at his father's house ("which was November the first or second b(!- fore, as he passed through Ipswitch to Boston") and had prom- ised to send liim home as soon as he returned. The Sachem de- manded a ransom, "not imderstanding before that his Father was a great Preachman as they used to call it." Whereupon he was shown a fine coat, and he then consented to his release. He arrived in Boston on Christmas Day, and was soon at home. Mr. Hubbard heard from his own lips undoubtedly the stir- ring narrative which his History preserves. "Amongst all the Prisoners at that Time taken," he observes, "the said Thomas Cobbit seemed to have had the hardest Portion: For besides the desperate Dangers that he escaped before he was taken, First, by a Bullet, shot through his Wast-coat, Secondly, by a drunken Indian, who had a knife at his Throat to cut it, when his hands were bound: When the Indians came to share the Prisoners amongst them, he fell into the Hands of one of the ruggedest Fellows, by whom within a few days after his sur- prizal, he was carryed first from Black-point to Shipscot River in the Ketch, which the Indians made them to sayl for them into the said River, from thence he was forced to travel with his Pateroon four or five Miles overland to Damariscotta, ' Hubbard, Indian Wars. KING Philip's war. 213 where he was compelled to row, or paddle in a Caiioo about fifty-five Miles farther to Penobscot, and there taking leave of all his English Friends and Acquaintance at least for the Win- ter, he was put to paddle a Canoo up fifty or sixty Miles farther Eastward to an Island called Mount Desart, where his Pater- oon used to keep his Winter Station, and to appoint his hunt- ing Voyages: and in that Desart-like Condition was the poor young Man forced to continue nine Weeks in the service of a Salvage Miscreant, who sometimes would tyranize over him, because he could not understand his Language and, for Want thereof, might occasion him to miss of his Game, or the like. Whatever Sickness he was obnoxious unto, by Change of Dyet, or other Account, he could expect no other Allowance than the wigwam will afford. If Joseph be in the Prison so long as God is with him there, he shall be preserved, and in due time remembered." At the end of the nine weeks the Indian had spent all his ammunition, and sent young Cobbet down the Penobscot to get a fresh supply, and he happened there just in time to meet Mugg. Once while traveling in Mount Desert, Mr. Cobbet's senses had been suddenly benumbed and he fell helpless upon the snow, but the Indians fortunately missed him in time, and went back and carried him to a wigwam. "At another Time, the Salvage Villain, whose Prisoner he was so long as he had strong Liquor, for five Days together was so drimk that he was like a furious mad Beast, so as none durst come near him, his Squaws he almost brained in one of those drunken Fits." " The said Thomas was forced to get out of his Sight into the Woods all that Night for Fear of being mischiefed by him : where making a Fire he kept himself alive. The Squaws being by God's special Providence so inclined to Pity that they came to him daily with Victuals, by which Means he was at that Time also preserved. All which put together makes his Deliverance the more remarkable, as an Answer of Prayer." Rev. Mr. Cobbet was so impressed with the evident answer to his prayers, that he wrote a Narrative, detailing the dangers and deliverances of his son,^ and many a pious heart in the iNew England Hist, and Gen. Register vil, pp. 216, 217. 214 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Ipswich C'liur(^li was strengthened to new faith in God in those dark and troublous times, by the sight of the young man, safe an-i sound among them. Notwithstanding this Covenant between Mugg and the Gov- ernor, signed on November 6, 1676, the war was not ended. No further active operations were undertaken however, as the winter was close at hand. This policy of delay was very irri- tating to the worthy Deputy Governor, Mr. Samuel 8ymonds, and a vigorous letter of his, written to some official, dated at Ips\vi(!h, January 22, 1670, sununoned to instant action. He urged immediate operations at the East before spring came, when tile leaves would render ambuscades easy, and the canoes could move readily with the Indians. "If it cost £1000 now, it would cost £10,000 in the end to repair damages," he declared. "The desire and expectation of the Townes hereabout is for it, for some of Rowley, Haverhill, Newbury, having had occasion to be with me have expressed as much, Mass. ArcliiveH, book (i!), leaf 9i». » Mass. Arcliives, book (!9, leaf 137. KING Philip's war. 215 tacks was in the neighborhood. Captain Garish had come over with Captain Appleton, and " Captain Whiple showed me a commition in Captain Apleton's hand to bring over a parte of horse & foott to join with ours." "Captain Apleton mad som dout how the whole party would comodiously pceed in our woods the foot not able to keep to the pace of the horse, nor ye horse wilHng to y^ slow motion of y^ foott." The danger Hne came no nearer, however. Peace settled gradually upon the community wearied and worn with so many alarms. The strain upon the life of the Colony had been intense. The financial burden of equipping tro(jps, maintaining them in the field, and meeting losses occasioned by the burn- ing of houses and of whole towns was most oppressive. The drain upon the young life was exhausting. Scarcely a family could have escaped the anxiety due to the presence of some member in the field, or the grief over his death. In New- bury, the first impressment was made on August 5, 1675, of nine men and fourteen days' provisions. On August 6th, seven more were impressed and fourteen days' provisions, and an equal number on August 27th, with fourteen days' provisions and twenty three horses, saddles and bridles. Two men and two days' provisions, on September 23rd, five men, ten days' provisions, and twenty-three horses, saddles and bridles, on September 27th, and a single man on September 29th, completed another month's impressments. In December, for the Nar- ragansett campaign, twenty-four men were impressed, making a total of forty-eight men and forty-six horses i for the year. Ipswich was obliged to bear an equal burden at least. The ex- pectation of assault was constant and distressing. The tone of moral sentiment became morbid and abnormal. Recognizing in the calamities that were heaped upon them, the chastisement of a wise and holy God, the General Court, assem- bled in November, 1675, enacted a series of laws, full of minute and painful requisitions. Children were to be watched over and catechised more care- fully by the elders. The wearing of long hair by men, and wo- men 's vain habit of cutting and curling their hair were forbid- den. Excessive elegance of male and female apparel was put I Coffin: Hist, of Newbury, p. 117. 216 IPSWICH^ IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. imdor the ban. Quakers were jvisited with fresh restrictions Th(^ turning of the l^acks of wor8hi])pers u])oii the minister be- fore the service was fully (Mided was condemned, and more strict watch was to be kept ovei- children and youth in the meeting house. The sin of idleness was dealt with and exces- sive prices for merchandise or for labor were restrained. All the freshness and playfulness of childhood and youth were view(Ml with abhorrence by these Furitan legislators. The Sab- bath day and every day was made irksome. Even the camp of the soldiers was put under minute supervision. We have already recalled the extraordinary regulations issued at the be- ginning of the war. They were rigorously observed. Jonathan AthcM'ton, a soldier under Captain Henchman, was sentenced to lose a fortnight's pay for profanation of the Sabbath at Concord. He testified that as his shoes were too big from constantly being in water and dew, he cut a piece out of an old hat to put in them; and as the cartridges in his bag had be- come worn with travel so that they lost their powder, he emp- tied them.i This was the whole offence for which he was fined so heavily. But in the treatment of the Indians, there was an excess of virulent hate that is painful, though not surprising. Allowance must be made for the natural hatred roused by the craft and cruelties of the Indians, and their ingratitude for kind treat- ment, yet a fair minded man like Major Ciookin found much to blame in the unrighteous dealings of the English with this inferior race. Two hundred were captured by craft at Dover, though no crime was proved against them, and sold into slav- ery. King Philip's son, a lad of tender years was sent to Bar- badoes as a slave. Twenty shillings bounty was offered for every Indian scalp and forty shillings for every prisoner, in the Eastern campaign-. Captain Mosely captured an Indian woman early in the war, and in the postscript of his letter to the Governor, he wrote: "This aforesaid Indian was ordered to be torn in peeces by Doggs and she was soe dealt withall.^ Mr. Drake, in his Notes to • Mass. Archives, book 6it, leaf 29. * Mass. Archives, l)ook (!9, leaf l'2',l. ' Uodge: Soldiers iu Kiug Philip's War, p. 69. KING Philip's war. 217 Hubbard 's History, quotes from a deposition of Robert Roules of Marblehead, that some Indians captured a ketch near Cape Sable and obliged the crew to sail it for them. Rising sud- denly against their captors they bound them and sailed for Marblehead. On taking their prisoners on shore the whole Town flocked about them, especially the women. They soon overpowered their keepers, "got the Indians into their own Hands, and with Stones and Billets, and what not else, made an end of them."i Such shocking cruelties were probably too frequent The Indian captives were apportioned among the soldiery as the spoils of war. Captain John Whipple's estate was inventoried in 1683, and among the items, we find "LawTence y^ Indian, at £4." He was undoubtedly a slave, captured in this campaign, 2 and it is likely there were others, brought home by officers from the war. Major Appleton bought three captives, and Samuel Symonds, Esq, paid £5 for an Indian boy and girl. 3 The contribution of Ipswich to the army was notable. Gen- eral Denison was th commander-in-chief of all the forces of the Colony. Major Appleton brought the first campaign to a vic- torious close, and by his decisive repulse of the Indians at Hat- field and elsewhere saved not only the Connecticut towns from destruction, but delivered the Colony from their invasions. His services in the Narragansett winter campaign were of great value. Mr. Bodge, in his "Soldiers in King Philip's War" quotes the judgment of a critic whose name is not mentioned : "Of all the military commanders of this war I must consider Major Appleton the ablest, and the tide of warfare in the west- ern towns turned towards safe and successful methods from the time of his appointment to the command. I should place Major Treat of Connecticut, next to him, and perhaps in the same position he would have been equal." Captain John Whipple was a prominent officer in the first company of troopers that took the field, and was assigned to the command of another company in the following spring. Captain John Appleton, brother of Samuel, while not in the army, was undoubtedly 1 Hubbard, Indian Wars, II, p. 237. ^ Publications of Ipswicli Hist. Soc, x, p. 29. 3 Bodge, Soldiers of King Pliilip's War, p. 480. 218 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. conspicuous in garrison service and in sliort dashes to points of danger. The list of soldiers cannot he determined with assurance of perfect accuracy. No enlistment rolls are preserved in the Archives of the State, and the Town Records make no mention of impressments and give no names of soldiers. In the Massachusetts Archives, the Roll of Major Appleton's Company is preserved and I )(niison's letter, with a list of those impressed on Nov. 30, 1675. Chief reliance is placed, however, on the invaluable work of Rev. George M. Bodge, entitled "Sol- diers in King Philip's War." He has incorporated in this work a minute and admirable comjiilation of the account books of Mr. John Hull, Treasurer-at-war of Massachusetts Colony from 1675 to 1678. The record of payments for military service here preserved has made it possible for a list of soldiers to be constructed, and this great work has been accomplished by Mr. Bodge with painstaking care. Careful comparison has been made of the list of soldiers in various companies with the list of the men of Ipswich, who took the oath of allegiance to Charles the Second in 1678, and the following list of names has been compiled, which may be presumed to be sul)stantially correct. The similarity of certain family names in many towns, and the absence of middle names render absolute identification in every case, impossible. Rev. Joseph B. Felt^ in his History of Ipswich, Essex, and Hamilton, published in 1834, and hisappendixto Edward Everett's oration at Bloody Brook, claims some for Ipswich, who cannot be vouched for by any authority now known, and in some in- stances he seems to have been in error. When these names have been inserted they have been credited to him. Natlumiel Adanii*, Trooper under Lieut. Flood or Floyd. Captain Henchman's Company, campaign of .spring of 1676, near Connecticut river. Simon Adam.s, Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Captain Brocklebank's Company. Alexander Alhor, Assignment of wages to Ipswich. Credited at gar- rison at Quabaug, July 24, 1676. John Andrews, Credited in Captain Lathrop's Company, Feb. 29, 1675-6. Trooper, in Major Appleton 's Company. Narragansett winter campaign. KING PHILIP S WAR. 219 Thomas Andrews, Richard Bidford, Job Bishop, Samuel Bishop, Christopher BoUes, Thomas Bray, Richard Briar, Josiah Briggs, John Browne, James Burbee, Andrew Burley, James Burnam, Thomas Burns, Samuel Chapman, John Chub, Josiah Clark, Isaac Cumins, Philemon Deane, John Denison, Thomas Dennis, Thomas Dow, Robert Dutch, John Edwards, Trooper, in Captain Whipple's Company. Credited Aug. 24: 1676. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Wages assigned to Ipswich Feb. 24, 1676-7. No service specified. Trooper, in Captain Willard's Company. Credited July 24; 1676. Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. Captain Appleton's Company, Narragansett win- ter campaign. Wages assigned to Ipswich. Captain Lathrop's Company, at Bloody Brook. Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. Killed at Black Point. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Trooper, in Major Appleton's Company, Narra- gansett winter campaign. Killed at Black Point. Trooper, in Captain Whipple's Company. Cred- ited June 24, 1676; Aug. 24, 1676. Credited at garrison at Hadley, June 24, 1676. Captain Brocklebank's Company. Credited at Marlboro garrison, June 24, 1676. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Clerk, Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Captain Lathrop's Company at Bloody Brook. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Wounded in the battle. Credited at Marlboro garrison, June 24, 1676. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Wounded in the battle. Captain Lathrop's Company at Bloody Brook. Wounded and left for dead. Major Appleton's Company. Credited Dec. 10, 1675. Wages assigned to Ipswich, Nov. 24, 1676. No service specified. 220 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY, Nathaniel Emerson, Peter Kinoiis, JonatliMii Fantuiii, Thomas Faussee, Ephraim Felh)ws, Isaac Fellows, Joseph Fellows, Abram Fitz or Fitts, James Foord, Thomas Frenoli, Samuel Guldings, John Gilbert, Aiyos Gourdine, also spelled Gaudea, Goddin, Gody. Simon Grow, Thomas Hobl)s, William Hodgskin, Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett win- ter campaign. Major Appleton 's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Captain Gardiner's Company. Cred- ited Feb. 16, 1675-6. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton '.s Company, Narragansett winter campaign. (Japtain lirocklebank's Company. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Trooper, in Captain Paige's Company; credited Sept. 3, 1675. Captain Whipple's Company ; credited Aug. 24, 1676. Captain Willard's Company. Credited, July 24, 1676. Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. Impressed Nov. 30 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Trooper, in Captain Paige's Company, Mt. Hope campaign. Credited Sept. 3, 1675. Major Appleton's Company, ('aptain Brocklebank 's Company. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's C'ompany, Narragansett winter campaign. Trooper, in Captain Paige's Company, Mt. Hope campaign; credited Sept. 3, 1675. Captain Whipple's Company; credited Aug. 24, 1676 Wage-; assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. I Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett win- ter campaign. Captain Gardner's Company I Credited Feb. 29, 1675-6, and July 24, 1676. Captain Brocklebank 's Company. Credited at Marlboro garrison, June 24, 1676. Captain Lathrop's Company; killed at Bloody Brook, Sept. 18, 1675. Felt (Appendix to Ed- ward Everett's Address at Bloody Brook) says he belonged in Ipswich. He also credits John Hobs to Ipswich but he was impressed in New- bury, Aug. 5, 1675 (Coffin's History of New- bury, page 117). Impressed Nov, 30, 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. KING PHILIP S WAR. 221 Israeli Hunewell, Samuel Hunt, Jr. Samuel Itigols, Joseph Jacobs, Richard Jacobs, Thomas Jaques, Jeremiah Jewett, Joseph Jewett, Thomas Killom, Caleb Kimball, Abraham Knowlton, John Knowlton, John Lambert, Nathaniel Lampson, Richard Lewis, John Leyton, John Line or Lind, Lead in allegiance list. John Littlehale, Nathaniel Lord, Jolin Lovel, Jonathan Lummus, Peter Lurvey, Thomas Manning, Joseph Marshall, Wounded in leg and shoulder at Black Point. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Major Willard's Company. Credited July 24, 1676. Captain Poole's Company. Credited Aug. 24, 1676. Lieutenant and Captain, probably of Ipswich. Captain Brocklebank 's Company. Credited Aug. 24, 1676. Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. Major Appleton 's Company, Narragansett winter campaign, ('aptain Gardner's Company. Cred- ited Feb. 29, 1675-6. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Captain Lathrop's Company. Killed at Bloody Brook. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's Com- pany, Narragansett winter campaign. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. Major Appleton 's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Captain Willard's Company. Credited Aug. 24 1676. Captain Lathrop's Company. Killed at Bloody Brook. Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's Com- pany, Narragansett winter campaign. Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Captain Lathrop's Company. Killed at Bloody Brook. Felt credits to Ipswich. Captain Prentice's Company, Mt. Hope campaign. 222 IPSWICH, IN TIIK MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Thomas Meritor, Edward Ncland, Hciijainiii Newman, Tliomas Newman, Zacchcus Newmarsh Richard Pasmore, or Partsmore Samuel Peirce, John Pengilly, Aaron Pengry, John Pengry, Moses Pengry, Isaac Perkins, John Perkins, Samuel Perkins, Andrew Peters, Tiiomas Philips, Samuel Pipin, Pipper, in alle- giance list Increase Poland, Samuell Pooler, Edmond Potter, Ca))tain Lathrop's ('ompany. Killed at Bloody Brook. Felt credits to Ipswi(;h. Major Applct.on's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Trooper, in (Captain Whipple's Company; credited Aug. 24, 1676. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's (Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Caj)tain Paige's Company, Mt. Hope campaign Septeml)er, 167.5. Trooper under Lieutenant Flood or Floyd. Capt. Henchman's Co. Cam- paign of spring of 1676 near the Connecticut river. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Cap- tain Wheeler's Co. ; credited at Groton garrison June 24: 1676. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major .4ppleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Captain Brocklebank 's Company. Corporal, Major Appleton's Company, Narragan- sett winter campaign. Captain Poole's Com- pany. Credited, Aug. 24. 1676. Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. Impressed Nov. 30: 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Credited at Quabaug garrison, July 24: 1676. Impressed Nov. 30: 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Captain Sill's Company; credited Nov. 1675. Impressed Nov. 30: 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Captain Brocldebank 's Company. Wages assigned to Ipswich No service specified. Credited at Quabaug garrison, Aug. 24. 1676. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Killed at Black Point. Killed at Black Point. Trooper, in Major Appleton's Company, Narra gansett winter campaign. KING Philip's war. 223 Jolm Potter, Richard Prior, Joseph Proctor, William Quarles, Daniel Hinge, Nathaniel Rogers, Tsrah Ross, Era Rost, in alle- giance list. Abiel Saddler, Joseph Safford, Thomas Scott, Samuel Smith, Thomas Smith, Thomas Sparks, Samuel Stevens, George Stimson, Seth Story, William Story, Samuel Taylor, John Thomas, Jonathan Wade, Captain Wheeler's Company. Credited at Gro- ton garrison, June 24: 167G. Impressed Nov. 30: 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Trooper, in Captain Paige's Company, Mt. Hope campaign; credited Sept. 3- 1()75. Captain Henchman's Company; credited July 24: 1676. Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified- Captain Lathrop's Company at Bloody Brook. Sergeant, Major Appleton's Company, Narra- gansett winter campaign. Made a verbal will, when going in a troop against the Indians in 1676. See Felt, page 164. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Captain Lathrop's Company at Bloody Brook. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett win- ter campaign. Trooper, in Captain Paige's Company, Mt. Hope campaign. Credited Sept. 31 : 1675. Killed at Northfield. Impressed Nov. 30. 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. Major Appleton 's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Captain Poole's Company. Credited June 1676 Captain Lathrop's Company. Killed at Bloody Brook. Felt credits to Ipswich, but Coffin(His- tory of Newbury, page 389) says he was a resi- dent of Newbury. Impressed Nov. 30: 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign Wounded in the Fort fight. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton 's Com- pany, Narragansett winter campaign. Killed at the Fort fight. Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified 224 ll'SWK'H, IN THK MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY Tlioiiia.s Wade Izall Warden. Francis Wainwriiilit. Jacol) \\'aiiiwriglit. Thomas Wayte. Beiijainiii Webster. John Whipple. Nathaniel Wood. Francis Young Lewis Zacliariah Marched to Ando\er with Capt. Appleton, Aug 19: 1675. Trooper, Capt. Paige's Company, Mt. Hope cam- paign. Credited Sept. S: 1675. Sergeant, .Major Appleton's Company, iXarragansett winter cam- I)a=gn. Credited at Billerica garri.son. April 21: 1670. Sept 23: 1676. Capt.Iiathrop's Co. Killed at Bloodv Hmok Sei)t- 18: 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Capt. Gardiner's Co. Credited Feb. 29: 1675-6. Lieut. Capt. Paige's Co. Mt. Hope campaign. Credited Sept. 3: 1675. Captain of a Special Troop. Feb. 1675-6. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign, ('apt. Lathrop's Company, August, 1675. Trooper, in Captain Paige's Company, Mt. Hope cam- paign. Credited Sept. 3: 1675. Sergeant, in Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Impressed Nov. 30: 1675. Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter campaign. i\v^2 ^. CHAPTER XIV. IPSWICH AND THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT. Before the Indian war was over, another attack on the civil liberties of the Colony began to be evident. Its mercantile condi- tion was prosperous. Ships were built, the products of the forests and fisheries were sent to many foreign ports, and large imports were returned. The Navigation Laws were not enforced, it was claimed, and natural irritation was aroused among the merchants and manufacturers of England, whose goods were not purchased by the Colonies. Massachusetts was "the most prejudicial plantation to the kingdom" it was affirmed, because of its sharp competition in exports with the mother countr}'. The sturdy independence of the Colony was a constant affront to the King. Gov. Leverett had been a captain of horse under Cromwell, and his dislike of royalty was not concealed. The neglect of the General Court to reply to the King's letter in 1666 was still remembered. The King and Court naturally resented the disrespect of the Colony. The merchants clamored for repressive action. The Mason and Gorges faction was always ready to press its claims. This grievance reached back over many years. Sir Ferdinando Gorges had secured a charter in 1639, consti- tuting him Lord Proprietary of the Province of Maine, bounded by the Piscataqua, the Kennebec and the Ocean. A few towns were settled, and a show was made of settling a colony. His eldest son, John, made no attempt to establish his supposed rights, but John's son, Ferdinando, claimed authority. The Province of Maine, however, was annexed to Massachusetts by the choice of the various settlements between the years 1652 and 1658. The Attorney General of England declared in 1675 that Gorges had a good title to the Province, and the same offi- cial confirmed the title of Robert Mason to New Hampshire. (225) 22() IPSWICH, IN THK MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. As early as Maroh, 1622, Capt. John Mason had ol)taino(l a jirant of tlic lands lying between the little river, which flows into the ocean at Naunikeaj^, now Salem, and the Merrimac. When Sir Henry Rosewell, John Endicott and others obtained their grant in 1628, it extended from the Atlantic to the Western Ocean, and from a line three miles north of the Merrimac to a line three miles south of the Charles. It was evident that the lattM- charter, under which the Massachusetts Colony was set- tled, included the territory, which had been already ceded to Mason. Mason's son, John, was a principal member and Sec- retary of the Council for New England, and he used all his in- fluence until his death to secure the annulling of the Massachu- setts Bay Charter. The decision of the Attorney General, that his son, Robert, had a valid title was a decisive victory for the persistent claimant. On the tenth of June, 1676, a ship arrived in Boston, bring- ing Edward Randolph, who had come as a special messenger from the King with a letter to the turbulent Colony. The fact that he was a relative of Robert Mason was ominous of impend- ing harm. This letter accjuainted the magistrates with the charges made by Gorges and Mason, of "the wTongs and usur- pations of Massachusetts," and the ill-respect they showed His Majesty, and demanded that agents should be sent over to answer these charges. Randolph was dealt with very cava- lierly by the bluff old Governor, and soon returned to England, but Bulkeley and Stoughton followed him at once as agents from the Colony. Upon his arrival, Randolph published a report of his two months' observations in New England, entitled, "An Answer to several Heads of Inquiry concerning the Present State of New England." 1 Though he was a prejudiced observer, his remarks on the civil-laws, the small number of the freemen (only about one sixth of the adult male population), the military force, the economical resources and employments, are of great interest. But chief interest attaches to his declaration concerning the government. "Among the Magistrates," he WTote "some are good men and well affected to his Majesty, and would be well ' Hutchinson Collection, p. 477 et seq. IPSWICH AND THE ANDKOS GOVERNMENT. 227 satisfied to have his Majesty's authority in a better manner estabhshed; but the major part are of different principles, hav- ing been in the government from the time they formed them- selves into a commonwealth. These direct and manage all affairs as they please; of which number are Mr. Leverett, Gov- ernor; Mr. Symonds, Deputy Governor; Mr. Danforth,Mr. Tyng, Major Clarke, and Major Hathorne . . . The most popular and well principled men are Major Denison, Mr. Hradstrcet and Mr. Dudley in the Magistracy; and of military men Major Sav- age, Captains Curwin, Saltonstall, Brattle, Richards, Gillam, Mosely, Majory, Champernoon, Shapleigh, l^hillips, with many others who only wait for an opportunity to express their duty to his Majesty."! Randolph's characterization of Denison, J^radstreet and Dudley, as "i'"]"iJ'"' ^"<1 ^^'^11 princii^led men," marks them as royalists, who had little sympathy with the sturdy colonials, who stood for their independence of King and mother land. Denison 's attitude in the critical moments of the year 1666, it will be remembered, was conspicuously at variance with the dominant feeling, and his aristocratic tendencies became more and more pronounced as the conflict grew more evident. Dep- uty Governor tSynjonds was equally stiuxly and uncompromis- ing as the advocate of liberty and independence. Around these as leaders, two distinct political parties, we may believe, grew up in our Town of Ipswich. The omission of one name among the military men is of more than passing moment, that of Major Appleton. His brilliant military record, far above that of any of those whom Randolph mentions, had not been forgotten in the few months that had elapsed, since the eventful conflicts at Hatfield and Hadley and the Narragansett fort. Randolph's silence with reference to him is more than suggestive that Major Appleton stood with his townsman, the Deputy Governor, in pronounced and fearless opposition to the Crown, and that he was already an object of suspicion and prejudice. The agents replied to Randolph's charges, l)ut it was not easy to allay the irritation of the King and his Councillors. An I Hutchinson Collection, pp. 477-501. 228 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. imjiorativc order was issued that an oath of allegiance to the King should be taken at once, and the (General Court issued orders that every man sixteen years old and upwards should take tlu* oath. This was accomplished in October of the year 1678. As a further rebuke of the pretensions of the Colonists in disregarding the Navigation Laws, Randolph was appointed ('ollector of the Port of Boston. He arrived in New York December 7, 1679. The time seemed auspicious for the advancement of the errand on which he came. Samuel Symonds, the Deputy (iov- ernor, had died in October, 1678, and the General Court had voted twenty pounds "to take care for an honno''ble & decent in- terment." ^ (Governor Leverett survived a few months and died on March 16, 1679. Simon Bradstreet, then seventy-six years old, succeeded in the governorship, a man of far less force than Leverett, and always inclined to pacific measiu-es, and Thomas Danforth became Deputy Governor. Randolph pro- ceeded at once to enforce the Navigation Laws, and was met with resistance and even personal abuse. He wrote the King particularly of the disloyal sentiments that prevailed, recom- mended a writ of quo warranto against the Charter, and em- barked again for England on March 15, 1681. Upon his arrival, he attacked the Colonists bitterly, and advised that a writ of quo warranto be issued against the Charter, and that a Governor General be appointed over the Colonies. He returned again in October, 1681, with enlarged powers, bearing another letter from the King, very vehement in its tone, upbraiding the Colonists with many misdeeds. He reverted to the independent spirit manifest in the Colony from the beginning, blamed them for the shelter afforded the regicide judges, for the persecution of Quakers, for their course in refusing the Mason and Gorges claim, for their conduct to- ward the Clarendon Commissioners, their evasion of the Naiv- gation Laws, and their obstruction of his own work. He declared his intention to proceed at an early date to annul the Charter. This letter created a profound impression, and the General ^ ' I ul"The3 Ancestry of Priscilla Baker" by W. S. Appleton, there is a full acc ount of Symonds's ancestry and his posterity, i He left a large estate valued at £'2103 6s. lOd. IPSWICH, IN THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT, 229 Court chose two agents, Joseph Dudley and John Richards, to proceed to England and present their acts in a more favorable light. The laws were revised, naval officers appointed, and assurance was given that henceforth the Acts of Navigation should be enforced to the letter. The agents were instructed to expose the injustice of Robert Mason's exorbitant claim, and to consent to nothing that would infringe the liberties and priv- ileges granted by their Charter. The Mason claim was of vital concern to IpswichJ^and the other towns included in the original grant. John Mason had presented his letter to the General Coiu't on the 4th of January, 1680-81, and it was read in full. On the 11*^ of January, the Court voted that a copy of this letter be delivered to Major Gen- eral Denison and the magistrates of Essex County, and that all tertenants (terre - tenants, i.e. land tenants) within the precinct of the claim be convened at Ipswich or Newbury as speedily as possible. This convention was held at Ipswich on the second Wed- nesday in February, 1680-81. i The inhabitants of Beverly drew up a petition at once which was presented at the adjourned session of the General Court on February 22, 1680-81, which declared they had owned their lands for fifty years, and defend- ed them against the Indians in the late war at a cost of twelve English lives and hundreds of pounds in money. Robert Mason had never expended a penny, and they made their plea that the trial of his claims should be in the Massachusetts Courts and not in England. 2 In May, a letter was dispatched by the General Court to Sir Lionel Jenkins, one of the King's Secretaries of State, which recited the action taken }jy the Court, and added that neither they nor those that owned lands within Mr. Mason's claim knew his bounds or limits. Another petition addressed to the King was drawn up by the "Inhabitants of Glocester, alias Cape Ann, and other places adjacent," and presented to the General Court on the 16th of February, 1681-82.3 They claimed rightful title to ' Records of Beverly. - Mass. Archives, book .3, leaves 28, 29. Recoriis of Beverlj'. 3 Mass. Records, book 5. pp. 335-337. 230 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. their lands upon the grant of the General Court, under the Char- ter of the Massachusetts Hay Colony, and their purchase from the natives. If Mr. Mason should persist in his claims, they begged the King to direct him to make his claim in the Courts of justice hei-e (established. This was signed by representatives from (iloucc^ster, Rowley, Newbury and other towns, and by fifteen Ijjswich men : Jn" Perkins The: Burnam Dani: Kpps Moses Pengrey, Sen. Jonath: Wade, Sen. Jn^ Whipple Willjam Coodhue Samuel Appleton Samuel Rogers Tho : Cobbet, Sen. Symon Stacje Willjam Hubbard Tho: Knoulton John Rogers Jn" Appleton The Court ordered on the 17«h of March, "that Mr. Jonathan Wade, S: Mr. Daniel Epps, both of Ipswich, doe take speedy care that the addresse framed to his majt'^ in the name & on the behalf e of the inhabitants & proprietors of Cape Ann, and places adjacent, be imparted vnto the sayd inhabitants by call- ing them together and taking the su1)scriptions therevnto of such (k so many as may be convenient to signify their generall consent to the sayd addresse, w^^ being done, the above sajd gent" are desired cV' ordered to remitt the sajd address to the Govno^" & Council, to be coiiiitted to our messengers for England." i It was a matter of intense moment to Ipswich. If this claim should be maintained, everv man's title to the lands he had imjirove(l, and the houses and barns he had erected, would be worthless and he would be at the mercy of the new posses- sor. At this juncture, one of the selectmen, Thomas Lovell, had a personal conference with Mr. Mason, and recommended that his demands be recognized. The action of the Town was spirited, and the Record speaks no uncertain sound. At a generall Towne meeting this 27 of November 1682. Upon information that Thomas Lovell hath beene with Mr. 1 Mass. Records, l>ook ■'), p. 340. IPSWICH AND THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT. 231 Masson about compliance being one of the Selectmen a it hath beene made appears that he hath sugested to some as if it were best to comply with him, w"^ is as hath been de- clared to betray the trust comitted to him. The Towne gen- erally voted to lay the sd. Thomas Lovell asyd & exclud him for being a Selectman and Capt. John Appleton was chosen to be a Selectman his roome for the rest of the year.i A committee seems to have met in January, 1682-3 to de- liberate on this vexed cjuestion, as the committee expenses are mentioned in the Town Record. A letter from Governor Bradstreet to Sir Tjionel Jenkins, dated March 24, 1682-3, acknowledged the receipt of the King's letter with reference to the Mason claims, and of another letter from Mr. Mason in which he abated his original claims, and de- manded the possession of all the common and unimproved lands within the bounds specified ; and also demanded to be admitted to the Courts to prosecute his rights. To this the Coiu't had replied that every acre of land was occupied and improved, and that the privilege of the Courts had always been open to him. 2 Mason's claim for admission to the Courts of law was hon- ored forthwith, and on March 30, 1683. it was ordered "that Wn™ Stoiighton Esq. Peter Bulkley Esq. Jn" Hall P]sq., together w^^ such other magistrates in Essex as are vnconcernetl in M^" Mason's case, be the persons to keepe the County Court there for the tryall of those cases that referr to the clajme, of M^" Mason in that county." Another convention, preparatory to this Court met in Ips- wich on the last Tuesday of March. ^ Repeated search has been made for the records of this Court, but no trace of them has been found, and it is hardly possible that they exist. Indeed there is no positive knowledge that the case was ever called for trial. Mr. Felt in his History of Ipswich, Page 127, cites the vote of the General Court on May 16, 1683, as evidence in point, in which "John Wales & Content Mason, his daughter, relict 1 Town Records. 2 Mass. Records, book 5, pp. 388, 389. ^ Beverly Records. 232 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. of John Mason" are empowered to make sale and confirm deeds as her husband had been authorized to do. But this John Mason, was of Dorchester, and the Court had empowered him, May 27, 1682, to make sale as an executor of the estate of Jane Burg, some time wife of John Gurnell.i He affirms as well, though he gives no authority for the stat(Mnent, that the Mason claim was cstal)lished, and that some paid a quit-rent of two shillings a year for every house built on the land included in this grant. The eminent anti- quarian, Mr. John Ward Dean, in his work on Capt. John Mason, in the Publications of the Prince Society, concludes his study of this episode, "It is probable that the people were never dis- tur])ed in the possession of their lands." But the Mason claim was not the only matter that troubled the citizens of Ipswich in these stirring years. Randolph was tireless in his attacks on the Charter of the Colony. He drew up "Articles of high Misdemeanor, exhibited against a faction in the generall court, sitting in Boston, 15 Feb. 1681, viz. against Tho. Danforth, Dan. Gookin, Mr. Saltonstall, Sam. Nowell, Mr. Richards, Mr. Davy, Mr. Gidney, Mr. Appleton, magistrates, and against John Fisher," and some fourteen other deputies. ^ He chai'ged them with refusal to admit the royal letters patent erecting the office of elector, with refusal to repeal laws, con- trary to the laws of England, with continuing to coin money, etc. This was the third session of the General Court, that was elected in May, 1081. Major Samuel Appleton had been chosen an Assistant for the first time at this election, after several consecutive years in the House of Deputies. His name occurs last in the list, as the new member of that body was always enrolled at the foot. The full Court of Assistants, at this time, included the Gov- ernor, Simon Bradstreet, the Deputy Governor, Thomas Dan- forth and eighteen Assistants. The lower House numbered thirty-thre(\ Randolph specified eight magistrates, including the Deputy Governor, and fifteen deputies as factious and seditious. It would seem that the popular party, as we may call it, the party 1 Mane. Hccords, liook .5, p. 35i). - Hutcliiusou I'apei'B, Vol. II, Prince Society Pub. p. '266. X IPSWICH AND THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT. 233 that was most strenuous in its demands for the largest liberty and fullest independence of Great Britain, so far as these names indicate, had a numerical minority both in the Court of Assis- tants and the House of Deputies. The venerable Governor, and General Denison, were conspicuous in their devotion to the con- servative party. The Ipswich deputies, Mr. William Goodhue, Senior, and Mr. Jonathan Wade, were not named by Randolph, and were presumably in sympathy with the same party. In- deed, unless the political complection of our Town had changed materially, since Capt. John Appleton headed the long list of seventy three loyal petitioners in 1664, Ipswich was still a stronghold of loyalty, and the aristocratic Denison voiced the sentiment of the Town. For many years, the second Assistant from Ipswich, Deputy Governor Symonds, had been a pronounced liberal, and when Major Appleton became a magistrate, it is evident that he ident- ified himself from the first with that wing. The long contention between the King and the Colony, in which Randolph was always the aggressive antagonist of the liberals, culminated in a decree of the Court of Chancery, June 21, 1684, which vacated the Charter. "Massachusetts, as a body politic, was now no more. The elaborate fabric, that had been fifty-four years in building was levelled with the dust. The hopes of the fathers were found to have been merely dreams. It seemed that their brave strug- gles had brought no result. The honored ally of the Protector of England lay under the feet of King Charles the Second. It was on the Charter granted to Roswell and his associates, Gov- ernor and Company of Massachusetts Bay, that the structure of the cherished institutions of Massachusetts, religious and civil, had been reared. The abrogation of that charter swept the whole away. Massachusetts, in English law, was again what it had been before James the First made a grant of it to the Council for New England. It belonged to the King of Eng- land, by virtue of the discovery of the Cabots."i A private letter to Joseph Dudley brought the fatal tidings on September tenth, but official news did not arrive until Jan. 1 Palfray, History of New England, vol. ill, p. 394. 234 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. 28, 1684-5. On that date, the Governor announced the fact to the General Court, which at once a])pointed the twelfth of March, as a day of sohMun humiliation throughout the Colony, "in view of our present sad and awfull circumstances, i^ the increasing tokens of the Lord's tlispleasure against us." A request was sent to the Towns to express their minds with reference to giving up the Charter, as Randolph had represented that they were willing to do this. A Town-meeting was held in Ipswich to take action on this request. The record is as follows : — 1685: Feb. 11"^ The Deputies desiring to know the town 's mind w"' Respect to the papers, that Mr. Randolph left, whether they weare will- ing to make a free resignation, as in the Declaration; There was not one person that voted when tryed if they were willing. It was also voted that all those that are desirous to retaine the priviledges granted in the Charter ik confermed by his Royall Majesty now reigneing should manifest the same by holding up their hands, which vote was unanimous on the affirmative. None when tryed appeared in the Negative. The other Towns voted in similar fashion. An humble address to the King's most excellent Majesty was also drawn up and adopted. There was no talk of resist- ance. Many years before, in the Colony's infancy, an a])peal to arms was at once proposed, wh(Mi the Charter seemed in dan- ger. In 1664, the Colony dared the King's displeasure, well knowing what it might cost. But now its spirit seemed broken. The exhausting war with the Indians had left a depleted treas- ury and sorrowful memories of j)i-ecious lives lost. There was no longer a powerful party in England, whose help could be relied on. The King was supreme. "In 1683, the Constitutional ojiposition which had held Charles so long in check lay crushed at his feet." "The strength of the Country party had been broken by the reaction against Shaftsbury's projects, and by the flight and death of its more prominent leaders. What- ever strength it retained lay chiefly in the towns, and these were now attacked by writs of 'quo warranto,' which called on them IPSWICH AND THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT. 235 to show cause why their charters should not be declared forfeited on the ground of the abuse of their privileges. A few verdicts on the side of the Crown brought about a general surrender of municipal liberties, and the grant of fresh charters, in which all but ultraloyalists were carefully excluded from their corpo- rations, placed the representations of the boroughs in the hands of the Crown." 1 Resistance to the King, under such circumstances, in a feeble colony, was inconceivable. The only hope lay in securing some abatement of these extreme measures, by such an humble appeal. Charles the Second died before he had decided on any plan of action against the Colony, and was succeeded on Feb. 6, 1684-5 by James the Second. In obedience to the royal Proclamation, he was proclaimed King on the 20'^ of April in "the high street in Boston," — "the hono'"ble Govno"", Dep*. Govno'', & Assistants, on horseback, w*^ thousands of people, a troope of horse, eight foote companys, drums beating, trumpets sounding," .... "by Edward Rawson, secret, on horseback, & Jno Greene, marshall gene^l, taking it from him, to the great joy & loud aclamations of the people, and a seventy peec of ordinanc next after the volleys of horse & foote. "- These effusive demonstrations of loyalty, so striking in their contrast with the phlegmatic indifference of the General Court at the Restoration, were followed by an humble petition to the new King, adopted on the twenty-fourth of July, which implored pardon for their faults, and a gracious continuance of their liberties according to their Charter. Nothing was ac- complished, however, and in May, by royal conuuission, Joseph Dudley, son of Governor Thomas Dudley, was appointed Presi- dent of the Council of eighteen, which supplanted the General Court. Its members were all appointed by the Crown, and popular election of a governing body was at an end. Governor Bradstreet, Nathaniel Saltonstall of the Magistrates, and Dudley Bradstreet, son of the Governor, lately a Deputy, declined mem- bership in the new Council. Four onl}^ of the former Assistants accepted places in the new government. All the other mem- bers of the General Court were reduced at once to jjrivate life. The Council proceeded at once to appoint Justices of the 1 Green, Short History of the English people. 2 Mass. Records, vol. 5, p. 474. 236 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Peace in the various Counties > and it is presumable that the Justices were all men in favor with Dudley and Randolph. The Essex justices were William Brown, Jun. John Hathorne, John Woodbridge, John Appleton, Sen., Richard Dummer and Daniel Epps. On June 14, 1686, Mr. John Appleton was ap- pointed Clerk of the Court of Pleas for the County of Essex holden at Ipswich. i The administration of justice was provided for, petition was made to the King for authority to establish a mint, and the President took oath to observe the Navigation Laws. The Records of the Council show that few of the members of the Council took pains to attend its sessions. Dudley, Randolph and half a dozen others transacted the public business, and very shortly, Randolph began to complain that he was ill-treated by the President. Evidences of popular discontent soon appeared. The first intimation of a rebellious spirit arose in connection with a pub- lic Fast day, proclaimed by the President and Council. The entry in the Council Record, under the date July 21, 1686, mentions that a letter has been sent to Bartholomew Gedney, Esq., "with orders for his repairing to Rowley or Ipswich to covent before him and the Justices of the County, such persons there as refused to observe the late publique Fast appointed by the President & Councill." On July 30th, several depositions against John Gold of Topsfield for speaking seditious words against the Government, were presented by Major Gedney. He entered into £200 bond to appear on the next Thursday after- noon. He was brought before the President and Council on the fifth of August, "and witnesses proved that he had spoken treasonable words on or about the 11th of July". He was com- mitted to jail in Boston, and Thursday, the 19th, was set for the trial of Gold and other prisoners. He was found guilty on Aug- ust 25'i», when, "considering the poverty of his family," he was fined £50 and the charges of prosecution, "the remainder of the fine to be respitted." He was ordered released on giving bond for good behavior. He seems to have found it impossible to pay his fine, and probably remained in jail. On Sept. 25th, 1 Records of the Council, pp.C, 41. IPSWICH AND THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT. 237 it was reduced to £20, and on Nov. 9, he was discharged of his bond for good behavior, i This was the prelude to the more serious pohtical upheaval of the Andros period, and it possesses a singular and prophetic interest. Topsfield, Rowley and Ipswich were recognized as hostile to the new government, at its very beginning. Their jealousy of the new authority that commanded them to keep a public Fast day, which led them to break from their pious habits of many years, was a fit forerunner of the more deter- mined refusal to pay a tax, in the levying of which they had no voice. Dudley's government lasted only until December, 1686. On the twelfth of that month, the frigate. Rose, dropped anchor in Boston harbor, and Sir Edmund Andros, attended by sixty red-coats landed. He was escorted to the Town House, at the head of King, now State Street, where he caused his commis- sion to be read, and at once assumed the functions of Governor. The oath of office was administered to eight Councillors. In January, a tax of a penny on a pound was ordered, to afford a revenue. This edict revealed the arbitrary character of Andres's regime. From its settlement, the Colony had always apportioned its own taxes, according to the necessities of the time. The representatives of the Towns had debated all finan- cial measures in General Court, and the Town meetings had decided the local rate. By "An Act for the Continuing and Establishing of several Rates, Duties and Imposts," which was passed by the Council early in March, 1686-7, this ancient and orderly method was summarily abrogated. This Act "provided that every year, beginning four months after its enactment, the Treasurer should send his warrant to the Constable and Selectmen of every town, requiring the in- habitants to choose a taxing commissioner; that the Commis- sioner and the Selectmen should in the next following month make a list of persons and a valuation of estates within their respective towns ; that in the next month after this, the Com- missioners for the towns in each County should meet at their respective county-towns and compare and correct their respec- 1 Council Records. 238 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. tive lists to be forwardcMl to the Treasurer, and that he should thereupon issue his warrant to the Constables to collect the taxes, so assessed, within t{>n weeks. And eveiy Connnissioner or Selectman neglecting to perform this duty was punishable by a fine."i Nothing could have been more exasperating to theColonists, yet the hopelessness of resistance led to submission in some of the Towns. Boston chose the Tax Commissioner at a Town meeting held on July 25th. Salem, Manchester, Newbury, and Marblehead obeyed the warrant. But other towns of Essex County refused, and there was resistance elsewhere. The An- dres government took action at once. The first to feel the weight of the Council's displeasure was the Town Clerk of Taunton. At a session of the Governor and Council on the 31st of August, 1687, "Shadrack Wilbore, Clerk of the Towne of Taunton, being by the M(\sseriger brought before^ the Board and Examined about a scandalous, factious and seditious writeing sent from the said Town to the sd. Treasurer in answer to his warr* for the publique rate signed by him as Clerk, he owned the same and declared it to be the act of the Town." "Ordered that the said Shadrach Wilbore be bound over to answer for the same att the next Superior Court to be holden in Bristoll."2 Justice Thomas Leonard was suspended from his office because he was present at the Town meeting and did not hinder the same. The constables were bound over for neglect of their duty in not obeying the Treasurer's warrant. The Ipswich Town meeting was held on August 23, 1687. But on the night before, there was a meeting of the Selectmen and other leading citizens at the house of Mr. John Applcton, Junior, the Town Clerk, at which the course of action that they would advise the Town to adopt, was discussed. The Selectmen were Lieut. John Andrews, Moderator, Lieut. Thomas Burnam, Mr. John Whipple, Quar* Robert Kinsman, Serg* Thos. Harte, Mr. John Appleton, Jun. and Nath^ Treadwell.3 These were all present, it is likely, and beside them, there were two of the reverend Pastors, William Hubbard, Pastor of the Ipswich 1 raUray, Hist, of Xew England, vol. Ill, p. 5-20. Footnote. 2 Council Record, p. 137. 3 Town Records. IPSWICH AND THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT. 239 church, and John Wise, Pastor of the church at Chebacco, now Essex, Constable Thomas French, Nehemiah Jewett, Wilham Goodhue, Jun., William Howlett, Simon Stace, and others, some twelve or fourteen in all.^ Constable French read the warrant. They all agreed that this "warrant-act" for raising a revenue, abridged their liberties as EngHshmen. They "did Discourse & Conclude y* it was not y** town 's Dutie any wayes to Assist y* ill Methode of Raising mony w*out a Generall Assembly, w^^ was apparently intended by above said S^ Edmund & his Councill."2 The next day in Town meeting, Mr. Wise spoke vigorously against taxation without a vote of their representative assembly. He said, "we had a good God tt a good king and Should Do well to stand for o"" previledges." William Howlett spoke in the same fashion, Mr. Andrews and Mr. Appleton. The citizens responded to these appeals, and by a seemingly unanimous vote declined to choose a Commissioner. The record of this meeting is brief. Apparently no other business was transacted. But the few sentences are remarkable for their clear and heroic utter- ance of the principle that they would not consent to taxation without representation. At a Legall Towne Meeting August 23'' 1687 Assembled by vertue of an order from John Usher Esq. Treas^r for choosing a Commissi'" to join w^^ y^ Selectmen to assess y^ Inhabitants according to an act of his Excellency, y^ Governor & Counsell, for Levying rates. Then considering that the s'' act doth infringe their Liberty as Free borne English subjects of his Majest'^ by interf earing wth ye statutory Laws of the Land, By wh it is enacted, that no taxes shall be Levied on y® Subjects wt^out consent of an assembly chosen by y^ Freeholders for assessing y^ same. They do therefore vote, that they are not willing to choose a Conmiisser for such an end, w^^out s'' priviledges. And morover consent not that the Selectmen do proseed to lay out any such rate, until it be appointed by a Generall As- sembly, concurring w^^ ye Governer^ and Counsell, Voted by the whole assembly twisse. 1 See Depositions of Appleton, French and otliers. Mass. Archives, book 127 leaf 102. 2 Complaints of Great Wrongs. Mass. Archives, tjook 35^1eaf 139. 240 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. The vot(^ of the iiu^etiiig was forwarded by the Clerk, John Api)letoii, Junior, to Mr. Usher, and then a vigorous effort was made by certain citizens of the Town to influence th(^ vote; of the neigldioring towns. The Topsfield ine(>ting was hehJ on the 80"' of August. A document in the State Archives,' gives th(^ names of those that were prescuit. Nineteen names are recorded. Against the name of Sanuiel Howlett, the (comment is made in parenthesis"(p moted y^ paper)." One Ipswich man is included in the list. sup])osed to be the p'son that braught a Seditious paper into ye meeting, w^'i was read A: l)y him p moted." "William Howlett^ The Rowley meeting was held on Aug. olst, and Caleb Boynton seems to have been the messenger to carry the tid- ings of the Ipswich vote to that town. 2 The determined attitude of Ipswich regarding its own tax, and its evident propagandism of its obnoxious tenets in other towns roused Andros and his Council to instant action. Next to Boston, Ipswich was, perhaps, the most important town in the Colony. 3 Boston, as we have observed, made no opposition to the oppressive warrant. Salem yielded to its demand. The high-handed course of this influential community made it a target for official wrath. "Att a generall Sessions of ye Peace Held att Ipswich Sept. 14; 1687," Joseph Dudley and Peter Bulkeley, members of the Council sitting as Magistrates, formal proceedings were begun against the refractory towns. The first action was upon the Ipswich record.4 On complaint of John Usher Esq. Treasurer & Capt. Francis Nicholson Esq. both of y" Councill of an Entry in y^ Towne Booke of Ipswich in y^ Custody of Lieut. John Aplton Towne Clarke, who gave a copy of y^ same. This Court ord'^ yt ye Orriginal record with y^ Booke where- in sd entry is to be forthwith Secured & ]:»ut into y^ hands of ' Book 127, leaf 105. " Mass. Archives, book 35, leaf V17. 3 Palfray, Hist, of New Eiislanfi, in, p. .5-25. * Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 92. IPSWICH AND THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT. 241 Capt. John Aplton & Capt. Daniel Eppes his Majesties Justices of ye Peace till further order. Copia vera of ye Court Record attest. S"-. Sewall, Clerk. On the 16*^ of September, the Selectmen of several tov^^ns appeared before this Court. N. Browne and J. Bailey, Selectmen ofSahsbury appeared before Peter Bulkeley Arm., and recog- nized to appear at Boston before the Governor and Council on Sept. 21st; and on the same day, John Bailey and Jacob Bailey, Joseph Jewett and Joseph Chaplin of Rowley appeared before Joseph Dudley, and recognized in £100 to appear before the Governor on the same date.^ Robert Kinsman, Thomas Hart, Nathaniel Treadwell, and John Whipple, Selectmen, Simon Wood and John Harris, Constables, all of Ipswich gave similar recognizances and the Town gave its bond that they should appear in Boston at the specified time. 3 John Stevens and Benjamin Stevens, Select- men of Salisbury, were also bound over. The most conspicuous of the opponents of the Governor's warrant were dealt with in more summary fashion. Warrants for their arrest were issued, and the first was against the Con- stable, Moderator and Clerk of Ipswich.-^ Sir Edmund Andros K^t Capt. General & Governor in Cheife of his Majtys Territory & Dominion of New England. To Joseph Smith messenger, Whereas I have received Information that Thomas French Constal)le of Ipswich in y^ County of Essex Jn" Andrews of y^ same i)lace & John Appleton of ye same place Vt clerk with divers others Disaffected & evil Desposed persons within ye sd Town as yett unknown on ye 23'^ day of August last past being mett & assembled together att Ipswich aforesd Did in a most fac- tious & Seditious & Contemptuous manner then & there vote & agree that they were not willing nor would not Choose a Com- missioner as by a Warrant From Jn^ Usher Esq. his Majesties Treasurer & Receiver General in p suanco of ye laws of this his Majt'es Dominion to ye Constable & Selectmen of ye sd Town directed was required to be Done w* the vote or agreement of ^ Mass. Archives, book 127, leaves 90, 97. 2 Mass. Archives, ijouk 127, leaf 98. 3 Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 92. * Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 93. 242 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. them the sd Thomas French Jii" Andrews & .In" Appleton & others as aforesaid was then & their by their Consent & dii-ection by him the sd Jn" Appleton as Clerk of y^ sd Town putt into vvritinfi & published Contrary to & in high Contempt of his majties Laws tt Government here established, these are therefore in his Majt'es Name to Charge & Command you that immediately you take into you'' Custody the bodyes of y^ Thomas French Jn" Andrews A: Jn" A]ipleton & them safely keep & bring to this place soe that you may have them before me in Council to An- swer ye premises & what else shall l)e ( )bj(»cte(l against them oi- either of them on his Majt'^s Beb.ahe. And all Justices of y^ I'eace Sheriffs Constables t'(: other officers both Millitary & Civill & all other persons whatsoever are hereby strictly Charged & Required to be Ayding & Assisting to you therein as Occasion A: for soe doeing this will be unto you ct tliem a Sufficient Warr't. Given under my hand A: scale att Boston the lo*'^ day of September in y^S'^ year of his Maj''«''^ Reign annocjue Dom. 1GS7. On the following day, SepjL 16th, a warrant was issued for the arrest of John Wise of Chebacco, Clerk, and William Hewlett of Ipswich, Husbandman, which specified^ "that they the said John Wise and William Howlett Did particularly Excite and Stir up his Majesties Subjects to Refractory ness and Disobed- ience contrary to and in high contempt of his Majt^'^^ Laws and Government here established." Rev. John Wise was the)i in his thirty-sixth year. He was the son of Joseph Wise of Roxbury, was graduated at Harvard College in 1673, and in 1680, began preaching in Ipswich, in the Chebacco parish. He was ordained on August 12, 1683. In his young manhood he was a famous wrestler. The tradition still abides in his old parish of one of his deeds of prowess. Capt. John Chandler of Andover had vanquished every oppo- nent in his own neighborhood and came to invite atrial of strength with the worthy pastor. Mr. Wise finally consented, and after a brief struggle, pitched his antagonist over the wall into the highway; whereupon, his vancpiished rival looked over and in a good natured way, invited him to throw his horse over also. To his athletic powers, he added unusual strength of intellect. He was a natural leader of men, and it is a fine tribute to ' Mass. Archives, book 1'27, leaf 103. IPSWICH AND THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT. 243 his personality, that two of his parishioners stood with him in his bold protest. Lieut. John Andrews was his friend and near neighbor, William Goodhue, Jr. was of the same neighborhood. Mr. Appleton was the son of Capt. John Appleton, the signer of the petition of 1664, and Deputy in the General Court. The son and father are frequently confounded. Capt. John was one of the Justices of Essex Coimty under the Dudley Govern- ment, and was a firm loyalist. His son, the Lieutenant, Se- lectman and Town Clerk, was the sufferer. Thomas French was one of the Constables. Official con- nection with the town meeting involved him with Mr. Andrews, Mr. Appleton and Mr. Kinsman, in the legal prosecutions. Mr. Wise and Mr. Goodhue were not office-bearers. Appleton, Andrews and French seem to have been examined at once by Andros, and the substance of their testimony is em- bodied in the brief notes, preserved in the Archives. ^ John Appleton being examined before y" Gov. owned y^ paper signed by him as y« vote of y^ towne of Ipswich that he wrote it as he was directed by y« moderator Jn" An- drews that att a meetint!; of ye Selectmen before ye Generall meet- ing of ye Town the Warr^ was read eV: tliere was ab* 12 or 14 psons present amongst which Mr. Hubbart Mr. Wise Mr. French Con- stable Jn" Andrews Robt. Kinsman Nath. Tredwell Jn^ Whip- ple & himselfe selectmen they all Declared that y warrant act for ye Revenue which they then likewise read did abridge them of their Libty as Enghshmen that Mr. Wise was present at the towne meeting & spoak agt receiving money without an Assembly. John Andrews Moderator owned y^ Paper signed by Jn" Appleton Ck. to be ye Vote of 3^6 towne but sayd y" Clerk was ordered to draw up a writing & he went out from ye meeting & did it & when read was approved. Thomas French Constable owned ye Paper signed by Jn" Appleton Ck. to be y^ vote of ye towne when he was present & that ye Returned a Coppy thereof to ye Treasurer & voted for it in ye town meeting. says that ye Moderator Mr Appleton & Mr Wise spoak in ye meeting that ye night before ye town Meeting ye Warr* was read by him in y presence of y" Selectmen Mr. Hubbart min- ister Mr. Wise Minister Nehemiah Jewett & others. Know not of ye drawing up of ye Vote where it was done or by whom. * MasB. Archives, book 127, leaf 102. 244 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. If we interpret the drift of this testimony aright, the spe- cial grievance against Ipswich was, not the simple act of re- fusing to elect a Tax-Commissioner, but the drawing up of the result of that meeting in a document, which was published abroad, and used as an incentive to similar action in other towns. We may presume that these warrants were served at once, and the arrest of the minister of Chebacco and his associates was sufficient ground for the panic that prevailed at this time in this vicinity, among all, who were concerned in resistance to authority and the increasing boldness of the public prosecutors. The Topsfield Selectmen were moved to humble and profuse apology. Indeed, the petition of Captain How, one of the Selectmen, is an extraordinar}?- specimen of terror-stricken sup- pliancc. To his Excilcncy the Governor^ Right honered The htuuble Peticion of John How humbly slieweth that I ^"^ acnolidging that I have grevously transgressed in having anything to doe in that act or ansers maed by the Towne of Toixsficld to the Treshurer's warent and espachally in being perswaded to wright anything so Contrary to my Judgment for which I am hartely sorry acnolidging that I have justly deserved Condigne Punishment, for the same. I fall Downe at your feet humbly baiging your marcy and humbly intreating his excilancy the Governor to pardon me this one: Promising for time to come to Approve myselfe faithfull in all Respacts to his Excilancy the Governor and Government baring oppen Testi- mony against all Rabbell that shall anny waies oppose the same and that shall not welingly submit to that Good and Gracious Governer that his Majeste hath here settled hoping that I shall Radily perswaed the gratest part of the Towne of Topsfield humbly to acnolidge & Radily to Reforme what they have done ames. I prostrate my selfc and Rcmaine his Excilancys himibell peticinor with all hinnbcll submetion John How Dat ye 16th Sept. 1687. Encouraged by the arrest of Mr. Wise, perhaps, Philip Nell- son, of Rowley, Justice of the Peace, proceeded to make return • M.nsri. Archives, V)ook 127, leaf 109. IPSWICH AND THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT. 245 to the Governor, "that the Reverend Mr. Samuel Philhps pastor of the Church of Christ in Rowley hath some time in the month of May last past rased an evill report of Squire Randolph one of his Majesties Councell, in terming him or calling him a wicked man and did blame Ensigne Plats for keeping company with wicked men and did nominate Squire Randolph and at the same time say that he was a wicked man and that he had got an office thereby, and other words to like efTect.' This return was made on the 19th of September, and the Justice explained the tardiness of his accusation, that there had been differences between the Pastor and himself, but that in the changed condition of affairs the charges against the minister had been revived and publicly repeated. Happily the attack upon Mr. Phillips was followed by no criminal proceedings, but it is suggestive of the disturbed and unnatural tone of common life. But the greatest shock these troublous times had brought thus far to the people of Ipswich and of Essex County was the warrant, that was signed on the 19th of September, for the arrest of three of the Magistrates of the government, now overthrown, Dudley Bradstreet, Samuel Appleton and Nathaniel Saltonstall . The common ground of comjilaint was voiced in the charge against Mr. Bradstreet, son of Governor Bradstreet & Town Clerk of Andover,^ "a person factiously and seditiously In- clyned & Disaffected to his Majties Government as one who hath Endeavored to ahenate y^ harts of his maties Subjects from ye Same Contrary to his Duty & Allegiance & in Contempt of his Maties Laws & authority her published." "The like to Thomas Larkin for Samuel Appleton of Ips- wich & Wm. Howlett, to Joshua Brodbank for Nathaniel Saltingstall of Haverhill." These dignitaries were arrested, but they were not imprisoned. Mr. Bradstreet was kept in custody at Capt. Page's house in the Garrison at Boston, as his petition offered a few days later informs us. Mr. Appleton was in charge of the messenger, Thomas Larkin. He had taken no part in the meetings at Ipswich. The charges against him were of a general nature, as Randolph had previously made. 1 Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 117. 2 Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 116. 246 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Public indignation must have been at fever heat on Sept. 21st, when the Governor and Council met and the officers of the Towns appeared for trial. .Tac<^]j Morrill and Joshua Bayly, Constables of Salisbury, William Hutchins, of Bradford, John Pierson and John Dresser, Selectmen of Rowley, John Wise, Robert Kinsman, John Appleton, John Andrews, John(Thomas) French, Wm. Rayment and Wm Goodhue were arraigned. The official Record of the Council simply states that these men "committed for refusing to pay their rates . . . and making and publishing factious iV: seditious votes & writeings — were this day severally examined in Council. Ordered that they stand Committed untill they have their tryalls at Boston by special comicon, which his Excell" will please to issue forth the next week." But from depositions, made at a later date, and other documents, we gather that Mr. Wise, at least, did not sub- mit tamely to the indignities put upon him. Mr. Mason, a member of the Council, declared that the accused had no more privileges left than not to be sold as slaves. "Mr. West, the Deputy Secretary declared to some of us that we were a factious People & had no Previlege left us. The Gov^nr S"" E^' Andros said to some of us By way of Ridicule, Whether we thought if Jac & Tom should tell the king w*^ moneyes he must have for y^ use of his Govmt Implying that y^ People of the Countree were but a parcell of Ignorant Jacks & Toms." To these officials, Mr. Wise replied that they, as Englishmen, had privileges according to Magna Charta, and he reported afterwards what passed between the members of the Council and himself, though they seem to have sat with closed doors. The officials were greatly offended, and visited their displeasure upon several, including one of the most prominent citizens of Ipswich, Mr. Francis Wainwright. His "Humble Petition" af- fords surprising evidence of the tyrannous denial of free speech, which the Andros governjiient claimed as its prerogative, and the spirit of abject submission that ruled the hour. The Humble Petition of P'rancis Wainwright. i Humbly sheweth Whereas y Pef hath inconsiderately rehearsed & repeated some words or expressions proceeding from M"" John Wise which 1 Mass. Arcliives, l)ook li", leaf lfi'2. IPSWICH AND THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT. 247 he declared to have passed from John West Esq. at the time of sd Wise his examination befor(> y' Excellency and Councill, upon his asserting the priviledges of Englishmen according to Magna Charta, It Vas replyed to him that wee had no further priv- ilege reserved saveing to be exempted from being sold for slaves or to that effect. Yr Pet'- is heartily sorry that he should be so imprudent and unadvised a.s to receive and repeat any such Report or expressions, not considering the evill consequence or tendency thereof: being farjrom designing any harm th(M-eiu or causeing any comotion or disturbance but would judge himself e of folly and rashness. And humbly prays yo^ Ex^ys and Councills favorable construction of his weakness & rashness therein. And prays y' forgive- ness, hopeing it will caution him to more care & circum- spection for future. And as in duty bound shall for e\^er pray. Francis Wainwright Boston, 24 Sept. 1687. Nathaniel Williams and Joshua Winsor also stood bound i to answer for "rehearsing & divulging some words reflecting upon John West, Esq. said to be reported by Mr. John Wise, as pro- ceeding from sd West at the time of sd. Wise's examination." From the deposition of Thomas French, it appears that he, and his associates, as well, we may suppose, were taken to Bos- ton when arrested, examined by the Governor, and then com- mitted to the stone jail in Boston, where they were kept until their examination before the Council, and then returned to it, awaiting their trial. Mr. Wise probably suffered the same lot. Two days after he had shown such courageous bearing before the Governor, at his examination, the hardship of prison life began to weigh upon his spirits, and he addressed a humorous, but not 'wholly intelligible plea to the Governor:— 2 To his Excellencie & Counsell now sitting I do Humbly Begg your Honours Licenc Being very much Disadvantaged on the account of my Naturall Rest Here wher I a^" I have had But Little Sleep Sine I have Been your Prisoner Here in Towne the place Being so full of Company. I dare not Be prolix at this time I shall be Ready In the > Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 206. 2 Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 158. 248 JPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS J5AY COLONY. Daytime to Attend the ])lcasur(' of the ('ouiiccU this is the ut- most that your Hon'"'* are troubled w< from Ilim who is for (irace & favoui- A retitiniier Amongst Royall Dust A: your Prisoner John Wise 23 Sept. 1GS7. This conununication was followed by another a few days later, which was drawn up by Mr. Wise very evidently, pray- ing for release on bail. Tile liumble Petition^ of John Wise John Appleton William Raymond .lolm Andrews Thomas French Jacob Muzzill (Mor- rill) Joshua Hayley William Hutchins John Pearson John Dres- ser Robert Kinsman William (ioodluie. Humbly Sheweth That its no less afflictive than uncomfortable unto yo"" Pef« to be confined and detained at so considerable distance from their Familys and occasions which they are very sensible must needs deeply suffer by their long absence: most of y^"" Pef^ Improve- ment & livelihood depending u])()n Husbandry and the Season of the year drawing on which will necessai'ily require their at- tendance and help in the gathering in their Indian Harvest & for the support and provision for their Familys in the ensueing year Yr Pefs therefore humbly Pray y°^ Excellencys Favour in admitting them to bail and to grant their Enlarge- ment upon their giveing in Security to appear and answer what shall be objected against them and either of them respectively at such time ct place as yo^ Excellency shall please to direct cV: order which they shall acknowlege with humble thankfulness and as in duty bound for ever pray From His Maj^ies John Wise Prison in Boston John Appleton 27 Sept. 1687. ^ The Governor was not disposed to grant this request, and on the following day, Mr. Wise and his Ipswich fellow-prisoners addressed another petition for favor. It is a surprising and a 1 Mass. Archives, book 1'27, leaf 1()4. IPSWICH AND THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT. 249 disappointing document, and indicates a complete breaking down of the fine high spirit, which had characterized these ad- vocates of liberty and democracy. The matter that chiefly surprises us, and arouses the keenest regret, is that Mr. Wise and the other Ipswich men acted in this, independently of the citizens of the other towns, who were imprisoned with them. To his Excellency the Governour and Councill of his Majesties Territory & Dominion of New England.! The humble Petition of the Selectmen and other of the In- habitants of the Town of Ipswich May it Please y^r Excellency It is our great sorrow That for want of due consideration and prudent conduct wee have by any of our inadvertent and rash actions unhappily precipitated and involved our Selves in so great inconvenience and mischiefe as justly to fall under yo"" Exc^s displeasure and give any occasion to be represented as dis- loyall or in the least disaffected unto his Majesties Government as now Established amongst us by his Royal Coiiiission unto which we do and shall yield our willing Subjection and dutyfull Observance and upon all occasions give such demonstration and Testimony of our Allegiance and duty to our Sovereign as may bespeak us good & Loyal Subjects. Wee humbly Pray yor Exc^^ and Councills favour in the pardon and passing over our Offence in the neglect of y°^ Comand by M^ Treasurer^ warrant directed unto us with- out any severe animadversion thereupon hopeing you will please to impute it rather to our ignorance than Ob- stinacy in neither of which we would persist And though in respect of time being now elapsed we cannot precisely comply with the execution and performance of the sd warrant yet may we obtein y Exc^^ and Councills Favour we shall in our respective stations & capacitys to our utmost endeavour a speedy prosecution & effecting of the worke & service therein required in the makeing a List & Assessment of the persons & Estate of our Town and transmit the same unto the Treasurer And as in duty bound Shall forever pray. /John Appleton Jno Wise John Andrews Thomas French J Robert Kinsman Selectmen i Nathaniel Tredwell Thomas Hart ^JoHN Whipple Boston, 28 September 1687 1 MasB. Archives, book|127,'leaf 147. 250 irSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Humble as this apology was, it failed of its end. No release was p-anted even upon bail. J)iscouraged by the hopelessness of the situation, Capt. John Andrews was the next to sue for favor in an individual petition of the fourth of October, i which recites tiiat his "long confinement and the hardshi]js of a Prison have very sensible Effects upon his weake and crazey l^ody, which is attended with many Infirmities of old Age, etc.," and loss in his business, and makes appeal for the privilege of visit- ing his family on giving bail. There is no evidence that this was granted. These submissions were made by many of the accused. John Peirson of Rowley made his on the 29th of Sep- tember,- Christopher Osgood and John Osgood of Andover on the 13th of October and again on the 15th of October.-^ Wil- liam Hutchins of Bradford presented his apology for an irreg- ular list of estates made in ignorance of the law. ■* Meanwhile a warrant was issued against Samuel Appleton of I^yim, son of Major Samuel, the most determined in tone of any that remain: To the Sheriff of the Co. of Essex^ Whereas sevcrall speciall warrants have been late- ly issued forth for y^ apprehending of Samuel Appleton of Lynn to answer to severall matters of High Misde- meanor therein mentioned the Execution of wh hath been Hin- dred by his y^ sd Sam^i Appletons Hideing & absconding him- self & being informed that he now privily lurks & lyes 'hide within ye sd County these are therefore in His Maj^^ys name to Charge & Command yo" to make dilligent Search & Enquiry for ye sd Sam. Appleton in any house & place where y^ shall be informed or suspect him to be & to break open any doore or doores where ye shall suspect him to lye hide or be concealed within ye sd County Oct. 5: 1687 No record remains of his trial, and it may be that Mr. Apple- ton eluded the search of the sheriff altogether. Recurring to the arrest of the three magistrates, it is inter- 1 Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 1S4. 2 MasB. Archives, book 127, leaf 170. 3 Mass. Archives book 127, leaf 208. * Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 1S7. ' Mass. Arcliives, book 127, leaf 148. IPSWICH AND THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT. 251 esting to note the effect of their mild imprisonment. A few days after his arrest, Mr. Dudley Bradstreet petitioned the Gov- ernor. 1 Whereas y'"" Excellency hath been pleased to Command me to his Majest'^ Garrison heer in Boston as a prisoner, .... suffer me to come speedily to trial or take bond for my appearance." This was followed by an humble petition, which professed his great sorrow for his misconduct, and as this was not received favorably, he addressed another appeal^, as he understood that his former submission was not regarded as sufficient by Andros. He declared: That he doth from his heart profess liims(>lf to be ready to confess the error and Crime in its largest Circumstances and Lattitude into which his inadvertency and Indiscretion hath brought him with all the Ingenuity that the truth of the matter will permit him. And that he most humbly Prayes that yor Excellf^y will soe farr favour yo^ Poor Petition"" and his occa- sions at home to accept such vSufficient Bayle as shall be offered for his good abearance and appearance att what Court your Excellency Shall appoynt, humbly thanking yof E]xcellency for the favour of Capt. Page's house hitherto and he shall ever pray Dudley Bradstreet By decree of the Council, he was released on October 5th, upon giving a bond of a thousand pounds for good behaviour. Mr. Saltonstall made his deposition, ^ when the Colony made its charges against Andros and his associates, that he was arrest- ed on the 21st of September, and that he was put under £1000 bond for good behavior, and that he was "damnified in all 7£ 15s. in money." "I was detained in all fifteen days." As to our townsman. Major Samuel Appleton, most fortu- nately we have explicit record. 1 Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 165. * Mass. Archives, book 127, leaves 160 and 181. * Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 147. 252 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. At a Council' held in lioston on Wednesday the J 9"' (A' Oct- ober 1687.1 Present His I^jxcellency S"" Edmund Andros Knight William Stoughton ^ Jlichard Arnold \ John Usher [■ ]vs(irs. i^idward Randolph V Escjrs Nathan Clark ) Francis Nicholson ) Major Sanuiel Api)leton of Ijiswich being comitted to ye Custody of a Messenger for being a factious and seditious per- son and disaffected to y(; GovernnuMit eV now brought before ye Council it was ordered That hce continue committed until he give sufficient surety by Recognizance in the sum of One Thousand Pounds to appear at the next Superior Court to be holden in Salem to answer what shall be objected against him & in the meane tyme to be of good behavior Jjy oi'dei- in Council John West, Sec. That this is a true coppie of the order of Council by w^h M*" Appleton (now under my custody as messenger) is to be discharged, witnesseth Thomas JjARking. Major Appleton might have regained his freedom by giving bond, as his fellow-magistrates. But he scorned even the ap- pearance of submission. He had made no petition for bail, and he refused to make any apology. He continued in the same defiant mood, Wherevipon he was brought before the Council again on October 30th, and action was taken as follows,2 Whereas by an order of this board Dat ye 19th of S^er past it was ordered y* Majr Samll Appleton y^ in ye Custody of ye Messinger Should Stand Committed untill he gives sufficient security to appeare at y^ next Superior Court to be holden at Salem in the County of Essex and in the meantime to be of good behavior and whereas Intimations hath been this day given to this board by Tho^ Larkin Messinger yt ye sd SamU Appleton hath refused to comply with ye sd order but is still in his Custody and that he is and hath l)een at great charge & trouble to looke after & provide for him for which he also refuseth to pay him ' Mass. Archives, hook Vll, leaf 213. 2 Mass. Archives, hook 127, leaf 266. IPSWICH AND THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT. 253 any fees or other satisfaction praying y t if y^ board thinck fitt he may be elsewhere Secured. It is therefore ordered y*' y^ sd Sam" Appleton be by y© sd messinger delivered into the Custody of y'' Sheriff of y« County of Suffolk where by warrant from this board he is to remaine and be kept in ye common Goale untill he give Sufficient Security in a thousand Pounds for his good behaviour untill y® next Superior Court to be holden at Salem aforesaid & for his appearance at ye sd Courte A: pay ye Mes- singer fees & charges aforesaid. By order in Councill John West D. Sec^ However, according to his own deposition, ^ he was not im- prisoned at this time, but kept under a guard of soldiers until December 9th, when, still continuing obdurate, he was sent to the common jail, where he was kept in a vile cell and refused the liberty of the jail yard until the 9th of March. Then he was summoned before the Superior Court in Salem, and released, upon giving his bond to appear at the next session of the Court. During this long and trying imprisonment, he made repeated demands for release on a Writ of Habeas Corpus, which were refused, and also petitioned for larger liberty in the jail. One of these petitions remains, and it bespeaks a bold spirit, which asks for clemency but acknowledges no guilt. The humble Peticon2 of Sam^i Appleton humbly sheweth that whereas y"r humble Peticon'' being very aged and weak in body and Confined in a Close Prison having not the freedom to Praye himselfe to have the liberty of the yard Therefore humbly prays yourhono'"^ to take his agedness and weakness into Consideration and exact an'Act of Clemency and license him an Enlargement he suffering much by reason of the Season of the year in his health And he will as in Duty bound for ever pray From Boston Goal Ja^iy the 18th 1687 Sam^^ Appleton Some fifteen days of detention were sufficient to compel the submission of Mr. Bradstreet and Mr. Saltonstall, but iMass. Archives, book 35, leai 148. 2 Mass. Archives, booli 128, leaf 'il. 254 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. the heroic Appleton refused the privilege of release under bond, and for more than five months in all, was a prisoner, three of which were spent in close confinement in the stone jail of Boston, in a smoky and ill-odored room, treated as a common felon, although no definite accusation had been brought against him. In the old town of York, Maine, the ancient stone jail still stands. It contains a few rooms, lighted with small and heavily barred windows, each provided with a small fireplace. The bare stone walls and floor are damp and forbidding. In some such dis- mal and repellent quarters, shut up with criminals perchance, for the ])olitical prisoners were released before he was imprisoned, the brave soldier of King Philip's War, the honored Magistrate, for Conscience sake, suffered these indignities and made his pro- test against the enormities of the Usurpation. Mr. Wise and the other Ipswich men were arraigned before a special session of the Court of Oyer and Terminer on the 24"! of October. They were all found guilty, and returned to jail, where they lay twenty one days awaiting sentence. They were then fined heavily, deprived of civil privileges, and released under a bond of good behavior. After the Andros government fell, they signed a deposition, narrating vividly the full story of the wantonness of this mock trial as they regarded it, and the heavy penalties passed upon them. This and other documents are reserved until the closing passages of the Andros Usurpation are considered in chronolog- ical order. Under the terms of his sentence, Mr. Wise was unable to preach after his release. By an act of Executive clemency he was relieved of this disability. By his Excellency.! Whereas John Wise, Minister of Chebacco, was in a Sentence late given in his Maj. Court of Oyer & Terminer Holden at Boston ye 24f'» day of ( )ctober and Susjiended from preaching publiquely & privately dureing my displeasure as by ye Record of ye sd Court may appear these are to Certifi(> that upon ye hvnnble petition of ye sd J^o Wise & Application of severall worthy persons in his behalfe I Doe hereby forgive & enlarge him ye sd 1 Mass. Arcliives. Hutchinson Papei'B, book •24'2 : leaf 341. IPSWICH AND THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT. 255 jno Wise from that part of ye sd sentence Inhibiting ye Exercise of his Ministry Given luider my hand att Boston ye 24'^^h day of November 1687. E. H. Ipswich submitted to the warrant, chose her tax commis- sioner, and on November 24, 1687, John Harris and Simon Wood, Constables, received a receipt ^ for £136 9s. lid. in full for the country rate of the Town for the use of John Usher,Esq. Treasurer. Essex County bore the brunt of the battle with Andros on the question of the tax, but she shared with the other towns of the Colony the distress incident to the vacating of all land titles by the loss of the Charter. The title of any property was likely to be called in question by the representatives of the Crown. The people of Lynn were aggrieved by repeated claims of Randolph to the peninsula of Nahant. The Council ordered any persons, who had claims, to show reason why Randolph's petition should not be granted. The Town replied that it had been divided, occupied and fenced for fifty years, and protested against Randolph's demand. 2 Philip Nelson, Justice of Row- ley, the pliant tool of the new government, petitioned that his title might be confirmed in his house, barn, fourteen acres of upland and other property. ^ Any landholder might be called upon to take a patent for his possessions. "Had not an happy Revolution happened in England, and so in New England, in all probability those few ill men would have squeezed more out of the poorer sort of people there than half their Estates are worth by forcing them to take patents. Major Smith can tell them that an Estate not worth 2001. had more than 501. demanded for a patent for it."'* Any attempt to maintain a title was likely to be visited with insult and abuse. Excessive fees were charged for probating of wills. Plymouth yielded her independence to the Usurper and the Charter of Connecticut was taken away in October, 1687. An- dros went to Maine to pacify the Indians whose attitude was 1 Town Record. 2 Mass. Archives, book 127, leaves 172-174. 3 Mass. Arcliives, book 127, leaf 159. * "The Revolutiou in New England justified." 256 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. unfriendly, and in the spring of 1689, he led an expedition against them but to no purpose. His unpopularity was increased by evil reports that he had furnished the Indians with ammunition, that they might rise against the English. Bitter resentment was roused by his leading the colonial soldiers into the Maine wilderness in a winter campaign. When he passed through Ipswich in March on his way to Boston, his welcome must have been cool in the extreme. ^ Tidings had already reached our Town, which had suffered so much at his hands, by the Proc- lamation which Andros had issued on January 10**^ while at Pemaquid, that Prince William of Orange was planning a de- scent upon England to wrest the throne from King James. Hope that the end of his tyranny was at hand was supplanting the apathy and humiliation of the early months of his rule. A ship arrived in Boston on April 4, 1689, with news that the Prince had landed in England. The result was unknown, and no other arrival brought any later tidings. But the people could not be restrained. For two weeks they waited and then they burst all bounds. On the morning of April 18th, the drums beat througli the town at nine o'clock. Randolph and many of the Andros set were seized and thrown into the same jail that had held so many of their victims. Andros, himself, would have been taken if he had not taken refuge at Fort Hill. The military marched up King, now State Street, escorting the venerable Bradstreet, Governor, and Danforth, the Deputy-Governor, under the old Charter, and some of the old Assistants. About noon, the gentlemen who had been conferring to- gether in the Council-Chamber appeared in the eastern gallery of the Town House, at the head of King Street, and there read to the assembled people what was entitled a "Declaration of the Gentlemen, Merchants and Inhabitants of Boston and the Covmtry adjacent. "2 Governor Hutchinson, in his History (vol. I, p. 339), followed by Palfray, attributes this document to Cot- ton Mather, who had composed it, it is believed, in anticipation of such an uprising. This Declaration charged Andros and his associates with malicious oppression of the people, with extor- 1 "The Revolution in New England justified." Aftidiivit of Rev. Mr. HiRginson. '^ Palfray, Hist, of NewEngland, ill : 577, ■'i7H.— Tlie Dei-laration is printed in The Andros Tracts, Pub. by the Prince Society, Vol. 1, p. 11 and following. IPSWICH AND THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT. 257 tioiiate fees for probate, "and what Laws they made it as was impossible for us to know, as dangerous for us to break; but we shall leave the Men of Ipswich and of Plimouth (among others) to tell the story of the kindness which has been shown them upon this account." Proceeding then to the language used toward Mr. Wise and the Ipswich men, in their examination, the Declaration con- tinued : "It was now plainly affirmed, both by some in open Council, and by the same in private converse, that the people in New England were all slaves, and the only Difference between them and slaves is their not being boughtt and sold; and it was a maxim delivered in open Court unto us by one of the Council!, that we must not think the Priviledges of English men would follow us to the end of the world. Accordingly we have been treated with multiplied contradictions to Magna Charta, the rights of which we laid claims unto. Persons who did butpeace- ably object against the raising of Taxes without an assembly have been for it fined, some twenty, some thirty, and others fifty Pounds." The refusal of writs of Habeas Corpus, the nullifying of land titles, the arousing of another Indian war were dwelt upon, and it concluded: — "We do therefore seize upon the Persons of those few 111 Men which have been (next to our Sins) the grand authors of our Miseries." Thus in the earliest moment of that determined uprising, the sufferings of Ipswich men came first to mind. The im- passioned words of the minister of Chebacco in the Ipswich Town Meeting, and then before Andros, as he proclaimed the inalienable rights of Englishmen under Magna Charta, his noble reply to the mocking jeers of the Coimcillors that they were all slaves, that they did have privileges of which none could defraud them, had sunk deeply into the hearts of the people, and in the first moment of the reassertion of popular liberties, they afforded the finest and highest expression of the motive that stirred them to revolution. Andros surrendered before night, and Dudley was taken shortly after. A provisional government with Bradstreet at 258 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY, its head was oriianized at once. A convention of (lcl('s;ates from tlu> Towns wassninmoncd, which mot on May 2"'', and voted in favor of resuming tlie o\d o;ov(>rnment. The Council of Safety hesitat(Ml, however, and waited the assendihng of a new conven- tion with express instructions from the Towns. In conunon with the majority of Towns, Ipswich voted in favor of reassump- tion of th-e Glrrri-ter,! and this poHcy was acUiptcd in the con- vention held on May 24*^. The (lovernor and Magistrates de- posed at the accession of Dudley, resumed their offices and they and the delegates recently elected formed the (leneral Court. It was a bold proceeding. If King James had defeated the Prince of Orange, the lives of the leaders in this violent over- throw of the royal government woukl have been forfeited, be- yond a doubt. Tidings from England were awaited with nervous anxiety. At last a ship arrived from England on May 2G">, with an order to the authorities to proclaim William and Mary, King and Queen. "Never," says Palfrey, 2 ''since the Mayflower groped her way into Plymouth Harbor, had a message froui the parent country been received in New England with such joy. Never had such a pageant as, three days after, expressed the prevailing happiness, been seen in Massachusetts . From far and near the people flocked into Boston; the government, attended by the principal gentlemen of the capital and the towns around, passed in procession on horseback through the thoroughfares ; the reg- iment of the town, and companies of horse and foot from the country, lent their pomp to the show; there was a great tlinner at the Town House for the better sort; wine was served out in the streets ; and the evening was made noisy with acclamations, till the bell rang at nine o'clock, and families met to thank God at the domestic altar for causing the great sorrow to pass away, and giving a Protestant King and Queen to England." Action was taken at once toward the formulating of Articles of Impeachment against Andros and his Government. All who were aggrieved by their ill-treatment were instructed to draw up depositions, making a full statement of the facts. Major Appleton was desired to get the Ipswich depositions fairly writ- 1 Mass. Archives, book 107, leaf 53. - Hist, of New England, ill: 589. IPSWICH AND THE ANUROS GOVERNMENT. 259 ten and signed by the deponents, and to administer their oaths to them. These depositions afford a clear view of the exaspera- ting chsregard of the fvmdamental principles of Law and Jnstice by the Andros government and the reign of Anarchy and Terror. The men of Ipswich were quick in their response. Constable French filed his statement within a few days after the order was passed. An accomiti of Thomas French of Ipswich, who received injuries under late government undr Sur Edmon Andrus who sant for me by won Joseph Smith bayly with a warant under 8ur admon andrus hand who brought mo to bostan to the gov- erners hous sum time in Saptandier 87 whoo examined me of many things and if I was not at M^ Appletons & the meting the which I owned as about the worant sant by John Usher whether it was not as warents w^or ishewd out of former treasurers Dad in former government I answered no with other discours to long here to tell then he sant for too files of red cots and commited me to the stone haus for aleven dayes in the meanwhile we were examined by the Counsell and after that I was sent to prison with a Commitment for high misdemeanors before the counsell and not aladged in won partickular what and there I remained til a court of eyr and termoni was eld where I was trid upon life and death for high treason against the King and nothing provid of that nature. and then I was fined feftene pound and the Court charge came to sixtene more with other charges which amounted to fourty pound beside twenty weckes imprisonment I was then Constable and to borrow the munnies and pay interest the same I hope it will be considred. item to the sherev for the Hberty of the yard 01 — 00 — 00 to my fine 15—00—00 court charges 16 — 10 — 00 to the bayley 02—10—00 to for feese 01—05—00 to masy for hous rant 03 — 00 — 00 with cost for my 03—00-00 41—06—00 Thomas French. 27 May, 1689. 1 Mass. Archives, book 107, leaf 60. 260 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Mr. Wise, and the others who suffered with him, presented two statements. The first, filed in May, had especial reference to the allusions to them in the Declaration, which was read from the balcony of the Town House, and afterward printed and circulated. To the Councill of Essex i This may serve to signifie that severall of the towno of Ips- wich In Essex In N-England to Geather w^h the sul)scril)ers liave (imdo'' y Late Governm*^^ of S^" E'^ Andros) been Damnified In o"" P^sons 7gH 1 1 IPSWICH AND THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT. 271 ill size, in wealth and in population, was to be held on the 23^ of August, 1687. On the evening before that day, the Rev. John Wise, minister of the town of Ipswich,^ and several other inhabitants of Ipswich, met in what would now be called a preparatory caucus, at the house of John Appleton, brother- of Samuel Ai)pleton, one of the most distinguished persons of that time, the ancestor of more than one family of Applotons in a direct line; divines, lawyers, merchants, and physicians, the ornaments of your profession and of mine, and of all pro- fessions." "In that little preparatory caucus— I read from the record — it was discoursed and concluded that it was not the town's duty to consent to that method of raising money. The next day they attended in town meeting. Mr. Wise made a speech enforcing these doctrines, and thereupon the meeting spread upon its records this vote . . ." "This was circulated in manuscript through the County of Essex, it being illegal to print documents of this kind. Other towns refused to pay their tax. And although Mr. Appleton was convicted of misdemeanor by a jury of Boston, who, as has well been said by one of the historians of the time, were foreigners, and held confined under bonds, yet this manuscript appreciably kept alive that feeling which declared James de- posed from the throne before it was known that James had taken flight; and enforced by the thunder of Faneuil Hall, and by the thunder of Bunker Hill, re-proclaimed the same prin- ciple of English hberty which had long slumbered in the breasts of the people." "I hold that this scene, this incident, and these actors, de- serve a record in the old history of human rights. I shall not admit that Oxford and Cambridge, standing for their charters, though Isaac Newton was one of the academicians, were personally more beautiful than John Wise speaking to the free- men of Ipswich, and they responding, he a graduate of Har- vard College, celebrated in law as well as in literature and Dogmas of his own profession, the author of two tracts upon Congregationalism, personally brave, an advocate of liberty of conscience — a doctrine which it was no trifle to hold — and by all men's confession better fitted than Sir William Phips to conduct the Government. On that grave stone over his remains, and over which I have hung hundreds of times, it states that "in learning and talents he shone above his contem- poraries." 1 Minister of the Chebacco Parish now Essex. 2 At the house of Lieut. John Appleton, son of John, who was Ijrother of Samuel. 272 ipswich, in the massachusetts bay colony. Note. Reference may here be made to the frcciueiitly repeated as- sertion that Major Appleton evaded the messenger sent to arrest him and secreted himself in Lynn. Mr. Lewis, in his History of Lynn, recalls a tradition that the Major, while in hiding, was wont to address the people of the neighborhood from a high rock, near the site of the ancient iron-works, which is called Appleton 's Pulpit. A bronze tablet has been fixed in this rock bearing the inscription: APPLETON'S PULPIT IN" SEPTEMBER 1687 FROM THIS ROCK TRADITION" ASSERTS THAT RESISTING THE TYRANNY OF SIR EDMUND ANDROS MAJOR SAMUEL APPLETON OF IPSW"ICH SPOKE TO THE PEOPLE IN BEHALF OP THOSE PRINCIPLES "WHICH LATER WERE EMBODIED IN THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. Some confirmation of this tradition may be found in the fact that although the warrant for the arrest of Bradstreet,Saltonstall and Appleton was issued on Sept. 19th, and Bradstreet and Sal- tonstall were arrested at once, and Bradstreet was released on Oct. 5th, Major Appleton was not arraigned before the Council until Oct. 19*^. On Oct. 5*^, the warrant was issued for the arrest of Samuel Appleton of Lynn, who was then hiding from the officers of the law as the warrant declares, and had been previoush'" summoned. This is the only allusion to Samuel Appleton of Lynn, as involved in these troubles, and he was never arrested, so far as we know. From this, it might be in- ferred, that Major Appleton had secreted himself in Lynn, and the warrant specified ''Samuel Appleton of Lynn" to insure his arrest. But the testimon}^ of Major Appleton in his sworn deposition is, that he was arrested on the 20*^ of September, and continued in custody until his final release. Larkin, the messenger to whom the warrant was issued, had him in charge, when he was brought before the Council, while IPSWICH AND THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT. 273 Joshua Broadbank was the messenger charged with the arrest of Samuel Appleton of Lynn. Samuel Appleton, son of the Major, was a resident of Lynn from 1680 to 1688, and the owner of the iron works near the so- called Pulpit. He is undoubtedly the person against whom the warrant was issued on Oct. 5th. The tradition that a fugitive from justice should openly harangue the people from this high ledge is in itself improbable, and without historic value. But if there be a fragment of truth in this tradition, it must be re- ferred to some unknown episode in the life of Samuel Appleton of Lynn. CHAPTER XV. LAWS AND COURTS. The legal machinery at the outset was very simple. The Governor and his Assistants constituted at once the legislative and the judicial power. They enacted laws and arraigned and punished offenders. Thus we find that august body in 1630, adopting statesmanlike measures to secure the orderly settle- ment of the Colony, and ordering the squatter settlers to remove from Agawam; then, proceeding to order Thomas Morton of Mount Wollaston to be set in the bilboes and sent a prisoner to England for his un-Puritan courses. They set a price upon labor. "Carpenters, joyners, masons, bricklayers, sawyers, clapboard ryvcrs, thatchers, mowers, tylars and wheelwrights," were forbidden to take more than two shillings a day and every one was forbidden to give more, under penalty of 10s. to taker and giver. If their meat and drink were provided, their wages must not exceed 16^ a day. They made an example of Robert Clough by ordering his strong water taken from him for occasioning disorder, drunken- ness and misdemeanor, by his unwise sale of it. Richard Duffy a servant of Sir Richard Saltonstall, was sentenced to be whipped for misdemeanor toward his master, and the great Sir Richard in his turn, was called to account for letting his cows hurt Sag- amore John's corn, and ordered to give him a hogshead of corn in requital. John Shotswell was fined eleven shillings in Sept. 1633, "for distemping himself with drink at Agawam," and Robert Coles, for his excesses was fined and "enjoined to stand with a white sheet of paper on his back wherein A Drunkard shall be written in great letters, as long as the Court thinks meet. ' ' John Lee was sentenced to be whipped and fined for calling Mr. Ludlowe, "false-hearted knave and hard-hearted knave, heavy friend etc." The selling of ammunition to Indians was forbidden under penalty of branding in one cheek, laws for the preservation of (274) LAWS AND COURTS. 275 good timber were enacted, and tobacco takers were taken under surveillance. The Governor and his Assistants, in 1636, to secure the dis- patch of public business, ordered four Courts to be held every quarter. One of these Courts was to hold its session in Ipswich and include Newbury within its jurisdiction. It was to be known as the Quarter Sessions Court, and it was provided that the magistrates, who lived in the vicinity, should sit as judges. Our Ipswich magistrates were Mr. Dudley, Mr. Dummer, Mr. Bradstreet, Mr. Saltonstall and Mr. Spencer. Mr. Symonds, Mr. Woodbridge and Mr. Hubbard were made eligible as judges in 1638. Denison attained the ermine later. This lower Court had power to try all civil causes, "whereof the debt or damage did not exceed £10, and all criminal causes not concerning life, member or banishment." Right of appeal to the Great and General Court was allowed. The Kings arms were straightway erected in old Ipswich,and Ipswich jCeuTt was ready for its task. The original Records remain, and they afford most instructive and entertaining in- sight into the practical working of the Puritanic legal code. In the course of sixty years, a great variety of cases came before this tribunal for adjudication, some trivial, some ridiculous, many of weighty significance then but insignificant now, many fraught with sad reminders of stern delusions, but all illustra- tive of the tone and spirit of a Puritan town. The dignity of the Court itself was of intense moment to the Magistrates, and any reflection upon it was instantly rebuked. Mr. Jonathan Wade, one of the leading citizens, made some speeches, "afronting the Court" in 1645, for which he was summoned to trial and fined sixteen shiUings. John Broad- street, a man of meaner position, for similar misdemeanor, was sentenced to sit an hour in the stocks. Ezekiel Woodward and Thomas Bishop were obliged to make public acknowledgment of this fault at the next lecture day. Sundry offences against the awful sanctity of the Church and the Sabbath were dealt with, summarily. In the year 1647, the Town was plaintiff in suits against Thos. Rohngson, who lived close by the present Agawam House, and Robert Roberts, for refusing to pay the rate required of them toward 276 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. the expense of the new meeting-house. Rolingson paid in the end his 40^. and 17*2'^ more for costs. The Town was advised to compound with Roberts for 16^. Joseph Fowler's spiteful charge that there were Hars in the church, secured for him a place in the stocks, and Thomas Scott paid a fine for refusing to learn his catechism. Humphrey Griffin was fined 10^ for unloading barley on the Sabbath before sunset, and John Leigh escaped punishment for working in the swamp on the Lord's Day, only by proving that it was done to stop the fire from harm- ing himself and his neighbors. Disturbers of the public worship on the liOrd's day met their just deserts. In 1654, Edward Brydges had a legal ad- monition for disorder in the meeting house. In that same year, disorderliness had become so general and so offensive that the General Court took the matter in hand, and gave liberty to the officers of the congregation and the Selectmen of Towns to appoint one or two persons, 'Ho reform all such disordered persons in the congregations, or elsewhere about the meeting houses." Our Town proceeded in 1657 to avail itself of the new statute, and appointed Thos. Burnham and Symon Tomp- son to keep a watchful eye upon the youth, and none too soon, for John Averill had been before the Ipswich Court in 1656 for striking Thomas Twigs in the meeting house, "in the time of public ordinances on the Sabbath. ' ' For many years there was a vigorous spirit of disorder that must have marred the solemnity of many Sabbaths. The grouping of the j^oung men and boys together was the prolific source of constant disorder. Sometimes the distm-bance was violent, as when Thomas Bragg and Edward Cogswell fought together in the meeting house ' ' on the I^ord's day in time of ex- ercise" in the year 1670, for which they were fined 10^ apiece, or when Stephen Cross struck another worshipper. Two young misses, Elizabeth Hunt and Abigail Burnam, so disturbed public service one Sunda}^ in 1674, that they were arraigned before the Court, and their fathers admonished to reprove them becomingly, and Sam. Hunt Jr. was admonished and fined for his light behaviour. Old Salem in 1676 wrestled with the unruliness of the boys in this fashion : LAWS AND COURTS. 277 "all ye boyes of 3^e towne are and shall be appointed to sitt upon ye three pair of stairs in ye meeting house on ye Lord's day, and W™ Lord is appointed to look after ye boys y* sitte upon ye pulpit stairs. Reuben Guppy is to look and order soe many of ye boyes as may be convenient, and if any are unruly to present their names as the law directs."! But ' ' disorderly carriages ' ' increased still to the sorrow of all godly worshippers, and in 1657, in accordance with a pre- cept from the General Court, a new office was created, that of Tithingman, and 24 men, good and true, including some of the most prominent citizens, were chosen by the Selectmen. The tithingman was a most important functionary. His business extended much beyond the meeting house and disorder therein. To each officer was assigned the oversight of ten families, hence the name, though the origin of the office itself is found in the Saxon times of old England. Within his special precinct, he was instructed by common agreement of the Town officers in 1681, "to see that children and servants be taught to read and instructed in the capitall laws, and Catechism as the law p'vides, and that the Selectmen as they shall desire y™ goe with j^ to any persons to attend their dutye and where there is deficiency in any they are to inspect that the Laws be attended." Furthermore, the Law enjoined them "to inspect disorderly persons, and to p'sent the names of single persons that live out from under family government — to enter ordinaries and inspect them" — and "whatever else tends to irreligion. ' ' They were to admonish all offenders, and if this proved inef- fectual, they were bound to make complaint to the Court. One Tithingman at least, pressed the law to the letter, as the Court Record bears witness, under the date April 10, 1683. "William Knowlton upon complaint of John Edwards tithingman against him for keeping a pack of gaming cards in his house is sentenced according to Law to pay a fine of £5." Upon his submission, the Court ordered that "upon satisfying the informer his part as the law provides and paying 20^ to the Treasurer and fees the rest be respitted. ' ' Habitual neglecters were fined for their misconduct. Widow 1 "The Sabbath in Puritan Times," by Mrs. A. M. Earle, p. 55. 278 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Goodhue was thus dealt with in 1647 and Tlios. Lovell in 1671, and again in 1674. Thos. Lovell and Thos. Lovell, Jan., lived within a few rods, under the very droppings of the sanctuary. Their neglect was a rank offence, for which they paid a fine. Roger Darby and his wife, who lived in High St. close by the old Caleb Lord house, were warned, fined and dealt with harshly for similar fault. Some of these, if not all, were Quakers. A notable group of these enthusiasts faced the Court in September, 1658. Samuel Shattuck, celebrated in Whittier's poem, "The King's Missive," "having been apprehended by the constable two Lord's Days at the Quaker meeting and two days absence from the pubhc meeting" was fined 30^. Nicolas Phelps was fined the same sum for equal offence. Joshua Buffum, for a sin- gle Sabbath's absence was fined 15^, "And for persisting still in their course and opinion as Quakers, the sentence of the Court is, these three be committed to the House of Correction, there to be kept until they give security to renovmce their opinions or remove themselves out of the jurisdiction." The intense interest that centred in these trials is wholly beyond our imagination. The first law against that "cursed set of heretics" called Quakers, enacted in 1656, forbade any captain to land them. Any individual of that sect was to be committed at once to the House of Correction, to be severely whipped on his or her entrance, and kept constantly at work, and none were suffered to speak with them. The next year, it was ordered that any Quaker, coming again into this juris- diction, should have one of his ears cut off; for another offence, he should lose the other ear, and every Quaker woman should be severely whipped; for a third offence, the tongue was to be bored through with a hot iron. Ere long, sentence of death was ordered and executed in several cases at Boston. It was further decreed in 1661, that "any wandering Quakers be ap- prehended, stripped naked from the middle upward, tied to cart's-tayle and whipped thro the town." Persistently return- ing, they were to be branded with the letter R on the left shoulder. The repressive laws against this obnoxious sect were in full swing then, when Shattuck and his friends were brought to the bar of the Ipswich Court. Many of the Quakers had been guilty of great excesses in their assaults on the established wor- LAWS AND COURTS. 279 ship. Open interruptions of the service, and noisy demonstra- tions outside the meeting-house, were frequently made. Popular opinion was bitterly against them. We may imagine that the Court room was crowded with an eager company, hushed to deathly stillness, when Shattuck, Phelps and Buffum, wearing their hats before the dignitaries, unless removed by the con- stable, were examined, convicted, and sent to prison, there to be whipped, fed on bread and water, and made to work hard on the hemp and flax, always provided by the Master. They suffered a month in prison, and there were others with them, lyawrence Southwick and Cassandra, his wife, and Josiah Southwick. Then came the order from the General Court that they all be brought to Boston, and commanded to depart out of this jurisdiction under a penalty of banishment, if they remained. They all had been confined in Boston prison some years before, and no document has more pathetic interest than the petition to the General Com-t for release, which they drew up while in prison, which is still preserved among the old Court papers in Salem. It was written apparently by Cassandra Southwick, and bears the signature of each. It is dated, "from ye house of bondage in Boston, wherein we are made captives by the will of man, although in measure made free by ye Son. John 8: 36 in which we quietly rest, this 16^^ 5°i° 1648." Against this same group, the General Court pronounced in 1659, that "if anyone is found within this jurisdiction after the 8*^ of June next, he shall be arrested, and if found guilty, put to death." Whittier's muse has made them all immortal. He has ex- tolled Samuel Shattuck 's bluff and fearless audience with the Governor, when the accession of Charles II had given the Qua- kers temporary advantage, and portrayed with loving fidelity the tender womanliness of Cassandra, condemned to be banished but escaping this fate, because no shipmaster would bear her away. No wonder the gentle poet's ire is roused at the savage violence vented on Lydia Wardwell, a modest and virtuous maiden, who was driven to frenzied excess by her convictions of duty, and went naked into the meeting house at Newbury. For this, she was arraigned in 1663, was condemned forthwith 280 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. to be tied to the fence post of the tavern where the Court sat, and was sorely lashed with twenty or thirty cruel stripes. i Happily affairs of lesser weight relieved the bitterness of these Quaker trials. Groups of elderly citizens appeared from time to time and prayed to be excused from training because of their years and infirmities, or sought exemption from the night-watch. Sometimes release from military service was freely granted as in the case of John Leigh, in his 70th year; sometimes a money rate was imposed for the release. It was 6^. a year in the case of Robert Day. Anon, anxious good wives and daughters were summoned to answer for wearing a gay silk scarf or a silk hood, or some over- proud commoner for his brave display of silver lace, and they were sentenced to pay a fine unless it was proved that the wearer or husband or father was worth £200. When the terrors of King Philip's war bluest upon the Colony, the General Coiu't discerned in it the rebukes of Almighty God, and straightway it issued fresh edicts against some flagrant abuses. Children were to be cared for and catechised more diligently. Check was placed on the pride that was evident in that "long hair like women's haire is worn by some men, either their own or other's hair, made into periwiggs; and by some weomen wearing borders of hayre and their cutting, curling and imodest laying out their haire, especially among the younger sort." The evil of pride in apparel was assailed, particularly "cost- liness in the poorer sort and vajne, new, strainge fashions, wi*^ naked breast and armes or as it were, pinioned wi*^ the ad- dition of superstitious ribbons both in hajre and apparel." These laws bore hardly upon the belles of Ipswich, and some of the lighter minded wives and mothers. At the September session of the Court in 1675, in obedience to the summons of the Constable, Arthur Abbott's wife for the offense of wearing a silk hood and scarf, Benedict Pulcifer's wife on a similar charge, the two daughters of Haniell Bosworth, the cowherd, Margaret Lambert, and the wives of John Kindrick, Thomas Knowlton, and Obadiah Bridges, all appeared and paid dearly for their ribbons and gew-gaws and "imodest laying out of their hajre." 1 Coffin's History of Newbury, p 56. LAWS AND COURTS. 281 Now and then, some of the most eminent citizens were brought to Court for overcharging in mercantile transactions. Mr Jonathan Wade, for "expensive prices in selUng grindstones and other tilings" had to pay a fine of £5 and mtness fees m 1658 Mr Robert Pavne, the Elder of the Church and the Patron of the Grammar School, and the Town Clerk, William Bartholo- mew, were similarly fined. Family jars were adjusted. Mark Quilter was put under £10 bonds in 1664 to be ''of good behaviour toward all persons, but especially his wife." Daniel Black and wife were^both condemned to be set in the stocks, with instructions not to mis- call each other" while in hmbo. Mary Bidgood was ordered to Eno-land to Hve with her husband. Elizabeth Fanmng, wife of William Fanning of Newbury, being proved to be a common scold was sentenced "to be sett in a ducking stool and dipt over head and ears three times in some convenient place m ye river at Newbury on ye next lecture-day after lecture. ' John Tellison was duly punished for tying his wife to the bed post xvith a plow chain to keep her at home. Humphrey Griffin s difficulty with his mother-in-law led to two prosecutions; she was fined for cursing and reviling her son-in-law, and he for re- viling her The woes of the bond-servant were also avenged. Philip Fowler abused a boy bound out to him, Richard Parker by name, "by hanging him up by the heels as butchers do beasts for the slaughter." The Court cautioned him and charged the cost of the trial. The traffic in strong water and its various effects engaged the attention of the tribunal constantly. The earUest hcense to sell was granted Robert Roberts by the Court of Assistants m 1635 1 Men of the highest reputation soon sought hke liberty Mr Robert Payne, Mr. Bartholomew, and Jeremy Belcher all received license in 1652. Deacon Moses Pengry kept an ordi- nary and dispensed spirit. Corporal John Andrews, mn-keeper at the White Horse in High street, frequently disturbed the public peace. A petition signed by many of the most proni- inent citizens led the Court to decline to renew his license, by its complaint of sundry offences. The original document after many years of travel, came into the possession of D. 1 . Appleton, 1 Felt, p.m. 282 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Esq., and was given by him to tlie Ipswich Historical Society. Deacon Pengry was authorized to keep an ordinary in place of Andrews, and Andrews's spite is easily detected in the petty mischief of "pulling down the signe of Moses Pengry, (a licensed vender of strong water) and Mr. Brown, his gate and dore, and Lieut. Sam. Appleton his gate," for which he was duly arraigned. Daniel Ringe was licensed to keep an ordinary in 1661 but "not to draw beer above a penny a quart, and to pro- vide meate for men and cattell." John Perkins, Andrew Peeters and John Whipple were licensed in 1662, the last to sell not less than a quart at a time and none to be drunk in his house. All were bound "not to sell by retail to any but men of family, and of good repute, nor sell any after sun sett; and that they shall be ready to give account of what liquors they sell by retail, the quantity, time antl to whom." Mr. Jonathan Wade was also licensed. Still the traffic grew, and in the year 1692, hcenses were granted to John Spark, Mr. Francis Wainwright, Mr. John Wain Wright, Francis Wainwright, Jr., Capt. Daniel Wicom, Mr. Abraham Perkins, Mr. Goodhue Sen. and Mr. Michael Farley, Sen. Despite the selection of men of the best character for dealers, and all restrictions and limitations upon the trade, evil results abounded. Cases of drunkenness were frequently before the Court. One of the most curious was that of Humphrey Griffin, who was indicted by the Grand Jury for 'being drunk, as it appeared "by his gesster, evile words, falling off his horse twice (or oftener) and his breath senting much of strong liquor." Over indulgence, no doubt, explains Shoreborne Wilson's "ry- baldry speech" for which he sat half an hour in the stocks. Poor Mark Quilter's domestic infelicities sprang from this source and many a misdemeanor was traceable to this as its responsible cause. Rev. Mr. Hubbard was the victim of his graceless servant, Peter Leycross, who, acting in league with Jonas Gregory, the public whipper, and Symon Woods, made repeated depredations upon the minister's wine cellar, stealing five gallons at one time. They also stole his fat sheep and sold them, but were apprehend- ed at last making merry over the ministerial wine at Gregory's and were sentenced to be whipped or pay a fine. LAWS AND COURTS. 283 The tobacco habit was severely frowned upon. Thos. Parell was fined 10^ for taking tobacco out of doors and near a house in 1654. Richard Hutten for smoking tobacco in the street on the Sabbath day paid 10^ and costs and Nathaniel Treadwell's "pype" publicly used cost him more than it was worth, manifold. Still, tradition has it that the Rev. Nath. Rogers was an inveterate user of the mahgned herb. Some rollicking pranks of the olden time have been preserved through the medium of these old Court Records, the tearing up of bridges, the annoying and abusing of the night watch, and the consummate mischievousness of Thomas and John Manning in putting a calf down toper Mark Quilter's chimney, and abus- ing him in his barn and yard. Jonathan Piatt's name is rescued from oblivion as the gay Lothario, who endeavored "to draw away the affections of Mr. Rogers, his mayd," and was judged to have broken the law and was fined 5«. Card playing was an offence for which a merry group of four paid 5^ a piece in 1664. There were liars and thieves in the old days, but a he was a costly luxury, and a thief found the way of the transgressor very hard. Mark Symonds paid for one He 10^ and for "3 other untruths" 5« apiece. John Broadstreet was so unfortu- nate as to be indicted in 1652 "for supposition of haveing famd- iarity with the devil." It was proved only that he had told a he but as it was his second offence, he was sentenced to pay a fine of 20« or be whipped. Jeffry SkeUing was whipped for divers lies and Goodwife Haffield was fined 20« for taking the name of God in vain to witness to a lie. Simple theft sent Abner Ordway, the blacksmith by the Mill Dam, to the stocks. A more aggravated case caused Obadiah Rich of Salem to be branded in the forehead here in Ipswich with the letter B, to be fined treble damages, and to be sent to Salem to be severely whipped. Like penalty was laid upon Henry Spencer. Thus, offenders of every grade came and went, and some so frequently that their names become familiar. Joseph Fowler, the lawless and defiant insulter of magistrates, assailant of watchmen, brawling disturber of the pubhc peace, was a peren- nial culprit. So were Francis Jordan, the public whipper before Gregory's time. Corporal John Andrews and Mark Qmlter. The Quaker, Roger Darby and his wife were often there. 284 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Long and tedious as the Sabbath day was made by the pro- tracted public services and home catechisings, om- Puritan an- cestors deemed it necessary to set apart another day in the week for religious exercises, to secure a proper degree of public piety. Thursday was the day chosen, and the weekly Lecture was the important event of that day. All work and amusement were prohibited, and attendance on the sanctuary was compul- sory as on the Sabbath. Larger liberty of theme was permitted the minister, however, and many matters of public order were vigorously pressed. The day was often utilized for special town-meetings or Selectmen's meetings, after the service. Advantage was taken of the gathering of the people for the public administration of justice, and many an offender expiated some misdoing by an oral confession of his sin to the congregation, or by a written apology, which was read from the desk. Joseph Muzzey was thus made conspicuous in 1651, and he was obliged to make such acknowledgment as the Court appointed. Richard Smith had a difficulty with the officers of the Town in 1645 and was so indiscreet as to say, "Though Father, Son & Holy Ghost were against him, yet he had the victory" or to this purpose. For this, he was sentenced to "make acknowledg- ment of this blasphemy" or pay a fine in addition to the 40" already levied. In 1667, John Andrews met the deserved frown of all good Christians, when he acknowledged his part in the indecent dis- honor to the Sagamore's bones. Twenty years later, he be- came one of our town heroes when he joined with Pastor John Wise and his famous company in resisting the Andros tax, and suffered for his boldness. The summary rebuke of that scape- grace prank may have brought the youth to that better man- hood. Ezekiel Woodward and Thomas Bishop, a well-known merchant and trader, made public apologies that year for af- fronting the magistrates. Offences that were regarded as specially heinous were pun- ished not merely by whipping, and sometimes with branding with hot irons, but with public exposure on the lecture day. Sarah Row, a woman of unchaste life and violent behavior, was sentenced in 1673 "to stand all the time of the meeting, from LAWS AND COURTS. 285 the last bell-ringing, on a high place where the master of the House of Correction shall appoint in open view of the congre- gation with a faire white paper m'itten in faire capitall letters," specifying her offence; and in 1674, Thomas Knowlton might have been seen standing openly with a paper on his breast in- scribed, in capital letters, ''for makeing disturbance in the meeting." Two sisters, guilty of an unnatural crime, were com pelled to face the pitiless scorn of the congregation, standing or sitting on a high stool, with the tale of their infamy written upon them, in 1681. A touch of the grotesque is discerned in the case of Elizabeth Perkins, wife of Luke, who was presented by the Grand Jury in 1681 for many ''most opprobious and scandalous words of an high nature ag^t Mr. Cobbitt and her husband's natural parents, and others of his relations, which was proved and in part owned." "That a due testimony may be borne against such a viru- lent, reprochfull and wicked tongued woman, this Court doth sentence said Elizabeth to be severely whipped on her naked body, and to stand or sitt the next Lecture day in some open place in the public meeting house at Ipswich, and when the Court shall direct, the whole time of the service with a paper pinned on her head, written in capital letters 'for reproching ministers, parents & relations.' " The corporal punishment was remitted for a 3£ fine, but the remainder of the sentence was no doubt executed. "Reproaching ministers," was an offence that engaged the wisdom of the General Court as early as 1646, and it decreed that the offender should "pay a fine or stand two hours openly on a block four feet high on a lecture day, with a paper fixed on the breast with the inscription 'a wanton Gospeller.' " Presumptuous speeches were often made. John Cross slan- dered Mr. Rogers, and Thomas Cross dared to say of Rev. John Norton that he taught what was false. He also reproached the ordinance of baptism and said that if he had children, he would not have them play the fool. Wilham Winter said that Mr. Cobbet in his teaching lied against his own Conscience, and one of his Lynn parishioners had suffered for declaring, "he had as Uef hear a dog bark as Mr. Cobbett preach. ' ' For these affronts, due apologies were made. 286 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Criminals under sentence of death, were brought to the public Lecture. Judge Se wall records : "Jan. 16: 1700-1. At Ipswich, Mr. Rogers preached the lecture from Luke 1 : 76, about ministerial preparation for Christ. Sung the nine first verses of the 132'^ Psalm. Mr. Rogers praie'd for the prisoner of death, the Newbury woman, who was there in her chains. ' ' This was the last sermon, he adds, that was preached in the old meeting house. Evil doers met the public eye, without as well as within. Hard by the meeting house, were the whipping post and stocks, and prison, all on the level Green, on which the meeting house of the First Church stands today. The site of the last whip- ping post is marked by the elm tree nearest the meeting house on the east corner. It was frequently ordered that the pun- ishment of the lash or the stocks should be inflicted on the lec- ture day, and the scene which Hawthorne depicts, when the Boston congregation issued from the meeting house, and was shocked by the sight of Rev. Arthur Dimmesdale acknowledg- ing his sin on the scaffold, was enacted frequently, with humbler personages bearing their public shame. Thus in 1647, roystering Joseph Fowler, often at fault, was sentenced to pay a considerable fine or sit in the stocks some lecture day, for saying there were liars in the church and won- dering they were not cast out, "and if one would lye soundly he was fit for the church," or Shoreborne Wilson, a man of fre- quent misdeeds, for some ' ' rybaldry speech. ' ' There, in deserved disgrace, one lecture day in 1667, sat several giddy young men, Stephen Cross, Wm. Andrews and Joseph Giddings, for pulling up bridges and other misdemeanors at the windmill. Thus religious and civil affairs were closely interlocked. Ministerial dignity was maintained by judicial enactment. Neg- lect or disorder in the meeting house was an offence against the civil statute. Breaking of the Sabbath was punished by the Law and taxes for ministerial support and all church ex- penses were collected by the constable under legal process. Religion was only requiting its debt to Law, when it made the solemn gathering for worship the occasion of terrible punish- ment of misdocrs and branded the law breaker with open shame. CHAPTER XVI. WITCHCRAFT. It was a matter of common iDelief in England as well as in the Colonies on this side of the Atlantic, that Satan and his angels were actively engaged in assaulting the kingdom of the Lord Jesus Christ, and disturbing the peace of mankind. To attain this end, the Devil made persuasive overtures to men and wo- men, and those who listened to his beguilement were endued with supernatural powers of working mischief upon all, whom they wished to injure. It was an age of credulous belief in ghosts and spectres, supernatural manifestations and extra- ordinary events, and the actual existence of witches, who had familiarity with the Devil, and did his bidding, was not doubted in the least degree. That the good people of Ipswich had conceived a strong suspicion of the evil character of one of their townsmen, John Broadstreet, as early as the year 1652, is made painfully evident by the entry in the Record of the Court, that was "held at Ips- wich 28tt (7) 1652. "John Broadstreet upon his p^sentnit of the last court for suspition of haveing familiarity wt^ the devill upon examyna- tion of the case they found he had tould a lye : w^h was a second & being convicted once before the Court setts a fine of 20s or else to be whipt. Edw. Coborne is surety for the pay- ment of the fine and fees of court." Happily for the accused, popular excitement had not been aroused, and the judicious moderation of the Judges saved him from a severe sentence. A more violent treatment of a sus- pected witch was manifested in Salisbury in 1656, when Goody Cole, of Hampton, whose name is preserved in Whittier's "The Changeling" was arraigned on suspicion of witchcraft. A wit- ness testified, that thirteen years before she had bewitched Goodwife Masten's child, changing it into an ape. (287) 288 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. The Coiistal:)le of Salisbiuy, Richard Orinesby, made his de- position i"that beiiifj; aboiite to stripp Eunice Cole to bee whipt . . . looking uppon her brests under one of her brests . . . I saw a blew thino; . . . hanging downwards about three (piarters of an inch long not very thick." This excrescence was proof positive of witchcraft, and the accused instantly pulled or scratched it off, incurring grave suspicion of Satanic power. She was probably whipped at that time, but she was not sentenced to Boston Jail until 1673, when she was tried for having familiarity with the Devil. The story of her release from Ipswich jail may be an invention of the poet. At the Court held at Ipswich, the 30th of March, 1680, Abel Powell was put on trial. Several neighbors bore witness of uncanny happenings in their households. The andirons leaped into the great kettle, the spinning wheel was turned upside down, strange and terrifying noises disturbed the quiet of the night, and many objects moved without hands, through closed doors. A great variety of family mishaps were all laid to his charge, but he was acquitted of witchcraft. In the same year, Elizabeth Morse was found guilty of having familiarity with the Devil by the Court of Assistants in Boston, on May 20th^ and on the 27*^ of May, "after ye lecture, the Governor pronounced sentence," of hanging. She was reprieved however, on June l^t mitil the October session, and allowed to return to her home in Newbury, ' 'Provided she gee not above sixteen Rods from hir owne house, & land at any time except to the meeting house in Newbery nor remove from the place Appointed hir by the minister & selectmen to sitt in whilst there. "2 General Denison sat as one of the Judges during her trial and reprieve. Twelve years elapsed, and no record occurs of any such trials. Then the storm burst in awful violence. Some young girls of Salem Village, now Dan vers, began to act in strange ways, creep- ing under chairs and stools, distorting their faces, and muttering unintelligible jargon. The physicians could not explain their l^ehavior, and one of them, it is said, suggested that they 1 Witclicralt Record. - Record ol' Court of Assistants. WITCHCRAFT. 289 might be bewitched. As some of the girls belono-ed in the family of Rev. Mr. Parris, Pastor of the Church in Salem Village, he invited several of the neighboring ministers to join mth him in keeping a solemn day of prayer at his house. During these exercises, one of the girls about eleven years old, seemed to be thrown into convulsion fits. The others were soon similarly affected, and began to say that they saw, while in their fits, cer- tain persons pinching or sticking pins into them, or otherwise torturing them. The first person named by them was Tituba, an Indian servant in the minister's household, and she confessed that the Devil urged her to sign a book, and to harm the children. She was committed to prison. Two others were soon accused. "Sarah Good, who had long been counted a melancholy or dis- tracted woman; and one Osborn, an old bed-ridden woman; which two were persons so ill thought of, that the accusation was the more readily believed." i Ten persons were soon afiflicted and they began to charge the practice of witchcraft upon their neighbors and friends. The venerable Rebecca Nurse, mother of a large family and of es- tablished Christian character, was charged with bewitching them. She was arraigned in the meeting house before the Justices, and her accusers, uttering piercing shrieks, declared that she bit or stamped upon them. She protested her innocence, and made piteous appeal to God to help her, but she was sentenced to prison, and goodwife Corey at the same time. Little Doroth}'' Good, the five year old daughter of Sarah Good, already under arrest, was named as a witch, as well. The number of the ac- cused increased so rapidly that the Court of Assistants convened in Salem on the 11th of April, 1692, to administer justice. It was a day of the most thrilling interest to Ipswich. The Deputy Governor, Thomas Danforth, and six Assistants, in- cluding our honored townsman, Major Samuel Appleton, were the Judges, and among the accused were John Proctor and Ehzabeth, his wife, formerly residents of the Chebacco Parish. Jolm Proctor and his wife, Sarah Cloyce, Rebecca Nurse, Martha Corey, and little Dorothy Good were all sent to Boston jaiL2 1 Robert Calef, " More Wonders of tlie Invisible World." * Court Records. 290 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Most persistent endeavor was made in behalf of the Proctors. Rev. John Wise drew up a petition, which was signed by a goodly number of the most prominent men of the Chebacco Parish. The Humble & Sincere Declaration of us Subscribers, In- habitants in IpsAvich on y" behalf of o^ Neighb^'s Jno Proctor & his wife now in Trouble & und^ Suspition of Witchcraft — Too the Hon^able Court of Assistants now sitting In Boston Honied & Right Worshipfull The fore sd John Procter may have great reason to Justifie the Divine Sovereigntie of God under those Severe Remarqs of Providence upon his Peace & Hon^ und^ a due reflection upon his life past And so the best of us have reason to Adoar the Great Pittie and Indulgence of Gods Providence that we are not ex- posed to the utmost shame y* the Divill can Invent undr the p^missions of Sovereigntie tho not for y^ sin fore named y^ for our many Transgretions for we do at present suppose that it may be A Method w^^ in the Seveerer But just Transactions of the Infinite Majestie of God y*^ he sometimes may permitt Sathan to p'"sonate Dissemble & therby abuse innocents & such as Do in the fear of God Defie the Devill and all his works. The Great Rage he is p^mitted to attempt holy Job w^h The abuse he does the famous Samuel in Disquieting his silent Dust by Shaddowing his venerable p'son in answer to the Charms of Witchcraft & other instances from Good hands may be Arg*^ Besides the unsearcheable foot stepps of Gods Judgements y* are brought to Light every morning y* Astonish o^" weaker Reasons. To teach us Adoration Trembling & Dependance &c But We must not Trouble your Hon^s by Being Tedious. There- fore we being Smitten with the Notice of what hath happened we Reccon it wt^^in the Duties of o^ Charitie that Teacheth us to do as we would be done by to offer thus much for the Clear- ing of or Neighb''® Innocencie: viz. That we never had the least knowledge of such a Nefarious wickedness in o^" said Neighbours since they have been w^Mn o^' acquaintance. Neigther doe we remember any such thoughts in us conceiving them or any action by them or either of them Directly tending that way no more than might be in the lives of any other p^sons of the Clearest Reputation as to any such Evills. What God may have left them to we cannot Go into Gods pavilions Cloathed w^^ Cloudes of Darkness Round About. But as to what we have ever seen or heard of them upon o^" consciences we Judge them Innocent of the crime objected. His Breading hath been amongst us and was of Religious WITCHCRAFT. 291 Parents in o"" place and by reason of Relations & Properties wi^in or Towne hath had constant intercourse with us. We speak upon o^ p^sonall acquaintance and observation: and so leave our neighbours and this our Testimonie on their behalfe to the wise thoughts of y Honours &tc Subscribe &tc. John Wise William Story Senr William Cogswell Regenalld Foster Jonathan Cogswell Thonis Chote John Cogswell ju^ John Burnham S'" John Cogswell William Thomsom Thomas Andrews Tho. Low senr Joseph Andrews Isaac Foster Benjamin Marshall John Burnam junr John Andrews jr William Goodhue William Buslin Isaac Perkins William Andrews Nathaniell Perkins John Andrews Thomas Wilkins John Chote se^ William Cogswell Joseph Proctor Thomas Varny Samuel Giddings John Ffellows Joseph Eveleth '- James White Twenty of the neighbors in Salem Village, where the Proctors had their home, joined in a petition, affirming "that to our ap- prehension they lived a Christian life in their family and were ever ready to helpe such as stood in need of their helpe." Against this burden of sober and credible evidence, Mary Warren testi- fied that Mrs. Proctor had poppets or dolls, which she pricked, and instantly she herself had been pricked. Goodwife Proctor had also threatened her with hot tongs. But the most whim- sical, yet dreadful evidence was the reported declaration of the apparitions of those who had lain in their graves for years, that she had killed them for various trifling reasons. This evidence prevailed and the good woman was sentenced to death. This spectral evidence was easily produced, and was unanswerable. The purest characters were no proof against the infamous charge of murder, and crimes of every kind. Those accused as witches were subjected to the same treatment allotted to felons, and were viewed with horror and fear. Even when they had been locked in the dungeons of the prisons, those who testified 292 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. against them, declared that they were still pricked and tor- mented by the prisoners. Sir William Phips arrived in May, with his commission as Governor under King William. It was said that the first order issued by him, required that irons should be put upon those in prison. ^ Mr. Jonathan Gary of Gharlestown Avrote that his wife was carried to Gambridge prison and that the jailer put irons on her legs that weighed about eight pounds. The early trials of the accused were before the Gourt of Assistants, of which Major Samuel Appleton was a member, but a special Gommission of Oyer and Terminer was issued to several Justices, which began its sittings on June 2^^^. Major Appleton had no j^art in the deliberations of this Gourt, which proceeded at once to pass severe sentence upon the reputed witches. Brid- get Bishop, who had long been under suspicion, was tried and condemned to death on the 8*^^ of June, and on June 10**^ she was hanged. The Judges, the Ministers of Salem and vicinity, and the most enlightened citizens were sure that the powers of darkness were leagued against them. It was declared that the Devil had met with a great gathering of witches, and had declared that Ghrist's kingdom must be broken down. He declared that the Judg- ment Day and the Resurrection were abolished and all punish- ment for sin. He promised ease and comfort to those who would serve him, and a sacrament was then administered by him, with red bread and a liquid, red as blood. The severest measures were necessary, to repel these assaults. The Gourt met again on June 30*^^, and Sarah Good, Re- becca Nurse, and Elizabeth How, wife of James How of the Linebrook Parish, and others were put on trial. The evidence was of the usual absurd character, Sarah Good had been confined in Ipswich jail. Joseph Herrick, the Gonstable of Salem, testified that she had been committed to his charge to carry to Ipswich. That night, he affirmed, he had a guard over her in his own house, and she disappeared for a time, bare foot and bare legged, and went and afflicted Elizabeth Hub- bard. Her arm was blood}^ in the morning. Samuel Braybrook 1 Calef. More Wonders of the Invisible World. WITCHCRAFT. 293 said that while carrying her to Ipswich/'she leapt off her horse 3 times, which was between 12 & 3 of the clock." Elizabeth How was charged with causing the death of sun- dry cattle and horses, and with being one of a company, who had knelt down by the bank of the river at Newbury Falls, and worshipped the Devil, and had then been baptized by him. The accused were all condemned and were all executed on July 19*^. Ipswich had her full share of the horrors of that mem- orable summer. Sarah Buckley, wife of William Buckley, formerly a resident of Ipswich, was accused, and the venerable Pastor, WiUiam Hubbard, had grace enough and courage enough to make a bold endeavor to save her, at a time when all were beside themselves with fear. Mr. Hubbard's CertifRcate. These are to certifye whom it may or shall concerne that I have known Sarah y^ wife of William Buckly of Salem Village more or lesse ever since she was brought out of England w^h is above fifty years agoe and during all y* time I never knew nor heard of any evill in her carriage or conversation unbecoming a Christian: likewise she was bred up by Christian parents all y^ time she lived here att Ipswich I further Satisfye yt y sd Sarah was admitted as a member into y^ church of Ipswich above forty yeares since and that I never heard from others or ob- served by my selfe anything of her that was inconsistent with her profession or unsuitable to Christianity either in word deed or conversation and am straingly surprized that any person should speake or thinke of her as one worthy to be suspected of any such crime that she is now charged with in testimony hereof I have here sett my hand this 20* of June, 1692. William Hubbard. Old Rachel Clenton, who lived in a little house near Mr. Clark AbeU's, by the Mill Dam, was arrested. Constable Joseph Fuller served the warrant and his personal account with the County is preserved. Joseph Fuller acct; Joseph fuller as constable for vs ye yere 1692 for seasing of County. Rachell Clenton & bring of har before Justis According to war- rant. 1 — 294 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. for tending y® Court of oyer & termener Is — 00 at Salem ten days 1—0—0 Constaball Choat for seaseing of goody penne & carreing of har to Sallem & bring of hur 0—8 — 9 back to ipswich Goall from Sallem by vertii of a mittimas with one ^" man to assistance for tending at ye Court of Oyer & turmener two weeks 1^ — — 1692 James fuller & nathaniell fuller thre dayes a pese at Salem being sumoned to give evidence Against Rachell Clenton at y^ Court of Oyer & Termina. 0—12—0 To the Constable's account, may be added the charges of Thomas Manning, the gmismith, who hved on the house lot, now occupied by the residence of the late William Kinsman, opposite the Parsonage of the South Church. Thomas Manning his accompte of work done by him for y^ County of in y^ yere 1692. the mending & pouting one [putting on] Rachell's fetters 00—01—06 to John houwardi 1 pare of fetters 00 — 05 — 00 to John Jackshon sener 1 pare of fetters 00 — 05 — 00 to John Jackshon JunrJ- 1 pare of fetters 00 — 05 — 00 00—16—06 John Proctor and Elizabeth, with four others, were tried by the Court on August 5**^. Mention has already been made of the petitions in his favor. While lying in Salem Prison, Mr. Proctor addressed a letter to Rev. Cotton Mather and other ministers. He implored their ''favourable assistance of this our humble petition to his excellency, that if it be possible our innocent blood may be spared, which undoubtedly otherwise will be shed, if the Lord doth not mercifully step in ; the magis- i William Howard of Turkey Shore, owner of the " Howard house " h.id a son •lohn. John Jackson died before 1648, leaving a widow at least. There is no direct evidence that these were suspected witches, but it is liighly i)robable. WITCHCRAFT. 295 trates, ministers, juries, and all the people in general, being so much enraged and incensed against us by the delusion of the devil, which we can term no other, by reason we know in our own consciences we are all innocent persons." "My son William Proctor, when he was examined, because he would not confess that he was guilty, when he was innocent, they tied him neck and heels till the blood gushed out at his nose, and would have kept him so twenty-four hours, if one, more merciful than the rest, had not taken pity on him, and caused him to be unbound." He prayed, therefore, that if they could not have their trials in Boston, some other magistrates might hold court in Salem. But all was of no avail, and he was condemned to death. He was hanged on August lO^^ii, pleading to the last moment for a little respite, saying that he was not fit to die. Mrs. Proctor was reprieved and eventually pardoned. Ipswich prison was filled with the accused. Among them was Mary Easty, the wife of Isaac Easty of Topsfield, and sister of Rebecca Nurse. She petitioned the Court to proceed with caution, as many self-confessed witches had belied themselves. "I was confined a whole month on the same account that I am now condemned, and then cleared by the afflicted persons as some of your honors know; and in two days time I was cried out upon by them again, and have been confined, and now am con- demned to die. The Lord above knows my innocence then and likewise doth now, as at the great day will be known by men and angels. I petition to your honors not for my own life, for I know I must die, and my appointed time is set; but the liOrd he knows if it be possible that no more innocent blood be shed, which undoubtedly cannot be avoided in the way and course you go in".i The prison keeper, Thomas Fossie and Elizabeth, his wife, testified that they "saw no evil carriage or deportment while confined in Ipswich jail." She was carried to execution with her fellow-prisoners, Martha Corey, Ann Pudeater, and five other unfortunates. "When she took her last farewell of her husband, children and friends," "she was, as is reported by them present, as serious, religious, distinct and affectionate as could well be exprest, drawing tears from the eyes of almost all present." > Calef, More Wonders of the Invisible World. 296 IPSWICH. IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Giles Corey, was taken from Ipswich prison, where he made his will, as Judge Sewall mentions in his Diary, to Salem, and there pressed to death by heavy weights upon his chest, be- cause he refused to plead. Thus the towns-folk of old Ipswich came to know the poor sufferers of that dark time. Robert Lord, the blacksmith, who lived and plied his trade on the site of the Samuel Baker house on High street, presented his bill in July 1692. Itt m for making fouer payer of Iron ffetters and tow payer of hand Cuffs and putting them on to ye legs and hands of Good- wife Cloys, Estes, Bromidg and Green all att one pound aleven Shillings money. £ s d 1—11—0 RoBT Lord, Smith Isaac Littlehale charged the County in 1692 "for 18 pound of iron yt was prest from Isaack Little Alle for feetters for ye prison- ers at a 4d a pound" — 6 — John Harris, the Deputy Sheriff, had charge of transporting the prisoners, and his account with the County reveals many sorrowful journeys of the reputed witches, through the streets from the Prison to Salem Court or Gallows Hill. An account from John Harris sherife deputy of sondry charges at y® Corts of Iran terminar held at Sallem in y^ yere 1692 lb s d Itt presing a hores & man to assist in carrie- ing of Sary Good from Ipswich goalie to Sallem 0—8—0 Itt, for going to Sallem to carry a Return of y® Juriars of Ipswich & Rowley & Attend- ing ye siting — 4 — Itt. for a man & horse y* was prest to Re- move Sary good & child ffrom ipswich to Sallem 7—6 Itt. for pressing of hores & man to gard me with ye wife of John willes & ye widdow pudeater from Ipswich to Salem myself & ' gard 9 — 6 Itt. for tending ye Court at y® second siting 4 — WITCHCRAFT. 297 4—0 4—0 Itt. for prouiding a Jury to make search upon Cori & his wife & Clenton Easty : hore : Cloiss : & mrs bradbury Itt. Tendina; y^ Court on a Jurnnient August y« 2d 1692 from Tuesday till Satterday Ttt. for expenc & Time to git 3 paire of feHers made for y^ two Jacksons & John howard 2 — Itt. for Removeing of howard & ye two Jack- sons & Joseph emmons from Ipswich Goall to Sallem & thare Tending y^ Courts plea- sure thre dayes till three of them was sent back to ipswich Goall by me which time of thre dayes for mysellfe & exspenc for Thos V* assisted me in yi sarues 06—00 for presing of men & horses for This designe 02—00 Itt for bringing of m^s bradbury from Sallem to ipswich goall & a man to assist me 4 — 2—18—6 as attest John Harris, deputy sheref In the midst of these distracting events, a new and unique outburst of Satanic rage revealed itself. Gloucester was invaded by a spectral company of Indians and French. Coming out of the swamps, or corn-fields, sometimes singly, again in a group, they approached the garrison. Usually the guns of the soldiers missed fire, but when the guns were discharged the bullets had no effect. Their speech was in an unknown tongue. They carried guns and real bullets shot from them were dug out of the trees. The alarm became so great that Major Appleton sent about sixty men on the 18^1^ of July ''for the Townes As- sistance under these inexplicable Alarms, which they had suf- fered night and day for about a Fortnight together." John Day testified that he "went in Company with Ipswich and Glou- cester Forces, to a Garrison about Two Miles and a half from the Town: and News being brought in, that Guns went off in a Swamp not far from the Garrison, some of the Men with him- self, ran to discover what they could ; and when he came to the Head of the Swamp, he saw a Man with a blue Shirt, and bushy black Hair, run out of the Swamp, and into the Woods: he ran after him with all speed, and came several times within shot of him; but the Woods being thick he could not obtain his design 298 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. of Shooting him; at length he was at once gone out of sight; and when afterwards he went to l(K)k f(^i- his Track, he could find none, though it were a low miry 1 'lace that he ran over."i Rev. John Emerson wrote to Cotton Mather, at his request, a brief account of these appearances. He says, "I hope the Substance of what is Written will be enough to satisfie all Ra- tional Persons, that Glocester was not Alarumed last Summer for above a Fortnight together by real P>ench and Indians, but that the Devil and his Agents were the cause of all the Molesta- tion which at this time befel the Town; in the name of whose Inhabitants I would take upon me to Entreat your Earnest Prayers to the Father of Mercies, that those Apparitions may not prove the sad Omens of some future and more horrible Molestations to them." Mather himself appends to Mr. Emer- son's narrative, ''I know the most considerate Gentlemen in the Neighborhood, unto this Day (1702) beheve this whole matter to have been a Prodigious Piece of the Strange Descent from the Invisible World, then made upon other Parts of the Country." In the early autumn of 1692, Andover was convulsed with a fresh outbreak of the current delusion. Many accused them- selves of riding on poles through the air. Parents believed their children were witches and husbands suspected their wives. Some of these who fomented the trouble, were sent for from Gloucester, and their accusations caused the imprisonment of four women, two of whom came to Ipswich prison. In Novem- ber, Lieut. Stephens of Gloucester, believing that his sister was bewitched, sent for them again. On their way, passing over Ipswich bridge, they met with an old woman and instantly fell into their fits.2 But by this time, calmer judgments began to prevail. It was plain that the lives of ministers and magistrates, as well as the simpler folk, were in deadly peril, if these baseless accusations were permitted. The determined act of a gentleman of Boston, in beginning a suit of a thousand pounds damage against the Andover people, who accused him, helped to steady the popular mind. On January 3, 1692-3, by virtue of an act of the General 1 Mather's Magnalia, book vii, Article xviii. ^Calef, More Wonders of the Invisible World. WITCHCRAFT. 299 Court, the first Superior Court, called the "Court of Assizes and General Goal Delivery" was convened at Salem. The Grand Jury included Mr. Robert Paine, Mr. Richard Smith and Mr. Thomas Boarman of Ipswich, and on the "Jury for Tryalls", were Ensign Thos. Jacob, Sargt Nathaniel Emerson, Sen., Mr. Jacob Perkins, Jr., Mr. Matthew Whipple Sen., John Pengery, Seth Story, Thos. Edwards and John Lamson. The Grand Jury, of which Mr. Paine was foreman, found nothing against thirty who were indicted for witchcraft, and true bills against twenty six. Of those on trial, three only were found guilty, and sentenced to death. These were the last to suffer. Nineteen were hanged and Giles Corey had been pressed to death; John Proctor and Elizabeth How had per- ished, but other Ipswich folk, Ehzabeth Proctor, Rachel Clen- ton and Sarah Buckley had escaped. Attempts to make amends for the irreparable harm soon began to be made. Twelve ministers of the County of Essex, including William Hubbard, John Rogers, Jabez Fitch, and John Wise, petitioned the General Court in July 1703, to clear the names of the accused and relieve those who had suffered. In 1711, the legal disabilities resulting from the witchcraft executions and imprisonments were removed and damages awarded to the survivors and the families of the dead. John Appleton, Esquire, of Andres fame, and Nehemiah Jewett, Esquire, who had been a member of the House sixteen times and thrice its speaker, were members of this committee. Ipswich had suffered grievously in the grim ordeal, but as compared with every other important town in the County, she had been favored indeed. None of her citizens, except Eliz- abeth How from the Linebrook Parish, near to Topsfield, were executed, and those that were accused were not condemned. No such dehrium as afflicted Salem, Beverly, Wenham, Andover, Salisbury, Gloucester, and Newbury was ever manifest here. And the* reason of this fine composure and steadiness of mind is not hard to find. All the ministers put themselves on record as out of sympathy with the popular delusion, and Mr. Hubbard and Mr. Wise made formal appeals for the accused. Major Appleton, though an Assistant, and a Magistrate at the first trial, had no further connection with the matter, and his dis- 300 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. appearance from the scene may be interpreted as indicating that his broad and well balanced mind condemned this travesty of Justice. The same judicious and far seeing temper that made Ipswich the leader of the Colony in the Ursupation period, pre- served her balance in the wild excitement of the Witchcraft time. CHAPTER XVII. WAR OF WILLIAM AND MARY AND OTHER INDIAN TROUBLES. The trouble with the Eastern Indians, which had been re- newed in the last year of the Andros government, broke out afresh in 1689. In that year, on June 27*^, an attack was made upon Cocheco, now Dover by night. Twenty-three of the settlers were killed and twenty-nine taken captive. The house of Major Walden, who had been prominent in the war with the Indians at the Eastward, was attacked. The old soldier defend- ed himself bravely but was cruelly tortured and finally killed with his own sword. ^ Word was speedily brought of this massacre, and hasty preparations were made to defend the Towns, and send relief to those that had been already assailed. Major Appleton came again to the front, and his letter of July first discloses the great anxiety and forebodings of disaster which prevailed. May it please yr hon^ss We are continualy receiving information of the increase of ye enemys Numbers We hear Capt. Broughton was last Saturday Shott down going to Nichewanick (now Berwick). As for ourselves I find great heaviness in our peoples motion we have not one man come fr" Lynn & are informed from Capt. Marshall that none ^v•ill come: From Salem we have but 6 men wherefore I am necessitated to crave further Assist" & Di- rection from y hon^s & shall remain y Honors humble servant Sam^i Appleton. Ips. July 1 : 1689. Major Appleton took the field at once and marched lo Co- checo (now Dover), though the distressing condition of his 1 Bodge: Soldiers in King Philip's War, pp. 81,i-:?17. Parknian: Krnuce ;md Eng- land in North America, vol. 6, pp. 32-34. * Mass. Archives, book 107, leaf 1.57. (301) 302 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. family affairs rendered any long absence impossible. His let- ter, dated Cocheco, 14*^ July. 1689, is full of interest. Much Hond. I have ys of !!**» Inst, wherein you are j^leased to Advise (u)jon my removall) to leave the imprest men here under ye C'onduct of Lift Greenleaf now you may please to know yt of Imprest men here are only 10 from Salem & 6 from Rowley well with the 20 that came last make but 36 and Mr Greenleaf not being hero knew not his inclination to this affair & should I leave those 36 they are soe unable would doe but little ser- vice, for Newbury men here are none those that came were Volenteers and forth w^^ more will return home so that I hum- bly propose in order to serving the people that are here left & pf'serving the place that an addition of 14 men to these 36 wth Discreet Conduct ma}^ suffice at p^sent for this place w^h I beg yor Hours to Considr and favour me with an answer forth- with for besides the Afflicting providence of God upon my family before I came from home in bereaving me of 2 chil- dren I have just now advize of the Death of a third together with the indisposition of my wife & the Extraordinaiy illness of another of my children all which necessitates my hasting home however I am so desposed to the Defence of the Coun- try and the preservation of this place in order to it y^am very unwilling to give y^ people of this place any Discouragement by my removall till I have yo"" Hon^s Answare here to w^h I humbly pray you to hasten w^^ all Expedition and if you see cause to send yo^ possetive order for the stay of these men of Salem & Rowle}^ that were imprest men who are full of Ex- pectation of returning home w**^ me as to the enemy we have had no appearance of any Considerable number but Sundery Skulking rougues are Daily Seen both here at Kittery & Oyster River o»' Employment here hath been to rang the Woods and to guard & assist the people in getting in there corn W^^^ we are still Daily psuping this w^^ i-^y Himible Service is all at present from you'' Humble serv* Sam'i Appleton. He had returned, and the Ipswich and Newbury men with him, before the 22ne to secure our shipping and seaports against their invasion." i It was i-eported on the 14ti» of May, that Salem had repaired the fort at Winter Island and built a breast-work at another })lace.- A pressing and alarming message was sent to the towns of this vicinity by Capt. Noyes, of Newbuiy. To the Conunitteo of Militia of Rowley, I])s\vich, Wenham & Salem. 3 These are to infornie you that Capt. Greenliefe hath sent lor more Men we have ace* that the Enemie are Newrnerous &. desperate A: kills & destroys Men Woenien t^- Children & thro them in heapes it is suspitious they liaA'e Attackt Portsmouth pray Consider the Distress A: Nessessety of the Country (V: Send what helpe you can we have sent a hundred men Out of our Towne Thos Noyes Capt dated May 29th 1690 The barbarities of the Indians, as related in detail by Cotton Mather in his Magnalia, were not exaggerated by Capt. Noyes. Men, women and little children were treated with the most in- human and revolting cruelties, and death was welcomed as a relief from torment. As the French were partners in this, it was decided that a bold stroke should be struck at the French possessions. A fleet of se\en vessels, manned by two hundred and eighty- eight men, and bearing four or five lumdred militia drafted for the purpose,-^ was placed under the command of Sir William Phips, a native of Maine, who had won wealth and a title by his recovery of an immense treasure from an old Spanish galleon, sunk in West Indian waters. The little fleet sailed from Nan- tasket,on April 28, 1690, and arrived at Port Royal (now Annap- olis) on May 11*^. No resistance was made. J'he fort was destroyed, the garrison sent away, and the Province was de- 1 Ernest Myrand: Sir Wni Phi))* devant (^ue))ec, \>. 183. - Mass. Archives, book 36, leaf 58. ' Mass. Archive^;, book 36 leaf. 89. ■* Parknian ; France and England in North America, vol. V, p. 23G. WAR OF WILLIAM AND MARY, OTHER INDIAN TROUBLES. 305 clared an appendage of the British crown. But the victory- was merely spectacular. No troops could Ije spared to hold the Province, and Phips sailed back at once, arriving in Boston on the 20th of May.i Occasional descents upon the French coast were made, how- ever, and Capt. John Alden in the sloop Mary, of Boston, cap- tured a barque, of about twenty three tons Ijurden, called the Speedwell, on April 1, 1691, at Port Royal. It was proved that this barque had belonged to Giles Cowes of Ipswich, and had been captured by the French about eighteen months before. It was adjudged a lawful pri;';e by the Court of Assistants. 2 Encouraged by the success at Port Royal, the New England Colonies and New York united in preparing a nuich stronger expedition against Quebec. While ships and men were being gathered, a band of Indians appeared at Exeter, on July 4*^, and killed eight men while mowing. They advanced as far as Amesbury, where Captain Foot was tortured to death, and two others slain. Three houses were burned and many cattle were butchered. In a few days, this band of savages killed forty English settlers. ^ These cruelties made the determination to exact reprisal more eager. A strong fleet was gathered at Boston. An order was issued on the 18*^ of July, that detachments from the sev- eral regiments of the militia be made, to make up 2300 men, and Major Samuel Ajipleton^ was assigned to the command of a company of 308. Nathaniel Rust, of Ipswich, had already been appointed Quartermaster for this expedition. '^ Sir Win Phips was assigned to the chief command, and IJeut. Cien. Major John Walley of Barnstable was next in rank. Major Appleton, Captain Cross, and Captain Samuel Ward, credited to Ipswich, were among the officers, and Captain John Cold of Topsfield. Rev. John Wise of Chebacco and three other ministei's were assigned to the expedition as chaplains. After man}^ delays, the fleet of thirty-two shi])s and tenders sailed from Boston on the 9*^* of August, and a land force started 1 Magnalia, book vii, article viii. - Record Court of Assistants. ' Magnalia, book vii, article xi. ■• Son of Major Samuel Appleton of King- Pliili|)'s War. = Felt : Hiet. of Ipswich, 147. 306 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY, from Albany to proceed by way of Lake Champlain. It was the most powerful force that had ever been gathered in the Colony, and there were great hopes of a decisive blow. But no failure could have been more complete. The land force failed to meet Phips, and his own assault was nerveless and impotent. Mr. Wise wrote a narrative, ^^ which describes his own vigor- ous endeavors to urge on his superiors, and the cowardice and inefficiency of Major Walley and others. A few skirmishes were engaged in, one of which, Mr. Wise affirmed, might have opened the way to the capture of Quebec. The weather grew cold, and the soldiers suffered much from frost bites. Small-pox ap- peared and Phips withdrew his fleet, which arrived in Boston about the middle of November. A complete list of the soldiers engaged in this disastrous attempt upon Quebec seems to be im- possible. Mr. Ernest Myrand, of Quebec, made diligent search through all the records, both published and in manuscript, in French and English. His monograph, "Sir Wm. Phips Devant Quebec" (Quebec, 1893), contains probably as much infor- mation as is likely to be gathered. Many Ipswich men suffered from wounds and exposure. Richard Bridges had his feet frozen, and died of gangrene, after three months of excruciating pain. His widow received a grant of 40 louis sterling. Thomas Patteman, of Captain Cross's company, froze one foot. John Andersen was wounded in the foot. Thomas Hovej^ froze both feet on the return of the fleet. William Paisley was wounded and Sergeant Freeman Clark, of Capt. March's company. Most prominent of all was Major Samuel Ward, credited to Ipswich, but who seems to have been a resident of Marblehead,who died of his wounds after the expedition returned. Another assault was made upon York in January, 1690-1, in which Rev. Shubael Dummer was slain; and in June, 1691, the town of Wells was beseiged unsuccessfully by a large force of French and Indians. Fourteen men had been levied upon Ips- wich on June 2, 1691,2 for the defence of Wells, and they may have had part in the brave defence. In the fall of that year, Robert, son of Rev. John Halo. Avrote, that Ipswich was still preserved, but she had lost many. ' IM-iiited in full in the Appendix. - Felt: Hi.st. of Ipswich, p. 14S. WAR OF WILLIAM AND MARY, OTHER INDIAN TROU15LKS. 307 Happily for the Colony distressed by the terrors of the witch- craft delusion in 1692, the year 1693 was comparatively free from inroads of the Indians. As Cotton Mather wrote, "A years Breathing time, was a great Favour of Heaven to a country quite out of Bnj^th with numberless Calamities." A treaty of peace w^^ signed in August, and there was hope and expectation of an end of horrors. But the love of bloodshed was too deeply fixed in the savage nature. In July, 1694, Oyster River was again assailed, and fourteen massacred in a single house. The Piscataqua country and (jroton were ravaged afresh. Joseph Pike of New- bury, the Deputy Sheriff of Essex, while travelling on Sept. 4''' between Amesbury and Haverhill, with one Long, fell into an ambuscade and perished. Kittery and Haverhill suffered. Again a few months of comparative quiet ensued, but the sum- mer of 1695 brought the old fears and alarms. The frontier towns, Exeter, Kittery, Billerica, were visited and more lives were lost, and on October 7*^, the neighboring town of New- bury was invaded. The Indians entered the house of John Brown and carried away nine persons. Capt. Greenleaf pursued and retook the captives, but before they parted from them, their captors struck them on the head with their clubs. Ex- cept one lad who was struck upon the shoulders, every one of them died from brain disease in the course of a year.^ The summer of 1696 found the Indians again busy with their butcheries. On the 6*^ of July, the commissioned offi- cers of the Essex Middle Regiment, and the commissioned offi- cers of the Town of Newbury met, at Ipswich, to discuss the situation. After due deliberation, they petitioned the General Court for a guard to watch the Merrimac River, by day and night for three months, from Newbury up as far as Dunstable, until the harvest could be gathered. This was signed by John Whipple and other Ipswich men, and Daniel Peiroe apjjended his approval. "May it please your Honors, I have Perused the above Pe- tition & Considering that that mischiefe that was done at New- 1 lNra>;nalia: book VII, articles xx-xxiv. 308 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. bury cV: at Rowley when Benjamin Goodritlgi was killed i^- his family carried away A: that it is certainly known it is the ould Road way of the Indians when they come from the Eastward in to Newbury, Rowley & Ipswich, we do count it very Rational etc."2 With the Indians as near as Rowley, the issue of that Coun- cil of war must have been awaited with the keenest interest. The alarm of a French invasion was renewed in 1697. The forts were repaired, manned and provisioned, and companies of minute men were enrolled. Five hundred men under Cap- tain March of Newbury were sent down to the Kennebec. ^ The Essex Regiment received orders to be ready at a moment's notice, on Feb. 5*^,4 and on April 3^,5 in a battle at sea with the French, an Ipswich sailor, William Wade, son of Thomas and Elizabeth Wade, was slain. In March of that year, a band of Indians attacked a Hav- erhill house and carried away Hannah Dustan, with her infant of a week old, and her nurse. They soon dashed out the brains of the baby against a tree, and tomahawked the captives as soon as they lagged by the way. Mrs. Dustan and her com- panion were able to keep up with their captors for a hundred and fift}'" miles through the wilderness. They were claimed by an Indian family, which consisted of two stout men, three women and seven children. As they approached Penacook, (now Concord), the Indians told the women that when they reached the Indian camp in that neighborhood, they would be stripped, scourged and compelled to run thegauntlet. Driven to frenzy, these women resolved to escape at any cost. On the morning of April 30^^^ a little before daybreak, Mrs. Dus- tan roused her nurse and an English lad, held captive with them. They armed themselves with the hatchets of the In- dians, and killed them where they lay. Only one squaw es- caped sorely wounded, and a boy, whou) they had spared in- ' On Oct. 23, l(i'.)l)oi-91, Niles Hist, of riiclian .•iml Freucli \Va.v». Mass. Hist. Soc. Pub. Series 3, Vol. 6, p. 237. - Mass. Archives, book 70, leaf 285. ■' Palfray, Hist, of New England iv: 157. < Felt, Hist, of Ipswich, p. 148. 6 Town Records. WAR OF WILLIAM AND MARY, OTHIOR INDIAN TROUBLES. 309 tending to take with them, awoke and ran away. They took the scalps of ten, and bronght them with them on their long and perilous homeward journey. ^ A bounty of fifty pounds was voted them for this bloody deed, and the statue of Han- nah Dustan stands to-day in the pubhc square of the City of Haverhill, Six of the Indians, who were killed and scalped in their wigwams were children, and Mrs. Dustan was the mother of a large family. Her deed of blood, to which she was driven by fear and a natural desire for revenge, reveals the fierce hatred of the English toward the Indians, and the bitterness of life in those years of anguish. It has been already remarked that the official Rolls and Records of these years of war with the Indians and French have not been preserved. We are dependent wholly upon chance records of many kinds for a clew to the names of the soldiers. The most important of these incidental documents is due to the grant made by the General Court of sections of land to the soldiers or their heirs, who served in the expedition against Canada. The Ipswich men received a grant originally of the township, now known as New Ipswich, in New Hamp- shire. As this was found to be outside of Massachusetts, the grantees withdrew for the most part, and a new grant was made, known as Ipswich-Canada, now the town of Winchen- don. The following list of Grantees probably includes the names of all who went from I{)swich. "At a Meeting of the Committee appointed by the General Court for the Province of Massachusetts Bay in New England to lay out a Township of the contents of six miles square, in answer to a petition of Abraham Tilton and other Officers & Soldiers in the expedition to Canada Anno 1690, the following persons were admitted as Grantees of said Township and gave bonds to fulfil the Courts Orders thereon. "2 "Ipswich April 13th 1735." (Soldiers) Rights entered on. Representatives. Abode. ther Thomas Berry Esq. Ipswich ^ Magnalia. book vii , article xxv. 2 From History of Wincliendon. 310 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. (Soldiers) Rights entered on. Own Own Own Own Husband & Father Own Own Own Brother John Brother Jacob Uncle Benedictus Father Moses Father's Brother William Brother Thomas Father's Uncle Joseph Brother John Uncle Donison Wife's Father Father's Servant Father's Uncle Joseph Father's Hepresentiitives. Abode. Jonathan Wad(» Esq. Ipswich John Harris " Thomas Hovey " Abraham Perkins " Widow Rachel Rust Abraham Tilton '' l^enjamin White " Samuel Poland " Thomas Lufkin " Thomas Lufkin is iiext " friend to Mary Lufkin. Ebenezer Pulcephur Jabez Sweet Solomon Giddinge Joseph Goodhue John Ring William Haskell Pjcnjamin Chad well Edward Neland Nathaniel Rogers as guar- " dian to Jno Denison John Martin " Isaac Knowlton " John Thompson " John Wood in the room of '' and by the consent of his Father /p^ John Downing b}^ Edward Boston Eveleth his Attorney Gloucester Ipswich Gloucester Ipswich ( d Own Thomas Perrin Rowley Own David Low Ipswich Uncle Moses Pierce Moses Wells u Brother Thomas George Hart It Father's William Cogswell It Brother Elisha Thomas Tredwell 11 Brother Benjamin John Jewett Jun Rowley Father's Robert Cross Ipswich WAR OF WILLIAM AND MARY, OTHER INDIAN TROUBLES. 311 (Soldiers) Rights entered on. Own Uncle Father Whipple Uncle Freeman Brother George Dil Caldwill Brother William Father John Ayers Own Father's Thomas Metcalf Father's Grandfather Pearce Uncle Isaac Major Ward Father's Uncle Samuel Uncle Edmond Brother Aaron Uncle Cheny Rob't Nelson Math Hooker Uncle Saund Representatives. Abode. Adam Cogswell Ipswich Benjamin Chad well " the Hon Simonds Epes '' Nathaniel Clark Nathaniel Clark ' f Capt Edward Eveleth at " < the request of Diling- V- ham Caldwill Nathaniel Caldwell Henry Wise " Thomas Norton Jun at " the request of Sam Ayers a petitioner John Ross " Isaac Geddenge , ^ " ( Edward Eveleth at the " ^ request of Jas Metcalf '^ a petitioner. Moses Davis " Ephraim Fitts " Thomas Boardman '' Edward Chapman " John Cxoodhue " Abraham Foster Jun " Dr Nicholas Noyps John Pindar Nathaniel Lord Samuel Ingalls Moses Kemball John Leighton Joseph Ann able Widow Mary Hooker I Thomas Lord Jun at his ) Father's Jno Lord request Andover Ipswich Beverly Ipswich The above named Proprietors met on the Sl^t day of May and chose Thomas Norton, Jr., a graduate of Harvard and Pre- ;ii2 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY, ceptor of the Grammar School in Ipswich as the Clerk, and Thomas Berry Moderator. The Proprietors held several meetings at the house of Mr. Nath'^ Tredwell, inn -holder in Ipswich, at which important busi- ness was done. Nov. 4 1736. The rights were drawn by each Proprietor according to the plan reported. This was the first division. In 1742, a second division of lots was voted; but it does not appear to have been made before 1761. The Vital Statistics of the Town enable us to identify some of the soldiers from Ipswich in the expedition to Quebec, whose family connection is given in the preceding list, though the full name is not mentioned. Others can not be determined with confidence, and the clew is so slight in some cases that no attempt has been made to suggest the names. The names of some, found in other lists, are not mentioned in the land grant. So far as the list of soldiers can be determined with an approximation to accuracy, it is as follows: John Anderson, wounded in Benjamin Jewett the foot Major Samuel Appleton Aaron Kimball John Aj^ers Samuel Lord? Thomas Berry David Low Richard Bridees. feet frozen Jacob Lufldn and died John Lufkin Dillingham Caldwell William Caldwell Joseph Chadwell?, uncle of Benjamin Adam Cogswell Jonathan Cogswell?, father of William Capt. Robert Cross Sergeant Freeman Clark George Clark Thomas Metcalf John Neland Robert Nelson William Paisley, wounded Thomas Patteman, froze one foot Pearce Abraham Perkins WAR OF WILLIAM AND MARY, OTHER INDIAN TROUBLES. 313 Moses Davis John Denison Nathaniel Downing Abraham Fitts?, grandfather of Ephraim Giddings^ father of Solomon Giddings, father of Isaac William Goodhue John Harris Thomas Hart Haskell, father of William Nathaniel Hooker Thomas Hovey, froze both feet Thomas Perrin Moses Pierce Simon Pinder Samuel Poland Benedictus Pulcifer Thomas Ringe John Ross Nathaniel Rust, Quarter master Moses Sweet David Thompson Abraham Tilton Elisha Treadwell Jonathan Wade Whipple Benjamin White Rev. John Wise, chaplain Joseph Wood? Edmond Ingalls PART TI HOUSES AND LANDS. J HOUSES AND LANDS. Prefatory Note. The original allotment of lands in house lots, indicating the dwelling-places of the earliest settlers, is a theme of especial interest to genealogists, and all who love antiquarian lore. The list of grants preserved in the Town Record is unusually full, and many allusions to transfers of ownership also occur. Be- ginning with these entries, a careful study of the successive ownerships has been made in the Registry of Deeds of Essex County and in the Registry of Probate. The historical chapters of this work ended with the close of the seventeenth century. A study of topography, however, can not be concluded at this period. The satisfactory identi- fication of early locations can be accomplished only by an unbroken record of successive ownerships to the present time, or to a comparatively recent and well-remembered date. This work has been undertaken in the thickly settled portions of the Town, on the old streets and lanes. The names of the early citizens which have become familiar through the historical studies that have preceded, are thus associated with the locali- ties where they lived. The history of the ancient houses, which still remain, and of many of more recent date, will be sketched briefly. A series of diagrams has been prepared by our townsman, Mr. John W. Nourse, a skilful surveyor and an enthusiastic antiquarian student. These diagrams have been constructed from the ancient records, and indicate the relative location of the earliest known owners. Dimensions are rarely given in the original grants, or in early deeds, and the shape of the lots can only be approximated. Great care has been taken to ensure ac- curacy of location, but in some instances, the data are meagre and confusing. Two ancient maps of a rude sort have been pre- served and are reproduced. C317) 318 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. To make the sketch of land ownership of permanent value, constant citations of deeds and wills are made. These are incor- porated in the text, to facilitate comparison with the original authorities by investigators, and to furnish a foundation for more detailed investigation. Five old Record books, which were written in this town, but are now in the Essex Co. Registry in Salem, are cited, as ''Ipswich Deeds." In all other cases, the references are to the number of the volume, and the leaf, on which the entry is made, in the Essex County Records. On pages 14 and 15, reference has already been made to the earliest streets and lanes, and their names. These names will be used in the following pages, as well as the more famil- iar ones in present use. Th(i house lots will be considered in regular order, and, by the aid of the Index and the Diagrams, any particular lot or dwelling may be found, it is hoped, without difhculty. DIAGRAM No. I HOUSES AND LANDS. John Cogswell. ( Diagram 1 . ) The original grant was eight acres, but in all these earl}^ assignments, the measure was not exact, and compass directions were often very uncer- tain. Edward Lumas or Lummus, who lived on the corner of Baker's Lane and Scott's Lane conveyed his homestead and lands to his son, Jonathan, May 25, 1682 (Ips. Deeds 4: 466). The estate included twelve acres, "which said land I purchased of Mr. Cogswell, now deceased." His will mentions that this land was on the other side of the street from his house. The Cogswell house had disappeared. Samuel Lummus sold his neighbor, Joseph Quilter, one acre adjoining Jonathan's land, Dec. 19, 1684. Jonathan Lummus and Joseph Quilter exchanged lands and Quilter received foiu- acres adjoining his own, Jan. 18, 1696-7 (13:258). Lummus also sold Quilter more land in the "Ten Acre lot," in 1712(26:119) . John and Jonathan Creesy of Rowle}', heirs of Joseph Quilter, sold his estate, in- cluding twelve acres on the south side of Scott's Lane, to Doctor Samuel Wallis April 4, 1724 (43: 117). Moses Smith, an heir of the Wallis estate, conveyed one and one half acres, "at a place called the Ten Acres" to John Cole Jewett, whose wife was an heir, April 17; 1789 (157: 163). Jewett sold to Daniel Kimball, Dec. 7, 1793 (158: 133). Daniel Kimball con- veyed the lot, then known as the "Gravel Pit Lot," to his nephew, Capt. Robert Kimball, Dec. 6, 1833(274: 152), and Kimball sold a house lot, from this lot, bounded by the Gravel Pit to William Haskell, Nov. 6, 1847 (401 : 98). He built the house which still stands. Another acre and a half lot, bounded northwest by the Jewett lot, in the "Ten Acres" was sold by the widow Sarah Rust to Nathaniel Rust, Dec. 5, 1792 (158: 219). Nath. Rust sold to Jabez Farley, Feb. 2, 1809 (187: 2); Farley to Capt. Robert Kimball, Oct. 26, 1836 (295:65), and the lot was included in the larger lot sold by Captain Kimball to Daniel Cogs- well, Feb. 9, 1842 (329: 292). This lot may include the Banner house lot, and indicates probably the southeast bound of the John Cogswell grant. Humphrey Bradstreet and Allen Perley. (Diagram 1.) No deeds of these lots have been found, but the Allen Perley lot is well located by a clause in the record of the grant to Mark Quilter. His house was on the knoll near the engine house of the Burke Factory, where the re- mains of the cellar could be seen some years ago. This house lot was "over against Allin Perley, ' ' and Perley 's lot was probably near the Town land, adjoining the Peatfield house. Bradstreet 's land was bounded by (319) 320 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. the Cogswell lot on the northwest and lay between that and Perley's. Michael Farley owned several acres here at an early period, and his heirs succeeded. Michael Farley and Dea. Jeremiah Perkins owned it and Jabez Farley and Aaron Perkins divided the large field in 1798. Perkins received the four acre lot, fronting on the Lane thirty-four rods and fifteen links, July 16, 1798 (167: 234), and Farley, the five acre lot, in the rear of this (168: 125). The widow, Susanna Farley, sold to Daniel Cogswell, July 30, 1839 (328:7). The Aaron Perkins land came into the possession of Col. Joseph Hodg- kins, and he sold to the Town a three quarter acre lot for a gravel pit, June 10, 1824 (238: 225). Gilbert Conant acquired possession of the remainder of the lot and sold a half interest to Dr. George Chad wick May 17, 1836 (302:32). Conant and Chadwick sold one and one half acres to Robert Kimball Oct. 28, 1836 (295: 66), who sold to Daniel Cogswell, wdth other land as already mentioned, Feb. 9, 1842. Dr. Chadwick sold his interest in the remainder of the lot to the Town, Jan. 24, 1843 (335: 135) and Wil- liam Conant sold his interest, Jan. 25, 1843 (336: 31). This provided the Towai a new gravel pit, and the old pit, which had furnished road material for many j^ears was probably abandoned. The Town sold an acre and a half to Daniel Cogswell, Feb. 6, 1843 (336: 231). His heirs sold a house lot to Mary Peatfield, wife of Sanford Peatfield, Nov. 1, 1866 (717: 250) and Mr. Peatfield built and occupied the house, now owned by Mr. J. I. Horton. They sold another lot to Thomas Banner, on the same date (737: 213) and he built a dwelling. The Town still owns the balance of the lot, except the piece sold to Mr. Peatfield to enlarge his lot in the rear, March 2, 1869 (786:272). Thomas Scott and Richard Haffield. (Diagram«l.) Scott owned a iiouse lot of three acres, half of whicii was bought of Richard Haffield, the whole bounded southeast by a house lot of Thomas French and northwest by Allen Perley. No record of a house remains , nor of the sale or conveyance of the lot. Michael Farley owned it in 1718. Palatiah and Joan Kinsman, William and Hannah Mansfield conveyed their interest in the estate of their father, Michael Farley, included in the widow's thirds, to Nathaniel Farley, " three-quarters of an acre in the Close in Scott's Lane," Oct. 5, 1764 (125: 236). Daniel Farley .succeeded to the o\\aiership and conveyed six acres to Joseph Farley, Sept. 28, 1801 (169: 126). The widow, Hannah Mansfield, sold one and three quarters acres, including the site of the Elisha Perkins house to Farley, April 10, 1802 (173: 164). A mortgage deed of Joseph to Joseph Farley, Jim., de- scribes an estate of nine acres, Dec. 1, 1836 (294: 140). Joseph, Jr., divided the estate. He sold a lot, with a frontage of 58 ft. 6in. to Jacob Manning, Feb. 12, 1847 (390: 111). He built the house, and Nathaniel L. Manning sold half, the other half being owned Ijy Joseph and Ebenezer Cogswell, to Elisha Perkins, March 21, 1849 (409: 178). It is now owned by the WASHINGTON STREET, WEST SIDE. 321 B. & M. R. R. Dr. Joseph N. Ames bought a lot with 100 ft. front, July 30, 1845 (397: 248). He built the House of many Gables, and his widow sold to Jabez Mann, March 4, 1864 (666 : 161) . Michael Ready bought the next lot, 75 ft. on the Street, April 27, 1860 (607: 206) and moved the Capt. John Lord house from the site of Hon. C. A. Say ward's present residence. Luke Murray bought a similar lot Dec. 21, 1860 (616: 287) and Patrick Riley, a lot with 150 ft. front, completing the sale of the Farley land, March 30, 1861 (621: 188). The Thomas Scott grant coincided with the southeast line of the Elisha Perkins lot. Thomas French. (Diagram 1.) He had a house on this lot, which was inherited by his son Thomas, the Constable of the Town, who was arrested with the Andros resistants, and was imprisoned and fined for his participation in that affair. John Stiles and Mary, and Esther French, seamster, all of Boxford, sold Dr. SamuelWallis "the homestead of our father French, two acres" Aug. 1, 1718 (34: 198). The widow, Sarah Rust, daughter and heir of Wallis, sold this lot to Nathaniel Rust, bounded west by Nath. Farley, Jan. 4, 1794 (158: 219). Rust sold to Aaron Kimball, and he conveyed to Robert KimbaU, and Ebenezer 3d, March 1, 1814 (203: 32). Ebenezer conveyed his interest to Robert, Sept. 29, 1836 (295: 68) and it is called the "Rust lot, ' ' in a conveyance (291 : 289). Captain Robert Kimball sold this lot, with the sale to the Eastern Rail Road Co. of the whole corner, Oct. 21, 1836(295:116). The Joseph Farley southeast bound, which was the northwest bound of the Rust lot, was 58 ft. 6 in. from James F. Mann's corner bound. This establishes the exact location of the Thomas French homestead. It covered the site of the pumping station and land adjacent. Robert Muzzey. (Diagram 1.) This lot was united at a very early date with the Richard Jacob lot and will be considered with it. Richard Jacob. (Diagram 1.) His house lot was "neare the Mill Street, "having "a house lott of Robert Mussey's on the northwest, on the south and southeast, the high- way to the common (Topsfield Road), it being about one acre, half, and eight rods, at the northeast end butting upon the Mill Street." On March 25, 1678-9, Simon Adams, a weaver, conveyed to John Kimball, wheelwright, a house and land, "which lyeth next and doth adjoyn with Capt. Appleton,his land toward ye southwe.st and next unto Ensign French, his land, toward the norwest . . . which said house and land was my father, Will Adams, his homestead" (14: 118). The Muzzey lot had been absorbed at this time. John Kimball sold to Moses, his fourth .son, on 322 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. the occasion of his marriage with Susannah Goodhue, his house and orchard, and an acre of land, March 28, 1696 (12: 8). It continued in the Kim- ball family. Aaron and Daniel were in possession in 1803 (192: 214). Daniel conveyed "the homestead where I now live," with about a quarter of an acre, to his nephew Robert Kimball, Dec. 6, 1833 (274: 152), and Aaron conveyed his interest to Robert, April 18, 1836 (291: 289). Cap- tain Kimball sold the homestead, and his lot adjoining, the "Rust lot" about three acres, to the Eastern Raih-oad Co., Oct. 12, 1836 (295: 116). The old mansion, which stood about on the site of the present Station, and a venerable elm of majestic size, were removed, when the railroad was built. Moses Kimball sold to his son, Moses, Jr., a small lot, about six and one half rods, abutting on Col. Appleton's line, May 1, 1728 (51: 62). It passed into the ownership of George Dutch, then of Exeter, who sold a house, barn, and a quarter of an acre to Arthur Abbott, March 25, 1746 (91 : 45). Abbott sold to James Chnton, Jan. 4, 1769 (125: 192). James Clinton, fisherman, sold to James Clinton of Wiscasset, the east side of this house, Feb. 12, 1794 (161: 8) and John Lord Jr. sold a half to Michael Farley, Aug. 20, 1797(162: 239). Farley sold to Aaron Smith Jr., Feb. 28, 1798 (170: 65) and Smith to the Eastern R. R., Oct. 12, 1836 (295: 116). A plan of the railroad, made in 1836, shows that Smith's house stood where the excavation for the track was made. John Appleton. (Diagram 1.) John was the elder son of Samuel, the emigrant from Little Walding- field. Samuel Appleton received a grant on the opposite side of the Tops- field Road, and may have owned land on the northwest side as well, and had his home there. But his son, Captain John, is the first of the famity, whose ownership and occupancy in 1678 are established by the deeds of the Kimball lot. In the division of his estate, Captain John devised to his son, John, "all that piece of land behind my mansion house, and behind my great barn, bounded by the fence adjoyning to the house and barn, about six acres, together with the dwelling house my son John Appleton lately built, and a small barn near therunto, ... it being all the land I have in that side the way (except the land my mansion house stands upon and my great barn and yard and garden, which are excepted being given to John and Samuel together. ' ' March 13, 1688-9(9:231). This record is of great value. John Appleton, Junior, was a conspicu- ous figure in the Andros Resistance. This deed recites that he liad lately built a house on this property, near his father's. The mansion of John Senior may be located very nearly by the bequest of Col. Appleton to his son Nathaniel, "the old house and barn that was formerly my father Apple- ton's the land to extend northward from the said house twenty feet, and I I ' TOPSFIELD ROAD. 323 SO to run from the highway over the hill to the Turtle pond ' ' (Pro. Rec. 324: 1-2, Dec. 10, 1739). The inventory of Daniel Appleton, Esq., son of Col. Joliii, in 1762 (Pro. Rec. 340:96) included "the old house, with about four acres of land, . . . which was formerly the Hon. John Appleton Esq. ' ' The old house and four acres were sold by the administrator to John Treadwell, Sept. 16, 1765 (116: 170). The Treadwell heirs sold to John Sparhawk Appleton of Salem, tliree acres, twenty-six poles, and buildings, Aug. 30, 1821 (228: 11), who also bought four acres adjoining, without a house, of \%ddow Elizabeth Rogers, Aug. 8, 1821 (227: 220). The admin- istrator of J. S. Appleton sold Joseph Farley, the two properties, Nov. 10, 1825(243:32). Joseph quitclaimed to Michael Farley, seven and one- half acres and dweUing, as "boimded by Aaron Smith's land northeast," April 11, 1826 (243: 31). Joseph Farley inherited, and built a new house, and his administrators sold to J. Choate Underbill, Oct. 25, 1871 (845: 11). In 1840 (Jan. 20) the widow EUzabeth Farley, Eimice and Ehzabeth C. Farley sold to the Eastern R.R. "about three acres, "adjoining that which the Raih-oad Co. bought of Robert Kimball (319: 12). On this lot Lieut. John Appleton must have built his new house about 1687, and the older house of his father can probably be identified with the one which stood on a knoll to the westward, the cellar of which was discovered while gravel was being dug some jears since. The earlier house disappeared, and no trace of it remains in the familj^ deeds, which were recorded. The old house of his father, alluded to in Daniel Appleton's inventor}', is in all likelihood the house built in 1687 or thereabout. This house was owned and occupied by the TreadweUs, and in 1836, there was a bam standing close to the line. The house had then disappeared, but Jklr. Francis H. Wade, now eighty-fi^•e years old, remembers distinctly that in his boyhood, an old house stood on this lot, and that the chimney feU in, making a complete ruin of the house. This old mansion, it may be presumed, was the place of the famous gathering on the evening of August 22, 1687. The Railroad Co. sold this three acre lot, acquired from the Michael Farley estate, to Abraham H. Bond, April 19, 1842 (331 : 163). Bond sold to James Lang, Nov. 7, 1847 (390: 148). Lang built the house now stand- ing, the larger one to the westward, and bought of the Railroad Co. the land near the track, June 24, 1851 (489: 250). He sold to S. P. Crocker, May 11, 1857 (561: 205). Henry A. True of Marion, Ohio, sold Mary B. Vose, the same that S. P. Crocker conveyed to him, Oct. 22, 1860 (729: 245, Aug. 10, 1867), and Mrs. Vose sold to J. C. Underbill, house and three acres, Oct. 18, 1879 (1030: 214). Samuel Appleton. (Diagram 1.) He received a grant of eight acres, adjoining the property of the Historical Society, but he had a large farm "containing, foure hundred and sixty acres, more or less, medow and upland as it lyeth, bounded by 324 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. the River commonly called the Mile brook on the northeast and by the great River on the northwest, on the west in part by the Land of Wil- liam Warener and by a swamp on the southeast, and partly also at the same end, by the Land of Hugh Sherrat" ("entered into the Town hooke — the 20th of December, 1638 "). This great farm has always remained in his family, except some small portions, most of which have been repurchased by his descendants. His son, Major Samuel, built a saw mill on Mile River near the bridge. It is the only estate probably in our Town, which has descended without break to the present generation. Mr. Appleton agreed to make a cart-bridge over the swamp toward the miU and keep it in repair for seven years, for which he received in re- turn one and one-half acres adjoining "his six acre lot" and running to the brook (1639). He built a malt-house on the lot in 1641, and, as he promised, "to malt such corn as shall be brought to him from the people of this town at such rates as shall be thought equal from time to time, ' ' it was voted, that "no man (except for himself) is to have any made else- where for the space of five years now next ensueing. ' ' Captain John Appleton succeeded to the ownership of this lot, and gave his son, Samuel, the house in which he lived, a piece of land behind the malt- house, with a two-thirds interest in the malt-house. To his son, John, he gave a two and one-half acre lot, next to the Historical Society property, bounded [on the other side by his malt-house lot, the malt-house being near the Une, March 13, 1688-9 (9 : 231). The house, alluded to as occupied by Samuel, may be located perhaps by a cellar, which is remembered, on a knoll, about opposite the J. C. Underhill house. A five and three quarter acre lot of the Appleton land, on the south side of Topsfield road , was sold by^John Appleton Jr. , to Moses Kimball Jr., March 21, 1737(76: 85). Here he made his home and the property descending from father to son, is now in possession of Rev. John C. Kimball. The old mansion was removed a few rods, when the present Kimball house was built, '^ but is sound and strong today. The Malt House lot was sold to John Treadwell by the administrator of Daniel Appleton 's estate. It was inherited by Mrs. Joseph Hodgkins, and by Samuel Wade, who sold to the R. R. Co. and the railroad was built across it. A portion of the original Appleton grant is occupied by the Peatfield house, now owned by Mr. Gustavus Kinsman. John Fawn. (Diagram 1.) "Granted to Mr. Fawne, a house lott, adjoyning to Mr. Appleton six acres near the Mill" (Town Record, under date. The 13th of January, 1637). The Town' Clerk, Robert Lord, certifies that he has made "a true copie out of the old)Towne booke. ' ' The date of the grant itself probably preceded this record several years. A subsequent record is — "Granted Mr. Samuel Appleton, by the company of freemen, as followeth Im- primis, Eight acres of Land, more or less, as it lyeth above the Mill, bounded MARKET STREET, SOUTH SIDE. 325 on the Southeast by the Town River, also having a house lott, formerly granted to John Fawn, on the northeast, also on the northwest the high- way leading into the Common. ' ' "Entered into the Towne booke, foho, 16, the 20th of December, 1638. ' ' Mr. Fawn therefore had removed from Town before Dec. 20, 1638, but he had already built a house on the lot, as he gave a quitclaim deed of house and land, two acres, to John Whipple, Oct. 10, 1650 (Ips. Deeds 1: 89). Mr. Whipple was in occupancy, how- ever, as early" as 1642, as appears from the Vote of that year, "Ordered John Whipple' should cause the fence to be made between the house late Capt. Denison's, and the sayd John Whipple, namely — on the side next Capt. Denison. ' ' The house built by John Fawn is undoubtedly the western part of the House of the Historical Society. John Whipple, the Elder of the Church, was one of the foremost men of the Town. We may believe that his dwell- ing was frequented by the principal citizens. His early neighbor, Denison, Winthrop and Dudley, Simon Bradstreet and Ann, the poetess, Symonds and Saltonstall, Ward and Norton and all the eminent people of the time doubtless crossed the tlireshold and enjoyed the good cheer of the great fireplaces. Major Samuel Appleton would naturally have visited his fellow soldier. Major Jolin Whipple. The house is recognized as the finest speci- men of the early colonial architecture. ^ Elder Jolin Whipple bequeathed the estate to his son, John, m his will, presented in Court Sept. 28, 1669 (Fro. Records). Captain John was suc- ceeded by Major John Whipple, commander of a horse troop m Kmg Philip's War, who bequeathed it to his daughter, Mary, wife of Benjamin Crocker (Pro. Records, 313: 458), 1722. Benjamin Crocker bequeathed to his son Dea. John Crocker (Pro. Rec. 343: 481). Deacon John left the house, excepting certain rooms, to his son, John. His brother, Joseph, succeeded to the ownership, and the administrator of Joseph Crocker, sold to Joseph Hodgkins, who had married for his third wife, Mrs. Lydia Treadwell relict of Elisha Treadwell, and daughter of Dea. John Crocker. Col Hodgkins was a distinguished soldier of the Revolution and made his home here until his death. The heirs sold the house and an acre and eleven rods to Caleb K. Moore, (3ct. 31 1833 (271:164) and the residue of the estate, an acre and eleven rods, to James Estes, Aug. 11 1841, bounded then by the land of Joseph Farley, now occupied by the Mill storehouse, by the River, and land of Samuel Wade (326: 215). Moore sold to Abra- ham Bond, October 7, 1841 (327:157) and his son, James^ W. Bond sold to the Ipswich Historical Society. May 12, 1898 (1549: 6) and JiUy 26, 1899 (1584:266). Jeremiah Belcher. (Diagram 1.) He owned a house lot between John Whipple and the River He was the occupant of the house on this lot in 1652 (Ips. Deeds 1 : 240). Mary r An exhaustive study of this house and the laud is coutaiued in l^^^lf^l'^f^']' of the Ipswich Historical Society, No. x and The Essex Antiquarian Vol. vi. No. .. p. 14. 326 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Belcher, the widow of the above, sold to Samuel Belcher, her son, and the lot was bounded by ' ' the Grist Mill River east, Mr. John Appleton 's south, Mr. John AVhipple's north, the other part bounded by the way to said land in part, and partly by land Major Gen. Denison set a cow house or hovel on, which Mr. Samuel Belcher hath now built upon," Nov. 11, 1692 (49: 251). William Brackenbury owned in 1728, and William Brackenbury of North Carolina sold to Nathaniel Farley, " Brackenbury 's lot," April 30, 1771 (129:112). It was included in the assets of the Ipswich Mills, and passed into the liands of the present corporation. Daniel Denison. (DiagraiQ 1.) Young Daniel Denison, then twenty-three years old, received the grant of the two acre lot, adjoining John Fawn's, wliich extended to Union street and back toward the Mill, and in 1635 he had already built his house, and fenced the lot with palings. Denison sold to Humphrey Griffin in 1641, Jan. 19 (Ips. Deeds 1: 2). Griffin sold to John Burnham, and Burnham to Anthony Potter, 1-4-1648, (Ips. Deeds 1: 67). Potter sold to Jolui Safford, blacksmith, and it was then "bounded with highways round," Jan. 29, 1661 (Ips. Deeds, 2: 53), the first mention of Saltonstall Street. He reserved, however, a part of the property, and sold it later to Samuel Belcher. It was bounded by the house lot of Jeremiah Belcher and with the River on the south, April 1672 (Ips. Deeds 3: 223.) This explains why Denison's land is described as ' ' coming to the scirt of the hill next the swamp. ' ' It abutted on the River and the marshy land near the bank. In fact, the approach to the Mill, which stood about where the Stone Mill now is, was by way of Union , Street, and was so wet and miry, that, in 1639, Mr. Appleton agreed to make a sufficient cart-bridge over the swamp toward the Mill and to repair it for seven years, for which he was to receive an acre and half of land. As late as 1711, the Town Record alludes to Mr. Farley's bridge, that leads to his mill. The lot remained in the possession of the Safford family many years. In the final division among the heirs, the lot on the corner of Sal- tonstall St. fell to Joseph Safford, and he sold a small building to Edward Brown, a taimer. May 28, 1737 (82:16). Brown built a modest house and sold to George Newman, a weaver, Feb. 20, 1738 (83:62). Newman purchased a small addition to his lot of Thomas Safford, June 9, 1753 (99: 359), and disposed of the northeast end of the house to Michael Newman, mariner, July 11, 1778 (138: 171). Edward KiUam and others, residu- ary legatees of Abraham Killam of Beverly, sold the property, "the same formerly occupied by Michael Newman" to John Jewett, Feb. 25, 1853 (474: 95). Jewett transferred it to liis sister, Hannah J. Haskell, wife of Daniel Haskell, Oct. 25, 1858 (577: 186). She conveyed it back to liim Sept. 4, 1868 (754: 232) and on the same day, he sold to the Ipswich Mills. The Ipswich Mills removed the original house and built the fine mansion for the use of its Superintendent. It was sold to James J. Goodrich, Nov. 9, MARKET STREET, SOUTH SIDE. 327 1870 (812: 8) who finished the house, and by him, to J. G. Freeman, Dec. 13, 1883 (1122: 31); by Freeman, to the Manufacturer's Fire and Marine Insurance Co. Feb. 1884 (1123: 172), and by that Corporation to Dr. Yorick G. Hurd, May 15, 1884 (1129: 220). It is now owned by the widow of the kite Geo. R. Bancroft. The main portion of the Safford estate, reaching from the Lindberg house to the house of the widow Bancroft, fell to Simeon Safford, a black- smith, as his father was. He had a shop near the Street on the land now owned by John J. SuUivan. The site of the original homestead cannot be determined. The administrators of Simeon Safford sold Joseph Farley, Safford 's interest in a half acre with buildings, July 25, 1829 (294: 160). Farley was the President of the Ipswich Manufacturing Co. and his personal affairs were much involved with the affairs of the Company. He transferred this lot to the Company, Dec. 8 1836 (294: 153), and it was conveyed with other assets of the Company to the Dane Manufacturing Co., Sept. 1, 1846 (463: 252), and was sold by that Corpo- ration to Capt. John Lord 3d, Sept. 1, 1846 (396: 236). The old Safford dwelling was still standing. The deed also provided, "that a lot of land on the highest part at or near where the old Reservoir, erected by the E. R. R. stood, be reserved for the purpose of erecting a new reservoir for the same railroad, & for digging for pipes from the Stone Factory of Grantees across said land to the depot." The reason of this was that originally the Mill pumped water from the River into a reservoir on this spot, from which pipes were laid to the station to supply water to the loco- motives. Capt. Lord built the present dwelling in 1847. The property came into the possession of the Manufacturer's Fire & Marine Insurance Co., and was sold at auction. The house and the land adjoining it were pur- chased by Mr. John J. Sullivan, the present owner, May 13, 1881 (1058: 213), and the remainder of the land, by the late Curtis Damon, andSamuel Blake. On Union St. as well, the Saftord lot was gradually diminished. In- deed the first lot sold was that which John Hovey bought, a weaver, who had a shop on the land. He acquired a quarter of an acre, June 16, 1708 (27:39), and on May 21, 1712, Sarah Safford, the widow of Jolin, and Thomas, his son, sold Michael Farley, Junior, a piece between John Hovey and Mesheck Farley, the father of Michael (25: 142). The John Hovey lot, enlarged to half an acre, was sold by Jacob Martin of London- derry to Samuel McFarland, June 26, 1786(145: 307) and the latter to Enoch Pearson, clothier, June 30, 1786 (145: 307). Pearson had previously bought Simeon Safford 's house and barn on the corner of Union and Saltonstall Sts. with a quarter acre, Jan. 2, 1779 (139: 206). This lot abutted on the Hurd and Sullivan properties. Pear- son acquired houses and lands and bequeathed the homestead he occupied to his widow and son Enoch; the other half acre lot on Union St. separated from his homestead by a section of the Safford land, he bestowed upon 328 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. liis daughter, Haiiuah, wife of John Holmes Harris, for whom he had built the house on this lot (Pro. Rec. 383 : 612, April 13, 1813). The widow Harris sold part of her homestead to Daniel Haskell Jr., May 7, 1844 (34.5: 104), who built a house, and occupied it until 18.52, when he sold to Edward Andrews of Binghampton, Dec. 2,5, 1852 (471: .59) who settled it on Char- lotte Andrews for life (471: 60). John Holmes Harris, son of Hannah, sold the homestead to Joseph Spiller, May 7, 1853 (477 : 220). Both houses are still in place. The Enoch Pearson homestead was owned later by Jeremiah Lord and then by James Damon. The last lot, separating the two parts of the Enoch Pearson property, is owned by Mr. Newhall. Mesheck Farley. (Diagram 1.) The Denison lot did not reach to the present Union Street, but was bounded by an open Common, where the Lindberg and Blake houses now stand. This remained until John SafJord's ownership. In 1683, Mr. Farley and his son Mesheck petitioned for a small piece of land, some eight or nine rods, to build a small dwelling, "in the vacant land near the end of John Safford's orchard, "and the request was granted. The occasion of this is interesting. Mesheck Farley and Sarah Burnham. daughter of Lieut. Thos. Burnham Jr., were intending marriage, and their fathers had cove- nanted to give the young couple a start in the world. Mr. Farley agreed to provide the land and half the expense Lieut. Burnham should incur in building the house. The marriage occurred on August 6, 1684, the bride having just turned her twentieth year, and in 1686, aU the conditions having been fulfilled, the house built and paid for, the final deeds were passed (13:108). Generations of Parleys made their home here, though the present house can scarcely be older than the Revolutionary period. Gen. Michael Farley, conspicuous for his civil and military service, Delegate to the Provincial Congress at Concord, and a citizen of sterling ciuality, made his home here, and plied his vocation as a tanner on this spot, and land owned by him on Market Street. Susanna, the widow of Robert Farley sold to Samuel S. Farrington, June 20, 1833 (272: 18), and by an execution against Farrington, John S. Williams of Salem acquired posses- sion Feb. 23, 1838 (Exec. No. 8, 188). His widow, Mehitable O. WiUiams conveyed it to John Brown of Ossipee, Jan. 1, 1850 (421:237) who sold to Jacob Brown. April 23, 1851 (451: 119). Francis Q., William G. and Jacob F. Brown sold to Abigail S. Blake, wife of Samuel Blake May 1, 1865 (684: 56). Her heirs sold to Mr. David Grady, On November 9, 1764, John Farley sold Nathaniel Heard a house, part of a barn, and a small lot, on which it would seem he had built a dwell- ing (115: 113). Thomas Dennis sold to Nathaniel Heard, distiller, the homestead of liis father, Nathaniel Heard, Senior, March 25, 1831 (259: 127). Nathaniel Heard sold to Samuel P. Guilford, blacksmith, on the same date (301 : 260). Mr. Guilford tore down the old house ,which stood on a high bank, and built the present dwelling. He also built and owned MARKET STREET, SOUTH SIDE. 329 the blacksmith shop opposite, now owned by J. Albert Smith. The admin- istrator of the Guilford estate sold to Marcus Lindberg, May 1 , 1858 (571 : 84). The Farley land surrounded this lot originally on every side, but Jacob Brown sold Capt. John Lord Jr., the strip that intervened between his property and this, Sept. 15, 1853 (490: 173). A tradition of the Farley family survives, to the effect that when the embargo was laid upon tea, and excitement ran high over the tea-ships in Boston harbor, the patri- otic Gen. Michael would not allow the hated herb any place in his house, but his good wife craved her soothing cup, and was wont to slip over to her neighbor, Dame Heard, and enjoy with her the forbidden privilege. The Mill and the Mill Garden. (Diagram 1.) The Grist Mill and the "Garden, ' 'which is often mentioned, were owned by the Worshipful Mr. Saltonstall. He built the first mill about on the site of the old stone mill. He had a monopoly of the business and there was much complaint for many years of the inadequacy of the accoinmoda- tion afforded. It was proposed seriously to dam the river near the present Green St. Bridge and build another mill there. There was dissatisfaction with the miller as well, and Mr. Saltonstall sent over a new miller in 1675, Mr. Michael Farley. Anticipating his coming Mr. Saltonstall bought of Samuel Belcher about six rods of the land he had bought of Potter, and built a house for the miller. This house is probably the one that stood on a triangular lot, which is now covered by the large mill building. The Saltonstall family held an interest in the mill until 1729. On April 2nd of that year, Richard and Nathaniel Saltonstall sold John Waite Jr., clothier, and Samuel Dutch, bricklayer, their interest in the MiU Gar- den, in a dwelling and stable, in two grist mills, one fulling mill, one saw mill, and a forty rod tract near the mill (55: 62). Dutch sold his interest to Waite Dec. 1, 1729 (56: 156). John Waite conveyed to his brother Jona- dab, a part of the Mill Pastui-e, and sold the remainder of his half interest, in land and mills to Philemon Dean, Dec. 1, 1736, who sold in turn to Benj. Dutch, Aug. 15, 1746 (89: 150). The Jonadab Waite lot, continued in the Waite Family and is still owned and occupied by the heirs of Abram D. Waite ,who erected the brick dwelling. The old house it is said, was near the river. Benjamin Dutch sold half the Mill Pasture to Michael Farley, "the other half now belonging to Nathaniel Farley of Ipswich" "beginning by Jonadab Wait, by the road northeast and northwest to a private way to the mills, and by said way to the River, reserving my interest in the part fenced in by Jonadab Waite in 1754," April 12, 1755(101 : 2.54). Nathaniel Farley acquired an interest in the grist mills. The fulling mill became the property of Anthony Loney and John Pinder,who sold to Enoch Pearson, the fulling mill "near the southeast end of the grist miU belonging to Benja- min Dutch and Nathaniel Farley" (139 : 205, 206, 1772 and 1773). The full- ing mill probably went out of use as the hand weaving in the weavers' 380 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. shops all about the Town gave place to factories with power looms. Far- ley 's Mills ground the grist for many years. Joseph Farley, son of Nathan- iel was moved to more ambitious employment, and built the old stone mill for the manufacture of cotton cloth. Felt says that it began operations in 1880. In 1832 it had 3000 spindles and fiO looms. It spun No 30 to 32 yarn, used 80,000 lbs. of cotton, made 4r)0,000 yards of cloth a year, worth from nine and a half to ten cents. It employed on an average 18 males and 63 females. The enterprise became involved, as has been mentioned already. Far- ley conveyed his property to the Mill Co. Dec. 8, 1836 (294: 153). The Manufacturing Co. sold to the Dane Manufacturing Co., Sept. 7, 1846 (463: 252). The Dane Manufacturing Co. sold to Augustine Heard, June 1, 1852 (463: 254). The plant was purchased by Mr. Amos A. Lawrence (605: 139; 631: 214; 711: 18) who transferred it to the Ipswich Mills Co., Jan. 16, 1868 (738: 253). Mr. Lawrence removed the cotton machinery and began the inanufacture of hosiery. The business was conducted at a loss, but the secret of successful manufacture was acquired eventually and the Mill Corporation entered on a career of prosperity, which has never been interrupted. Reverting again to the "Garden at the Mill" or the "Mill Pasture," in settling Gen. Farley's estate, there was assigned his son Jabez,his tan-yard, and part of the Mill Garden, with the slaughter house upon it, bounded northeast by John Wait and south by the great ditch, — the rest of this pasture, an acre, was bestowed upon hissonjohn, 1794 (Pro. Rec. 363:296). John Farley sold his portion to his brother, Jabez, Aug. 3,1795 (159: 163). Jabez sold a building lot, abutting on John Waite to Moses Lord, Jr., Aug. 1, 1797 (171: 201). He built the house that now occupies the lot. His heirs sold to Joseph L. Ross, Dec. 15, 1834 (286: 284), and the Ross heirs still own. A second lot was purchased by Aaron Jewett, and inherited by Joseph T. Dodge, who married his daughter. Dodge sold part of his holding to Joseph L. Ross, Sept. 12, 1866 (713: 6) and the rest to Jenness Towle, Sept. 14, 1865 (689: 149) and Towle sold a shop etc. to John P. Holland, Oct. 20, 1875(941:67). A third lot was sold by Jabez Farley, with his bark mill and tannery to Samuel S. Farrington, Feb. 18, 1828 (248: 43). Suits against him resulted in the conveyance of his property to Robert Farley and George W. Heard, who sold to Woodbridge Adams, Oct. 1, 1840 (320: 274). Woodbridge Adams conveyed the same to his son Washington, May 22, 1849 (412: 284) and Washington Adams to Benjamin Newman, Sept. 9, 1865(695: 36). Mr. Newman sold John A. Johnson, land for his shoe factory, Jan. 20, 1870 (791 : 52). The residue of the Mill Pasture included in the estate of Enoch Pearson was apportioned his daughter Elizabeth Farley, and descended to her daughter Lucy M. Farley, who sold to James Damon, June 4, 1866 (742: 172). NORTH MAIN STREET, SOUTH SIDE. 331 William Fuller. (Diagram 1.) John Saunders received the original grant of this lot, but the Town Clerk's record under April 20, 1635, mentions that William Fuller had "a houselott he bought of John Samiders lyinge on the Mill Streete, having Mr. Seawall's house lott on the East, and Mr. Saltonstall's garden at the Mill on the South." In 1649, Thomas Clark received a grant of land in "exchange for a lott that lies at bridge-foot which he bought of William Fuller." It is evident that the Town took the Fuller lot to make the ap- proach to the "cart-bridge" which spanned the River where the Choate bridge stands today. The first bridge was built in 1646, and prior to that time all travel across the river by horses or wheeled vehicles was at various ford-ways, which wiU be considered in their appropriate places. The Town retained ownership of some part of this land atleast, and there was a public way to the River over it. Part of the land was eventually occupied by a houselot,and Mrs. Elizabeth Brown was in possession in 1792. In that year Dr. John Manning was granted a piece of land for a woolen manufactory, "in front 6 ft. from Mrs. Ehzabeth Brown's house, to extend 50 ft. front toward the well, and one foot on the wall, and to extend 30 ft. in back toward the River." Dr. Manning built his factory, but asked for more room the next year, desiring the place occupied by Mrs. Brown's house, and stipulating that a passage way to the river, 24 ft. wide, should be left on the westerly end of the building. In 1794, the Town granted him 40 ft. of ground and flats, provided he would build a wall from the north corner of the northerly arch of the bridge, strong enough to ward off the ice, and that he satisfy Elizabeth Brown for the grotmd where her house stands. The factory was operated for a few years, apparently without profit. Dr. Manning sold Ammi Smith the northwest end of the build- ing, Dec. 5, 1816 (212: 168), another section, Dec. 5, 1818 (218: 251). and the rest was conveyed to Smith by the administrator, Oct. 31, 1825 (241:260). Sarah Whitney and others, representing the "Massachusetts Woolen Manufactory," finally sold their interest to Stephen Coburn, June 11, 1847 (384: 269). The Post Office, and various stores occupied the building, which was finally destroyed by fire. The lot was purchased by Wesley K.Bell, May 24, 1869(773:252), who sold to Joseph Wait, May 25, 1869. Wait sold half the Coburn lot to Col. Luther Caldwell, June 17, 1869 (775:143) and the remauider to Mrs. Almira F. Caldwell, Aug. 23, 1869 (780:118). Col. Caldwell erected at once the bushiess block that bears his name. Henry Sewall. (Diagram 1.) Henry Sewall, or Sea well or Say well, was the grantee of the sightly three acre lot, which includes the Parsonage and Seminary lots and Mr. T. F. Cogswell's homestead. Its southeast bound was the Ipswich River and William Fuller's lot (Ips. Deeds 1 : 14). Mr. Sewall was chiefly distin- 332 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. guished for his famous son, Samuel Sewall, the Judge of later days, and for his irritable temper, which brought him into frequent collisions with the authorities, and frequent arraignments before the Quarter Sessions Court. He removed to Newbury, and Mr. Samuel Symonds, coming to town to make his residence, bought this lot on the Gth day of the 1st month of 1637, with the house, and about the same time he received a grant of a farm of five hundred acres, since called Olliver's, a planting lot of six acres, and forty acres on the "hethermost side of Sagamore hill." He also bought the Argilla farm of three hundred and twenty acres, and land on the South side (Ips. Deeds 1: 13). Here this distinguished Judge and Deputy Governor made his home for the rest of his long and useful life. After his death, the estate was divided. The lower part, including an acre and a half, extending to the River on the south, was sold by Wm. Symonds, son of the Dep. Governor, to Jonathan Wade. It was a house lot, and the residence of Mr. Symonds was on the part reserved, April 16, 1679 (Ips. Deeds 4: 267). It was sold by Jonathan and Thomas, sons of Jonathan Wade, to Elihu Wardell, who had married their sister, Elizabeth, still unimproved, March 1, 1701 (30: 152). Wardell built a residence here, and in 1716 (Nov. 20) sold his grandson, Samuel Dutch, a lot on the west side of his estate, eight rods front on the Street, and four rods deep (30: 150). His son, Elihu Wardell, sold his father's house and land, about an acre, to Benjamin Dutch, March 2, 1719-20 (37: 106), and Dutch bought of Sanmel Dutch the 32 rod lot, that had been sold out of the original estate, April 27, 1719 (37- 108). Benjamin Dutch, saddler, sold the whole acre and a half lot, with house, barn, etc. to Arthur Abbott, cordwainer, March 6, 1723 (42: 248). Arthur Abbott sold a lot, abutting on the highway near the Bridge, about forty-eight rods, to Samuel Williams, March 29, 1726 (59: 199). The WiUiams lot came into the possession of Benjamin Dutch who sold it with a house and barn, to Nathaniel Souther, Mar. 1, 1756 (103: 225) andhe sold to Wm. Dodge, July 26, 1763 (120: 190). It was owned by Daniel Newman in 1766, and by Daniel Noyes later. Daniel Noyes sold a small piece near the Great Stone Bridge, out of his land to Wm. Dennis, peruke-maker. May 24, 1768 (130: 221) and Nathaniel D. Dutch sold to Daniel Dutch of Salem the house and land, that abutted on Deacon Knowlton's, which is still remembered by some as the old Dutch House, May 15, 1815 (206:263). Luther Parks of Boston sold to Augustine Heard, the same estate, which Daniel Dutch conveyed to Sally Parks, Priscilla and Mary Dutch in 1830 (257: 251), with all the buildings, Sept. 15, 1847(390: 111). Mr. Abbott sold another lot, east of that sold to Samuel Williams, to Thom"* Cross, J.in. 5, 1727 (51: 181). Cross sold to John Leighton, June 7, 1732 (73 : 19). Leighton sold the lot with house and barn to John Powers Nov. 16, 1747 (95: 186). Joj^nh Low, baker, succeeded to the ownership and mortgaged "the dwelling ho;"!e, which I lately built and now live in" "on the King's highway" to Tyler Porter of Wenham, Nov. 30, 1744 (137: 90). Porter foreclosed and sold to Den con Thomas Knowlton. NORTH MAIN STREET, SOUTH SIDE. 333 peruke-maker, a house and an acre of land Oct. 11, 1791 (154: 120). Thomas Knowlton sold to Charles Kimball, Treasurer of the Ipswich Academy, Dec. 20, 1825, and forty shares at $50 each had been subscribed at that date (407 : 264). The Academy was built a little to the east of the old Knowlton house. After a period of indifferent success, the building was leased to Miss Zilpah Grant, who opened a Female Seminary. Mary Lyon was associated with her, and the School came into great favor. Miss Lyon withdrew, and after some years. Prof. John P. Cowles and his wife Eunice (Caldwell) Cowles, who had been a pupil in the School and a suc- cessful teacher, leased the building and continued the Seminary, which attained great prosperity under their charge. Prof. Cowles eventually purchased the building and the Dutch lot adjoining, and removed the old buildings. The brick block was erected after his decease, when the property was sold. The Arthur Abbott homestead was inherited by his son Philip Abbott, who sold the house and land, to Robert Wallis, Jan. 17, 1799 (171: 65), and he to Dr. Thomas Manning ,who built the mansion, now used as the Parsonage of the First Church, Jan. 17, 1799 (185: 146). He had already sold Dr. Jolm Manning land in the rear, April 20, 1793 (167: 132). The remainder of the Dep. Governor's lot, including his mansion, was in the possession of Mrs. John Rogers, in 1701, as is shown by the deed of Wade to Wardell. Mr. Hammatt records that John Rogers kept a tavern in 1694 with the sign of "The Black Horse." It was conveyed by John Rogers, saddler, to his son, Benjamin, Dec. 3, 1721 (38:215). Ben- jamin Rogers divided the lot. The house and land, he sold to Ammi Ruhami Wise, shopkeeper, son of the eminent Rev. John Wise of Chebacco, Dec. 4, 1723 (41 : 218). The remainder, a lot 44 feet on the Street and 46 ft. deep, bounded by Dutch's land on the west, he had sold to Patrick Farrin, chirurgeon, Dec. 14, 1722 (39: 224). Farrin sold this small lot to Nathaniel Smith, bounded by Arthur Abbott, west, June 1, 1733 (63: 169), and on Dec. 23, 1742, Wise's house, shop, etc., then occupied by John Whitaker, peruke-maker, were sold by execution for debt, to John Smith and Thomas Newman (84: 90). Nathaniel Smith, son of Nathaniel, in a deed drawn Dec. 14, 1781 (139: 79), recites that his mother, Hannah, widow, devised her grandchildren, WilHam and Elizabeth Homans, one-half her dwelling- house, and in codicil made provision that he should convey to the same all his right and title in the shop and land adjoyning, formerly his father's, Nathaniel Smith, and conveys to them the piece his father bought of Farrin. The Wise house and lot had thus come into the possession of the Smiths and the original Rogers lot, reunited, was sold by Wilham and Elizabeth Homans of Beverly to Stephen Lord, tailor, and Jeremiah Ross, (Cabinet- maker, June 26, 1798 (164: 263). Lord sold his interest to Ross, Aug. 30, 1798 (188: 35) and Ross sold to Dr. Thomas Manning, Nov. 14, 1799 (188: 36). Dr. Manning sold to Stephen Lord again, Feb. 1810 (212: 211) ; Lord sold to Joseph Wait, Jan. 8, 1817 (212: 211), and his heirs, to Mr. Theodore F. Cogswell. Mr. Cogswell removed the old house and built the 334 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. iiiaiision he now occupies. His lot occupies the eastern end of the original Dep. Gov. Synionds's estate. The ledge in front of the old Seminary building was occupied by a house and shop for many years. In 1733, John Stacey, being incapable of labor, presented a petition to the Town, setting forth "that there is a convenience on the northerly side of the Rock by Ebenezer Smith's, for setting an house upon" and "praying he may obtain a grant for setting a house for selling cakes and ale etc. for his livelihood." This singular request was granted and he built a house accordingly. Mis widow, Je- mima, sold the house and land on the Rock, to John Wood, and he con- veyed at once to Samuel Ross, blacksmith, April 29, 17.37 (75: 88). Sam- uel Ross built a blacksmith shop, and carried on his trade. He sold his dweUing, barn and blacksmith's shop to Samuel Ross Jim., and Joseph Lakeman Ross, Oct. 3, 1794 (160: 105). Joseph Lakeman Ross, it has been said, bougiit the Moses Lord house in 1831, and removed tlie dwelling from tlie ledge to a place on that lot where it still stands next to the Jolm Holland estate. William White. (Diagram 1.) The next lot, east or northeast of Mr. Symonds's lot was owned by Wm. White, in 1637, when Symonds bought his town-house. White sold his house and lot to Ralph Dix, fisherman, 26^^ 4th 1648 (Ips. Deeds 1: 36). Thomas Manning had it later and sold to John Appleton and Samuel Appleton, Oct. 14, 1653 (Ips. Deeds 1: 131). The Appletons exchanged this lot for the adjoining three acre lot, with house, barn, etc. with John Woodam, bricklayer, and Mary his wife, "as it now lieth bounded and fenced to the ledge of rocks next the meeting house green, from the corner of the lane from the meeting house green leading to the river, etc.," May 20, 1653 (Ips. Deeds 1: 132 and 154). The property passed into the hands of Thomas Bishop. When Bishop died, he left a dwelling house, two barns, wash-house etc., and about six acres of land. His will specified that, after his wife's decease, his son Samuel should enjoy his dwelling, with that wherein John Sparks dwelt. It was a house for two families and Sparks apparently kept an imi. But he was warned out and bouglit the land across the Street and in 1671, Samuel Bishop, and his mother Margaret, had their license to sell liquors renewed, while a special petition of the citizens procured for John Sparks for the first time his license to sell. But the business did not prosper, apparently, and Samuel sold the property, then occupied by his brotlier Thomas and himself, to Simon Lynde of Boston. The land was boimded by Reginald Foster and Capt. Appleton, east, and the Deputy Governor, west, and included the land originally owned by White, Dix, and others, June 6, 1673 (Ips. Deeds 3: 268). Hannah Bigg of Boston, widow and executrix of John Bigg, and one of the (laughters of Mr. Simon Lynd of Boston. decea.sed, sold Symonds MEETING HOUSE GREEN. 335 Epes, this property, with a house and land adjoining (in the rear appar- ently), formerly occupied by one Mr. Berry, a dyer, Oct. 8, 1691 (Ips. Deeds 5:423). Major Symonds Epes was son of Daniel Epes of 'Castle Hill. His mother, Elizabeth, was Dep. Gov. Symonds's daughter, and his grandmother liecame the Governor's wife. His brothers, Samuel and Daniel, were Harvard graduates. Daniel was the eminent Salem school master. The Major was a Justice, as well, and meml^er of the Governor's Council, 1724-1734. His daughter Elizabetli marrried Edward Eveleth, and the same year they were married, he sold Eveleth his homestead. It now included eight acres and was bounded by Saddler Rogers'sland, and Col. Jo. Appleton's, Dec. 5, 1715 (29:273). Daniel Eveleth, .son of Edward, sold to Nathaniel Treadwell, Nov. 3, 1761 (109: 278). It was inherited by Moses Treadwell. The land reached down to the Cove, and included a portion of the County property about the House of Correction. Moses Treadwell sold the County of Essex, a piece of land 28 ft. square, at the north corner of his homestead. May 27, 1816 (215: 242). The widow Susanna Kendall, sold a plot 23 l)y 28 ft., May 2S, 1816 (215: 241) and the County proceeded to erect the brick building, used for a Probate Office for many years. ^ It was sold by the County to Agawam Lodge of Odd Fellows, Dec. 26, 1867 (739: 246). The Treadwell heirs sold the house and land to the Trustees of the Public Library, July 11, 1865 (686: 160) and the Lil)rary building was built on this lot. After the extension of County Street and the stone bridge were built, four and three quarters acres adjoining the House of Correction lot were sold by the Treadwell heirs to Aaron Cogswell, April 23, 1862 (636:287- 288). He sold to the County, May 5, 1862 (636: 289). John Jackson. (Diagram 1.) The lot on the corner of Green St. and the Green was granted apparently to John Hassall, but Jackson was in possession in 1647. Wm. White mar- ried his widow, Catherine, and appropriated his belongings, and in due time, they sold to John West, who sold to John Woodam a dwelling-house and lot, also a house lot of an acre, also another half acre lot, June 28, 1649 (Ips. Deeds 1: 65). Woodam also owned part of a house lot, bought of Thomas Manning, a portion of Mr. Symonds's house lot, which was conveyed by him to secure perpetual maintenance of the division fence, 13-8-1653 (Ips. Deeds 1: 127). All this property, except the small corner lot, was exchanged with the Appletons, as has been mentioned. The extreme corner, a four rod lot with house, he sold to John Procter Sen. and William Fellows, bounded southeast by ' ' Ma.ster Appleton 's lot, ' ' Aug. 23, 1666 (Ips. Deeds 4: 75). Joseph and Benjamin Procter, sons of John, deceased, sold their interest to the executors of Fellows, Dec. 21, 1676 (Ips. Deeds 4:75-6). Ephraim, Samuel and Ruth Fellows, widow of Joseph, sold the lot, to ' For a history of tlie building see Publicatious ot tlie Ipswich Historical Society, Xo, n. 3o6 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. William Fellows, Jan. 7, 1694 (29: 136). Fellows sold to Major Epes March 29, 1708, and Epes sold to John Whipple, Philemon Dean and Joseph Whipple, committee. The bounds are interesting — "on the S. E. side the Appleton lot, the S. W. end, land of Epes, on N. W. side, the Green, extending almost to the Great Rock behind the Town House, and on the N. E. end by the highway, commonly called the Major's Lane, etc". , Mar. 15, 1713 (39: 219). The Great Rock is remembered, a lofty pinnacle, which was blasted down many years ago. The name, Major's lane, ap- plied to Green St., may have l)een derived from Major Gen. Denison, who lived on the east side of the lane or from Major Samuel Appleton, who may luive lived on the lot adjoining the corner. It is fre(iuently called " Master Appleton's lot," as if the dweller then were a schoolmaster. In 1700, some lots for horsesheds were granted on Meeting House Green "against the orchard fence where Mr, Samuel Appleton lives, beginning about two rods from ye lane corner upwards to Mr. Appleton's Barn,"' The Hon. John Appleton, Judge of Probate, owned the whole corner, including a small house, and, by his will, provided that his widow should liave the use of this portion of his estate, but it was bestowed eventually on his daughters, Elizabeth, the wife of Rev. Jabez Fitch, then of Ports- mouth and Margaret, ^Adfe of Edward Augustus Holyoke, President of Harvard College. The wiU specifies that it was "known by the name of Louds and Fosters Lotts, bounded by the land of Mr. Edward Eveleth on the south, the River on the east, the highway on north and north- west" (Pro. Records 324: 1,2, 1739). Mr. Holyoke, acting for the owners, conveyed this land to John Smith and Jolm Hodgkins. Smith purchased three and one half acres with a small dwelling abutting on the Green and Green Lane, and Hodgkins had three and one half acres, now included in the County land, bounded on the east by a half acre " belonging to Daniel Appleton, lying between the afore granted premises and the River, " April 15, 1756 (103:85,86). Capt. John Smith, who was a man of wealth, and o'waied Smith's Island, Fish Island, Candlewood Island, and had interests in Grape Island, devised this corner lot to his son, Samuel, and made provision for his education at college, 1768 (345: 30). 2 Samuel, then a Physician, at Hampton, sold to Ephraini Kendall, April 29, 1782 (139: 135). In the settlement of the Kendall estate, this plot was assigned to Ruth, wife of George Jenkins, and they sold to Moses Treadwell, May 25, 1825 (238: 104). The heirs of Moses Treadwell conveyed to Charles Kimball, Aug. 23, 1845 (358: 208), who sold to Essex County, July 10, 1847 (385: 112). In 1860, County St. was laid out across the County land and the stone bridge by the Lower Mill was built. As this cut off part of the County land, the County sold the corner, 233 ft. on Green St. and 283 ft. deep, to N. P . Wait, W. H. Graves, and J. M. Wellington for the Methodist Church, July 16, 1859 (591: 24). Mr. Wait purchased the lot on the corner and erected his dwelling there. ' They occupied probably the aiicieiit four roil lumse lot, which Williiini Fellows conveyed to n Committee of the Town appjireutly, in 1708 as mentioned above. " Pro.Rec. GREEN STREET, SOTTTH SIDE. 337 Robert Kinsman, Samuel Hall, Richard Brown, William Avery. (Diagram 1.) We observed that in John Appleton's will, mention was made of the Loud and Foster lots, which were included in the seven acres he left to his daughters. The name of Foster helps to locate a house of the earliest times as it is probably Reginald Foster, whose lot is meant, and Reginald Foster's lot is frequently given as a bound of the Appleton. On the 27th of July, 1G38, Richard Lumpkin sold John Tuttell, a house and lot . "near the great Cove of the Town River, with Wm. Avery's lot on the southwest, Robert Kinsman's lot on the northwest, the Town River on the southeast, houselot of Samuel Hall's on east (t. e. northeast) the house built by Richard Brown now of Newbury, sold to Mr. Richard Saltonstall, and sold by him to Lumpkin." John Tuttell sold this to Reginald Foster, 26 Sept. 1638, "lying near the great Cove, beneath the Falls of the Town River" (Town Record, 1638). In the record of grants, Robert Kinsman had an acre, with Richard Lumkin's houselot on the southwest and John Jackson on the west. John Jackson, we know, owned the lot on the corner of Green Lane and Meet- ing House Green. In 1653, the deed of John Woodam to John and Samuel Appleton, of a house and three acres describes the lot, "from the corner of the lane afore- said to the house lot of Reonald Foster, and so over to the house lot of the widow Averill, and thence to the corner of the rockwall aforesaid ♦next the Meeting House Green" (Ips. Deeds 1 : 132 and 154). The widow Averill was also the eastern abutter of a neighboring lot, which Thomas Manning had sold the Appletons. The lot may be located in a general way on the Cove, not far from the County St. Bridge, and the Lumpkin-Foster house stood next toward the east. The Foster lot ex- tended out to Green Lane in 1653, though it had no such bound in 1638, and the acre lot of Robert Kinsman had probably been added to the origi- nal lot. How was access had to the Averill lot and these others? Again, in 1691, when the Simon Lynde estate was sold to Symonds Epes, the six acres in this lot were bounded by the Meeting House Green north, the River south, Reginald Foster and Captain .\ppleton east, and the deed of sale included another house and lot, formerly in the occupation of Mr. Berry (a dyer), which was bounded by Capt. Appleton's northeast and on all other sides by the six acres (Ips. Deeds 5: 423). There was some public way to these rear lots by the Cove. Possible reference to this way may be found in the record of Mar. 1685, that Thomas Low bought of the Town, "two acres with a town way through it, bounded by his own land southerly, by tlie Conmion northeast, Goodman Reginald Foster's southeast, and Robert Kinsman's southwest." This may have been in Chebacco, however. More definite allusion to an old way along the Cove is found in the deed of sale of a piece of land, about half an acre, which still belonged to the Commoners in 1722. By vote of Mar. 21 , 1722, a Committee of the Town was instructed to sell several parcels, belonging 338 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. to the Commoners, and this lot was sold by them to Daniel Appleton. bounded by Col. Jolin Appleton 's land on one side, the River on the other, Green Lane east and Edward Eveleth's land west, April 25, 1723(42:25). Appleton sold this to Abner Harris, Dec. 7, 1757 (106: 241). Harris's administrator sold to John Hodgkins 4th, May 24, 1787 (155: 190), and Moses Treadwell sold an acre lot, including this, to James Safford, April 7, 1818, "reserving any right that the Town of Ipswich may have of tow- ing or tracking vessels or boats up and down the river, or passing over the land for that purpose" (222: 202). Evidently there was an ancient way, continuous from Water St. and houses were built along its course. More than this. Green Lane was anciently known as Bridge Lane. Thomas Scott had a house lot "lying to the lane called Bridge Lane, near the meet- ing house, ' ' the house lot of Philip Fowler, southeast and Humphrey Brad- street northwest (Town Record 1640). This lot was on the corner of County St. and Green St. where the Baker house stands. But there was never a bridge at the foot of this Street until a few years ago, and there was beyond doubt a foot-bridge that crossed the river, where the Island on which the saw mill stands, made an easy span. Foot-travel was by way of the Lane, and this ancient river path, over the foot-bridge to the South side. In later years, John Hodgkins 's will bestowed his three and one half acres on the widow, his son John Jr. and his daughters Elizabeth Perkins and Salome Dennis, 1797 (Pro. Rec. 367: 504). John Dennis and Salome sold their one and one half acre lot to Essex Co. in 1803 (173:98) and the Stone Jail was built on this land. Isaac Stanwood, grandson of Hodgkins, inherited another lot, which he sold to Isaac Stanwood Jr., an acre, Dec. 11, 1817 (217: 42) and he to the County, Nov. 15, 1850 (438: 187). This was northwest of the Jail. Jolin Perkins inherited his mother 's portion, and sold one and one quarter acres to James Safford, on the southeast side of the Jail, May 18, 1822 (229: 270). Safford 's earlier purchase from Treadwell has been mentioned. He built his modest house by the River, but disposed of his land in 1833, Feb. 1, to Frederic Mitchell (268 : 45) . Mitchell sold to the County, May 1 , 1834, reserving the spot occupied by Safford's house (275: 21). ^ This was removed across the way to another lot owned by the County, and the sixteen poles of land were transferred to the County, Mar. 1 , 1859 (584 : 177). The land of the Tread- well estate which bounded the County land on the south was purchased as has been already said, of Aaron Cogswell, who boiight of the Treadwell heirs in 1862. (636:287-289). WASHINGTON STREET, EAST SIDE William Warner. (Diagram 2.) Returning to the ancient Bridge Street or Scott's Lane, we find that the land now included in the freight yard of the B. & M. R.R. and the house lot occupied by tlie "Stocker' ' house was granted as house lots at the begin- ning of the settlement. ' The House of Correction was built ou this lot. D I A G R A r^i Mo Z WASHINGTON STREET, EAST SIDE. 339 The acre lot on the corner of the Lane, known as Baker's Lane, was granted to Wni. Warner, 1636. Edward Chapman owned in 1667 and sold Edward Lummus "my dwelling house wherein sd Lummns dwells" with barn and one and one quarter acres, "the Street called Mill St. toward southwest, and the house and land of widow Stacy southeast," March 2, 1667 (Ips. Deeds 5: 190). Edward Lomas conveyed to his son, Jonathan, his homestead, house, barn and an acre of land, and twelve acres purchased of Mr. Cogswell, May 25, 1682 (Ips. Deeds 4: 466). His will (Ips. Deeds 4: 476) states that the twelve acres were on the opposite side of the Street. Jonathan Liimas sold Daniel Rogers, schoolmaster, "the house in which he now dwells" with two acres, Thos. Wait's homestead south- east, June 18, 1712 (25:1). This lot came into the possession of the Waits. Marv Wait sold Robert Stocker Jr., a half acre, March 12, 1792 (155: 191) on which he built the house still called the Stocker house. Mary R. Kimball, the widow of John Stalker, sold to George B. Brown, the lot on which he buUt a grist mill, Jan. 12, 1881 (1055: 187). She sold the house and land to Bridget Murray, Oct. 11, 1881 (1069: 261). Symon Stace. (Diagram 2.) Symon Stace received a grant of the lot on the southeast of Warner in 1637. His son, Symon, we infer from previous mention of the "widow Stace," sold the house, barn, and an acre of land to Thomas Waite, Feb. 7, 1673 (Ips. Deeds 3: 297). This lot was united with the Warner lot, as has been stated. Mark Quilter. (Diagram 2.) An acre lot, described as "opposite Allen Perley's," was granted to Mark Quilter, and recorded in 1638. His son, Joseph, succeeded and his heirs sold a house and six acres of land to Dr. Samuel WaUis, April 4, 1724 (43: 117). His daughter, the Avidow Sarah Rust, inherited and her heirs in turn. Jolin Cole Jewett and his wife, Elizabeth, quitclaimed their interest in the buildings and three acres "known as Quilter 's lot" to Moses Smith, April 17, 1789(157: 163). It is now included in the B. & M. R.R. land and the Burke shoe factory lot. The cellar was near the brick build- ing of tlie Burke factory. John Wyatt. (Diagram 2.) He owned a house lot in 1638 and the Town Record describes it as "lying in Bridge Street and butting upon the south end upon the same street, having a house lott of Mr. Norton's on the east, and a house lott of Mark Quilters on the west. ' ' It was included in the Quilter lot in 1717. 340 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. John Norton. (Diagram 2.) The Rev. John Norton, Teacher of the Ipswich Church, received a grant of three acres, called a "house lot" in the record of grants, but later "a pasture." It was a low swampy lot, and could never have been used for building purposes. It was on "the lower side of the Mill St.," with the Street southwest, Christopher Osgood northeast, John Wyatt northwest, and "southeast by the several house lots of Richard Lumkin, Robert Crane and the 3d lot ungranted." This was inherited by William Norton, l^rother of John, and conveyed by him to his son, the Reverend John Norton, Pastor at Hingham, Sept. 28, 1682 (Ips. Deeds 4: 469). Joseph Quilter acquired possession and conveyed to Michael Farley, measuring 15 rods on the street, in exchange for another lot, Sept. 20, 1710 (22: 204). John Treadwell owned in 1753. Capt. Jolm Lord owned, and Wm. G. Brown. MARKET ST. AND NORTH MAIN ST. NORTH SIDE. Richard Lumkin. (Diagram 2.) Referring to the bounds of the Norton pasture, it will be seen that, in 1638, there were three lots on Market St., as it is now called, owned by Richard Lumkin, Robert Crane, and one unassigned. The Robert Crane lot, as will be seen, is probably identical with the Daniel Warner lot of later years. Lumkin cannot be definitely located, but probably owned the corner, known familiarly as Damon's Corner. Daniel Warner owned this lot in 1682 and Isaac Littlehale was its possessor in 1710 (22: 204) John Littlehale of Dracut transferred to Joseph Littlehale of Gloucester "the estate in Ipswich by virtue of my father's will, on the occasion of the death of my brother James Littlehale," March 1, 1727-8 (51: 37). Joseph Littlehale sold Emerson Cogswell, an acre with house and barn, Dec. 2, 1731 (98: 151). Cogswell mortgaged to Samuel Grant and widow Anne Holmes, Dec. 8, 1753 (100: 219). The mortgagees conveyed it to Thomas Burnham, Jan. 30, 1760 (108: 79) and it continued in the Burn- ham family until 1833, when Chas. Kimball, administrator of Thomas Burn- ham, sold the equity of redemption of a mortgage to George W. Heard, Oct. 10, 1833 (282 : 163) . George W. Heard sold to George Warner, a frame work knitter, March 15, 1836 (289: 175) and Warner to Caleb K. Moore, bounded on the southwest by "Back Lane," August 14,1838(307:269). Moore sold part of the lot to James and Sanford Peatfield, Nov. 6, 1840(321 : 150). They erected the brick building which was used by a Company for the manufacture of machine knit goods. It is now known as Hayes Tavern. The Peatfield lot also included the land occupied by the Gas Works. Moore mortgaged to Jeremiah Smith, June 28, 1855 (515: 188) and surrendered the property to him June 30, 1857 (554: 220). Smith sold to Curtis Damon, July 19, 1865 (649: 56). Mr. Damon removed to this corner the old Court MARKET ST. AND NORTH MAIN ST., NORTH SIDE. 341 House which stood near the Meeting House of the Methodist church. It was burned some years ago. The small lot of John B. Lamson was bought by him from Jeremiah Smith, May li, 1858 (570: 226). The building on the premises was moved there, and the low and wet nature of the location is indicated by the fact, that the building was set up on blocks, and workmen walked under the building thus supported, in building up the foundation. An open spring on this lot was used for watering cattle, but the water in the well on the spot is now some fourteen feet below the street level. The whole neighbor, hood was very low, and the meadow land adjoining, now drained and oc- cupied, was originally a swamp of alders. The lot on Market St. next the corner, perhaps a part of the original corner lot, was sold by John Warner, administrator of his father, John Warner, to Samuel Waite, clothier, with a house and barn on the half acre lot, March 20, 1735 (92: 73). Arthur Abbott sold Thos. Burnham "all that messuage I lately bought of Samuel Waite," June 7, 1744 (92: 65). Judith, widow of Thomas Burnham 4th and other heirs, sold to Moses Goodhue, March 2, 1793 (158: 115). Goodhue sold to Joseph Chapman, with 77 ft. frontage, Oct. 1, 1812 (198: 211), and the widow Hannah Chap- man to James Damon, Nov. 2, 1866 (714: 1). Mr. Damon sold a strip of this estate to Josiah H. Mann, March 23, 1867 (722: 29) and a small piece more the next year (768: 265). Mr. Mann erected a building and sold to Harriet E. Lord, wife of Daniel Lord, March 27, 1870 (874: 154). The remainder of the Chapman lot was inherited by Fred Damon and sold by his widow to Mrs. Aim Hayes, July 2, 1885 (1153: 112). She conveyed to Isaac J. and Jolm M. Potter, April 24, 1886 (1172: 74) and they to George G. Young, who erected the building, April 18, 1890 (1275: 255). The lot now occupied by the blacksmith shop was originally part of the Warner- Waite lot. During Burnham 's ownership of it, he sold a half acre to Nathaniel Heard, whose homestead was on the site of the Lind- berg house. Thomas Dennis sold this to his sister Mary Dennis, "the same conveyed by Thomas Burnham 3d to Nathaniel Heard, on May 13, 1797" May 12, 1831 (262: 40). Mary Dennis sold to Gilbert Conant, Nov. 17, 1834 (289: 180). Conant sold to Daniel P. Nourse, Aug. 27, 1836 (298: 105), Nourse to Samuel P. Guilford, May 21, 1844 (343: 261). Guilford built and occupied the Lindberg house and also the blacksmith shop on this site, now owned by J. Albert Smith. Robert Crane. (Diagram 2.) The lot on Market St. which was granted to Robert Crane, was owned by Daniel Warner in 1666. Part of tlie lot was sold by Philemon Warner, a half acre with dweUing, blacksmith's shop and barn, to Jona- than Prince, Sept. 8, 1710 (21: 227). Prince disposed of the property to John Heard Jun., May 1, 1776 (134: 262.) John Heard, Junior, the son of John, presumably, sold part of the homestead to Moses Lord Jr., chair 342 IPSWICH, IxNT THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. maker, Dec. 21, 1790 (152: 239) the -widow Abigail Heard occupying a tenement in the house. Nathaniel Heard, administrator of John Heard Jr., sold the southwest end of the dwelUng to Richard Manning, clotliier, Oct. 10,1798(164: 151). Aaron Kimball acquired an interest in the estate prior to 1797, and Captain Robert Kimball purchased of William Heard, the same that he had bought of Moses Lord, by deed of April 18, 1835, May 11, 1836 (291 : 290). Captain Kimball built the present dwelling, now owned and occupied by his heirs. One portion of the original house was removed by Ephraim Harris, the builder of the new structure, to his own land on Mineral St., and incorporated in the house that stands on the north corner of Mineral and Central Sts. Daniel Warner conveyed to his son in law Edmund Heard and his daughter, Elizabeth, wife of Heard, the use of the northeast end of his house and provided that after his decease, "all my said dwelling house and out- houses, that shall be then standing upon the house lott that was my unckles, reserving still the privilege of the right of commonage, and the most of the house lot that was Robert Crane's, . . . provided he pay 10£ each to his son, W'iUiam Warner and his daughters, Abigail and Susanna," Sept. 10, 1675 (Ips. Deeds 4:45). Edmimd Heard built a new house on the estate prior to 1715, as the conveyances reveal. He left tliree sons, Edmund, Nathaniel and Daniel. Edmund, "having purchased by right of redemption all the estate of my honored father, Edmund Heard, deceased, and part of the same belonging to my brothers Nathaniel and Daniel," conveyed to Nathaniel, "the southwest end of the old dwelling house where he now dwells and half ye shop and one third part of the land or homestead." This old house stood on the site of the Jeremiah Smith house, and the land included, measured 3^ rods 6 ft. from Jonathan Prince's, now Kimball's, line. To Daniel, he conveyed the northeast end of the house he then occupied, "the old house," with equal part of shop and land, and the same frontage, Sept. 12, 1715 (30: 80). The new house he reserved for himself. Dan el Heard sold his interest in the old Edmund Heard house to Nathaniel, May 1, 1758. Samuel, son of Deacon Daniel Heard, inherited a portion from his son Benjamin Heard, and sold a part of the house to Samuel, Jr., and Ebenezer Heard, May 19, 1803 (174: 228, 229). John Heard sold Gilbert Conant, a schoohnaster, the house and half an acre, July 15, 1834 (289: 179). Conant conveyed to Capt. Joseph Gardner, July 1, 1843 (338: 188); Gardner to the widow Elizabeth Boardman, July 24, 1852 (465: 16) ; her heirs to Jeremiah Smith, July 21, 1862 (641 : 42). The present dwelling cannot be identified with the old house, but the date of its erection is not known. Edmund Heard sold his house, probably the one built as we have mentioned, before 1715, to Jabez Treadwell, cooper, Nov. 23, 1761 (119: 117). His heirs sold to Jabez Farley, Jan. 20, 1792 (154: 167) and the estate remained in the Farley ownership until its recent purchase by Mr. John W. Goodhue. Edmimd Heard sold Robert Potter, a tailor, a small plot, about 2^ ni; i^iuH- ? ;"^' '^^^^ L k:« 1« v; '•>'■•;.* 1 = ■ I -.r=J 5s V-* ■* - * '-; ■'-'/. -fit kl'^ \?' f\ h. ' '.'■»/,. , I ^i.^* Cj»i>/i> An ancient map, made in 1717, showing the houses and house lots on Market Street and Washington Street, and the ancient foot-way, which had been obstructed by Capt. Beamsley Perkins. Photographed from the original, now in the posses- sion of the Essex Institute. The long note appended to the map is as follows: Some part of this draught was done by rule so as to be suffi- cient to shew wliat was it petioned for. Manning's lot, in wliich is the compass, as record said, bath Sherard's lot nor east- erly, the highway so westerly, which must needs be ment the way leading from Scot's Lane up to Quilter's house and barn, which barn stands on Manning's lot and so according to the draught runs into the lane called Finder's lane (by Graves land) comes into the broad common called Meeting House green, where the meeting house is. These lots here marked out and the houses on them lying southeasterly of the way petioned for were .set as was accounted when granted for number of acres, but being much more may not suit right standing by what here is done by rule, for that was done to signify how far to the meeting house it is either to go in the lane by Baker's or in Scot's Lane up to the meeting house further than in the way petioned for, for from the brook against French's comer it is thirty rods that the way is stop't, 22 rod of ye thirty is fenced out and apple trees in some part set where we used the way to go to meeting, as our prede- cessors did before us, without molestation which 30 rods is in the possession of Captain Beamsley Perkins, who it is molests us the lots of Proctor and Ausgood being in his possession. And the squared loggs that were laid over the brook and the low watery mirey ground to the brook have been taken from thence. Then this draught does but only signify such a way for a foot way in ancient times granted and used by a considerable num- ber of the town inhabitants, but now deny'd to be and molested therein by Captain Beamsley Perkins. (A second map of the same territory is inserted at page .349.) MARKET ST., NORTH MAIN ST., NORTH SIDE. 343 rods on the Street, and -i or 5 rods deep, beyond the brook, the spot occu- pied by the Ezekiel Peabody house, April 7, 1717 (51: 159). On May 5th 1726, Potter petitioned the Town for a grant of "a small piece of land in front of Edmund Heard's land, on the N E. side of Heard's Brook, to sit a house partly thereon. ' ' The Town granted a lot that extended 10 ft. from Edmund Heard's land next to the Brook, "and 6 feet from the said front forms the dividing line between the said Heard and Mr. Wainwright's land, and so on a straight line on the highway" (Town Record). The line of the ancient street was very uncertain, it would seem, to admit of so large a piece being taken from the highway. Robert Potter did not build the house he had planned when he secured the enlargement of his lot, but sold it to Thomas Cross, June 3, 1732 (68: 246). Cross did build a dwelling but disposed of the house and the 12 rods of land to George Dutch, Dec. 4, 1735 (71 : 1). Dutch sold the northeast half of his dwelling to Daniel Leighton, March 14, 1740 (87: 152), and Leighton sold the same to Daniel Heard Junior, March 9, 1742 (87: 149). He enlarged the lot by a quarter acre, purchased of the Richard Rogers estate adjoin- ing, Oct. 19, 1744 (87: 153). Elizabeth, widow of Daniel Heard and John, their son, sold the property, "the garden and homestead of Mr. Daniel Heard, deceased, the husband of Elizabeth and father of John," to John Jewett, whitesmith, March 12, 1798 (165: 81). John Jewett, Jun., of Row- ley sold the same to Samuel Smith, April 1 , 1802 (169 : 250), and at Smith 's decease, Charles Simonds sold to Ezekiel Peabody, cordwainer, reserving the dower of the widow Hannah, Aug. 6, 1817 (215: 167). This estate includes the land on which the clothing store of Mr. Robert Jordan stands. The present dwelling is evidently not the original one. John Proctor and Christopher Osgood. (Diagram 2.) In 1635, Christopher Osgood had received a grant, bounded by John Proctor south, John Robinson north, Wm. Fuller east, the swamp west. He bequeathed his house and land to his son Christopher, April 19, 1650 (Ips. Deeds 1:77). He removed "to Andover, and sold the homestead a house and four acres, "neare to the brook running into the Mill River," to Thomas Metcalfe, Oct. 2, 1666 (Ips. Deeds 3: 108). Metcalfe sold Isaac Littlehale, blacksmith, 17 rods, "at the uppermost corner of my home- stead," "adjoyning to the land of John Sparks," March 1, 1690 (Ips. Deeds 5: 588). Littlehale located however, on the Damon corner, and the lot reverted to the original estate. Metcalfe sold his whole property, about six acres, including the low land in the rear, to Jacob Davis, a potter by trade, Nov. 21, 1699 (16: 97). The potter, Davis, sold "a certain parcel of upland ground" about an acre and a half, to Col. John Appleton,the Lieut, of Andros times, now become a Colonel and Judge of Probate, Feb. 25, 1707 (22: 144), and the balance of the estate, five and a half acres and buildings to Capt. Beamsley Perkins, April 17, 1710 (21: 170). The Cap- tain carried matters with a high hand. An ancient footway led from Scott's 344 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Lane across his rear land, up the hill to Loney 's Lane. He obstructed this way and forbade travel and the matter was carried to Court. A rude map of the region was drawn and presented to the magistrates in 1717. The original has escaped destruction and a reproduction will be inserted when the narrative has proceeded farther. A note appended to this map states that the Perkins lot included the original Proctor and Osgood lots. Dr. John Perkins, son and heir of Capt. Beamsley, sold his estate, re- serving an eighth of an acre on Col. Appleton's line, to John Wainwright, April 13, 1725 (49: 231). This small lot, with other property, the Dr., then a resident of Boston, sold to his son. Dr. Nathaniel Perkins, also of Boston, Dec. 1, 1740 (80: 302). Wainwright 's administrator sold to Richard Rogers, "a dwelling house and land in present possession of Mrs. Cliristian Wainwright," about five and a half acres. May 6, 1741 (80; 302) and Dr. Perkins sold his eighth of an acre to Rogers, Oct. 14, 1741 (80: 303). Rogers, or his widow and admhiistratrix, Mary Rogers, sold the house and a quarter acre abutting on the Heard property, to Samuel Wainwright, son of John, before 1744, though no record of the deed was made. Elizabeth Wainwright, daughter of Samuel, conveyed to Dr. Parker Clark, of New- buryport, her house and quarter acre bequeathed her by her mother. May 1788 (155: 199). She also became the wife of Dr. Clark, who took up his abode in the dwelling thus provided. Dr. Clark sold the house and land to John Baker, Jr., Sept. 15, 1798 (164: 169). His heir, Manasseh Brown, re- moved the old house to the Topsfield road, where it was afterwards burned. The new house erected is still the property of his heirs, and the estate includes the office building of Hon. Chas. A. Sayward and the dry-goods store of W. S. Russell and Son. The widow Mary Rogers sold the four acres remaining without any buildings to Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, Pastor of the First Church, March 1, 1744 (89: 36) and he sold to Benjamin Dutch April 4, 1753 (104: 78). Dutchbuilt ahouse which was subsequently enlarged, andsold to Nathaniel Perley , ' ' the whole of the westerly new dwelling house with chamber and garret in the west end of the old dwelling, both of which houses are joined together," June S, 1778 (138: 6). Rev. Ebenezer Dutch of Bradford sold to Richard Dummer Jewett, trader, " the west lower room of the old dwelling of my father, Benjamin Dutch, part of the garden, also the shop and storehouse near said house, " " formerly called by the name of fore yard," June 8, 1795(159: 117) and Samuel Bacon and others, heirs of Nathaniel Perley, sold to Lucy, wife of Richard D. Jewett, the whole in- terest of Perley in the house and land, March 2, 1798 (163: 171). The old house, with its two front doors, which stood on the site of the present dwelling, owned and occupied by the Jewett heirs, is remembered by the older folk. John Appleton. (Diagram 2.) On that part of the old Christopher Osgood lot, which Col. Appleton purchased, in 1707, he erected his mansion, which has suffered remodellings '^^rm £W^- NORTH MAIN ST., NORTH SIDE. 345 and additions, and wears a very modern look, despite its age. He bequeathed it to his sou Daniel (Pro. Rec. 324: 1, 2, approved Dec. 10, 1739). Ehz- abeth Appleton, daughter of Daniel, married Rev. John Walley, first Pastor of the South Church. Mr. Walley and the other heirs sold the Appleton homestead, the house andtwoacres, to Daniel Noyes, Jan. 19, 1768(121:239). The house was a three storied affair, and much decayed when Mr. Noyes bought it. He removed the upper story, put in new windows and window frames, and repaired it thoroughly. Wilham Dodge purchased the estate. His widow married Mr. Abraham Hammatt, the Antiquarian. Her daugh- ter Wilhelmina, the wife of Dr. Asahel Wildes, inherited, and the Wildes heirs sold to the present owner, Mr. M. B. Philipp of New York. Mr. Noyes sold a building lot, abutting on Benjamin Dutch, to William Dennis, a peruke-maker, May 24, 1768 (130: 221). The heirs of Dennis sold the house and its quarter acre lot to William Heard, Nov. 5, 1827 (248: 46). The cellar of this house is on the vacant lot, corner of Central and North Main Sts. The house was burned in the fire that swept Central St. William Fuller. (Diagram 2.) William Fuller's grant was next to Christopher Osgood's on the north- east by the record of 1635. Wilham Fuller, gunsmith, was ' ' lately possessed of one house lot, half an acre of ground, to which he added one house lot, haK an acre more, also a parcel in the same place bought of Christopher Osgood, all which as they lye together, being about five roods, the high- way to the Mill on east and southeast, the house lot of Thos. Rowlinson northeast, the land of Christopher Osgood south and southwest touching upon the house lot of Hugh Sherrat, north." This lot, with one small dwelling, he sold to John Knowlton, shoemaker, Oct. 1639 (Town Record). The Fuller-Knowlton lot came into the possession of William White, who sold two acres here.with "house, barn, orchard, garden and parrocke or in- closure of earable land adjoyning, ' ' to John Sparks, ' ' Biskett Baker, ' ' Feb. 15, 1671 (Ips. Deeds 3: 216). Samuel Graves abutted on the northeast, Thomas Medcalfe southwest. Sparks had served as an apprentice with Obadiah Woods, a ' 'biskett baker" on East St. and had kept an ordinary leased of Thomas Bishop near where the Public Library stands. He had received his finst license for a year in Sept. 1671 to sell "beere at a penny a quart, provided he entertain no Town inhabitants, in the night, nor suffer to bring wine or liquor to be drunk in his house" (Records Ipswich Quarter Sessions Court). Here he kept a famous hostelry for twenty years. Judge Sewall on his circuits tasted its good cheer, and many a man of renown tarried about its wellspread board. Officers and soldiers were quartered here in time of danger from Indian attacks. As the location of this ancient ordinary has been discussed our study of this locality may be extended beyond the ordinary limit. Sparks sold his property here to Col. John Wainwright, Maj^ 1, 1691(12: 118) described as a messuage or tenement, bake-house and barn. The dwelling 34() TPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. was not included, nor was the acreage the same. Sparks bought two acres and sold one and a half. These are always approximate measurements, and the identity of the land is determined by the abutters mentioned in the deed, John Potter on the east, Thomas Medcalf on the west, etc. Tliirteen years later, March 12, 1704-5, Jolni Roper sold Col. Wainwright, "a dwell- ing house . . . formerly in possession of Mr. John Sparks, now in possession of Mary, widow of John, and also two roods of ground which sometime since I bought of Thomas Medcalf of Ipswicli, adjoining the land on which the house stands" (IS: 16). It seems that Sparks remained in occupancy of his house after the sale, and when Col. Wainwright sold his estate of about three acres here to Deacon Nathaniel Knowlton, Feb. 6, 1707-8, he specified that there were two messuages or tenements, one of which was in occupancy of Thomas Smith, innholder, and the other was occupied by the widow Mary Sparks, " which she is to possess during her natural life, with agarden plot as it is now fenced in, and is situate at the southeast corner of said tenement" (20: 145). There was consideration also of an annuity payable to the widow Sparks by John Smith, cordwainer, and Thomas Smith, cooper- Deacon Knowlton sold Ephraim Smith, son of Thomas Smith, tailor, a lot on the northeast side, abutting on John Potter, and on the same day, Nov. 20, 1710, he sold to Ebenezer Smith, a small dweUing house and land, on the southwest side bordering on Col. John Appleton (now owned by Mr. Philipp) with six rods frontage, about three (juarters of an acre. On Nov. 30, he sold the middle lot, containing an acre, with house and land to John Smith, shoemaker (23 : 22 and 23). The lot sold Ebenezer Smith was the same that the widow Sparks occupied. The "small house" may be the same that is mentioned in Wm. Fuller's deed of sale. Ebenezer Smith owned this lot thirty seven years and when he sold he deeded half a dwelling house, land, etc. with line running through the front door, with privilege of a cartway on the northeast end, and a spring in the cellar, to Ebenezer Stanwood, peruke maker. Evidently he built the house now occupied jjy Mr. Chas. A. Brown, during his ownership (90:203). Smith sold Stanwood 20 rods more July 5, 1748 (93:184). Stanwood sold to Daniel Rogers, 1766 (120: 81). It was bequeathed by him to his son, Daniel A. Rogers (Pro. Rec. 391: 63). Rogers sold his title to a half of this property to Moses Lord, July 5, 1833 (271: 39), and other heirs sold the other half to Steven Warner, Aug. 21, 1835 (338: 253). Warner sold to Thomas Lord of Boston, July 5, 1845 (640: 290), and it was .sold by him to Benjamin C. Browai, father of the present owner in 1862 (640: 291). The other half, devised by Daniel Rogers to his four daughters, was sold by their attorney to MarkR. Jewett of Rowley, May 13,1840 (318: 247). The assignee of Jewett, in insolvency, quitclaimed to John N. Ells- worth, Oct. 1,1844 (356: 57). Thus the southwest limit of the original Wm. Fuller grant is determined, and the location of the John Sparks dwelling, which disappeared when Ebenezer Stanwood built the present dwelling. Before Ebenezer Smith .sold his house to Stanwood, he had sold a lot, NORTH MAIN ST., NORTH SIDE. 347 with fifty feet frontage, to Daniel Tilton, March 1, 1732-3 (68: 149) Tilton sold to Christian Wainwright, June 2, 1741 (80: 295). In 1748 (June 22), this lot with a house was conveyed by Christian Waniwright, widow of John, to Daniel Staniford, Nathaniel Treadwell, abutting on the northeast (90 ■ '^39) Dumnier Jewett purchased from the estate of Staniford. Thom- as Manning, guardian of the widow, Mary Thorndike,' sold the house and land to Jacob Lord, Oct. 16, 1820 (231 : 123) ; Lord to Capt. Wm. Haskell in 1826 C>40- 299) : Haskell to Samuel N. Baker, in 1832 (263: 131) ; Baker to the widows, Hannah and -\nn Brown, Aug. 21, 1837 (302: 24) ; and they, to Joseph Baker, April 29, 1845 (355: 215). Mr. Baker owned the Tread- weU property adjoining. He sold the house, which occupied the lot, and it was removed to the corner of Market and Saltonstall Sts. It was torn down by the Historical Society, after the corner was purchased. John Smith di^^ded his lot. His house, a tavern, as he is called ' ' Tav- erner " with a half acre, he sold to Jacob Boardman, March 28, 1734 (69: 198) ' This "house" can hardly be identified with the "bakehouse of John Sparks. If John Sparks occupied his "bakehouse" as his ordinary, it had probably disappeared by this time, as no mention of such a bmlding occurs It may be the same that is now owned and occupied by Miss Lucy Slade Lord. Boardman sold to Patrick Farrin, barber ^'^ P^^f ^'ISJ^^^^' ^^f James McCreelis,lately removed from Marblehead, April 19, 1.36 68: 16o Bv diAdsion,' McCreelis received the house, and Farrin the northeast half with a new^shop, a cartway 13 ft. wide between house and shop being reserved^or access to the back land. McCreehs sold the house and a quarter acre of land, 84^ ft. frontage, to Nathaniel Treadwell, innholder, Spnt 114 1737 (73: 256), and Farrin sold his three quarter acre, 63 ft. frontrto James Macom of Marblehead, May 2, 1737 (73: 62) Macom sold o Anthony Loney, April 11. 1739 (77: 273). Loney sold to Nath- aniel TreadweU, May 15, 1742 (84:263). Jacob TreadweU inher ted from his father, Nathaniel, and his admmistrator sold to Moses Tread- weU, the house and land, "being all that said deceased owned in that place, commonly called the old Tavern ot," Aug. 0,^5(208^ 110).' The executors of the Moses Treadwell f^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^f^ ^nd land to Joseph Baker of ^-^'.'^]' ^'^'^'^ ''\]f'f^^^ heirs of Joseph Baker sold to Mrs. Lizzie G. Hayes (1176. 159) .Mrs. Hayes to George K Dodge, July 2, 1888 (1227: 508); Dodge to Mrs. Lois Hardy, May 4, 1897 (1514 11), who transferred to Miss Lucy Slade Lord, the pres- "* ™'smith, the Taverner, sold the rest of his lot about a quarter of an acre to Edward Eveleth, March 9, 1732 (68: 177). Eveleth sold to Ws McCreehs Sept. 10, 1736 (73: 193), and McCreehs to James Gordon orBoston Oct 9 1737. Gordon built a house and sold house and and Dei:::; j::!;es Foster of the South Church, the first Postmaster June 20,1759(106:206). John Hodgkins of Bath sold Moses Treadwell the '^Mary Stauifoid ..amed. flrst, Uu.nmer Jewett and after his death, Lavkin Thorndike. 348 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. lot formerly owned by James Foster," Aug. 12, 1817 (213: 175). Tread- well's executors sold part of this to Timothy Souther (275: 186), who mort- gaged to Otis Holmes, Jan. 1, 1835 (278: 277). Holmes foreclosed the mortgage, March 1, 1842 (329: 240), and sold to Stephen Coburn, April 15, 1845 (357: 298). He erected the house, which is still owned and occu- pied by his daughter. Miss Lucy C. Coburn. The Deacon Foster house with land was sold by the executors of Treadwell to Elisha Perkins (276: 286), and by him to Charles Kimball, July 28, 1834 (276: 287). He built the house, now the property of the Trustees of the Manning School, on the site of the old dwelling. The eastern end of tlie old Sparks homestead was sold by Ephraim Smith to his mother, Martha Smith, Dee. 8, 1713 (29: 67), and Thomas Smith sold the same, as the deed expressly declared, to Aaron Potter, cooper, Feb. 17, 1723 (42: 166). Benjamin Dutch came into possession of a part of this very soon and probably built the house. He conveyed his estate to his sons Benjamin and Nathaniel, March 12, 1741 (83: 126) and Benja- min sold his interest to Nathaniel, Jan. 16, 1750 (101: 38). John Man- ning became owner of an interest in the Nathaniel Dutch property, and sold the north half to Nathan Jaques, May 2, 1807 (ISl: 181). Daniel Dutch sold the south half to Robert Farley, Aug. 29, 1833, and Farley to Col. Cliarles Kimball, June 28, 1834 (276: 288). The deed describes the property, "being one half the homestead formerly of Benjamin Dutch, which by a deed bearing date, March 12, 1741, he conveyed to his sons Nathaniel and Benjamin, the estate being the same which was owned by Nathaniel Dutch and which was conveyed to me by Daniel Dutch, Aug. 29, 1833." This marks the eastern boundary of the old Fuller-Sparks Wainwright property. The old Dutch house or Jaques house has been torn down within a few months by the Trustees of the Manning School, who have erected a new business edifice on its site. John Covington. (Diagram 2.) The western corner of North Main St. and Loney's Lane was granted to John Covington. This appears from the entry of Hugh Sherrat's house lot of an acre with a house, the location of which can be easily identified on "Finder's lane," in the rear of the Agawam House and property of the Trustees etc. It was bounded southeast by the house lot formerly granted John Covington, now in the possession of Thomas Rowlinson, and the house-lot formerly granted William Fuller southwest (Town Record 1639). Rowlinson 's lot became the property of Jane Kenning, and at her decease, Theophilus Wilson and his wife, Elizabeth, sold to Samuel Graves, hatter, the dwelling and half acre of land "which was the house of Jane Kenning, lately deceased, "near the meeting house, bounded by the house of John Knowlton on the southwest end and John Wyatts, northeast with Goodman Pritchett, who then owned the Sherrat lot, northwest, Dec. 1, k._ NORTH MAIN ST., NORTH SIDE. 349 1654 (Ips. Deeds 1:210). Graves sold to Anthony Potter, Jan. 26, 1673 (Ips. Deeds 4: 483), and in 1691, it was occupied by John Potter (deed of John Sparks, 12: 118). In 1723, it was the homestead of Aaron Potter (42:166). Ebenezer Potter of Kensington sold an acre and a half with buildings to Thomas Pickard,i May 22, 1788 (148: 257). He sold to John Hodgkins, Jr.. Oct. 13, 1797 (162: 248). Hodg- kins sold a half of this lot with house to Nath. Treadwell, 3d, innkeeper, Sept. 26, 1806 (179: 140), who kept an inn here for many years. He sold his tavern-house, barn, stables, etc., to Moses Treadwell, Feb. 9, 1818 (216: 13). It was owned later by Frederic Mitchell and then by William G. Brown, and, in its remodelled form, serves the public as the Agawam House. "The northeast half of the Potter close so called," was conveyed by Joseph Manning to his brother Tliomas, March 10, 1802 (170: 185). Thomas conveyed the north part of the lotto Wm. Oakes, "for Sarah F. Treadwell, a minor under 21," the balance being sold to Wm. Sutton, Nov. 7, 1835 (287: 281). Mr. Oakes sold the corner of Loney 's Lane and North Main St. to Samuel Newman, and on the same day, he sold the other part of his lot, adjoining Mitchell's, to Wm. Pulcifer, Sept. 21, 1836 (293: 140). Elizabeth Boardman, widow, sold Josiah Caldwell, the north part of the brick building, Dec. 23, 1845 (362: 190), and Catherine Underhill and others conveyed land with brick and other ouildings to Josiah Dudley and W. H. Kinsman, April 9,1878(995:225). Hugh Sherrat. (Diagram 2.) This house lot became the property of John Pritchett, as has been al- ready mentioned in connection with the Covington lot. It was included in the Taverner Smith's lot, before 1717. PINDER'S LANE. Loney 's Lane, as it has been called, but formerly Pinder's Lane, was originally an open thoroughfare which descended the hill back of the North Main Street lots. Seventy-two years ago, an old map shows a way that passed between the house of Charles W. Brown and Miss Lucy Slade Lord's and connected with this. But this was not of ancient date. Originally the old Finder Lane crossed the present Central St. and led across the low land to the ancient Bridge street. Allusion to this has already been made in the notes on Capt. Beamsley Perkins, and two ancient maps made on that occasion are inserted here. While destitute of artistic merit, they define every house-lot and building of any importance, and give the name of owner or occupant, from Potter's liouse to the corner of Scott's Lane and Mineral St. The quaint reflection, ' ' Had there been a little more room in this side, iPotter marte a similar conveyance to Dr. Josepli Manninjr, Nov. ;jO. 1797, and Dr. Manning conveyed half to Jolin Hoiljrkins Jr., May i', 179!» (166: .521. 352 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. jointed as to keep out all creatures from doing any damage to the laud of mineforever more", "a square piece out of my homestead 4^ rods each way, bounded nortlienst by High St., southeast by Common St. leading Bostonwards. " April 2, 1715 (27: 141). Lovell sold the remaining acre and a half, with a dwelling to Stephen Perkins, shopkeeper, and James Brown, yeoman, in 1721, Oct. 5 (39: 61). The house lot abutted on High St. and on North Main St. as the Shannon lot included only the corner of his land. It was bounded south- east and southwest upon land of his brother, Alexander Lovell, "till it comes to land now in possession of Samuel Graves." Thomas and Alex- ander Lovell had pre\'iously sold Stephen Perkins, mariner, an acre and a half of mowing ground in the rear of the house lot, fronting on High St. (36: 209). Perkins and Brown divided the land. Brown retained the house and land on North Main St. Perkins had the quarter acre front- ing on High St. and £80, Jan. 31, 1722 (39; 230). James Brown's estate fell to his heirs, Elizabeth, wife of Samuel Sawyer, Kunice, afterward wife of Timothy Thornton, Elizabeth, wife of Capt. Piobert Perkins and Sarah. Sawyer and his wife quitclaimed to the others their right in the dwelling, March 12, 1760 (111: 94). He seems to have built a house on part of the lot, however, as he sold a half acre and dwelling to Ephraim Kendall, Nov. 26,1771 (129: 215). This continued in the Kendall fam- ily until Mr. Harry K. Dodge bought the homestead of the widow Mar- garet S. Kendall, of her heirs, March 27, 1886. He tore down the old house and erected his present dwelling. The other heirs of James Brown held the Town property in common until 1773, when Timothy Thornton, for Eunice his wife, petitioned for a division. The estate included a fifty acre farm in Candlewood, pasture lands, and two houses with a three quarter acre lot in the center of the Town. Captain Robert Perkins, in behalf of his wife, Elizabeth, and their minor children received one house, adjoining the Kendall estate, Feb. 1773 (131: 213). Benjamin Perkins of Eaton, N. H., sold the southwest half of the house, excepting such part as was set off to Sarah, the widow of Capt. Robert, to Thomas Kimball, who already was in possession of the other half, March 4, 1803 (172: 156). John Kimball and other heirs sold to Thomas Morley, June 7, 1854 (498: 40), and lie, to James Damon, Aug. 5, 1866 (719: 1). Mr. Damon took down the old dwelling and built the house now owned by the heirs of Frederick Willcomb. The other house, assigned to Timothy Thornton, was inherited by James Brown Thornton and Thomas G. Thornton. James sold his half, the northeast end, to John Hodgkins 3d, June 30, 1796 (164: 222). Thomas had already sold his half to Capt. Aaron Staniford, Jan. 31, 1791 (156: 242). Hodgkins sold a piece of land, bounded l>y the Street and Nathaniel Smith's garden, to Nathaniel Treadwell 3d, Feb. 8, 1799 (163: 272). His part of the house he sold to Benjamin Glazier, Oct. 18, 1800 (168: 46). The heirs of Capt. Staniford sold to Thomas Morley, June 20, 1845 (355: 298). He cut off his end of the long house, turned it end to the street and made it HIGH STHKKT. WKST SIDK. 353 into a separate dwellini;; on part of the land, adjoining the Damon estate. The Glazier house became the property of Albert P. Hills, and is used in part for the Hills' grocery. On the lot, which Treadwell I)ought of Hodgkins, he seems to have built a store, as is evident from his deed of sale to Joseph Hale, March 5, 1799 (163: 272) although only a month after his purchase. The heirs of Joseph Hale sold the land, store and a house, to Ebenezer Burnham, Oct. 21, 1831(271: 153). Ebenezer Burnham sold the same to another Joseph Hale, of a later generation,Oct. 18, 1851 (452: 63) and Hale sold to Sylvanus Caldwell, May 10, 1854(513:96). Other heirs of Sylvanus Caldwell conveyed their interest to their sister, Emeline Farley, wife of Nathaniel R. Farley, June 23, 1871 (831: 120). The dwelling was not built earlier than 1799. The corner lot, sold by Lovell to Shannon, as we have seen, was sold by Shannon, then of Portsmouth, to Francis Clark of Salem, 74§ ft. on the highway, "leading from ye meeting-house up to ye dwelling house that was formerly Col. Francis Wainwright's, deceased, and now in tenure and occupation of Samuel Staniford," Sept. 27, 1716 (30: 178). Clark sold to Thomas Calton or Carleton Jr., of Salem, Oct. 8, 1726 (48: 155), who sold in turn to Richard Rogers, still 4^ rods on each street, Feb. 4, 1728 (51: 245). Capt. Rogers built a house, and made his home here imtil his death. The house still occupies the corner, but it stood originally on the line of the sidewalk, and nearly on the same level. An old time buffet or "bow fat," of very beautiful design, remains in the west front room. An execution for debt was made against the widow Rogers by Joseph Green and Isaac Wallcer of Boston, mercliants, July 28, 1747 (91: 24). The lot is descriljed as bovmded northwest by Lovell's Close, and it is mentioned that Rogers occupied the house at the time of his death. Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, who owned and occupied the old Manse, now the property of Mr. John B. Brown, became the purchaser, Aug. 10, 1747 (97: 45). Mr. Rogers sold to Joseph How, April 16, 1759 (109: 2.50); How to Sarah Jewett, Jan. 5, 1762 (111: 6.5). Nathaniel Smith succeeded to the ownership, and his heirs. This property was conveyed by Sarah Jane and Nancy M. Kent to Joseph Wait, and by him to Richard Dodge, Oct. 6, 1852. On Dec. 14, 1854, Manning Dodge sold Richard T. Dodge the smaller house on the same lot on High St. HIGH STREET, WEST SIDE. High Street was called High Street from ancient times. But it was also known as "ye Hill Street. ' ' the great Street, the broad Street, the long Street, and sometimes, as tlic King 's highway. Beyond tlie burying ground, the name West-end was anciently used, and East -end for tlie eastern sec- tion. The former title has been lost but the latter is preser\ed in the name East Street. ' ' Puddin Street, ' ' survives as an old nickname, deri\ed from the mischie\ous fun of the High Street boys who stole a pudding from an oven, and kicked it as a foot-ball up and down the road. 35 1 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. William White. (Diagram 2.) White owned the corner, known familiarly as "Dodge's Comer." This lot has been considered already on North Main Street. William Goodhue. (Diagram 2.) He received a grant of a house lot, next to William White. His name, however, has no further cormection with the lot. It was included in part, at least, in the LoveU lot, already considered. Tlie Lovells sold to Capt. Stephen Perkms, an acre and a half of mowing ground on High Street. The Perkins heirs sold "LoveU 's Lot, ' ' one and a half acres to Col. Thomas Berry, the Autocrat of his time, Magistrate, Military leader. Physician and Statesman. He lived on the site of the late Joseph Ross 's residence. He bought this lot, Oct. 10, 1741 (102: 287), and his widow, Elizabeth, sold it Jan. 2, 1764 (113: 91) to Daniel Lord. Nathaniel Lord came into posses- sion. Nathaniel Smith acquired part of tliis original lot, by purchase from Daniel Rogers, a quarter acre, Oct. 9, 1790 (153: 259), which he sold to his son. Dr. Nathaniel, Nov. 1803(172:275). Mark R. Jewett sold an acre and an eighth of acre to William Oakes, the famous naturalist, who owned and occupied the present Rectory, Jan. 20, 1832 (266:253). It was pur- chased by Mr. Joseph Ross, who built the residence owned and occupied by his son, Joseph F. Ross. The remainder of this lot was owned by Dr. John Manning, then by Dr. Thomas Manning, then by Joseph Manning, of Charleston, South Carolina. Joseph E. Manning of Boston sold one half of the "Hay Scale Lot, ' ' the northwest half, to Joseph Ross, Sept. 10, 1856 (538: 59), and the other half to James H. Staniford, May 24, 1858 (571: 49), who sold to Mr. Ross, Sept. 13, 1859 (596: 15). On this the residence of his son, Frederick G. Ross, was built and the small office building. ^ Solomon Martin and John Hassell. (Diagram 2.) Martin may have acquired the lot granted to William Goodhue, but no record of the sale of Goodhue's lot is preserved. Definite location of Martin 's lot, is made, however, by his deed of sale of the house lot, "where- in George Palmer and wife now dwell, ' ' the house and lot of John Hassell northwest, the land and liouse of Thomas Lovell southeast, to Thomas Lovell, May 7, 1652 (Ips. Deeds 1: 117). Martin was then a resident of Andover. John Hassell was the original grantee of his lot. It was ac- quired by Pliilip Fowler, who sold Roger Darby, "sope-boyler" his dwell- ing and two acres, on the ' ' south side of tlie Street, commonly called Hill St., " bounded by John Brown's house lot on the west, Jan. 16, 1672 (Ips. Deeds 4 : 74) . The Darbys or Derbys were Quakers, much persecuted for their faith. They removed to Salem and sold their estate to William Stewart, March 25, 1692 (Ips. Deeds 5: 492). William Payne of Boston, and Elizabeth, his wife, only daughter and heir of Wm. Stewart, sold to HIOH STRKET. WKST SIDE. 355 Rev. Jabez Fitch, the Pastor of the First Church, July 7, 1704 (17: 34). Mr. Fitch increased his frontage by a rod on the back .side of the hou.se, bought of Francis Young, his neiglibor on that side, May 5, 1708 (26: 2H8). He also purchased the Solomon Martin lot of the Lovolls, Dec. 28, 1719 (36: 202). When he removed to Portsmouth, he sold his property here to Job Harris, Nov. 22, 1727 (46: 151), aliou.se and two and three quar- ters acres, bounded east on Stephen Perkins. Harris sold IS rods in the corner of the estate with the house to Caleb and Daniel Lord, March 25, 1751 (120: 41), and it still remains in that familj'. The house stands on the north comer of High and Manning Streets. Job Harris sold his son John, the .southern half of his dwelling, Jan. 6. 1770 (129: 29). This was the old house, now known as the Jacob Manning house on the corner of Manning St., and was probably erected by Harris be- fore 1751, when he sold the older mansion to the Lords. At their father's death, John received tliis liouso and the western half of the land, and James, his brother, the eastern part., April 4, 1772 (131 : 124). John Harris sold his land (two acres) and house to the Town, July 10, 1795 (166: 106). It was occupied as the Town Poor House, imtil the Poor Farm was purchased. The Town then sold the "work house" and land to Jacob Manning Jr., May 10, 1818 (224: 176), and the long, yellow house is known still by his name. He built the house between the work house and Mr. George A. Lord 's. The James Harris homestead, Iniilt about 1772, was .sold b}' his heirs to Thomas Staniford Ross, May 1 5, 1 826 (241 : 227) and by him to his father Thomas Ross, Jan. 29, 1830 (254: 274). It was then owaied by Aaron P. Ross, who sold Mr. George Augustus Lord, the land on which he built his residence. May 2, 1857 (551: 229). The remainder of the estate with the old house, was purchased by Mr. William S. Russell, who removed the James Harris homestead and built his new house on the site. These houses probably occupy the original lot, sold by Martin to Lovell. The ancient house, sold to Deacon Caleb Lord is probably the same that was o^\Tied by Mr. Fitch, and by the Stew^arts as w-cll, and it may have been built by Philip Fowler, or by John Hassell, the original grantee. In any case Mr. and Mrs. Stewart, whether they were dwelling here before they purchased, or elsewhere, were favored with a visit from John Dvmton, the book-pedler, who came to Ipswich in the course of his saddle-bag peregrinations, in 1685 or 1 686. The gos.sipy letter, he wTote his wife, affords a rare glimpse of an old Ipswich home, and a complimentary description of the personal appear- ance of his entertainers. "My Landlady, Mrs. Wilkiiis, having a sister at Tp.swich which she had not seen for a gi-eat while, ]\Irs. Comfort, her daugliter (a yoiuig gentle- woman equally happy in tlie perfections both of her body and mind), had a great desire to see her aunt, having never been at her house, nor in that part of the country; which Philaret having a desire to see. and being never backward to accomodate the Fair Sex, prefers his service to wait upon her thither, which was readily accepted by tlie young lady, who felt herself 356 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. safe under his protection. Nor were her parents less willing to trust lier with him. All things being ready for our ramble, I took my fair one up behind me and rid on our way, I and my Fair Fellow Traveller to Mr. Stew- ard 's whose wife was Mrs. Comfort 's own Aunt : whose Joy to see her Niece at Ipswich was sufficiently Expressed by the Noble Reception we met with and the Treatment we found there; which far outdid whate'er we could have thought. And tho myself was but a stranger to them, yet the extraordinary civility and respect they shewed me, gave me reason enough to thmk I was very welcome. It was late when we came thither, and we were both very weary, which yet would not excuse us from the trouble of a very splendid supper, before I was permitted to go to bed ; which was got ready in so short a time as would have made us think, had we not known the contrarj^, that it had been ready provided against we came. Though our supper was extraordinary yet I had so great a desire to go to bed, as made it to me a troublesome piece of kindness. But this being happily over, I took my leave of my Fellow Traveller, and was conducted to my apartment by Mrs. Stewart herself, whose character I shant attempt to- night, being so weary, but reserve till to-morrow morning. Only I must let you know that my apartment was so noble and the furniture so suitable to it, that I doubt not but even the King himself has oftentimes been con- tented with a worser lodging. "Having reposed mj^self all night upon a bed of Down, I slept so very soundly that the Sun, who lay not on so soft a bed as I, had got the start of me, and risen before me; but was so kind however as to make me one of his first visits, and to give me the bon .tour; on which I straight got up and dressed myself, having a mind to look about me and see where I was: and having took a view of Ipswich, I found it to be situated by a river, whose first rise from a Lake or Pond was twenty miles up, breaking of its course through a hideous swamp for many miles, a harbor for bears; it issueth forth into a large bay, where thej^ fish for whales, due East over against the Island of Sholes, a great place for fishing. The mouth of that river is barred. It is a good haven to^vai. Their Meeting House or church is built very beautifully. There is a store of orchards and gardens about it, and good land for Cattel and husbandry'. "But I remember I promised to give you Mrs. Stewards Character, & if I hadn't yet, gratitude and justice would exact it of me. Her stature is of a middle size, fit for a woman. Her face is stiU the magazine of beauty, whence she may fetch artillery enough to Womid a thousand lovers; and when she was about 18, perliaps there never was a face more sweet and charmmg — nor could it weU be otherwise, since now at 33, aU you call sweet and ravishing is in her Face; which it is as great a Pleasure to behold as a perpetual simshine without any clouds at all ; and yet all this sweetness is joined with such attractive vertue as draws all to a certain distance and there detains them with reverence and admiration, none ever daring to approach her nigher, or having power to go farther off. She's so obliging, courteous and civil as if those qualities were only born with her, and rested HIGH STRKKT. A\KST SIDK. 357 in her bosom as their centre. Her speech and her Behaviour is so gentle, sweet and affable, tliat whatsoever men may talk of magick therein none cliarms but she. So good a wife she is, she frames her nature to her hus- band 's: the hyacinth follows not the Sun more willingly, than .slie lier hu.s- band's pleasure. Her household is her charge. Her care to that makes her but seldom a non-resident. Her pride is to be neat and cleanly, and her thirst not to be Prodigal. And to conclude is both wise and religious, which makes her all I have said before. "In the next place I suppose yoiu-self will thuik it reasonable that unto Mrs. Stewards I should add her husband's Character: who.se worth and goodness do well merit. As to his stature tis inclming to tall: and as to his aspect, if all the lineaments of a sincere and honest hearted man were lost out of the world, they might be all retrieved bj^ looking on his face. He's one whose bovmty is limited by reason, not by ostentation; and to make it last he deals discreetly; as we so we our land not by the sack but by the handful. He is so smcere and upright that his word and his meaning never shake hands and part, but always go together. His mind is alwaj'S so serene that that thunder but rocks him asleep which breaks other men's slumbers. His thoughts have an aim as high as heaven, tlio their residence be in the Valley of an humble heart. He is not much given to talk, tho he knows how to do it as well as any man. He loves his friend, and will do anything for hun except it be to wink at his faults, of which he will be alwajs a severe reprover. He is so good a husband that he is worthy of the wife he enjoys, and would even make a bad wife good by his example. ' 'Ipswich is a coimtry town not very large, and when a stranger arrives, tis quickly Icnowii to every one. It is no wonder then that the next day after our arrival the news of it was carried to JVIr. Hubbard, the Minister of the town, who hearing that I was the person that had brought over a great Venture of Learning, did me the honor of making me a visit at Mr. Steward's, where I lay, and afterwards kindly invited me and my fellow traveller to his own house, where he was pleased to give us ver)* handsome entertainment. His writing of the History of Indian Warrs shews hime to be a person of good parts and understanding. He is a sober, grave and well accomplished man — a good preacher (as all the town affirm, for I didn 't hear aim) and one that lives accordmg to his preaching. "The next day I was for another ramble in which Mr. Steward was pleas'd to accompany me. And the place we went to was a to^m call'd Rowley, lying six mUes North-East from Ipswich, where most of the In- habitants had been Clothiers. There was that Day a great Game of Foot Ball to be playd, whicli was the occasion of our going thither: There was anotlier Tovm that playd against them, as is sometimes Common in Eng- land: but they played with their bare feet which I thought was very odd: but was upon a broad Sandy Shoar free from Stones, which made it more easie. Neither were they so apt to trip up one anothers heels, and quarrel as I have seen em in England." 358 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. William Cartwright. (Diagram 2.) Cartwright was the original grantee, apparently, of the lot which Thomas Brigden of Charlestown, cooper, sold, with a house, to John Wood- am, bricklayer, in 1659 (Ips. Deeds 1 : 224). Woodam sold to John Brown, in 1663 (Ips. Deeds 2: 194). Brown sold Thomas Lull the northeast part of his lot and Robert Paine, the northwest, March 20, 1674-5 (Ips. Deeds 3 :335) , and Paine sold his holding to Lull, Aug. 31, 1677 (Ips. Deeds 4: 111). Lull sold the lot to Robert Lord, March 15, 1677 (Ips. Deeds 4: 165), who be- queathed it to his son, Nathaniel (1683 Pro. Rec. 304: 16-18). Francis Young was the owner, in Mr. Fitch's time, as we have seen, and Young conveyed this and other property to his son-in-law, John Knowlton, June 15, 1713 (35: 106). The widow, Rebecca Knowlton, owned in 1721 (39: 100) and Nathaniel Lord, by his will made in 1818, bequeathed the east end of his dwelling to his widow, and the west end to his son, Nathaniel Lord 3d (Pro. Rec. 393: 37). Heirs of the family still own it. The adjoining house on the west is built on a part of the original estate. Philip Call. (Diagram 2.) Philip Call owned a house on this lot in 1659, and, by the deed of Woodam to Brown of the adjoining lot, in 1663, he was still in possession. Brown's deed of the abutting lot to Paine, gives the owner of this lot as Philip Call's widow, Mary, then the wife of Henry Bennet. Nathaniel Lord sold this lot to his son-in-law, Joseph Bolles, March 29, 1710 (26: 176). BoUes also bought of Joseph Fowler, owner of the abutting lot, a house and an acre of land, March 5, 1722 (42: 79). Charles Bolles sold his grand- son, John Manning 3d, surgeon, an acre and house, bounded by Nathaniel Lord east, and Capt. Ebenezer Lord west, the estate of his deceased father, Jan. 16, 1786 (161: 55). Dr. Manning sold the western part of the lot with a house, that he probably built, to Daniel Lord 3d, April 23, 1798 (163 : 117), and the heirs of Lord sold to Abraham Caldwell, whose heirs still own the property. Dr. Manning sold the eastern part and house to Ammi R. Smith, April 25, 1798 (163: 117). Smith bought a small piece of Na- thaniel Lord 3d on the east of his lot, Dec. 9, 1820 (225: 219). Abby H. Smith, the executor of Samuel R. Smith sold this estate to John G. Cald- well, being the same conveyed to him by Zenas Cushing in 1850, July 25, 1876 (958: 194). The Caldwell heirs still own. Henry Archer. (Diagram 2.) Henry Archer seems to have been the original grantee of the lot, which Jolin Andrews sold to Mr. Richard Dummer, a house and house lot of about an acre, with tliree acres more of pasture land adjoining, "which said house and land is situate, lying and being in Hill St. . . . called by the HIGH STREET, WEST SIDE. 359 name of the AVhite Horse," land of Richard Wattles, northwest, house and land of Philip Call, southeast, May 14, 1659 (Ips. Deeds 1 : 231). The White Horse inn was the occasion of much contention among the good people of the town. Corporal John Andrews offended the sensibiUties of his neigh- bors by keeping open doors or open bar until past nine o'clock, encourag- ing young men in devious ways. A petition of protest against the renewal of his license was presented to the Court, and his license was renewed onlv "until Salem Court." At the Court in Salem in June, 1658, a second petition from the citizens was filed. "The Court liaving considered of the petetion of many of the In- liabitants of Ipswich, with one formerly presented to ye Court at Ipswich, together with y* complaint and information of divers strangers for want of needfuU and convenient acomodation and entertaynment at the other ordinarye and the intymation of the selectmen of the need of two in that town, have thought meet to license Corporal Andrews to keepe an ordinary for the entertayment of strangers only till the next Court at Ipswich, and not longer, provided that the Inhabitants doe at the sayd Court present some meet pson to keepe an ordinary their w ch will accept of the same and the Court sliall approve off, only he hath liberty in tliat tyme to sell wyne and beere to townsman out of dores. ' ' Deacon Moses Pengry was nominated as a suitable person, and re- ceived his license on Sept. 7, 1658, and Andrews was permitted to con- tinue his ordinary until the following March. The Corporal proved to be a stubborn and refractory character. The Court Record of April 28, 1659, reveals his misdeeds. "Corporal John Andrews for several misdemeanors complayned of to this Court viz. for selling wine by retail without license upon pretence selling by the gallon and three gallons, and yet drawing it by the pint and quarte, and for entertaj'ning Townsmen at unseasonable tymes, as after nine of the clock, and for entertayning men's sonn's and enter- tayning strangers as an ordinary and this after prohibition of the Court to keepe an ordinary. The sentence of the Court is that he is fined 20"* and to bound to his good beheavior till the ne.xt Court held at Ipswich. ' ' Another charge was brought against him on the same docket, on which he was also sentenced. "Corporal John Andrews stands bound to ye Treserer of this County in the sum of fiftye pound upon condition the saj'd John Andrews shall appeare at the next Court held at Ipswich to answer to what shall be objected against him about a vehement suspition of severall misde- meanors and facts as pulling down the signe of Moses Pengry and his gate and Mr. Browne his gate and dore and Lieut. Sam. Appleton his gate. ' ' The petition which is reproduced is evidently the second one, which was presented on Jmie 4, 1658, at the Salem Court. It was found by Mr. Daniel Fuller .\ppleton in an Antiquary's store in New York City and presented by him to the Historical Society. ;^60 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. The humble peticon of sundry of y^ Inhabitants of y^ Towne of Ips- wich whose names are subscribed Sheweth That whereas at y" hist Court held at Ipswich, there was presented to [ ] Hon** Court, a serious and earnest request upon weighty grounds for removin and suppressing one of y*' Ordinaryes, found to be many wayes prejudicial! [ ] good of the place wdiich peticon found such acceptance with this Hon. [ ] as tliey where pleased to grant and continue no longer leave and liberty for [ ] contin- uance of y*" said Ordinary, then to this next Court at Salem. We are emboldened and encouraged (the causes of our greivances still continuing and increasing) to entreat this Hond Court to recall and review our former request and supplications tenderd to them in y' particular. And according to our hopes then conceived, no longer to continue or grant any license for upholding and keeping y^ same ordinary. Which we verily believe will be an affectual meanes for y« remooving of much sin and evill and minister cause of joy and thanksgiving to many of gods people, amongst us. San\uell Appleton Sen'' Marke Simonds Tho Smith John Appleton Samuell Appleton William Adams Sen. Edward Chapman? Robert Payne John Whipple Senior William Goodhue Moses Pengry Richard Kimball Sen. William Bartholomew Ezekiel Cheever Anthony Potter Reginold Foster Thomas Nowlton? Jacob Perkins John Warner Edward Thomas Edward Browne Robert Day William Adams Juii. Daniel Warner Mathew Whipple Tho. Stace John Adams Andrews sold his establishment, and John Paine was in possession in 1671, by the deed of the adjoining property and Philip Fowler in 1678. Philip sold his son, Joseph, his dwelhng house, barns, shop and orchard, "which I have owned since 1677, ' ' extending to the ditch that parted from Philip's land, April 2, 1715 (27: 132), and Joseph Fowler sold to Jeremiah Lord, Jan. 7, 1723, 74 rods, the rest of the original lot that remained after his sale to Joseph BoUes (43: 106). Jeremiah Lord sold the east half of his ■on /»<;',.„v;^. ^^..v^•i;. «t /"-A t /■ "^ - ic'i- Ybc Q^- L. (%4- 87) This house, now owned and occupied by Mr. Nathan- iel'Burnlim,wasbuiltprobablybyPhilipLord. Anarrowdrift-^^^^^^ path bounds this property on the west. It is mentioned 11 th^ deeds o ^t vicinity for two hundred years. Originally it turned to the right and ran along the hillside to the Cemetery, bounding the house lots on the ZJr Riclwd Kimball sold the original KimbaU house .vitl. a half acre to Isaac Lord, felt-maker, Feb. 26, 1784 (142: 213). and ^ -beth Loi d sold him a small piece. Dec. 5. 1805 (180: 219). Isaac bequeathed his prop ^r ty to his nephew Joseph, whose heirs owi. the house now standing, but the original house stood on the site of Mr. Thomas H. Lord's, and was oc- cupied by his widow, when it had fallen into a very rmnous condition. Alexander Knight. (Diagram 2.) Alexander Knight o.^ed the house lot east of Kitfriftl Thir" him, John Gamage, was in possession. Richard Kimball bought a th rd of the lot. on the east side, and sold it to 1- «- Richard Feb^ 9^56 (28: 205) ; but Richard 2nd sold it back to Jolm Gamage Maj «' ' "l^;^^; 91) Wm. Gamage, executor of the will of his uncle, John, ^^^"^^ and barn and one and one half acres to ^^^^ Perkms Oct. .^6^^ 92). Jacob Perkins sold to Deacon Nathaniel Kimball of the bouth Churc li. siu> marrie.i Nath. Warner, pub. Nov. 1-2, 17(58; tUeu I'lulip Lor.l. pu.,. ^ an. 1, 1TT4. 374 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Feb. 17, 17.57 (103: 235). It continued in the same family, and was set off to Jonathan, in 1820 (Pro. Rec. 396: 145-148). Deacon John Kimball oc. cupied the house for many years. The architecture denotes age, and it was probabl}^ built a century and a half ago. Allen Perley. (Diagram 2.) Allen Perley, the original grantee, sold his house and land to Walter Roper, Sept. 3, 1652 (Ips. Deeds 2: 44). John Roper succeeded, then Benjamin Dutch. Dutch sold the northwest half of the homestead, two acres in all, lately of John Roper, to John Brown, 4th, Feb. 3, 1737 (77: 33), and the northeast half to Nathaniel Lord, June 16, 1741 (84: 202). Lydia Thornton, widow, sold half an old house, bequeathed her by her former husband, Mr. John Brown, to Nathaniel Lord, hatter, Jan. 23, 1796 (181: 237). Nathaniel thus came into possession of the whole. At his decease, the northwest half went to the heirs of Abraham and the southeast half to Isaac, sons of Nathaniel (Pro. Rec. 379: 62, 1800). Isaac succeeded to the whole, eventually. His son, Levi, inherited, and Levi's son, George, now owns. The old house stood about 30 ft. further back. Levi Lord tore down the northeast half, moved the northwest half forward, and built a new half on the northeast side about 1847. George Smith. (Diagram 2.) The lot next the Burying ground M^as owned by George Smith. Ae his death, his son, Samuel, received the northeast side and Thomas tht northwest. Samuel sold his half to Nathaniel Caldwell, 1713 (30: 43). The administrator of John Caldwell sold the property to Jeremiah Day, May 20, 1793(159:20). Benjamin Kimball was a later owner. Thomas Smith sold his interest to Andrew Smith, May 24, 1787 (146: 307). This old house disappeared many years ago. The first allusion to the small gambrel- roofed house near the burying ground is the conveyance by Eunice Ripley, widow, to William Gould, Sept. 16, 1811 (196: 10). John Cross. (Diagram 2.) The ' ' buryinge place ' ' was agreed upon as the westward limit of the settlement in 1634 (Town Records). The first lot eastward was assigned to Jolm Cross, with six acres on the hill adjoining. Richard Kimball Sen. owned here in 1671. It was inherited by his son-in-law, Simon Adams, and sold by him to Shoreborne Wilson, with house and barn, June 6, 1698 (13: 88). Half an acre had previously been sold to the Town to enlarge the burying-place. During Wilson's ownership, the Town enlarged the burying-place again by buying "a quarter and half a quarter of an acre," April 3, 1707. The balance was sold by him to Daniel Rogers, the School- UK ill STREET, EAST SIDE. 375 master and Judge, July 18, 1709 (21 : 102). Rogers sold to Capt. Stephen Perkins, Sept. 15, 1715 (27: 205). The Perkms heirs sold to Edward Eve- leth, Feb. 13, 1734 (70: 143), and he to Natlianiel Caldwell, Dec. 3, 1735 (70: 243). John Caldwell, son of Nathaniel, inherited his real estate (Pro. Rec. 322: 365, 1738). Thomas Cross sold the same to James Fo.ster, Nov. 10, 1741 (82: 247), and this deed gives the boundary on the north .side, "ex- tending one rod from the back side of the house towards the Town Hill, on land lately deeded to the Parish for a burying place. " This was the third encroachment on the burying-ground, and nothing remained of the original two acre lot but the narrow strip separating the cemetery from the street. Mr. Foster lived in the house till his death, and liis iieirs sold to Isaac Martin of Gloucester (1 10: 21). Martin sold to John Lawson the (juarter acre lot, witli house and well, Nov. 15, 1769 (127: 11), who sold in turn to Samuel Lord 3d, Oct. 1, 1772 (122: 209). Small as the lot was it was divided again. Eight years after he boiight it, Mr. Lord sold about eight square rods witii half the house, the northwest lialf, to Jonathan and William Galloway, Dec. 25, 1780 (138: 278). The Galloway heirs sold to Andrew Russell, cabinet- maker, April 20, 1847 (399: 54). He lived across the way, in part of the Ephraim Harris house, and had his shop for cabinet making on this side. The old ( Jalloway house in ruinous condition is remembered by the old people on High St. Andrew Russell sold to Francis and Lisette Ross, July 17, 1867 (744: 254). The cabinet shop was remodelled into a dwell- ing and is now occupied by Mr. Timothy B. Ross, the present owner. Tlie northeast half of the old house was sold by Samuel Lord Jr., to Polley Choate, seamstress, June 5, 1790 (168: 25). She sold to Nathaniel Tread- well, and he to Elisha Gould, Dec. 28, 1811 (208: 39). Gould sold to Tim- othy Ross Jr., Oct. 11, 1814 (207: 51). When Samuel Lord 3d Ijought, the eastern bound was the Lummus property, but when Samuel Lord Jr. sold to Polley Choate, this lot was bounded by Robert Stone's land. This was part therefore of the Samuel Lord 3d property. Robert Stone sold to William Robbins, Nov. 3, 1807 (182: 292) ; RoblDins to Timothy Harris of Rowley, July 8, 1812 (199: 29): Timothy and Daniel Harris to Daniel Caldwell, April 16, 1828 (252: 65), and he to William W. Ru.st Jr., on Dec. 13, 1851 (466: 43). The heirs of Rust own and occupy the estate. The house is first mentioned in Stone's deed, 1807. Thomas Dudley. (Diagram 2.) "Given and granted to Thomas Dudley Esq. in October, 1635," "one parcell of ground containing about nine acres lyeing between Goodman Cross on the West and a lott intended to Mr. Broadstreet on the East. I'p- on parcell of wch. nine acres, Mr. Dudley hath built an house," with otlier lands, "all which premises aforesayd, with the house built thereon and the palinge sett up thereon, the sayd Tiios. Dudley Esq. hath .sold to Mr. Hubbard and his heirs &tc.' '(Town Record). Thos. Dudley is the redoubt- 376 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. able Governor Dudley, who removed his residence from Cambridge at this time, and removed to Roxbury a few years later. "Mr." Hubbard is undoubtedly Mr. William Hubbard, a prominent char- acter in our early town history. Feoffee, Deputy to General Court, and Justice of the Quarterly Court. He removed to Boston about 1662. He died in 1670, leaving tliree sons,Wiliiam, the Pastor of the Ipswich church and Historian of the Indian wars, Richard and Nathaniel. Johnson's tribute to him was, "a learned man, being well read in State matters, of a very affable and humble behaviour, who hath expended much of his estate to helpe on this worke. Altho he be slow in speech, yet is hee dowiiright for the businesse."(Felt, Hist, of Ips., p. 75). His son, Richard, sold Symon Stacy the dwelling, and nine acres of laud, bounded by High Street on the southwest, by Richard Kemball's land on the northwest, and Robert Col- lins on the southeast, July 5, 1671 (Ips. Deeds 3: 253). This house-lot was the largest ever granted by the Town, and its size alone would identify it with the Dudley lot. The administrators of Captain Stacy, William Baker and John Stani- ford, sold the homestead, bounded west by "Shoarborn" Wilson and east by Sergeant Robert Lord, to Jonathan Lvunmus, Sen., June 18, 1712 (24: 236). Lummus bequeathed his lands to his son Jonathan, by his will, ap- proved Aug. 17, 1728 (Pro. Rec. 316: 378-80). He bequeathed his son Daniel, ' 'a, small piece of land out of my homestead adjoining to his home- stead, to make him a convenient way to his barn, and so to extend from the northerly end of his homestead, tmtil it come to the cross fence as it now stands, ' ' and ' ' the residue of the real estate, save a part of the house reserved for Margaret his daughter, to his son Jonathan." Approved gept. 25, 1769 (Pro. Rec. 345: 529-531). Jonathan, the third successive owner bearing this name, bequeathed the ancestral property, to his nephews, Isaac and Daniel (will approved, June 7, 1791) (Pro. Rec. 360: 476). Isaac quitclaimed to Daniel his interest in the western half of the estate, with half of the house, April 9, 1799 (217: 19), and a piece of land at the west corner of the homestead, beginning at an elmtree by the road, 3 rods, 13 feet north to the barn, 6 rods 14 feet west to the burying ground. Daniel was the son of Daniel mentioned in the will of the first Jonathan as his son. His father had already sold him one-half of his house and barn with a half acre of land, April 4, 1770 (129 : 16). The Committee appointed to divide the estate of Daniel Lummus, son of the first Daniel, assigned to the widow, Anna, the eastern half of the Daniel Lummus homestead, bounded by land of Samuel Baker; to his son Daniel, the other half of the homestead, and to his daughter Anna, wife of John Hodgkins, Jr., the eastern half of the house now known as the Low house. May 4, 1813 (Pro. Rec. 383 : 622) ; at his mother's death, Daniel received her half of the house, and at his death (about 1843) his sister, Mrs. Anna Hodgkins, inherited it. She bequeathed it to her daughter, Mary wife of George Willett. She left it to her children, George A. and Mary E HIGH STREET, EAST SIDE. 377 Willett,wife of George Tozer. George Willett had sold a strip of land on the southeast corner, thirty-four by sixty-four feet, to Sophia A. Tyler, wife of James 8. Tyler, June 2, 1873 (886: 62). Mr. Tyler removed the house t hat stood on the site of Mr. John A. Johnson 's present residence, and placed it on this lot. The home.stead is owned still l)y CJeorge A. Willett and WiUiam H. Tozer. The house is prol)ahly the original, built by Daniel Lummus before 1769. Isaac Lvunmus bequeathed the western half of the old Jonathan Lum- mus homestead to his nephews John and Abraham, sons of Wm. Lummus (approved 1849) (Pro. Rec. 415: 16). Abram Lummus, son of Abraham, and other heirs sold to John C. Low, May 1 2, 1882, and it is described as still containing eight acres moreor less (1 1 13 : 99). It was sold by him to John H. Hrown, and by Mr. Brown to Chester W. Bamford. The house, which has lately l)een remodelled, was built in all probability during the lAunnms ownership. The small piece adjoining the Wallis Rust land was sold by Capt. Jolm Hodgkins to his son John (451: 204), and sold by Caroline E. Hodgkins to Olive R. Ross, Nov. 5, 1869 (811 : 211). I am aware that some transfers of minor importance have been stated in a general way. My purpose is, not to establish the legal title of present owners, but to show that the original Lummus estate had a frontage on High St. from the Wallis Ru.st property to the Samuel Baker estate, and that this is the identical nine acre grant to Governor Thomas Dudley. Daniel Rolfe. (Diagram 2.) The next grant was in possession of . . . Rofe or Rolfe (Caldwell Rec- ords) in 1652 and Robert Collings, in 1654 (Ips. Deeds 2: 128). Abraham Perkins sold to Robert Lord, Sen. "my dwelling house, barn etc. and three and three quarters acres of land, which I lately purchased of Robert Collins of Haverhill," bounded by Simon Stacy on the west and John Caldwell on the east, April 11, 1682 "(15: 115). The will of Robert Lord Sen., pro- bated in 1683, bequeathed "to my youngest son, Nathaniel, my dwelling, barn, land wth the close I purchased of Thos. Lull which lieth on the other side of ye street . . . whereas I am out £40 for ye house I bought of Abra- ham Perkins, my will is that my grandchild, Robert Lord, Tertius, paying of y"" £40 to me or my heirs, shall have said house, in which sd Robert now dweUs (Pro. Rec. 304: 16, 18)." Robert Lord, blacksmith, left his estate to his son Samuel and his six daughters, by his will approved in 1735 (Pro. Rec. 320: 177-178). Sanuiel Lord Sen., blacksmith, left certain lands to his only son Samuel, aiid men- tions that the rest of his real estate was entailed by his father. His will was approved in 1755 (Pro. Rec. 333: 217. 352). In 1765, the estate was finally divided (Pro. Rec. 343: 499). The widow received her dower, which I do not find recorded. The remaining two-thirds of the dwelling and so much of the land adjoining "to begin at the corner by Daniel Caldwell's 378 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. land so running northwest by sd road 57 feet to a stake, thence across the middle of the well up the Hill ward 65 feet to a stake, thence on a square 65 feet to a stake, thence on a square 55 feet to Daniel Caldwell's land," and a two acre piece above the widow's thirds, were assigned to the daugh- ter Mary Lord. About 136 poles in the homestead, between the part assigned to Mary Lord and the Luinmus property, was assigned to Samuel Lord. Martha and Abigail received other portions of the estate. Samuel Lord, the fourth, and others, legal heirs of Samuel Lord, black- smith, sold to Samuel Baker, felt-maker, their father's homestead, with 5 rods 4 feet frontage, extending from the Lummus land to the well, Jan. 14, 1775 (140: 40). Samuel Baker left the southeast half to the children of his son John Baker, the other half after his widow's decease to his daughter Elizabeth and Mary (Pro. Rec. 392: 1). Mary Lord sold to her brother-in-law, Elijah Boynton, husband of Martha, her share with all the upper part of the dwelling, Dec. 7, 1772, (131: 118). Elijah Boynton sold the same to Dr. John Manning, Aug. 14, 1782 (140: 23). Samuel Lord, 3d, and Mary sold Samuel Lord, 4tli, about six rods and half a house, "beginning at the highway opposite the middle of the chimney of the house, on a line through the middle of the chimney, ' ' etc., April 23, 1784 (137: 212). Samuel Lord, 4th, conveyed the same to Jolm Manning, Jan. 8, 1787 (146: 200) and Dr. Manning thus became sole owner. He sold to Thomas Dodge Jr., Oct. 3, 1796 (161: 69); Dodge, then of Londonderry, to John Cooper of Newburyport, Feb. 13, 1815 (206: 177); Cooper to Elizabeth Jewett, wife of Mark R. Jewett, March 8, 1828 (269: 74) ; the Jewetts to William Russell, June 5, 1833 (307: 256). Lewis Titcomb and Sarah sold to Martha S. Russell, a small piece on the corner of the lot, where a felt-maker or hatter's shop stood, June 9, 1851 (486 : 20) . Martha S. Russell sold to Daniel S. Russell, May 17, 1866 (704: 300). He reconveyed it to Martha S. Russell, Nov. 13, 1872, (869: 52) and she sold it on the same date to Carlton Copp (869: 52). He sold to Mary A. Rutherford, the present owner, Oct. 6, 1894 (1424: 482). The house now stands end to the street, but the deed of Samuel Lord, 4th, to Doctor Man- ning in 1784 specifies a line of division, which shows that the old Samuel Lord house stood with its front to the street. If the present building is the same, a remodelling is evident. John Jackson — Simon Bradstreet. (Diagram 2.) It was specified in the record of Dudley's grant and sale, that this land lay between Goodman Cross's and "a lot intended for Mr. Broad- street." The earliest owners of this adjoining lot, however, who are known to us, are Daniel Rolfe, who occupied or owned in 1652 and Robert Collins, who was in possession in 1654. Bradstreet may have owned this lot and the adjoining one, or, it may be, he never owned the immediately adjoin- HIGH STREET, EAST SIDE. 379 ing lot, but settled on the one next beyond, wliirh came into the possession of the Caldwell family at a very early period. The one conclusive link of evidence that connects Bradstreet's name with this lot, is the record of Edward Brown's house-lot, of one acre, that it was bounded southeast by the lot granted to William l^artholomew and northwest liy the house-lot now in possession of Mr. Simon Bradstreet (1639) (Town Records). It was granted originally to John Jackson, as his lot was " on the side of the hill next to Eciward Brown's at six rod's broad" (1637). In connection with this record of Edward Brown 's house-lot the deed of Richard Jietts, published in the Caldwell Records, is of conclusive weight. "This present wrighting wittnesseth that Richard Betts of Ipswich and Joana his wife, of Ipswich in the Comity of Essex for and yn consider- ation of thirty pounds by bill and otherwise in hand payd before the seale- ing heereof Have Granted Bargayned, & Sould and bye these presents doe fuUj' Grant, Bargayne and Sell vnto Cornelius Waldo of the same Town and County, Marchant, all that his dwelling-house situate and being in Ipswich, aforesayd, with all the yards, fences and lands about it, haveing the house and land of Edward Browne toward the southeast, the house and land late .... Rofes (Daniel Rolfe?) toward the norwest, abutting on the street toward the southwest, and on the land of Thomas Lovell, toward the Nor- east, etc. etc., this 14th of September, 1652" Cornelius Waldo sold to Jolui Caldwell for £26 "the house I bought of Richard Betts the land of Edward Brown southeast, the street south- west, house and land of Robert CoUings, northwest." Aug. 31, 1654 (Ips. Deeds 2: 128). Thus it appears that Bradstreet was bounded southea.st by Edward Brown in 1639, 'and that Betts, Waldo and Caldwell, were bounded l)y the same in 1652 and 1654, and that the Bradstreet lot is identical with the Caldwell. It is generally believed that Mr. Bradstreet removed to Andover in 1644. He was certainly resident there in 1647 as the deed of William. Symons to Simon Bradstreet of Andover, makes evident (Ips. Deeds 1 : 35) John Caldwell's will was proved Sept. 28, 1692 (Pro. Rec. 303: 84-85; Inven. 154). It gave his wife Sarah the use and improvement of all the estate during her widowhood, with the privilege of disposing of it or any part of it for her necessity, and if she married again, she should have her third part. After her decease, his son John was to have a double part, i. e. two parts out of eight, with the dwelling house if he desired it, paying to his brothers and sisters what belonged to them. The widow made her will as follows : "having for many years past had supply of her son Dillingham Cald- well, for ye supply of her necessities, & dureing her naturall life not know- ing how or where boet better supplied and taken care of, he and his wife 380 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. being att all times ready to supply his necessities." As he had advanced her £100 she deeded him the dwelling, barn, etc., ' ' with all the said homestead containing one acre more or less, bounded by Street on one end, the other end by land of Lovels formerly, ye one side bounded by land of Robert Lord, ye other side by land formerly Joseph Brown's, except during sd Sarali's natural life, yt the use and Improvement of yt end of ye dwelling house wherein she keeps and lodges" (19 January 1709). John Caldwell quitclaimed to Dillingham. The widow died Jan. 26, 1721-2, aged 87. Dillingham Caldwell was a weaver by trade, and a man of influence and wealth. He died May 3, 1745, aged 79 years. His will, dated Dec. 21, 1742 (Pro. Rec. 326: 290-2), left his widow the improvement of the east- erly end of the dwelling, and provided for her maintenance very quaintly : "also I give unto my wife yearly and every year she shall remain my widow, ten bushells of Indian corn, two bushells of Rie, two liushells of Malt, one hundred poimds of pork, eighty pounds of beef, one barrel of cyder, a milch cow that shall be kept for her use, winter and sunmier, and the calf such cow may bring, and four ewes kept for her use, summer and winter, and ye lambs such ews may bring, and six pounds of Flax Year, and so many apples as she shall want for her own use, and sufficient firewood for her use, brought to her door, cut and carried into her room, where we now dwell. Also two gallons of oyl. ' ' The estate, real and personal, not otherwise bestowed, was given to his son Daniel. He died childless and the house and land became the prop- erty of John, his only brother, and his heirs, Daniel, John and Elizabeth, wife of Capt. John Grow. John Caldwell Jun. sold to his son Daniel Caldwell Jun., mariner, the northwest end of the house, and anvindivided half of the land, Oct. 31, 1797 (164: 233). He was lost, probably on Ipswich bar, in November, 1804, at the age of 34 years, leaving two minor children, Daniel, six years old, and David H., 17 mos., who inherited his estate (Pro. Rec. 376: 117; 373: 421)- Daniel died when about twenty years old, and David H. inherited his half. David sold or transferred liis interest to Daniel Smith, who died insane, but bought it back again, and his widow, Emmeline, sold it to Charlotte M. Jones, wife of William Jones and daughter of Elizabeth (Caldwell), Grow, the daughter of John, Feb. 4, 1868 (759: 136). John Caldwell occupied the eastern end of the house until his death, and his unmarried daughters, Lucy and Mary, made it their home until their death. Mary died Jan. 26, 1861, aged 84, and Lucy died in April 1868, aged 85. Their niece, Eliza, daughter of Elizal)eth Caldwell and Capt. John Grow, lived with them and received this part of the house at their death. She married Charles Dodge, and her interest in the house fell to her daughter, Harriet Lord Rogers Dodge. The age of the venerable mansion is uncertain. It cannot be assumed with any confidence that it is the original Bradstreet home. Unless there is positive reason for believing it to be of such great antiquity, the proba- HIGH STREET, EAST SIDE. 381 bilities of tlie case point to a lesser age. A significant item in its liistory is that Ricliard Betts sold for £30 in 16.52, and John Caldwell bought of Waldo for £26 in 1654. His will was pnjved Sept. 28, 1692, and the inven- tory of tlie estate included House and lands at home and three acres of land, £109-0-0 Oxen, cows, horses, sheep and swine, 4()_0-0 Implements of Imsbandry, carts, plows, 4j^_0-0 Bedsteads, bedding linen, 19_S-0 The three "acres of land" are identical probably with "foure acres be it more or less, within the Common fields, neare unto Muddy River," which he bought of William Buckley and Sarali, his wife, Aug. 31, 16.57 for £7, and which Buckley bought of Thomas Manning (Caldwell Records,]). 6). The liomestead was valued then at al)Out £100, and for this sum the widow sold it to her son Dillingham. There is nothing to indicate any especial depreciation of the currency in the valuations of stock, tools, etc. in tlio inventory and the only way to explain the enhancement of value from £26 in 1654 to £100 a half century afterward is to assume that John Cald" well replaced the house he bought, the house owned and occupied by the Bradstreets, with a new one of far greater ^-alue. But there seems no room for doubt that the Brad.street home was on or near this spot, and the tablet has'been located with confidence. Edward Brown. (Diagram 2.) The Edward Brown lot of one acre, soutlieast from Bradstreet, lias al- ready been mentioned. He had a son John, who resided in Wapping, England, in 1683, when he sold land in the common fields left by his father Edward, (Ips. Deeds 4: 533). The widow Sarah Caldwell's deed to Dillingham gives the eastern bovnid "land formerly Jo.seph Brown's." From the Probate Records, we learn that Joseph Brown died before 1694, and that his estate was Jivided to his sons, John and Benjamin (Pro. Rec. 313: 559, .560), in 1721. John Bro-WTi, Turner, granted in his will, proved in 1758, to Elizal)eth, liis wife, "all the household goods she brought to me, and all the liimen shee liath made since I married her to l)e at her Disposal;" to his son .John, the improvement of the two lower rooms and the northeast fhamber and .some real estate; to his daughter Esther Adams, and the children of his daugiiter Mary Lord, the household goods; and all the r&sidue of real estate to his son Daniel (Pro. Rec. 335: 229). The house, barn and land were valued at £60 (Pro. Rec. 336: 17). Daniel Brown bequeathed the improvement of his property lo his widow Hannah, during her life or until her second marriage. He made his nephew, Daniel Smith, his sole heir. The will was approved, Jan. 4, 179<> (Pro. Rec. 364: 232). Daniel Smith's will, proved in 1844, provided for the division of his estate among his sons, Daniel Brown Smith, Thomas 382 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. and Benjamin, and the Probate Record contains this interesting item: ' ' Daniel Smith was a Revolutionary pensioner, that he died on the 28th day of January, 1844, that he left no widow, and that he left seven children and no more, viz. Daniel B., Thomas, Benjamin, Polly Lord, Elizaljeth Treadwell, Sarah Perkins, & Anna Kimball, and that they all of them are living and each of them is of full age" (Pro. Rec. 412: 315, 310). Thomas received the homestead, and occupied it until his death at a great age, when he bequeathed it to his nephew Charles Smith, who removed the old buildings and built his present residence in the rear of the site of the homestead. Daniel B. received a part of the house-lot and built a house upon it, which he sold to his son, Nathaniel P. Smith, March 1, 1866 (707: 16). It is now owned and occupied by his widow. William Bartholomew. ( Diagram 2. ) Bartholomew received the grant of this lot apparently, as well as an- other on East St. No record of the transfer of this lot can be found, but it was owned by tlie Lord family at an early date. Daniel Lord married Eunice, the daughter of Mark Haskell, and Haskell conveyed to him the house and an acre of land, Feb. 24, 1767 (124: 224). Daniel Lord, whose will was probated in 1780 (Pro. Rec. 354: 47), bequeathed the house, the southeast half to his widow Eunice Goodhue, the northwest half to his nephew, Joseph, son of his brother Nathaniel. Joseph Lord, son of the preceding, perhaps, owned the house not many years ago. The Josiah Lord property, as it is still known, abutting on the estate just described, was owned by Capt. John Lord, and sold by him to Josiah Lord and Richard L. Weymouth, March 7, 1827 (247: 180). He inherited from Ebenezer Lord Jr., probably, and Ebenezer Jr. inherited from Capt. Ebenezer, whose will was probated in 1810 (Pro. Rec. 379: 384). Ebenezer was son of Philip, and this estate was probably part of the original estate, which liad then been divided into several. Robert Lord. (Diagram 2.) This lot was granted to Robert Lord, but came into the possession of Robert Roberts, who sold Thomas Lord, shoemaker, on Feb. 22, 1658, a house and ground, })ounded by Thomas Clark southeast, the Street south- west and Wm. Bartholomew northwest (Ips. Deeds 2:9). Philip Lord was in possession later, and his homestead is alluded to in a deed of the adjoin- ing property, Nov. 19, 1738 (81:259). The Philip Lord estate was in- herited by his sons. Philip sold to Samuel Lord of Gloucester half a dwelling with land, "extending tow feet from ye easterly end of ye house, towards my father, Mr. Philip Lord, late of Ipswich, & 2 rods 9 ft. from the north- east corner of sd. house towards the barn, then on a square one rod& 6 ft. to Samuel Lord Jr. 's land and by said Lord's laud through the chinmey HIGH STREET, EAST SIDE. 383 to the County Road," about 6 rods, Nov. 1, 1754 (137: 211). Philip Lord left two minor sons, John and Ebenezer, upward of fourteen, vnider the guardianship of Charles Bolles, May 14,1755 (Pro. liec. 33.3:98). Ebenezer may have inherited part of the e.state and Ijuilt the house, now owned by heirs of Ross and Lord. Samuel Lord 3d sold to Asa Lord, the northwest half of his house, with half an acre of land, bounded west byCapt. Ebenezer Lord, Sept. 9 1797 (167: 275). This old house stood on the site now occupied by Mr. John A. Blake's residence and is well remembered by the older people. Asa Lord owned the northwest part. Polly Lord had an interest in the middle, and Sanuiel Lord, who died in 1813, aged 91, owned the northeast part. The present residence of Mr. John Blake was purchased by him and his father, Asher Blake, of Capt. Wm. Lanison, and his wife Maria, daughter of Deacon Daniel Bolles Lord, June 1, 1868. The guardian of Daniel B., Samuel A. and Ann M. Lord, children of Daniel Bolles Lord, cabinet maker, sold to Wm. Lamson, two-fifths of the house and three-quarters of an acre of land, late the dwelling of Daniel B. Lord, whicli descended to him from his father, Samuel, Dec. 22, 1847. This is identical with the Philip Lord homestead of earlier days, and the earlier Robert Lord. The house is of the ISth century beyond a doubt. Humphrey Vincent and Thomas Clark. (Diagram 2.) The Robert Lord grant of a house lot was bounded east by Humphrey Vincent, in the record made in 1637. The deed of Roberts to Lord Feb. 22, 1658, gives Thomas Clark on the southeast. The Clark lot, which may have been identical with Vincent's grant, was sold by Samuel Symonds to John Edwards, the house and land late Wm. Wildes, northeast (should be southeast) and land of Robert Lord northwest, July 7, 1668 (Ips. Deeds 3: 81). John Edwards, the son of John, married Margaret, daughter of Thomas Lovell, whose dwelling was on the other side of the street, ju.st op- posite. Prior to the marriage, in the fashion of the time, the parents cov- enanted to provide a home for the young couple. John Edwards bound himself to give his dwelling to his son, and Thomas Lovell agreed to give the pasture on the hill back of the house, April 1 1, 1693 (11 : 179). L'pon the death of Edwards, the estate was divided. Jonathan Whipple and others sold to Thomas Berry, their wealthy neighbor, their interest in "the dwelling house of our brother & uncle, John Edwards, 87 feet on the road from sd. Berry's garden," etc. Nov. 19, 1732 (.59:176). Thomas Waite and others, heirs of two-fifths of the real estate of John Edwards sold their interest in the homestead, comprising house and one and a quarter acres to Francis Sawyer, "also two-fifths of the land to be set off on the northwest side of sd. homestead to extend from said Philip Lord's homestead 58 or 9 ft. upon the front next the road, then to run upthrougli the homestead," Nov. 19, 1738 (81: 259). Joseph Willcomb 384 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. came into possession before 1762, and his heirs and Josiah Kimball owned it for many years. William Wildes. (Diagram 2.) The Edwards lot, as we have noted, was bounded southeast by the house and land, lately owned by Wm. Wildes, deceased, in 1668. As the quitclaim deed of Edward Bishop and others, heirs of Wild or Wildes, recites, William gave his lands to his nephew John, son of his brother John, and said John, deceased, had made conveyance to John Harris, locksmith. The children of John, in this deed, quitclaimed to Harris their interest in the house and an acre of land, sold to Harris, Dec. 14, 1685 (15: 119). John Harris of Ipswich, tailor, and Samuel Harris of Marblehead, joiner, sold to Dr. Thomas Berry, "the dwelling house wherein he now lives," with barn, bounded south on the highway about 10 rods, May 16, 1721 (41: 1)- Dr. Berry enlarged his lot by the purchase of an acre of orchard land of Robert Holmes, bounded north by heirs of John Baker, east by John Gaines, southwest and west on a small road that Joseph and Philip Fowler improve to their pasture on Town Hill, March 1, 1725-6 (52: 160). Holmes bought this orchard (100 rods) of Thomas Lovell, June 14, 1710 (35: 205) and Lo\'ell bought of Henry Gould and PhiUp Fowler, his attorney, Dec. 27, 1677 (Ips. Deeds 4: 136). The deed of Holmes to Berry describes this land as "running south to a point." Evidently, a cart-path wound up the hill on a slant, and this cut off the frontage of the orchard. This ancient private way may be a clew to the understanding of the deed of sale, entered April 16, 1638, in the Town Record by Samuel Ap- pleton to Thomas Firman, of a house lot bounded south by High St., east by Edmund Gardner, and west by "a cross-way leading to the meeting house," with house etc. No existing .street could be described in this way, and the ancient "cross way" may be identical, with this private way that ascended the hill near the residence of the late Josepli Ross. It may have been used as a short way to the meeting house by the dwellers in the ancient Hog Lane or Brook St. Dr. Berry enlarged his lot on the west, as we have noted, by the pur- chase of 87 ft. in depth from the Edwards estate in 1731. He acquired the farm, now owned by the Town and used as a home for the Poor, and Lovell's close, on the other side of the street. He died in 1756, and his goodly homestead was divided. The orchard property bought of Holmes, one-half acre, measuring 63 ft. from John Gaines, "to land formerly used as a private way up the hill, " was sold to Samuel Wil- liams, saddler, Feb. 26, 1746 (153: 171). The homestead was sold by the son, John Berry (125: 142), and by the widow Berry, Nov. 23, 1762 (123: 174), including the house, warehouse and 12 acres of land etc. to Dr. John Manning Jr. The widow Elizalieth Berry sold part of the Col. Berry home- stead, abutting on Joseph Wilcom's land, to Samuel Newman, No\'. 23, 1762 (120: 84). He built the house which has descended to his heirs and "'-'ssMPeff;'^'i?rwit»aB»'^ "'"» = HIGH STREET, EAST SIDE. 385 is now the residence of Mr. Daniel R. Harris. The original chimney stack has been removed. Dr. Manning sold to Samuel Lord 3d, Aug. 22, 1771 (129: 117), and Manning and Lord both conveyed to widow Abigail Berry, land abutting on Newman, with hou.se, "part of the real estate of Dr. Berry," and hberty to use the cartpath at the east end of the house, Sept. 22, 1774 (133:268). Samuel Williams built a dwelling on his lot, which was inherited or purchased by Joshua Williams, before 17GS. John and Samuel Williams sold a quarter acre and half the house to Thomas Ross, saddler, wlio already owned the other half, with a small shop, March 24, 1804 (174: 165). This old saddlery stood on the east side of the Jo.seph Ross homestead, and many remember the saddler, busy with the harnesses of the Stage Company that were under his care. The New England Lace Manufacturing Company acquired the Dr. .Manning property, and for a few years a prosperous business was carried on, and many girls and women found employment.^ The Lace Company sold its property to Joseph Manning Smith, Nov. 11, 1835 (294: 267); Smith to Phihp H. Kimball, April 23, 1847 (381: 107) and Kimball to Joseph Ross, one and three quarters acres and buildings, bounded west liy land of Samuel Newman, now of L. W. Manning, .\ug. 2, 1853 (481: 130). Mr. Ross built the mansion, utihzing the building of the Lace J^actory. He bought of Nathaniel L. Manning, a lot with 50 ft. frontage, abutting on Ne^\inan, April 26, 1854 (492: 298) and also acquired the Ross home- stead and removed the buildings. John Gaines. (Diagram 2.) John Gaynes or Gaines was the first owner we identify with the lot now owned by the Episcopal church and occupied as the Rectory. His heirs were in occupancy in 1768, as the deed of the Berry estate to Manning lias shown. Joseph Fowler Jr. sold the house and one and one half acres to Dr. Natlianiel Smith of Boston, July 9, 1803 (172: 248). Smith conveyed to Wm. Willcomb, July 2, 1808 (184: 174), the heirs of ^^■illcomb to Caleb Oakes, Aug. 6, 1825 (239: 292). William Cakes, a famous naturalist, made his home here until his death. The Oakes heirs sold to Elizabeth K. Lathrop; she conveyed to Dr. John M. Bradl^ury June 11, 1872 (860: 93). Samuel Varnum. (Diagram 2.) The old Manse, the home of Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, Pastor of the First Church, is on the lot sold by Sanmel Varmun Sen. to Edward Deare, with a house, April 8, 1665 (Ips. Deeds 2: 246). In 1727, Rev. Nathaniel Rogers petitioned tlie town for a grant of "12 or 14 feet to the front of tlie land he lately purchased for an hou.se lot of the widow Deer, for the more '.See Publications of tlic liiswicli lli.storicjil Society xiii. Kiiic 'I'lii cnl. l.acc and Hosiery in Ipswicli. 386 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. accommable scituation of his house." The Town granted "13 feet on the front of his land next to Mr. Stamford's and 12 feet next to Mr. John Gaines out toward the street." He built his fine mansion on this spot in that year, 1727, it has always been said. Daniel Scott of Boston, physician, and Mary, his wife, John Dutch and his wife, Mary, sold Jacob Treadwell two-thirds of the "estate of our grandfather, Rev. Nathaniel Rogers," May6, 1778(139: 203). Jacob Tread- well sold to Joseph Knight of Newburyport, Aug. 24, 1797 (162: 243). Henry Cogswell Knight, of Rowley, sold fourteen twenty-fourths of his property, a dwelling and 7 acres, to William M. Rogers and Nathaniel Wade, guardian of Antonio Knight, a minor, son of Joseph Knight, sold the balance to the same, Dec. 9 and 10, 1813 (202: 275, 276). Rogers sold the southeast comer of his homestead, abutting on the Staniford heirs to Ammi R. Smith. The lot measured 35 ft. on High St. and 40 feet deep, and there was a store upon it, March 15, 1817 (212: 276). Isaac Bangs and others, mortgagees, sold to Nathaniel Lord Jr., the estate Rogers had mortgaged to them, and Rogers executed a conveyance, Jan. 6, 1820 (222: 108, 109). "Squire" Lord, as he was called, was a promi- nent citizen for many years. His son, Otis P., attained distinction as a jurist, and Justice of the Supreme Court of the Commonwealth. The store, mentioned above, was changed into a dwelling and removed by a recent owner of the property. Benjamin Kimball, executor of the estate of Otis P. Lord sold the house and land to Samuel H. Baker June 17, 1885 (1152: 262). Baker sold a small piece to Mrs. Bradbury, who owned the Rectory lot, and the rest of the estate, the house and five acres, to Miss Jennie T. Cogswell Feb. 12: 1890 (1268: 131), who conveyed to Mr. John B. Brown, the present owner. Robert Paine. (Diagram 3.) The lot which included the brick house of the heirs of John Jewett, which was recently torn down, and the present estate of Mr. Harry B. Brown, was owned originally by Mr. Thomas Brecy, then by Robert Paine, "Elder to ye church of Ipswich," a man foremost in zeal for the educa- tional advancement of the community. He conveyed his mansion and three acres of land, with orchard, garden, etc., to his son Robert, Feb. 12, 1689 (Ips. Deeds 5:590). Robert Paine Jr. and Elizabeth, sold the dwell- ing and two and three quarters acres to Mr. Francis Wainwright, Sept. 30, 1690 (Ips. Deeds 5:326), reserving a quarter acre which he had bought of his father in 1689, on the east corner. Matthew Whipple Jun. and Dorcas sold this twenty rod lot to Mr. Wainwright, "the land we had of our father Mr. Robert Pain," June 20, 1702 (15:216). The Wain Wrights were a famous family. Francis, the immigrant, served with great distinction in the Pequot war, in his young manhood. He became a prosperous merchant and prominent citizen. He died on J) . Holland, .\pril G, 17.57 (130: 168),and a two "re lot on Brook St. to Thomas Staniford, March 5, 17fi() (121 : 69). Stan- ford was already the owner of the lot adjoining on the north. Alice Perkins, widow of Isaac Perkins, owned "land lymg ah,,ve the street called Brook Street, six acres, bounded east by the highway lea.hng hntb the planting lots," and sold to Joseph Morse, 15th 4th month l(i3.) (Town Re<-ord). Joseph Morse bequeathed the house and lot and six ac-;-es he had bought of the widow Perkins and the hou.se and lot he bought of Thonias Donnan,to his wife, Dorothy,and ^-ther house with two acres,and six acres adjoining, to his son, John (Ips. Deeds 1 . IS, 1646). John Morse sold Thon.as Lovell, a house and one and a h.df acres and pa,s- ture adjoining, "the pasture a little way from the bars at the end of Brook ^t "Tan 4 1663 (Ips. Deeds 2: 180 and 181). \braham Warr owned a lot north of that which William Symmes sold to John Woodam in 1656. The administrator of Warr s estate sold three quarters of an acre at the upper end of Brook St. to t rancis \^ung Dec 4 1677 (Ips. Deeds 4: 310). Young sold to John Staniford, March 12 1678-9 (33- 32). Thomas Staniford owned in 1760. when he bought th; Henderson' land, and it was included in the eleven acres, which the widow Marv Thorndike sold to Thomas Kin.ball. It .s still a part of the same estate, now owied by Mr. John B. Brown. John Newman. (Diagram .3.) On the east side of Brook St., Jolm Newman sold to William Goodhue, weaver, for twenty shillings, the commonage belonging to h.s dwelling "situated and being in Brook Street, alias Hogg ^^:^^^'^^^^;;^ ^^^ ing houses of Francis Jordan and Joseph Morse." 1st 2nd 1646 (To^^n ^''°M that date, then, there were only two houses on the east sixie, as Jordan's was on the corner of East Street. But John Warner sold a lot between Jordan's ,then occupied by Jeflry Snelhng, -^ Newman s,w^^^^ a house, to John Woodam, March 10, 1655 (Ips. Deeds 1: 222) ^^ "od'ini Lw tl.; house and a quarter acre lot to Giles Birdley, Jan. 4, 658 ps. D^ds 1- 235) This may have been only a part of the lot he bought in 1655 as' the northern bound of the land he sold to Birdley was a house and land belonging to Woodanu Birdley sold to Thomas Knowlton Jr., '^vTi6'mi;s. Deeds 3: 18). This deed gives John Newman Sr. as the abutte; on the north, and it indicates that Birdley had bought the remain- der of Woodam 's land. Sergeant Free Grace Norton, of Gapt. Samuel Appleton's Company, who was killed at Hatfield, on Oct. 10, 1675, owned the house and lot at :^ e tr^e f his death. His administrator sold a half acre^ though no men- bn is made of a house, to Thomas Dennis, June 20, 16< . (Ips Deeds 4^ lo^ John Dennis owned it in 1708, when John Potter bought the come lot (20- 199) and Ensign John Dennis still owned in 1739. He bought 394 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. three acres of pasture land east of the house lot of Jolin Newman, Feb. 23, 1709-10 (23: 116). The house lots seem to have been bounded on the east by a stretch of pasture land, which was owned originally by George Farlow, then by Roger Lankton, who had a house about where the late David F. Dow's residence stands, and then by Thomas Newman. John Dennis or his heirs, sold a house lot abutting on the Hovey lot, to John Henderson, as Henderson's heirs owned in 1777. Henderson built the house still owned by his heirs. Thomas Caldwell bought the northern half of the house with land, and sold to James Smith, July 11, 1796 (163: 256). John Choate, administrator of Elizabeth, widow of James Smith, sold to James Smith, Feb. 21, 1833 (275: 82) whose daughter, Elizabeth, wife of Abraham C. Sherburne, inherited, and her heirs still own. The southern half of the house and land of Thomas Henderson were sold by Joseph Henderson, by order of Probate Court, to Abigail Henderson, July 6, 1829 (275: 82) and her heirs still own. The remainder of the John Dennis land was retained by the family. Nathaniel Dennis succeeded to the ownersliip, and Thomas. Thomas Dennis sold to Nathaniel A. Millett, April 21, 1860 (604: 185). His heirs built the colonial house, a little removed from the street. John Newman sold to John Dane Sr. (Ips. Deeds 4: 97, conveyance of commonage). Robert Dutch acquired possession and sold to Nathan- iel Chapman, a half acre lot, in 1681 (Ips. Deeds 4: 400). Nathaniel Cald- well owned in 1709, and a slip of the recorder's pen may have been respon- sible for the insertion of Chapman's name, instead of Caldwell's, in the deed of 1681. Nathaniel Caldwell conveyed to his son John, "my homestead in which I now live," a half acre, bounded north by John Newman, March 30, 1713 (33: 186). John Caldwell sold to his son, John, a half acre, "mostly planted with apple trees," March 2, 1717-8 (37: 32). John Den- nis sold John Chadwell (an obvious error for Caldwell) a narrow strip on the northeast side of his house lot, in 1722 (40: 218). Aaron Caldwell owned in 1755. Moses Caldwell sold the lot with a dwelling to Stephen Caldwell, May 4, 1824 (236: 210). Stephen Caldwell of Newburyport sold to Elizabeth Caldwell, Oct. 4, 1839 (321: 286). David Pulcifer sold the same, conveyed to his wife Elizabeth above, to William Burrows, July 10, 1851 (448:82). John Newman Jr. received a grant of a Plum Island lot in 1665 "for the house that was Roger Lankton 's "(Town Record). Thomas New- man had purchased Lankton 's pasture land in the rear of the lots, and Jolm Dane's conveyance of commonage, dated June 1, 1677, of the Burrows lot, gave as the northwest bound of that lot, the land of John Newman, the son of Thomas Newman, deceased (Ips. Deeds 4: 97). The widow of John Newman occupied it in 1717. John Newman and others sold to Thomas Dennis, a house and five acres, bounded north by William Harris and south, partly on the heirs of John Wainwright, partly on land of En- sign Jolin Dennis, and John Caldwell, Nov. 14, 1735 (76: 27). EAST STREET, NORTH SIDE. 395 On March 24, 1755, John Beunet sold a quarter acre lot, witli a dwell- ing, to William Robins, bounded "northeast by Thomas Dennis's cartway that leads up the hill," east, as the fence stands by said Dennis and partly by Mr. John Dennis, south by Aaron Caldwell's land, March 24, 1755 (un- recorded deed in the possession of Mr. Arthur W. Dow). Robins sold to Edward Martin, May 30, 1808 (195: 245). Edward Martin sold half of the old house and lot "beginning at the middle of the fore-door" to David Dow, June 16, 1817 (213: 138). Eunice Dow and others quit- claimed to David F. Dow Nov. 7, 1857 (572: 33). The old house had dis- appeared, and Mr. Dow built the present dwelling. The ancient well was discovered by accident, and was'used again. His heirs still own the estate. The Joseph Morse house mentioned in John Newman' s deed of 1646, may be identical with Roger Lankton's. No deed of conveyance is known. Francis Jordan. (Diagram 'S.) The lot on the corner of Brook !St. and East St. seems to have been owned by Francis Jordan, though Jeffry Snelling, the Town-Whipper, was in occupancy in 1655. Richard Belcher, of Charlestown, sold the house and land to John Potter, Dec. 22, 1708; "the messuage or tenement that was formerly Francis Jordan's deceased," about 2 acres, "bounded west by the lane commonly called Hog Lane, and east by land of John Harris" (20: 199). The deed specifies an "old house." The ancient house on this lot can scarcely be identified with this, and must have been built subsequent to 1708, though the architecture indicates this period. Daniel Potter sold the house and lot to Thomas Hovey 3d, fisherman, March 31, 1741 (81: 176). At Hovey 's death, half the house and land was set off to his widow Rebecca, and the other half was sold by John Hovey to Ebenezer Hovey, April 29, 1777 (135: 122). Michael Hodge of Newburyport brought suit against Ebenezer Hodge, and execution was made upon his estate in favor of Hodge, Aug. 1787 (147: 31). Hodge sold to Ebenezer Hovey Jr., July 14, 1796. John Hohnes Hovey quitclaimed to Stephen Hovej^, his interest in the house of his father, Ebenezer, "near Hovey 's Bridge," July 21, 1827 (247 : 230). John H. and Izette Hovey sold the west half of the house to James Scott Jr., Oct. 29, 1870 (812: 221). Asa Lord sold the east half of the house to Perley Scott, . . . April, 1840(537:227). The ancient house, still a comfortable dwelling, is now owned by Mr. James Damon, and Mrs. Edward Damon. The Town owned a gravel pit on the east side of the house in 1840, and used it, as long as the limits of the lot permitted. William Symonds and John Warner. (Diagram 3.) The next original lot was owned by William Symonds, planter. He sold to Thomas Harris, fisherman, "my house, wherein I now dwell" with 396 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. two acres, bounded northeast by the house lot, now owned by Harris, which he bouglit of John Warner, 1648 (Ips. Deeds 1: 159). By the will of Thomas Harris, his estate was divided between his sons, John, Ebenezer and William, extending from the Stephen Hovey lot to the lot now owned and occupied by the widow of John Roberts. John owned the west part, William the east portion. Ebenezer sold William half a dwelling and a third of the house lot and orchard, half the barn, leantos and shop, and a fourth of the "clay pitt meadow" on the opposite side of the street, Feb. 25, 1695 (32: 49). The heirs ol John (WiUiam and John) succeeded to his estate. John had the east half and William the west, Dec. 22, 1742 (82: 252). William Harris sold a piece of land, three rods six feet on the Street, tlie line on the east side running north, over the middle of a well, two rods eight feet, to John Holmes May 18, 1766(158: 133). Capt. Holmes built the house now standing next the Hovey house, which his widow Sarah sold Joseph Wait, March 12, 1805 (176: 26). Joseph Wait sold to Elizabeth and Polly Ross, singlewomen, the house ' ' which I purchased of Sarah Holmes ' ' July 12, 1816 (209: 277). "Polly" Ross kept a "dame store" in the small building connected with the house. It was purchased by Aaron H. Sweet, whose will, filed Feb. 7, 1860, bequeathed all his property to his widow. She conveyed it to Dr. Chas. Cullis, of the Home for Con-sumptives, March 5, 1880(1033: 145), who sold to Frederic Willcomb, Jan. 31,1885 (1354:216). The John Harris property descended to Capt. Stephen Baker, whose heirs still own and occupy. William Harris, son of Thomas, sold Richard Pulsifer, a lot forty feet square, at the southeast corner of his homestead, abutting east on Col. Wainwright, April 19, 1704 (18: 72). He sold his son, Wm. Harris Jr., a small plot adjoining Pulcifer's, two rods ten feet wide on the street, and three rods deep, June 9, 1727 (53: 257), and on this lot, Harris built a house. Wm. Harris sold his son Wm. Jun. the northeast half of his home- stead, the line running through the well, March 15, 1739 (79: 237) and the other half to his daugliter, Sarah Hodgkins, July 15, 1742 (86: 30). Heze- kiah Hodgkins and Sarah sold tlieir interest in their father William 's estate and the old house thereon to William 3d, Feb. 5, 1747 (93: 144). William 3d sold the whole of the original estate of his father, save the Pulcifer lot, to Richard Harris, Feb. 12, 1757 (103: 228). Richard's property came to Samuel, partly by purchase, March 15, 1805 (179: 150) and Samuel sold to John How Boardman, the whole one and a half acres, May 29, 1823 (232: 123). Boardman sold to Joseph Har- ris, the west end of the lot, 52 ft. front, the line running through the well 70 ft. 8 in. deep on Stephen Baker, May 18, 1836 (289: 76). Joseph Harris mortgaged the house and land to John How Boardman May 1836 (337: 32), and possession was given Dec. 6, 1847 (391: 233). Aaron Cogswell in- herited the Boardman estate and sold to Henry F. Dunnels, April 9, 1864 (667: 135), who sold to Aaron Hubbard one and a half acres, Sept. 22, 1873. Mr. Hubbard built the present dwelling on the sightly terrace. The EAST STREET, NORTH SIDE. 397 ancient Harris house was located in front of this, on the hne of the street. David Harris, a Dartmoor prisoner, is remembered as an occupant of this old dwelling. The Richard Pulcifer lot, forty feet square, with a liouse, passed tiirough various hands. Francis Ho\ey sold it to William Stone, Sept. (), 179() (171 : 85). His widow sold to lienj. .\verill, .N'ov. S, 1823 (239: 223). The house was a small building ,and stood in front of the present dwelling that occupies this lot. It was torn down abovit ]8o(). The well of the old house is near the street line. A lot in the rear of this was sold by Richard Harris to David Harris, forty feet wide, one hundred feet deep, with a right of foot-way thither, Dec. 28, 1801 (174: 66). Harris l)uilt a house which was occupied later by Thomas C. Boardman. This lot was sold l)y the administrator of Boardman to Joseph Hovey in IS 13, wliose heirs still own, together with the Richard Pulcifer lot. William Bartholomew. (Diagram \i.) Wm. Bartholomew sold the lot granted him here to Lionel Chute school-master, Oct. 1, 1639 (Town Record). His son, James, inherited and his only son, James, bought the interest of liis "brother Joseph Jewett in Rowley" and sold to John Wainwright, three acres and dwelling, Sept. 20, 1692 (Ips. Deeds 5: .5.51). Waniwriglit was one of the mo.st. impor- tant men of his day. He came into possession of a large estate reaching to the wharves, but this original Chute lot may be considered here for convenience. Col. John Wainwright 's will was probated in 1708 (Pro. Rec. 310 ; 19-21). His estate was valued at the princely figure of £20,000. He bequeathed his land to his sons, Samuel and John. Samuel's estate, inventoried in 1774, included "four acres of land called Chute's lot." In the division of his estate, to \o. .3, was assigned, ' 'Chute's lot so called, 2 acres 1 qr. 34 rods," bounded nortiieast by Richard Sutton southwest l)y Ricliard Harris and widows Legrow and Beal." Tliis was settled on Elizabeth, sister of Samuel. (Pro. Rec. 352: 138, 546). Dr. Jolin Manning sold Nathaniel Kin.sman a certain piece of pasture land, two acres one quarter three rods "being the same that was .set off to James Winthrop, admini.strator of Samuel Wintlirop Kscj. estate towards justifying due execution in his favor against P^lizabeth Wainwright, and whicli was afterwards released l)y said James to \\'illiam ^^'inthrop, and l)y said \\'illiani to me, the said John Manning, by an in.strunient dated 7 June 1792" (1.56: 141, June 1.5, 1792). .lohn Kinsman sold the lotto Joseph Hovey, "commonly called the Wainwright lot, being part of the real estate of my late honored father, Nathaniel Kinsman, deceased, and set off to my late honored mother,^Elizabeth, deceased" (Pro. Rec. 1820). Mrs. Rol^erts, daughter of Joseph Hovey. inlierited this ancient house lot and a dwelling was built again upon it. This alisolute identification of the Chute lot is of great value in determining other locations. 398 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Thomas Boreman or Boarman. (Diagram 3.) The lot adjoining Bartholomew's original grant was assigned to Thomas Boreman, who had a two acre lot in the East end, with the house lot of John Winthrop northeast. Boreman sold this to Philip Long, a house and house lot, two acres "in the comon field" bounded east by Mr. Wade (Mr. Winthrop had sold his lands here at this time) and west by Mr. James Chute, 1647 (Ips. Deeds 1 : 36 & 37). Long sold to William Norton (Ips. Deeds 1 : 39 & 41). John, Thomas Samuel, Jonathan and Mary, children of Nathaniel Piper, formerly of Ipswich, and Tristram Greenlief, husband of Margaret, another child, with the advice and consent of their mother, Sarah, some time since married to Ezekiel Woodward of Wenham, sold John Wainwright a house and two acres, which was their father's, "the land of James Chute, west, and Mr. John Wainwright 's homestead east, "June 18, 1690 (Ips. Deeds 5: 314). The whole Wainwright property will be considered later. John Winthrop. (Diagram 3.) The house lot of Mr. Winthrop has been located, though without reason, on the Argilla road, and the old Thomas Burnham house, now owned by Mrs. Perley Lakeman has been called the Winthrop house. An ancient house on Castle Hill, built by Capt. Daniel Eppes, has also been attributed to Winthrop. Here, however, on East Street, the ancient Records of the Town locate him, adjoining Mr. Boreman. It only remains to define the limit of the Boreman lot and that abutting on the east side of the Winthrop, lot, and thus determine the location of Winthrop. LTnfortvmately the size of Mr. Winthrop 's house lot is not specified, and no deed of .sale has been preserved. Mr. Wade was the owner after Winthrop, as Boreman 's deed to Long makes evident. The same lot with a house was sold by Richard Wells of Salisbury to John Johnson, and this deed specifies for the first time that the lot contained six acres. As Dudley had a grant of nine acres, the leader of the Colony would have been generously remem- bered as well 23: 7 - 16.54 (Ips. Deeds 1: 211). The same large lot was sold by Wm Buckley to Ehzabeth Bridgham of Boston (the deed mentions seven acres) and specifies that it is bounded south by the street and "three little parcels on which houses are already built," No^'. 24, 1671 (Ips. Deeds 3: 197). Buckley had carved out these small lots and sold them. The first was that sold to Giles Cowes, a quarter acre, on the southeast corner of the large lot, abutting on John Leighton, Aug. 2, 1669 (Ips. Deeds 3: 127). Another lot was .sold to Thomas Newman Jr. and a third to John Barry on the southwest corner, abutting on Nathaniel Piper. Barry sold this house and land to John Wainwright, Aug. 6, 1678 (Ips. Deeds 4: 253). Mr. Wainwright was living here when he bought the Piper lot, in 1690. The large main lot was sold by Jonathan Bridgham of Boston to Fran- EAST STREET, NORTH SIDE. 399 cis Wainwright, Feb. 27, 1671 (Ips. Deeds 3: 243). He deeded to his son, John, "as he promised on his marriage with Elizabeth, daiigliter of Mr. Wm. Norton, March 10, 1674-.5" "the house sd. John occupies," bounded by John Laji.on, Giles Cowes and Thomas Newiuan on the east and the lands which John had already bought of Jolm Barry and tiie Piper heirs, April 4, 1691 (Ips. Deeds 5: 444). \N'ainwright bought the Chute home- stead in 1692, and thus owned all the land from the Harrises to Leightou's, excepting the .small lots of Newman and Cowes. Newman sold to Major Francis Wainwright, July 3, 1702 (15: 134) and Stephen Miuot Jr., son- in-law of Wainwright, sold it to William Vrine, Nov. 27, 1713 (30: 63). Col. John Wainwright was a man of fine quality, Representative, Justice of the Sessions Court, and Colonel of a Regiment. The large cellar in the center of the lot, still known traditionally as the AN'ainwright lot, marks the site of the spacious mansion. The later history of the lot is considered in the sketch which follows of the whole Wainwright estate. Robert Coles. (Diagram 3.) The lot adjoining Winthrop's on the east was granted to Robert Coles, but he sold to Joseph Medcalf. Medcalf sold the eastern part of his lot to Isaac Cimimings, the western to Deacon WiUiam Goodhue, before 1639 (Town Records). John Leighton was the owner in 1654. He .sold to Nath. Treadwell April 16, 1691 (9: 268). Nathaniel Treadwell sold the dwelling and three and a half acres l)Ounded eai't by Samuel Taylor to Jolm Wainwright, son of John, now decea.sed, Oct. 1, 1710 (23: 33). Samuel Taylor then owned the adjoining estate, and Nath. Treadwell, his executor and Samuel Treadwell, his legatee, sold the house and an acre lot to John Wainwright, Oct. 21, 1710 (22: 216). Financial reverses now overtook the ambitious landholder, and he made conveyance to Samuel Appleton of Boston, of "sundry messuages or house lots, commonly known by the nam&s of Leighton 's lot, Taylor's lot, Newman 's liome-stead and the late messuage or house lott of my hon- ored grandfather, Francis Wainwright," about fifteen acres, upland, tillage, pasture and meadow, Oct. 25, 1726 (47: 144). On Leighton 's lot, the deed informs us, there was a new house not fini.shed.* On Newman's home- .stead was a dwelling then occupied by Nathaniel Newman and WiUiam Roberts. On the lot of Francis Wainwright, his late mansion was in the tenure of Henry Spiller. This spacious estate was liounded in part by his father's lot, bought of the Piper heirs, adjoining the Samuel Wain- wright e.state, now of Roberts, and on the ea.st extended to the Richard Lakeman estate. ' This may i)osi*il)ly he itientitied with tlie aiicit'iit portion of tho oUi .Siiwyor lioiii-e. The |)anellin>r iK very elal)oratf and is of the s.-ime style as that of tlie Rogers Manee, l)uili in 1727, wliicli wa- removed liy >lr..Iated 1705(308: 431),l)equeathed his sons, John and Jacob, and his daugh- ter, Elizabeth, his houses and lands, and his son Elisha, is also included. Matthew, the weaver, had inherited or built a house for himself on his portion of his father's estate, but he built a new dwelling which has already lieen considered, and gave or sold his old house and half an acre, to his son, Matthew Jr., May 26, 1709 (35: 104). John Perkins, son of Jacob, then of Norwich, sold his interest in the house next to the Hodgkins-Tjakeman lot to Thomas Treadweli Jim.,cord- wainer, Oct. 18, 1708 (22: 40) and Matthew executed a like deed, March 24, 1707-8(21 : 153). Treadweli sold the house, shop, and an acre to Dan- iel Lakeman, Nov. 11, 1747 (90: 128). AVm. TiCatherland was in occu- pancy in 1791 and Moses Leatherland owned in 1824. The house is not even remembered, but its probable site is indicated by the stone wall aiul embankment east of the Lakeman house. Elisha Perkins, son of Jacob, came into possession of the laii- •«« '™"> "-;"- X'fi^m tlirold Meethi. House of the First Church when it was ton. J ^^;r.r +n the building of the present edifice. have said He sold Mose . > ^^^^^ ^ ^48). Jacob f d::s1n,e;it"d'b K-^Sut'Li'and Eli.ahe.h, who sold "^ Benjamin Glazier April ^^^ ^^^ (10. • 90) a J^^^J.^ ^^,^^, ,^. ,,, Benjannn Green, April 1 USOU^^^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^.,^^^,^,,, heirs of the late Daniel b. Burnha n, ^«' " he had bought of Jacob MosesPengryl.nlta oiisecniUie^^^^ it. U 2, 1084 Foster, and conveyed it to his son ,mo .-Uhertv for his dps. Deeds 5: 96). Deacon Pengry ^^'^^^'J^'^^^.^ 1,,^ ,0 build son Moses to have liberty upon the bank b>' -^ "^ J "^,T7T„\vn Heoord, vessels provided he does not interrupt the uglnva ^To.n iUo , ;e73). Shoreborne Wilson sold the ^^^^^ ^^^'l^\^ ^. (31: 180); Davis to Thomas Xewman, Dec. 1, 1-Ul U-i- 420 IPSWICH, IX THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. man to Nathaniel Knowlton, Feb. 7, 1702-3 (15: 154). Knowlton divided the lot, and sold Joseph Smith the southeast half. Smith sold a quarter acre on the corner to Abner Harris, Feb. 27, 1743 (85: 135). Harris prob- ably built the house which now occupies the lot. His administrator con- veyed to Dr. John Manning, May 29, 1787, and he sold to Ebenezer Sutton, Oct. 22, 1816 (212: 230). It is still called the Sutton house. Benjamin Brown 3d sold Abner Harris, shipwright, an old shop form- erly the blacksmith shop of the late Nathaniel Foster, with land, bounded northwest by the Road, southeast by the River, southwest land unim- proved and improved in common, northeast the shipyard, April 11, 1759 (106:239). Nathaniel Knowlton sold about eighteen rods on the Lane to William Willcomb Jan. 4, 1717-18 (32: 291). Willcomb built a dwelling and sold to John Hovey, Oct. 16, 1736 (71: 236). Benjamin Finder came into posses- sion and conveyed it to his son Benjamin Jr., March 31, 1801, and Dec. 30, 1802 (179: 280, 281). The house, probably the original one, is still known as the Finder house. Nathaniel Knowlton sold a small lot of seventeen rods to James Foster, Oct. 25, 1717 (35: 63). Jacob Foster conveyed the same apparently to William Foster, June 3, 1741 (84: 17). Rebecca Sutton, widow, and Abi- gail Fo.ster, single woman, conveyed to Ephraim Grant, house and land, three rods fifteen links on the Lane, reserving to Joseph Wait, the east half of dwelling, June 30, 1826 (243: 252). This is known as the Grant house. Stephen Jordaine. (Diagram 3.) In 1639, record was made of Stephen Jordaine 's house lot, "three rods of ground, lying in Stony Street, leading to the River, house lot for- merly granted Himiphrey Bradstreet northwest, the house lot formerly granted Thomas Clark, south." The Clark lot may be identical with the Ephraim Grant lot. Robert Pierce was the owner of the Jordan lot in 1655, and John Pierce in 1684 (Pengry to Pengry Ips. Deeds 5: 96). Sam- uel Graves Jr. succeeded Pierce 1697 (31: 186). Aaron Potter sold the same lot, an acre with a house, to Capt. Samuel York, March 23, 1735 (72: 260). York sold to Richard Lakeman, Dec. 18, 1762(112: 131) but the house is not mentioned. The administrator of Lakeman sold Abner Harris an acre, "the tract known as Graves' lot," Sept. 13, 1768 (149: 96). It became the property of Abraham Knowlton, and was assigned to Bethiah Fitz, July 4, 1822 (257: 277). She sold to Isaac Stanwood, and the description of the land in the deed shows that it abutted on Green Lane and Shipyard Lane, INIay 15, 1826 (245: 288). Stanwood retained a lot on the Green Lane side, and sold the balance, a little more than an acre, to John How Boardman, May 15, 1826 (245: 74). Aaron Cogswell in- herited and sold a building lot, next the old Martin house, to John Jewett, another to James H. Staniford, and the lowest in the Street to William H. Jewett. Houses were built on these lots. SUMMER AND COUNTY STREETS. 421 Humphrey Bradstreet. (Diagram 3.) The lot on the corner of Summer St. and County St. was granted to Humphrey Hradstreet. He sold liis house and land bounded by Andrew Hodges southwest, and Stephen Jordan southeast, to Deacon Thomas Knowl- ton, shoemaker, 1646 (Ips. Deeds 1: 20; Deacon Thomas sold his house, barn and two acres of land, bounded by Andrew Burley, Jacob P'oster, etc., to Nathaniel Knowlton, Deo. 6, 1688 (Ips. Deeds 5: 338). Nathaniel sold half the homestead and half an acre and the upper dwelling, to Abraham Knowlton, May 5, 1725 (44: 218). Abraham Knowlton sold Thomas Hart, cooper, "the easterly end of the mansion house where I now dwell, ' ' David Knowlton apparently being the other occupant, March 2, 1726-7 (46: 174). John Knowlton Jr. quitclaimed to Daniel and E.sther Ross, his interest in the estate of his father,David Knowlton, Dec. 3, 1758(105: 179). Esther was also an heir to David Knowlton 's estate, brother of John. Jeremiah Ross quitclaimed his interest in his father Daniel's estate, to Benjamin Ross, Sept. 20, 1780 (153: 257) and John Knowlton of Newburyport quit- claimed his interest in his mother's, Esther's, estate to Benjamin Ross, March 6, 1781 (153: 258). Benjamin Ross sold to John Hodgkins 4th, house and an acre, Nov. 18, 1791 (153: 258). Hodgkins conveyed to Ed- ward Martin, June 6, 1792 (199: 58) and Philip Hanunond conveyed the east end of the house to Martin, Jan. 12, 1805 (199: 59). It is still known as the Martin house and is probably "tlie upper dwelling" mentioned in the deed of 1725, built between 1688 and 1725. The house lot, owned by Andrew Hodges in 1646, was sold by Andrew Burley to Richard Smith, "the house and land formerly Hodges, " one and a half acres, March 24, 1680 (Ips. Deeds 5: 370). Abraham Knowlton Jr. acquired it and sold to Samuel Parkman, July 3, 1744 (86: 126). Abra- ham Knowlton 3d executed a similar deed to Parkman, Feb. 18, 1758 (105: 36). Parkman sold to Samuel Epes, house, barn, and a half acre, Feb. 17, 1758 (105: 61) and Epes to Abraham Knowlton 3d, Feb. IS, 17.58 (106:182). Abraham Knowlton and others, "in consideration of services ren- dered to our honored mother and grandmother, Sarah Knowlton, by our sister and aunt, Bethia Fitz, singlewoman, " conveyed to her all the real estate of Abraham Knowlton, cabinet maker, July 4, 1822 (257: 277). He was a workman of rare skill. The beautifully carved old pulpit made for the new Meeting House, built for the First Pari.sh in 17-49, was his handi- work. The pulpit is still preserved though in an abridged form, in a room hi the steeple. Bethia Fitz sold the land, as has been said, to Isaac Stan- wood, in 1826. She retained the house and sold it to Hannah Atkinson, July 20, 1852 (479: 106). She also sold a house lot to Sylvanus Caldwell, August 11, 1852 (471: 251), which was sold by the CaldweU heirs to Will- iam A. Spiller, who erected the dwelling on the corner. 422 IPSAVICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. THE MEETIXG HOUSE GREEX. No spot within our ancient township is enriched witli such fragrant memories, and associations of such varied and intense interest. The earliest settlers set it apart for public use, and it has never ceased to be the center of the civic life of our community. Here they built their first Meet- ing House. A vague tradition, as Felt, the annahst of Ipswich informs us,' located it on the rise of ground now occupied by the Heard mansion, near the Meeting-House of the South Church,but there is no historic ground for such a surmise. On the 16th day of the 11th mo. 1639, the ancient keeper of our Town Records made note, "Theophilus Wilson is possessed of one house lott, bought of John Sanders, bovmded on the Southwest by the Meeting House Green, and on the northeast by the Stony Street, on the southeast by a house lott formerly granted to Robert Mozey." This house lot is easily identified with the lot bounded on three sides by the Green, North Main and Summer Streets, and at the date of entry, the Meeting-House was already built on the Green. Under the date, March 22, 1637, in the Town Record, allusion is made to "the Cross Street called the Meeting House Lane."- No earlier allusion remains to us, but tlie later allusion of Edward Johnson is of interest. "Their meeting-house is a very good prospect to a great part of the Town and beautifully built. ' '^ This har- monizes with the location on the hill-top, and has no point, when applied to the tradition of the other site. Of the building itself, we know nothing. It was hurriedly built, no doubt, and may have been a structure of logs with a thatched roof, or a cheap frame building. As early as October, 1643, an intimation of insuf- ficient room for worshippers occurs (Town Records, 1643). "There is liberty granted to such young men and youth as shal [ ] approved of by the Deacons to sett up a gallery at their owne charges, and the gallery to be built or approved for the manner by the Deacons, Goodman Andrews, and Mr. Gardinr. ' ' This primitive Meeting-House was soon outworn or outgrown, and on the 4th day of the 11th month, 1646, it was sold to Thomas Firman for fifty shillings, "and he is to remove it by the 29th of 7th month next, which will be in the year 1647" (Town Records). The extreme cheapness of the price confirms our surmise that the building, which was not more than thirteen years old, was a rude structure. The direction as to re- moval suggests that the spot it occupied was needed for the new edifice. Work on the new Meeting-House seems to have been pushed, and hints of 1 History of Ipswich, page 243. - The same as Bridge I^ane, and Green I^ane, of later years. 3 Wonder Working Providence, pub. in 1654. THE MEETI.VG HOUSE GREEX. 423 its completion and occupancy are found in tlie Town Record of "the 11th of (11) 1647." "Voted that the Deacons shall have power to agree with a man, whome they shall thinke fitt to keepe the meeting-house clean, and to ring the Bell, and what they shall agree with him shall he paid out of the Town Rate. ' ' Finishing touches remained to be made, however, as it was voted in 1653 (Town Records), "to make a sheete for the turret window and cover for upper scuttle hole," and two years later, some repairs were in order, as a l)ill of £10, 14s. 4d. was approved for "mending the windows, new banding, soldering and new glass" (Town Records, 1655). This building was probably of the hip-roof order, with a "turret" for the bell at the apex, resembling generally the "Old Ship Church" of Hingham, with dia- mond paned glass set in lead sashes. It was surrounded l)y a fort. The earlier Meeting-House was verj^ likely protected in similar fashion, as the Pequot War broke out in 1637 and, for a half century after, the settlers were never free from fear of Indian attacks. Men brought their arms with them to public worship and sentinels paced their Ijeat without, dur- ing the time of service. The Meeting-House was a place of deposit for am- munition. Four swords of the common stock were kept there in 1647, and in 1681, there w-as a "magazine in^^the meeting-house" (Town Records). In case of attack, as it was the largest building in the town, and the one best adapted for defence, the people would naturally have hurried thither. Hence the value and^need of the fortification which was erected around it. In 1650, it was voted by the Town, "The wall about the meeting- house shall be made up and kept in repair." The implication of the final clause "kept in repair," is that this work was in the nature of a rebuilding of the w^all, that may have fallen into disrepair, and not the original erec- tion. Again, in 1671, a few years before King Philip's War, the Constable was ordered to "pay John Brewer 20s. for charge he is out about building the fort" (Town Records), and by vote of August 20, 1696, when the In- dians were assailing the Maine colonists, the Town Treasurer was instructed "to hire laborers at the Town charge to repair the fort about the meeting- house" (Town Rerords). No record of the style or size of this ancient fort has l)een preserved, but there was a similar one in Topsfield, built in 1673, five or six feet high and "three foote brod at the botom." On the south side of the Meeting- House, it was twelve feet, and on the other three sides, ten feet distant, and at the southeast corner, within the wall a watch-house ten feet square was built, which was called "the old Meeting-House fort" at the begin- ning of the eighteenth century.' Happily no occasion for defence ever arose, and a few years after the last Indian outbreak the Town voted in 1702, that the "rocks at the old meeting house" should he sold and the proceeds used towards buying a town clock. ' History of Boxford, by Siiliiey Perley. 424 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. As to the new Meeting-House, the third on the Green, the vote of Jan, 26, 1699,' directed that the foundation should be laid "as near the old meeting house as the Committee shall appoint," and the Committee was instructed to "levell the place for the floor of ye said new Meeting House. ' ' The old house was turned over to the Committee, but it was stipulated that they should ' ' suffer the Inhabitants to meet in it until the new Meet- ing House is finished" and "provided they remove the old meeting house in six months," "provided also they bank up with stones and gravel against the sides of the new meeting house, the Town allowing stones to do it out of ye Fort" (Town Records, 1699). The new liouse was a stately structure, sixty-six feet long, sixty feet wide, and twenty-six feet stud. It had a "turret" or belfry for the bell, and in 1702, provision was made for a town clock with a dial. The sexton, Simon Pinder, was instructed in 1716 to ring the bell daily at five o'clock in the morning. The old Meeting House was sold back to the Town by the building committee in 1701, and in 1703 the Town voted to sell it to anybody for £20. No purchaser was forthcoming, and a dreary sugges- tion of the ruinous and melancholy condition into which the venerable building fell, and the wanton appropriation of it by piecemeal, is contained in the vote of March 16, 1703-4. "Voted that the Selectmen do inquire and make search of all p 'sns y' have disorderly taken away out of ye old Meeting house and converted ye same to yr own use, shall prosecute them at law, unless they will comply and make satisfaction." The most decisive note as to the location of the new house is afforded by the curious map, made in the year 1717, of the north side of Main street. It locates "Potter's House," on the corner of Loney's lane, and there is a quaint remark in the margin : "Had there been but a little more room on this nide the meeting-house should have been set down." "The meeting house is but little more than 4 rods from Potter's house." Measuring a radius of seventy-five feet from this corner brings us to the terrace north of the present building, and on this the third meeting house probably was built. The fourth building was erected in 1749. It was sixty-three feet long, forty-seven feet wide, and was twenty-six feet stud. It was admi- rably built and was used for a century. Its location is well remembered on the precise spot occupied by the present edifice, which was erected in 1846-1847, but the tall steeple was at the northern end, and the building stood with its broad side facing down the hill. The pulpit and sounding 1 Felt inclines to believe that the third meeting house was erected some years before this. In Ififi?, it was "agreed with Ezekiel Woodward and Freegrace Norton to gett and hew the timbers for the meeting house roof. ' " In Ifiyi an appropriation was made for ten days' work for raising the frame. These items refer rather to enlargements or repairs of the existing building. It is worth noting that a Committee to repair the meeting house was chosen in 166.3, only about fifteen years after it was built. The use of green timber, and the difficulty of keeping the roof tight, often alluded to, may explain the frequency of repair. THE MEKTI.\"(; HOUSE GREEN. 425 board were famous works of handicraft, and are preserved in the steeple- room of tlie present edifice, in a much ahridfjed form. At the southeast corner of the (Jreen, on tlie spot now occupied l)y the cliapel of the First Church, the town pound was liuilt, a fenced inclosure into which stray cattle were driven and kept confined. Mudi annoyance and no sinall damape were often caused by the straying of cattle, horses or swine into the tilled fields or gardens. Consequently stringent regula- tions were adopted by the Town to prevent the breach of the laws, with reference to pasturage . Thus it is recorded under date, 13 January, 1639: (Town Records) "agreed that whosoever shall find mares, horses or oxen in the cow common two hours after sunrising and l)ring same either to the Poimd or to the owner of the same, the said owner shall gi\e to such a p'ty double recompense for his pains. The forfeits of 10s. are to goe half to the Towne, and halfe to him tiiat shall impound sudi trespassing cat- tell." Swine were to be impounded by an order of the year 1643, and in the same year, it was voted : "The Common Pounder or any other party shall have ii d a peece for all piggs, or any other Cattell, that they shall impound, out of any Comon-field or fenced grovmd, except house lotts and gardens." A dis- colored and dimly written old document, preserved in the Court Records in Salem, has a very interesting association with this old pound, and the method of enforcing the laws, which governed its use. It appears that John Leigh had driven five cows belonging to his neighbor, Simon Tomp- son of Rocky Hill, to the pound. To secure their release, Tompson was obliged to petition the august magistrate. General Denison, who issued the following writ to Theophilus Wilson, the constable, with his autograph in his familiar hand. To tlie Constable of Ipswich You are required to replevin five Cowes of Simon Tomp.son's now impounded bv John Leigh, and to deliver them to the sd Simon, provided he give bond to the value of fifety shillings wth sufficient sureties to prose- cute his Replevin, at the next Court, holden at Ipswich & so from Court to Court till the Cause be ended & to pay such costs and damage as the sd John Leigh shal by law recover agst him and so make a true return hereof under your hand ^ i^c, Dated 9th of August, 1654. Daniel Denison. This bears the endorsement, which is scarcely legible from the scrawl- ing hand: , 9th of August, 16o4. I replevined 5 cowes of Simon lompson and took bond of hym accordingly. ■' by me Theophilus Wilson Constable. Every time the pound gate closed upon a stray animal, this formal proceeding was necessary before it could be recovered by the owner. This 426 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. custom continued for many years, and ' ' field-drivers, ' ' whose theoretical function it is to drive stray cattle to pound, are still elected annually. The spot thus used was sold to Mr. George Heard, on behalf of subscribers for a vestry or chapel for the First Parish in 1831, and the present build- ing was erected upon it. Allusion has already been made to a small watch-house, ten feet square, built at Topsfield in 1673, within the meeting-house fort. The Ipswich watch-house was built many years before this, and was near the pound, as will appear from subsequent records. As early as 1636, the General Court ordered that every town should provide a sufficient watch house "before the last of the 5th month next"' (1637). But our town seems to have proceeded very leisurely in the matter. On Dec. 4, 1643, "two loads of wood for the watch-house," perhaps timber for its construc- tion, had been delivered. In 1645 "There was pay'd to Goodman Cart- wright, Thomas Burnam, towards the building the watch-house, two and forty shillings by Mr. Bradstreete, and for a dayes work of a team to draw timber by Rich. Kimball for Mr. Bradstreete, 0-8-0" (Town Records). Still the building was unfinished, for, in September, 1647, the Town was "presented" by the Quarter Sessions Court for want of a watch-house,- and in response to this summons, the seven men contracted with Pliilip Fowler, in the February following, to build a chimney at the watch-house and clapboard it (Town Records). This building is a vivid reminder of the perils of the time. A constant watch was maintained by the constables from the beginning to guard against any disorder by night, and in time of danger from Indian assault, special precautions were taken. Every adult male of each family above the age of eighteen, including "sons, servants and sojourners," was liable to this service. From the last of March to the last of September, the streets and all exposed localities were patrolled from half an hour after sunset to half an hour before sunrise. All who were abroad after ten o'clock were likely to be challenged by the watch, and summoned to explain where they were going and what their business was, and if they failed to satisfy the inquisitive night-guard, they were liable to arrest and detention at the watch-house or "courte of guard" till morning. In all these dark and perilous times, the watch-house, with its com- fortable fire, was a convenient rendezvous for the watch, and a place of detention for any suspicious characters. Many a timid youth, afraid of his own shadow, went with trembling from its safe shelter to keep his vigil in the dark streets or on the outskirts of the town, and right glad was he to return, when his watch was finished, and report to his superior. It was dull work at best, and we are not surprised that watchmen some- times napped. John Grant was called to account before the Ipswich Court in 1647 "for sleeping in a barn," and Mark Quilter and Thomas Willson, "for going into a barn to sleep" while on their watch, were rep- ' Mass. Records. - Papers in Ct. Records. THE meeting; house green. 427 rimanded. In 1692, Hezekiah Hodgkins presumed to bring a pack ot cards into the watch-house to while away the night hours, and was sen- tenced to pay a fine of £5. ' Near the watch liouse, anotiier building of frowning aspect was erected in 16.52, the county prison, wliich was ordered by the Court, as the prison in Boston was not sufficient for the colony. The vote of the Town was very comprehensive, and we are indebted to its minuteness of specification for a very valuable description of the "prison house," as it was called. It was to be twenty feet long and sixteen feet wide and the contract re- quired, "3 floors of Joyce thick set and well boarded, witii partitions above and below, the sides and ends studs and stud space, and to clapboard the liouse round, and to shingle it, and to dauli it whole wall and all but the gal^le ends, and to underpin the house, and make dores and stayers, and hang the dores, and sett in locks." It was specified also that it should be built "adjoining to the watch house, to be equall in lieight and wydness with the watch-house." Forty pounds sterling were appropriated for the expense of erection. Theophilus Wilson, whose residence was near the present Farley house, was appointed to keep the prison until further notice,-' and in 1657 the Court ordered that he should have "£3 for the year, and for every person committed into the pri.son os and all pris. before they be released shall discharge their charges for food and attendance, and such as are not able to provide for themselves, shall be allowed only bread and water. "^ In 1659, Mr. Wilson "is apoynted to gett locks to secure the prison & what is wanting else to make ye doors as guardian of Jacob Leatherland, insane, sold the property, and it was purchased by Daniel Clark, Feb. 21, 1872 (855: 157). It is now owned by his son, Philip E. Clark, whose cabinet shop and undertaker's establish- ment occupies the site of the old house. We observed that Jonathan Pulcifer purchased the next lot in 1718, when the Samuel Dutch property was divided into house lots, and another in 1724. He seems to have owned a continuous frontage to the corner now occupied by Miss Sarah P. Caldwell's residence. His heirs apparently sold the house now owned by Theodore H. Howe to Richard Lakeman, May 14, 1796 (176: 263). He sold to Daniel Lakeman (176: 263), and Daniel transferred to Jane Gould, wife of Elisha Gould, Oct. 23, 1811 (196: 44). The Goulds sold to Elizabeth Fuller, Nov. 23, 1827 (246: 194), and Reuben Daniels sold it to Chas. H. Howe, May 16, 1867 (726: 63). Bickford Pulcifer sold Jonathan Lakeman, a house and six square rods of land on Annable 's Lane, surrounded by his land, Dec. 28, 1769 (158: 72). He acquired the next lot which was owned or occupied in 1745 by Solomon Lakeman (87: 169), and in 1793, March 11, he bought of Bick- ford Pulcifer, the land that fronts on County street, then known as Dutch's lane, and later as Cross street, and extended back of the lots on Annable 's lane. His heirs by mutual quitclaims divided his estate. His daughter Margaret, wife of Jedediah Chapman, received the house next to the Howe COUNTY STREET, WEST SIDE. 441 property (266: 280 June 23, 1832), and it is still owned by the Cliapnian heirs. His daughter Abigail, wife of Daniel Jewett, had possession of the adjoining house and land, since purchased by the heirs of Capt. Sylva- nus Caldwell. The land on ('ounty street was quitclaimed to Lydia, wife of Isaac B. Shepard of Salem (266: 129). The corner lot of the Dutch-Muzzey grant was bought, as was remarked, in 1718, by Samuel Harris. He sold it to Joseph Bennett, May 8, 1723 (42: 152). Bennett built a residence and occupied it until his death. Sam- uel Ross Jr., one of the heirs, sold a third of a third part of the house and land to Joseph Lakeman Ross, Dec. 15, 1789 (151: 64), and he, with Mary, his wife and Mary Bennett, spinster, conveyed the property to Daniel Holland, Oct. 10, 1796 (161: 68). He sold to Aaron Perkins, April 13, 1802 (170: 271), who transferred it to Capt. Sylvanus Caldwell, March 12, 1818 (217: 41). His daughter, Miss Sarah P. Caldwell, still occupies the comfortable old mansion. Samuel Dutch received from his father, Robert Dutch, about a quarter of an acre, in 1676 (Ips. Deeds 5: 193). He bought the remainder of the lot in 1683, Dec. 12 (Ips. Deeds 5: 231), and as this deed mentions that the new purchase adjoined his homestead, it seems that he had built a dwell- ing prior to this date. We mentioned that in 1718 he sold his land in small building lots and mortgaged his house. The mortgagees sold it after Dutch's death to Anthony Attwood (40: 76). Attwood sold to Capt. Stephen Perkins (51 : 278), and his executors conveyed it to Henry Morris, Jan. 20, 1733 (81: 53). Morris sold to Richard Lakeman, Nov. 20, 1745 (87: 169) and Lakeman to Bickford Pulcifer, March 18, 1761 (110: 34). Pulcifer sold a quarter acre lot with the house, etc., to Nathaniel Perley, Feb. 23, 1774 (132: 193). Benjamin Dutch bought it of Perley, May 8, 1778 (147: 242) and sold to John Dutch, May 27 (137: 202). John Dutch conveyed it to Dr. John Manning, July 30, 1783 (148: 80) who sold it to Rev. Ebenezer Dutch of Boxford, Feb. 12, 1788 (147: 124). The Rev. Ebenezer sold to his fellow clergyman. Rev. Levi Frisbie, Pastor of the First church. June 11, 1788 (147: 242) and in his hands, this property, which had been so long in swift transition, remained in quiet use as a parsonage for many years. He removed or took down the old house and erected the present dwelling. Mr. Frisbie began to preach as a colleague with Rev. Nathaniel Rogers in 1775, and was installed Feb. 7, 1776. If he began his housekeeping when he purchased the house, the new parsonage was the scene of a great sorrow, as his young wife died on Aug. 21, 1778, after an illness of only six days, in the thirty-first year of her age. He continued in the pastorate thirty years and died Feb. 25, 1806, having received Rev. David Tenney Kimball as a colleague. His widow, Mehitable, daughter of Rev. Moses Hale of Newbury, whom he married in 1780, survived him many years. She died in 1828, and be- queathed her estate to her niece Hannah, and nephew Joseph Hale (Pro. Rec. 406: 493). Joseph Hale sold it to Charles Bamford, March 2, 1842 (329: 287) and it remains in the possession of his son, Charles W. Bamford. The old house has been enlarged and changed. 442 IPSWICH, I\ THE MASSACHUSETT.S ISAY COLOXY. Daniel Denison. (Diagram 3.) The third block in this square was owned by Major Daniel Denison in 1G48, as appears from the deed of the Matthew Whipple propert}^ to Robert Whitman (Ips. Deeds 1: 43). But he sold his earlier house near the mill on the two acre tract now occupied by Mr. J. J. Sullivan, Dr. Bailey and others, on Jan. 19, 1641 (Town Records), to Humphrey Griffin, and it is very probable tliat he acquired this lot and built his house near that date. His house was probably on or near the site of the residence of tlie late W. H. Graves. It was destroyed by an incendiary fire May 3, 1665, which was suspected to be the act of a woman servant, who was charged with stealing from Denison, and was sentenced to be whipped ten stripes for lying about it. A new house was erected, and here he lived until his death Sept. 20, 1682, at the age of seventy. His will subscribed "manu propria scripsi, Daniel Denison," with the inventory appended, is of especial interest. The inventory lacks that detail which is often found, and fails to give us a satisfying view of the various rooms of his mansion, but it is worth our notice. It was made on the 17th of October, 1682.' INVENTORY. Clothes, linnen and w^oollen Arms and horse furniture 6 Beds with furniture 7 doz" of napkins 6£ 8s talile cloths 3£ To wells 6s etc. Sheets 46£ 7s chayres 3£ cushens 1£ 10s carpetts 1£ 5s pillow beers 3£ stooles 16s tables 4£ 7s Trunkes & chests 5£ 6s cuberd cloth 1£ 10s etc Dog-cob irons, brasse cobirons, tongs, fire-shovell, back for chimney, trammells, jacke, frying pan, spitts, bellows & other cobirons 10-16-0 Basketts and hatchett 14s a long candlestick 14s a cup board 8s 1-16-0 boxes and cases with bottles, 1£ 13s looking glass with other small things 12s box-irons 8s warming pans 18s earthen ware 18s yarne 1£ 5s 204 yds of linnen cloth 30£ woolen cloth 2£ 14s Spinning wheels & woole 1£ brazen ware 4£ iron ware wooden ware books 3£ 10s The Dwelling house, orchard and out housing A farm at Chebacco^ New England moneyes Plate 1 Ips. Deeds 4: 504-6. 2 Now owned by Dr. Vickery, at Argill;i. £ 33 - 15 - - 12 - 8 - - 41 - - - 10 - 5 - - 50 - 17 - - 9 - 8 - - 7 - 12 - - 2 - 5 - 2 _ 4 - 33 - 19 - - 160 - - - 700 - - - 392 - - - 20 - 7 - - SOUTH MAIN STREF.T, KAST SIDK. 443 His daugliter Elizalieth married Rev. John Rogers, who became Presi- dent of Harvard College. She inherited tlie homestead, and sold it to her son, Daniel Rogers, then teacher of the Grammar School, Jan. 18, 1708-9 (21: 102). He wa.s graduated at Harvard College in 1686, was Representative in 1716, and became a Justice of the Quarter Sessions and General Sessions Courts. He served the town as Town Cleric and Physi- cian. Returning from Salisbury where he had been holding Court, he lost his way in a blinding snowstorm, Dec. 1, 1723, and strayed out on the marshes, wliere he perished. His gravestone in the old burying ground recites tiie sorrowful story in a long and graphic Latin inscription.' His son, Daniel, minister of Littleton, sold thcancestral property April 26, 1759, to Capt. Xatlianiel Treadwell (177: 132), and it is to be noticed that the Denison mansion had disappeared at that time. The deed describes the property as an acre and a half of pasture land. It was inherited by Jacob Treadwell, son of Nathaniel, and liis heirs sold it to Nathaniel Lord 3d, familiarly known as "Squire Lord," Aug. 10, 1815 (208: 111). The heirs of Nathaniel Lord Jr. sold it to John Perkins, April 28, 1855 (571: 257), and when it came into his possession, it remained of the exact size of the original Denison estate, except a triangular piece, fourteen feet on County street, and ninety feet on his line, which Jacob Treadwell had sold to John Dutch, March 9, 1779 (147: 242). Mr. Perkins built the house now owned by his heirs, and sold a piece abutting on the Barn- ford property to James M. Wellington, Dec. 25, 1858 (583: 169). Mr. Wellington moved a mill building, erected by Mr. Hoyt near the dam of the upper mill on South Main street for veneer-sawing, and located it on this site, wliere it was occupied in part as a residence by Mr. Wellington and in part as a slioe factory. Mr. William H. Graves purchased the corner and erected his residence (636: 222). A stitching shop, which stood near the dwelling, was removed to a lot near the WelUngton building a few years since, and converted into a dwelling now owned and occupied by George A. Schofield. The school-house was built in 1848, on the site of an ancient gambrel roofed building, that had been used as a school house for many years. COL'NTY STREET AND SOUTH MAIN STREET. The Great Bridge. Hy grant of the Town. Thomas Wells had a house lot of an acre and a half on the further side of the river "near the foot-bridge" with the house lot of John Proctor, north, and that of Samuel Yoimglove, south, on the east and west compassed in by the Town River. Tliis was recorded in 1635. At that time there was no cart-bridge over the river. All wheeled Aehicles and horses forded the stream. There was no privilege of apiiroach to the river apparently near the old Choate Bridge. If the ' Felt 's History of Ipswich, p. 202. 444 IP8WICH, IX THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. foot-bridge were located on the site of the present Damon's Mill, where the little island in the river would have made a very favorable location, approach to it from the south would have been by the two rod way by the side of the Cove, v/hich was always open to the public. The original grant to Proctor and Wells, bounded by the river east and west, would not have prevented this right of approach. But the road from the corner where the Meeting-House of the South Church stands, to the river-bank near the saw-mill, was opened in a few years. Examination of early deeds of conveyance of the Proctor, Wells and Younglove lots, reveals plainly that they had their frontage on County St. and the houses were near this thor- oughfare As early as 1641 (Dec. 3) record was made, "agreed that what was due to the workmen for the new Bridge, before the late repairs thereof, and also what is due for the late repairs, sliall be paid by the next rate, the total of which sums amounts unto 10-1 1-S." Again it was recorded (Dec. 29, 1642) that the ToA\ai will "pay to Mr. Symonds xxiiis, viiid due to him, viz. for one day carting to the new bridge, and for one day for his servant, Edward Bragg (carting for the bridge with the Captain's team) VIS, viiid." The latter bridge was probably on the Argilla road, as Sy- monds and Denison, alluded to as the Captain, both owned farms on that road, and Bragg occupied the Argilla farm, and "the Bridge over the Creek near to Mr. Symonds his house," is alluded to in 1647. "Goodwife Haffield 's bridge ' ' is also mentioned in that year. But on the 4th of Janu- ary 1646-47, "the names of such as promise carting voluntary toward the Cart Bridge, besides the rate a 2 days work a piece, ' ' were entered in full in the Town Record. This is the first definite allusion to a bridge for wheeled vehicles, and it occupied the site of the old Stone Bridge. Forty pounds sterling were appropriated. Mr. William Payne, John Whipple and Richard Jacob were chosen a building committee. On March 11, 1647, the work was so far advanced, that it was "Ordered that the Surveyors shall take care to make good the passage at both ends of the Cart Bridge, sufficient for passages of horse and carts soe soon as [ ] Carpenters have made it capable." Thomas Wells's house lot reached from the Cove to the River, adjoin- ing Proctor's, on the south side of the new Bridge. On the 7th of February 1647-48, the Town "Granted unto Thomas Wells 3 acres of marsh, . . . in consideration of the ground the Townie took from him for the Country highway to the Mill Bridge. ' ' In the record of the Town Meeting on Feb. 22, 1649-50, memorandum was made that "Thomas Clark is possessed of a psell of ground at the end of the To^vne, . . . granted him in exchange of a lott that lies att the Bridge foot, wch he bought of William Fuller. ' ' This was on the north side. These land damages establish conclusively that the original Cart Bridge was on this spot. It was "near the Mill," and so was sometimes called the "Mill Bridge." In 165.5, some repairs were needed, and the Town "agreed with John Andrews Jr., to bring so many sufficient rayles to the Bridge-foot, as will cover the Bridge over the River, neare the mill, for the sum of £3. " JZ) I a J '• V, ^ SOUTH MAIN" STRKET, EAST SIDE. 445 It has been imderstnod by some that alhision is here made to a foot- bridge, which was near the miU. But the expression "bridge-foot' ' means the approach to the liridge. The expression is a common one in the Town Records, e. g. Isaiah Wood's district as road surveyor in 1678, was from "the foot of the To^^^l Bridge to the turning of the liigliway on this side Wind-mill hill." In 1764, the old bridge was found too narrow by six or eight feet for the increased travel, and a new one twenty feet wide was planned by the Town. The language of the Record indicates that some changes were made in the original plans, after the building or rebuilding began. It was proposetl that two abutments already built be extended into the River not exceeding three feet, and that not less than twenty-eight or more than thirty feet be left between the abutments and the central pier. Application was made to the County to bear half the expense. The Court coincided in "the necessity of a thorough rebuilding" and decided that it was best to move the abutments so as to leave aljout sixty-eight feet between them. The substantial Stone Bridge was built forthwith at a cost of £996 10s. 6Jd. This sum was allowed "excepting the Com- mittee's extraordinary charge for Care and Trouble etc." There was a suspicion of a mild "graft" apparently, which was indignantly repelled by the Committee. Col. John Choate's account was scaled to £13-6s-8d, whereupon he gave his services without charge. Aaron Potter received ten shillings. Joseph Appleton Esq. received £20 for measuring rocks, keeping and settling accounts, paying and receiving money etc. Capt. Isaac Smith and Mr. John Appleton were refused any compensations. Col. Choate 's name was associated with the bridge, and he was proba bly the moving party in the great undertaking. The tale that his horse was tethered near by, when the wooden arches were removed, that he might mount and ride if the popular belief that the bridge would not stand was realized, may be consigned to the limbo of idle traditions. Even a suspi- cion of such a casualty is a libel on the intelligence of our highly cultured Town. Col. Choate was one of the Judges of the General Sessions Court. Aftej- his death, the Court ordered in Sept. 1792, that ' 'the County Treasu rer shall procure the word' 'Choate ' 'to be engraved before the word Bridge, on the corner stone of the Bridge over the Ipswich River. ' ' The Iiridge has been widened on the eastern side, l)ut the western parapet and the central pier have probably never I)een disturbed. John Proctor. (Diagram 4.^ John Proctor .sold his house and lot, abutting on the Ri\er tcnvax'd the north and the house lot of Thomas Wells toward the .south, on the 6th day, 3d month, 1647, to Thomas Firman, merchant (Ips. Deeds 1 : 23, 24"). Fir- man died the next year, and in his inventory, "the house that was Good- man Proctor's," was apprai.sed at £1S 10s. 10 2nd nu). 1648 (Ips. Deeds 1" 46). It was a small and cheap house, ha.stily built, in all probability. J7) I a o •• a- Vv-» A/> ^ SOUTH MAIN" STRKET, F:AST SIDK. 445 It has been vmdersttiod by some tliat allusion is iicre made to a foot- bridge, which was near tlie mill. Hut the expression "l)ridge-foot ' ' means the approach to the bridge. The expression is a common one in the Town Records, e. g. Isaiah Wood's district as road surveyor in 1G7S, was from "the foot of the Town Bridge to the turning of the highway on this side Wind-mill hill." Ill 17G1, 11h> old bridge was found too narrow bj- six or eight feet for the increased travel, and a new one twenty feet wide was planned by the Town. The language of the Record indicates that some changes were made in the original plans, after the building or rebuilding Ijegan. It was proposed that two abutments already built be extended into the River not exceeding three feet, and that not less than twenty-eight or more than thirty feet be left between the abutments and the central pier. Application was made to the County to bear half the expense. The Court coincided in "the necessity of a thorough rebuilding" and decided that it was best to move the abutments so as to leave about sixty-eight feet between them. The sub.stantial Stone Bridge was built forthwith at a cost of £996 10s. 6jd. This sum was allowed "excepting tlie Com- mittee's extraordinary charge for Care and Trouble etc." There was a suspicion of a mild "graft" apparently, which was indignantly repelled by the Connnittee. Col. John Choate's account was scaled to £13-6s-Sd, whereupon he gave his services without charge. Aaron I'otter received ten shillings. Joseph Appleton Esq. received £20 for measuring rocks, keeping and settling accounts, paying and receiving money etc. Capt. Isaac Smith and Mr. John Appleton were refused any compensations. Col. Choate's name w^as associated with the bridge, and he was probably the moving party in the great vmdertaking. The tale that his horse was tethered near by, when the wooden arches were removed, that he might mount and ride if the popular belief that the bridge would not stand was realized, may be consigned to the limbo of idle traditions. Even a suspi- cion of such a casualtv is a libel on the intelligence of our highly cultured Town. Col. Choate was one of the Judges of the General Sessions Court. Aftei- his death, the Court ordered in Sept. 1792, that ' 'the County Treasu rer shall procure the w'ord"Clioate"to be engraved before the word Bridge, on the corner stone of the Bridge over the Ipswich River. " Tiie bridge has been widened on the eastern side, l)ut the western parapet and the central pier iiave probal^ly never been disturbed. John Proctor. (Diagram 4.'> John Proctor sold his house and lot, abutting on the River toward the north and the house lot of Thomas Wells toward the .south, on tlie 6th day, 3d month, 1647, to Thomas Firman, merchant (Ips. Deeds 1 : 23, 24). Fir- man died the next year, and in his inxentory, "the house that was Good- man Proctor's," was appraised at £18 10s. 10 2nd mo. 1648 (Ips. Deeds 1' 46). It was a small and cheap house, ha.stily built, in all probability. 446 IP8WICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Cows were valued at £6 a piece, and a liovise worth no more than three cows was of a very ordinary sort. Ralph Dix bought the Proctor homestead of George Palmer, with house and bam, 4-8-1651 (Ips. Deeds 1 : 89). He sold it to Ezekiel Wood- ward, March 20, 1661 (Ips. Deeds 2: 140). Ezekiel Woodward, then of Wenham, sold Shoreborne Willson a half acre, "near the bridge which now standetli over the said river," "which half acre lyeth in corner of my house lot, towards the northwest and is bounded on the end or front toward the west with the Common (i. e. the public highway) where the bredth of this parcel of land extendeth from the northwest corner seven rods or poles towards the south southwest upon a straight line, and there is bounded by a stake," Oct. 10, 1672 (Ips. Deeds 3: 285). Seven rods from the river bank include the sites of the old mansions of Mr. Warren Boynton and Mr. Samuel N. Baker, and it is evident that neither of these, nor any building whatever was on this spot at this date. Incidentally we learn where Woodward's house was. Liberty was granted Cornet Wliipple in 1673, ' 'to sett up a fulling mill at the smaller falls, near Ezekiel Woodward 's house." It was on the other end of the lot, near the old highway, and thus near the falls. Woodward sold his house and the rest of the lot to John Hubbard, Jan. 28, 1679 (Ips. Deeds 4: 305). John Hubbard (of Bo.ston) divided the property. The house and a part of the lot, bounded on the southeast by "the Common near the river by the little falls," he sold to Nathaniel Rust Sen. (Ips. Deeds 5:136) and on the same day, tlie remainder to Shore- borne Wilson, "near the Great Bridge" bounded by the highway, he calls "the great highway," northwest, and by a way a rod wide, which he reserved through the whole lot from County St. to South Main St., on the southeast, and abutting on the half acre, Wilson had already bought of Ezekiel Woodward, April 3, 1685 (Ips. Deeds 5: 182). This lane, a rod wide, is the germ of the present Elm Street. On this lot, Shoreborne Wilson built his house, the present Baker mansion in its original form, and it was erected sometime between 1685 and 1692, as on P'eb. 28th of that year he sold his son, John Wilson, a part of his houselot, adjoining his "homestead," on the corner of Elm and South Main Sts., with five rods thirteen feet frontage on the latter, with house, shops, etc. (9: 287) and he sold John Lane his house and land, Feb. 14, 1694 (11: 39). John Lane sold the Shoreborne Wilson house to Ed- ward Bromfield and Francis Burroughs of Boston, by a mortgage deed that was not discharged, Nov. 19, 1697 (12: 167), and they .sold to Col. Samuel Appleton, Dec. 17, 1702 (15: 109). Col. Appleton was the eldest son of Major Samuel Appleton. He removed to Lynn, probably about 1663, as in that year John Paine of Boston, son of William Paine, his grand- father, conveyed to him the Iron-works and appurtenances in Lynn, as an equivalent of the legacy of £1500, bequeathed him by Mr. Paine (Ips. Deeds 2: 182). He had transferred the title of the Iron- works Farm, called Hamorsmith Farm, to his father, Major Samuel, prior to 1688, and the Major sold it to James Taylor of Boston, Feb. 15, 1688 (9: 5) and Samuel I Col. Samuel Appleton house. Page 446. The Ross Tavern. Page 448. SOUTH MAIN STREKT, EAST SIDE. 447 Appleton Jr., "now or late of Lyii" coiifiriiied llic title, Dec. 26, 1089 (9:6). He re.sunied re.sidence in Ipswich about tliis time evidently. He served in the expedition to Qnehee in 1690 as Major and went as a Com- missioner to Quebec in 1706, to bring home the prisoners of war held by the French. He returned to Boston, Nov. 21, with the Rev. Mr. William.s of Deerfield and fifty-six other redeemed captives. In 1707, he commanded a regiment in the unsuccessful expedition to Port Royal. He was ac- tively engaged in large business enterprises, and important public duties. He died in his Ipswich dwelling on Oct. 30, 1725, in the seventy-first year of his age. His gra\ e is marked by a stately monument in the old Hur>'ing- ground. His son, Samuel Appleton, merchant, of Boston, inherited his estate. He died in London and his pecuniary affairs were left in an embarrassed condition. Jasper Waters and Jasper Waters Jr., of London, Gt. liritain, linen drapers, brought suit against Giles DuLake Tidmarsh of Boston, the surviving partner in business of Mr. Appleton and his executor, to recover £1800, 8s. Id. damages, in the Superior Court of Judicature at Boston. An execution was levied on his e.state, and the farm, bequeathed him l)y his father, his dwelling and other lands, were transferred to the attorney of the London drapers, about .A.pril 2, 1781 (97: 87). The will of Samuel Appleton, "shopkeeper" approved Nov. 2.3. 1725, bequeathed "the southerly end of the house I now live in, that is, the Parlor and Chamber over it, and Garrott, the Seller under it and Lento behind it, ' ' with a third of the garden and orchard to his widow, Eliza- beth (Pro. Rec. 315: 307-9). She became the wife of Rev. Edward Pay- son of Rowley. She conveyed her equity in the dwelling and her dowrj' in the estate of her late luisband to the attorney of Jasper Waters (54: 267; 58: 56), and he sold the mansion, ware-house, bam, and land, bounded by John Harris, southwest, the River, northeast, Joseph Bumham, southeast, to Lsaac Fitts, a hatter, Sept. 20, 1734 (71 : 131). Evidence of a shop still remains in the southwest room, with its small wintlow, and low door open- ing conveniently into it Isaac Fitts sold John Appleton 3d, a part of the lot on the south side, forty-five feet on the street, on which he erected a hou.se, 24 March 1734 (72:217). He sold a lot on the other corner "near the .southerly abutment of the Town Bridge," bounded on the southwest by a line "lift, from the w-e.sterly corner of the house standing on said premises, thence rimning 4b. 20, 1843 (336: 25). The John Knowlton house and lot fell to Isaac Knowlton, son of John, and his widow, Mary, .sold to Robert Choate, July 1, 1758 (105: 171). Ja- bez Farley sold Thomas Hodgkins Jr., "the house and land which my grandfather, Robert Choate, purchased of Mary Knowlton," April 14, 1797 (161 : 217). It is said that Mr. Choate gave it to his daughter Eliza- beth, wife of Gen. Michael Farlej^ and mother of Jabez. Thomas Hodg- kins sold to Aaron Wallis, May 2, 1806 (178: 263), Wallis to Amos Jones, April 10, 1822 (233: 11) and the Jones heirs to John Caldwell, Nov. 8, 1852 (469: 168). John Caldwell Jr. sold the .\mos Jones homestead to AI)ra- ham Caldwell, who owned the adjoining property, April 25, 1856 (610:.30). He took down the old house, and sold his whole lot, with buildings to Mr. John Heard Aug. 3, 1864 (675: 276). In 1866, the Town took a .strip of land, which included the site of the old Jones homestead. The old Meeting House, then used as a Town Hall, was removed to the center of the lot, and remodelled and enlarged. Samuel Yoimglove Jr., sold another house lot, six rods square,"at the southwest corner of his pasture, and joining to old Goodman Younglove's land upon the .south side," to Nathaniel Brown, "sope-boyler, " Dec. 26, 1671 (Ips. Deeds 3 : 247). Younglove .sold his dwelling (formerly of Thomas Wells), and two acres of land to George Hartt, cooper,.\pril 16, 1696(11: 92). The lot was bounded by Elm St. and "ye highway that leads down from ye school-house to ye house Woodward lived m" (the old John Proctor house) "also his privilege ye breadth of ye said land ag.iinst sd. way on ye other side of said way, do\vn to ye River, with an interest sd. Samuel hath in ye wharf betwixt said way and ye River. " The lots which abutted on County St. had a privilege in the narrow .strip lietween the Road and the Cove. It will be noted that the Y(ninglove- Wells 452 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. house was on County St., which harmonizes with the description, "near the foot-bridge," in the original record. Deferring, for the present, furtlier consideration of the County St. side of the Samuel Younglove lot, the lot sold to Nathaniel Brown and other lots on South Main St. will be studied. The soap-boiler, Nathaniel Brown, built a barn and sold his land and barn to Deacon William Good- hue, April ], 1673 (Ips. Deeds 3: 252). Deacon Goodhue sold to Thomas Perrin, Feb. 10, 1691-2 (Ips. Deeds 5: 575). Perrin sold eight rods on the street to Joseph Abbe, the blacksmith, whose dwelling was on the other side of the street, August 30, 1731 (64: 207). Perrin removed to Rowley and sold the house he had built, to Henry Wise, x\pril 10, 1733 (69: 99). Wise was the son of Rev. John Wise of Chebacco. He and his brotlier, Major Anuni Ruhami Wise, both had their homes in this neighborhood, and had an important place in the business affairs of the Town. Mr. Wise mortgaged his house and land to the widow Mary Storer of Boston, "a house in Ipswich in which I now dwell, ' ' Oct. 3, 1765 (116 : 77). Eben- ezer Storer of Boston and others sold to Charles Hall Jr. , mariner, ' ' all the estate in Ipswich which belonged to Mary Storer, deceased, and was for- merly the estate of Henry Wise, ... a lot of land on which formerly stood the house of said Henry Wise," Sept. 13, 1800 (170: 207). Charles Hall conveyed this lot, from which the dwelMng had disappeared, to the widow Mary Hall and others, Oct. 29, 1819 (222: 28). The same parties sold the land ' ' with the store thereon, ' ' to Eunice HaskeU, wife of Mark Haskell, March 1, 1825 (236: 259). The property came to Abraham Caldwell, and he changed the roof of the present dwelling from a hip to a pitch roof. He sold to Mr. John Heard as has just been stated. Samuel Younglove. (Diagram 4.) Samuel Younglove Sr. received the grant of the third lot. He sold his grant in several parcels. He sold his house, and an acre of land to Deacon William Goodhue, May 20, 1669 (Ips. Deeds 3: 163) and the Dea- con's son, Deacon Joseph, sold the same to Isaac Fellows Jr., June 16, 1694 (10: 9). The heirs of Samuel Younglove Sr. quitclaimed to Ephraim Fellows, May 9, 1702 (41 : 22) . Rev. John Wise bought of Ephraim Fellows a good double house, shop and dyehouse and sold to Dr. Samuel Wallis, reserving twenty rods at the south corner, on which were a shop and dye- house, Nov. 20, 1713 (26: 229). Dr. Wallis's house is remembered in its decav by the older people, between the Abraham Caldwell house, and the Sally Choate house, near the latter. By his will, the widow received the southeast end of the house as her dower, and his eldest daughter, Sarah, wife of Nathaniel Rust, the northwest end (1749 Pro. Rec. 329: 62). The widow, Sarah Rust, sold to John Heard, "the southwest half of the house she lived in," Dec. 4, 1794 (191: 207) and the administrator of Dr. WalHs Rust sold liis right in the northeast half to Mr. Heard, July 5, 1794(191: 208). Mr. Heard sold half the house to Nathan Foster, July 30, 1795 SOUTH MAIN STREET, NORTH SIDE. 453 (159: 2G9). Nathan Foster mortgaged to Mass. Bank, "half his, by inheritance from his father, half purchased from his brother Samuel, Dec. 18, 179S," Dec. 13, 1814 (205: 230). William Dodge sold James H. Fester, half the house, by virtue of a deed to himself from the Bank (205: 230), Jan. 29, 1820 (229: 2.59). James H. acquired the other half by purchase from Nathaniel P. Ru.st of Salem, Jan. 0, 1844 (341 : 94). It has been .said that Reginald Foster was once the owner, but these deeds show that the Foster ownership was late in its history. The fine old mansion, one of the most striking in its architectural plan, which was ever built in the Town, was purchased by Mr. Augustine Heard, in its decrepit condition and torn down, June 27. 1862 (640: 82). It was remarked that Sarah, wife of Nathaniel Rust, inherited the northwest end of the house in 1749. She sold a house lot to \Mlliam Apple- ton, March 25, 1766 (121: 142). He built a house in which he lived and died. In the division of his estate, in 1808, "the late dwelling of the de- ceased," was assigned to his daughter Sarah Choate (Pro. Rec. 378: 179). The substantial, gambrel roofed dwelling, built about 1766, is still called the "Sally Choate house." It has been associated -with Henry Wise, but he never had any ownership in it. It was sold by her heirs to Mr. John Heard, June 26, 1866 (707: 3) and is now included in the Heard estate. Rev. John Wise sold the small lot, he had reserved, to his son, Anmii Ruhami, with a shop and dye house to be removed, Dec. 31, 1713 (27: 62). Wise sold to John Stacey, Oct. 18, 1714(27: 174), Stacey, then of Gloucester, to Emerson Cogswell, Feb. 18, 1722 (39: 145). Cogswell built a house and barn but disposed of them to Henry Wise, Sept. 1, 1752 (98: 119). \\ise sold to Abraham Knowlton Jr., March 6, 1754 (108: 67), but Knowlton did not pay the mortgage, and Wise sold it to Daniel Heard Jr., Aug. 13, 1762 (114: 127). Daniel Heard transferred to John Wainwright, Aug. 13, 1762 (110: 245), Wamwright to Benjamin Dutch, Jan. 20, 1764(113: 102), Dutch to Col. Isaac Dodge, July 24, 1764 (115: 68) and Dodge to Thomas Walley of Boston, Aug. 9, 1764 (115: 37). At last a permanent owner for this peripatetic property was found, and it was not till 1793 tiiat Mr. Walley sold to Oliver and Sarah Appleton, March 15 (158: 14). John H. Clark and others, devisees of Sarah Appleton and Harriet Appleton sold to the South Parish, the lot on which the Vestry was built, Feb. 23, 1853 (474: 279) and June 30, 1857 (623: 17). The old house had then disappeared. The Vestry and land were sold to John Heard Esq., when the South Meeting House was remodelled, in 1885. The Vestr>' was re- moved to Hammatt St. and made a dwelling. A lot measuring three quarters of an acre was sold by old Goodman Younglove to Deacon Thomas Knowlton Sr., Dec. 26, 1671 (Ips. Deeds 3: 200). He built a house, and by deed of gift, 3 Dec. 1688, transferred it to Thomas Knowlton cordwainer and now Senior, "ye now dwelling house of said Thomas Senior." The Knowltons, Senior and Junior, deeded to Joseph Califfe, clothier, a house, two barns and shop and an acre of land, Feb. 8, 1697-8 (13:8). John Calef Esq. sold to John Ueard, Gent, "the house where I now dwell also a certain machine to 454 IPSWICH, IX THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. weigh hay standmg near the Rev. Mr. Dana's meeting house," March 2, 1777 (135: 264). This weighing machine was a cumbrous affair. The wagon and its load were lifted from the ground by a powerful lever,operated bv weights attached to the other end. Fifty-six pound iron weights, with a ring to facilitate handling, were in use for various purposes fifty years ago. These were probably the hay scale weights, forty of which would make a long ton. About a hundred years ago, the present Heard mansion was built, and the old residence was removed to the corner of the Heard land on Poplar St. and sold to Samuel Caldwell. The lot on which the Meeting House of the South Parish stands was conveyed by Younglove to Deacon William Goodhue, though the deed can not be found. Goodhue sold a house, barn and an acre of land to Nathan- iel Rust, June 2, 166.5 (Ips. Deeds 4: 496). Nathaniel Rust, glover, sold his house, shop and barn, also "ye work house on ye other side of the way, betwixt said way and the river or Cove, ' ' to Capt. Daniel Ringe and Thomas Norton, his sons-in-law, March 9, 1710 (23: 76). Daniel Ringe disposed of his interest to Ammi Ruhami Wise, and the lot is described as "by the School House Green, so called," Nov. 4, 1723 (41:264). Norton sold to him, Sept. 10, 1723 (41 : 265). The heirs of Ammi R. Wise quitclaimed to Daniel Wise, July 11, 1749 (115: 139), and he conveyed five sixths of the messuage, to Samuel Rogers, June 19, 17.50 (101: 211). Rev. Augustine Caldwell states that Madam Rogers kept a school for young ladies that was in great repute. Hannah Rogers, administratrix of Samuel, sold half the ' house,nier dower, to John Heard, Oct. 27, 1784 (145: 50) and in the account of the estate, rendered Aug. 5, 1776 (Pro. Rec. 352: 106), credit is given for half the mansion sold to Mr. Heard. He sold the house and land to Ammi and Michael Brown, Aug. 20, 1810 (191: 97). The executors of Michael Brown sold his interest to Daniel Cogswell and others, Oct. 1829 (254:255). The Ammi Brown interest was purchased and transfer was made by Daniel Cogswell and others to the Committee of the South Parish, Nov. 28, 1836 (296: 11). The Meeting House was built in 1837 and dedicated Jan. 1, 1838. The old Meeting House, built in 1747, stood directly in front of the present building, though the road way passed between it and the dwelling house. The Brown dwelling was removed and is now the residence of Mr. Henry Brown on County Road. Several houses have disappeared on County St. below the Meeting House. Daniel Wise .sold a quarter acre, just in the rear of the Meeting House, to Samuel Swasey, Aug. 14, 1742 (84: 57). Swasey probably built the house which came into possession of Capt. Gideon Parker, a famous Revolutionary hero of later days. Parker sold to George Stacey, Dec. 3, 1764 (112: 250); Stacey, then of Marblehead, sold to Joseph Wells, and Capt. Parker was stiU the tenant, Nov. 24, 1766 (117: 199). Wells sold to Solomon Giddings Jr., and this deed specifies that besides the house and land, there was included a piece of land on the shore of the Cove, granted to Ammi R. Wise, with the wharf and buildings thereon, April 9, 1771 (129: 121). Solomon Giddings sold to Col. Isaac Dodge, and he calls the lot on the other side, ' 'the shipyard lot, ' ' sixteen square rods, May 6, 1785 SOUTH MAIN STREET AND ELM STREET. 455 (144: 222). Priscilla Dodge inherited and conveyed to her brother, Nathan- iel, liouse lot and shipyard, Aug. 13, 1787 (14S: 90). Dodge sold half the house to Thomas Gaines, May 19, 1788(207: 214); Thomas Gaines, miller, to Thomas Hurnham, Oct. 23, 1817 (213: 213), and Thomas Burnham to John Wade Jr., April 15, 1819 (221: 7). John Wade sold to Augustine Heard, July 1, 1847 (385: 158) and Sept. 21, 1848 (357: 1G4), who took down the old house. Below this house and lot, Isaac P'itts of Newbury, hatter, sold "an old dwelling house, ' ' and a quarter acre to his son John, a leather dresser by trade, and a ten rod lot on the Cove, "bounded northeast upon the landing place known as Rust's wharf," Aug. 20, 1737 (79: 185). This old house was, perhaps, the dwelling of Samuel Younglove Jr. and, it may be, of Thomas Wells. Thomas Hart sold John P'itts Jr. part of the old George Hart homestead, Feb. 12, 1756 (119: 134). Nathaniel Fitts con- veyed his half of the homestead to Aaron Fitts, April 5, 1789 (151: 247). Aaron Fitts sold to Nathaniel Baker, Nov. 6, 1794(1.58: 196); Baker to Enoch Pearson, the land on the other side always being included, April 14. 1795 (159: 89). Lemuel Pearson inherited, and is remembered as the occu- pant. Pearson sold under certain conditions part of his garden to Joseph Farley, president of the Ipswich Manufacturing Co., for the purpose of making a canal through the same from the river above the dam, Aug. 12, 1835 (319: 149); but this scheme never materialized. The Pearson home- stead was sold by Samuel Kinsman to Augustine He:ird May 9, 1857 (.555: 51) and the land was cleared of buildings. .\nother house is remembered on the corner of County and Elm Sts. Samuel Younglove. we haA'e already stated, sold his house and two acres to George Hart, and privilege on the Cove, April 16, 1696 (11 : 92). Thomas Hart sold half the house and a half acre to Abraliam Choate, May 13, 1757 (103: 246). Choate .sold the same to Col. Isaac Dodge and two thirds of the saw-mill on Little Falls, Feb. 6, 1772 (130: 43). Col. Isaac Dodge sold to Abraham Dodge, Jan. 7, 1779 (145: 82), and the executor of Abraham Dodge to Nathaniel Dodge,' May 1, 1789 (150: 147). Nathaniel Dodge bequeathed the half of a dwelling he had purchased of the executor of Abraham Dodge, with the old grist mill, to his brother Thomas Burnham 4th, and Rebecca, and his sister Mary Dodge, also the "shipyard" which he had bought of his sister, Priscilla, also the new grist mill and saw mill, "my father purchased of Abraham Choate and William Dodge," 1792 (Pro. Rec. 361 : 522). The administrator of Thomas Burnham sold this half of the house and land to Josiah Caldwell, and on the same day, Ebenezer Burnham and others sold the other half apparently, which had been the property of Dr. Joseph Manning, and had been sold, by his son, to Francis Cogswell in 1786 (156: 162), Aug. 13, 1833 (272: 163, 164). Josiah Caldwell had previously purchased of Sarah Choate and others, a house and lands west of the above, on Oct. 23. 1822 (242: 135) "being the same which were granted unto us l>y Margaret Tluirston, widow, and which were formerly purchased by John Appleton Jun. in two separate parcels, to wit, one parcel of Nathaniel Baker, June 3, 1791 (154:5), and 456 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. the other of Enoch Pearson, May 1, 1795 (161:115).'' John Appleton built the house and be(iueathed it to his sister, Margaret Thurston. Sarah Choate was John Appleton 's granddaughter. Josiah Caldwell's heirs sold the lot with the two houses to Augustine Heard, Jan. 24, 1865 (951:106). The ancient Burn ham dwelling, on the corner of Elm and County Streets, shared the fate of the other houses in this neighborhood, but the Appleton-Thurston house still stands. On the River Bank. The River Bank from the mill dam to the Bridge was wholly unoccu- pied and ungranted as late as 1693, except one small lot by the dam, which was occupied by Samuel Ordway's blacksmith shop. In March 1692-3, several persons petitioned "to have liberty granted them to build shops upon ye bank by ye river side, from the bridge toward Sam. Ardway's (or Ordway 's) shop. ' ' Accordingly the Selectmen laid out this stretch of land in twenty-three lots, ranging from thirty-six feet to eighteen feet in width, and granted them to as many individuals. It was stipulated by the Town that these lots were given ' ' provided that they make up the banck strong front to ye low water mark and no further into the River, and that they build or front up their several part.s within twelve months after this time, and that they build no further into the Street, than the Committee shall see fit, and that they cumber not the highway nor .stop the water in the street, but make provision for the water to run free into the river under such buildings, and also that each man's part be sett out, and that each person provide and make a good way by paving a way four foot wide all along before ye said buildings for the conveniency of foot travellers, and to have posts sett up upon the outside to keep off Teams from spoyling the same, and that it be done with stone, or if they use timber, must be purchased of others, if they have not of their owii timber. ' ' These rigo- ous conditions discoviraged the improvement of the lots. Some sold their lots, others seem to have reverted to the Town, and were granted to other parties. Joseph Fuller received a grant of the third lot from the Bridge, twenty- eight feet wide, and he may have built the house owned later by Nathaniel Fuller, which Nathaniel Knowlton of Haverhill quitclaimed to Nathaniel Fuller Jr., the house and barn, "joining the Town Bridge," Sept. 21, 1738 (77 : 90). But it was not until April 2, 1740, that Thomas Perrin grantee of the second lot sold to Fuller (80: 70). Fuller sold about half a rod of land to John Appleton, on which he built a carpenter's shop, which he sold to William Burnham, April 10, 1782 (147: 146). William Burnham sold his father, Thomas, a leather dresser's shop "at the foot of the Town Bridge, that he bought of John Appleton," April 3, 1788 (147 : 146). Judith Bum- ham, widow of Thomas, sold this to Daniel Burnham, Aug. 30, 1794 (158: 189). John Fitts had sold Daniel Burnham, a shop and land southwest of this, Aug. 24, 1793 (156: 242), which Jeremiah Fitts had conveyed to SOUTH MAIN STKEET. WEST SIDE. 457 him, Aug. 27, 1790 (lol: 283). Buniham sold liis sliop and land here to John Caldwell, Aug. 30, 1794 (1.5S: 1S9). Meanwhile the Fuller house had become the property of John Kim- hall, and he .sold out of the lot which remained to it, a four rod piece with a blacksmith sliop to Edward Stacey, March 4, 177S (135: 2.50), which Stacey conveyed to John Caldwell Jr., who already owned the abutting land, April 17, 1804 (173: 299). Eunice Caldwell, widow, sold this land and the store upon it to Samuel N. Baker, Feb. 24, 1820 (223: 151). Mr. Baker used the building for a carriage paint shop and other purposes. A small building is remembered on the river bank, much below the street level, adjoining the Bridge. Benjamin and Mark Newman bought of Mr. Baker and extended the building toward the Bridge, so that .some of the parapet wall was removed to make room for it. The John Kimball house was conveyed to Benjamin Kimball Jr., by the guardian of John, who had become insane, (Jet. 23, 1816. He erected the building now^ used as a clothing store by Mr. Baker, and in the chamber, Otis P. Lord, the eminent Judge, had his law office in his young manhood. He sold the house to Henry Potter, Nov. 9,1846 (374: 289), and the store to Samuel N. Baker, Dec. 15, 1847 (391: 283). The house was inherited by Mrs. Trow, and was purchased from her heirs by Mr. Samuel N. Baker. Lsaac Fitts, hatter, petitioned for forty feet on the River bank, adjoin- ing Fuller's land, in 1726, that he might set a dwelling thereon. This was granted provided he build within two years. He built at once, for Joseph Abbe asked the Town in 1727 to add twenty feet more of the river bank to his former grant, "the front to extend from the easterly corner in a straight line toward Isaac Fitts 's dwelling, which is the easterly corner of .said Abbe's shop." Fitts sold to Arthur Abbott, innholder, in 1733, his house, shop, half the well, and eight rods of land, "being partly a grant made to Capt. Daniel Ringe, the other to me by the Town," Oct. 12, 1733 (75: 200). Abbott sold to Cornelius Brown of Boxford, March 9, 1738 (75: 219). Daniel Brown of Cambridge sold to Daniel Badger, Nov. 1, 1760, boimded still by Lord and Fuller (111: 66). Mars' Badger, single- woman, sold her interest to Timothy Souther, Sept. 15, 1794 (157: 278). Timothy Souther conveyed his interest in the house, owned in common wnth other heirs of Daniel Badger, to Aaron Wallis, Feb. 1 1 . 1 799 ( 164 : 241), and April 4, 1800 (166: 198). Moses Wallis and Hannah of Salem, heirs of Badger, conveyed to Jacob Spofford, millwright, the interest purchased of Souther, Sept. 16, 1802 (170: 262). By the division of the estate, March 1803, Jacob Spofford had the southwest half in his own right, and his wife, Mary, half of the other half, and Elizabeth Souther, wife of Timothy, the remainder (326: 124). Chandler Spofford and the administrator of Jacob Spofford sold the southwest end to Josiah Kimball, who conveyed it at once to Chandler Spofford, Nov. 26, 1813 (203: 108). Spofford sold to William Heard, Feb. 27, 1816 (209: 49) and Heard to'Jeremiah Kimball Jr., Dec. 7, 1819 (226: 109). Deacon Kimball lived here many years. Joseph Souther .sold part of the northeast end to Josiah Lord Jr. March 28, 1860 (662: 209). It is still known as the Souther house. 458 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Jonathan Lord was the original owner of the next house, though the lot is mentioned as that of Thomas Lord's. Dr. John Manning sold it to William McKean, tobacconist, Nov. 26, 1777 (135: 214) and McKean sold to Nathaniel Rust Jr., June 16, 1778 (136: 56). His deed states that it was formerly the estate of Zechariah Brackett. Rust occupied for many years. It was owned by Capt. Samuel N. Baker and later by Josiah Lord Jr. The Ipswich Bank was located in the building. Dr. Joseph Manning, "being desirous of settling in the town of his nativity," had no place for a dwelling, and therefore petitioned for eighty or ninety feet of the River Bank next to Mr. Thomas Lord 's grant up stream, the front to be on a straight line from the corner of Mr. Isaac Fitts's dwelling to the corner of Abbe, the Smith's shop (1727 Town Record). The petition was granted and Dr. Manning built his house forthwith and occupied it at the time of his death. Sarah, the daughter of Dr. Joseph and Elizabeth Manning, who was born Aug. 28, 1743, married Mr. William McKean, formerly of Boston. Their intention of marriage was recorded March 3, 1769. Their son Joseph was born April 19, 1776. Mr. McKean purchased two dwellings subse- quently, but owned no house when his son was born. It is likely there- fore, that the child was born in the old homestead. Certainly he was often in the house of his grandparents. Joseph McKean was graduated at Har- vard in 1794. He was the teacher in the Latin Grammar School from 1794 to 1796. He married Amy Swasey, daughter of the inn-keeper. Major Joseph Swasey. His career as Professor at Harvard was cut short by an untimely death at the age of forty-two. His portrait hangs in the House of the Historical Society bearing the inscription: Rev. Joseph McKean DD., LL.D. Born at Ipswich Died at Havana April 19, 1776 March 17, 1818 Vir celeberrimus, optimus, carissimus. A graduate of Harvard 1794. An instructor of youth. A minister of the Gospel. Boylston Professor at Harvard. Founder of the Porcellian Club at Harvard College, 1791. Anstice, daughter of Dr. Joseph, married Francis Cogswell, and their son Joseph Green Cogswell was born Sept. 27, 1786. In that year. Dr. Manning died and in the division of the estate, the homestead was assigned to Anstice (1786 Pro. Rec. 358: 375). It is very probable that Joseph was born in the house of his grandparents. His record was brilliant. He was graduated from Harvard College in 1806. From 1821 to 1823, he was Professor of Mineralogy and Librarian at the College. In company with George Bancroft, the Historian, he established the Round Hill School at Northampton, in 1823, became sole proprietor in 1829, and gave it up in 1834. In 1842, he became associated with Mr. John Jacob Astor in plan- ning and building the Astor library. He was the first Superintendent, Andrew Burley house. Pagt; 417. Dr. Joseph Manoing house. Page 458. SOUTH MAIN STREET, WEST SIDE. 459 and continued to hold that oHice until ISGI. He died Nov 26, 1S7I. His former pupils in the Round Hill School raised funds with which a bust was secured and presented to Harvard College and a monument erected over his remains, on the spot he had chosen for himself in the South ceme tery. It is a noteworthy circumstance that two grandsons of tiie same family should have attained such brilliant renown. The widow, Anstice Cogswell, sold the homeste;ul to Joseph Cogswell Jan. 2, 1808 (182: 165). Prof. Joseph Green Cogswell gained possession of the homestead, and sold to Priscilla A. Manning, Dec. 23, 1831 (265: 99). Mi.ss Manning sold Hannah Caldwell, daughter of the late Ebenezer, and her sister, Mrs. Abigail H. Trask, wife of Capt. Richard of Manchester, a building on the south end of the lot with land, Feb. 13, 1835 (281: 132). The building was used as a store, then remodelled into a dwelling, owned later by Mark Newman, May 8,1846 (385:17). The administrator of Priscilla A. Manning sold the Cogswell house and land to her sister, Mrs. Mary M. Farley, Jan. 4, 1843 (335: 144), and her heirs, Alfred M. Farley of Dedham and others sold it to Amos A. Lawrence, Oct. 31, 1866 (713: 32). Mr. Lawrence conveyed this and other purchases to the Ipswich Mills, Jan. 6, 1868 (738: 253) and the Mills Corporation sold to Josiah Stackpole, May 25, 1869(774:84). William Jones desired "the remaining part of the River's bank next Joseph Abbe's grant, down the River to the place reserved for a highway which is about sixty feet" in 1727. It was granted March 4, 1728 [and the Committee recommended a way to the river twenty feet wide be re- served. Jones built the house, which Thomas Jones afterward owned, and it continued in the Jones family, until Leonard Shattuck and Alfred C. Jones of Haverhill sold an undivided half to Edward Ready, Maj- 4, 1881 (1058: 139) and the heirs of Samuel Caldwell sold him the other half. May 17, 1881 (1058: 140). Joseph Abbe received a grant and had built a house in 1723. He petitioned the Town for help, as the house had cost more than he antic- ipated, and received £10. He was a blacksmith and his shop was near his home. He had a garden spot near Mr. Clark Abell's residence, in the Heard land. He sold house, shop and land to William Cogswell, May 2. 1749 (107: 216). Cogswell sold the house "and what remains of a shop" to Gideon Parker, afterwards Captain in the Revolution, Aug. 5, 1761 (107 216). Parker conveyed to Nathaniel Souther, Dec. 23, 1763 (113: 50). The widow's third in the estate was sold by Jeremiah Fitts to Asa Baker,who owned two thirds already, Sept. 9, 1800 (167: 92). Mary Baker, widow, quitclaimed to Samuel N. Baker, "a messuage with a liake liouse thereon, ' ' also a piecre of land and a building on the other side of tiie road, March 1 1832 (266: 51). George Baker sold Isaac G. Noyes, a house or bakerv, July 11, 1848 (400: 96). It was then used as a dwelling, and Charles H. Noyes and others sold it to Wesley K. Bell, May 4, 1876 (952: 164). The dwelling was sold to the Mills Corporation, and was torn down and the boarding house, owned by the Ipswich MiUs, was built on its site. The old mansion, known as the "Lace Factory," was originally the house of Mrs. Dean, widow of Dr. Philemon Dean, mentioned in the Town 460 IPSWICH, IX THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Record, about 1722. Ammi Ruhami Wise, "whitesmith," sold it to Mary Dane, suiglewoman, Aug. 31, 1796 (160: 298). The widow Mary Farley, sold to William Dodge "the same I purchased of Ammi R. Wise," June 24, 1809 (206: 31). Dodge sold to George W. Heard and Heard to the Boston and Ipswich Lace Co., Feb. 26, 1824 (234: 221). The Lace busi- ness was an imfortunate venture,' and the property was sold by auction to Theodore Andrews, lace manufacturer, Nov. 9, 1827 (286: 222). The deed mentions a dwelling and factory. The wing added to the house on the north side is probably the "factory ' ' used for the lace machines. An- drews conveyed it to the Ipswich Manufacturing Co., June 30, 1835 (286: 223). The Ipswich Manufacturing Co. transferred it, with other assets, to the Dane Manufacturing Co., Sept. 7, 1846 (463: 252). It has since re- mained in possession of the Mill Corporation. Nathaniel Brown, Martha Hassell, Rachel Haffield. (Diagram 4.) The lot near the dam has been alluded to as occupied by Samuel Ord- way, a blacksmith. On the 19th March 1661, Nathaniel Browne was granted liberty to have eight or ten rods of land to build a work house to make "pott-ashes and sope" in some convenient place. "It was layd out to him upon a poynt of upland near the mill-dam and the house wherein he now dwells. ' ' Nathaniel Brown, ' ' sope byler, ' ' sold his sope-house, and various other properties to Joseph Leigh, Dec. 2, 1671 (Ips. Deeds 3: 249). Ijee sold Samuel Ordway, two smaU parcels. The one measured four rods, "bordering upon the land that was for- merly William Avery 's and joining to Rachel Hafield, alias Racliel Clen- ton's land ye breadth of that garden at one end, and bordering upon Will- iam Avery's land the length of four lengths of rails, containing two rods and a half in length." This is the same, probably, that was granted Widow Martha Hassell. The other contained six rods, "at the poynt of the bank on ye South side of the Town River, below the Mill Dam, right opposite to the mill, and is the place where the old sope house stood, . . . and is the place where ye said Ardway hath lately built his shop, where it now standeth," Dec. 3, 1691 (Ips. Deeds 5: 442). Sarah Ordway, relict of Samuel, sold the four rod lot and the six rod lot to Doctor Philemon Dean, Sept. 8, 1715 (32: 268). The description of the latter is of great interest. It was bounded "north by a cartway that goeth through the river, west along by ye River, south on ye Common next ye saw miU, east by the County Road, with an old dwelling house upon ye said land." Many years ago there was a waterway leading to the River, about where the fence of the Lace Factory stands. This deed of 1715 shows that it was originally a ford way for crossing the River, and an old road on the opposite side, where the Mill buildmgs stand, led to the River from the present Union Street. The ford way fell into disuse after 1 See Publications of the Ips. Hist. Society.No. xiii Fine Thread, Lace and Hosiery in Ipswich. SOUTH MAIN' STREET, WEST SIDE. 461 the bridge was I)iiilt in 1647. It i« likely tliat South Main St., from this point to tlie junction with Market St., was opened when tlie bridge was built. In 16.55, the Town Record has the entry, ".sold to Widow Hafield four rods of ground by the corner of William Averill's fence, near the Mill Dam, for twelve pence, to build a little house on, allowing no privilege of a house lot to it" (i.e. no privilege of connnonage). This humble four rod lot grudgingly granted to tiie widow Rachel Hafield, alias Rachel Clinton, on which she l)uilt lier little house, has a patlietic intere.st, from the fact that she was reputed to be a witch. An ancient Sunnnons, printed in the Anti(|u;irian Papers has especial significance, in this con- nection. To Sarje't John Choate. .sen'r. To Jonas Gregory, To James Hurnam, all of Ipswich, Mary Andrews, Sarah Kogors,Marguriet Lord. Sary Ilalwell, you it each of you are hereby Required in thair majesties names To make Your personall a pperance before ye WorshipfuU Maj'r Sam '11 .\ppleton Esq., & ye Clerk of ye Court to be at ye house of Mr. John Spark in Ips wich on ye 22d Day of This Instant aprile, at two o'clock afternoon. Then and There to Give in Your severall respective Evidences in behalf of thair majesties concerning wch Clearing up of ye Grounds of Suspission of Rachell Clentons being a witch, who is Then and Thair to be upon further Examination. Therefore So make Your apperance according to this Sumons fail nott at your perril. Ipswich, Dated aprill 21st, 1692 Curiam Tho's Wade, Clerk. Y^ Constable of Ipswich is alike Rer[uired to (Uve notis to ye said per- sons, it to make returne as ye Law Directs. Curr T. W, Clk. According to tliis within written I haue Sumon.sed and warned them: to Apere According to Time & Place by me William Baker, Constable. Dated this 22d of april, 1692. Fortimately the accused witch was finally accjuitted, as hasl)een narrated in the Chapter on Witchcraft, but the poor woman sulfered much in that dark year. Thomas White of Wenham .sold Samuel Dutch, four full rods near the Mill Dam, "sd four rods being formerly granted the widow Martha IIa.>- Mr. Rust's," Feb. 10, 1692-3 (Ips. Deeds 5: 572). Joseph Ayres built a dweUing and sold house and land to Joseph Whipple, May 7, 1705 (18 : 212) . Whipple sold the lot, ' ' with a good man- sion house" to Increase How, housewTight, Dec. 28, 1724 (45: 242). The housewright turned inn-keeper and the "good mansion house" became a popular inn. Samuel Ayres sold How a small piece out of the Ayres homestead, Aug. 18, 1738 (100: 61) and Joseph Ayres sold Mr. How his in- terest (t) in his uncle, Samuel Ayres 's homestead, adjoining How's land, Ngv. 8, 1753 (100: 49). Increase How devised his estate by will, to his wife, Susanna, the use of the east half the house, to his elde.st .son, Joseph, the house and land, 1754 (Pro. Rec. 332: 109). The schoolmaster, Joseph How, bequeathed his title in the house to his sister Susanna, widow of Samuel Swasey, allowing his mother the use of the east half, 1762 (Pro. Rec. 339:52). The widow Susanna Swasey married Capt. George Stacy of Marblehead, June 30, 1763, and made a third marriage with Capt. Richard Homan of Marblehead (published Aug. 10, 1776). She kept the inn and entertained many distinguished visitors. 476 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. In the "Diary of George Washington," from 1789 to 1791 the follow- ing entry occurs, Friday, October 30th 1789. "From this place, (Beverly) with escorts of Horse, I passed on to Ipswich, about ten miles ; at the entrance of which I was met and welcomed by the Selectmen, and received by a Regm't of Militia." "At this place I was met by Mr. Dalton and some other Gentlemen from Newburyport ; partook of a cold collation and proceeded on to the last mentioned place, where I was received with much respect and parade about four o 'clock. ' ' Mr. Felt, writing in 1834, while many still remembered the particulars of Washington's visit, remarks: "George Washington ... is escorted into town, receives a short address; dines at the inn, then kept by Mrs. Homans; reviews a regiment, mustered to honor him; is visited by many; stays three hours,' and leaves for Newbury, through lines of a multitude comprising both sexes of all ages, who had assembled to give him, with deep emotions of gratitude, a welcome and a parting look." After Mrs. Homan's death, her step-son, George Stacey of Biddeford, conveyed to her] son Joseph, his interest in the tavern, Oct. 29, 1792 (156: 15). Joseph had served with honor in the Revolutionary war. Major Swasey kept open house, as well, and "Swasey's Tavern" was a notable feature of the Town for many years. He was the To-mi Clerk, and his sudden death in the Town House, during Town meeting on April 1, 1816, was long remembered. His wife was Susanna, daughter of Henry Wise, and granddaughter of Rev. John Wise. His daughter. Amy, be- came the wife of Professor McKean of Harvard. He mortgaged and finally conveyed the Tavern property to Mr. John Heard, June 28, 1805 (174: 250). Mr. Augustine Heard sold to Zenas Gushing "the Swasey House, conveyed to me by my father, John Heard, with the shipyard" July 2, 1855 (515: 198). Dr. WiUiam E. Tucker purchased of the Gushing heirs. It was originally a three-storied, hip-roofed mansion, but was remodelled. After the Seminary was established it was filled with students. The iden- tity of the modern dwelUng with ' 'the good mansion house, ' ' built in 1693 or thereabout, which Increase How began to use as a tavern in 1724, seems possible, though no trace of such antiquity can be discovered in the present dwelling. Samuel Ayers Sen., it was stated, sold a house lot to his son, Joseph, in 1692. He bequeathed his homestead to his son, Samuel, 1697 (Pro. Rec. 305: 281) and he, in turn, to his wife, Mary, and sister, Mary Ayers, 1743 (Pro. Rec. 325: 363-4). The widow, Mary, sold a small piece to Increase How, Sept. 20, 1746 (100: 48). Benjamin George and wife conveyed to Susanna Stacey their right of revision in the homestead of their great uncle, Samuel Ayers, July 23, 1774 (133: 179). Susanna Ayers, single- D c ^ O T- (X^ Vkl No ^ POPLAR STREKT. 477 woman, sold Susanna 1 Ionian, about lialf an acre, wliich was bounded bv Homan's land on eat-li side, "reserving to myself for my personal improve- ment, the small dwelling house, on the above devised Premises during my natural life," Oct. 12, 1784 (142: 266). The old Ayers homestead, there- fore, stood between Dr. Tucker's residence and the old Nathaniel Heard house, on the corner, but no trace of the cellar remains. The Homan's land descended to the Swaseys, presumably, and has since been a part of the estate. The extreme corner lot was sold by Thomas Jack.son of Windham to Nehemiah Abbot, twenty-nine rods, "beginning at the south corner of Ayers 's lot, over against Mr. William Dodge's dwelling," Feb. 23, 177.5 (134: 114). Abbot sold the lot, measuring forty-six rods, to John Heard, April 1, 1776 (135: 262). The house was built near this time, probably, and was occupied and owned in part by Nathaniel Heard, brother of John. John Heard sold the half, he still owned, to Capt. Richard Lakeman 3d, June 2, 1795 (16S: 44). It is still remembered as the Lakeman house. Ebenezer K. Lakeman of Salem quitclaimed to his mother, Lucy, widow of Capt. Richard, his interest in the north half of the house, Nov. 19, 1842 (335:241). Her heirs sold to Samuel H. Grern, March 21, 1851 (445:81), who conveyed to John Birch, one of the company of English stocking weavers, March 8, 1856 (531:78). The other half was conveyed to Mr. Birch by George Haskell, " the same conveyed to Martha A. and Maria Rogers by the heirs of the late Nathaniel Heard, my interest being five undivided twelfths, which have been conveyed to me by the heirs of said Martha A. Rogers," Jan. 16, 1874 (900:98). Martin Ehrlacher and others sold their interest at the same time. William Hubbard. (Diagram 4.) The fine estate, now o-mied by Mr. Gustavus Kinsman, Ijelonged by the original grant apparently to Mr. William Hubbard. He had erected a house and was dwelling there in 1638 (Ips. Deeds 1:14). His son, Wil- liam, was a member of the first class that graduated from Harvard College in 1642. He entered the ministry and liecame the colleague of Mr. Cobbet in 16.56; married Margaret, daughter of Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, and made his home in the old homestead. Financial reverses came upon him and he made conveyances of his property to secure his creditors. He was obliged finally, to execute a deed of sale of his "Messuage Tenement . . with the orchard, Garden and pasture behind the same and Cornfield be- fore the same contayneing by Estimation Seaven acres, with other lands," to John Richards, agent of Major Robert Tompson of London, March 5, 1684 (Ips. Deeds 1: 10; 4: 182). A century later, Robert Tliompson of Elshani, Great Britain, sold Mr. John Heard, the same lot, June 16, 1788 (149: 206). Mary, daughter of John Heard, sold Augustine Heard, her brother, .mh vmdivided half, 478 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. with the barn, called the "Pinckm Close" Sept. 1,1838 (329: 233), and Au- gustine Heard sold the lot, "comnionty called the Pynchon lot," to Capt. Ebenezer Caldwell, on Nov. 1, 1851 (452: 104). Capt. Caldwell erected the spacious mansion and occupied it vuitil his death. His heirs sold to Mr. Gustavus Kinsman. No remembrance of the Hubbard home- stead remains, but it is probable from the deed quoted, that it stood on the knoll, on which the present dwelling is built. Mr. John Heard built the present Heard mansion, next the Meeting House of the South Church, and remoA'ed the old Calef house to the corner of the "Pinchem Close. ' ' He sold it, with a quarter acre of land, to Eben- ezer Caldwell, April 16, 1803 (179: 280). Samuel Caldwell conveyed this to his mother, Abigail, April 24, 1826 (242: 69). One half of it is still the home of the Caldwell heirs. Mrs. Clarissa Caldwell sold a building lot out of the "Close" to Mr. William Seward, Oct. 15, 1873 (895: 191), on which he erected a residence, next the Caldwell house above mentioned, and on another lot, sold from the ancient Hubbard Close, Mr. George H. Green built the residence next in line. TrRKEY SHORE, SO CALLED IN 1832. George Giddings. (Diagram 5.) The lot on the corner of Turkey Shore Road and Poplar St., now owned and occupied by Mr. George H. Green, was sold by George Giddings to Thomas Burnham, one and a half acres, with Samuel Hunt, north, June 3, 1667 (11: 216). Thomas Burnham sold to his son Aaron, his house and homestead "now occupied by my sons Moses and Aaron," Dec. 30, 1710 (32: 142). Aaron Burnham and Esther, then of Norwich, Conn., sold to his brother Thomas, Oct. 3, 1720 (37: 166). He conveyed to Will- iam Dodge of Wenham, March 18, 1728-9(58: 18) and he to his son, William, May 1, 1752 (119: 154). Nathaniel Wade, executor of Abraham Dodge, sold the house and one and three quarters acres to John Patch, "reservhig Priscilla Dodge, the northwest lower room and kitchen accord- ing to the will of her father, William Dodge," Aug. 4, 1795 (164: 149). Bethiah Dodge, wndow, and Abigail Cogswell, widow, sold to Abner Day, "the homestead of the late John Patch, our father, devised to us by will, ' ' May 7, 1814 (204: 121). Abner Day sold to Samuel Day, March 14, 1825 (238: 234) and he to Samuel H. Green, Jan. 22, 1847 (377: 68), whose heirs still own and occupy. The oldest part of the present dwelling is of vener- able age, but no precise date can be assigned. During the ownership of the Days, it was a w'ell-known Tavern. Mr. Knight, Joseph Redding, Robert Colborne, John Lee Sr. (Diagram .5.) The one and a half acre lot adjoining the two acre corner lot, was sold with a house, by William Story to William Smalledge, fisherman, which TURKEY SHORE, SO CALLED IN 1832. 479 Story luid purchased of Mr. Knight, Joseph Heading noillieast, Thomas Buniham south, 21-8-1650 (Ips. Deeds 1: .90). Jeremiah Belcher sold the same premises to Joseph Redding, July 12, 1666 (Ips. Deeds 3: 292). On April 12, 1666, John Lee, Senior, and Joseph Redding had purchased of Robert Colborne liis house lot of an acre, bounded northeast by Lee's land and south by Redding (Ips. Deeds 3: 181). Reading or Redding was tluis the possessor of several acres on the east side of the Turkey Shore road. His daughter Elizabeth, wife of Samuel Hunt, was executrix of the estate, and her sons inherited the estate of their grai\dfather. Joseph Hunt received the house and two acres, adjoining Aaron Hurniiam 's, and William the lot adjoining this. Joseph sold his estate to William, May 26, 1710 (22: 113) ; William Hunt Sr. sold the same to his son William, March 19, 1714-15 (30: 77); William Hunt Jr. sold this to William Dodge, who then owned the corner lot, April 9, 1745 (91 : 134). William Dodge Jr. .sold WiUiam Story of Bo.ston, a piece of land near the mansion house, "I)Ounded west on the road leading to my wharf, four and a quarter rods, north on my land purchased of William Himt, eight rods, ' ' Oct. 9, 1765 (125: 224). Story mortgaged to Royal Tyler of Boston and Nathaniel Hatch, Dorchester, and the deed mentions a distill house, and other buildings on it, two distills, two worms, two worm tubs etc.. May 1, 1769 (125: 224). Story sold half his interest in the distillery prop- erty to John Heard, May 1, 1770 (128: 171) and the rest to his son, William Story Jr., on the same day (129: 11). John Kendall executed a deed of the property to Mr. Heard, Nov. 6, 1810 (191: 209). It is interesting to note that in these deeds, the name "Turkey Shore" nowhere occurs. The old wharf opposite is alluded to as Hunt's wharf, then as Dodge's wharf, and the cove is called Hunt's Cove. While the di.stilling business was carried on, the wharf was used by light draught vessels, bringing molasses from the West Indies. John Heard transferred the property to George W. Hejird, Feb. 10, 1818 (217: 234). Augustine Heard sold a half interest in the distillery to Gustavus Farley, with land and wharf across the .street, June 22, 1836 (291 : 114). Farley belonged to a race of tanners, and he converted the distillery into a tanning and currying establishment. He sold to Edward Plouff, and the deed states that the property was sold him by Augustine Heard and Robert Farley, April 1, 1848 (395: 252). Edward Plouff con- veyed to N. W. Frye, Nov. 6, 1S63 (658: 85); Frye to J. B. Flint, Oct. 13, 1865 (690: 135). Joseph B. Flint conveyed this property to Jacob H. Loud of Plymouth, 1865 (692: 122), who sold to James Damon, Jan. 9, 1873 (930:201). William Dodge retained the house and land, formerly Hunt's, beyond the distillery lot, and his heirs sold the house and two acres to Ebenezer Caldwell, Jan. 5, 1805 (176: 58). Ebenezer Caldwell and others sold one half the house to John Dodge, Jan. 5, 1805 (19S: 52), and Jona- than Fariey of Bath and Susanna, in her own right, sold half to Ben- jamin T. Read, May 4, 1808(183:272). Benjamin T. Head of Marble- 480 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. head sold the east half to George W. Heard, July 23, 1818 (217: 234) and John Dodge sold him the west half, Oct. 10, ISIS (219: 35). George W Heard conveyed to his brother, Augustine ,who sold to Eliza Plouff, wife of Edward Plouff, April 2, 1849 (409 : 291). After her decease, it was pur- chased by Mr. A. Story Brown. The Leigh-Colborne land, owned by the Hunts, included the tract occupied by the houses of Edward and Alfred Norman and others. Will- iam Hunt dwelt here in 1745, and Ezekiel Hunt sold his homestead, a house, and three acres, to Increase How, the inn-keeper, Nov. 17, 1747 (90: 155). In his wiU, he bequeathed the house and land bought of Mr. Hunt to his son, John, 1754 (Pro. Rec. 332: 109). Samuel Swasey, probably nephew of John Howe, sold two acres to John Appleton, Aug. 16, 1797 (161: 251). To the northeast of this lot, Joseph Lee or Leigh had sold a lot to William Lakeman, a fisherman, recently from the Isle of Shoals, 1697 (12: 13) and Lakeman had sold his house and four acres to Thomas Hodgkins June 24, 1697 (12: 12). Hezekiah Hodgkins conveyed to Daniel Hodg- kins his right in the house and four acres, "bounded northwest by the highway (Turkey Shore), northeast by a lane, southeast by a lane (Fruit St.), southwest by WiUiam Hunt, now occupied by my mother Hodgkins, ' ' June 5, 1741 (81: 272). Joseph Hodgkins sold John Appleton two acres, bounded southeast and southwest "by the lane to Francis Merrifield's, " to the land of John Appleton, and northwest by Appleton 's land to "the Road from the South Meeting House to Boardman 's Bridge, ' ' (now called Turkey Shore Road), Sept. 17, 1792 (156: 34). Mr. Appleton had pre- viously acquired the other part of the Hodgkins estate. This purchase of the old Leigh-Colborne land from Samuel Swasey in 1797 made him the owner of the whole tract from the old Heard house, now owned by Mr. A. Story Brown, to the Lane, now called Fruit St. John Appleton bequeathed this lot to his son, William,(Pro. Rec. 363: 110) William Appleton bequeathed the six acre lot called "Hunt and Hodg- kins lot," to his daughter, Mrs. Hannah Wallis, July 1809 (Pro. Rec. 378: 179). The widow Hannah Wallis of Salem sold this lot to her son Robert, April 9, 1819 (222: 167). The executors of Robert Wallis sold to Joseph Kinsman, April 6, 1824 (235: 93). Asa Kinsman, son of Joseph, inherited and sold to William Grant, "the Appleton Lot," Sept. 13, 1859 (594: 88). Jonathan N. Felton of Colchester, Conn., sold an undivided fourth to Joshua B. Grant, May 27, 1864 (669: 28). Mr. Grant acquired the whole lot, and sold to the present occupants. No trace remains of the ancient dwellings. John Dane and Henry Wilkinson. (Diagram 5.) Beyond the Lane, anciently known as Wood's Lane, now Fruit St., to the road to the Labour-in-vain fields, several grants were made, chiefly for tillage lands. Henry Wilkinson received three acres in 1635 and Robert Hayes the same. Hayes sold to Wilkinson and the latter conveyed the TURKKY SHORE, SO CALLED IN 1832. 481 six acres to Thomas Emerson in 1638. It was bounded by the planting lot of Robert Cross on the east, the house lot of John Dane west, the lot of William Wildes, south, and the Town River on the north. The high- way was only a cart-path at this period. Mr. Emerson built a house and sold liouse and land, six acres, to Daniel Ringe, "lying next the dwelling house and land of John Dane towards the south," 1648 (Ips. Deeds 1 : 169). Uzall Wardell, whose son had married Susanna Ringe, acquired the Ringe hojnestead and sold it to William Hayward or Howard, April 7, 1679 (Ips. Deeds 4: 289). John Dane is mentioned as abutting on the southwest and southeast. John Howard sold his interest in his father's house and land, three acres only, to his brother Samuel, March 20, 1714 (41 : 188). The bounds are, northwest, the highway, northeast, Philemon Dane, south, Walter Fairfield, west, highway (then known as Wood's Lane). Dr. Philemon Dane seems to have acquired part of the original six acre lot of Emerson, Ringe and Howard. Stephen Howard succeeded to the owner- ship, and Daniel Ringe and others sold to Ebenezer Caldwell, their interest in one half of the house and two acres, our "father Samuel Ringe, bought of Stephen Howard," April 1, 1769 (129: 221). Andrew Dodge and wife conveyed the other half to Mr. Caldwell, on Apr. 3 (129: 222). Sylvanus Caldwell, administrator of Ebenezer Caldwell, sold the estate to .\aron Wallis, bounded southwest, "by Merrifield's Lane, " April 15, 1822 (231: 100). The estate of Aaron Wallis, in bankruptcy, was assigned to George Haskell Esq., and sold bv him to Benjamin Dawson, a house and two and a half acres, on "Turkey Shore," April IS, 1853 (477: 128). It was owned later by Frederic and William Willcomb, and now bj' Arthur W. Dow. The three acres owned by Philemon Dane or Dean in 1714, probably part of the Howard lot, were sold to John Appleton prior to 1769. Mary Rogers, widow of Capt. Daniel Rogers, conveyed the same to Martha A. and Mary A. Rogers, "being the same which was formerly owned by John Appleton, and which I inherited as an heir to him," June 28, 1832 (265: 300). George Haskell Esq. sold to Austin Measures, three and a half acres, "the same conveyed to me by the heirs of Martha A. and Maria A. Rogers, ' ' March 10, 1874 (901: 18). Mr. Measures built the house, since sold to Mr. Walter Shepard. Robert Cross. (Diagram ,5.) The next original grant, as has been mentioned, was tiiat of Robert Cross, who had built a house on part of his six acres by 1638. He sold to Daniel Ringe Sr., owner of the abutting property. Stephen Jordan owned the planting lot on the northeast side by grant from the Town. Susanna (Ringe) WardeU sold to her father-in-law, Uzall Wardell, her third of her father's estate, bounded by the highway, next the River, north and Daniel Hovey east, May 2, 1669 (Ips. Deeds 3: 129). Wardell sold to Daniel Ringe (Junior) the three acres formerly OAviied by Daniel Ringe Senior, 482 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. ' ' with a barne and an old house, that was formerly a dwelling house of Robert Cross Sr., and by him sold to the aforesaid Daniel Ringe deceased," April 7, 1679 (Ips. Deeds 5: 198). A mortgage, discharged in 1741, de- scribes the homestead of the late Capt. Daniel Ringe, owned in part at least by his son Samuel, as bounded northeast by Thomas Hovey(102: 250). Capt. Ringe probably built a new house, in place of the old Cross dwelling, but it disappeared long since. He was a distinguished officer in the Indian wars. Abraham Soward and Elizabeth, in her own right, quitclaimed to Ebenezer Caldw^ell, part of the Samuel Ringe estate (abutting on the lot of Mr. Walter Shepard), and bounded by "the land this day quitclaimed to us," Oct. 31, 1799 (179: 279). Sylvanus Caldwell, administrator of Ebenezer, conveyed to his widow, Abigail, seven acres of land in the rear, "with privilege of a road one rod wide to pass and repass through the northerly side of Samuel Caldwell 's land, ' ' April 1.5, 1822 (245 : 199). Sam- uel Caldwell transferred to Samuel Day, four acres, on the Turkey Shore road, April 3, 1827 (244: 66). Samuel Day sold to Thomas McMahon the lot conyeyed to him by Abigail Caldwell, seven acres and more, and the four acre lot formerly owned by Samuel Caldwell, April 18, 1835 (361 : 243). Lucy M. Rust conveyed the same to Francis A. Wait, and the deed recites that they are the same lots conveyed by Day to McMahon, and conveyed to her by Priscilla B. Choate, April 1, 1872 (850: 142). This deed is dated April 1, 1876 (951: 252). Mr. Wait built the house, and the property is owned by his heirs. The other part of the Captain Daniel Ringe estate, as has been stated, reverted to Abraham Soward Mr. Otis Glover married the daughter of Soward, and she inherited the property, which still remains in the family line. The old Soward house was moved back some years ago, and a new dwelling was built on the same spot. Stephen Jordan. (Diagram .5.) Tlie lot, granted to Stephen Jordan, then ow-ned by Daniel Hovey and Thomas Ho^■ey, was sold to Stephen Boardnian. He .sold to Benjamin Wheeler the land, six and a half acres and buildings, "which I purchased of Thomas Ho^'ey, reserving a way for Samuel Howard to pass to his land" July 14, 1744 (85: 229). David Wheeler of Harpswell sold the same to Major Woodbury, April 9, 1784 (142:139). Mary, daughter of Major Wood!)ury, married Thomas MacMahon, Dec. 17, 1826, and inherited the estate. The MacMahon heirs sold the house and ten acres to James Galbraith Nov. 28, 1864 (678:21). who sold to the present owner, Isaac H. Foss, March 21, 1870 (802:155). The house is of venerable age, and was built probably early in the eighteenth century. On the River Bank, beginning with the lot now owned by Mr. Ben- jamin Fewkes, a series of house lots was granted in the beginning, and TURKEY SHORK, SO CALLRD IN 1832. 483 there was an expectation apparently that thi.s attractive loc-ahty would become a compact neighboriiood. The houses disappeared, liowever, and some lots were never utilized. William Lampson and William Story owned the Fewkes property. Robert Hayes owned an acre adjoining on the northeast, John Wedgwood was next, •with a quarter acre house lot. East of Wedgwood, Philip Challis had a house lot and ijeyond him Joseph Medcalf received grant of the jwint which is surrounded by the River on three sides. A road, alluded to in the grants, as a "highway leading to the River," gave acce.ss to all these lots. On the road leading down to Labour-in-vain, another series of house lots was granted. Roger Preston owned one on the northeast side, William Holdred anotiier, then Daniel Hovey, Thomas Boarman and Thomas Gilvern. The widow, Katherine Gilvern sold her lot to Boarman, and Daniel Hovey bought the Holdred lot, adjoining his on the southwest, in 1639. The Joseph Metcalf prop- erty was purchased by Nathaniel Emerson, and he conveyed it to his brother. Rev. John Emerson of Gloucester, twenty acres witli his house, Jan. 4, 1677 (Ips. Deeds 4: 488). No record remains of tlie Challis lot. Wedgwood sold to George Hadley and he conveyed the lot with a small house to Samuel Boarman in 1639. Robert Haj^es sold to Thomas Bishop, Bishop to John Andrews, Andrews to WiUiam Knowlton, Knowlton to Edward Bragg, and the deed mentions that a house had been built and removed. Knowlton had pur- chased the house lot, on which he lived, of William Lampson and William Story. All these transfers had been made prior to 1644 (Ips. Deeds 1:7). Evidently the neighborhood did not prove popular. Daniel Ho\ey l)Ought the Knowlton house lot prior to the year 1652, when it was recorded, "Daniel Hovey hath liberty to set his fence dovm o the River, at his ground bought of William Knowlton, making a stile at each end, the two rods still notwithstanding is the towii's." In 1659, he was allowed to build a wharf, "against the ground he bought of William Knowlton. ' ' Daniel Hovey Sr., then of Quabaug, now Brookfield, sold Joim Dane Sr., a small lot, four rods wide, six rods long, at tiie southerly corner of the Knowlton lot. May 1, 1677 (Ips. Deeds 4: 99). It seems to be the comer ,boimded by the Labour-in-Vain Road and the old way to the wharf. Dane built a house here and transferred his right of commonage belonging to a house on Hog Lane, to the new residence, June 1, 1677 (Ips. Deeds 4: 97). John Dane, seemingly son of the preceding, sold this house and land to Ricliard Lakeman, ' 'immediately after the death of Alice Meacham, widow and relique of . . . .Meacham, late of Salem, and formerly widow of Doctor John Dane," May 4, 1704 (18:45). The administrator of Lake- man sold to En.sign George Hart, June 5, 1718 (36: 113). Another lot was .sold by Hovey, apparently to Thomas Hodskin,and William Lakeman of Snmtty Nose Island sold Rev. John Emerson, a house, barn and a fifth part of a wharf a little below said liouse, bounded on the east bv the hundred rods which Daniel Hovey Sr., decea-sed, gave in his 484 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. will to the children of Joseph Hovey deceased, west by the hundred rods which Daniel Sr., bequeathed to the children of Nathaniel Hovey deceased, north, by the highway that leads to the land of the aforesaid John Emerson, in the field commonly called Labour-in- Vain fields, April 13, 1703 (19: 204). Daniel Hovey Sr., of Quabaug, sold Abraham Perkins, half an acre, on the northeast side of his lot by the river, "extending toward the river, within two rods of highwater mark, also his claim to land betwixt this and low water mark," on condition that he maintain a substantial five rail fence, down to low water mark, May 8, 1672 (Ips. Deeds 3: 227). Abraham Perkins built a house on his lot, which is mentioned in a deed of Luke Perkins to John Gould of Topsfield, as "due him from Abra- ham Ills brother," Nov. 26, 1684 (Ips. Deeds 5: 67). The sale was not effected, however, and eventually Perkins sold to Thomas Smith, who sold Robert Knight, the house and land he bought of Luke Perkins, with Daniel Hovey Jr., .southwest, July 3, 1694 (10: 182). Knight sold to Eben- ezer Hovey, a half acre, house and barn, bounded east, "by a bitt of ap- propriated wharf land," and west, by land belonging to Hovey, Feb. 16, 1704 (1.5: 232). Ebenezer Hovey sold Edward Webber, "the house and homestead which I now live in," Sept. 13, 1714 (30: 127), bounded south west by Hovey 's land. Webber sold to Robert Cross, April 4, 1719 (39: 123), and the southwest bound was "land formerly Daniel Hovey 's." Robert Cross sold to William Robbins Jr., Feb. 7, 1728 (.51 : 275) and Will- iam Fuller is located on the southwest side. The widow Esther Robbins sold Nathaniel Rust, a half acre lot, from which the house had disappeared, March 1.5, 1800 (184: 290). Nathaniel Rust sold the same to William Fuller Andrews, who then owned the adjoining property, Nov. 26, 1810 (192:84). The Daniel Hovey homestead, which had been owned by his heirs for many years, was sold by Thomas Hovey^to WilliamlFuUer, "my house he now lives in, ' ' with half an acre, Jan. IS, 1719-20 (38 : 272). The grand- children of William Fuller sold to Wilham Fuller Andrews, Sept. 30, 1807 (182: 229). His purchase of the Nathaniel Ru.st lot adjoining, Nov. 26, 1810 (192: 84), reunited the two parts of the Daniel Hovey lot. David Andrews sold the house and land to Mark Foss, April 7, 1853 (477: 147). The house fell into decay, and was used by Mr. Foss for the storage of hay, until it was destroyed by fire. Mr. Josiah Mann purchased the lot, and built his mansion a little to the eastward of the spot occupied by the ancient HoA^ey dwelling. The deed of Thomas Hovey to WiUiam Fuller of the land now owned by Mr. Josiah Mann specifies that it was bounded on^the west, "by a narrow lane that goes down to Nathaniel Hodgkin 's land, and so by his land that was bought of Daniel Hovey Sr., to the River." The Fewkes estate as it appears from this, was originally ^part of the Daniel Hovey land, and was purchased by Nathaniel 'Hodgkins. He may have built the house, which was afterward conveyed by Hannah Hodgkins, spinster, to William Fuller, beginning at the south corner on the Town road opposite widow FRUIT STRERT, 485 Elizabeth Ringe, "except one lower room and one quarter acre during my life and then it will go to sd ^^'illiam Fuller and Lucy Hodgkins," June 2, 1786 (152: 260). Col. Joseph Hodgkins conveyed the same prop- erty to David Andrews, April 23, 1813 (246: 54); Andrews to Mrs. Annie P. Bachelder, April 5, 1865 (754: 48); Calvin and Annie P. Bachelder to Daniel Newell, March 4, 1870 (794: 30); New^ell to Gustavus Kinsman, Aug. 16, 1875 (935: 203) and he to Benjamin Fewkes, Sept. 1886 (1181: 2.58). Aaron Stephens, cordwainer, received a grant of [four square rods "by the River by the Lime Pit Rock, over against Serg. Hunt's," to build a house, in March 1730. It was widened to the river the next year. Thom- as Pierce received a grant on the northeast side of Stephens, and Isaac Knowlton, a lot next to Pierce. Benjamin Grant received a grant north of Knowlton in 1734. Knowlton sold his lot to Pierce in 1732. Thomas Lord was allowed a lot, south of Stephens, for a ship building yard in 1732. Pierce was the Town Crier for many years. He built a house and bam and William Campanel, a weaver, sold William Dodge, part of the house and homestead of Thoipas Pierce, "which I purchased of him," and half the barn, June 6, 1765 (119: 127). The heirs of Dodge sold Ebenezer Cald- well, his homestead, and "also about an acre between the road and the river, called Pierce's lot," Jan. 5, 1805 (176: 58). So large a lot would include, apparently, all these small grants. The widow Mercy Caldwell sold this lot to George W. Heard, March 16, 1825 (240: 67), who had al- ready received a grant of a shore lot from the Town, by vote of March 24, 1818. Mr. Heard sold his whole lot, including the ancient Pierce lot, to Mrs. Eliza Ploufif, wife of Edward Plouff, May 1, 1862 (637: 115, 116), Edward Plouff sold his son, Augustine H. PloufT, the lot he now o-n-ns, Jan. 9, 1874 (896: 162) and June 25, 1874 (907: 51) and his mother sold him again, Jan. 25, 1876 (947: 51). Edward Plouff sold James H. Lakeman, the lot on which he built, Sept. 18, 1874 (913: 294). An old ceUar, presumably that of Pierce's house, was disclosed, when the foundation was laid. Mrs. Plouff sold the rest of this lot to Charles W. Estes, April 2, 1874 (902: 221). FRUIT STREET. John Dane. (Diagram 5.) Leaving Turkey Shore road by the Lane, known originally as Wood's Lane, then as Merrifield's Lane, now Fruit St., on the left hand, JohnDane Sr. seems to have had a house lot abutting on the Emerson lot, by original grant, but the identification is not satisfactory. He conveyed his house and three acres to his son Philemon, and six acres of pasture, joined with a lane or driftway to the house lot, March 27, 1683 (Ips. Deeds 4: 501). 486 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONS. Philemon Dane sold to Daniel Hodgkins, Dec. 7, 1736 (72: 237). Benja- min Hodgkins and William Stone Jr., son-in-law of Daniel Hodgkins, sold to John Appleton, July 1746 (89: 118 and 88: 163) and, at his death, he still owned part at least, of this land. John Wyate. (Diagram 5.) The lot on Fruit St., east of the Dane lot, was owned originally by Jolm Wyate, who sold to Thomas Leigh, who sold in turn to Symon Tomp- son. May 2, 1659 (Ips. Deeds 1: 220). He gave his grandson, Samuel Wood, the property occupied by his father, Isaiah Wood, which Samuel mortgaged to Deacon William Goodhue, a house and four acres, March 2, 1685-6 (Ips. Deeds 5: 177). Eventually Madam Elizabeth Wainwright, widow of Col. John, and Francis Wainwright, levied an execution upon this estate and it was sold to Walter Fairfield, Aug. 9, 1710 (23: 151). Fair- field sold to Thomas Hodgkins, May 1, 1716 (28: 156). Frances Crompton conveyed a quarter of the dwelling to Daniel Hodgkins, Aug. 9, 1728 (81 : 271), who bought the adjoining lot in 1736. As has been mentioned, his heirs sold to John Appleton in 1746. Jonathan Wade or George Hadley. (Diagram .'>.) Simon Tompson bequeathed to his grandson, Simon Wood, the house where he dwelt, and to his granddaughter, Mary Wood, "an acre toward Mr. Hubbard's corner, being part of the house lot I bought of Mr. Jonathan Wade or George Hadley," March 28, 1675 (Ips. Deeds 4: 33). Daniel Wood sold one acre of Simon Wood's estate on the northeast side to John Appleton, May 17, 1754 (104: 17). William Wood and others, heirs of Simon, sold three quarters of an acre to Mercy Merrifield, July 1, 1754 (100: 146), and Daniel Wood sold her the remainder of his share in the estate, Nov. 6, 1754 (100: 263). The dwelling was sold as well to Mrs. Merrifield- Francis Merrifield, son of Mercy, sold to Francis Jr., a house lot, out of the homestead, abutting on Stephen Smith, Aug. 29, 1792 (155: 108), and a lot of the same size, 63 ft. front, 36 ft. deep, to Thomas Merrifield, July 14, 1801 (170: 140). The heirs of Francis Merrifield sold the home- stead to John A. Kimball, Jan. 26, 1830 (258: 58); Kimball to Charles Giddings, Sept. 25, 1835 (284: 232); Giddings mortgaged to Greenleaf P. Perley, April 18, 1867 (767: 178); Perley foreclosed and sold to John Galla- gher, whose heirs still own, July 7, 1869 (777: 21). Francis Merrifield Jr. built a dwelling on the lot he purchased in 1792, and his heirs sold the house and land to Mary Wade Jr., Aug. 21, 1827 (251: 83). Miss Wade bought of Abigail Kimball, widow, and others, the corner lot, formerly the property of Stephen Smith, Jan. 24, 1829 (250: 222), and a lot on the northeast side of her property of Thomas Merrifield, who inherited from his father, April 18, 1834 (273: 304). She bequeathed her estate to lier nephew, Francis H. Wade, who still owns and occupies it. FRUIT STREET. 487 \nothcr portion of the Lieut. Simon Wood estate was sold by Moses Kimball and Ephraim Gibson, two and a quarter acres, to Jabez Tread- well Nov 17 1744(85:205); Kimball sold an acre and a quarter more, and twenty-nine rods on the other side of the way to the pastures, to Tread- tvell Julvl 1747(90:124). Capt. Treadwell built a dwelling, and l,e- nuelthed house and land to his son, Daniel Treadwell, who sold to Ephrann Follows April 9, 1814 (206 : 97). His son, Ephraim, inherited, and at his decease! it was sold to Mr. George Haskell, and transferred by him to Mr. Frank A. Stackpole. \,^^„„ The land on the west side of Fruit St. was inherited by Mrs Mercy Caldwell from her father, William Dodge, and the early titles of this tract ha e been considered in the study of the Turkey Shore lands. She sold several house lots to Sanford and James Peatfield and Jabe. Mann, hept. ^^^^sfuford^Peatfield sold his lot to Eliza, wife of Edward Plouff, Feb 4, 1SQ- f'OG- '^91) Mr. PloufT built a house and sold house and land to Robert" Jord;n, April 7, 1849 (414: 52). Mr. Jordan sold to Asa Kins- man April 14 1858 (569: 298) and he to William Grant, uncle of the pre ;nt owner Joshua B. Grant, Sept. 13, 1859 (594:88). ^ James Peltfield built, on his lot, the brick house, which he sold to Asa Kinsman Sept. 13, 1859 (593: 2.57) and is owned now by Mr. Sturgis cin 2n'd. Jabez Mann built a dwelling, owned later b>- Andrew I^.-^ Benjamin Newman bought the corner lot of Samuel Day, and built a dwelling. "Falls Island." (.DiaRram 4.) The ' ' Little Island ' ' sometimes called ' ' FaUs Island. In the vear 1673, permission was given "to Cornet AVhipple to sett up a fulling- mill at the smaller falls, by Ezekiel Woodward's house, pro- vfded the other fulling mill now begun be not finished be ore midsummer Ind not prejudicing the corn mill, provided also it be finished within a vear and ^hat he take not the timber to build it off the Connnons Al.o "Grai te^^^ Mr. Wade that httle Island of rocks at the falls in Exchange fo?so much to enlarge the highway by the windmill provided he hinder no man from taking away loose rocks, nor hinder fishway nor making of n hridsre nor prejudice the mills. . , ,. -ii 4.1 „ For some t me, there had been a growing dissatisfaction with the Saltonstall monopoly of the mill privilege at the ^^^^^^^.^'^X was made that the To... was too large to be ^^^^^^'^^^^ ^^ ^^^ miU and it was averred that the miller was not over c il, and that us Sir dealing could be called in question. This mill privilege was granted Mr Wad no doubt, in the hope that he would establish a mill t ;ere, an nXr'mission wis granted him in 1681 t;.]^-^^ --;^;^: ^Ton correspondence with Mr. Saltonstall, on condition that '^«/f ""J f f ""' the other mills Nothing resulted from this however, and in April. 168-, t tuoil was granted liberty to build another mill lower down the 488 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. river, near Sergeant Clark's, "provided he have gates eighteen or twenty feet wide to let up canoes or boats loaded into the cove, and to let out boats and canoes when the tide serves. ' ' The location chosen was at the foot of Summer St. Sergeant Clark was a tanner, and his establishment was on the northeast corner of Summer and Water .Sts. Jonathan Wade and others made natural opposition to this scheme, and it failed of accomplish- ment. There is a note of impatience in the vote of 1686, that "privilege is granted any one to build grist mills at the Falls near Goodman Rust's." Mr, Wade had not taken advantage of his grant, evidently, nor had Mr. Saltonstall afforded better facilities. Again in 1695, it was voted that Col. Saltonstall have liberty to build a new mill by Clark's, and again a written dissent from many citizens was presented, objecting to the clos- ing of a navigable river, and claiming that other locations were available. Once more in November 1696, it was voted that "two or three persons (not mentioned by name), that are so minded, shall have liberty to erect a mill and raise a dam" near John Clark's. At last, Robert Calef peti- tioned for libert}' to build a grist mill at the Little Falls. It was granted, on March 8, 1714-5, and he built a mill. Mr. Wade may have built a saw mill in 1673, when the fulling mill was erected, and the Island was given him. His heirs, Jonathan, Thomas, and Elizabeth, sold Joseph Caleffe and Francis Crompton, their title, in "a certain saw mill and fulling mill now standing together at ye Falls in ye Great River," and "an island and privileges as granted to our prede- cessors" May 16, 1702 (18: 172). Crompton sold Robert Cahffe "my third part of Island and fulling mill and saw mill," Feb. 2, 1714 (29: 76). Robert Calef, clothier, conveyed the Island and mills to William Dodge of Wenham, Nov. 22, 1729 (54: 169). Mr. Dodge was not satisfied with his investment, we may believe, for in the next year, 1730, he repeated the oft-made request for privilege to dam the river "at the end of Green Lane, so called, near Serg. Clark's formerly so called," and remove the grist mill he had recently built to this site, but the request was negatived. He continued to operate his miUs on the Island until 1748, when he sold a two thirds interest to Col. John Choate and Andrew Burley, and a third to his son, William Jr., March 22, 1748 (94: 222). The use of the power was conditioned however, "when the water runs over any part of the dam in said river, between ye saw mill, now of John Treadwell, and the corn mill on the other side of ye dam etc. ' ' Privilege was also given to move the dam to the lower end of the Falls. Abraham Choate conveyed the two thirds interest of John Choate to Col. Isaac Dodge, Feb. 6, 1772 (130: 43) and William Dodge Jr. sold his third to him, Dec. 31, 1783 (147: 169). Col. Dodge bequeathed the two grist mills and a saw mill which then occupied the Lower Falls, to his son Nathaniel, 1786 (Pro. Rec. 358: 518). Nathaniel Dodge bequeathed the mills, the old grist mill, and the new grist mill and saw mill, and his house, (near William A. Spiller's wheelwright shop), to his brother-in-law Thomas Burnham 4th, 1792 (Pro. Rec. 361: 522). Burnham sold a half interest 488 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. river, near Sergeant Clark's, "provided he have gates eighteen or twenty feet wide to let up canoes or boats loaded into the cove, and to let out boats and canoes when the tide serves. ' ' The location chosen was at the foot of Summer St. Sergeant Clark was a tanner, and his establishment was on the northeast corner of Summer and Water Sts. Jonathan Wade and others made natural opposition to this scheme, and it failed of accomplish- ment. There is a note of impatience in the vote of 1686, that "privilege is granted any one to build grist mills at the Falls near Goodman Rust's. ' ' Mr. Wade had not taken advantage of his grant, evidently, nor had Mr. Saltonstall afforded better facilities. Again in 1695, it was voted that Col. Saltonstall have Uberty to build a new mill by Clark's, and again a written dissent from manj^ citizens was presented, objecting to tlie clos- ing of a navigable river, and claiming that other locations were available. Once more in November 1696, it was voted that "two or tln-ee persons (not mentioned by name), that are so minded, shall have liberty to erect a mill and raise a dam" near John Clark's. At last, Robert Calef peti- tioned for liberty to build a grist mill at the Little Falls. It was granted, on March 8, 1714-5, and he built a mill. Mr. Wade may have built a saw mill in 1673, when the fulling mill was erected, and the Island was given him. His heirs, Jonathan, Thomas, and Elizabeth, sold Joseph Caleffe and Francis Crompton, their title, in "a certain saw mill and fulling mill now standing together at ye Falls in ye Great River," and "an island and privileges as granted to our prede- cessors" May 16, 1702 (18: 172). Crompton sold Robert Califfe "my third part of Island and fulling mill and saw mill," Feb. 2, 1714 (29: 76). Robert Calef, clothier, conveyed the Island and mills to WiUiam Dodge of Wenham, Nov. 22, 1729 (54: 169). Mr. Dodge was not satisfied with his investment, we may believe, for in the next year, 1730, he repeated the oft-made request for privilege to dam the river "at the end of Green Lane, so called, near Serg. Clark's formerly so called," and remove the grist mill he had recently built to this site, but the request was negatived. He continued to operate his mills on the Island until 1748, when he sold a two thirds interest to Col. John Choate and Andrew Burley, and a third to his son, William Jr., March 22, 1748 (94: 222). The use of the power was conditioned however, "when the water runs over any part of the dam in said river, between ye saw mill, now of John Tread well, and the corn mill on the other side of ye dam etc. ' ' Privilege was also given to move the dam to the lower end of the Falls. Abraham Choate conveyed the two thirds interest of John Choate to Col. Isaac Dodge, Feb. 6, 1772 (130: 43) and William Dodge Jr. sold his third to him, Dec. 31, 1783 (147: 169). Col. Dodge bequeathed the two grist mills and a saw mill which then occupied the Lower Falls, to his son Nathaniel, 1786 (Pro. Rec. 358: 518). Nathaniel Dodge bequeathed the mills, the old grist mill, and the new grist mill and saw mill, and his house, (near William A. Spiller's wheelwright shop), to his brother-in-law Thomas Burnham 4th, 1792 (Pro. Rec. 361: 522). Burnham sold a half interest FRUIT STREET. 489 in the mills and three fourtiis of the dwelling to Mary Farley, and the other half to John Baker 3d, July 20, 1820 (224 : 73). Mrs. Farley and Mr. Baker conveyed the same to Cieorge W. Heard on the same day (231: 11.5). Mr. Heard sold to his brother .\ugustine, Dec. 1, 1824, and Augustine conveyed two thirds of the mill property to the Ipswich Manufacturing Co., Dec. 22, 1837 (302: 205). It was held by the Manufacturing Co. thkough various vicissitudes, and was sold by the Ipswich Mills to Frederick/Damon, May 25, 1870 (988 : 85), and his heirs still own. The larger saw mill was destroyed in part by fire some years since and has now been entirely removed. The"Island" is not recognized as such, as the stone-bridge built in 18G0 coimected it with the main land, but its boundaries ^may be discovered by examination of the locality. Capt. Ammi Ruhami Wise, who owned the lot now covered in part by the Meeting House of the South Church, and a lot on the other side, was engaged in trading operations and owned sailing vessels. "For the security and safe laying of his vessell more especially in the Winter season, " he received a grant of "some of the fiats at the westernmost part of the Great Cove, whereon he will build a wharf for the said purpose, of the same breadth with the front of his close next the said Cove." He built his wharf and buildings. This wharf and lot passed from owner to owner, as the house lot was sold again and again, to Samuel Swasey, Capt. Gideon Parker, a shipwright, George Stacey, Joseph Wells, Solomon Giddings Jr., and Col. Isaac Dodge. It was sold to Col. Dodge in 1785, and was then called the "ship yard" lot, measuring sixteen rods. The ship build- ing industry is remembered well into the nineteenth century. It came to Thomas Burnham, and to Augustine Heard, who sold Mr. Gushing his spacious estate and the "ship yard" was included in it. APPENDIX A. A SUMMARY OF THE NAMES OF THE FIRST SETTLERS FROM 1633 TO 1649 WITH THE YEAR, WHEN THE NAME OCCURS FOR THE FIRST TIME IN THE TOWN RECORDS. This indicates only approximately the date of their coming as, in many cases, the record of a land grant was made some time after the grant was made. Adams William 1641 Boswell Nathaniel 1643 Adams William Jr 1648 Bosworth Haniel 1648 Andrews John Sr. 1634 Brabrook Richard 1643 Andrews John Jr. 1648 Bradley Daniel 1643 Andrews Robert 1635 Bradstreet Humphrey 1635 Annyball John 1641 Bradstreet Mr. Simon 1636 Appleton Samuel 1637 Bragg Edward 1642 Appleton John 1648 Brewer Thomas 1639 Archer Henry 1638 Brecy Mr. Thomas 1635 Ayers John 1643 Bridges Edmund 1641 Avery William 1637 Browne Edward 1637 Brown John 1640 Bacheler Mr. Henry 1639 Brown Richard 1638 Baker Mr. John 1638 (now of Newbury) Bartholomew Mr. William 1635 Bucklye William 1648 Beacham Robert 1641 Burley Giles 1648 Belcher Jeremy 1639 Burnham John 1639 Berry Thomas 1641 * Burnham Thomas 1643 Betgood Richard 1641 Button Matthias 1639 Betts Richard 1646 Biggs John 1633 Cacham Edward 1638 Bigsby Joseph 1648 Cacham John 1647 Bird Jathnie 1641 Carr George before 1634 Bird Thomas 1639 Carthane Edward 1637 Bisgood Richard 1641 Cartwright Michael 1637 Bishop Job 1648 CasteU Robert 1639 Bishop Nathaniel 1637 Chains Philip 1637 Bishop Thomas 1637 Chapman Edward 1643 Boreman Samuel 1639 Chesson Roger 1641 Boreman Thomas 1635 Chote John 1648 (490) APPENDIX A. 491 Chute James Chute Lionel Clark Daniel Clark John Clerk Mr. William Clarke Matthew Clark Thomas Clark Thomas Jr. Coggswell Mr. John Cogswell ^^'illiam Colborne Robert Coleby Anthony Coles Robert Cookes Richard Cooley John Covington John Comin'ges Isaac Crane Robert Cross John Cross Robert Carrin Matthias Dane Francis Dane John Dane John Jr. Davis John Day Robert Denison Mr. Daniel Denison John Dillingham Mr. John Dix Ralph Dix widow Dorman Douglass William Dudley Mr. Samuel Dudley Thomas Esq. Dutch Robert Easton Mr. Nicholas Eliot Emerson John Emerson Joseph Emerson Thomas Englisli William Epps Mr. Daniel Farrar or Farrow George 1646 1639 1634 1648 1633 1648 1634 1648 1635 1647 1648 1637 1633 1648 1638 1635 1637 1638 1635 1635 1634 1641 1635 1641 1641 1641 1635 1647 1634 1643 1637 1634 1641 1635 1635 1648 1634 1634 1648 1648 1638 1637 1647 1643 Fawn .Mr. John 1634 Fellows William 1639 Filbrick Robert 1639 P'irman Mr. Giles 1638 Firman Mr. Thomas 1635 Foster Abraham 1643 Foster Reginald 1635 Foster Mr. William 1635 Fowler Jo.seph 1647 Fowler Pliilip 1634 Franklin William 1634 French l<:dward 1637 French Thomas 1635 Fuller John 1648 Fuller William 1635 Gage John 1633 Gardiner Edmund 1636 Giddings George 1635 Gilbert Humphrey 1643 Gihnan Edward 1648 Gilven Thomas 1639 Goodliue William 1635 Granger Lanslot 1648 Graves Robert 1637 Gray Robert 1646 Green Henry 1642 Green Thomas 1648 Greenfield .Samuel 1638 Griffin Humphrey 1641 Gutterson William 1647 Hadley George 1639 Hafiieid Richard 1635 Hall Sanmel 1636 HanchettJohn 1638 Hardy Thomas 1633 Harris Antony 1648 Harris Thomas 1643 Harte Thomas 1639 Hassell John 1635 Hayes Robert 1635 Hejird Luke - inventory 1647 Heifer Samuel 1648 Hodges Andrew 1639 Holdred William 1637 492 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Horton Barnabas 1641 Lovell Thomas 1647 Hovey Daniel 1637 Low Thomas 1641 Howe Abram 1648 ' Lumas Edward 1641 Howe James 1646 Lumkin Richard 1637 Howlett John 1644 Howlett Thomas 1633 Manning John 16.34 Hoyt John 1641 Manning Susan 1638 Hubbard Mr. William 1635 Manning Thomas 1638 Hucklyes Richard 1639 Medcalfe Joseph 1634 Huttley Richard 1641 Meriall John 1636 MiUer William 1643 Ingalls John 1648 Moody William 1634 Morse John 1645 Jacob Richard 1635 Morse Joseph 1637 Jackson John 1635 Mussey John 1634 Jeffrey WiUiam' Mussey Robert 1634 Johnson John 1637 Jordan Francis 1634 Ned the Indian 1646 Jordaine Stephen 1636 Newlande Jeremy 1643 Newman John 1647 Kent Richard 1634 Newman Thomas 1638 Ketcham Edward 1639 Newmarsh John 1648 Kimball Henry 1649 Nichols Richard 1648 Kimball Richard 1636 North John 1637 Kimball Richard Jr. 1647 Norton Rev. John 1637 Kingsbery Henry 1638 Norton Mr. WiUiam 1648 Kinsman Robert 1635 Kinsman Robert Jr. 1648 Osgood Christopher 1634 Knight Alexander 1635 Knight Mr. WiUiam 1638 Parker Rev. Thomas 1634 Knowlton John 1639 Payne Mr. Robert •1649 Knowlton Thomas 1642 Payne Mr. William 1638 Knowlton WiUiam 1641 Pearpoint James 1646 Pebody Francis 1636 Ladd Daniel 1637 Pendar John 1648 Lamson WiUiam 1637 Pengry Aaron 1641 Lancton Roger 1635 Pengry Moses 1641 Langton Joseph 1648 Perkins Isaac 1637 Layton John 1643 Perkins Jacob 1648 Leach Ambrose 1642 Perkins John the elder 1634 Lee John 1640 Perkins John Jr. before 1634 Long Philip 1648 Perkins Thomas 1643 Long Samuel 1648 Perkins William 1633 Lord Robert 1636 Perley Allen 1637 Lord widow Katherine 1641 Perry Thomas 1642 1 Jeffrey gained possession of .Jeffries Neck, before 1633, probably. A.PPENDIX A. 493 Pettis John 1641 Silver Thomas 1637 Pitney James 1639 Simons 1636 Podd Samuel 1641 Sinnnes William 1647 Potter Antony- 1648 Sknelling Jafery 1645 Preston Roger 1639 Smith George 1648 Pritchett William 1641 Smitli Richard 1645 Proctor John 1635 Smith Robert 1648 Purrier William 1638 Smitii Thomas 1638 Pyke Mr. 1637 Spencer Mr. John 1634 Pyndar Henry 1641 Stace 1637 Stace Thomas 1646 Quilter Mark 1637 Stone Nathaniel 1648 Story Andrew 1635 Reading Joseph 1639 Story William 1642 Ringe Daniel 1648 Swinden William 1637 Roberds Robert 1643 Symmons William 1635 Robinson John 1635 Symonds Mark before 1634 Rogers Rev. Nathaniel 1637 Symonds Mr. Samuel 1638 Rolison Thomas 1637 Rolison Thomas Jr. 1648 Taylor Samuel 1648 Rosse Daniel 1648 Thorndike Mr. John 1633 Rosse Ezrah 1648 Thornton John 1639 Tingley Palmer 1639 Safford Thomas 1641 Tompson Symon 1636 Saltonstall Mr. Richard 1635 Tredwell Edward 1637 Saltor Theophilus 1648 Tredwell Thomas 1638 Satchwell John 1633 Tut tie Mr. John 1637 Sachwell Theophilus 1639 Tuttle Simon 1648 Saunders John • 1635 Sawyer Edmund 1636 Varnham George 1635 Sayward Edmund 1635 Varneham Ralph 1639 Schofield Richard 1641 Vincent Humphrey 1637 Scott — 1634 Scott Robert 1636 Wade Mr. Jonathan 1635 Scott Thomas 1635 Wainwright Francis 1639 Scott Thomas Jr 1648 ^^'alderne PMward 1648 Seaborn John 1636 A\'alker Henry 1642 Sellan Thomas 1633 Wallis Robert 1638 Severance John 1636 Waltz Robert 1639 Sergeant William 1633 Ward John, chirurgeon 1648 Sewall Mr. Henry 1634 Ward Rev. Nathaniel 1634 Sherratt Hugh 1635 Wardall Thomas 1648 Shorman Samuel 1636 Warner John 1637 Shorte Anthony 1634 Warner William 1637 Short Henry 1634 Warr Aljraham 1648 Silsl)y Henry 1647 Wattles Richard 1637 494 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Webster John 1634 Wedgwood John 1637 Wells Thomas 1635 West John 1649 Whipple Mr. John 1638 Whipple John Jr. 1648 Whipple Mr. Matthew 1638 White William 1634 Whitman Robert 1648 Whitred William 1638 Whittingham Mr. John' 1637 Whityear John 1635 Wilds John 1643 W^ildes William 1635 Wilkinson Henry 1635 Williamson Paul 1635 Williamson Michael 1637 Wilson Theophilus 1636 Willson Mr. William 1649 Winthrop Mr. John Jr. 1633 Wood Daniel 1643 Wood Obadiah 1649 Woodam John 1647 Woodmansy Mr. Robert' 1635 Wyatt John 1635 Wyeth Mr. Humphrey 1635 Younglove Samuel 1635 1 Robert Woodmansey, schoolmaster, of Tioston, sold his farm to Thomas Bishoi' in K^H. APPENDIX B. SOME EARLY INVENTORIES, WHICH GIVE AN INTERESTING GLIMPSE OF THE HOUSEHOLD GOODS AND PERSONAL EFFECTS IN SOME SEVENTEENTH CENTURY HOMES. IN SOME CASES PORTIONS ONLY ARE GIVEN. THE FULL DOCUMENTS MAY BE FOUND IN THE RECORDS OP THE COUNTY. The Inventory of Richard Lunipkui, an innkeeper, presented on the 23d of November, 1642 (Ipswich Deeds 1: 7) IX THE HALL. It One large table, one stoole, two formes - 15 - Three chaers and six cushions 4-0 In bookes 2 - 10 - It One pair of cob-irons, one fire pan ^ one gridiron, and two paire of trammels > 10-0 and one paire of bellows -' It. one muskett, one fowling piece 1 - 10 - 5 - 14 - 10 - 4 - 6 4 - IN THE P.\RLOR. one table with six joined stools 1 - It. three chairs and eight cushions one bedstead, one trundle bed and curtins 1 - one paire cob-irons one fire pan one chest It. one fether bed, two bowlsters i two pillows, two flock beds, five blanketts ^ 8-0-0 one rugg one coverlett ' one warming pan with other implements 6-0 IN THE CHAMBER OVER THE PARLOR one bedstead, one trundlebed 10-0 two flock bedds, one fether bed, one fether 1 bolster, four blanketts, two pillows f 4-0-0 two coverletts four chests, two boxes one table one corslet one fether bed tike 1 - - 5 - 3 - 1 - - 10 - 1 - - 10 - (495) 496 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. IN THE LEANTO seven brass kettles, one iron kettle 4 - 10 - one small copper 1 - 0-0 one iron pott, four posnetts, with other implements 1-0-0 Ten pewter dishes, etc. 2 - 0-0 In plate 4-0-0 The Inventory of Lionel Chute, school-master, presented June 25, 1645 (Ipswich Deeds 1: 15). 40 bushels wheate 8 bushels rie 40 " Indian corn 1 casting nett 3 pair of bootes and 4 pair of shoes hemp drest and undrest 2 bushels of mault 12 sacks and baggs 8 yards of linsy wolsy a halbert 2 haire lines and 3 sives 6 hogsheads 1 rope 3 chests and 3 boxes fether bed and bolster 5 fether pillows 1 flock bed and 1 flock pillow 1 pair blanketts 2 coverletts and an old rugg 1 old paire of curtains and rodds bedstead, matt and cord 2 flock beds and 2 flock boulsters fether pillow 1 paire of blanketts and 1 coverlett bedstead and line 4 yards of yard wide tyking 12 paire of sheets 6 pilUow beers 4 table cloths 1 dozen of napkins 5 towels and 1 yard kerchiefe 1 sliort course table cloth shirts his wearing apparell books, parchments and other things in a chest 2 - 0-0 7 - 6 - 8 1 - 6 - 5 - 15 - 13 - 4 1 - 10 - 1 - 4 - 8 - 1 - 10 - 16 - 8 6 - 8 4 - 6 8 - 5 - 1 - 2 - 3 - 10 - 1 - 5 - 13 - 4 9 - 2 - - 10 - 14 - 1 - - 5 - 1 - - 4 - 16 - 10 - - 1 - - 1 - 10 - 12 - 10 - 1 - 6 10 - 12 - - 7 - 5 - 2 - - 3 - 4 3 - - 6 - 8 - 4 - c - - - 6 - 8 - 8 - APPENDIX B. 497 3 yards of lioUand 1 old damakell coverlet pewter dishes, small and great, 14 salts ■» sausers, porringers 11 one ale pot j dozen alcamy spoons 2 great kettles, 2 small kettles \ and 1 brass pan > 4 skillets, 1 scimmer, and a ladle 2 iron pots, old ones frying pans 1 trevitt, 2 paire of cob irons, tongs and \ fire pan, 2 trammells, 2 pr. of r 1-12-0 pott hookes, 1 spit -' 1 silver spoone 1 bible and other books in ye hall 1 great boarded chest 3 chairs and other lumber 2 pewter candlesticks, 1 pewter bottle 1 powdering tubb, 2 beere vessells, 1 cowle John Satchwell in his will, Feb. 11, 1646 (Ips. Deeds 1: 22), be- queathed to his brother Theophilus, "my best cloth sute and coate," to his brother Curwin, "my stuff sute," to his sister Webster, "about seven yards of stuff lo ma-ke her a sute." The inventory mentions guns and swords 5 - 1 2 - a swarme of bees 1-0-0 a sett of [bed] curtains 1-0-0 curtaines, valance and carpit 2-5-0 Matthew Whipple, in his will (Ips. Deeds 1 : 28) mentions his brother, John, and children, John, Joseph, Matthew, Mary, Anna, Elizabeth. He owned the corner, on which Miss Sarah P. Caldwell's house stands. Inventory, presented November 24, 1646. IN THE HALL. Imprimis. 3 musketts, 3 pr. bandaleers, 3 swords, 2 rests 3-0-0 Item one fowling piece 1-0-0 a costlett, pike and sword 1-0-0 1 rapier 5-0 1 halberd, 1 bill 4-0 3 brass pots, weighing 68 lb. at 9d. 2-11-0 1 old brass pott 2-6 5 kettles, and a pot-lid waying 581b. a 16d. 3 - 17 - 4 1 copper waying 40 lb. 2-0-0 498 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Item 5 possnetts " 85 pieces of pewter, 147 lb. a 16d. 9 - " 4 pewter candlesticks " 2 pewter salts " 2 pewter pots, 1 cup and a bottle " 1 pewter flagon " 21 brasse alchemie spoons at 4s of the spoone 4 - " 9 pewter spoons at 18d per dozen " 5 chaffing dishes and a skimmer " 7 pieces of latten " 2 pr. of cob-irons, 1 fire pan, 2 pr. tongs) 1 fire fork and 1 fire iron, 581b. @ 4d i " 4 spitts weighing 20 lb. @ 6d " 2 warming pans " 2 iron dripping pans " 1 silver bowl and 2 silver spoons 3 - " 1 pr. cob irons with brasses 29 books 4 - " 6 dozen trenchers " 4 trayes and a platter " 3 juggs " 1 earthen salt, 1 pan, 3 pots " 3 cheese mootes and 2 cheese breads " 1 cowle, 1 paile, 2 bowls and 4 dishes " 2 firkins, 1 chirne " 2 frying pans and a trevitt " 2 bottles and 2 jacks " 1 pr. bellows, 1 gridiron, 1 pair sheeres, "i and 1 smoothing iron with one heater i " 2 keelers ' ' 2 formes, 1 dresser, 2 chaires, "I 1 long boarded chest > 11 IN THE PARLOR 12 - 16 - 10 - 5 - 4 - 6 7 - 4 - 1 - 14 - 7 - 19 - 4 10 - 14 - 6 - 3 - 6 - 8 - 6 3 - 5 - 3 - 6 3 - 3 - 5 - 6 4 - 11 - 8 4 - 6 - 4 - In It iprimis. 1 joyned table, 3 chests em 1 chest with glasse ' 1 pair of cob-irons, with fire pan 1 clock and tongs 1 - 12 - 2 - - 12 - 1 - - ' 4 chest locks and 4 box locks and 6 pr. of joints 7 - 6 ' 1 stainell bearing cloth 1 baies 1 - - 8 - 2 cloaks 3 - - ' 1 old coate 10 - ' 1 sute 1 - - ' 1 dublett and jackett ' 1 leather sute 1 - 4 - 1 - 6 - 8 14 - 13 - 4 2 - 6 - 8 1 - 7 - 6 8 - 6 - 6 - 12 - 6 2 - 6 5 - 6 - APPENDIX B. 499 Item 1 leather dublett " 2 hatts 0-7-0 2 pr gloves 2" 4'' 2pr stockings 4s " 1 diaper table cloth and 2 dozen diaper napkins " 2 table cloth 1-0-0 1 little table cloth 7-6 * ' 1 laced cubbord cloth and 1 fringed 4 to wells " 4 remnants of hoUand and sack cloth " 1 silke girdle " 1 feather bed, 1 bolster, 9 pillows waying 106 lb. a 22d IN THE CHAMBER OVER THE PARLOR. Imp. 3 flock beds and 3 bolsters ' It 1 rugg " 1 pair of curtins and vallence " 1 cupboard cloth " 4 cusliens " 1 pair curtins " 7 children blankets " 1 pillion cloth and foot stool ' ' 3 old axes, 6 pitch forks, 1 iron peele with other implements " 2 linen wheels and 1 cotton wheele and a basket 1 seller with glasses dwelling house, barn and four acres of land The inventory of Michael Carthrick (Ips. Deeds 1 : 32), presented Janu- ary 25, 1646-7, mentions 1 great cubberd 1-0-0 a great bible psalm booke and another book 10 - a looking glass and half hour glass 2-6 2000 of nails 10-0 a lanthome 2 beer vessels and beerestall 6-0 house, barn etc. 20 - - John Godfrey's testimony (Ips. Deeds 1: 38.) I doe testifie that Mr. Easton had in his hands a sute of cloth of Mr. Spen- cer's, a piece of damson colored cloth, which I knew it to be Mr. Spencer's, which Mr. Easton sold to Mr. JefTry. I kept 12 of Mr. Easton 's calves all a summer when I was Mr. Spencer's servant. Jo -H Godfrey's mark March 28, 1648. I doe testifie that Mr. Nicholas Easton did receive of Mr. Spencer's goods at Ipswich, two whole peeces of cloth, one grass greene colour and the 4 - 6 - 1 - - 1 - 5 - 4 - 3 - 12 - 7 - fi - 8 1 - - 9 - 5 - 36 - - 500 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. other damson colour and two whole buff skins, worth five pounds per skin, a buff sute, a new hoUan quilt, curtains and vallence for a bed, a covering for a bed, greene hangings for a room, 3 woolen blankets. These things I can testify Mr. Easton had of Mr. Spencer's (Ips. Deeds 1 : 38). (Mrs.)Margaret Gardiner 28 March 1648. Robert Mussey, in his will, made Jan. .5, 1642 (Ips. Deeds 1: 40), bequeathed his wife, "the liouse and house lott tliat lies in the west street, neer joyning to the house of John Dane, the elder," during her life, also a mortar, a bell-mettle skillett, one iron pott and pott hangers, a coltreU or trammell ; to his oldest son, Joseph, his farm near EgyptRiver, reserving a piece of land called the Cow leas; to his daughter Mary, the house, ' ' my best bible, a great brasse pan to be reserved for her until she comes of yeares" "the broad box with all her mother's wearing linen ; ' ' to his son "my handsaw, a long saw, also I give unto him the practice of piety, also I give unto him my little hammer, also my pesterill shot mould, also Mr. Preston 's works, 2 S bullet moulds, my horse booke, my physike book; ' ' to daughter^Mary, Mr. Donnham's works, and Mr. Dod's works, the second best gowne and a green wast cote. John Whittingham bequeathed landed estate in the parish of Souther- ton, near Boston in Lincolnshire (Ips. Deeds 1: 49). His inventory, pre- sented Dec. 25, 1648. IN THE PARLOR. 1 joyne table, with 5 chairs and 1 ould carpet 10-0 fetherbed, flock bed, 2 bolsters, 1 piUow, Ipr. blanketts, 1 rugg, curtains and valients and 12 - - bedstead 1 cupboard and cloth 2 pr cob irons 2 window curtains and curtain rodd I case of bottles bookes II cushions 1 still IN THE KITCHEN. 1 copper 2 muskets, 2 fowling pieces 1 table, 1 dresser, 3 tubbs and 2 forms 10 - 15 - 6 - 5 - 6 - 5 - 1 - 10 - 5 - 3 - 10 - 2 - 10 - 1 - 1 - - (i - 8 - - - APPENDIX B. 501 IN THE CHAMBER OVER THE PARLOR. (quoted in full on Page 30.) Sarah Baker's inventor_v, Sept. 1651 (Ips. Deeds 1: 115) includes a black stuff gowne 1 - a stuffe petty coate a cloth waste coate a mohair petty coat 1 - 2 red pretty coates and 2 wast coates 1 - The widow, Jane Kenning, in her wiU, 1653 (Ips. Deeds 1: 141) be- queathed to her sisters, Elizabeth, wife of Theophilus Wilson, and Margery, wife of Jolui Knowlton. The inventory, presented March 3, 1653, mentions her serge gowne 2-0-0 her cloath gowne 2 - 5 - her red petticoat with two laces 1-0-0 The will of Rev. Nathaniel Rogers from his own mouth, July 3d, 1655 (original on file in Probate Office). "The summe of my estate both in Old England and New seems to be about y« value of twelve hundred pounds of wliich summe four himdred pounds is expected from my father, Mr. Robert Crane, in England." "To Mary Quilter, my maidservant £3 "To Sarah Fillybrowne, my other maid servant 10s "To Harvard College £5 "To ye poore £3 Inventory, taken 16 August 1655. IN THE HALL a round table with 5 joined stools 6 chairs and five cushions a trunke, chest and hanging cupboard 2 Spanish platters a small cisterne with other implements a corslet, musket and fowling piece pr. of cob irons and tongs IN THE PARLOR a short table and a forme 6 cushion stooles and 2 chairs a livery cupboard 16 - 1 - - 1 - 1 - 5 - 17 - 3 - - 17 - 19 - 2 _ - 15 - 6 - - 18 - 6 - 2 - - - 3 - - - 13 - 10 - 1 - - 5 - 10 - 502 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY, featherbed, boulster, 2 down pillows, coverlet, blanket, canopy bed a great chaire 2 pictures a clock and other implements a pr. of cob irons, fire pan and tongs 2 window curtains and rods a carpet, cupboard cloth, and round table a treble violl IN THE KITCHEN. 2 pudding pans, stewing pan and dripping pan 5-0 pewter 153Mb. @ 16d. 10 - 04 - 08 a jacke, pot-hooke and other implements 1-0-0 gaily basin IN THE CHAMBER. Bed, bolster, down pillows etc. 14-10-0 2 window cushions 1-0-0 a perpetuanny coverlet 1 - 05 - a carpet, 2 window curtains and rods 16-0 a gilt looking glass 6-08 a childing wicker basket 3-0 a table basket 2-0 andirons a suit of diaper table linen 4 - - another suit of diaper table linen 2 - 15 - a diaper cupboard cloth 1 - 05 - 2 pr of hoUand sheets 3 - 10 - 5 fine pillow beeres 1 - 15 - 2 cupboard cloths and a pr. of sheets 1 - 13 - 23 napkins 1 - 06 - a diaper cupboard cloth 10 - goods out of England 21 - 06 - OS 3 pr stockings 1 - 1 - IN HALL CHAMBER. bedstead and cord a yellow rugge 2 - - in English goods 16 - - a couch and an old coverlet 7 - in plate 35 - 18 - a watch 4 - - one chest with a drawer 16 - 6 yards of sattenistoe? 1 - - APPENDIX B. 503 IN YE GARRET OVER YE PARLOUR. 1 bedstead, cord, bed, bolster, 2 old rugs 1 chaire IN YE STUDY. his library a cabinet, deske and 2 chaires a pair ofcreepers and pr of tongs 2-06 ye dwelling house barne Orchard and 24 acres in Common field 200 - - 4 - 2 - 1 - 2 100 - - 1 - 5 - APPENDIX C. LETTERS OF REV. NATHANIEL WARD. (1) Nathaniel Ward to John Winthrop Jr.* (The letter begins with remarks about Mr. Hall.) ' ' Our towne of late, but somewhat too late, haue bene caref ull on whome they bestowe lotts, being awakned therto by the confluence of many ill & doubtfull persons, & by their behaviour since they came, in drinking & pilferinge: I pray, if you speake with Mr. Hall, advise him to suffer no priuate drinking in his howse, wherin I heare lately he hath bene to blame. The reasons which moue our freemen to be very consider- ate in disposall of lotts & admission of people to vs are thes: ffirst, we conceiue the lesse of Satan's kingdome we haue in our towne, the more of God's presence & blessinge we may expect. 2 ly. we haue respect to the creditt of our Church & towne, from which we heare there are too many vniust detractions in the bay, to serue their owne ends. 3 ly. we consider our towne as a by or port towne of the land remote from neighbours, & had neede to be strong & of a homo- geneous spirit & people, as free from dangerous persons as we may. Lastly, our thoughts & feares growe very sadd to see such multitudes of idle & profane young inen, servants & others, with whome we must leave our children, for whose sak & safty we came over, & who came with vs from the land of their nativity, their freinds & many other comforts, which their birthright intitled them to, relying vpon our loue, wisdome & care, to repay them all in this wildernes either in specie or compensations ; but I must confesse it sinks vs almost to the graue to looke vpon the next generation, to whome we must leaue them & the fruite of our adventures, labours & counsells; we knowe this might haue bene easily prevented by due & tymely care of such as had the opportunity in their hand, & if it be not yet remedied, we & many others must not only say with grief, we haue made an ill change, even from the snare to the pitt, but must medi- tate some safer refuge, if God will afford it; but I hope he will cause light to shine out of darkness & glorifie his strenght in the weaknes of men ; & do that which seemes to be past all doing. We haue our eyes upon you 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., Fourth Series, vol. vii. (504) APPENDIX r. 505 magistrats.to lielpe vs; & now, good Sir, giue nie leaue with patience to tell you, as I did before you went to England, that your absence hath bredd vs much sorrowe, & your still going from vs to Connecticote doth much discourage vs. I feare your tye or obligation to this state, & in speciall to this towne, is more tlian you did well consider when you ingaged your eelf another way ; & I feare your indeauors tiiat way will not be operae ac spei pretiwn. I am in a dreame, att least not awake, if it be the way of Ciod for so many to desert this place, turning their backs upon vs, & to seeke the good of their cattell more then of com"' & my thoughts are that God doth iustly rebuke our state by the losse of so many men, vessells & victualls, in a tyme of dearthe, for their facility in giving way to their depar- ture; for your part we looke & long for you here, it are in a misery for the want of you. The Lord bring you in his season, & in the meane tyme afTord you his presence & blessinge whereuer you are: & so I rest Your worsliips in all truth of loue Xath'- Warde Ipswich, Dec. 24. I forgett not my due respect to your father, mother & wife. I heare Mr. Coddington liath the sale & disposal! of much provision come in this shipp. I intreate you to do so much as to speake to him in my name to reserve some meale & malt & what victuals els he thinks meete, till our Riuer be open; our Church will pay him duely for it. I am very destitute, I haue not above six busliells corne left & other things answerable. (2) Nathaniel Ward to John Winthrop.' To our much honoured Governor att Boston. Sir:— I thanke you very mucli for your loue and liberality by Mr. Rawson, you sent me more then I desired. I liaue 2 more earnest requests to you. 1. That you would please to advise throughly with the comisell, whether it will not lie of ill consequence to send the Court business to the common consideration of the freemen. I feare it will too much exaucto- rate the power of that Court to prostrate matters in that manner, I sus- pect both Commonwealth & Churches haue discended to lowe already; I see the spirits of people runne high & what they gett they hould. They may not be denyed their proper & lawfuU liberties, but I question whether it be of God to interest the inferiour sort in that which should be reserued in'er optinvU''s penes qwis est sancire leges. If Mr. Lachford haue writt them out, I would be glad to peruse one of his copies, if I may receiue them. The otlier is that you would not passe your promise, nor giue any 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Fourtli Series, vol. vii. 506 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. incouragment concerning any plantation att Quichichacke, or Penticutt/ till myself & some others either speake or write to you about it, which shal- be done so soone as our counsilles & contrivalls are ripened. In too much hast, I comitt you & your affaires to the guidance of God, in whom I rest. Your worships in all Christian service Nathl. Warde. There is a necessity that the Covenant, if it be agreed vpon, should be considered & celebrated by the seuerall congregations & townes, & hap- pily the [-.. ] but I dare not determyne concerning the latter. I meane of putting it to the suffrage of the people. (3) Nathaniel Ward to John Winthrop^ To the Worshipfull our Gouernour att Boston. Sir:— We are bold to continue our suite concerning the plantation I lately mentioned to you; our company increases apace from diuers townes, of very desirable men, whereof we desire to be very choise: this next weeke, if God hinder vs not, we purpose to view the places & forthwith to resort to you, & in the meane tyme we craue your secrecy & rest Your Worships Na: Warde We haue alreddy more than 20 families of very good Christians, pur- posed to goe with vs, if God will, & we heare of more. Our neighbour townes are much greiued to see the lauish liberality of the Court in giving away the Countrye. Some honest men of our towne affirme that in their knowledge there are 68 townes in England, within as litle compasse as the bomids of Ipswich ; I knowe neere 40 — where I dwelt- Rowley is larger than Ipswich, 9 or 10 miles longe, & will haue other plan- tations within it, tributaries to it, & intend as we heare, to stretch their wings much farther yet, & will spoile Qutchicqute vtterly, if not Pen- tucket. We earnestly pray you to prevent it. We shuld incourage many 1 The editor of the Historical Society Publications assigns this letter to 1639. "The brief reference to "Quichichacke" and "Penticutt", subsequently Andover and Haver- was explained four days after in a letter from Giles Firmin, the son-in-law of Ward, then living at Ipswich, to Gov. Winthrop, giving full particulars respecting their plans for a new settlement and craving the privilege of selecting either of the two places named above, so soon as the season would permit an examination of them. This informal ap- plication was followed May 13, 1640, as we learn from our Colony Records, by a petition from Ward and others to the Government, asking permission to begin a new plantation on the Merrimack, which resulted in the settlement of Haverhill: the Rev. John Ward, the son of of Nathaniel, being the first minister of the place. " 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Fourth Series, vol. vii. APPENDIX C. 507 to come over, if many plantations were not spoiled by the extreame largnes of those that are already giucn. Our purpose is to liaue no great I)ounds.' Nathaniel Ward to John VVinthrop.' Sir:— I thanke you much for your letter & loue, & those also of the planta- tion for their good esteeme of mee, which I trust I shall not be back%vard to requite to my poore power. When I came out of the bay, matters were left thus betweene Mr. Shepheard & mee. That if there might be any subsistence there this winter, I should heare from him, speaking both with him & some of the plantation, I discerned that they thought it too difficult to adventure thither till the extremity of the winter were abated. I acknowledge I am tender & more vnfitt for solitariness & hardshipp then some other, especially att this tyme, through many colds & seeds of the bay sicknesses I brought from thence yet if God & counsell cast me vpon any worke or condition I should labour not to wayue his good prouidence. I heare there is no private roome there, litle prouision, and not a woman to dresse nieate or wash linnen, & the cheif of the men are like to be absent for the most parte att their own homes. I am much troubled what to doe, but vpon Mr. Shepheards letters I shall take advise, and doe what God shall direct & inable me vnto. In the mean tyme, iterating my thank- full respect to your selfe and them, craving your prayers, I rest Your worships in all Cliri-stian services. Ipswich 9th 26. Xathl. Warde.'' • Rowley was incorporated 4 Sept. 1639. This letter wa.< probably written in tiie early part of 1640. 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Fourth Series, vol. vii. 3 Probably 1640 or 16 tl. APPENDIX D. DR. GILES FIRMIN'S LETTERS. (1) Gyles Fyrmin's Letter to Governor Winthrop, about his Settling.' Much honoured and deare Sir: But that I thinke it needlesse (God hauing more than ordinarye fitted you for such trials) my letter might tell you with what griefe of spirit I received the news of that sad affliction which is lately happened to your worship, by means of that unfaithful wretch ; I hope God will find a shoul- der to helpe you beare so great a burthen. But the little time there is allotted me to write I must spend in requesting your worships counsel and favour. My father-in-law Ward, since his sonne came over, is varey desirous that wee might sett down together, and so that he might leave us together if God should remove him from hence. Because that it cannot be accomplished in this town, is verey desirous to get mee to remove with him to a new plantation. After much perswasion used, consideringe my want of accommodation here, (the ground the town hauing given mee lying 5 miles from mee or more) and that the gaines of physick will not finde me with bread, but, besides, apprehendinge tliat it might bee a way to free him from some temptations, and make him more cheereful and serviceable to the coxmtry or church, have yielded to him. Herein as I desire your counsel, so I humbly request your favour, that you would be pleased to give us the libertye of choosinge a plantation; wee thinke it will be at Pentuckett, or Quichichchek, by Shawshin: So soon as the season will give us leave to goe, wee shall informe your worship which we desire: And if that, by the court of election, we cannot gather a company to beegine it, wee will let it fail. Wee desire you would not graimt any of them to any before wee have scene them. If your worship have heard any relation of the places, wee should remaine thankful to you, if you would bee pleased to comisel us to any of them. Further I would en- treate for advise in this. The towne gave mee the ground (100 acres) upon this condition, that I should stay in the towne 3 yeeres, or else I could not sell it : Now my father supposes it being my first heritage (my father having none in the land) that it is more than they canne doe to hinder me thus, when as others have no business, but range from place to place, on purpose to live upon the countrey. I would entreate your counsel whether or noe I canne sell it. Further: I am strongly sett upon to stydve diuinitie, my studyes else must be lost: for physick is but a ' Hutchinson's Collection of Original Papers. (508) APPENDIX D. 509 meene helpe. In these cases I humbly referre to your worship, as my father, for your counsel, and so in much haste with my best services pre- sented to your worship, wishinge you a strong support in your affliction, and a good and comfortable issue, I rest Your worships in what he canne to liis power, Gylks Fvkmin' Ipswich, 26, 10th, 1639. We humljly entreate your secrecye in our desires. (2) Giles Firmin to John Winthrgi". To the Right Worshipfull & our honoured Gouernour Jolm Winthrop Esq. att his house in Boston dd. Much Honoured & Dearest Sir — I can hardlye thiiike of you, nmcli less write to your worship, witiiout some greife of spirit; I am glad yet to heare, & cannot but looke vpon it as a great power of a God to carry his creature through such a triall with- out discontent or frettinge against liis Prouidence. I haue heard a con- clusion gathered against these Plantations; because the Lord hath so sadlye afflicted the founders of them in their estates ; that therefore it wa:s not a way of God to forsake our Countrye & expose our selues to such temptations, as wee haue done, so long as wee might haue enioyed God in any comfortable measure in the place whence wee came; alledginge that it is scarcely knowne that any church in a way of separation, as wee are, did euer yet thrive in grace. At first hearinge the thing I was a little affected, onely when I came to consider that those who haue thus suffered in their estates, haue been no seekers of themselus, but the commonnesse of their spiritts or vnfaithfulness of seruantes, as a means, haue beene the onely cause, I haue againe gathered my tlioughtes to rest, hopinge still that God will finde out a way to make your burden ligliter. For the letter which your worship sent mee & for your vndeserued loue therein mani- fested, I humbly thanke you . Your counsell carriinge reason & your owne experience in it I cannot set light by, hauinge beene a means to calm my disquiett though tes, & to stopp them in their hurrye: my ffather-in-law^ still holdes his owne & would yet haue mee rise from hence, my brother Ward wauers much but ratlier declines it, from your arguments, & some others which wee finde out together; iiowsoeuer, if time will giue us leaue (the Lord willinge )some of vs will veiw Pentuckett in the springe, because every one that hath seene it giue it such large commendations for a small ' Giles Firmin, born about 1614, was the .son of Deacon Giles Firmin, who came over in the fleet wit h Winthrop, and was chosen Deacon of the Church in Boston in 163.3. The son, who had been educated at Cambridge l^niversity, removed to Ipsw'ch. His hou.se lot adjoined that of his father-in-law. Rev. Nathaniel Ward near the Parsonage of the South Church. He returned to England about 1044, wa.i ordainetl at the age of forty, and was settled as rector of .Shalford in Essex. He was ejected from his living in 1662. He died in April, 1697. - Rev. Nathaniel Ward. 510 IPSWICH, ^N THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. towne; the way also thither beeiug passable for a great pinnace; onely my feare is that Passatonnaway liuinge there sometimes, hee will hardly be bought out with a little. My brother Ward hath beene offered the place at Marblehead, when the minister goeth away to Jefferies Creeke who is there. The message was first done to my ffather Ward who should have enformed my brother of it, but he kept it in his own breast, & did not reueale it till long after by accident hee heard of it; so that now hee fears the opportunity is slipt; diuers enticements hee hath to retume to England, but his wife is vtterlye against it ; & hee is willinge, if hee might but haue any employment, to stay still. If your worship did but put in a word for him, if you thinke the place conueniente for him, your word would doe much: he did helpe at Rowlye, but because hee was not in couenant, some took offence, & hee layed it downe at my vnckles desire, & his church, who else would gladly [haue] enioyed his helpe. This letter I would desire your worship might haue safely deliuered to your sonne, containinge in it some money which I ought him. Thus still crauinge pardon for my boldnesse, with due thankes for your loue & care of mee; my due seruice being presented to you, desiringe the Lord to support your spirit vnder your affliction & to giue a fauourable issue out of it. I rest, Your worships in any service Giles Firmin. Ipswich: 12th of the 12th 1639.i (3) Giles Firmin to John Winthrop.^ To the right Worshipful & our honoured Gouernour, John Winthrop Esq. at his house in Boston. Right worshipfull honoured & deare Sir — I receiued your louing letter with many & heartye thankes for your remembrance of mee; it is no small comfort to mee that I haue a roome in your thoughtes, & that my welfare should bee so much desired & re- garded by you as your letter intimates. For the come which your wor- ship haue procured mee, I am sorry I should put you to trouble, but humbly thankefuU that you will doe it & that you haue answered my bold request ; what price it carry your worship mention not, yet I suppose it will bee as cheape as any. I thanke the Lord I haue louinge freinds who doe supply my necessitie, & doe send in beyond my thoughtes. For your counsell about removinge into the Bay, I doe not sett light by it, consideringe from whom it came, hauinge a deeper reach than myselfe: onely for matter of imployment I haue as much heere as I desire & loue my plantinge more than it, onely the highest ambition of my thoughtes & desires are to bee vsefull & serviceable heere in a common way. Freinds, I haue, very lou- inge ones, & Mr. Rogers ministry very searchinge yet if your worship shall please to lend mee your thoughtes, I shall receiue them thankefully & view them well. Wee haue diuers very ill; & fluxes & ffeuers, I obserue, are very dangerous. Ipswich, 15. 2: mo: ' Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Fourth Series, vol. vii. APPENDIX E. LETTERS OF SAMUEL SYMONDS. (1) Samuel Symonds to John Wixthuc)p Jh. To the Right Worshipfull his much honored brother John Winthrop of Ipswich, Esqr: speed this I pray. Good Sir— 1 have received your lettre, I thanke 3'ou for it, it hath bin my earnest desire to have had an oportunity longe ere this to have bene with you againe, but was hindered by the weather, and still my desire lasts, but now I cannot by reason that mj'^ wife her tyme draweth very neare. Concerne- inge the bargaine that I have made with you for Argilla,' my wife is well content, & it seemes that my father Peter^ hath imparted it to the Gover- nor, who (he tells me) approves of it very well, alsoe, soe I hope I shall now meete with noe rub in that businesse, but goe on comfortablely, ac- cordeing as I have & daily doe dispose my affaires for Ipswich. Conceme- inge the frame of the howse, I thanke you kindely for your love & care to further my busines. I could be well content to leave much of the con- trivance to your owne liberty vpon what we have talked together about it already. I am indiferent whether it be 30 foote or 35 foote longe ; 16 or IS foote broade. I would have wood chimnyes at each end, the frames of the chimnyes to be stronger then ordinary, to beare good heavy load of clay for security against fire. You may let the chimnyes be all the breadth of the howse if you thinke good ; the 2 lower dores to be in the middle of the howse, one opposite to the other. Be sure that all the dorewaies in every place be soe high that any man may goe vpright vnder. The staiers I thinke had best be placed close by the dore. It makes noe great matter though there be noe particion vpon the first flore; if there be, make one biger then the other. For windowes let them not be over large in any roome, & as few as conveniently may be; let all have current shutting draw-windowes, haveing respect both to present & future vse. I think to make it a girt howse will make it more chargeable then neede; however, ' The Argilla Farm was conveyed by John Winthrop to Samuel Symonds by deed, dated 8, ]2mo. 16.'^7 (Feb. 1638 N. S.) As he alludes to the bargain as already made, and plans for the spring planting the letter was written during the winter of 1637-38. 2 Rev. Hugh Peter of Salem, who married Elizabeth, widow of Edmund Reade.and mother of Martha, the second wife 'of Dep. Gov. Symonds. (511) 512 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. the side Vjearers for the second story being to be loaden with come, &tc., must not be pinned on, but rather eyther lett in to the studds, or borne vp with false studds, & soe tenented in at the ends. I leave it to you & the carpenters. In this story over the first, I would have a particion, whether in the middest or over the particion vnder, I leave it. In the garrett noe parti- cion, but let there be one or two lucorne^ windowes, if two, both on one side. I desire to have the sparrs reach downe pretty deep at the eves to preserve the walls the better from the wether. I would have it sellered aU over, & soe the frame of the howse accordeingly from the bottom. I would have the howse strong in timber, though plaine & well brased. I would have it covered with very good oake-hart inch board, for the present to be tacked on onely for the present, as you tould me. Let the frame begin from the bottom of the seller, & soe in the ordinary way vp- right, for I can hereafter (to save the timber within grounde) run vp a thin brick worke without. I thinke it best to have the walls without to be all clap boarded besides the clay walls. It were not amisse to leave a doreway or two within the seller, that soe hereafter one may make com- ings in from without, & let them be both vpon that side which the lucorne window or windowes be. I desire to have the howse in j^our bargaineing to be as compleatly mentioned in particulers as may be, at least so far as you bargaine for, & as speedily done alsoe as you can. I thinke it not best to have too much timber felled neare the howse place westward etc. Here are as many remembrances as come to minde. I desire you to be in my stead herein, & w^hat euer you doe shall please me. I desire you would talke with Mr. Boreman & with his helpe, buy for me a matter of 40 bushells of good Indian corne, of him or of some honest man, to be paidd for now in ready money & to be deliured at any time in the sumer, as I please to vse it. I would deale with such a man as wiU not repent if corne rise, as I will not if it fall. Thus acknowledging my bouldnes, T desire to present our respectfull love to you, my sister, & your little one, not forgetting my daughter. I cease, committing you to him that is mercy and wisdome itsehe & soe rest. Yours ever, S. Symonds.- My wife desires her spetiall love to be remembered to you both, & to let you vnderstand that she is very glad that she shalbe your neighbour at Ipswich. I have herewith sent you inclosed 501i for yourselfe, in part of pay- ment, as my father Peter willed me from you to doe, & twenty pounds more to be disposed in corne, & to workemen as you please ; & for the pay- ment for the rest, as you are willing to let my father Peter set downe the tyme, soe am I. 1 luthrn. 2 Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., Fourth Series, vol. vii. AI'I'KNDIX K. 513 My wife and I desire to be kiiidelj' remembered to your good neigh- bours, Mr. Boremaii & his wife & the rest of our friends. I could haue wished lie had written one word by Mr. Tuttell how those 3 bullocks be disposed of. Our desire now is to hasten to Ipswich as fast as we can, at least our servants. I heare that your Cliurch hatli setled the choyce of your nunisters in their offices, ct that now things are likely to goe on very well & comfortablely, which ministers matter of great ioy to all that love Jesus Christ. And truely the peace of any Cliurch (because pretious) is soe difficult to preserve, in respect of the subtilty & mallice of the common enymy, that it requires answerable cautelousness on all hands, every one waighing well that one sentence of tlie Apostle, Let every one esteeme an other better tlien liim selfe «S: study the vally-way to rise to true honour. (2) Sami^el Svmonds to John Winthkop Jh.' Sir- After I had dispatched my letters ct busines to you by my father Peter, it so came to passe that a kinde neigjibour & an understandeing man came Into the howse where I was, & after some discourse about imploying of servants this winter tyme, & of my particuler case about my sendeing any servants to Ipswich, I resolved to take the oportunity of my father's barke, now at Boston, to send certaine necessarie things by it, as far as Salem, that soe by some means or other, they may be gotten to Argilla. I liave also sent Daniell and two men, to sett forward (what they can) my businesse there. They are rawe planters as yet, they want experi- ence, but we doubt not but you will be pleased to counsell & order them in their businesses. While the hard weather last(s) I suppose that their worke wilbe to deale in wood-worke, as stubbing of trees, cleareing of grounds, «fetc. and as soon as any open weather come, not to omit breakeing vp of grounds for Indian corne this yeare. Its indiferent to me wliether they cleare in the mowed plow ground, or in the other, onely this I take it to be best, to begin where mostgrownde mayeasliest and spediest be cleared. I would faine get as mucli corne growing tliis yeare as I can, it tlien seed being gotten into ground, we shall attend l>reaking vp & tilling of ground for next yeare. They will want direccons alsoe I feare, for their lodge- inges to be warme, for provideing besides Indian corne, some other cheape provition, as garden things, fish &tc. Albeit I shalbe glad to find some good entrance made in my businesse against my comeing, yet if with a litle matter done, it please God that I meet them in health, I hope I shall rest well content. Tlie Lord God prosper all our enterprises. Amen. Vale. Yours ever in all brotherly affeccion S. Symoxds.- ' Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., Fourth Series, vol. vii. -This letter was written evi'lently ue.ir the date (if I ho preceding, in the early spring of 1G38. 514 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. (3) Samuel Symonds to Governor Winthrop, Jan. 6, 1646.' [The first part of this letter relates to "A Remonstrance and Petition of Robert Childs and others" which was presented to the General Court in 1646. This document arraigned the Government for refusing to allow those who held to the Church of England, to be admitted to the churches, for withholding the franchise and the privilege of holding civil office from a large proportion of the people, and for various unjust and oppressive measures. Copies of this petition had been circulated in the towns, and the peace of the Colony was sorely threatened. Childs and his associates were arrested and fined. They refused to submit to the authority of the Court, and were preparing to go to England to lay their case before Parlia- ment. Thereupon the magistrates made a seizure of their papers and found two petitions and various queries which were to be sent to England. For this they were fined again. Winthrop says, "We could hear of but twenty-five (subscribers) to the chief petition, and those were (for the most part) either young men who came over servants and never had any show of religion in them, or fishermen of Marblehead, profane persons." It appears from the following letter that one of these petitions had been circulated in Ipswich. In the second portion of the letter, Mr. Symonds declares "what seems to be Gods ende in bringing his people hetlier. " It reveals a rev- erent and thoughtful mind, intensely interested in the well-being of the Colony, profoundly concerned for the Puritan cause in England, and a noble desire for the Christianizing of the Indians.] Sir: I thanke you for the intelligence you sent me before the fast day. I am sorry for the trouble you were put unto. Troubles and difficulties we must looke for (if we will reere a building to the Lord) but the encourage- ment exceeds when we consider the worke is his. I am informed that coppies of the petition are spreading here, and divers (specially young men and women) are taken with it, and are apt to wonder wliy such men should be troubled that speake as they doe; not being able suddenly to discerne the poyson in the sweet wine, nor the fire wrapt up in the straw. And albeit I do conceive this towne^ affords very few malignants, yet with- all I doubt not but here are some active spirits for any such project once sett on foote. I am informed of the suspicious expressions here and there of some, but I shall attend full matter, and the fittest season, before I thinke meet to meddle with them. I perceive that our people here when through the cunning of .some and mistake of others, any doubts concerning the publique proceedings are in minds, they are soone satisfied when they are rightly informed. Upon these and such like considerations I do desire 1 From Hutchinson's Collection of Papers. 2 Ipswich. APPENDIX E. 515 you would hasten the sending of a coppy of the courts answere to the peti- tion and remonstrance, also of the charge of their answere thereunto, and also a reply (if any be made unto it) if none be made, then a coppy of the reply to their answer in the first particular, wliich I suppose is with the rest in Mr. Secretaries liands. If it be not too much trouble to you I should desire now and then a few lines from you how matters proceed at tlie Bay. Its none of the least poynte of the petitioners policie to beare people in hand of multitudes to be of their mind ; but its conceived that its a meere empty vant, for except a few (not affected to religion, and others errone- ous in opinions) the people are firme. Yours in him'who ever watclieth over us 6th 11th 46. ' S. S. I had ended as you see what I intended at this tyme, but it being still in my hand I thouglit good to add a little^more. The scope of what I would expresse is, to observe Gods providences in mans motions at this tyme seeme plainly to tend to settle his people here, and to recover new Enghsh spirit for Christs kingdome againe. The irregular departure of some causeth a deeper search of heart, wherefore God hath brought his people hither (I will briefly mention Gods ends, as I conceive them, by and by) and the plotting of others under the alluring notion of liberty, thereby to winne the opinionists and looser sort, causes the solid christians to prize the rare and rich liberty wliich God hath given them, and they have deerly purchased (viz: in respect of men in this their great adventure) at a very high rate. Is not government in church and cojnmon weale (according to Gods own rules) that new heaven and earth promised, in the fullnes accomplished when the Jewes come in, and the first fruites begun in this part New England, though neglected by many and opposed by some? Now to name wliat seemes to be Gods ende in bringing his people hether, whatever more there may be which tyme may yet discover. 1. To be an occasion to stirre up the zeale of the two nations to sett^upon reformation of religion, and that with good successe. 2. To have liberty and power to sett up Gods owne ordinances in clmrch government, and thereby to hold forth matter of conviction to the episcopacy and others that this way of church government and civill government may stand together. 3. To exercise the graces of the richer sort in a more mixt condition, they shall have the liberty of good government in their hands, yet with tlie abatement of their outward estates. And that the poorer sort (held imder in England) should have inlargement. 4. To afford a hiding place for some of his people that stood for the truth while the nation was exercised unto blood. 5. To liave an opportunity to trayne up a godly skillful soldiery, wliicli sliortly may be imployed agamst that blasphemous citty. And to these may be added (at least a sprinkling) of godly seamen, formerly rare in the world. 516 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. 6. To make this place a rendezvous for our deare English friends when they sliall make tlieir ^■oyages to the West Indies, to dry up that Euphrates. 7. To be hopeful! instruments in Gods hands to gaine these Indians to Christs kingdome. Which mercy if attained in any considerable measure will make us goe singing to our graves. I will also mention the text preached upon at our last fast, and the propositions raised thereupon, because it was so seasonable to New Eng- lands condition, and so prosecuted, that did you see a coppy I thinke you would desire the sermon to be sett forth in print for publick advantage. Jeremy 30: 17 For I will restore health to thee, and heale thee of thy wounds, saith the Lord: because they called thee an outcast, saying, this is Zion, whom noe man careth for. 1. Prop. That sick tymes doe passe over Zion. 2. That sad and bitter neglect is the portion and aggravation and afflic- tion of Zion in the tyme of its sicknes and wounds, but specially in the neglect of those that doe neglect it, and yet notwithstanding doe acknowledge it to be Zion. 3. That the season of penitent Zions passion is the season of God's com- passion. This sermon tended much to the settling of godly minds here in Gods way, and to raise their spirits, and as I conceive hath sutable effects. I think the magistrates &tc may justly long for a happy conclusion of the Synod, that they may attest to the government of Christ in his Church, and that they may with renewed vigor attend the mighty provi- dences of these tymes and opportunities for tlie advance of Christs cause, the elders being soe zealously sett thereupon. Sir, its conceived this place will prove either very honourable or very meene and contemptable, according as religion is attended or neglected. If you thhik it meete, I pray send also a coppy of their petition found in Dands^ studdy, its directed to the commissioners. (4) Samuel Symonds- To John Winthrop, Jr. [It is recorded, under the date Jan. 13, 1637, that the Town "granted to Mr. John.Winthrope Castle Hill and all the meadow and marsh, lying within the creeke provided y' he lives in the Towne, and that tlie Towne may have what tliey shall need for the Ijuilding of a Fort." Mr. Winthrop had already been commissioned Governor of the "Con- necticut Plantations, ' ' and was actively engaged in forwarding that settle- ment. He sold Mr. Samuel Symonds about a hundred acres of the Castle Hill Farm on Jan. 1, 1645 N. S. and the balance on Aug. 20, 1645. 1 .John Dancis, one of the signers of the Remonstrance and Petition. 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Fourtli Series, vol. vii. APPENDIX E. 517 The Town, as appears ironi the followiii"; letter, resenting Mr. W'in- throp's departure, disputed unsuecessfully his title, and Mr. Symonds wrote Mr. Winthrop the minute and interesting account of the proceedings which follows. Various allusions are made to the action of the Town in Town meetingB of wliich no record remains. It is evident from this and other omi.ssions that tlie Town Records, which have been preserved, are very incomplete. It is evident also that the date of entry in many cases does not determine the date, when the Town took action.] Good lirother: — I presume you doe lieare what is the yssue of tiie triall of the title of Castell-Ilill: but had not the castle beene grounded vpon records & full testimony by the tlien Recorder, it might have bene shaken, as it wanted noe battering to doe it. There came in such testimony & pleadings (as I doe assure my selfe) you never dreamed of. The case was debated in Court tlie Tewsday after noone & the fore-noone the next daj\ The second grant was that which was endeavoured to have bene made voyde & tlie first difficulty obtained. It was vrged that you were denied a vote all the former part of tlie day, albeit your writing & the thinge itselfe speaks tliat the land was not now the Townes to giue, but that you yeilded, to part witli tlie greatest part of the neck to them. There were (as I remember) 4 that did testifie concerning the number of the freemen tttc present, all variously from each other, when they did deliuer theire testimony una voce: one, before he was sworne, said it was done an houre &tc. within night by candle light, but did not deliuer it soe vpon oath: 2. that it was very late, but not by candle light. You and I are noe witnesses in this case: we know it was in the afternoone & the Record agreeth with vs ; another act being done at same tyme, which must require a little debate before it was written, which was your grant of 300 acres, which is well approved of. But I did know it would require some skill to make one act of the same meeting after the other good, & the former null; soe it was said that your said farme was given before, only the quantity appoynted now ; which (though tyme must be given to believe) yet they confesse enough to make the meeting A'alid in deterniinyng the number of acres; alsoe to confirme this (fc nullifie the other, it was tendered to be testified that this farme, part of it, you had plowed before this grant. Tis nine yeares since the grant, Aug. Gtii last. I suppose you may call to minde who did plow it & when. Though it makes nothing to the case, yet I would willingly let them see their mistaks. It was testified that the meeting was called for another purpose, but next day when they brought in their testimonies, in writing, one of the Jury minded them that this meeting (as before did appeare) was called or warned by the man that did vse to wame the meetings. It was alsoe said that tliis last grant was voted in the meeting howse, at that tyme mentioned in the record indeed, but it was written in another howse & at another tyme, & this is a thinge, alsoe (I suppose) you never 518 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. dreamt of. Whereas besides one knowledge & presence at the doeing of it, res ipsa loquitur, for in grants where there must be describing of bounds soe & soe, limittacion hither, & a line soe, it wiU require to be written before it be voted, according to reason & vsuall practice. Mr. Bartholmew was a cleare & full witnesse, agreeing with the Recorde. There was noe neces- sity of any. I summoned none: I did expect him, & he did well to be present. Concerning the poynt in law touching the presedent order or grant of this land to tlie Town by the freemen, this did not hold longe debate in the Court. Their last plea to save the accion & charges at least, was that I ha^'e not sett the fence right: soe there are three Commissioners appoynted to view it, if they be found to have broken the fence ^'pon my ground, then I am to have 3 li dammages. After all the rest was pleaded itte. poynt of Chancery or equity was pleaded, the argument whereof I suppose is generally knowne to be vpon a grosse mistake. It was to this effect, that you left the Towne when Mr. Ward was leaving his place, the Church settling our present officers, & the Church ready to crack, how longe these things were done before, you know better than I, but sure I am, I was a member of the Church first by our present elders in office &tc. &c. An other thinge was on the second daye testified, I having touched the strangnes of averring against a Record, & not soe much as a protes- ts cion against it, at that t3ane made. The next day one of them remem- bered vpon his oatli, there was a protestacion. I know not whether he well vnderstands what it is, but vnlesse had there bene one, yet if not recorded, what would it effect to prevent any purchaser from deceiving himselfe, building vpon the Record for the Grant, & finding nothing to question the same? For as much as I was present & there is Mr. B : his oath to the recorder for a fuU consent, for ought appeared to him & by their owne con- fession by the maior part it was done, this seemes very strange ; save that the space of tj-me since doth help to make the most charitable interpreta- cion &c. A protestacion doth not overthrow an act, noe more then when 2 or three doe enter their dissent vpon an act of Court, it doth render the matter more doubtfull, &tc. Vrgent occasions doe call me off. I pray God send you a prosperous iourney. Our love to you, my sister & all my cosens. I rest Your ever loving brother October 6th 47. Samuel Symonds. APPENDIX F. The Copy of a Valedictoky and Monitory Writing, Left by Sarah Goodhue. The wife of Joseph (!ooi)hue, of Ipswich, in N. E. and found aiteh her decease; full of spiritual exi'eriences, sage counsels, pious instructions, and serious exhortations: directed to her husband and children, with other near relations and friends, and profitable to all that may happen to read the same. She was the youngest daughter of Elder.AVhipple, ' born at tlic said Ipswicli Anno IWI, and died suddenly (as slie had presaged she should) July 2.!, 1681, three days after she had been delivered of two hopeful children, leaving ten in all surviving. Cambridge. New England : Printed in 16S1. Salem : Reprinted by Samuel Hall, 1770, Portland. Again reprinted, by request, by .Jenks & .Shirley, ISta. Cambridge, New Engl and: Again reprinted by Metealf .V Co.. for David Pulsifer of Boston, Win.-' Dear and loving Husband, if it sliould please the Lord to make a sudden change in thy family, the whicli I know not how soon it may be, and I am fearful of it : Therefore in a few words I would declare something of my mind, lest I should afterwards have no opportunity: I cannot but sympathize and pity thy condition, seeing that thou hast a great family of children, and some of them small, and if should please the Lord to add to thy number one more or two, be not discouraged, although it should please the Lord to deprive thee of thy weak help wliich is so near and dear unto thee. Trust in the living God, who will be an help to the helpless, and a father to the motherless: My desire is, that if thou art so contented, to dispose of two or three of my children: If it please the Lord that I should be delivered of a living child, son or daughter, my desire is, that my father and mother should have it, if they please, I freely bequeath and give it to them. And also my desire is, that my cousin Symond Stacy should have John if he please, I freely bequeath and give him to him for liis own if thou art willing. And also my desire is, that my cousin Catharine Whipple should have Su- sanna, which is an hearty girl, and will quickly be helpful to her, and she may be helpful to the child, to bring her up: The.se or either of these I durst trust their care under God, for the faithful discharge of that which may be for my children's good and comfort, and I hope to thy satisfac- tion: Therefore if they be willing to take them, and to deal well with them, answer my desire I pray thee, thou hast been willing to answer my • Hi.s house is now owned and occupied by the Ijiswich Hibstorical Society. ' The following reprint i.s from the Pul.'sifer Print. (519) 520 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. request formerly, and I hope now thou wilt, tliis being the last as far as I know. Honoured and most loving father and mother,! cannot tell how to express your fatherly and motherly love towards me and mine: It hath been so great, and in several kinds; for the which in a poor requital, I give you hearty and humble thanks, yet trusting in God that he will enable you to be a father and mother to the motherless : Be not troubled for the loss of an unworthy daughter; but rejoice in the free grace of God, that there is hopes of rejoicing together hereafter in the place of everlasting joy and blessedness. Brothers and Sisters all, hearken and hear the voice of the Lord, that by his sudden providence doth call aloud on you, to prepare yourselves for that swift and sudden messenger of death : that no one of you may be found without a wedding garment ; a part and portion in Jesus Christ : the assurance of the love of God, which will enable you to leave this world, and all your relations, though never so near and dear, for the everlasting enjoyment of the great and glorious God. if you do fear him in truth. The private society, to which while here, I did belong; if God by his Providence come amongst you, and begin by death to break you; be not discouraged, but be strong in repenting, faith & prayers witli the lively repeatal of God's counsels declared unto you by his faithful messengers: O pray each for another and with one another ; that so in these threatning times of storms and troubles, you may be found more precious than gold tried in the fire. Think not a few hours time in your approaches to God mispent; but consider seriously with yourselves, to what end God lent to you any time at all: This surely I can through grace now say; that of the time that there I spent, through the blessing of God, I have no cause to repent, no not in the least. O my children all, which in pains and care have cost me dear; unto you I call to come and take what portion your dying mother will bestow upon you: many times by experience it hath been found, that the dying words of parents have left a living impression upon the hearts of Children ; O my children be sure to set the fear of God before your eyes; consider what you are by nature, miserable sinners, utterly lost and undone ; and that there is no way and means whereby you can come out of this miserable estate; but by the Mediation of the Lord Jesus Christ: He died a re- proachful death, that every poor humble and true repenting sinner by faith on God through him, might have everlasting life: O my Children the best counsel that a poor dying Mother can give you is, to get a part and portion in the Lord Jesus Christ, that will hold, when all these things will fail; O let the Lord Jesus Christ be precious in your sight. O children, neighbours and friends, I hope I can by experience truly say, that Christ is the best, most precious, most durable portion, tliat all or any of you can set your hearts delight upon : I for ever desire to bless and praise the Lord, that he hath opened mine eyes to see the emptiness APPKNDIX F. 521 of those tliinjis, and mine own; and to liehold the fulness and riclies of grat'O tliat is in the Lord Jesus Clirist: To tliat end my children, I do not oidy counsel you, but in the fear of tlie Lord I cliarge you all, to read God's word, and pray unto the Lord tliat he would be pleased to give you hearts and wisdom to improve the great and many privileges that the Lord is at present pleased to afford unto you, improve your youthful days unto God's service, your health and strength w-hilst it lasteth, for you know not how soon your health may l)e turned into sickness, your strength into weakness, and your lives into death; as death cuts tlie tree of your life down, so it will lie; as death leavetli you, so judgment will find you out: Therefore be persuaded to agree with your adversary cjuickly, whilst you are in the way of these precious opportunities : be sure to improve the lively dispen- sations of the gospel; give good attention unto sermons preached in pub- lick, and to sermons repeated in private. Llndeavour to learn to wTite your father's hand, that you may read over those precious sermons, that he hath taken pains to write and keep from tlie mouths of God's lively messengers, and in them are lively messages: I can througli the blessing of God along with them, say, that they have been lively unto me: And if you improve tlieni aright, W'liy not to all of you? God upl)raideth none of the seed of Jacob, that seek his Face in truth : My children be encouraged in this work, you are in the bond of the covenant, although you may be breakers of covenant, yet God is a merciful keeper of covenant. Endeavour as you grow up, to owti and renews your covenant, and rest not if God give you life, but so labour to improve all the advantages that God is pleased to afford you, that you may be fit to enjoy the Lord Jesus Christ in all his Ordinances. What hath the Lord Jesus Christ given himself for you? if you will lay liold upon him by true faith and repentance: And what will 3^ou be backward to accept of his gracious and free offers, and not keep in remembrance his death and sufferings, and to strengthen your weak faith ; I thank the Lord, in some measure, I have found that ordinance, a life-making ordinance unto my soul. Oh the smiles and loving embraces of the Lord Jesus Christ, that they miss of, that hold off, and will not be in such near relation unto their Head and Saviour. The Lord grant that Christ may be your Portions all. My children, one or two words I have to say to you more, in the first place, be sure to carry well to your father, obey him, love him, follow his instructions and example, be ruled by him, take his advice, and have a care of grieving him: For I must testify the truth unto you, and I may call some of you to testify against yourselves ; that your Father hath been loving, kind, tender-hearted towards you all; and laborious for you all, both for your temporal and spiritual good: — You tliat are grown up, can- not but see liow careful your father is when he cometh home from his work, to take the young ones up into his wearied arms, by his loving carriage and care towards those, you may behold as in a glass, his tender care and love to you every one as you grow up: I can safely say, tliat liis love was 522 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. SO to you all, that I cannot say which is the child that he doth love best; but further I may testify unto you, that this is not all your father hath been doing for you, and that some of you may bear me witness, that he hath given you many instructions, wliich hath been to the end your souls might enjoy happiness, he hath reproved you often for your evils, laying before you the ill event that would happen unto you, if you did not walk in God 's ways, and give your minds to do his will, to keep holy his sabbaths, to attend unto reading God's Word, hearing it preached with a desire to profit by it, and declaring unto you this way that he had experienced to get good by it ; that was to pray unto the Lord for his blessing witli it and upon it, that it might soke into the heart and find entertainment there: and tliat you sliould meditate upon it, and he hath told you, meditation was as the key to open the door, to let 3'ou in, or that into your heart, that you might find the sweetness of God's word. Furthermore, my children, be encouraged in this work, your father hath put up many prayers with ardent desires and tears to God on behalf of you all: which if you walk with God, I hope you will find gracious answer and showers of blessing from those bottled tears for you. O carry it well to your father, that he may yet be encouraged to be doing and pleading for your welfare: Consider that the scripture holdeth forth many bless- ings to such children that obey their parents in the Lord, but there are curses threatened to the disobedient. My children, in your life and conversation, live godly, walk soberly modestly and innocently : be diligent, and be not hasty to follow new fash- ions, and the pride of life, that now too much abounds. Let not pride betray the good of your immortal souls. And if it please the Lord that you live to match yourselves, and to make your choice: Be sure you chuse such as first do seek the kingdom of Heaven. My first, as thy name is Joseph, labour so in knowledge to increase, As to be freed from tlie guilt of thy sins, and enjoy eternal Peace. Mary, labour so to be arrayed with the hidden man of the heart. That with Mary thou mayest find, thou hast chosen the better part. William, thou hadst that name for thy grandfather 's sake. Labour so to tread in his steps, as over sin conquest thou mayest make. Sarah, Sarah's daughter thou shalt be, if thou continuest in doing well. Labour so in holiness among the daughters to walk, as that thou mayest excel. So my children all, if I must be gone, I with tears bid you all Farewell. The Lord bless you all. Now dear Husband, I can do no less than turn unto thee, And if I could, I would naturally mourn with thee. And in a poor requital of all thy kindness, if I could, I would speak some things of comfort to thee, whilst thou dost mourn for me. A tender-hearted, affectionate and entire loving husband thou hast APPENDIX F. 523 been to me seAeral ways. If I should but speak of what I have found as to these outward things : I l)eing but weakly uatured : In all my l)urthens thou hast willingly with me sympatiiized, and olieerfully thou hast lielped me bear them: whicli althougli I was but weak natured; and so the more unabled to go tlirough those troul)les in my way: Yet thou hast by thy ciiearful love to me, helped me forward in a chearful frame of spirit. — But when I come to speak or consider in tliy place, thy great pains and care for tlie good of my soul. This twenty years experience of thy love to me in tliis kind, hath so n stamped it upon my mind, that I do think that there never was man more truly kind to a woman : I desire for ever to bless and praise the Lord, that in mercy to my soul, he by liis providence ordered that I should live with thee in such a relation, therefore dear husband lie comforted in this, (althougli God by his providence break that relation between us, that he gave being to at first) that in thy place thou hast been a man of knowledge to discharge to God and my soul, that scripture commanded duty, w-hich by the effects in me wrought, through the grace of God, thou mayest iiehold with comfort our prayers not hindered ; but a gracious answer from the Lord, which is of great price and reward. Although my being gone be thy loss, yet I trust in and thro' Jesus Chri.«;t, it will be my gain. Was it not to this end that the Lord was pleased to enaljle thee and give thee in heart to take (as an instrument) so nmch pains for his glorv and my eternal good, and that it miglit be thy comfort: As all thy read- ing of scriptures and writing of sermons, and repeating of them over to me, that although I was necessarity often absent from the publick worship of God, yet by thy pains and care to the good of my soul, it was brought home unto me : And blessed be the Lord who hath set home by the opera- tion of his spirit, so many repeatals of precious sermons and prayers and tears for me and with me, for my eternal good : And now let it be thy com- fort under all, go on and persevere in believing in God, and praying fer- vently unto God: Let not thy affectionate heart become hard, and thy tears dried away: And certainly the Lord will render a double portion of blessing upon thee and thine. If thou couldest ask me a reason why I thus declare myself? — I can- not answer no other but this ; that I have had of late a strong persuasion upon my mind, that by sudden death I should be surprized, either at my travail, or soon after it, the Lord fit me for himself: although I could be very willing to enjoy thy company, & my children longer, yet if it be the will of the Lord that I nmst not, I hope I can say cheerfullv, the ivill of the Lord be done, this hath been often my desire and thy prayer. Further, if thou could 'st ask me why I did not discover some of these particulars of my mind to thee before, my answer is because I knew that thou wert tender liearted towards me, and therefore I would not create thee needless trouble. O dear husliand of all mv dearest bosom friends, if l)v sudden death 524 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. I must part from thee, let not thy trouble and cares that are on thee make thee to turn aside from the right way. O dear heart, if I must leave thee and thine here behind, Of my natural affection here is my heart and hand. Be courageous, and on the living God bear up thy heart in so great a breach as this. Sarah Goodhue. Dear husband, if by sudden death I am taken away from thee, there is infolded among thy papers something that I have to say to thee and others. July 14, 1681. APPENDIX G. The original manuscript of the following "Narrative," written Ijy Rev. John Wise, while serving as a chaplain with Pliips's Expedition to Canada, was found in Paris, with another manuscript of similar nature and both were purcliased by the Trustees of the Lenox Library of New York in 1SS3. Copies of both Narratives were made for the Massacliusetts Historical Society, and they were publislied in pamphlet form by tlie Society in 1901, and a copy was sent to the Ipswicli Historical Society. His services were liighly esteemed. A "Character" by an unknown writer, appended to Rev. John White's Funeral Sermon on Mr. Wise, preached April 11, 1725, affirms that "not only the Pious Discharge of his Sacred Office, but his Heroick Spirit, and Martial Skill and Wisdom did greatly distinguish him. ' ' For his .services as chaplain on this expedition the Legislature of Massachusetts granted his heirs, tliree hundred acres of the vmappropriated land of tlie Province. [1] The Narrative of M^ John Wise, Minister of Gods Word at Chebacco S"- I have received yo'" Rerjuest relating to the late unhappy ^'ovage to Canada and upon a Serious Review of the whole Travel I find it will not be possible for me to give you a full Account of the Severall Remarkalile Passages which did fall, within my observation. Yet to satisfy vour Inquiry after the true Rea.sons of our defeat according to nn^ Apprehen- sions I shall freely impart them unto 5^ou, in which I must tell you severall passages of the Story which serve to Illustrate the Truth whicli I of[ferJ and if time permit me I shall present y"" w'^ .some Notes upon the Country as Reasons why our Land or Nation should not take tliis late foyle for a Fall or be so dejected so as to suppose it Impossible improbable or un- pro(rita[l)k'] to take Kebecque, and thus I begin ^'izt I'nder the Conduct of tlie truly ^"aliant S"' William Pliips K' (ieneral, and of John Wally Esq"' Li[eu'] General, about 2.500 Souldjers and Marri- ners are imbarked out of New England Colonies and .set Sayle upon the 9*^* August 1690 from Massachusetts baj' with great hopes and expecta- tions to conquer New France and therefore bent our Course thitherfward] with all convenient speed hastening to Canada River and then up to the chief Towne on the River called Kebeque. Before which Towne after many j-ea af[ter] many sensible Items of Divine fa\our all allong o[ur] Voyage, We Cast .Anchor early in the Morning upon [2] the (»'•' of ()ctol>er 1690. (n25) 526 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Now instead of filling up the Space between the two forenientioned Tennes with a Journal of our Voyage I will leave that for a more Accurate Observer or for a more convenient Opportunity and at this time only gratifie your Curiositie and theires to whom you shall see cause to impart them with the Reasons how so likely and generous an Attempt and a Birth under so hopefull a prospect proves little else but intoUerable pain as the vast Charges upon all men and the Cries and Sighes of the Bereaved suf- ficiently but dolefully declare, I intend to be as true as plain and you may take my Reasons cast into this Method. The first Reason of our Defeat is made up of three principal parts which all men in the Action confesse to have such Influence into the Dis- sapointments and possibly many men may insist upon as the Principal Causes from whose Judgment I ask leave to enter my Dissent. But next to our Sinne the provoking & procuring Cause of all Misery We Reckon, That Want or Scarseness of Provision might be a great Disadvantage and Discouradgment under some of our last Thoughts, our Stoares being so far Spent and the Countrey not capable of Recruiting us now upon easy termes might much disadvantage us from taking such Measures as we might have thought of when we were put by our first Attempts. [3] 2 The Want of Amunition Souldiers of all men may be indulged in a Prodigallity whilst they without sparing spent up tlie Stores of Warr upon the Walls heads and Hearts of their Enemies and whilst they have Courage to do it Pity 't is any should blame their Martial Zeale for being over prodi- gal but rather blame they had not a more lasting Store for it's hard to confine Martial men when their blood is up to all the Niceties of good hus- bandry But in all probability our Ammunition was not at first propor- tionable to our Undertaking & some of it was spent in the Ordinary Braveries of Warr which could not be avoided and much of it laid out at a good Market to the Terrour & Ruine of many of our Enemies whilst we were upon o"" Voyage up the River and when a great part was improved on the Towne under y^ Valiant Attempts of our General and Shipps of Warr and all the pitty is that such Valiant Soules had not ten times as much to spend in such hot fitts whilst they did such Ruine upon the Lives as well as the Towne of their Enemies and were so eminently preserved them- selves Our Ships of Warr lost but one Man in the fights by great or Small shot and in probability and by Information the Enemy had many Slaine Thus our Amunicon growes low and upon Examination is found to [be] too smal to attempt great things which miglit influence our Disappoint- ment in some Degree. [4] 3 The Want of Time It was Csesars motto Veni vidi vici, to overcome a Place so soon as a General doth come to a place hath not been y® Ordinary fortune of Generals in Warr as it was Csesars The most prudent and most Valiant of men in great Designes of Warr doe ordinarily require time more then will Suffice only just to turne the tryal of a Stratagem or Ex- pediment of Warr or two upon the Enemy There is a time for every thing APPENDIX G. 527 under the Sun: Ecol. 3. ch: and there must be time allowed for every production that any less than an Infinite agent is to be the cause of. Now it is readily Acknowledged we were very much pinched up for want of time it was very late in y® Yeare and and Winter comes on a great pace the Cold nights tells us and this proves a great Disadvantage S"". We are to think of new methods when our first fayle us wherever y^ fault may be AU these perticulars any men will acknowledge to be great Disadvan- tages to an Army so Farr from their owne Countrey and as these perticulars may be used or improved may be made a mask upon all faults w'soever which miglit have a more direct Operacon in Effecting the Overthrow of o"" Brave Voyage [5] growne great w^h hopes from many Signal Tokens of Gods presence with us and just ready to break forth into the Sliouts of Triumpli as soon as our Couragious army l\ave broken tlirough the Paper Walls of Kebeque and Dared Frontiniack's Palace w'^ their dis- play 'd Coulours within those Confines which for my part I expected within a few houres after we had taken the North-Shore, and thus S"" I am now ready to give 3'ou my second Reason of tlie Grounds of our Defeat at Kebeque. 2 My Second Rea.son grows big with Twinns: and if no ntlier will owne them let tliem be left at my Door for Patronage and Defence. 1. First then I suppose tliat wliilst we consider our actions under humane Operacons distinguished from a divine Providence and we must thus Dis- tinguish that so we may seperate between the Over ruling and Blameable Cause of an Evil Event, & thus I say as to the more direct and iinediate ground or Reason of o'" Defeat I judge the not landing of o"" Army on a more convenient place was more to the Disadvantage of o"" Designe then any thing hath yet been said, for if we had been landed in upon the Enemie as we might have been then one belly-full of Provision iiad lasted until we had gotten more or wanted none at all so it may [0] be said upon all other accounts so that there was our great di.?ad\antage and tliis could not be easily p'"vented and not to be blamed but as our hard happ, unlesse men must be Supposed to be Omniscient for indeed at a Distance & to the Eye of Strangers the way to the Towne w^^^we intended by landing below Charles River seemed the most easy passable & safe for our Army which yet proved farr otherwise for if we had gone any way but that we had probably attained our purpose If we had gone under our great Gunns into the Towne we had taken it without waiting for other Order but only fall on fellow Souldiers ; if we had landed upon the South side of the Towne we had met with neither Real nor supposed Interruption till we had come up to their Stockados now it is too late to relate liow we came to Sustaine this Disadvantage; yet as to the South side and beyond the Towne we had no knowledge of it but by the french Captives whom we could not trust any further then we could fling or at least carry them; And as to o"" landing under o'' Guns into the Towne, the General intended when we had battered them well by Sea and the land Army was come to tlie Towne by Land then to land into the Lower Towne five hundred [7] able Seamen that were ready for the Purpose as to the place wliere we did land which 528 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. was about a Mile and an halfe below Kebeque it was many waies disad- vantag'd But especially in this that being so long ct Interrupted brought us to many pauses before we came up to the Seat of o'" Enemies Strength and under every Stop that we made I am satisfied tho we might gaine ground yet we lost heart which I do reckon to be the A-ery proper and direct ruine of o'' Designe and by this time I am come to the place where I intend to tell you plainly what I think to be the main principal Cause so far as humane Agents are concerned I say the next cause of our Defeat &c w*'h I Reckon to l)e 2 Cowardize. It is an ill word to say but an liarder to be guilty of, yet in my Opinion it was nothing less than true Courage w^h did prove the Ruine of such a Designe and so many hundred brave men that died in a Dishonourable retreate bj' the hand of God who testifies to us how Dangerous it is to Depart from Dutie tho Dangerous for want of Reslution, yet to Caution myself I doe assure you I never saw (and I have been in Warr before) for the body of o"" Army both Captaines Inferiour Officers and private Sentinels men more Zealously inclined to spend their Li\es for their Countrey yea there seemed to me a more then Ordinar)^ Impulse upon mens hearts that begat such a Courage in them that I am satisfyed upon the View of the whole Affaire had the English Army been as Valiantly led up to the Towne as they would have followed and fought when [8] they came there the Towne and Countrey had been ours in a few houres after we came on Shore so that I cannot get over it but do think that it was Cowardize both ruined and Shamed us &c and to Illustrate this I must now give you as brief a narrative of the Matter in y*^ History of it as I can and then shall leave it w^^^ you or any other man of Sense to judge y® Val- idity of my Assertion. As was said upon the 6*'^ of October in open day we saw all our fleet hapily (as we thought) at Anchor in the Road between Orleans the South and North Shore and Kebeque Towne. The Generall as had been determined by a Councell of Warr this morning sends his Pinace to the Towne with a message by Dieu' Tho: SaAage to Frontiniack y® French GoA'^'no'" I must abreviate tlie Infor- mation at this time Lieu* Savage comes back Frontiniack will give no other Answer to us (as he sayes then what Ave shall meet with at the mouth of his Gunns onley he tells him that o'' King and Queen are Usurpers and we Rebells for casting of o"" Allegiance to King James and therefore what we had met with in New Engl[and] was but according too^ Demeriitts &c There is a preparacon for the landing our Forces [9] the Companies that liad been Transported in y^ Ships of Warr were put on board of Small Vessells in the fleet for greater conveniency of landing Amongst others Cap^ Epliraim Sa\'age Avas put on board of a small french Barque AA'e had taken on o'' Voyage the Day Avas spent and Concluded that early the next Morning the Souldjers should land But when the morning came it proA'ed a very 111 day for Wind the sea run high that altho Some attempt was made for landing of o'' fforces yet in a little time Ave saAv it would be to APPENDIX <;. 529 y« great Damage of y*" Army and therefore desisted and the Divine Provi- dence now crossed our purpose yet gave us this day a very great Argvmient and Provocation to excite courage «<■•> is worth Souldiers waiting for* that was by the Retreate that one of o' Companys made from the North Shore in Spite of all the fforces in Kolirqiic tlic Account of it you may take thus Cap* Epliraim Savage both an lioncst i^- \'aliant Cent t^iliing it that his Orders from y'* Lieu' Cienr" were that he should weigh Anchor and get as neer the Shore as he could for landing tliis foronoone attended liis Orders and att alwuthalf M)l)e (jr lessf> came so neer Shore that the Vessell ground- ed w'h tlie French soon espyed from y*^ Shore where several of tliein lay to Watch our Motions the french came downe began to fire at o' men and our men at them againe briskly [10] the Tyde that stjiyes for no man hastens downe & in a little time leaves the Bark dry on the Flatts the french have notice at Towne she lying just below Charls River there comes scores or hundreds out of tlie Towne both horsmen and footmen makes manv sliotts at our Men but durst not board them, tliey repayre to Towne and as we tliought by y^ Carriage l)y Cattle liorse and Carts tliey lirought field pieces out of the Towne of Keljeque tlie P^nemie came along the Heach with two Small Teams the One of horse the Other of Oxen We on board began to be in a thousand feares what would become of Cap' Savage & Company, we could not come to their Rescue if we had exposed the whole fleet & Weather was so bad we sent out some of our Boats but they could not come to the Bark nor land the Sea run so high the Pjnemy very Nmner- ous on the Shore playing their field pieces and Small amies and our men stoutly at them againe. Our (ieneiall when tliey were thick about their Carriages where tliey seemed to lia\e planted their peices shot some of his lower and biggest (Juns, w<'*i made the lOnemy fly and Scatter altho it were at a very great Distance the General its I>ight and us with its Influence Compleating a Sutablo Tide eitiier for Niglit or morning on our passing over the Charls Ri\er The Shipps of Wrtt were desired by the Liev* Gen'^ to make the first onsett which they did this Evening expecting we would have soon seconded them, but instead of it we spent away o*" time after a fruitless maner Cap* Hunt and Cap* Berry went to Charls River it came back told the TJev* General they had tryed the River and were almost over it and were not much abo^■e their Anckles Cap*Gwin and another person with tlie ffrench man tliat came in were sent over the Woody gn)und toward the Recolets liouse abo\e Kebeque and Brought word it was Unpassable for our field pieces Our field pieces came on shore desirous to befriend our Souldiers I took with me Ensigne Noyce who was a forward man went downe to the boats desired y^ Mariners to favour o*" Souldiers having had an 111 Afternoone and being very wet that they would be at the Pains to get the pieces on Shoar themselves, they presently attended the buisness waded almost up to the middle some of them [Hi] and got the Pieces up to the house where we lodged. I do assure you S"" our Lieu' General Seemed to me to be destitute of all proper care for the Mannagcru* of the Anuy for the buisness that was before us and yet l)\- the Index of a certain reserved Gravity it a Lonesome walk from place to place that he had he seemed to be swallowed up with thoughts which I can deem from first to last to be only the Invincible Arrest of fear The field pieces being got to Shore I then made it my buis- ness to inquire out the Lieu* General to offer a new notion to him and that was this, wlien I liad found him by much Incjuiry S"" said I pray let word be sent away to those Companies in the Rear to come up that we may lodge 532 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. here altogetlier a fewlioures and then be the better read}' to march unto the Towne and good S"" get to sleep as early as you can, he gives me the hearing but little or nothing is done he turnes away and when an army is encamped in the Night a man of no greater bulk is soon lost. There comes in the Interim two Messengers from C'ap*Willye one of the Captaines in the Rear to know the Lieu*' Generals mind they came to me and told me their Errand I was much joyed with so lucky an Opportunity, began to inquire againc for the Lieu* Gen" A: at last found him told liim the Message & prayed tliat their might be Orders to those men in their Return Vizt That Cap* Willye march up with his Companie & give word to several other Captaines to come away forthw*^ these were there Orders and y^ men returned and away Slipps the Li<3U* General againe and I doe seriously pro- fesse to you that though SeAeral things of [17] Import happned and were attended this Night Vizt as the comming up of the Rear of o"" Army, the Examination of a Frenchman and the Sharing of a Small cask of French- wine sent from the General to comfort o'' hearts amongst the chief Officers of the Army yet to my Inward grief then and to my Apprehension now the night was spent in little else but padling and fooling as to our Land con- cernes. 1 doe professe had we iiad a man that would have ventured liis Life, his way had been to have stilled all noyse got himself and army into a few liours Sleep sent on board and had ready one bisquet cake pr man and a good round Dram and have put these into tlicir bellys tlie next morning ct in the heat of it marcht up to Towne the Army would I am satisfied by their Valour liave payd him his Kindnesse in good Roast meat for Supper by the next night and a good feather bed to have layn on instead of Boards or Straw. I am quite weary in perticulars therefore Sir what I have to say further I will moddel into three parts as so many Intolerable Errors com- mitted on Shore as the great ground of our Defeat. First Our not going to tlie Towne to rights upon y® the first Opportunity and Dismal downness [IS] of two Stout atta(|ue,s upon yc lower Towne, and we never came up and Ainunition [19] was growne Scarce with hini and the rest of the Ships of warr, I say he consented that we pposed new measures which in short were to this purpose To declare to the French people & In- habitan**' that they Submit themselves to the Crowne of England and in so doing we promise life lands and liberty unto them or else we would lay all their countrey waste which we had yet spared and was now at our dispose the General orders us to goe on Shoare and tlie Majors Sc Cap*" to be con- sulted in the matter. \\'hen we came the first News was Vizt That j)art of o"" Army liail iiad a fight with the Enemy our men did worst tlicm aliun- dantly but in the fight the French drew downe towards Charls iiiver anil on the other side our men discovered a consiilerable force drawne out of the Towne in a body some said there migiit be 700 some 2000 men, Hut this accident I dont think added much to o"" Lieu*^ Generals Courage for he was much concernd and I doe assure you without Vanity I endeavo'"d to en- courage my Self and liim what I could I was Speaking to him one time and as I remember he saitli we should certainly be assaulted by the lOnemv this Night to whom I replyed let them Come we will fight witli all Canada if they come there is no danger we are well Lodgeil «t good field pieces to friend, let us be of good heart there is no Danger. After much delay a Council is called this Evening. [20] 1 : Q: The first Question propounded A\luther it miglit i)e Con- sistent with o"" bono'" o'' honesty Prudence and present Circumstances to propound Such merciful termes as are before mentioned to the french In- habitants and performe them when we had done or ruine their Countrey thej' refusing to accept. Ans. After several Discourses it was tliought consistent. 2. Q How we should execute or accomplisii this Contrivance? An"". I told them wliat w"» their leave T would tel y'" wliat I thought the only way to ol)taine tiiat which we aimed at and that was this Yizt Seeing we had renounced the Designe of falling upon Quebec our onely way would be to March our Army away to the North Towne and there we might in a little time either Impale or Intrench our Selves lodge our men in good houses and in taking that Towne we should take Orleans tiie Island that lay downe the Ri\er by it our Ve.ssells some of tliem falling downe the River on each side the Island We could easily passe and repas.se from tlie said Island to the North Shore and so in a few dayes if the French would not Subject we could ruine those two places (which were [21] very considerable) and we might take y® forrage of both anfl Orleance woulil Afford mucii and especially fresh and new provision for o"" Army & when we had done all we pleased on that aec° we could lay all their houses and Barnes in Ashes which would have been greater Damage to them then ever they had done to us. I do judge that in tiiis method we coukl have destroyed so many hundred Barns full of Corn Wheat Pease hay tt dwelling houses as would have been more than 50000£ Str Dammage to the Enemy and taken nmch plunder 634 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. beside And in probability not lost on Limb and dispatched all in a few Dayes Now I say this I urged in that Councel w*'^ all the Zeale and Reason I had several of y^ C^ap*^ were for it but some were against it especially the Lieu*^ General and the head Major who made this Answer to close the whole Saith he S"" I wonder you will urge this thing so long there is no Reason in the Contrivance o"" best way is to Reimbarque &c so this Designe fell to ye Ground and there is I reckon the Second Error committed on Shore. 3. Tlie tiiird Error is the base and Cowardly Losse of o"" field pieces of wch I do tliink Christendome will ring and I account it is one of y^ greatest blotts that ?]nglish men liave contracted within these Ages they have been Accounted among the Nations famous in Martial Actions and to give [22] you an account of this I shall proceed with my Tale. When the Councel last named was finished I repaird to the house where I had taken up my Lodging and expecting a comfortable Night of Sleep and Quiet. Yet before I lay downe in my Straw I sat smoaking of a Pipe & discoursing with some of the Officers of the Army about the present Affayre who were very Zealoas for to Atta[que] Quebec still &c but before we had finished we were alarumed The Lieu* General in his own person comes to the Door and tells me S'' We are ready to dislodge which might be about Elea\'en of the Clock in the Night Our men were generally well lodged Some in houses others in Beds of Dry and Sweet haj', warm and asleep y^ greatest part of the Camp unless Such as were out Sentinels &c but there is no withstanding it the Lieu* GeneraU saith about Eight of the Captains had been with him and desired it & he thought we should be assaulted by y*' Enemy and they might burne and set fire to o"" beds of hay &c and S'" this had been an Affrighting accident and if it had fell out as disturbed fancy makes it we had not onley died w*^ the principles but the very death of Martyrs — also we had been taken and burnt Napping Whereupon we make an Universal Muster & take a very Silent March according to o*" Orders and good Reason to for we are Afrayd to awaken [23] Angry Frontiniack at that time of y^ Night Our March holds out about 40 or 60 Rodds till we came to the River side and there we are encamped upon an Unmerciful cold beach within convenient Shot of Several pieces of Swamp very fitt for the Enemy &c many of our men I do Assure 3^ou just (doming from bed goe to bed againe upon the Wet and cold Sand; they lye many of them 30 or 40 in a heap like hoggs in a Stye I Challenge them to get up and rvm for a Dram of the bottle a Temptacon fit for Soul- diers tliat they might be kept in accon I went to the Lieu* General intreated him that we might march away for the North Towne if it was only to keep our men Stirring tliey woidd else many of them be Spoyled this Desperate cold Night Ensigne Peter Noyce was sent w*** a Scout of men to discover how the Passage was he quickly returnes with Word that the way was good and very passable for o"" field pieces and not long after we had a message from the General to the Lieu* General to this purpose. S"" It is impossible for me to Assist yo"" Reimbarquing this Night the tide so falls out but pray APPENDIX G. 535 do what you can to encourage yo'" self & men and pray do you l)urn and destroy all that you possibly can of the Enemies, so far y'^ CJen" [21] Not- withstanding all these provocations to be upon Action here we lye ail thi.i cold nigiit under many Solemne Circumstances, And perceiving nothing would be attended but going on l)oard 1 told y« Lieu"- (leneral I thought hia way for the safety and iionor of his Retreat (least we should loose y* field pieces) would be to send for a fleet of Boats and so according to the march of Warr to imbarque one Regim*^ fii-st all togetlier, and witii them to carry of four of his field pieces, tlie others ace ording to the Lot of Warr keep their ground to answer tiie lOnemy if they should Attaq us and so the other Regi- ments in Order and field pieces witii tliem that we might not be put into confusion and forced to part with sucii (Junns and so when day was come and the (Jenerals pinnace came on shoar I went on board with a purpose to bespeak some comfort for the SouUliers vvhicli was soon sent and to give y* Gen" an Account of the Army, w''' whicli he was very much Aggreived when he heard liow things were and hardly if possible (all Circumstances con- sidered) to be retrieved. The Army continues here on Saturday the fourth day from our Landing and about two houres before Sunset the Enemy Alarme us Some small parties of o"" men are sent out to fight them but with Order not to burne any house in the Attempt. Our men beat them from i)lace to place up toward y« North [25J Tovvne and about Sun set o'' Companies come back to the Head quarters, and tlie Army begins to Imbarque l)ut in tlie greatest Confusion imaginable and no man nuist meddle witli tiie field pieces. The Lieu* General tells them he had rather loose all y*' fiekl pieces then one mans life and there- fore bidds the Boates take of the men and let the field pieces alone. Some men he layes over the head (as is said) Others he threatens very manfull}' that were about getting tlie field pieces into their Boats that he would laj' them over the heads if the}' did not let the Guns alone and get the men off; Alas! what were a few Guns to the lives of men and so when he had set things in this (dis)order he takes a boate anil goes of himself But to he short about midniglit the whole Army gets off and the Field pieces are left to fill our faces with Siiame & our enemies w**^ triuph as to our horrour and grief we beheld y^ next morning and this is the last Error comitted on Shore, and all these put together are the true grounds of our overthrow in my Opinion Upon this does arise two Questions. 1 Qu. Whither the Shore & especially the field pieces were left basely and Cowardly or no? Anr. To flee wlien no man pursues is Cowardise in Triumph and this was the (^ase for a few of our l)ra\f Souldjers iiad beaten tiie Enemy and there is none but their Shaddows left and tlie Impressions of them in a Dis- ordered Phancy. Who tlien can [26] prove Advocate for this base retreate. 2 Qu. \\'ho was in fault for the loss of five able field pieces com- pleatly fitted with Harness and Shot and of about 800 weight apiece, who must be blamed? 586 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. Anr. 1. The Gunners could not he in fault for they were discharged because they staying by their Guns might have been killed and better loose the pieces then their lives, 2. The General Gunner that had a Commission over the Guns he cbuld not be blamed because his Comisson was but Sul)ordinate to tlie Lieu* Generals Comisson and had the General Gunner medled w**^ tliem contrary to the Lieu*^ Generals Order he had certainly incurred Danger of being guilty of any mans life that had perished by the meanes according to ou"" Lieu* Generals llules in War 3 It cant be the fault of those men that came w*'' perticular ( )rders to bring them aboard on such Vessells as they belonged too, for they shewed their good \\\\\ and Attended their Orders, till y^ Lieu* General threatned them out of all as is evident upon Sufficient Witness. 4 It was not any fault in the Rearmost of y*' Army Valiant Cap* John Marsh Lieu* ffowle and Ensigne Peter Noyce brought of the Rear of the Armj' and it could not be their fault for the Guns were covered with the Tide before it was their turnes to get into the Boates, they [27] either knew nothing of them or could not get at them without Di\'ing so that they cant be blam 'd 5 It was none of the Enemies fault Neither for they had been driven and chased away by our men and never came neer to Disturb o'" imbark- ing, nay had rather make a Silver Bridge for us flying then to invite or pro- voke oiu" Stay for they did not like our Company so that to draw a conclu- sion from the premises I am ready to resolve it was either the Lieu* Gen'^^ fault or else the fault was in the Guns themselves that they being fitted for motion and in danger of falling into the Enemies hands did not in the hurry & Crowd of the retreate go on board of the boates Themselves. But pos- sibly the Lieu* Gen^^* good affection to his mens lives wilbe his pardon & Discharge. Reply. 1. Were field pieces and mens lives to be bought & Sold over a Dish of Coffee by an Inch of Candle' then indeed let any man be Recconed inhumane and Cruel that will not bid more to save a mans life then he will bid for five field pieces. Especially when the purse of a ('ountrey nmst pay ye Purchase But S*" we are not now at any Such Game w*** Frontiniack. Rep. 2 We must know that aU the banners & Ensignes of bono"" in Warr which are tlie Glory of a Crown, of a Nation, of an Army ought Stoutly to be defended with the Peril & loss of inens Lives ratlier then l)asely to be betrayed or Surrendred into the [28] hands of the Enemy and much more then svich al)Ie field pieces as ours were that carry both honour and Safety with them what man in o"" Army could indure the thought to Attempt the Enemy againe when .we have so fiusht them w**^ Apparent Tokens of a Cowardly Spirit in us & have furnished them with field pieces so consider- able a Strength which pieces well improved will be found between two Able Armies to be the Odds & Difference of 500 if not a 1000 men; to have taken them of with us had cost our men at the most but a little more Sweat and t "An old method of selling by auction, still aonietimes practised, in which a small piece of candle is lighted at the beginning of a sale, and the highest bid made be- fore the wick falls 1b successful" (Century Dictionary). — Ed. APPENDIX G. 537 o"" Lieu* Gen" hut a littlo more fear if lie woiikl liave lieen so valiant as to Iiave stayed tlie Doinj;; of it. lint now we cannot reckon hut ujion llie Losse of many a life and linib to recover tliem. So that for my private Censure when the hlanie is rightly fixed as I do tliink it is in these lines tliere is no less then Death deserved; The Losse of pay and wearing tlie wooden Sword are Init little better tiien Chiklrens pay upon Sucli an Unpardonal)le Omission. Tluis S"" you have from me what I take to he the true grounds of our Defeat in o"" late Voyage and to conclude if you will take any notice of my Observations upon the Providence of gcid concerning us this then hath been nuicii with me that to tlie best of my Di.sccrniiig whilst we were w*'* God in the way of Duty (iod was with us. Hut when we desert our Dutie and buisness we were .sent about by God and o'' ("ountrev God follows Us with Crosses and Confusion [29] S"" in at this Door comes our Kuine and l)y that time the Army is on board its so wide open that there is no Shutting of it. Now Now indeed the want of Time the want of Amunition and of Field pieces and Pro\ision may be Reckoned great Obstructions to o"" future Atteuipts that we might think of But how comes this great Scarsitie and famine upon Us? let that be Answered. 1. The General was extreamely concerned and Says he woukl rather have dyed then so basely have betrayed tlie bono'' of lliat Crownewho.se Qviarrel we were now in the Defence of itc 2. He had determined to have had a Councelof War but the Weather grew very tempestuous and y^ Case under several ( 'onsideracons desperate & concluding to goe for England for the Reinforcing the.Vction falls downe the River against the Upper Towne on y*" South Shore of Orleans where he held a treat for y^ Exchange of Cai)ti\es and being detayned longer then he expected on the 15th of October 1090 in the Morning gave his Usual Signal which was the firing of a Gun for the whole fleet to come to sayle hoping for a Convenient Time to settle the Voyage home and his owne for England Imediately when he was gotten below y^ Narrows Rut the Wind and Weather came on so Tempestuous that every man was necessitated to Shift for himselfe [30] and this brings us to the sail Cn, Oliver, wife Sarah, bought house of Thos. Walley. 453. Appleton, Samuel, the immigrant, signed petition, 50; committee on lots, 57; called Captain, 69; malt.stor, 69; flock of sheep, 72; malt kiln, 78; men- tioned, 161 ; grant of lot and farm, 323, 324; agreed to build cart-bridge, 324; sold his lot to Thomas Firman, 384; first mention, 490. Appleton, Major Samuel, son of Samuel, saw-mill, 78, 324; commoiier, not re- corded as voter, 94; magistrate, 98; erected a pew, 114; Lieutenant of Ips- wich company in 1675, 161; Captain in the field in King Philip's war, 162; bravery at Deerfield, 163, 164; at Hadle.v, 165; commissioned Captain, 165; recommended by Major INDEX. 541 Pynchon for chief command, 166; com- missioned Commander-in-chief, 169; let- ter to tlov. Le\erott, 170; letter from the Council of Connertioul, IT.S; letter to the Co\inril of Cunnerticul , 174 ; letter from the Council of ( "mmccticut , 176; letter to the (leneral Court, 177; letter from the Council of Massachusetts, 179; letter to (lov. l.everett, ISO; defeatean.v, 199; Major in Narracansett campaign, 199; bravery in the fiieht, 202, 203; again in service, 211; valuable service in the field, 217; Imlian captives, 217; not mentioned by Uamlolph, 227; signed Ipswich petition, 1682, 2.'{0; charged with high misdemeanor, 232; a liberal, 233;arrestcd for hostility tothe Andros government, 24.5; sentenced by Coun- cil, 2.52; imprisoned, petition for privi- lege, 2,53; instructed to secure Ipswich depositions, 2.58; deposition concerning arrest and ill treatment by Andros government, 263-26.5; charges discussed by .Fohn Palmer, 26.5, 266; estimate of his brave course, 267; mentioned by Rufus Choate, 271 ; gate pulled down, 282, 359; magistrate at witch trial, 289, 292, 461; sent men to (iloucester, 297; connection with witchcraft trials, 299; in war of William and Mary, .301,302; mentioned, 32.5; bought lot of Thomas Manning, 334; facsimile of autograpii, 360. Appleton, Col. Samtiel, son of Major Sam- uel, resident at Lynn, warrant for arrest, 250; mentioned in tablet on Appleton 's Pulpit, 272, 273; as Major, assigned commani)lcton, Sarah and Harriet, sold lot to .South Pari.sh, 4.53. Appleton, Thomas, owned "Dutch" hou.se, 466. Appleton, William, son and heir of .John, 3d, 449; bought lot of .Sarah liu.^t, 4.53; bought lot of Abraham Choate, 463; Hunt and lloiigkins lot, 480. Appleton's Mill, 73, .324. Appleton's Pulpit in Saugus, with inscrip- tion, 272. -Archer, Henry, granted hou.se lot, 358; first mention, 490. Ardawa.v or Ordwa.v (.sec Ordway), Ed- ward, in Major Appleton's ('o., 200. Ardawa.y, Samuel, resident in 1678, 99. Argilla, called Cliebacco, 58. Argilla farm, 19; guarded, 197; proposed house described, 511-513. Armor of early period, 123. Ashhy, William, bought Col. Dodge house, 414. .Atherlon, .(onathan. punished for break- ing the Sabbath, 216. .\tkirison. Hannah, bought hou.se of Beth- iah Fitz. 421. .Vtlwood. Anthony, bought Samuel Dutch hou.se, 440, 441. .At t wood, Thomas, resilient in 1678,99. Averill, Benjamin, bought William Stone lot, .397: house of Thus. Hodgkins. 406; lot ..f .biseph Hovey. 41 I. .Averill, .Icilin, disorderly in the meeting house, 1 16, 276. .Averill or .Avery, William, wife Hannah, in\entory, 32; hou.se and lot , 337 ; lot on South .Main St.. 460-462, 464; first mention, 490. Ayres or I'lyers, Capt. .John, settled at Brookfield, slain by Indians, 160; exe- cutor of Mark .Simnn, 47.5. A.vers, Susaima, heir of Samuel, 476. Ayers, Thomas, resident in 1678, 99. Babies baptized, 29. Bachelder, Mrs. Annie P., wife of Calvin, bought r)avi(, S.'iO; first mention, 400. Bishop. Samuel, commoner, not. voter in Town affairs, 94; son of 'I'hoinas, llar- \ ard urailuatc, Uili"), 1,'il ; ser\ecl in Kinji Philip's war, 219; inheriteil father's es- tate, .SI}4; Etive deed, with his nmllier, :^(il; Ka.st. SI. lot, 400; houKht Hichard Salton.sfall estate, 40.';. Bi.shop, Thomas, 82; punished for too free speeeh, 27.'>; made public apology, 2S4 ; hou.se and land, 3.'54; KranteI2, 127; first mention, 490. Boswortli, llaniel, daughters indicted for wearing finery, 12, 2S0; eowherd, 64, 434; voter in Town .'iffairs, 92; com- moner, 94; signer of Lovalisl petition, loot), 1.38; first mention, 490. Bosworlh, llaniel, .Ir., resident, 1078. 100. Bowdilch, I'Jienezer, wife Mary, heir of .lohn Applelon, 449. Bowdilch, William A., heir of Ebenezcr, 449. Bowles, , commoner, 94. Boynlon, Caleb, resident in 1078, 100; at Howley Town Meeting, 240. Boynton, Elijah, and wife Martha Lord, 378. Bovnton, John, in Major Appleton's Co., 2t)0. Bovnton, .lo.shua, in Major Appleton's Co., 200. Bovnton, Warren, bought Boss Tavern, 448. Boys required tii train, 123. Brabrook, liichard, wife indicted for fine clothes, 42; first mention, 490. Brabrook, Samuel, in Major Appleton's Co., 200; testimony in witch trial, 292, '293. Brackenbury, William, sold land, 326. Bracket, Zachariah, hou.se on river bank, 458. Bradbury, Dr. John M., bought Caleb Oakes house, 385. Bradbury, Mrs., charged with witchcraft 297. Bradley, Daniel, first mention, 490. Brad.street, Ann, wife of .Simfni, early life and poetical wf>rks, 51-54, 154; Rogers's poem, 1.55; John Norton's eulogy, 156 (.see Simon Bradstreet). Bradstreet, Dudley, declined membership in Council, 235; arrested, 245; peti- tion an'l submission, 2.51. Bradstreet, Humphrey, land grant, 319; hou.se lot, 417,421; first mention, 490. Bradstreet or Broadstreet , John, resident in 1078, 100; punished for free s|)eech, 27.5; supposed familiar with devil, 283; suspected witch, 287; set in stocks, 429. Bradstreet, Mo.>5es, voter in Town affairs, 92; commoner, 94. Bradstreet, Simon, signed Ipswich Protest, 51 ; one of .seven men, .51); received land grant, 57; committee, 80; militia .ser- vice, 121 ; mentioned by Randolph, 227; Governor, 228, 232; declined member- ship in Council, 235; Magistrate Quar. Sessions Court, 275; mentioned, 325, 375; hou.se lot, 379; paid for building watch-hou.se, 420; magistrate, 428; first mention, 490. Bradstreet, Simon, son of Governor Simon, in Grammar School, 151. Bragg, Edward, voter in Town affairs, 92; commoner, 94; servant of Sa'iiuel Sy- monds, 444; bought lot of Wm. Knowl- ton, 483; first mention, 490. Br:igg, Thomas, disorderly in meeting, 116; fought in meeting, 27(). Bragg, Timothy, resident in 1678, 100. Brarley, James, Corporal, Major Apple- ton's Co., 199. 544 INDEX. Brattle, Capt., mentioned bv Randolph, 227. Bray, Thomas, resident in 1678, 100; service in King Philip's war, 219. Brecy, Mr. Thomas, house lot, .386; first mention, 490. Breed, Timothy, in Major Appleton's Co., 199. Brew-house, 79. Brewer or Bryer, , commoner, 94. Brewer, .John, Sr., voter in Town affairs, 92; commoner, 94; cho.sen Town Clerk, 367; house lot, 367; charges concern- ing the fort, 367, 423. Brewer, ,John, .Jr., resident in 1678, 100. Brewer, .John, bought John Sweet estate, 351. Brewer, Thomas, fir.st mention, 490. Brewer's Corner, 367. Briar, Richard, in Major Appleton'.s Co., 199, 219. Bridge, Boardman 's, 480. Bridge, cart, 444. Bridge, foot, 443-445. Bridge, the Great, 443, 444. ' Bridge, Hovey's, 395. Bridge, .John, resident in 1678, 100. Bridge Lane, 364. Bridge, Saltonstall 's, 465. Bridge Street, .same as Mill St., or Scott's Lane, 339. Bridges, Edmund, house, 22; blacksmith, punished, 79; voter in Town affairs, 92; commoner, 94; first mention, 490. Bridges, Josiah, in Major Appleton's Co., 199. Bridges, Obarliah, house, 23; wife fined for excess in finery, 42, 280; wife Eliza- beth, bought lot of Henry Bennett, 451. Bridges, l^ichard, .soldier, died in expe- dition against Quebec, 306, 312. Bridgham, Dr. (Bridgman by tyijographi- cal error), 83. Bridgham, Elizabeth, bought house lot of ■William Buckley, 398. Bridgham, .Jonathan, house lot, .398. Bridgham, .Josejah, mortgagee, 364. Brigden, Thomas, sold house lot, 358. Briggs, .Josiah, service in King Philip's war, 219. Brocklebank, Captain, of Rowley, hard service, 208; slain at Sudbury, 209. Brocklebank house on East St., 400. Brocklebank, John F., bought house lot, 408. Brocklebank, Samuel, indicted for wear- ing fine clothes, 42. Bromtield, Ivlward, bought Shoreborne Wilson hou.se, 446. Bromidg, , in Ipswich jail, 296. Brook, Heard 's, .34.3. Brook, Saltonstall's, 465. Brook, Saunders's, 63. Brook Street or Hog I^ane, 391. Brookfield (Quabaug), .settled from Ips- wich, 160. Brown, Albert S., bought A.sa Baker e.state, 475. Brown, A. Story, bought Dodge hou.se on Turkey Shore, 480. Brown, Ammi, bought Rogers house, 454. Brown, Asa, com. of Unitarian Church, 451 ; bought Thomas Norton house, 468. Brown, Benjamin, son of Jo.seph, 381; owned Perkins house, 389. Brown, Benj., 3d, sold Nathaniel Foster's shop, 420. . Brown, Benj. C, bought interest in Rogers house, 346. Brown, Charles W. , residence, 100, 346, 428. Brown, Cornelius, bought house of Arthur Abbott, 457. Brown, Daniel, son of John, wife Hannah, 381 ; .sold hou.se to Daniel Badger, 457. Brown, Dorcas, heir of Asa Baker, 475. Brown, Edmond, in Major Appleton's Co., 201. Brown, lOdward, wife indicted for fine clothes, 42; signed petition, facsimile of autograph, 360; granted house lot, 379, 381; first mention, 490. Brown, Edward, bought lot of .Joseph Safford, 1737, .326. Brown, Mrs. Elizabeth, hou.se, 331. Brown, Gardiner A., bought Giddings house, 473. Brown, George B., bought part of Stalker estate, 339. Brown, Gershoni, in Major Appleton's Co., 199. Brown, Hannah and Ann, bought house of Sam. N. Baker, .347. Brown, Hannah, wife of Daniel, 381. Brown, Harry B., residence, 388. Brown, Henry, residence, 79, 454, 469. Brown, Jacob, bought hou.se of John Brown, 328; .sold land to Capt. John Lord Jr., 329. Brown, James, bought lot of Thomas Lovell, 352. Brown, John, commoner, not voter, 94 signed Loyalist petition, 1666, 138 bought hou.se of .John Woodam, 358 .son of Edward (?), 381; first mention, 490. Brown, John, of Newbury, house attacked by Indians, .307. Brown, John, bought house of John S. Williams, 1850, .328. Brown, John, son of Joseph, will and estate, wife Elizabeth, 381. Brown, John, Jr., resident in 1678, 100; service in King Philip's war, 219. Brown, John, 4th, bought John Roper e.state, .374. Brown, John B., bought John Low estate, 377; owns Nath. Lord estate, 386; land on Brook St., 393. Brown, Jo.seph, commoner, not voter in Town affairs, 94; signer of Loyalist petition of 1666, 1.38; e.state, 380,381. Brown, Lydia, widow of John, 4th, mar- ried Thornton, 374. Brown, Manas.seh, heir of John Baker Jr. 's estate, 344; owned Calvin Locke house, 470. Brown, Mary, bought lot of Rev. Daniel Fitz, 473. Brown, Michael, bought Rogers house, 454 ; mortgagee, 462; bought Nath. Dutch lot, 467; owned land near the brook, 469; wife Polly, heir of A.sa Baker, 475. Brown, Mr., gate pulled riown, 282, 359. Brown, Nathan, bought Cogswell home- stead, 473; bought Farley tannery, 474. Brown, Nathaniel, soap-maker, 78, 79; resident in 1678, 100; bought lot of Younglove, 451, 452; grant of lot, 460. Brown, Nehemiah, hou.se, 468. Brown, Richard, sold house to Richard Saltonstall, 337; Hrst mention, 490. Brown, Sarah, daughter of James and heir, 352. Brown, Stephen C, bought lot of Samuel N. Baker, 450; married Mary L. S. Dodge, 462. Brown, Thomas, heirs, 16; owned John A. Newman house, 450. INDEX. 545 Bro-mi, Will, in Major Applet on 's Co., 200. \ Brown, William, Jr., Justice of Peace, 1686, 12.36. Brown, William t!., lanfl on Washington St., AW. Brown, Wintlirop, house, 467. BryilRes, Kihvard, disorderly in meeting hou.sc, 1 16, -7(i. Buckley, Sarah, wife of William, accu.^^ed of witchcraft , pot it ion for, 2911; relea.^ed, 299. Bucklev, William and Sarah, sold land (o John' Call I well, :W1 ; owned Winthn.p house lot, .S9S; first mention, 490. Buffuni, .lushua, (Juaker, punished, 278, 279; imprisoned, 428. Bulkelev, I'eter, maRi.strate, at Ipswich, 240. ■ Bulkley, William, cordwainer, 83. Bull Brook flock of sheep, 72. Bulwcr, "Artificial ChanKeliuK, " 42. Buoys and beacons, 80. Burbee, James, .slain at Black Point, 214, 219. Burley or Birdley, Andrew, resident in 1678. 99; imi>res.sed for war, 198; .-ser- vice in war, 219; l.>t on Ka.st St., 400; owned Cai)t . .Matthew Perkins hou.-;e, 402; house, 417; hou.se lot, 421; com- mittee on rebuild inti prison, 4.30; bought Dodge's mill, 488. Burley, (liles, house lot. Brook St., 393; first mention, 490. Burley, Hannah, widow of Andrew and heir, 417. Burley, .lames, rcsitlent, 1678, 99. Burley, John, resident, 1(>78, 99. ^urley, William, son of Andrew, 417. Burnham, Aaron, wife Ksther, bought Burnham homestead, 478. Burnham, Abigail, disorderly in meeting, 116, 276. Burnham, Abraham, wife Charlotte, bought house of lllnoch P. Fuller, 419, 437. Burnham, Daniel, bought Appleton house, 448; shop of Judith Burnham, 4.56. Burnham, Daniel S., residence, 79; bought Staniford hou.--e, 391; owned Foster hou.se, 419. Burnham, Elienezer, bought .lo.^eph Hale estate. 3.')3; sold Burnham house, 4.5.5. Burnham, IClizabeth D., daughter of Major 'lhi>mas, aiii>inleil to keep firder in meet- ing hou.se, 116. 276; soldier against Indians, 1612, 127; work on watch- house, 426; bought lot of < leorge Ciddings, 1667, 478; first mention. 490. Biu'idiam, Thomas, voter in Town affairs. 92; commoner, 94; l^nsigii Ipswich Co., Ili75, 161; signer of Ipswien peti- tion, 1682, 2.30. Burnham, Thomas, .Jr., voter in Town affairs, 92; commoner, 94. Burnham, Lieut. Thomas, Jr., .Select- man, at John Ap|>lelon's, 238; united with .Michael Farlev in building house, 1682, 328. Burnham, Thomas, Jr., bought lot of Isaac Fitts. 1736, 447; wife Judith, bought shop of William, 456. Burnham, Thomas, 4th, probably Major, bought Emerson Cogswell house, 1760. 340; house of Arthur .Abbott. 1744, .341 ; wife Hebecca, 414; inherited Dodge hou.se, 455; bought house of Thoma.s (Jaines, 455; inherited sawmill by foot- bridge, 1792, 4()2; heir of Nath. Dodge, 4.S8; shipyard lot, 489. Burtdiam, William, bought shop of John Appleton, 4.50. Burns, Thomas, killed at Black Point, 214 service in King Philip's war, 219. Burr, John, signed Loyaliist petition of 16(;6, 1:^9. Burroughs, Francis, bought Shoreborne Wilson hou.'^e, 446. Burrows, William, bought house of David I'ulcifer, 394. Burving <; round, 13, 14, .374, 375. Bu.sii Mill, (-.9; flock of sheep, 72, 73. Buslin, William, signed Proctor petition, 291. Butler, Francis and wife, heirs of James Perkins estate, 436. Buttler, Steven, in Major Appleton 's Co., 199. But t ler. Wry or William, resident , 1678, 100. Button, Matthias, first mention, 490. But trick, Sam., in Major Appleton 's Co., 200. Byfield's, Nath., "Account of Late Revo- lution," 265. Cabwell, John, resident, 1678, 100. Cachan, Edward, first mention, 490. Cachan, John, first mention, 490. Caldwell, Aaron, house lot on Brook St., 394. Caldwell, Abraham, owned Capt. Matthew Perkins house, 389. Caldwell, .\braham, bought hou.se of heirs of Daniel Lord 3d, 3.58; inherited .\pi>leton house, 448; bought Amos Jones house, 451. „,,,. , Caldwell, Benjamin, son of William and heir, 361. , , .^. . Caldwell, Daniel, bought house of limothy and Daniel Harris, 375. Caldwell. Daniel, son of Dillingham, and heir, 380. Caldwell, Daniel, Jr., bought part of house of John, Jr., 380. , , Caldwell, Davi.l 11., son of Daniel, Jr.. 380. Caldwell, Dillingham, resident, 1678, 100; 546 INDEX. granted land in Winchendon, 311; sol- dier in expedition against Quebec, 311, 312; heir of Sarah, 379, 380. Caldwell, Capt. Ebenezer, wife Clarissa, bought Pynchon lot, -17S. Caldwell, Ebenezer, wife Abigail, bought Calef house, 478; bought interest in Ringe homestead, 481, 482. Caldwell, Ebenezer, wife Merc.v, bought Dodge house, 470; bought Piciee lot, 485. Caldwell, Ehzabeth, wife of Capt. John Grow, 380. Caldwell, Elizabeth, wife of Daviti Pul- cifer, 394. Caldwell, Elizabeth, widow of Thomas, bought hou.se lot, 409. Caldwell, Emnieline, widow of David, sold estate, 380. Caldwell, Eunice, sold half Perkins house, 419. Caldwell, Francis, Jr., bought land of Asa Wiggin, 404. Caldwell, Hannah, bought lot on river bank, 4.59. Caldwell, Jacob, bought half house of John Caldwell, 391. Caldwell, John, voter in Town affairs, 92; commoner, 95; signed Loyalist petition of 1666, 139; bought house of Cornelius Waldo, .379; will, 379; inventory, .381. Caldwell, John, son of Nathaniel, owned homestead, 374, 37.5; bought Knowlton house, 391; inherited house in Brook St., 394. Caldwell, John, wife Eunice, bought house lot, 1829, 418. Caldwell, John, Jr., resident, 1678, 100; son of John and heir, 379. Caldwell, John, Jr., bought Amos Jones house, 1852, 451. Caldwell, John, Jr., heir of brother Daniel, 380; bought half house of John Sweet, 419. Caldwell, John, 3d, bought Appleton house, 448; shop of Daniel Burn- ham, 457. Caldwell, John, 4th, owned Knowlton house, 391. Caldwell, John G., bought house of Sam- uel R. Smith, .3.58. Caldwell, John T., owned half ahouse, 391. Caldwell, Joseph, bought Ringe home- .sfead, 362. Caldwell, Josiah, bought half of brick building, 349; bought Knowlton 's Close, 408; assignee Manning Dodge, 415; bought Bowditch lot, 449; bought Burnham house and Thurston hou.se, 4.55, 456. Caldwell, Lucy, daughter of John, 380. Caldwell, Mary, daughter of John, 380. Caldwell, Mercy, wife of Ebenezer, heir of Wm. Dodge, 487. Caldwell, Mo.ses, house lot. Brook St., 394. Caldwell, Nathaniel, land grant in Win- chendon, 311; bought homestead, 361; Ringe homestead, 361, 362; Samuel Smith house, 374; house of Edward PJveleth, 375. Caldwell, Samuel, sold house lot, 412; wife Elizabeth M., house on Elm St., 450; bought Heard house, 454; heirs .sold Jones house, 459; heir of Eben- ezer, 478; land, 482. Caldwell, Sarah, wife of John, 379. Caldwell, Sarah P., residence, 440, 441. Caldwell, Stephen, hou.se lot on Brook St., .394. Caldwell, Sylvanus, bought house of Joseph Hale, .353; lot of Bethiah Fitz, 421; .Joseph Bennett house, 441. Caldwell, Thomas, bought house lot in Brook St., 394. Caldwell, Tyler, bought house lot, 408. Caldwell, William, soldier in expedition again.st Quebec, 311, 312; acquired Thomas Lull estate, 361. Calef or Caleffe, Joseph, bought Knowlton house, 453; Wade sawmill, 488. Calef or Caleffe, Robert, .sawmill, 77; grant of mill privilege, 488. Call, Marv, widow of Philip married Henry Bennett, 358. Call, Philip, owned hou.se lot on High St., .3.58. Cambridge, removal to Agawam consid- erefl, 12. Campanel, William, bought Pierce lot, 485. . Canal propo.sed across the Heard lot, 455. Candles, candlesticks, and candlewood, 26. Card playing fined, 117, 283. Carey, Augustus ("., bought land of Rust and Rogers, 404. Carlefon, Thomas, Jr., bought lot of Fran- cis Clark, 353. Carijenter, John, resident in 1678, 100. Carr, George, owned Robert Andrews lot, 403; finst mention, 490. Carr, Richard, resident, 1678, 100. Carrin, Matthias, error for Currin, fir.st mention, 491. Cart -bridge, approach provided, .331. Carthane, Edward, fir.st mention, 490. Carthrick, Michael, inventor.v, 499. Cartwright, Goodman, paid for building watch-lK)use, 426. Cartwright, Michael, first mention, 490. Cartwright, William, grant of house lot, 358. Cary, Jonathan, wife fettered, 292. Castell, Robert, Pequot soldier, 125; first mention, 490. Castle Hill, granted John Winthrop, 51; sold to Samuel Symonds, 516. Castle Neck, 60; felling of trees forbidden, 68 ; divided among commoners, 69 ; wood sold, 73. Cattle pounders, 66. Cemetery, South Side, 467 . Chadwell, Benjamin, in Major Appleton's Co., 199; land grant in Winchendon, 310, 311. Chadwell, Joseph, soldier in expedition against Quebec, 310, 312. Chadwick, Dr. George, land in Scott's Lane, .320; bought Perkins lot, 436. Challis, Philip, lot by river side, 483; first mention, 490. Champernoon, Capt., mentioned by Ran- dolph, 227. Channing, William Ellery, descended from Ann Bradstreet, 54. Chapel of First Parish, 426. Chapman, Charles W., owned Daniel Parsons house, 449. Chapman, Edward, land grant in Win- chendon, 311; sold land, 339; signed petition, facsimile of autograph, 360; bought Mark Simonds house, 365; first mention, 490. Chapman, Hannah, widow of Joseph, sold estate, 341. Chapman, Jedediah, wife Margaret, owned Lakeman house, 440. Chapman, John, bought house of father, 365; house lot of Col. Dodge, 414. INDEX. 547 Chapman. Joseph, bought Moses Goodhue house, 341. Chapman, Nathaniel, resident, 1678, 100: hou.se lot in Brook St., 394. Chapman, Samuel, commoner, not \oter in Town affairs, 9.5; service in King Philip '.s war, 219; heir of Etiwards estate, 3fi.5; bought Theophilus Wilson lot, 43.5. Chapman, Simon, voter in Town affairs, 92; commoner, 9.5. Chapman, William, resident in 1678, 100. Charter, The, in Peril, chapter on, 128; vacated, 233. Chase, Thoma.s, in Major Appleton"s Co., 199. Chebacco, name for Argilla, .58. Cheever. F>,ekipl. scliDulmaster, .sketch of life, 148, 149; signed petition, fac- simile of autograph, .360; house and school, 469. Cheever, Samuel, son of Eizekiel, lol. Cheever, Sarah, heir of Col. John Choate, 463. Chenev, Luther, bovight hou.se of John Lord, 46.5. Chesson, lioger, first mention, 490. Cheverle, Nich., resident in 1678, 100. Children required to work, 63. Childs, Kof)ert, Remon.strance and Peti- tion, 514. Chimne.vs, built of wofxl, 18. Choate, Abraham, bought lot of Joseph Burnham, 4.50; house of Thomas Hart, 455; heir of Col. John Choate, 463; land, 469; interest in CJravel Pit pas- ture, 474; sold intere.st in mill, 488. Choafe,.'Vmo.«,heirof Col. .lohn Choate, 463. Choate Bridge, built, 44,5. Choate, Constable, account incident to witch trial, 294. Choate, Daniel, bought land of Nath. Knowlton, 366. Choate, Edward W., residence, 390. Choate, Elizabeth, heir of Col. John Choate, 463. Choate, John, voter in Town affairs, 92; commoner, 9.5; first mention, 490. Choate, John, Sr., signed J'roctor peti- tion, 1692, 291 ; Sergeant, witness in witch trial, 461. Choate, John, Jr., resident, 1678, 100. Choate, Col. John, 67; charge of repairs on prison, 429; committee on Stone Bridge 1764,445; wife Miriam, bought Cromptoii mansion, sketch of life, 463; bought Dodge's mill, 488. Choate, John, brother of Amos, heir of Col. John, 463. Choate, Lewis, bought lot, 411; bought lot of Isaac Stanwood, 418. Choate, Mary, heir of Daniel's estate, 366. Choate, Mary Ann (Baker), sold interest, 46.5. Choate, Polle.v, bought half hou.se of Sam- uel Lord, .37.5. Choate, Priscilla B., owneiebec, .306, 312; bought Peirce hc.mestead, 412. Clark, George, soMier in expeilition again.st Quebec (brother of .Nath.), 311, 312. Clark, John, resident, 167S, KJO; heir of Thos. Clark estate, 412: first mention, 491. Clark, Jonathan, in Major Applet on 's Co., 201. Clark, Josiah, .service in King Philip's war, 219. Clark, Matthew, first mention, 491. Clark, Nathaniel, land grant in Winchen- don, 311; owned Thos. Clark estate, 412. Clark, Dr. Parker, acquired Samuel Wain- right estate, .344. Clark, Philip E., Leatherland lot, 440. Clark, Mrs. Philip E., Newton house, 440. Clark, Thomas, carpenter, 82; first men- tion, 491. Clark, Thomas, voter in Town affairs, 92; commoner, 95. Clark, Corporal Thomas, voter in Town affairs, 92; conmioner, 95. Clark, Sergeant Thomas, tanner, 79,83; wharf, 80; voter in Town affairs, 92; bought house lot , 400; hou.se lot, 411, 420; land grant, 444; hou.se by river, 488. Clark, Thomas, Sr.. signed Loyalist pe- tition, 1666, 1.39. Clark, Thoma.s, Jr., tailor, 83; signed Loyali.st petition, 1666, 1.38; heir of 'I'homas, 412; first mention, 491. Clark, Thomas, 3d, signed Loyalist peti- tion, 1666, 138. Clark, William, land in Labour-in-vain fields, 16, 33; swineherd, 65; grant of house lot, 400; first mention, 491. Clay, Jonas, bought house of Edward Eveleth, .364. Clay pits, 73, 403. Cla.v pits meadow, 409. Clemens, Robert, Jr., bought lot of Isaac Cozens, 362. Clerk of Market Place, 67. Clinton, James, bought hou.se of Arthur Abbott, 322. Clinton, Lawrence, resident, 1678, 100. Clinton, Rachel, arrested as witch, 293; tried an78, 100; owner of (raptured barqiip, 30.'); liouKht house lot of Win. Buckley, 398 400. Cowhertls appointed, 02. Cowkeepers llock, 09, 73. Cow leas, r.OO. Cowdry, Samuel, resident, 1078, 100. Cowles, Rev. John V. and iMuiiee, Female Seminary, 333; residence, 4 IS. Coy, Hichard, affichivit, 42; attorney, 409. Cozens, Isaac, owned hou.se lot, 302. Crane, Rotert, grant ; sawmill l>v foot-bridge, 4G2; heirof Col. Isaae, 488. Dodge, Priscilla, heir of Col. Isaac, 414. 41.5, 4.55. Dodge, Priscilla, daughter of William, 478. Dodge, Capt. irichard, bought Kichard Rogers house, ;j5.'^. Dodge, Samuel, resident in I((78, 101. Dodge, Sarah, daughter of Kzekiel, 4.'{8. Dodge, Thomas, .Jr., bought Samuel Lord house, :{7S. Dodge, Capt. Thomas, bought, hou.se of John Chapman, 414; bought half Foster hou.se, 419. Dodge, Wilhelmina D., .assignee Asa Andrews estate, 402. Dodge, William, to erect lamlmarks, 74; bought hou.se of Nath. Souther, ;{;{2; Col. .lohn .Appleton 's estate, 84.5; Per- kins house, 880; execution, 4().S; sold grist mill, 4.55; bought Dr. 1 )eaii hou.se, 400; residence, 477; bought Huriiham homestead, 478; lot of Wm. Hunt, 479; I'ierce lot, 4.S.5 ; lanil on Fruit St., 4S7; Wade .sawmill, 4.S8. Doilge, William, .Jr., son and heir of Wil- liam, 479; interest in will, 4.S8. Dodge's Corner, 22, 75. Dogs, legs tied up, 7G; in meeting hou.se, 115. Dole, Poll.v, bought Staniford hou.se, 391. Donnton, William, seaman, 82; bought lot of Thos. Lovell, 435. 437; heirs .sohl, 4:?8. Dorman, Thomas, hou.se lot on Brook .St., 393. Dorman, , first mention, 491. Douglass, William, house, 21; cooper, 82; bought hou.se of Robert Whitman, 439; Hrst mention, 491. Dow, Arthur W., bought Hinge home- .stead, 481. Dow, David and Kunice, house on Hrook -yt., 395. Dow, David F., house on Urook St., 394, 395. Dow, .Jeremiah, resident in 1G7S, 11)1; built hou.se, 370. Dow, Margaret, (laughter of .Jeremiah, 370. Dow, .Susanna, widow of .Jeremiah, 370. Dow, Thomas, resident in 107.S, 101; im- pressed for war, 198; in Major .Vpple- ton's Co., 200, 219; woundeil at Narra- gan.sett light, 203; bought Thomas Smith lot, 370. Downes or Dounes, Robert, in Major Applet on 's Co., 199. Downing, , commoner, not a voter in Town affairs, 95. Downing, .John, resident in 167.S, 101; lanti grant in Winchendon, 310. Downing, Nathaniel, soldier in expedi- tion again.st Quebec (father of John), 310, 313. Dress of men, .36; of women, 30-38; ex- pensive, punished, 280. Dresser, .lohn, of Rowley, arraigned, 246; petition for release on bail, 248. Drunkenness, punished, 274. Ducking stool, 2,S1. Dudley, .lo.seph, commissioner to Eng- laiul, 229; chosen President of Council, 235; held Court in Ipswich, 240; vio- lently depo.sed, 257. Dudle.v, Josiah, bought interest of Cath- erine Unurges, William, 72. Dustan, Hannah, captured, .308. Dutch, Benjamin, bought interest in mill, 329: house of l';iihu War.lell, 3.32; lanil of Rev. Nath. Rogers, 344; .\aron Potter estate, 348; .Jeremiah Dow homestead, 370; John Roi>er estate, 374; hou.se lot, 416; Samuel Dutch hou.se, 441; house of John Wainwright, 453; .Stephen Cross interest, 4G0. Dutch, Daniel, bought hh, son of Nathaniel, built .stone mill, 330; bought Joseph Burnham hou.se, 450; committee fif Unitarian Church, 451; bought Lemuel Pearson lot, 455; sawmill of Asa Andrews, 462. Farley, Jo.seph, Jr., sold land to Jacob Manning, 320. Farley, Joseph K., hou.se of Robert Farley, 430. Farley, I's war, 220; heir of William, 335; bought N'ounglove house, 452. Fellows, Kphraim, bought Treadwell es- tate, 1814, 487. Fellows, Isaac, voter in Town affairs, 92; commoner, 95; service in King Philip's war, 220. Fellows, l.saac, Jr., bought Younglove house, 452. Fellows, John, signed Proctor petition, 291. Fellows, Jo.seph, voter in Town affairs, 92; commoner, 95; service in King Philip's war, 220; heir of William, 335. Fellows, Moses A., bought land of Thos. Sweet, 391. Fellows, Ruth, widow of Jo.seph, 335. Fellows, Samuel, resident, 1678, 101 ; heir of William, 335. Fellows, William, cowherd, 62, 63; bought lot of John Woodam, 335; bought of Fellows heirs, 330; first mention, 491. Felton, Jonathan N., sold lot, 4S0. Fences, division recjuireil, 61. Ferson, Samuel, in Major Appleton's Co., 199. Fewkes, Benjamin, bought part of Kliza- beth Lord hou.se, 373. Fewkes, Benjamin, son of Benj., 482, 483; bought David Andrews hou.se, 485. Field drivers, 426. Filbrick, Robert, Pequot soldier, 125; (by typographical error, Tilbrick) soldier against Indians, 1642, 127; first men- tion, 491. Fillybrown, Sarah, 501. Finler, Philip, resident, 1G7S, 101. Firearms of earliest pattern, 122. Fireplaces and furnishings, 24. Firman, Thomas, bought first meeting hou.se, 13, 113,422; hou.se, 21 ; licen.sed dealer, 85; bought house of liirrhard Haflfield, 351; lot, .368; bought house lot of Samuel Apploton, 384; lot of John Fawn, 3S9; .lolin Proctor house, 445; first mention, H(l. Firman, Thomas, in Major Appleton's Co., 200. Firmin, Dr. Giles, married Susan Ward, 54; committee, 57; physician, 83; house lot, sketch of life, 470, 471; first men- tion, 491; letters to Gov. Winthrop, 608-510. First Church Parsonage, 333. First Parish, grant of land, 307. Fish, useil as dressing, 75; restricted use, 84. Fi.xh weir, 12, 13. Fisher, John, charged with high mis- demeanor, 232. Fisheries ami flake room, 70. Fishermen's privilege in Commons, 70. Fishing privilege at Little Neck, 80. Fiske, John, Fssay on t!ov. Hutchimion, 2t)6; on the Boston Tea Party, 209. Fitch, liev. .labez, suc-ccs.sor to Mr. Hub- bard, 157; petition to General Court, 299; bought Wm. Stewart house, 3.55. Fitts, Aaron, bought house of Nathan- iel Fitts, 4.55. Fitts, Abraham or Abrani, voter in Town affairs, 92; commoner, 95. Fitts, Abraham, .Jr., resident, 1678,101; impressed for war, 198; in Majl(lier, 125; bought lot of .John Saun- ders, 331, 444; granted house lot, 345; first mention, 491. Fuller, William, bought Hovey homestead, 1719, 484. Fuller, William, bought Hodgkins home- .stead, 1786, 485. Fulling mill, 78. Gables, The, 465. Gage, Elizabeth (.see Elizabeth Holland). Gage, John, original .settler, 10; location, 16; one of .seven men, 56; lot layer, 56; grant of house lot, 418. (iage, Samuel N., married widow Holland, 437. Gaines, John, commoner, not a voter in Town affairs, 95; house lot, 385; mort- gagee, 440. Gaines, Thomas, bought house of Nath. Dotige, 455. Galbraith, .James, bought Major Wood- bury estate, 482. Gallagher, John, bought Michael Brown house, 468; Merrifield house, 486. Gallop, Nath., resident, 1678, 101. tNDE?^. 555 Galloway, Jonathan, l>oneht lot of Sainiiol Lord, 37.5. (lalloway, William, bouRlit lot of S.atiiuol l: house lot of Kranois I'liloi- fer, K)!). (lainaKf, -lohn, rosiilont, 1(17S, 101 ; owiiod Alexaiiilor Knidlit lioiisn lol , :{7.'i. (lainaK*', William, nephew of .lohn ami exeentor, '.M'.i. Ciander Hill, ;{(l(i. (larden al the mill, .'J'J9. (iarden.s, 17. tiariiiner, t'Jdinimd, Mr., (IS, 422; house lot, :iSJ; first mention, 491. (iaidiner, Vlrs. Margaret, testimony, ."iOO. Gardner, Capt., Narranansett cami>aign, 199. (lardner, ('a|>(. .lo.seph, bought hou.'se of Gilbert Conaiil, M2. tJauilea or Gording, Amos, resident , 1(>7S, 101. Gaugers of cask, 07. Geilney, Bartholomew, charged with high mi.sdemeanor, 232; held court at Ip.s- wich, 230. Genelee, Curnel(7), re.sident, 1078, 101. General Court, restricts too fine clothing, 38, 41. George, Henjamin, heir of Samuei Ayres, 476. Gibson, Ephraim, sold Simon Wood es- tate, 487. (iibson, .lohn, sold homestead, 450. Gibson, Samuel, bought lot of Benjamin (Jrant, 449. Giddings, , 69; soldier, expedition against Quebec, 31.3. Giddings, Charles, bought Merrifield e.state, 486. Giddings, Daniel, land, 364; interest in Josiah Martin estate, 372. Giddings, David, bought lot of Wade Cogs- well, 472. Gidtlings, (Jeorge, one of seven men, .57; signed Loyalist petition of 16(i6, 138; hou.se lot, 478; first mention, 491. Giddings, Isaac, land grant in Winchen- don, 311. Giddings, .lames, 71; resident, 1678, 101. Giddings, .lohn, commoner, not a. voter, 95; signed Loyalist petition of 1666, 139. Giddings, .lo.seph, commoner, not a voter, 95; .set in the stocks, 286. Gi97 Glover, .lames S., laiul, 402. 401, 105. (ilo\er, Otis, house, 4S2. < doxer's wharf, 79, Xl . < io(|leton's, 239; ar- raigned, 246; petition for release 556 INDEX. 248; apology, 249; deposition concern- ing his arrest and ill treatment by Andros government, 200-264, 269; signed Proctor petition, 291; son and heir of Deacon William, 471. Goodhue, William, son of Jose|)h .and Sarah, .'>22; soldier in expedition against Quebec (brother William), 310, 313. Ooodrich, James J., bought house of Ipswich Mills, .'^26. Ooodridg, Benjamin, killed by Indians at Rowley, 308. Gookin, Daniel, describes Indians, ,5; charged 'viih high misdemeanor, 232. Goose pasture, 366. Gordon, James, bought lot of James McCreelis, 347. Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, claims, 225. Goss or Gross, Richard, fisherman, 82; bought Job Bi.shop house, 411. Goub, Henry, resident, 1678, 102. Gould, Daniel, residence, 364. Gould, Elisha, bought half house of Nath. Tread well, 37.5; house of Benjamin Kimball, 438. Gould, Jane, wife of Elisha, bought Pul- cifer house, 440. Gould, John, house, 484. Gould, Mager, bought house of Jonas Clay, 364. Gould, Mager, .fr., heir of Mager, 364. Gould, William, bought Ripley house, 374. Gowin, Symond, in Major Appleton's Co., 201. Grady, David, bought Blake hou.se, 328. Grammar School and Harvard College, chapter on, 146. Granger, Lanslot, first mention, 491. Grant, Benjamin, bought lot of .Jo.seph Burnham, 449; granted lot, 48.5. Grant, Ephraim, bought house of widow Sutton, 420. Grant, Eohraim, Jr., bought hou.se of Tyler Caldwell, 408. Grant, John, reprimanded for sleeping on watch, 426. Grant, Joshua B., Appleton lot, 480; hou.se. 187. Grant, Samuel, mortgagee, .340. Grant, William, bought Appleton lot, 480; house of Asa Kinsman, 487. Grant, Zilpah, opened Female Seminary, 333. Grantfield, T. R., bought laml of (Voss, 40.5. Gravel pits, 73; Hovey lot. East St., .39.5. Gravel Pit pasture, 472, 474. Graves, Francis, resident, 1678, 102. Graves, John, resident, 1678, 102; bought hou.se of father, 1694, 3.50. Graves, John, sold to John Sweet, 1804, 351. Graves, Ma.ster, de.scribes the country, 11. Graves, Robert, first mention, 491. Graves, Samuel, hatter, 83; commoner, not a voter in Town affairs, 95; bought Jane Kenning estate, 348; owned Nath. Bishop estate, 3.50. Graves, Samuel, .son of ,Tohn, bought si.ster's interest, 1719, 350. Graves, Samuel, Jr., resident, 1678, 102; owned John Pierce lot, 1697, 420; hat- ter's shop, 432; house, 433. Graves, Sarah, heir of Samuel, 350. Graves, W. H., residence, 442. Gray, Robert, permitted to .settle, 90,491. Gregory, .Fonas, resident in 1678, 102 ; punished for theft, 282; witness in witch trial, 461. Green, , in Ipswich jail, 296. Green, Benjamin, bought half hou.se of Benjamin (jlazier, 419. Green, George H., residence, 478. Green, Henry, soldier against Indian.s, 1042, 127; first mention, 491. Green, Samuel H., bought Lakeman hou.se, 477; hou.se of Samuel Day, 478. Green, Thomas, fir.st mention, 491. Greenfield, Samuel, first mention, 491. Greenleaf, Capt., pursueil Indians, 307. Greenleaf, Henry, married M.argaret Dow, 370. Greenlief, Tristram, marrierl Margaret Piper, 398. Griffin, Humphrey, flaughter fined for silk scarf, 42; refused residence, 90; fineil for Sabbath breaking, etc., 276, 281, 282; bought house of Daniel Deni- .son, .326; shamballs, 432; first men- tion, 491. Griffin, Samuel, resident, 1678, 102. Grow, .John, commoner, not a voter in Town affairs, 95; hou.se lot in Brook St., 392. Grow, Jo.seph, .son of .lohn, homestead, .392. Grow, Simon, service in King Philii)'s war, 220. Guilford, S. P., bought house of Nath. Heard, 328, 329; lot of Daniel P. Nour.se, 341. Gulliver, Steven, in Major Appleton '.s ' Co., 200. Guppy, Reuben, official to watch boys, 277. Gutter.son, William, first mention, 491. Guvlie, John, in Major Appleton's Co., 201. Hadley, George, voter in Town affairs, 92; commoner, 95; bought Wedgwood lot, 483; house lot, 48(); fir.st mention, 491. Hadley, John, resident, 1678, 102. Haffieid, Cioodwife, fined for false oath, 28:i. Haffieid, Rachel, alias Rachel Clenton, grant of house lot, 460-462. Haffieid, Richard, land grant, 320; bought house of .lohn Whityear, 351 ; fir.st mention, 491. Haffielil, Ruth, "presented" for too fine clothes, 41. Haggett, .lohn, resident in 1678, 102. Haggett, Moses, resident in 1078, 102. Hair, long, forbidden, 40, 280. Hale, Joseph, bought store of Nath. Treadwell .and Ebenezer Burnham house, 3.53; heir of Mrs. Frisbie, 441. Hale, Rev. Moses, 441. Hall, Charles, Jr., bought Henry Wise lot, 452. Hall, Daniel, in Major Appleton's Co., 200. Hall, widow Mary, bought Henry Wise lot, 452. Hall, Mr., .504. Hall, Samuel, land grant, 337; first men- tion, 491. Halwell, Sary, witness in witch trial, 461. Hammett, Abraham, owned .lohn Apple- ton house, H4.5. Hamnujnd, Philip, hou.se lot, 418; in- teiest in Knowlton house, 421. HammonLJ, Pliilip, Jr., bought Caldwell house, 391. Hamorsmith Farm, 446. Hampton, violent resistance to tax, 268. INDEX. 557 Hanchett, John, first mention, 491. Haraden, Nath., wife Mary, owned Wm. Kimball house, 372. Haril.v, Mrs. Lois, bought Joseph Baker estate, .'547. Hardy, Thomas, original settler, 1(1; location, 10; urant of house lot, 4(i;j. Hardy's well, 401. Harris, Abiier, l)oUKht land of Uanicl .Applet on, I7.')7, .^.'W; hou.se of .loliii Wells, 1777, 402; half Jacob Kosler hou.se, 17.5.S,419; (iravcs lot , 17fl,S, 420; lot of Joseph Smith and shop of Nath. Foster, 1713, 120; son of John, house, 1743, 44,S. Harris, Abiier, bouitlil land of Daniel (;oo.lhuc, KSOO, 362. Harris, .Antony, 491. Harris, Daniel, sold William Kobbins hou.<>e, 37.5. Harris, Daniel H., residence, 385. Harris, David, house, .■?97. Harris, F'ibcnezer, heir of Thomas, .'iQti. Harris, Kdward, bought house of Na- thaniel, :ir,4. Harris, Ephraini, .'542. Harris, Kphraim H., bought house of Sutton and others, 3fi3. Harris, George, heir of David Lord estate, 370. Harris, Haiuiah, wife of John Holmes Harris, .sold to Daniel Haskell, 328. Harris, James, son of Job, heir of estate, .35.5; bought hou.se of Rev. Jabez Fitch, .35.5. Harris, John, commoner, not voter in Town affairs, 95; wife 's .seat in meeting, KiSl, 114; bought hou.se of John Wildes, 168.5, 384; constable, arrested during Andros trouble, 1687, 241, 255; soldier in expedition against (Jucbec, 310, 313; Deputy Sheriff, witchcraft account, 296; bought hou.se lot of Zaccheus New- march, 1696, 407; heir of Thomas, Ea.st St., before 1700, 396; clay pits, 409. Harris, John, barber, married widow Wardwell, house, 17.'35, 448. Harris, John, son of Job, bought half house of father, 1770, .355. Harris, John, sold half Jacob Foster house, 1778, 419. Harris, John, bought Perkins estate, 1795, 364. Harris, John Holmes, sold homestead to Joseph Spiller, 328. Harris, John Dudley, house, 364. Harris, Joseph, bought lot of J. H. Board- man, 396. Harris, Mary, widow, sold clay pits, 409. Harris, Mo.scs, wife Tabitha, bought hou.se of Abraliam Do.ige, 1777, 406, 407. Harris, Mo.scs, house lot, 1848, 415. Harris, f^ol. Nathaniel, bought Gould house, 364. Harris, Nathaniel, Jr., bought house of Richard Lakeman, 1810, 390. Harris, Richarri, bought house lot of William, .3d, 396. Harris, Samuel, joint owner with John, 384; owned liichard Harris estate, 396; bought lot of Samuel Dutch, 440, 441. Harris, Thomas, wife indicted for finery, 42; fisherman, 82; commoner, not voter in Town affairs. 95; solclier against Indians, 1642, 127; signed Loyalist petition, 1666, 139; bought house lot of William Symonds, 395; his will, 396; clay |}it meadow, 1665, 409; first men- tion, 491. Harris, Thomas, a.sRisting the Deputy Sheriff, John. 1692, 297; bought house of Joseph PuUifer, 1710. 407. Harris, Thomas, Jr., bought hou.se of John, 1723, 407. Harris. Tinxilhv. resident, 1678, 102; bought huuse of William Kobbiiis, .375. Harris, William, sun of John, hou.se, 448. Harris, William, .son of Thomas, 396; elay I>its, 409, Harris, William, .Jr., house lot, 396, 410. Harris, William, 3d, house lot, 410. Hart, George, cooper, 82; bought ^Oung- love hou.se, 451 , 455. Hart, lOnsign (ieorge, bought Lakeman house, 1718, 483; land grant in Win- chendon, 310. Hart, Nathaniel, owneil Daniel Low estate, :{(>7. Hart, Samuel, commoner, not voter in Town affairs, 96. Hart, Sarah, heir of Nathaniel, 367. Hart, Thomas, resident in 1678, 102; wife's .seat in meeting, 114; first men- tion, 491. Hart, Sergeant Thomas, Selectman at John Appleton's, 238; arrested, 241; .solilicr in expedition against Quebec (brother Thomas), 310, 313. Hart, Thomas, bought interest in Knowl- ton house, 1720, 421; sold homestead of George, 1756, 455; owned lot on Green Lane, 1700,418. Harvard College, 66, .501. Harvard College ami the Grammar School, chapter on, 14fj. Harvey, John, in Major Appleton's Co., 201. Haskell, •, soldier in expedition against (Quebec (father of William), 310, 313. IL'iskell, Daniel, Jr., bought land of widow Harris, 328. Haskell, Eunice, wife of Daniel Lord, 382. Haskell, Eunice, wife of Mark, life interest, 448; Henry Wise lot, 452. Haskell, widow Eunice, bought half hou.se of John Wade, 466. Haskell, George, bought Rogers lot, 481; E[)hraim Fellows estate, 487. Haskell, Hannah J., wife of Daniel, house, 326. Haskell, Jonathan, [part of Hart house, .367. Haskell, Mark, wife Eunice, house on High St., 1707, .382. Haskell, Mark, wife Eunice, Henry Wise lot, 1825, 4.52. Haskell, Nehemiah, inherited from Eze- kiel Dodge, Jr., 439. Haskell, William, land grant in Winchen- don, 310. Haskell, ('apt. William, bought house of Jacob Lorlaying cards, 427, 480. Hodgkins, .John, married Abigail Pierce, nientioned in 1710, 412. Hoilgkins, John, bought hou.se of .Jo.seph Emmons, 1738, 412; land of Appleton heirs, 1756, 336; probably same as John, 4th, bought Lakeman estate, 1757, 407; Abner Harris lot, 1787, 338; owned Biirlev estate, 1791, 417; Knowlton house, 1791, 421; will, 1797, 338. Hodgkins, John, Jr., heir of Hezekiah, 1794, 409; wife Sarah, 410; called John, 3d, bought part of Thornton house, 1796, .352; bought Potter estate, 1797, 349. Hodgkins, .John, of Woolwich, owned Dennis Clo.se, 1813, 409. Hodgkins, John, of Bath, sold F'oster es- tate, 1817, 847. Hodgkins, John, Jr., owned interest in INDEX. 559 Lummus estate, 1813. 376 bought Abner Harris house, 1846, 362. Hodgkins. Col. .Iosei>li. laml on Scott '.- Lane, 320; bought VVhi|)|)le hoti,>t. .John, wife Sarah, bought hou.se lot of William Harris, H96, 41.5. Holmes, ,John, owned hou.se of father. Dr. l-'rancis, 438. Holmes, Oliver Wendell, descended from Ann Bradstreet, .54. Holmes, Otis, .Soutlicr house, .348; com. of Unitarian Church, 451; bought part of .school {)rchard, 470. llfilmcs, Bobert, bought orchard of Thomas Lovell, .384; Cobbct house, 389. Homan or Ilomans, Klizabeth, inhcrilcil dwelling, 333. Ho7nan, Capt. Hichard, marrieil widow Stacey, 475. Homan, Susanna, bought land of Avers, 477. Homan, WiUiam, inherited dwelling, 333. Homan'.- Inn. 475; Washington enter- tauied at, 176. Homes and Dress, chapter on, 21. Hooker, Mar.\ , widow of Nuth., land grant in Wiridiendon, 31 1. Hot)kcr, Nalhaniel. resident, 1678, 102; soltlier in c\|>e>iition against Quebec (Math, error for .Nalh.), :<1I, 313. IIor>e lro.jp in Ipswich, 16.55, 12:{, 124. llorlon, Barnabas, first mention, 492. Horton,.!. Increa.se, house, 320. Hoases and Lamis, Prefatiiry Note, 317. Houses, original, 18. Hoyey, Daniel, Sr., wharf, 80; voter in Town aff.'iirs, 92; connnoner, 96; house lot, 4.S1, 4SL'; bought lot of Wm. Knowlton, AH'.i; lot on way to Labour- in-vain, 483; first mention, 492. Hoxcy, r)anicl, ,Ir., voter in Town af- fairs, 92; commoner, 96. Ho\e.v, Kbenezer, bought house of Rob- ert Knight, 1704, 484. Hovey, Kbenezer, bought interest in Hovey hou.sc, 1777, .395. Hovev, Kbenezer, .Ir., bought home- .steail, 1796. 39.''>; land. 404. IIo\ey, Francis, owiieil Hicli. Pulciferlot, .397; bought kalf Pulcifer liou.se, 410. llo\cy, .John, bought land of SaflFord, 170S, :527. Hovey, .lohn, heir of Thomas, 1777, 395. Ho\e.v, .lohn, bought house lot of I'Vancis Pulcifer, I8I0, 410. IIo\ey, .loliii Holmes, wife Izette, interest in Hovey hou.se, ;595. Hovey, .lo.seph, bought Wainwright lot, 397; Boardman lot, 397; lot of widow Thoriidike, 410; house of Dr. Man- ning's a'lministrator, 418, 484. Hove.v, Levi, wife Sarah, bought John Spiller house, 410. Hovey, Nathaniel, resident in 1678, 102; deceased in 1703, 4.S4. Hovev, Nathaniel, bought house of Sam- uel Dutch, 1718, 440; lot of .\lexander Lovell, 1739, 4.'J6; mentioned, 1772, 431. Hovey, Nathaniel, son of John, house lot, 410. Hovey, Stephen, interest in Hovev house, ,395. Hovey, Thomas, soldier in expedition against Quebec, froze both feet, 306; land grant in Winchendon, 310, 313; hou.se lot, 482. Hovey, Thomas, 8d, wife Rebecca, bought .lohn Potter hou.se, 395. Hovev s Bridge, .395. Hovey Street, 405, 407-409. How, .\bram, resident in 1678, 102; first mention, 492. How, Charles H., bought Elisha Gould house, 440. How, Klizabeth, wife of James, put on trial for witchcraft, 292, 293, 299. How, Increa.'C, wife Susanna, bmight house of .lo.seph Whipple, 475; Hunt homestead, 480. How, James, .Sr., voter in Town af- fairs, 92; commoner, 96; first mention, 492. How, James, .Ir., voter in Town af- fairs, 92; commoner, 96. How, ("apt. .lohn, of Topslield, |>etilion for pardon. 244. How, .John, inherited Hunt home- stea', Isaac, in M;iJor Appleton 's Co., 200. Indians, appearance, habits, etc., 1-4; attack on Perkins I.sland, 119; alarm in 1642, 126; King Philip's war, chap- ter on, 1.59; treated cruelly, 216, 217. Ingalls, Edmund, resident, 1678, 102; sol- dier in expedition against Quebec,- (uncle Edmund), 311, 313. Ingalls, John, first mention, 492. Ingalls, Samuel, voter in Town affairs, 92; commoner, 96; signer of Loyalist peti- tion of 1666, 139, 206; service in King Philip 's war, 221. Ingalls, Samuel, Jr., resident, 1678, 102; land grant in Winchendon, 311. Ingersoll, Jonathan, wife Martha, bought Abel Boardman house, 449. Inn, Black Hor.se, 333; John Sparks, 345; While Horse, 359. Ipswich .Vcademy, established, 333. Ipswich allowed to forward proxies, 88. Ipswich and Andros CJovernment, chap- ter on, 225. Ipswich Bridge, witch fell down, 298. Ipswich-Canada, now Winchendon, 309. Ipswich Court, 275; Court to inquire into neglect of Fast-day, 1686, 236. Ipswich, convention regarding Mason claim, 229; second convention regarding Mason claim, 231. Ipswich, rlisturbed b.v Robert Childs, 514. Ipswich, limits of town defined, 60. Ipswich Manufacturing Co., sold Safford land, 327; sold mill to Dane Manu- facturing Co., 3.30. Ipswich matter, in "The Revolution Jus- tified," 267. Ipswich Mills, 326. Ipswich, name given, 12. Ipswich, objected to stockado, 207; forti- fied, 208. Ipswich petition, the Loyalist, 1666, 136; to General Court, concerning John Appleton, 1667, 143; proceedings at court against the Town, 240. Ipswich protest against La Tour, 51. Ipswich Town meeting, Aug. 23, 1687, 238. Ipswich Town seal, inscription considered, 2(i8. Ipswich troop sent to Haverhill, 303. Ipswich voted against giving up Charter, 234 ; refu.sed to elect tax commissioner, 239; elected ta.x commissioner, 255; favored resumption of Charter, 258. Iron Works Farm, in Lynn, 446. Island, Little, of rocks, 487. Isles of Shoals, 81. INDEX. 561 Jackson, Caleb, in Major Appleton's Co., 201. Jackson, John, wife Catherine, house lot, 335, 379. Jack.«on, John, in Major Appleton's Co., 200. Jackson, .John, Sr., impri.soned, 294, 297; fir-it mpntif)n. 492. Jack.son, .lolin, Jr., impri.soned, 294, 297. .Jackson. Thomas, sold A. vers lot. 477. Jacob, .Joseph, resident in 1678, 102; .ser- vice in King Philip's war, 221. Jacob, Nathaniel, \oter in Town affairs, 92; commoner, 9; trees not to be cut, 68: cultivated, 69; fishing stages allotted, 70, 81, 4.38; ram pasture, 7l; divided, 72, 119. Jenkin.s, (Jeorge, land, 336. Jewett, .^aron, bought lot of Jabez Far- ley, 330. Jewett, Benjamin, solilier in e.xpedition against Quebec (brother Benjamin), 310, 312. Jewett, Daniel, wife Abigail, heir of Lake- man estate, 441. .Jewett, Dunimer, bought house of Daniel Staniford, 347; wife Mary Staniford, ."^88; sold hou.«e to County, 431 ; bought Norton hou.se, 468. Jewett, Elizabeth, wife of Mark R., bought Samuel Lord house, 378. Jewett, Major Epes, house, 363. ■Jewett, Lsaac, resident, 1678, 102. Jewett, Jeremiah, commoner, not voter in Town affairs, 96; signed Loyalist petition of 1666, 138; served in King Philip's war, 221. Jewet», John, voter in Town affairs, 92; commoner, 96. Jewett, John, Jr., land grant in Winchcn- don, 310. Jewett, John, bought Daniel Heard house, 1798, 343. Jewett, John, bought hou.se of Killani heirs, 326; the "Old Brick." 18.3.5,388. Jewett, John, bought lot of Aaron C')g.s- well, 420. .Jewett, John Cole, bought lanci from Wallis heirs, 319; wife Elizabeth, quit- claim Rust estate, 339; estate of Josiah Martin, :i72. Jewett, Jo.seph, resident in 1678, 102; in Major Appleton's Co., 200, 221. Jewett, .loseph, wife Chute, .397. Jewett, Mark R., interest in Rogershou.se, 346; Edward Harris house, .365; Sewall P. Jewett house, 373. Jewett, Mary, daughter of Thomas ■'^tani- ford, wife of Dummer, 388. Jewett, Moss, heir of Pulcifer, 437. Jewett, Moses, bought hou.'« of Daniel Lord Jr., .372. Jewett , Moses, Jr., bought hoinestea'l, 372; bought half Perkin> hf>usc, 419. Jewett, Nathan, house, 372. Jewett, Neheiniah, mill, 77; voter in Town affairs, 92; at .John .Vppleton'.s house, 239; I'^nsign of foot company, .'<03; committee of ( ieneral Court, 299. Jewett, Richard Dummer, wife Lucy, bought hou.se of Kl)enezer Dutch. 344; of Perley heirs, 344. Jewett, Sarah, bf)Ught Richanl Roger.s hou.se. 353. Jewett, Sewall P., bought hou.-e of John Lord, .373. Jewett, Thomas L., Ixiught half Staniford hou.se, 419. .Jewett, William, bought half Staniford hou.se, 419. Jewett, William H., hotight house lot of .\aron Cog.swell, 420. Jobs Hill, 71. Jobs Hill flock. 72. Johnson, Edward, "Wonder working Proviilence," de.scribes early .settlers, 10; meetinghou.se, 13; gardens, 17,61,422. Johnson, Capf ., Narragan.sett winter cam- paign, 199. Johnson, John, bought hou.se lot of Richard Wells, .398; first mention, 492. Johnson, John A., bought lot for shoe factory, .330; James Fitts lot, 351. .Jones, Amos, bf)Ught Aaron Wallis house, 451. Jones, Charlotte M., wife of William, bought Caldwell hou.se, .380. Jones or Joanes, .Morgain, in Major Apple- ton 's Co., 201. .tones, Nathaniel, bought hou.se lot of Jo.seph Grow, 1733, .392. Jones, Nathaniel, Jr., bought land of John Baker Jr., .390. Jones or .'oans, Roger, in Major Applet on 's Co., 200. Jones, Thomas, owned William Jones house, 4,59. Jones, William, grant of house lot on river bank, 4.59. Jonlan, Francis, resident, 1678, 102; dis- orderly, 283; house lot, .■<93, .395; Town- whipper, 429; first mention, 492. Jordan, Robert, 343; bf)ught lot of Tru.stees of Methodi.st Church, 388; half hou.se of Edward Plouff, 487. Jordan, .Stephen, grant of house lot, 420. 421; Thomas Wells lot, 450, 181, 482; first mention, 492. Jordan, wiflow , commoner, not voter in Town affairs, 96. Jo.s.selyn, John, describes Indians, 4 Kellin, Thomas, resident in 1678, 102. Kelly, Charles M., residence, 46.5. Kendall, Ephraim, bought land of I~)r. Samuel .Smith, 336; house of ."^nrauel Sawyer, 352; Perkins hou.se, 3,S9; Cap- tain, hou.«e of ('a|>t. Thomas Dodge, 414. Kendall, Ephraim, Jr.. lot of Spmuel Smith, 115. Kendall, John, 479. Kendall, Lvdia, heir of Col. John t'hoate, 463. Kendall, widow Margaret S., sold estate, .3.52. Kendall, Ruth, wife of Ceorge .Jenkins,.3.'?6. Kenilall, Susanna, widow of ICphrnim, .sold land, 3.35; heir of brother James Perkins, 436. 562 INDEX. Kendrick, Kenricke, or Kindrick, John, wife indicted for finery, 42, 280; com- moner, not a voter in Town affairs, 9(i; ■signer of Loyalist petition of JfitHi, 13.S; house lf)t , 410. Kenning, .June, widow, wardrobe, 'M'l, ;57; dweUing, :{4.S; will and inventory, oOl. Kenniston, ("liristoi)her, in IHajor Apple- ton 's Co., 201. Kent, RichanI, first mention, 492. Kent,Sar;ih Jane and Nane.v M., conveyed Hichard IJogers hon.so, .'55S. Ketcham, Edward, first mention, 49:'. Killam, Abraham, heirs, 326. Killam, Daniel, Sr., voter in Town affairs, 92. Killam, Daniel, Jr., resident, KITS, 102. Killam, .lohn, resident, 1678, 102. Killam, Joseph, resident, 1678, 102. Killam, Thomas, impressed for war, 198; in Major Appleton V ("o., 200, 221. Kimball, Aaron, soldier in expedition against, Quebec (brother Aaron), l!ll, 312. Kimball, .\aron, interest in John Heard hoii.=e, 1797, 342; bought house of Rust, 321,322. Kimball, ,'Vbigail, widow, sold Stephen Smith lot, 486. Kimball, .Alfred, bought house of Asa Wade, 473. Kimball, Anna, daughter of Daniel Smith, 382. Kimball, Benjamin, .son and heir of Caleb, 369. Kimball, Henjamin, owned Jeremiah Day house, 374. Kimball, Benjamin, .Jr., bought John Holmes lot, 1803, 43S; John Kimball hou.se, 1816, 457; Bowditch lot, 1847, 449. Kimball, Caleb, Ijought Hichard Kimball hou.se, 166.5, 369; signed Loyalist peti- tion of 1666, 138; commoner, not voter in Town affairs, 1678, 96. Kimball, ('aleb, slain at Bloody Brook, 1675, 164, 221. Kimball, Caleb, Jr., resident, 1678, 102; boughthou.se lot of George Smith, 1710, 372; house of John Chapman, 1719, 365. Kimball, Charles, Ireasurer f)f .Academy, bought Knowlton house, 333; land of Treadwell heirs, 33tj; Jaques house, 34S; James Foster estate, 348; son ami heir of Jeremiah, 369; Gravel Pit lot, 475. Kimball, Daniel, bought land from John C. Jewett, 319; .sold homestead, 322. Kimball, Rev. David T., bought site of old jail, 431-433, 437. Kimball, Eben, heir Charles Lord estate, ;ii70. Kimball, Ebenezer, bf)ught hou.sc of .Aaron, 321. Kimball, Elizabeth, daughter and heir of Richard, 373. Kimball, Henry, first, mention, 492. Kimball, Isaac, interest in Hart estate, 367. Kimball, Jacob, hou.se lot, 412. Kimball, Jeremiah, Lieut., heir of Kimball homestead, 369. Kimball, Jeremiah, .Ir., bought house of Capt. Goodhue, 369; interest in Souther house, 457. Kimball, John, wife indicted for finery, 42; heir of John Wyate estate, circa 1652, 350. Kimball, John, voter in Town affairs, 1678, 92; commoner, 96; bought house of Simon Adams, 1678, 321. Kimball, John, son of'.Richard, and heir, 1696 373. Kimball, .lohn, heir of Caleb, 1715, 369; bought hou.se of John Chapman, 1719, 365; lot, 1752, 370. Kimball, .lohii, bought l''uller house, 'i77f>, 457. Kind)all, Deacon .lohn, residence, 374. Kindiall, .lohn, Jr., bought half of lOliza- l)eth Lord hou.se, 1806, 373; sold Thos. Kind)all estate, 18.54, 352. Kindial', .lohn A., Merrifield estate, 486. Kimb.-ill, .lonathan, owned Nathaniel Kimball hou.se, 374. Kimball, .lonathan C, son and heir of .loromiah, 369. Kimball, Josiah, owned part of .lohn Edwards house, 384. Kindiall, Marv R., widow of John Stalker, sold estate, 339. Kimball, Moses, wife Susannah Goodhue, bought house of his father, John, 1696, .321, 322. KiiT.ball, Mo.ses, ,Ir., bought lot of his fatlKM-, Mo.ses, 1728, 322; land grant in Wincliendon, 1735, 311; lot of John .Appleton, 1737, 324; .sold Simon Wood estate, 1744, 487. Kindj.ill, Dea. Natlianiel, bought, Jacob Perkins house, 373. Kind:)ail, Otis, son and hc'r of Benjamin, 449. Kimball, Pliilip H., bought Lace J'"actory, 385. Kimball, Richard, Sr., facsimile f)f auto- grai)li, .360; .sold house lot to Caleb, 369; grant of hou.se lot, 373; owned John Cross lot, 374; work on watch-hou.se, 426; first mention, 492. Kind)all, Richard, Jr., signed Lo.valist peti- tit)n of 1666, 138; heir of Kimball estate, 373; first mention, 492. Kimball, Capt. Robert, bought lot of Daniel Kimball and Jabez Farley, 319; of Conant and Cha'lwick, 320; house of Aaron, 321, 322; house of Wm. Heard, 342. Kimball, Thomas, signed Loyalist petition of 1666, 138. Kimball, Thomas, bought hou.se of Stephen Lord, 1795, 436; Robert Per- kins hou.se, 1803,352; Firick Hou.se Hill, 1814, 388; land on Brook St., 393. Kimball, William, owned house of Caleb, Jr., 372. King, James, resident in 1678, 102; bought hou.se lot of Obadiah Wooil, 405. King Phili))'!? War, chapter on, 159. Kingsbury, Henry, hou.se lot, 363; first mention, 492. Kingsbury, Nathaniel, conveyed to son Nathaniel, 350. Kinsman, A.sa, inherited Appleton lot, 480; bought hou.se of James Peatfield, 487; house of Robert Jordan, 487. Kinsman, Ciu.stavus, Peatfield lot, 324; residence, 477, 478; bought David Andrews hou.se, 485. Kinsman, Joan, land in Scott's Lane, 320. Kin,sman, Joanna, bought Samuel Wade hou.se, 473. Kinsman, John, Wainwright lot, 397. Kinsman, Capt. John Choate, hou.se lot, 440. Kinsman, .Jo.seph, bought Appleton lot, 480. Kinsman, Nathaniel, Wainwright lot, 397; lot, 431; h(iuse lot, 440. Kinsman, Palatiah and Joan, land, 320. Kinsman, Robert, voter in Town a£fairs, INDEX. 563 92; commoner. 96; house lot, 3.37; first mention, 492. Kinsman, Robert, Jr., Quartermaster, glazier, 82; i^elcctinan. at .lohn Apple- ton's, 238 ; arresled , 21 1 ; arrainneil, 24« ; petition for release on hail, 248; apolocy. 249; ilepiisitioii concerniiiK arre.st ami ill treatment l).\' Amlros sovernmenl , 2t>()-2r>4; first mention, 492. Kinsman, .Samuel, interest in Gravel Pit pasture, 475. Kinsman, Thomas, resident in 1(578, 102. Kinsman, William, .Ir., residence, 294, If.fi. Kinsman, William II., linuKht interest of Catherine I'nderhiil, 319; William Waile house, 474. Kitehens, ancient, 24. Kiflo, Kdwaril, resiung, 1713, .3.58, .366: wife Rebecca, .366; house lot, 1725, 418; interest in Knowlton hou.se, 1758, 421. Knowllon, .Jose|)h, re.sirient, 1678, 103. Knowlton, Margerv, wife of John, 1653, .501. Knowlton, Nathaniel (oi\ec Nathan), cord- wainer, 83; resident, 1678, 103; house lot, 1(187, :«0; bought hou.se lot of Dea. Thomas, I(i88, 421 ; heir of Knowl- ton house, 1689, .■{91; bought lot of Thomas Newman, 1702, 120; i'homas Clark lot, 1703, 412; Deacon, bought .lohn Sparks Inn, 1707, 346; exchange, 17'24, .366; hou.se lot , 1725, 418; (juit- claim, 1738, 4.56. Knowllon, Rebecca, wife of .lr)hn, .Ir., sold estate, 366. KiiowHoti, .Samuel, resident in 1678, 103. Knowlton, .Sarah, owned Knowlton hou.se, 121. Knowlton, Deacon Tlioma.«, cordwainer, 83; voter in Town affairs, 93; com- moner, 96; bought house lot of Himiphrey Bradstreet. 1646, 421 ;hou«e lot, 1655, 418; facsimile of autograph spelled NowKon, lfi.58. .360; signed Loyalist petition of KiGO, |:?8; Sen- ior^ bought lot of Samuel ^'ounglove, 1671, 453; signed Ipswich petition. I(;82, 2:{0; land on Fa-sl St.. 1687, 390; first mention, 492. Knowlton, Thomas, owned Harris home- stead, 17.57. 407. Knowllon. Dcacr)n Thoma.s, bought house of r\!cr Porler, 1791, 332. .3.33. Knowllon, Thomas, .Ir., house lot, I66R, .393; wore a placard for disturbing mack of cards, 16S:5, 117, 277; bought lot of .John .\ndrc\vs, of bampson and Story, 483; fir.sl mention, 492. Laborers' wages regulated, 274. Lace Factories, 385, 4.59, 460. Lai Id, Daniel, first mentiim, 492. Lafayette, in old meeting house, 435. Lakeman, Archelaus, bought Christopher llodgkins lot, 400; hou.se of Solomon, 402. Lakeman, Daniel, bought house of Thos. Tread well .Jr., 1747, 401. Lakeman, ('apt. Daniel, bought house of Elisha Gould, 1811, 439. Lakeman, Daniel, bought Pulcifer house, circa 1800, 440. Lakeman, Capt. Kben, hou.se, 390. Lakeman, Kbenezer, .son of Richard, Jr., half house, 401. Lakeman, Ebenezer K., quitclaims Lake- man house, 477. Lakeman, ,I;icoli, bought lot of Nathan Brown, 473. Lakeman, James TL, bought lot of Ed- ward Plouff, 485. Lakeman, Jo.anna, bought house of Sam- uel N. Baker, 418. Lakeman, .lohn, bought house of Isaac Martin, 365. Lakeman, Jonathan, bought Pulcifer hou.se, 440. Lakeman, .loseph, br.ught lot of John Hodgkins, 407. Lakeman, Richard, fisherman, 82; bought house of John Dane, 1704. 483. Lakeman, Richard, bought Samuel Dutch house, 1745, 441 ; son ami heir fif Arche- laus, 1746, 400; bought Pierce hou.se, 1762, 420; inventory, 1765, 401. Lakeman, Richard, bought Pulcifer hou.se, 1796, 440; John Ncwmarch house, .390; h)t of Francis Caldwell, 1829, 404. Lakeman, Richard, .Ir., bought Samuel lAclelh hou.se, 390. Lakeman, Richard, 3il, wife Lucy, house, 477. Lakeman, Sanmel, bought house of Joseph Perkins, 418. Lakeman, Samuel, Jr., bought hou.se lot of Jo.seph Fowler Jr., 418. Lakeman, Silvanus, bought l.eatlicrland hou.se, 402; heir of William. 404. Lakeman, Solomon, bought lot of Elisha Perkins, 402; house lot, 440. Lakeman, Mrs. Su.sun, reminiscence, 389. 564 INDEX. Lakeman, Tobias, heir of William, 404; bought lot of Thos. Harris, 407. Laketnan, William, bought lot of Joseph Lee, 1697, 480; wife Margery, lot of .John FJmerson, 1704, 404. Lakeman, William, .Jr., bought Aaron Da.v land, 179fi, '.im. Lambert, .Tames, resident in 1678, lO.S. Lambert, .Jf)lin, resident in 1678, 10.3; .servi(^c in King I'liilip's war, 221. Lambert, Margaret, over-elegant in dress, 280. I>amberd 's lot, .36.5, 366. Lamson, Benjamin, bought lot of Timothy Wade, 474. Lamson, .lohn, voter in Town affairs, 93; on jury for witch trials, 299. Lamson, .John B., bought lot of Jere- miah Smith, .341. Lamson, Nathaniel, resident, 1678, 103; service in King Philip's war, 221. Lampson, William, lot, .58; grant of house lot, 47.5, 483; first mention, 492. Lampson, William, wife Maria, bought Daniel B. Lord hou.se, 1847, .383. Lane, Annable's (Summer St.), 413. Lane, Back, or Scott's (Wa.shington St.), .340. Lane Baker 's (Mineral St.), 339. Lane, Bridge C(!reen St.), 417. Lane, Dutch's (County St.), 440. Lane, Cireen (tlreen St.), 58, 417, 488. Lane, Tlog (Brook, now Spring St.), 391. Lane, Lonev 's, 349, 433. Lane, Major's (Oeen St.), 3.36. I;ane, Meeting Hou.se, 422. Lane, Merrifield's (Fruit St.), 480, 485. Lane, Finder's (Loney's), 349. Lane, Scott's (Washington St.), 64, 320. Lane, Shipyard (lower Summer St.), 417. Lane, Wood's (Fruit St.), 480, 485. Lane, John, bought Shoreborne Wilson hou.se, 1694, 446. Lane, John, owned Mose.s Lord house, 368, 372. Lane, John, .Jr., part of Elizabeth Lord house, .373. I.iang, James, bought lot of Abraham H. Bond, .323. Langton, Joseph, first mention, 492. Langton, Roger, lot near Brook St., 394; first mention, 492. Ijathrop, Elizabeth K., bought Oakes house, .385. Lathrop, Capt. Thomas, ambuscaded at Blood.y Brook, 164. Laths sawefl, 17. Law of Sabbath keeping, 1653, 109. Lawrence, Amos A., bought mills of Au- gustine Heard, 330; bought Cogswell house, 4.59. Laws anrl Courts, chapter on, 274. Laws, made during King Philip's war, 215, 216. Lawson, John, bought lot of Isaac Martin, 375. Leach, Ambrose, first mention, 492. I>each, Robert, in Major Appleton's Co., 199. Lead, John, re.sident, 1678, 103. Leatherlantl, Jacob, son of William, widow Rebecca, 402; house sold, 440. Leatherland, John, .sf)n of William, quit- claim, 402; bought half hou.se, 412. Leatherland, Moses, hou.-efavour, John and JyUc.v, 366. I>egrow, widow, hou.se lot, 397. Leighton, Daniel, bought half house of George Dutch, 343. Leighton, John, committee, 70; voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 96; soldier against Indians, 1642, 127; lot on Ka.st St., 16.54, .399; house lot, 1669, .398; first mention, 492. Leighton, John, in Major Appleton's Co., 200, 221. Leighton, John, bought lot of Thomas Cross, 17.32, .332; land grant in Win- chen.lon, 1735, 311. J-eingdon, Ben., in Major Appleton's Co., 200. Leverett, Gov., mentioned by Andros, 225, 227; death, 228. Lewis, Peter, wife Grace, 406. Lewis, Richard, service in King Philip's war, 221. Leycross, Peter, punished, 282. Liberties, The Body of, drawn up by Rev. Nath. Ward, 47. Liberty St., .366. Library, Public, land bought, 335. Licenses for strong drink, 85, 281. Lime Pit Rock, 485. Lindberg, Marcus, bought Guilford house, 329. Line or Lead, John, service in King Philip's war, 221. Little Falls, 488. Little Hill, 366. Little Neck, set apart for fishermen, 80, 81 ; given to grammar school bv Wm. Paine, 152, 363. Little, Samuel, heir of Pulcifer, 437. Littlehale, Isaac, blacksmith, 79; resi- dent in 1678, 103; smith's account for fetters, 296; lot, 340: bought lot of Thomas Metcalfe, 343. Littlehale, James, 340. Jjitllehale, John, slain at Bloody Brook, 164; service in King Philip's war, 221. Littlehale, John, of Dracut, .340. Littlehale, Jo.seph, of Gloucester, bought father's estate, 340. Littlehale, Richard, resident in 1678, 103. Locke, Calvin, bought Otis Holmes lot, 470. Lomas (.see Lummus). Loney, Anthony, bell-ringer, 74; bought fulling mill, 329; house of James Ma- com, 347. Loney's Lane, .349, 433. Long, , slain in ambuscade, 307. Long, Philip, bought Thomas Boarman lot, .398; fir.st mention, 492. J..ong, Samuel, first mention, 492. Longfellow, William, sold house to Tho- mas Hodgkins, 408. Lord, Aaron, 365. Lord, Aaron P., house, 408. INDEX. 565 l-onl, Abigail, daughter of Sarnupl and heir, 878. Loril, Abraham, son of Nathaniel, inheri- tance, -Mtr,, .•^74. Lord, Al)raham, bought VVilhain Heard house, 8(i9. Lord, Alinira, widow, sold lionse to I'^ph- raini Harris, 303. Lord, Ann ^L, daughter of Daniel H. Lord, :w;i. Lore!, Asa, btJUght Daniel Choate estate, 366; interest in llo\ey house, 39r>. Lortl, Asa, owned iiarl of house of Samuel, 3d. 383. Lord, Austin L., heir of Uussell house, 371. Lord, Benjamin, bought hoti.se of Samuel Saw\er, 371. Lord, Caleb, hou.se, 278; bought Rev. Jabez Fitdi house, 355. Lord, Caleb, sold land. 1845, 391, 392. Lord, Charles, heir of Kimball estate, 372. Lord, Daniel, bought Lovell's lot, 354; Rev. Jabez Fitch hou.se, 35.5; wife Eu- nice, bought Haskell house, 1767, 382. Lord, Daniel, .Ir., bought part of John Baker estate, 36.3; house of Nathan Low, 372. Loril, Daniel, 3d, bought hou.se of Dr. Maiming, 358. Lord, Daniel Bolles, residence, 383. Lord, David, owned .lolm Lull estate, 370; h>ought hou.se of .lohn Cole Jewett, 372. Lortl, Deborah, bought house lot of Sam- uel Dutch, 4 to. Lord, Ebenezer, heir of .leremiah Lord, 36 L Lord, Capt. Ebenezer. 382. Lord, Ebenezer, sou of Philip, 383. Lord, P'.benezer, Jr.. 382. Lord, Ezra W., hou.se lot, 4)5. Lord, George, .son and heir of Levi, 374. Lord, George A., bought part of James Harris estate. 3.55. Lord, Harriet E., wife of Daniel, bought of J. H. Mann, 34L Lord, Isaac, bought Richard Kimball hou.se, 373; heir of Nath., 374. Lord, Jacob, bought hou.se of widow Thorndike, 347; son of .Mo.ses, 368. Lord, James, bought John Osftorn estate, 371. Lord, James Brown, hou.se, 4L5. Lord, Jeremiah, house, 328; bought hou.se of Jo.seph Fowler, .360. Lord, Jeremiah, .Ii., bf)ught half dwelling of father, 361. Lord, John, resident, 1678, 103; heir of Robert, 1716, 363; lanil grant in Win- chendon, 1735, 311. Lord, John, minor .son of I'hilip, 1755, 383; bought hou.se of Willibe Nason, 1760, 373. Lord, Capt. John, bought part of Shats- well house, 1824, 368; sold house to Josiah Lord and Richard L. Wey- mouth, 1827, 382; bought Ringe home- stead, 362. Lord, .lohn, Jr., sold half house to Mi- chael Farley, 1797, 322; bought house of Jesse Smith, 1853, 465. Lord, ("apt. John, 3d, bought Dodge house, 1832, 4:<8; land of Dane Manu- facturing Co., 1846, 327; laud of Jacob Brown, 1853, 329; house removed, 321; land on Washington St., 340. Lord, John, 4th, bought Benj. Lord house, 1819, 371. Lord, .ff)nathan, hou.<, 451. Lord, Mary, daughter of John Brown, 17.58, 381. Lord, Mary, daughter of Samuel, before 1772, .378. Lord, Mo.ses, bought lot of Francis Sawyer, 1757, .367. Lonl, .Mo.ses, heir of Mo.ses, .368. Lord, Mo.ses, bought intere.st of U. A. Rogers, 1833, 346. Loril, Moses, Jr., bought part of Heard house, 1790, 341; lot of Jabez Farley, 1797, 3.30. Lord. Nathaniel, resident, 1678, 103; ser- \ ice in King Philip's war, 221; son of Robert and heir, 1()83, 358, 377; made Mr. Cobbefs coffin, 1685, 472. Lord, Nathaniel, land grant in Winchen- don, 1735, 311; bought John Roper hou.se, 1741, 374; brother of Daniel, 1780, 382. Lord, Nathaniel, owned Lakenian house, circa 1800, 365. Lord, Nathaniel, 3d or Jr., owned Lovell's lot, 3.54; bought Staniford estate, 1811, 391; Denison lot, 1815,4.33,443; lot on East St., 1817, 416; Nath. Rogers estate, 1820, 386. Lord, Otis P., owned Nath. Lord estate, 386; law office, 4.57. Lord, Philip, estate, 1738, .382. Lord, Philip, wife Elizabeth, 1774, 373. Lonl, Philip, owned David Lord house, 1830, 372. Lord, Polly, daughter of Daniel Smith, 382. 383. Lord, Robert, Town Clerk, 57, 144, 324; charge of streets, 66, 70; cordwainer, 83; Senior, voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 96; signed Loyalist peti- tion of l(i66, 139; granted hou.se lot, 373, 382; bought hou.se lot of Henry Kingsbury, 1660, 36:{; lot of Thomas Lull, 1677, 358; house lot. Brook St., 1679. 392; house of .\braham Perkins, 16S2, 377; first mention, 492. Lord, Robert, .Jr., voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 96; signed Loyalist pe- tition of l()6t), 139; smith's account for fetters, 296. Lord, Robert, .3d, resident, 1678, 103; Tertius, lt)83, 377. Lonl, Samuel, signed Loyalist petition of 1666, 138; soldier in expedition against Quebec (uncle Samuel), 310, 312. 566 INDEX. Lord, Samuel, son of Robert, 1735, 377. Ijoril, Siunuel, of ( Jloucest.er, 1754, 382. Jiord, S:uiiuel, Jr., hoii.se lot, 1754, 382; apparently .-same a.s Samuel, 3d, 383; committee, 1773, 467. Lord, Samuel, 3d, house, 1700, 364; wife Lucy, (luitclaim, 17(il, 372; h)OUght Dr. Manning house, 1771, 385; lot of John Law.son, 1772, 375. Lord, Samuel, 4th, 1775, 378. Lord, Samuel A., son of IJ. B. Lr)rd, IS47, 383. Lord, Sarah, wife of Aaron P., bought lot, 415. Loril, Stephen, bought lot of Robert Perkins, 1793, 430; Ilomans house, 1798, 333. Lord, Thomas, heir of ]{obert, 1714, 373; lot on river bank, 1727, 458; granted lot for shipyard, 1732, 485. Lord, Thomas, Mary Lord lot, 1758, 451. Lord, Thomas, bought interest in Roger.'* house, 1845, 340. Lord, Thomas, Jr., son of J no., grant, in Wiuchendon, 31 1 . Lord, Thomas H., grocery lot, 365; house lot, 373. Lord, Thomas W., bought Farley tannery, 471. Lord, William, of S.alem, to look after boys, 277. Lot layers appointed, 50. Loud and Foster U)t, 330. Loud, Jacob H., bought Plouff tannery, 479. I,ovell, Alexander, lot, 352; exchange, 4.35; .sold lot to Nath. Hovey, 436. Lovell, John, cordwainer, 83; resident, 1678, 103; impres.sed for war, 198; in Major .\p|ilpton's Co., 200; bought house of Theophilus Wilson, 43.'>. Lovell, Margaret, daughter of Thomas, Jr., married John Edwards, 1093, 383. Lo\ell, Thomas, hous<\ 22, 70; currier, S3; voter in Town affairs, 93; com- moner, 90; bought Solomon Martin house, 1652, 354; Robert Beacham house, 1654, 351; house on Brook St., 1663, 393; signed Loyalist petition of 1660, 138; fined for ab.sence from meet- ing, 1671, 278; bought orchard of Henry Gould, 1677, 384; Selectman, reprimanded and e.vpelled from office, 1682, 230, 231; bought hou.se of his son John, 1094, 435; lirst mention, 492. Lovell, Thomas, Jr., hned for ab.sence froui meeting, 1071, 278; resident in 1078, 103; marriage agreement, 383, 384. lyoveren, John, resident, 1078, 103. Loveweli (Lovell), Samuel, in Major Appleton 's (.'o., 201. Low, Andrew, Jabez Maiui house, 487. » Low, f)harles, sold Ross tavern, 448. ^ Low, Daniel, part of Brewer lot, 307. Low, David, soldier in expedition against Quebec, 310, 312; land grant in Wiu- chendon, 310. Low, John, commoner, not voter in Town affairs, 96. Low, John C, bought .\bram lAiinmus estate, 377. Low, Jo.seph, owned house of John Pow- ers, 332. Low, Nathan, bought William Kimball house, 372. Low, Stephen, bought Samuel (dolman house, 390; lot of Hodgkins, 415; wife Sarah, Treadwell lot, 439. Low., Thomas, voter in 'J'owii affairs, 93; .signed Loy.alist petition of 1600, 1,39; Senior, signed Proctor petition, 291 ; Ijought land of Town, 1085, 337; first mention, 492. Low, Thomas, Jr., commoner, not a voter iti Town affairs, 90. Low, Winthrop, son and heir of Stephen, 439. Lowater, Klizabeth, liaughter of Stei)hen Perkins, 304. Lowater, Stephen, sold laud to Fosters, 304. Lowden, Anthony, mort.g.agee, 371. Loyalist Petition from Ipswich, 1066, ] 36. Lufkin, Jacob, soldier in expedition against Quebec (brother .Jacob), 310, 312. Lufkin, John, soldier in expedition against Quebec (brother .lohii), 311), 312. Lufkin, Marv, lanil grant in Wincihendon, 310. Lufkin, Thomas, land grant in Winchen- 7 Maier, Ceorj^o, in Major Applpton 's Co., 201. Mairio, Harry (see Iloiuy). Maine, [N'lny, Si; IxuikIiI lioiise lot of William Uoo, 4()."« ; reputeil dwellinK, '10(). Major's T,ane, 330. Mujorv, Cai)!., inonlioncd by Kanilol|ili, Malt kiln, 78. Manchester, ehose Tax ( 'onuni-^sionor, 23S. Mann, .labe/,, Ixmsht lioii-;e of Dr. Ames, 321; hotiKht house lot of Mercv Calil- well, 1X7. .Mann, .losiaii II., liounht lanil of .l.inie> Damon, :M I; 1 lo\ ey liomeslead lot, IS 1. Manninir, — — , eommonor, not a voter in Town affairs, i)li. Manning, .laoob, heir of K'icliard, ISDl, Kill; bought hou.se lot of .loseph I'ar- ley .Ir., 1.S47, 320. Manning, laeob, .Ir., bonglit Town work- house, ISIS, ;{.'■).'■). Mannine;, .lohti, disturber of peace, 2S3; KninI of house lot, 103; first mention, 492. Manning, Dr. .John, built Woolen I'^ic- t.orj', 331; interest in Henj. Dutch house, 3tcS; in (!ra\es estate. 3.^0; l.oveirs lot, 3r.4;Dr. John, .3d, l.ouKlit house of Charles Holies, 3.')S; Samuel I>ord hou.se, 37S; .Iiinior, Dr. lierr.y estate, 3S4 ; Wainwri^ht lot, :{97; Hodgkins house, 413; I^hilip llam- moml house, US; hou.se of Perkins heirs, tlS; Abner Harris house, 420; interest in I'reailwell house, 439; Sam- uel Dutch house, 441; Hurnhani house, 447; M.-iry Lord lot, 4.')1 ; lot on ri\er bank, 4.'')S; .Mamiins; house, 4r,l>; Nath- aniel Dutch house, 4(";7. ManniiiKf Dr. .Joseph, owned part of Potter's Clo.se, 340; bought house of Wm. McKeaii, 3.'->l r Lovell's U,t, 3.54; the ••( )ld Brick," 3SS ; iot,4.')l ; hou.se on Elm St., 4."i.'); wife I'Miz.'diet h, Ki"ant of lot on liver bank, IfiS. Maniiinff, .Io.sei)h Iv, l.oNell's lot, 3.')4. ManniufT, .Iur, 2.38; inviteil Kev. .lohn Ward to pas- torale, .510, .514. March, .Nathaniel, IioukIiI Cobbel house, 3S9. .Markes, HoKer, in Major Appleton 's Co., 200. Market Place, Clerk of. 67. .Market Street, north side, 341. Marshall, Benjamin, resi.lenl, 1078, 103; siirned Proctor petition, 291. Marshall, .loseph, resident, 1078, 103; service in King Philip's war, 221. Marshall, Thonnus, Sr., resident, 1078, 103. .Martin, Abra., resident , 1078, 103. .Martin, I'Mward, hou.se on Brook St., 39.5; bouttht Abner Harris estate, 402; Knowlton house, 421. Martin, Isaac, bouKht .John Wood estate, 30.5; James Foster estate, 37.5. Martin, .lacob, lot, 327. Martin, .John, lanil Krant in Winchenrion, 310. .M.nrtin, JosiaJi, bought house of I'Vancis (ioodhue, 372. Martin, 1 ucv, daughter of .Josiah, wife of Samuel L(")nl 3d, 372. Martin, Marv, house of I'Mwanl, 402. Martin, K'obert, resilient in 1078, IO:i. Martin, .Solomon, house, 2!; grant of house lot, 3.54. Martin hou.se, 121. Mason, ('apt. John, claim, 220; pressed at Ipswich, 229. Masters, Nathaniel, in M.ajor .\ppleton's Co., 200. Matchlock, 122. Mather, Cotton, on women's hair, 43; on wonders at (Jloucesler, 298. .Mather, lncrea.se, "Narrative of Mi.serie.s of New I'Jigland," 207. Mattf Philip, in Major Appleton's t;.)., 199. Maybe, Thomas, wife indicted for fine clot lies, 42. McCreelis, James, bought hou.se of Jacob Boardman, 347; lot of Kdw.ard Eve- let h, 347. McDole, Joanna h., bought land of E.ssex County, 419. Mcl'\arland, Samuel, bought house of Jacob Martin, 327. Mclntire, Dexter, bouglit .John Spiller house and removed, 410. McKean, Prof. Joseph, sketch of life, 4.58, 470. McKean, William, bought Samuel Craves estate, 3.51; house of Dr. Manning, 4.58; mf)rlg:igee, 407. McMalion, Thomas, wife Mar.v, inherited estate, 482; bought lot of Samuel Day, 482. Meachain, .Mice, wiilow, 4S3. Me.a.sures, .\ustin, bought l^ogers h-t, 481. .Meeting, sle.ping in, 11.5. .Meeting House, chapter tin, 107; first, .M.ld to Thoma.- Finnan, I.?, 113, 422; dor)r, 109; sealing of, 110; chimney and fireplace, 112; the .seconil, 113,423; lirsl pew, 113; the third and fourth, 424. Meeting House (Ireen, the, 422. Meeting House l.^ane, 422. 568 INDEX. Mentor, Thomas, slain at Bloody Brook, 164, 222. Merchant, William, house lot, 371. Meriall, John, first mention, 492. Merritield, Franci.s, wife Mehitable, dwell- ing, 4G0; .sold lot to Francis, Jr., 486. Merrifield, Francis, Jr., bought lot of Francis, 486. Merrifield, Mercv, bought house lot of William Wood, 4S6. Merrifield, Thomas, bought lot of Francis, 486. Merrifield Lane, 480. Merrill, .Alexander, resident, 1678, 103. Merrill, Benjamin, owned Farley land, 474. Metcalf, James, land grant in Winchen- don, 311. Metcalf, Joseph, .sailor, 82; resident, 1678, 103; bought Robert Coles house lot, 399; lot on river side, 483; first men- tion, 492. Metcalf, Thomas, voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 96; bought Christo- pher Osgood house, 1666, 343. Metcalf, Thomas, .soldier in expedition against Quebec, 311. 312. Metcalf, , widow, commoner, not a voter in Town affairs, 96. Methodist Church Trustees, bought land for Meeting House of Susanna Will- comb, 1824, 388; Parsonage lot, 389; of Essex County, 1859, 336. Mihil, Lieut., 206. Mile Brook, 71, 324. Mile Brook Mill, 77. Mile River, 78. Military Annals, chapter on, 119. Military organization, 120. Mill, first, 12. Mill dam, 460. Mill and Mill Garden, 329. Mill, Ipswich, bought Cogswell house, 459; Nathaniel Baker house, 459; lace fac- tory, 460; lower mills, 489. Mill, Stone, 330. Mill Street, 339, 340. Mill, veneer, 443. Miller, Ephraim, bought Michael Brown house, 468. Miller, William, soldier against Indians, 1642, 127; first mention, 492. Millett, Nathaniel A., bought lanfl of Thomas Dennis, 394; lot of Priscilla Manning, 4.51. Miner, JohnT., bought Farley tannery, 474. Ministers, honor defended, 285. Minute men, building for drill, 434. Mitchell, Frederic, bought James Safford land, 338; tavern keeper, 349; bought house of widow Rogers, 351 ; Jame.s Fitts e.state, 351. Moody, William, first mention, 492. Moore, Caleb K., bought hou.se of Hodg- kins heirs, 325; house of Geo. Warner, 340. Morley, Thomas, bought Thomas Kimball estate, 352 ; house of Staniford heirs, 352. Morrill, Jacob, of Salisbury, pro.seeuted by Andros government, 246; petition for release on bail, 248. Morns, Henry, bought Samuel Dutch house, 441. Morris, John, bought Hodgkins house, 408. Morse, Elizabeth, sentenced as witch, 288. Mor.se, John, house lot, 392, 393; first mention, 492. Morse, Joseph, house, 21, 22, 24; house lot, 392; wife Dorothy, 393; first men- tion, 492. Morton, Thomas, "New English Canaan, "7. Morton, Thomas, puni.sheii, 274. Mo.sely, Captain, Narragansett winter campaign, 199; mentioned by Ran- dolph, 227. Moses, Samuel, resident, 1678, 103; bought lot of John Perkins, 364. Mourt, on removal of Pilgrims, 8. Mover, William, signed Loyalist petition, 1666, 1.39. Mr., significance of the title, 11. Mugg, visits Mr. Cobbet, 211; intercedes for his son, 212, ,389. Murderer at lecture in chains, 286. Murra.v, Bridget, wife of Luke, bought Stalker property, 339. Murray, Luke, bought Farley lot, 321. Mus.sey, John, first mention, 492. Mus.sey, Joseph, public acknowledgment, 284; son of Robert, 500. Mussey, Mary, daughter of Robert, 500. Mus.sey, Robert, lot layer, 56; land grant, 321'; hou.se lot, 422, 435, 439: first mention, 492, 500. Muzzy, Benjamin, .set in stocks, 429. Myrand, Ernest, Monograph, 306. Nahant, claimed b.v Andros, 255. Nails, cut, first made, 17. "Narrative of the Mi.series of New Eng- land," Increase Mather, 267. Nason, Esther, heir of Willibe Nason estate, .373. Nason, Martha, heir of Willibe Nason e.state, 373. Nason, Robert, heir of Willibe Nason estate, 373. Nason, Thomas, heir of Willibe Nason estate, 373. Nason, Wi'libe, residence, 373. Nealand or Neland, Edward, commoner, not a voter in Town affairs, 06; .service in King Philip's war, 222; land grant in Winchendon, 310; house lot. Brook .St., .392. Nealand, John, soldier in e.xpedit ion against Quebec (brother .Iohn^, 310, 312. Neale, .Arthur, in Major .\ppletou 's Co., 199. Neck (see Jeffrey's and Little, also chapter on Common Lands and Com- monage, 68). Ned, the Indian, first mention, 492. Nellson, Philip, of Rowley, 244. Nellson, Robert, resident, 1678, 103; soldier in expedition against Quebec, 311, 312. Nellson, William, refused admittance_to residence, 90, 91 ; Seni(jr, resident, 1678, 103. Nellson, William, Jr., resident, 1678, 103. New .\msterdam, refused arbitrary tax, 268. New England Lace Manufacturing Co., 385. Newbury, settleil, 12; fortified, 208; men and horses, impressed, 215; chose Tax Commissioner, 238. Newell, Daniel, bought David Andrews house, 485. Newhall, John, in Major Appleton 's Co., 199. Newlande, Jeremy, soldier against Indians, 1642, 127; first mention, 492. Newman, .\nna, wife of Elisha, heir of John Ringe, 361. Newman, Benjamin, commoner, not a voter in Town affairs, 96; impressed for war, 198; in Major Appleton 's Co., 200, 222. INDEX. 569 Nowman, Brnjamin, bouKht lot of Wash- iiij^loii Adams, :{30; shop of S. N. Baker, 457; lot of Saiiiuel l>ay, 4X7. Newtiiaii, Daniel, owned house near Stone Bridge, 33:>. Newman, (Jeorce, bousht house of Kdwartl Brown, 320. Newman, Cieorge, .Ir., houi^ht liouse of Nath. Jones, . ■}<»(); land on Brrx.k Sl.,.!91. Newman, .lohn, commoner, not \.iler in Town .'iffairs, <»r,; house lot. Brook St., Ifi46, :W.i; first menli.xi, 4(»J. Newman, .lohn, .Ir., ciimnioMfr, not voter in Town affairs, 9(1; boutchl hou.se lot of Samuel York, 1718, 40(1. Newman, .lohn A., hoiiKht lot of S. N. Baker, 4.">(). Newman. Mark, bought shop of .S. N. Baker, 4.">7 ; building on ri\ or bank, 4.59. Newman, Nathaniel, residence, ,399. Newman, .Samuel, bought land of witlow Berry, 17(>'-', 3.S4. Newman, .Samuel, bought land of William Oakes, l,S3(i, 349. Newman, Thomas, signed Loyalist peti- tion of l(jfi6, 139; resident, 1678, 103; first mention, 492. Newman, Thomas, bought house of Ammi H. Wise, 1742, 3.33. Newman, Thomas, .fr., trooper, 209; ser- vice in King Philip's war, 222; bought house lot of Wm. Buckley, circa Iti70, 398, 399; house lot of Jacob Davis, 1701 , 419. Newmarch, Hannah, widow, 403. Newmarch, John, Sr., \oter in Town af- fairs, 93; commoner, 96; owned Thomas Hardy lot, 16t>,5, 403; signed Lovalist petition of 1666, 1.38; first mention, 492. Newmarch, .lohn, Jr., bought house of John Newmarch, 1671, 103; resident, 1678, 103. Newmarch, Rev. John, son of .lohn, Jr., 403, 404. Newmarch, .lohn, bought Stephen Low house, 1828, .390. Newmarch, Jonathan, owned Perkins house, .389. Newmarch, Lydia, wiciow, married John H. Dodge, estate, .391. Newmarch, Martha, heir of Zacclieus, 403. Newmarch, Thomas, resident, 1678, 103; sold land to Thomas, Jr., 1763, 404; bought Lakeman estate, 1768, 407. Newmarch, Thomas, Jr., 404. Newmarch, Zaccheus, resident, 1678, 103; in Major \ppleton 's Co., 200, 222; bought house lot of Peter Peiiiwell, 1690, 407; occupied Newmarch home- stead, 1703, 403. Newton, plan of removal to Agawam, 12. -Newton, Aldred, wife .Anna, house, 440. Nichols, Richard, first mention, 492. Norman, Alfred, house lot, 480. Norman, Kdward, hou.se lot, 480. North, .lohn, first mention, 492. North -Main St., north side, .340. Norton, Bonest, sold Wm. Norton estate, 361. Norton, Bonus, resident, 1678, 103,472. Norton, Elizabeth, daughter of William, marrietl John Wainwright, 399. Norton, P'reegrace, signed Loyalist peti- tion, 1666, 138; mortally wounded at Hatfield, 184; Sergeant, hou.se lot on Brook St., 393, 424. Norton, (Jeorge, builder of new meeting house, le.'il, 113. Norton, (Jeorge, bought interest of sister Margaret, 1762,466. Norton, l{ev. .lohn, sketch of, 40-.")I, ."14, G.'i; i>roposed commissioner, 129- .slan- ; granted pa-,ture lot, 340; bought houxe of Thonuis Kirman, 3,S9;granl»d lot, 41.!; first n>enlion, 492. Norton, John, signed Loyalist petition of 1666, 138. Norton, Rev. John, of llinghani, son of Wdhani, 1.".2; I'logy on Aim Br.adstreet , 1 ■).'"., l.'Hi; I'lnd. 340. Norton, .lonathan, committee on .sohuol. 1(J.V2, 148. Norton, Margaret, heir of riiomos, 466. .Norton, Thomas, tanner, 73, 79; wife Mercv, bought Kiisl laii-vard, 1701,468; bought land of Nathaniel Riist, 1710, 4 19; l;u>.l hoii-c, 1710, 1.51; bought Benjamin Dutch house, 17.30,466. .Norton, lhonia>, Jr., IVacher of (Jranunai ."School, 311, 312; heir of Deacon Thomax, 468 Norton, Thom.Hs.son of Thoina.i, Jr., 468. Norton, William, voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 9'!; signed Loyalist petition of 1666, 1.38; inherited laml. 340; hoiiie of Robert Paine, 3C.1 , John Whitting- ham estate, .3(i2; bought house lot of Philip Long, .398; first mention, 492. Nourse, Daniel P., bought lot of <;ilbert Conant, 341; lot of .Samnel Hunt, 414; Ikmis" lot. 41."). Noiir-e, lohi: W., diagrams, 317; heir of Warren, 416. Nour.r. Nicholas, land grant in Win- chendon, 311. Nurse, Rebecca, tried anil .sentenced as witch, 289, 292,293. Oakes, Caleb, bought ho'i^e of Willcomb heirs, .385. Oal'es, William, 349; bought Lovell's lot, .354; residence, 38,5; bought lot of .loseph Wait, 389. "Old Ship" meeting hou.se at Hingham, 423. (Jliver, Capt., in Narragan.sctt winter campaign, 190. Ordway >r .Anlway, .\bner, refused resi- dence, 91 : set in stocks, 283. Ordway, Samuel, bl.acks'iiith, 79; smith's sho|), 4.56. Ordwav, Snrah, wife of Samuel, soKI lot to Dr. i>ean, 460. Osborn, Henry, cowhen!, 64; commoner, not a voter in Town affairs, 96; married Mary Merchant, 371. Osborn, Jo!\n, resident , 1678, 103; son of I^enry, inheriteil estate, 371. Osgood^ Christopher, submission, 2.50; gr-«nted hon.se lot, 343: first mention, 492. Osgood, John, submission, 250. Oti.^ James, 266. Owen, William, resident, 1678. 103. Page, Thomas, resident, 1678, 102. PaiDO, John, brew-house, 79; »igDed 570 INDEX. L.iynlist i)eHtion of lGfi6, 139; owned While Horse Inn, 300. Paine, John, son of William, conveyed ironworks, Ififi?, 446; sold estate, 1668, 363. Paine, Robert, the Elder, 50; road sur- veyor, 58: Town Treasurer, 58; dwell- uiK, (i3, SO; voter in Town affairs, 91; pon'.nioner, 90; committee on school, 1052, hot'.ght lidu.se and land and built fichoolhouse, 140, 409; licensed to .sell atronfj diink, '2S\\ lined for exce.ssive prices, 281 ; bouy;ht part of .John Mrown's lot, 358; facsimile of autograph, 300; owned Richard Midgood lot, 301 ; resi- dence, 380; first mention, 492. Paine, R<4.ert, Jr., resident, 1078, 103; Harv.ard graduate, 1.50; foreman of Grand Jury, 299; s(jld homestead, 386. Paine, William, one of seven men, 57; wharf, 79; commiHee on .school, 1052, 149; gave Kittle Neck to (Jranmiar School, 152; house lot, 363; committee ou bi-idge, 414, 440; first mention, 492. Paine, William, Harvard g'-.ailuate, 1C89, 157. P.'uue's Hill, .livi.icd, 72. Paine School lot, ;!00. Paisley, Willi'im, solc'ior in expedition againsl t^uebcc, .300; wounded, 312. Palmer, Georee, lined for elegant clothing, 42; cooper, 82; residence, 354; sold Proctor house, 440. Palmer, John, published "An Impartial Account," 205; charged lp.swich men with riotous conduct, 200, 207. Palmer, Thomas, in Major Appleton's Co., 201. Parish, First, grant of land, 307. Parker, Pllizabe'li, widow of ('ai>f. Gi., remini.scence, 4.32. Pearce, , soldier in expeiiition against Quebec, 311, 312. Pearce, John, resident in 1678, 103. Pearce, Robert, conmoner, not voter in Town affairs, 90. Pearce, Robert, Jr., resident, 1678, 103. Pearce, Samuel, resident, 1078, 103; im- pressed for war, 198; in Major Apole- t(m'sCo.,200, 222. Pearl, John, resident in 1078, 103. Peai-ly, Sanmel, resident in 1678, 103. I'earpoint, Jaiue.s, first mention, 492. * "I Pearson, I'lnoch, bought house of Simeon Safford, 327; home.stead, .328; fulling mill, 329; house of Nathaniel Baker, 455. Pearson, Lemuel, heir of Enoch, 455. Peas, l!obert, in M.ijor Appleton's Co., 200. Peatlield, James, bought land of C. K. Moore, 340; lot of Mercy Caldwell, 487. Poatlicid, Mar.\, wife of Sanford, house lot, 320. Peatlield, Sanfor.l, bought land of C. K. Moore, 340; lot of Mercy Caldwell, 487. Peirire, .Abigail, marri;>d .John Hodgkin.s, sohl estate, 412. Peirce, Daniel, member of Council at Ipswich, 307. Peirce, Sanuiel, widow Mary, married Rev. Willi.-im 11 ubb.ard, sold estate, 412. Pell, John, resilient in 1078, 101. Perular, ,)ohn, lirst mention, 492. Pciigilly, lohn, resilient in 1078, 104; Cor- pord in Major Appleton's Co., 199, 222. Pengry, Aaron, ,'oter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 90; bought house lot of Thomas Smith, 1071, .372; first men- tion, 492. Pengry, Aaron, Jr., resident, !678, 104; service in King Philip 's war, 222. Pengry, .lohn, commoner, not voter in Town affairs, 90; .service in King Philip',s war, 222; on jury for witch tnals, 299; owned Aaron Pengry lot, 372. Pengry, Moses, house, 21; shipyard, salt pans. 79; innkeeper, 83, 281 , 3.59; Dea- con, voter in Town affairs, 93; com- moner, 9ii; bought liouse of Richard Scholield, 1052, 407; signed Loyalist petition of UiOO, 139; lot of .lacob" Fos- ter, 1073,419; Senior, signed Ipswich petition, 1082, 230; nominated for iiccn.sp, ;559; facsimile autograph, 300; first mention, 492. Pengry, Mo.ses, son of Moses, impres.sed for vv.ar, 198; in -Major Appleton's Co., 200, 201, 222; land for shipyard, 1078,419. Peniwell, Peter, .seaman, .82; bought house lot of (Jbadiah Wood, 407. Penne, Goodie, tried as witch, 294. Penlicut, now Haverhill, 500. Pentucket, desired by Firmin, 508, 509. Pequot .soldiers, 125. IVrkins, .Varon, Jr., bought half of Pul- cifer house, 1797,437; land on Scott's Lane, 1798, 320; Jo.seph Bennett house, 1802, 441. Perkins, .Abraham, 19; innkeeper, 83, voter in Town affairs, 93; licen.sed to .sell, 282; soldiers quartered at his inn, 303; bought Daniel Hovey lot, 1672, 484; sold Robert Collins hou.se, 1682, 377; nientioued in 1685. 472; owned High St. |)roperty, 1708, 364; bought half house of Abraham Foster, 1711, 418, 419. Perkins, Abraham, soldier in e.vpedition against Quebec, 310, 312; land grant in Winchendon, 1735, 310. Perkins, Abraham, heir of Capt. Matthew, 1768, ;589; bought half house of Col. Dodge, 1779, 400. INDEX. 571 Perkin.s, Alicp, widow of Isaac, land on Brook St., :{9:!. Perkins, ("apt. JJpani.siey, bought house of .lacol) Davi.s, 'M'.i; obwtructed foot- wa.v, ;144. Perkins, Hen,iamin, heir of Capt. Robert, Perkins, Eli.sha, son of .lacoli and lieir, lOI ; sold estate, 102. Perkins, I'Misha. boni^ht .lanies Foster house, IN.il, .MS; hou.se of N. L. Man- ning, KS49, ."H-'d. Perkins, Klizahet h wife of l,iike, punishefl for evil speaking, I (IS I. 2S.'). Perkins, I'ilizaheth, daughter of .lacob, wife of Wm. Leatherland. 1715, -101. Perkins, Elizabeth, wife of ('apt. Robert, 17(iO. 352. Perkins, Klizabeth, daughter of .John Hodgkins, 1797, 338; sold interest, 413, 417. Perkins, Mrs. Hannah, estate, 304. Perkins, Isaac, widow .sold land on Prook St., 1(>39, .393; fir.st mention, 492. Perkins, Isaac, resilient in 107S, 104; ser- vice in King Philip's war, 222; signed Proctor petition, 291. Perkins, Isaac, heir of .lames, 181S, 4.3C. Perkins, Jacob, signed Loyalist petition of ItttiG, 139; hou.se b\niied, KJGS, IS; facsimile of autograph, 3(10; location, 401; fir.st mentioned, 492. Perkins, Jacob, .Ir., voter in 'I'own affairs, 93; resilient, 167S, 104; on jury for witch trials, 299. Perkins, Jacob, 3d, married daughter of John Sparks, hou.se lot, 1GS5, 401. Perkins, .lacob, bought John Gamage est .ate, 1753, 373. Perkins, James, hou.se, 430. Perkins, .lames VV., bought hou.se lot, 414. Perkins, .leremiah, bought house of Jo.seph Foster, 1720, 430. Perkins, Dea. Jeremiah, land oti .Seott 's Lane, 179S, 320. Perkins, John, lot layer, 50; one of .seven men, 57; committee on Jeffries Neck, 00; licen.sed to sell strong ilrink, 10()2, 2S2; signed Liivalist petition of 1000, 1.39; bought Wm. Hubbard estate, 1008, .304; gr.int of house lot, 401 ; signeil petition of 1(582,230; the elder, fir.st mention,492. Perkins, John, son of John, Quarterni.aster, 91; voter in Town affairs, 93; com- moner, 9(i; stor.v of early Indian attack, 119; .soldier against Indians, 1042, 120. Perkins, .lohn, Jr., impressed for war, 198; ill Major Appleton 's ("o., 200, 222; resi- dent, 1078, 104; granted house lot, 403; first mention, 492. Perkins, iJr. Jolin, 83; Harvard graduate, 1695, 1.57; son of lieam.slev, and heir, 344; sold estate, 3(i4. Perkins, .lohn, scjld land to James SalTord, 1S22, .338; wife Lucretia, sold land to William Baker, 1830, 417. Perkins, .lohn, bought Deni-son lot, 1855, 433, 443. Perkins, .lo.seph, bought lot of .loseph Foster, 172(), 430; hou.se lot of Nath. Perkins, 1780, 418. Perkins, Jo.sejjli, .Ir., bought house lot of Jose|)h Fowler Jr., 1782,418. Perkins, Luke, resident, 107S, 104- wife punished for evil spe.aking, 2,S.5; house. 484. Perkins, Matthew, resilient, 1077, 104; Captain, bought Cobbet orchard, 389; son of Jacob, home.steail, 401 ; sold to Matthew, Jr., 401, 417. Perkins, Matthew, Jr., occupied home- stead, 1709, 401. Perkins, Nathaniel, signed Proctor peti- tion, 1092, 291. Perkins, Dr. Nathaniel, of Bo.ston, bought lot of his father, l>r. John, 1740. 344. I'erkins, Nathaniel, house lot, 1758. 418. 419. Perkins, Robert, wife lOlizabeth ( Donn- ton), 1721, 438; bought half house of .Vbraham Tdlon. 1701, 430; sold land to Ks.sex County, l.U . Perkins, ("apt. Robert, wife Elizabeth (Brown), division, 1700, 352. Perkins, .Samuel, impressed for war, 198; in Major .Vppleton's Co., 2(M), 222; bought part of father's lot , 1079, M'A. Perkins, Sarah, daughter of Daniel Smidi, .382. Perkins, .Sergeant , voter in Town affairs. 93; commoner, 9(1. Perkins, .Stephen, ('ai)t., bought hou.se of Daniel Rogers, 1715, 375; |)art of Brown lot. 1717, 307; Lovell's lot, 1721,352, 354 ; hou.se of his father, Abraham, 1721, 304; Samuel Dutch hou.se, 441. Perkins, Thomas, soldier against Indians, 1042, 127; first mention, 492. Perkins. Thomas, son of John, Jr., land, 403. Perkins, William, original se(tler, 10; loca- tion, 10. Perkins, William, wife Hannah, heir of Cromptou estate, 1737, 402, Perley, .\llen, land grant, 319, 320, 339; lot on High St., 374; (irst mention, 492. Perle.v, (Ireenleaf P., mortg.agee. 480. Perley. Nathaniel, bought lio\ise of Benj. Dutch, 344; Samuel JJutch house, 441. Perley, Sanuiel, 72; \oter in Town affairs, 93; resident in 1078, 104. Perley, Timothy, commoner, not a voter in Town affairs, 97. Perrin, Thomas, resident in 1678, 104; laiui grant in Winchendon, 310; soldier in expedition against tiuebec, 310, 313; bought house of Deacon (Joodhue, 452; grant of lot on river bank, 4.56. Perry, , commoner, not voter in Town affairs, 97. Perrv, Tliomas, first mention, 492. Peter, Rev. Hugh, 511, 512. Peters, ,\ndrew, commoner, not voter in Town affairs, 96; signed Loyalist peti- tion of 1666, 138; .service in King Phil- ip's war, 222; licensed to .sell strong drink, 282; bought house of Richard Hubbard ami Isaac Cozens lot, 362. Peters, .lohn, resident in 1678, 104. Petition, Loyalist, of 1000, 130. Petition of remonstrance against John Winthrop Jr. 's departure, .50, 51. Petition of citizens against Corporal John Andrews, 359. Pettis, John, first mention, 493. Phelps, Nicolas, tiuaker, punished, 278, 279, 4'28. Philbrook, John J., bought hou.se lot, 408. Philip's, King, War, cha|)ter on, 1.59. Philipp, .\Ioritz B., residence, 73; bought (."ol. John Appleton estate, 345. Philips, John, bought Perkins land, 402. Philip.s, Thomas, .service in King Philip's war, 222; bought Perkins land, 402. Phillips, ("apt., mentioned liv Randolph, 227. Phillips, Rev. Samuel, of Rowley, report against , '245. Phillips, Wendell, descended from Ann Bradstreet, 54. 572 INDEX. PhilJis, slave of Thomas Norton, 408. Phips, Sir William, order against witches, 292; expedition to Port Royal, 1690, 304, 305; to Quebec, narrative by Rev. John Wise, 525. Pickard, Thomas, bought hou.se of Ebene- zer Potter, 349; wife Abigail (Cogswell), 474. Pierce, John, house lot, 420. Pierce, Mo.ses, sohher in expedition against Quebec, 31U, 313. Pierce, Robert, wharf, 80; hou.se lot, 420. Pierce, Thomas, grant of hou.se lot, 485. Pierson, John, of Rowley, arraigned, 240; petition for release on bail, 248; .sub- mission, 2.')0. Pigeon Hill, 72. Pigeon Hill, eighth, 73. Pike, Jo.seph, of Newbury, slain in ambus- cade, 307. Pilgrims debate removal to Agawam, 8. Pindar (spelled Pyndar), Henry, first mention, 493. Pindar, John, commoner, not voter in Town affairs, 97; land grant in Win- chendon, 1735, 311; house, 3.50. Pindar, John, Jr., resident, 1078, 104. Pindar, John, wife Sarah, bought Ringe house, 1700, 440; bought fulling mill, 1772, 329. Pindar, Samuel, resident in 1078, 104. Pindar, Simon, soldier in expedition to Quebec, 313; bought hou.se of Timothy Davis, 350; .sexton, 424. Pindar, Thomas, hou.se, 350. Pindar's Lane, 349, 433. Pinder, Benjamin, ownerl Willcomb hou.se, 420. Pinder, Benjamin, Jr., bought hou.se of father, 420. Piper, John, son of Nathaniel, ,398. Piper, Jonathan, son of Nathaniel, 398. Piper, Margaret, daughter of Nathaniel, 398. Piper, Mary, daughter of Nathaniel, 398. Piper or Pyper, Nathaniel, signed Lo.v- alist petition of 1066, 139; resident in 1078, 104; owned William Norton house, 398. Piper, Samuel, resident in 1678, 104; son of Nathaniel, 398. Piper, Sarah, widow of Nathaniel, mar- ried Ezekiel Woodward, 398, Piper, Thoma.s, son of Nathaniel, 398. Pipin, Samuel, in Major Appleton's Co., 199; .service in King Philip's war, 222. Pitney, James, first mention, 493. Placard worn by lawbreakers, 285. Plaistowe, .losias, title Mr. dropped, 11. Plats, Ensign, of Rowley, 24.5. Piatt, Jonathan, fined, 283. Plouff, Augustine H., bought hou.se lot, 485. Plouff, Edward, bought tannery, 479. Plouff, fciliza, wife of Edward, bought Dodge hou.se, 480; Pierce lot, 485; lot of Sanford Peatfield, 487. Plum Island, divided among commoners, 09. Plymouth Colony, deprived of Charter, 255. Podd, Samuel, voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 97; first mention, 493. Poland, Increase, killed at Black Point, 214, 222. Poland, Samuel, soldier in expedition against Quebec, 310, 313; land grant in Winchendon, 310. Pomp, slave of Timothy Wade, 473. Pooler, Samuel, killed at Black Point, 214. Poor, Melzeard, bought interest in Will- comb house, 415. Poor, Overseers of, 07. Poore, Henry, in Major Appleton's Co., 201. Poore, Samuel, in Major Appleton's Co., 201. Poorhou.se, Town bought John Harris hou.se, 355. Population, male, in 1678, 98, 106. Porter, Abigail, wife of Frederic, bought Gould hou.se, 364. Porter, Frederic, 364. Porter, Tyler, foreclosed Joseph Lord hou.se, 332. Potter, Aaron, bought lot of Thomas Smith, 1723, 348; occupied Anthony Potter's estate, 1723, 349; sold Pierce hou.se lot, 1735, 420; committee on bridge, 1764, 445. Potter, .\nthony, wife indicted for finery, 42; voter in Town affairs, 93; com- moner, 97; bought Denison house, 1648,326; facsimile of autograph, 1658, 360; bought hou.se of Samuel Graves, 1673, .349; hou.se of Dea. Whipple, 475; first nienticm, 493. Potter, Daniel, sold John Potter house, 395. Potter, Ebenezer, owned Anthony Potter estate, 349. Potter, Edmund (and Anthony), mill, 77; resident in 1678, 104; .service in King Philip's war, 222. Potter, Elizabeth, heir of Col. Choate, 463. Potter, Henry, bought John Kimball house, 457. Potter, Isaac J. and John M., bought lot of Mrs. Ann Hayes, 341. Potter, John, resident in 1678, 104; .ser- vice in King Philip 's war, 223; occupied Anthony Potter'.s estate, 1691, 349; bought Richard Belcher house, 1708, 393, 395; lot of Ringe and Norton, 1714, 449. Potter, John, bought Graves estate, 1769, 350. Potter, Mrs. Rhoda B., hou.se, 469. Potter, Robert, bought lot of Edmund Heard, 342, 343. Potter, Samuel, resident in 1678, 104. Potter, Sarah, heir of Col. John Choate, 463. Potter's hou.se, 424. Pound, The, 63, 425. Powder Hou.se, built, 475. Powell, .\bel, tried for witchcraft, 288. Powers, John, bought house of John Leighton, 332. Preston, Roger, house lot, 418; lot on way to Labour-in- vain, 483; first men- tion, 493. Prickett, John, residence in 1678, 104. Prince, Jonathan, bought house of Phile- mon Warner, 341. Prior or Pryor, Richard, resident in 1678, 104; impressed for war, 198; in Major Appleton 's Co., 200, 223. Prison, County, of 1652, 427; rebuilt, new prison, 430. Pritchett, tioodman John, owned Sherrat lot, 348, 349. Pritchett, William, slain at Brookfield, 160; fir.st mention, 493. Privateers on coast, 304. Probate Office, 335. Proctor, Benjamin, commoner, not voter in Town affairs, 97; resident in 1678, 104; son of John, sold estate, 335. INDEX. 573 Proctor, Elizabeth, wife of John, accused as witch, 289 291, 299. Proctor. .John, house. 21; jrrant of house lot, .343; sold house to Thomas Firman. 44.5; Senior, houRht lot of .lohn Wood- am. ItjfiG, .33.'!. Proctor, .lohii, .Ir.. accuserl as witch, 289; petition for, 291); pravs for relief. 294. 29.''); execute"!. 29.'>, 299. Proctor. .Joseph, service in Kinn Philip's war. 22.3; siened Proclor petition. 291; son .lohn sold the estate, '.i'^r). Proctor. William, son of John, cruel treat- ment , 29."). Protest, Ipswich, againMl I.a Tour. .'jl. Puddin Street, .3.53. Puileater, Ann. widow. confined in Ipswich jail as a witch. 29.5, 29fi. Pulcifer, Beckford or Bickford, .sold hou.se, 17()9, 440; bouKht Samuel Dutchhou.se, 17(il, 441. Pulcifer, Beckford, heir of David, 1831, 4()t!. Pulcifer, Benedict , wife indicted for finery, 42, 2S(); commoner, nut voter in Town affairs, 97; solilier in expedition acainst Quebec (uncle Benedictus), 310, 313; bought hou.se f)f Moses PeuKry, 407. Pulcifer, David, bought Staniford h'lme- slea78, 104; .sold .John Sparks estate, 346; owned Walter JUiper house, 374. l?oi)er, Nathaniel, resilient in 1(178, 104. Roper, Walter, \<)(er in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 97; signed Loyalist peti- tion of Ifitifi, 138; bought Allen I'erley liousc, 374. Ross f>r Kosse, Aaron 1'., owned James Harris hou.se, 3.').5. Ross, Benjamin, son and heir of Daniel, 421. Ross, I>aniel, first mention, 493. Ro.ss, Daniel, wife Esther, interest in Knowlton estate. 17.58, 421. Ross, Daniel, bought Gibson homestead, 1784, 4.''.0. Ro.ss, Elizabeth, bought Capt. Holmes house, 39f). Ro.ss, Ezrah, first mention, 493; Israli, in Major Appleton 's Co., 201, 223. Ross, Fenell, resident in 1678, 104. Ross, Francis, wife Li.sette, bought An- drew Rus.sell shop, 375. Ross, Frederick (i., residence, 3.54. Ross, Israh, sec ICzrah. Ross, .Jeremiah, son and heir of Daniel, quitclaim, 1780, 421. Ross, Jeremiah, bought Homans house, 1798, 333; Murnham hou.sc, 1809, 447. Hoss, John, resilient in 1078, 104; soldier in expedition against Cjuebec, 311, 313; land grant in Winchendon, 311. Ross, John W., house lot, 408. Ross, Jo.seph, bought Lovell's lot, 3.54; Hay .Scale lot, 3.54; Lace Factory property, 38.5; lot on I';ast St., 410. Ross, Joseph F., residence, 3.54. Ross, Jo.seph Lakeman, bought house of Lord heirs, 330; hou.se of John Wood, 334; wife Mary, part of Bennett house, 441. Ro.ss, Kilicro.ss, commoner, not a voter in Tf)wn afTairs, 97. Ro.ss, Olive H., bought lot of Hodgkins heirs, 377. Ross, Polly, bought Capt. Holmes hou.se, 390. Ro.s.s, .Samuel, bought house of John Wood, 334. Ross, .Samuel, Jr., heir of Jo.ser>h Bennett, 441. Ro.ss, Thom.'is, bought hou.sc of Williams heirs, 1804, 38.5; guardian of John Newmarch, J828, .390; James Harris hou.se, 18.30, 35.5. Ro.ss, Thomas S., bought James Harris house, 355. Ross, Timothy. .Jr., bought IJisha (Jould house, 37.5. Ross, Timothy B., dwelling, .375. Ro.ss Tavern, 448. Host, Kr.i, resident in ]«j7S, 104. Rougetoli, I'eter, resident in 1678, 104. Row, Sarali, exposed on lecture flav. 284, 285. Rowell, Jane, bought lot of Ira Worcester, 475. Rowley, objected to stockado, 207; for- tified, 208; refu.sed to elect Tax Com- missioner, 240; Selectmen indicted, 241 ; men at Cocheco, 302; visiteil !>>■ John Dunton, .3.57. .506, .507; unwilling to have Hev. .lolin Wanl as minister, 510. Russ, Samuel, in Major Appleton 's Co., 200. Russell, Andrew, owned part of liarriij hou.se, 363; bought hou.se of Galloway heirs, 375. Ru.s.sell, Chambers, solfl WainwTight estate, 400. Russell, |)anicl, bought Cobbet house of Nath. March, 389; Capt. Kendall house, 414. Russell, Daniel >S., bought Samuel Lord house, 378. Ru.ssell, Ebcnczcr, bought C'aiil. Ken- flail house, 414; Burnhan) lot, 415. Rus.sell, I'oster, bought lot of .Samuel Hunt, 414; lot, 415. Russell, (ieorge, lot, 416. Ru.s.scll, llenrv, liought house of Richard Wattles, 16(i3, 301. Russell, llenrv, wife Katherine Sutton, bought house of Samuel Sawyer, 1787, ,371. Rus.sell, Mary anrl Sarah, house from Henry, .372. Russell, Maynard, resi!e of William White, 345; daughter mar- ried Jacob Perkins, 401 ; Courts held at Inn, 428; witch trial at his house, 461, 472. Spark, Mary, widow of John, in posses- sion of house, 346. Spark, Thomas, resident in 167S, 105; in Major Appleton's Co., 199, 223. Spencer, Henry, branded, 283, 428. Spencer, John, granted mill privilege, 12, 13; magistrate, 275, 499; first men- tion, 493. Spiller, Augufstine H., heir of estate of Mo.ses, 389. Spiller, Hannah, daughter of Hannah Newmarch, heir, 403; bought Lake- man land, 404. Spiller, Henry, residence, 399; taught school, 433. Spiller, John, wife Marv, bought house lot of Harris, 410. Spiller, Jonathan, sold Newmarch estate, -. 403. Spiller, Joseph, bought house of J. H. Harris, 328. Spiller, Mo.ses, bought Methodist Par- sonage, 389. Spiller, Sarah, sold house to Levi Hovey, 410. Spiller, Thomas, bought Sylvanus Lake- man estate, 404. Spiller, William A., bought house lot of Caldwell heirs, 421 ; wheelwright shop lot, 450, 488. Spinning required, 85. Spofford, Chandler, sold interest in Souther hou.se, 457. Spofford, Jacob, wife Mary, bought in- terest in Souther house, 457. Stace or Stacy, (probably .Simon), first mention, 493; grant of house lot, 339. Stace, Simon, probably son of Simon, wharf, 1682, 80, 339; voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 97; signed Ipswich petition of 1682, 230; at John Apple- ton's, 239; Lieut, of foot company, .303; bought William Hubbard estate, 1671, 376; Ensign, 1685, 471, 472; cousin of Sarah Goodhue, 519. Stace, Thomas, commoner, not a voter in Town affairs, 97; signed petition, fac- simile of autograph, 360; first mention, 493. Stacey, P]dward, bought lot of John Kim- ball, 4.57. Stacey, George, married widow Swasey, 1763, 475; bought house of Capt. Par- ker, 1764, 454; shipyard lot, 489. Stacey, George, son of George, 1792, 476. INDEX. 579 Stacey, Jemima, widow of John, sold house oil the leilge, 1737, 3.{4. Stacey, John, bought lot of Aiiiini 1{. Wise, 1714, 4r)3; griiiiteil |>ri\il<>f;e on the ledge, 17:58, 334. Stacey, Susanna, hought interest of Ben- jamin (ieorge, 1774, 47(i. Stackpole, Frank A., lOphraiai Fellows estate, 487. Stackpole, Josiah, bought tJogswell house, 459; tannery of John Worth, 474. Stage Hill, 81. Stalker or Stocker, John, estate sold, 339. Stalker, Robert, Jr., bought land of Mary Waite, 339. Staniford, C!apt. Aaron, bought part of Thornton estate, 3.'j2. Staniford, Daniel, bought Christian Wain- wright hou.se, 1748, 347. Staniford, Daniel, heir of Jeremiah, sold estate, 1811. 391. Staniford, Ebenezer, .son of Thomas and heir, widow l.ucy Fowler, 1787, 388. Staniford, Kbenezer, owned Samuel Baker hou.se, 1800, 390; heir of Jeremiah, 1813, 410. Staniford, Hannah, heir of Thoma.s, 1742, 410. Staniford, James, son of Thomas and heir, 1778, 388. Staniford, James, bought half Perkins hou.se, 1830, 419;Capt. Lakeman hou.se, 18.36, 439. Staniford, James H., bought Hay Scale lot, 1856, 354; house lot of Aaron Cogs- well, 420. Staniford, Capt. Jeremiah, heir of Capt. John, 391; becjueathed land, 410. Staniford, John, wife's seat in meeting, 1682, 114; bought land on Brook St., 1678, 393; house lot of John Baker, 1687, 390; bought lot, 1713, 41(i. Staniford, John, .son of Thomas anil heir, 1778, .388. .StanifonI, Thomas, bought Kendrick lot, 1706, 410; Thomas Goss house, later than 1727, 411; will, 1740. 411. Staniford, Capt. Thomas, son of Thomas, bought Francis Wainwright estate, 1740, 387; lot on Brook St., 1760, 393; inventory and will, 1778, 388. StanifonI, Thomas, bought half house of Dr. Manning, 1830, 419; house of Kim- ball heirs, 1832, 369. Stan wood, Ebenezer, bought half house of Ebenezer Smith, 1747, 346. Stanwood, Eunice, wife of Isaac, 417, 4 18. Stanwood, Isaac, wife Eunice, daughter of John Hodgkins, 417; heirs of Hodg- kins, 338, 413; bought Kiiovvlton lot, 1826, 420, 421- widow Eunice sol.l lot to . Treadwell,Nathaniel,3d,!innlii)liler. bought part of Thornton estate, 1799, .352; house of John lli.dgkins. 1806.349. Treadwell. .Nathaniel Dudge. sold interest 1819. 415. Treadwell, Uog^r, .son of Nathaniel, sold interest, 415. Treadwell, Sarah F., bought part of Pot- ter s Close, 349. Treadwell, Samuel, legatee of Thomas Taylor, 1710, .399. Treadwell, Thomas, Goodman, licensed, 1639, 85; first mention, 493. Treadwell, Thomas, resident in 1678, 105; land grant in Winehendon. 310; bought Elizaljeth Fuller hou'^e. 1754. 4.59. Treadwell, Thomas, Jr.. bought Perkins hou.se, 1708, 401. Treadwell, William, bought a shop of Wm. Appleton, 1809, 403; half of Perkins house, 1818, 419. Treadwell, Capt. William, bought house of Capt. Hammon, 1823, 391. Treadwell, William, bought house lot, 1851, 410. Treadwell's Island, Indian remains, 2. Trees, fruit, 17; permit to cut, 22; ordi- nances, OS. Trells, Richard, resident in 1078, 105. True, Henry A., bought house of S. P. Crocker, 323. Trow, Mrs., house, sold to .S.N. Baker, 457. Tucker, Dr. William K., bought Zenas Cushing estate, 470, 470. Tuckerman, Nathaniel, bought house lot of Obadiah Wood, 406. Turkey llill, eighth, 73, 300. Turkey Shore, 478. Turner's, Capt., Hill, 63; flock, 72; eighth, 73. Tuttle, Mr. (probably John), 80, 513. Tuttle, John, bought hou.se of Richard Lumpkin, 337; first mention, 493. Tuttle, Simon, voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 97; house lot, 368; first mention, 493. Twigs, Thomas, di.sorderly in meeting, 116, 276. Two-rod way by river, 483. Tvler, James .S., bought lot of George Willett, 377. Tyler, Royal, mortgagee, 479. Tyler, Samuel, in Major -Appleton's Co., 201 ; killed at Narragansett fort, 203. Underbill, Catherine, sold interest to Josiah Dudley and W. li. Kinsman, 349. Underbill, J. Choate, bought house of Farley heirs and Mrs. Vose, 323. Union Street, 32t>, 327. Unitarian Meeting House, bought by Town, 451. Urann, or Vrine, William, bought house lot of Stephen Minot, 399, 400; bought Thomas Smith estate, 412. Valedictory and Monitory Writing by Sarah Goodhue, 519. 582 INDEX. Varney, Bridget, owned Cozens house lot, 3tj2. Varney, Thomas, voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 97; signed Proctor peti- tion, 291. Varnhani, or Varnuni, George, first men- tion, 493. Varnham, Ralph, Town Crier, 1640, 06; bell ringer, 66, 107; first mention, 493. Varnhani, Samuel, owned hou.se lot, 38.'). Varrell, J. H., hou.se lot, 408. Very, Samuel, in Major Ajjpleton's Co., 199. Vicar, Roger, in Major Appleton's Co., 199. Vincent, Humphrey, grant of house lot, 383; first mention, 493. "Vindication of the Andros Government," by John Palmer, 265; Reply, 267. Vose, Mrs. Mary B., b(jught house of H. A. True, 323. Wade, Asa, bought part of school orchard, 470; lot of David Giddings, 473. Wade, Francis H., remembered .\ppleton hoii.se, 323; bought lot of John Wade, 474; heir of Mary Wade, 486. Wade, Jes.se H., residence, 474. Wade, Rev. John, 157. Wade, John, bought half Thomas Apple- ton house, 466; Jo.seph Appleton es- tate, 467; shop, 474. Wade, John. Jr., bought hou.se of Thomas Burnham, 455; sold John Wade hou.se, 467. Wade, Mr. (Jonathan), merchant, 82; voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 97; hou.se lot, 1635,368; one of .seven men, 1636, 56; fineil by Court for dis- respect, 1645, 275; owned Winthrop hou.se and lot, 1647, 398; fined for exce.ssive prices, 1658, 281 ; licensed to .sell strong drink, 1662, 282; saw mill, 1665, 78; land on County Road, 1667,472; warehouse, 1671,405; wind mill, before 1673, 77; grant of Little Island, 1673, 487,488; hou.se lot, 1675, 486; bought house lot of Wm. Sv- monds, 1679, 332; Deputy, 1681, 233; Senior, signed Ip.swich Petition, 1682, 230; will, 1684,472; first mention, 493. Wade, Jonathan, son of Jonathan, service in King Philip's war, 223; land on County Road, 1699,472; sold his father's lot on Meeting Hou.se Hill, 1701, 332; soldier in expedition again.st Quebec, 310, 313; land grant in Winoheiulon, 310. Wade, Jonathan, son of Thomas, inherited, 1696, 472. Wade, Lydia, daughter of Samuel, estate, 473. Wade, Major, in expedition against Quebec, 530. Wade, Mary, Jr., bought house of Francis Merri field. Jr., 486. Wade, Col. Nathaniel, bought Treadwell interest, 415; homestead, 473. Wade, Nellie F., Miss, residence, 474. Wade, Samuel, sold malt house lot to Eastern R. R., 324; wife Eunice, con- veyed to John, 467, 472, 473. Wade, Samuel, Jr., bought lot of >(athan Brown, 473. Wade, Thomas, Captain, son of Jonathan, resident, 1678, 105; service in King Philip 's war, 206, 224 ; inherited land ou County Road, 1684, 472; Clerk of Court, 1692, 461 ; son William, kiUed at sea, 1697, 308; sold his father's laud on Meeting House Hill, 1701. 332; wife Elizabeth, built the Col. Wade mansion 473; will, 1737,473. Wade, Thomas, Col., son of William, 474. Wade, Timothy, wife Ruth, son and heir of Thomas, 473; will, 473. Wade, William, son of Thomas, killed at sea, 1697, 308. Wade, William, son of Timothy, house lot, 1763, 473. Wade, William, son of Col. Thomas, lot. 474. Wade, William Foster, inherited estate 474. Wadsworth, Capt., slain at Sudbury, 209. Wainwright, Christian, wife of " John, residence, 1741, 344; widow, bought house of Daniel Tilton, 1741, 347. Wainwright, Elizabeth, daughter of Sam- uel, conveyed house to Dr. Clark, 344; heir of Samuel, 397. Wainwright, Elizabeth, widow of Col. John, execution, 486. Wainwright, Francis, voter in Town af- fairs, 93; commoner, 97; Pequot .sol- dier, 1637, 125; soldier against Inilians, 1642, 127; signed Loyalist petition of 1666, 138 ; bought house lot of Dr. Bridg- ham, 1671, 399; first pew in the meet- ing house, 1675, 113; .service in King Philip's war, 224; humble petition, 1687, 246; licensed to sell strong drink, 1692 282; first mention, 493. Wainwright, Francis, son of Francis, Har- vard graduate, 1686, 157; Pulcifer estate, 1690,407; fishing interest, 1690, 81, 82; bought Robert Paine homestead, 1690, 386; licensed to .sell -strong drink, 1692, 282; committee on fishing design, 1696, 70; bought Cobbet hou.se, 1696, 389; Annable lot, 1702, 413; Major, bought Newman lot, 1702, 399; lot on High St., 1705, .371; execution, 1710, 486; his daughters, heirs of Simon Tuttle, 1732, 368, 387. Wainwright, Jacob, killed at Bloody Brook, 164, 224. Wainwright, John, voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 97; married Elizabeth Norton, 1675, residence in 1691, 399; bought Piper estate, 1690, 398; John Sparks's ordinary, 1691, 345, 346; licen.sed to sell strong drink, 1692, 282; Colonel, bought Chute e.'ifate, 1692,397; will probated, 1708, 397, 400. Wainwright, John, .son of Col. John, heir, 1708, 397; bought Leighton lot, 1710, 399; Taylor lot, 1710, 399; agent for sale of Fossee hou.se, 1722, 432, 433; bought Beamsley Perkins estate, 1725, 344. Wainwright, John, bought house of Daniel Heard. 1762, 453. Wainwright, Samuel, owned Rogers es- tate, 344; son of Col. John and heir, 397, 399. Wainwright, Simon, resident in 1678, 105. Wainwright, William, in Major .Appleton's Co., 199. Wainwright 's wharf, 80. Waite, Abram D., residence, 329. Waite, Francis A., bought lot of Lucy M. Rust, 482. Waite, John, resident in 1678, 105; bought interest in mill, 1729, 329. Waite, Jonadab, bought house lot of John Waite, 329. Wait, Joseph, bought site of Coburn block, 331; Homans house, 333; Richard Rogers house, 353; house of Mose INDEX. 583 Jewett Jr., 372; Staniford lot, 388; ('apt. Holmes house, 396; clay pits meadow, ♦(){); .lernniah Smith holl.se, 410; Krilirami ( ;riint liou.sp, 42(1. Wait, Luther, lioutiht homesteaoyali.st petition of 1666, 139. Walley, Rev. John, wife Elizabeth Apple- ton, 34.'); bought Samuel Rogers hou.se, 464. Walley, Lieut. Gen. of expedition against (Quebec, .52.'). Walley, Thomas, bought house of Col. Dodge, 4.53. Wallis, Aaron, bought Knowlton hou.se, 4.51; interest in Souther house, 4.57; Farley tannery, 474; Ringe hou.se, 481. Widlis, Mrs. Hannah, wife of Moses, heir of Wni. Appleton, 480. Wallis, Moses, wife Hannah, heirs of r)aniel Badger, 4.57. Wallis, Nicholas, voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 97; permit for horse shed, 4.34. Wallis, Robert, swineherd, 64; resident in 1678, 10.5; first mention, 493. Wallis, Robert, bought house of Philip Abbott, 1799, 333; lot of his mother, 1819, 480. Wallis, Dr. S.amuel, bought land from Quilter heirs, 319; Thomas French estate, 321; Quilter estate, 339; hou.se of Rev. John Wi.se, 4.52. Wallis, William L., bought Farley tan- nery, 474. Waltz, Robert, first mention, 493. War or Warr, Abraham, swineherd, 65, 4.34; hou.se lot, 393; fir.st mention, 493. Warfl, .James, son of Rev. Nathaniel, 54, 147. Ward, Rev. .John, son of Rev. Nathaniel, first minister at Haverhill, .54, .506; at Rowley, .510; offered settlement at Marhlehead, 510. Ward, John, chirurgcon, 83; first mention, 493. Ward, Rev. Nathaniel, reproved finery, .39, 40; sketch of his life, 45-48; signed petition, 50; Ipswich Protest, .51 ; wrote preface of Ann JJradstreet 's poems, .53, 325; hr)use, 470, 471; his letters, Ap- pendi,\ (', .504; his poverty, 505; plans for new colony at Haverhill and An- dover, ,506; delicate health, 507; forget- fulness, 510. Ward, Major Samuel, died of wounds. .306 Ward, Susan, wife of Dr. f ;iles Firmin, .54. Wardell, Klihu, resident m 1678. 105- bought house of .b.hn Wd~on. 1699. 448; wife Klizabeth Wade, bought house lot of Waflc heirs, 1701,332. Wardell, i;iihu, son of Elihu, sold estate 1719,332. Warilell, Susanna (Ringe), sold interest. 481. Wardell, Thomas, first mention, 493. Wardell, Csuall or Izall, commoner, not a \ liter in Town affairs, 97; service in King Philip's war, 224; bought Ringe homestead 481. Wanlwell, Lyiiia, a (^u.-iker, whi|>ped, '279. Wardwell, Mo.ses, bought Farley tannery. 474. Wardwell. William, wife Susanna, boUKe, 448. Warner. Abigail, ilaiighter .>f Daniel, 342. Warner, Menjainin, soM lot, .■<9I. Warner, Daniel, ,Sr., voter in Town affairx, 93; commoner, 97; signeil petition, 16.58, facsimile of autograph, 3t>0; signed Loyftlist petition. 16(i6, 138; hou.se lot, .340; conveyed to Fdnmnd Heard, 1675, 342. Warner, Daniel, Jr., resident in 1678, 105. Warner, I';iizal)eth, wife of FxUnund Heard, 342. Warner, Cieorge, bought hou.se of Geo. W. Heard, .'{40. Warner, .John, grant of hou.se lot, 413, 415; lot on Ka.st St., I()48, :i96: on Rrook St., 165.5, 393; signer! petition, facsimile of autograph, l(j.58. 360; .settled at Mrookfield, 1660, 160; first mention, 493. Warner, .lohn, son of John, resident in 1678, 105; in Majf)r Appleton 's Co., 200; .sold estate to Samuel Waite, 1735, ■Ml. Warner, Nathaniel, voter in Town affairs, 93. Warner, Nathaniel, wife FJizabeth Kim- ball, 1768, .■i73. Warner, Philemon, owned part of Robert ('rane grant, 341. Warner, Stephen, bought half of Rogers house, 346. Warner, Susanna, daughter of Daniel, 342. Warner, William, lanrl. 324; grant of hou.se lot, 338, .339; first mention, 493. Warner, William, son of Daniel, 342. Warren, Mary, testimony, 291. Warren, William, in Major Appleton 's Co., 201. Washington, George, at Ipswich, 476. Washington Street, East side, 338. Watch, Town, 120. Watch House, 1645, 120, 426. 432, 434. Water Street , 405. Waters, Jasper, suit against Samuel Ap- pleton, 447. Watertown, refused ta.\, 268. Watson, , bought Giles Firmin '.s hou.se, 471. Wattles, Richard, house lot, 361 ; first mention, 493. Watts, Solomon, in Major Appleton 's Co., 200. Wa.v to the Merrimack, 15. Way by river through County land, 337, 338. Webb, Will, in Major Appleton s Co., 199. Webber, Ivlward, bought house of Ebeu- ezer Hovey, 484. 584 INDEX. Webber, James N., house, 416. Webster, , commoner, not a voter in Town affairs, 97. Webster, Ben., in Major Appleton's Co., 200, 224. Webster, Daniel, in the old Court House , 434. Webster, John, first mention, 494. Webster, Goodman, lot, 368. Webster, , sister of John Shatswell, 497. Wedgwood, John, Pequot soldier, 125; ri\er-side lot, 483; fir.«t mention, 494. Welch, Rev. Moses, bought house of Sam- ue\ Wade Jr., 473. Wellington, .lames M., house lot, 443; laought veneer factory, 462. Wells, Aaron, house, 350. Wells, John, sold homestead of Moses, 402. Wells, Jonathan, son-in-law of Alexander Lovell, 436. Wells, Jo.seph, bought house of George Stacey, 454; shipyard lot, 489. Wells, Moses, land grant in Winchendon, 310. Wells, Moses, Jr., bought house of Solo- mon Lakeman Jr., 402. Wells, Nathaniel, voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 97. Wells, Richard, owned Winthrop house lot, 398. Wells, Thomas, grant of house lot, 443- 445, 450; house, 455; first mention, 494. Wells, , sailor with John Paul Jones, house, 411. West end, 14, 353. West, John, hou.se, 21; resident in 1678, 105; bought house of William White, 335; first mention, 494. West, Twiford, voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 97. Weymouth, Richard L., bought Capt. John Lord house, 382. Wharves, 79, 80. Wheeler, Benjamin, bought Boardman houi^e, 482. Wheeler, David, sold house to Major Woodbury, 482. Wheeler, John, Trumpeter in Major Ap- pleton's Co., 199. Whipping, 283. Whipping po.st, site, 286, 428, 429. Whipple, Anna, daughter of Matthew 497. Whipple, Catherine, cousin to Sarah Goodhue, 519. Whipple, Elizabeth, daughter of Mat- thew, 497. Whipple, John, wife indicted for finery, 42; one of seven men, 57; committee, 80; Deacon, committee on school, 1652, 149; licen.sed to sell strong drink, 282; bought house of John Fawn, 325; facsimile of autograph, 360; owned lot of Richard Bidgood, 361; commit- tee on bridge, 444; daughter Sarah, married Joseph Goodhue, 471; owned William Lamp.^on lot, 475; first men- tion, 494; addressed in Valedictory, 520. Whipple, John, Jr., malLster, 69, 70; fulling mill, malt kiln, 78, 446, 487; voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 97; Cornet f)f horse troop, 124; signed Loyalist petition, 1666, 139; Captain of troop, 204, 205; rever.se, 208, 209; owned an Indian slave, 217; service in field, 217, 224; signed Ipswich petition, 1682, 230; first mention, 494. Whipp'e, John, 3d, son of John, Jr., Cor- poral, voter in Town affairs, 93; com- moner, 97; signed Loyalist petition of 1666, 139; Selectman at John Apple- ton s, 1687, 238, 241, 243; submission, 249 ; probably soldier in expedition against Quebec, 313; member of Coun- cil at Ipswich, 1696, 307; Major, in- herited home.stead, 325; committee, 1713, 336; committee, 1722, 433. Whipple, John, son of Matthew, 497. Whipple, Jonathan, sold lot to Thomas Berry, 383. Whipple, Joseph, son of Matthew, 497; voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 97; signed Loyalist petition of 1666, 138; bought house of Joseph Ayres, 1705, 475; committee, 1713, 336. Whipple, Mary, daughter of Matthew, 497. Whipple, Matthew, Sr., brother of John, the Elder, 497; house, 21, 26; com- mittee, 80; grant of house lot, 413, 439; first mention, 494; will and in- \entory, 497. Whipple, Matthew, .son of Matthew, 497; signed petition, 1658, facsimile of auto- graph, 360; resident in 1678, 105; called Senior, on jury for witch trials, 1692, 299. Whipple, Matthew, Jr., wife Dorcas, sold Robt. Paine homestead, 1702. 386. Whitaker, John, peruke-maker, residence, 3.33. Whitcher, John, Sergeant in Major Ap- pleton's Co., 199. White, Benjamin, soldier in expedition against Quebec, 310, 313; land grant in Winchendon, 310. White, James, voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 98; signed Proctor peti- tion, 291. White, Thomas, sold lot to Samuel Dutch, 461. White, William, baker, 83; voter in Town affairs, 93; grant of house lot, 334; married widow Jackson, 335; bought house of John KnowUon, 345; grant of hou.se lot, 351; first mention, 494. Whitefield, Rev. George, preached, 435. White Horse Inn, 281, 359. Whitman, Robert, hou.se, 21; swineherd, goatherd, shepherd, 65; voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 98; signed Loy- alist petition of 1666, 138; house lot, 413; granted hou.se lot, 415; bought Matthew Whipple house, 439; first mention, 494. Whitmore, W. H., " Memoir of Andres," 269. Whitred, William, carpenter, 82; Pe- quot soldier, 125; grant, 372; bought house lot of Wm. Simmons, 372; first mention, 494. Whitredge, John, Jr., sold Merrifield house, 466. Whitredge, William, resident, 1678, 105. Whit tier, Maynard, house lot, 475. Whittingham, John, e.state, 22; house furni.shings, 24, 27, 28, 30; Ensign, 121 ; grant of house lot, 362; first men- tion, 494; inventory, 500. Whittingham, Richard, son of John, 151. Whittingham, William, son of John, 151. Whityear, John, grant of house lot, 351; first mention, 494. Wicom, or Willcomb, Capt. Daniel, licensed to sell .strong drink, 282. Wiggin, Asa, bought lot of Daniel Cogs- well, 404. Wigs, worn under protest, 43. INDEX. 585 Wigwam Hill, divided among commoners, 70, 73. Wilbore, i^hadrach. Town Clerk of Taun- ton, arrested, 238. Wilderness Hill, ti3, 09, 71. Wdde.s, Dr. Asahel H., bought lot of Will- comb, 411; lot, 440; Ana. Andrews homestead, 4(>2. Wildes, Kdwaril P., estate, 431; bought Asa Brown house, 409. Wildes, John, soldier against the Indians, 1642, 127; nephew and heir of William, 384; first mention, 494. Wildes, Wilhelmina, wife of Dr. Asahel H., heir of Wni. Dodge, 345, 4ri2. Wildes, William, hou.se lot, 384, 481; first mention, 494. Wilkins, Thomas, signed Proctor peti- tion, 291. Wilkinson, Henry, grant of house lot, 480; first mention, 494. Willard, Caut. Simon, company .stationed at Ip.swich, 303. Willcomb (.see Wicom). Willcomb, Daniel L., bought lot of Isaac Stanwood, 409; Stephen Baker li>l, 411; interest in t'ol. Dixlge house, 41."). Willcomb, Frederick, bought Damon k homestead, 3.')2; ("apt. Holmes house, I 390; house of .\ugU8tine Heard, 411; lot, 410; Ross Tavern, 44S; Hinge homestead, 481. Willcomb, Joseph, owned John Kdwards e.state, 1702, 383, 384. Willcomb, Jo.seph, bought interest in Col. Dodge hou.se, 1827, 41.5. Willcomb, ('apt. Joseph, residence, 3.")1. Willcomb, l.*^wis E., resilience, 409. Willcomb, widow Su.sanna, bought lot of widow Thorndike, 1814, 388. Willcomb, William, bought lot of Nath- aniel Knowlton, 1717, 420; fishing stage on Jeffrey's Neck, 1721, 438. Willcomb, William, bought house of Dr. Smith, 1808, 385; lot of Dr. Sawyer, 1808, 388. Willcomb, William, bought hou.se of Stephen Hodgkins, 1839, 40S. Willcomb, William, owned interest in Ringe homestead, 481. Willes, , wife of John, accused of witchcraft, 290. Willetf, George, wife Mary, house, 370. Willett, (ieorge A., heir of Cieorge, 370. WiUett, Levi, bought half hou.se of Rev. Daniel I-'itz, 473. Willett, Wallace P., heir of Levi, 473. William and Mary, proclaimed King and Queen, 258. William anti Mary War, chapter on, .30L Williams, Anthonie, in Major Appleton's Co., 199. Williams, John, .sold lot to Thomas Ross, 385. Williams, John S., owneil house of S. S. Farrington, 328. Williams, Jotshua, hou.se of Samuel Wil- liams, 385. Williams, Nathaniel, reported his exam- ination, 247. Williams, Samuel, bought lot of Arthur Abbott, 1720, 332; Daniel Low estate, 1743, 307; part of Dr. Berry estate, 1740, 384, 385; owned Perkins house, 389. Williams, William, in Major Appleton's Co., 199. Williamson, Michael, first mention, 494. Williamson, Paul, fir.st mention, 494. Wilson, Elizabeth, wife of Theophilus, 501 Wilson, Rev John, at Agawam, 11. Wilson, John, cordwainer, 83- bought house lot of father, Shoreborne 446 448. ' Wilson, Shoreborne, co()|)er. 82- resident in 1078, 105; set in slucks, 282 286- bought house of Simon A. lams 374- house lot of R(>t)ert Dutch, 41.'i' 419- 'I't of Kzekiel Woodward, 440, 448 Wil.soii, Theophilus, voter in 'I'own af- fairs, 93; commoner, 98; signed Loy- alist petition of 10(i(i, UiH, bought house of John Kimball, .350; house lot, 422; constable, 425; pri.Hon-keeper 427; house lot, 4.35, 472; first men- tion, 494. Wilson, Thomas, slept while on watch, 420. Wilson, William, first mention, 494 Windmill Mill, 77, 445. VVindniill Hill Hock, 72. Wiiis()r, Joshua, reported examination, 247. Winter, William, defamed Mr. Cobbet 285. Winthrop, James, Wainwright lot, .397. Winthrop, (iovernor John, at .\gawam, 12; escorted by soldiers, 125; letters from Nathaniel Ward, 505 507; from (jiles Firmin, .''.08 510; from Samuel Symonils, 514. Winthrop, John, Jr., came to Agawam, 9, 10, 15, 10; inventory of his goods, 33 35; early history, 45; petition of citizens not to leave Ipswich, 50, 51 ; one of seven men, .56; informed of In- dian attack, 119; Lieut. Col., V20, 325; hou.se lot on East St., 398; grant of six acres on South (ireeii, 464; letter from Rev. Nath. W'ar.l, .504; from Samuel Symonds, 511, 513, 516. Winthrop, .Samuel, Wainwright lot, 397. Winthrop, William, Wainwright lot, 397. Wi.se, Ammi Ruhami, bought house of Benj. Rogers, 333; lot of his father. Rev. John, 453; Nathaniel Rust hou.se, 454; .sold Dr. Dean hou.se, 4tJ0; grant <.f flats, 489. Wise, Daniel, Crompton estate, 462. Wi.se, Henry, land grant in Winchendou, 311; mortgagee, ;190; bought house of Thomas Perrin, 452; hou.se of Emer- son Cogswell, 4.53, 476. Wise, Rev. Jeremiah, son of Rev. John 157. Wise, Rev. John, 83; at John .appleton's, 239; adilressed Town Meeting, 239; warrant for arrest, sketch of life, 242, 243; examined by Council, 240; plea to (lov. .Andros, 247, 248; apology, 249; allowed to preach, 254; declara- tion, 257; deposition, 200-204; charges discus.sed by John Palmer, 265, 266: estimate of the resistance, 267, 209, 271; petition for John and Eliza- beth Proctor, 290, 291; petition, 299; chaplain on expedition against Quebec, 305; bought Fellows house, 452, 476; narrative of expedition, 525; funeral .sermon, 525. Wise, .Mary, interest in Samue! (Jravea estate, 350. Witchcraft, chapter on, 287. Wombell, William, resident in 1678, 105 Wood, .\uthonv, .signed Loyalist petition of 1606, 139. Wood, Daniel, soldier against Indians, 1642,127; first mention, 494. Wood, Daniel, .sold lot to John Appletou, 1754, 480. 586 INDEX. Wood, Isaiah, voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 98; road surveyor, 445; house lot, 486. Wood, John, resident in 1678, 105; land grant in Winchendon, 310; bought house of Jemima Stacey, 334; house of Caleb and John Kimball, 365; lot of commoners, 360. Wood, Jo.seph, soldier in expedition against Quebec (uncle Joseph), 310, 313. Wood, Martha, widow of John, heir, 365. Wood, Mary, heir of Symon Tompson, 486. Wood, Nathaniel, resident in 1678, 105; in Major Appleton'.s Co., 199, 224. Wood. Obadiah, baker, 83 ; voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 98; house lot, 405; first mention, 494. Wood, Samuel, hatter, 83; resident, 1678, 105; bought hou.se of Samuel Chapman, 365; inherited Symon Tompson estate, 486. Wood, Simon, commoner, not a voter in Town affairs, 98; Constable, arrested, 241, 255; puni.shed for theft, 282; heir of Symon Tompson, 486; estate, 487. Wood, William, "New England's Pros- pect," describes the Indians, .5, 7. Wood, William, heir of Simon, 486. Woodani, John, wife Mary, house, 21; bricklayer, 82; signed Loyalist petition, 1666, 139; exchanged lot with Apple- tons, 334, 335; bought house of John West, 335; house on High St., 358; house lot, 392,393; first mention, 494. Woodbridge, , Magistrate, 275; Jus- tice of Peace, 1686, 236. Woodbury, Major, bought house on Tur- key Shore, 482. Wooding, John, probably Woodam, resi- dent in 1678, 105. Woodmansey, Robert, first mention, 494. Woodward, Ezekiel, carpenter, 82; signed Loyalist petition of 1666, 138; public apology for free speech, 1667, 275, 284, 424; bought John Proctor hou.se, 1661, 446; hou.se, 1673,487. Woodward, Ezekiel, probably son of Eze- kiel, Sergeant in Major Appleton's Co., 199; of Wenham, 1690, 398. Woolen Factory, built by Dr. Manning, 331. Worcester, Ira, bought Samuel Lakeman house, 418; house of Isaac Stanwood, 418; A.sa Baker estate, 475. Workhouse, 74, 433. Worth, John, bought Farley tannery, 474 Wyatt, John, grant of house lot, 339 bought house of Nathaniel Bishop, 350 grant of hou.se lot, 486; first mention 494. Wyeth, Humphrey, first mention, 494. Yell, John, resident in 1678, 106. York, Capt. Samuel, wife Mary, house, 406; bought Pierce house, 420. Young, Francis, resident in 1678, 106; Sergeant in Major Appleton's Co., 199, 224; house lot, 355, 358; grant of land, 305; land, 393. Young, (ieorge G., bought land of I. J. Potter, 341. Young, Levi, wife Elizabeth, bought Jo.seph Hovey hou.se, 418. Ycjung, Sanniel, resident in 1678, 106. Yoimglo\e, Joseph, resident in 1678, 106. Younglove, Samuel, Sr., butcher, 83; voter in Town affairs, 93; commoner, 98; grant of house lot, 443; lot, 450; grant, 452; first mention, 494. Younglove, Samuel, Jr., voter in -TJowji affairs, 93; commoner, 98; boilght hou.se of Stephen Jordan, 450, 455. Zachariah, Lewis, resident in 1678, l06; impressed for war, 198; in Major Apple- ton's Co., 200, 224. C85 82 3 ^ 1*^ -^v*-^^ .s*^, "^^rx^ -n^..^ t • JJ^ ♦ c> <^ o " • • ^ /^V I < . "^ aV ^ ^ 7V« *y^ t*^ v^-n. / V^^*^^' V'^-*y' "o^'-^'-/ ^-. .♦ > v^