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 I 
 
 THE 
 
 LIFE AND SERVICES 
 
 OF 
 
 Joel R. Poinsett, 
 
 THE CONFIDENTIAL AGENT IN SOUTH CAROLINA 
 OF PRESIDENT JACKSON DURING THE NUL- 
 LIFICATION TROUBLES OF 1832. 
 
 BY 
 
 CHARLES J. STILL E, LL.D. 
 
 Rcprvited from 
 " The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography." 
 
 PHILADELPHIA 
 1888. 
 
THE 
 
 LIFE AND SERVICES 
 
 OF 
 
 Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 THE CONFIDENTIAL AGENT IN SOUTH CAROIINA 
 
 OF PRESIDENT JACKSON DURING THE NUL- 
 
 LIFICATION TROUBLES OF 1832. 
 
 BY 
 
 CHARLES J. STILLE, LL.D. 
 
 Reprinted from 
 " The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA 
 1888. 
 
f rrrS8 
 
THE 
 
 LIFE AND SERVICES 
 
 OF 
 
 JOEL R. POINSETT. 
 
 I. 
 
 [Through the courtesy of the surviving member of Mr. 
 Poinsett's family, the Historical Society has been placed in 
 the possession of a mass of papers which illustrate very 
 fully his public and his private life. That life was one of 
 singularly varied interest. Mr. Poinsett was probably the 
 greatest American traveller of his time, penetrating into the 
 most remote and then little known regions of both the Old 
 and the New World ; he afterwards won distinction in the 
 diplomatic service of the country, and, above all, he was 
 known as the leader of the Union party in South Carolina 
 during its conflict with the Nullification heresy of 1832. 
 The papers which he left at his death, and which his family 
 have placed at the disposal of the Historical Society, seem to 
 be of great value and interest, as they throw light upon the 
 important events in which he took part. An attempt has 
 been made so to connect them in the following narrative 
 that their true significance as contributions to American 
 history may be understood.] 
 
 3 
 
4 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 The career of Mr. Poinsett is not very familiar to this 
 generation, at least in this part of the country, and indeed, 
 the recollection of the great events which are associated in 
 our history with his name during more than a third of the 
 present century has strangely faded from the memory of 
 most people. But fifty years ago his reputation as a states- 
 man of a high order had been fairly gained by his public 
 services, and was generally recognized. His title to this 
 reputation seems, on a review of his public life, to have 
 been on the whole a just one. He belonged in his early 
 manhood to that small but brilliant body of Americans 
 who, with plenty of means, many accomplishments, and 
 much leisure, travelled with very observant eyes most exten- 
 sively in portions of Europe, then little visited by cultivated 
 people of any country. Their qualities gained them ad- 
 mission into the highest social circles in the countries in 
 which they travelled, and they succeeded by some means, 
 of which those who came after them seem to have lost the 
 secret, in knowing everybody worth knowing, however 
 high their rank or official position throughout Europe, and 
 in leaving a most favorable impression of themselves, and 
 of the nation which they may be said to have informally 
 represented. The curiosity of the foremost courtiers and 
 statesmen of the Old World (men whose names are now 
 historical) was naturally excited by observing the peculi- 
 arities of the citizens of the New, as they were exhibited 
 in the types who, at that era, presented themselves as 
 Americans. It cannot be doubted that men like Wash- 
 ington Irving in his younger days, the late Mr. George 
 Ticknor, and Mr. Poinsett among others did us a service 
 with the governing classes of the Old World during the first 
 third of this century which it is not easy to over-estimate. 
 
 Mr. Poinsett was not only a great traveller in his early 
 manhood, but wherever he went he was proud of being 
 known as an American citizen, a title which his own per- 
 sonal qualities invested in the eyes of those with whom 
 he was brought in contact with consideration and respect 
 He wandered too through the most remote regions 01 
 
The Life and Services of Joel JR. Poinsett. 5 
 
 Russia. He became acquainted with the Tartars, the Per- 
 sians, the Armenians, the Georgians who live in the Trans- 
 Caucasian range of mountains, and along the shores of the 
 Caspian Sea, forming various tribes whose rulers had never 
 heard of the existence of America; later, his travels led 
 him to the other end of the world, to South America, 
 where he was sent by our government to ascertain the con- 
 dition of the different provinces at that time in revolt against 
 the Spanish Crown. In all these countries he became favor- 
 ably known to the most distinguished men of the time, from 
 the Emperor Alexander of Russia down to the famous rev 
 olutionary chiefs in South America. Everywhere he was 
 received and treated with the utmost kindness and con- 
 sideration. His great intelligence, his wonderful tact in 
 dealing with men, and his perfect sincerity gave bim a 
 commanding influence wherever he went, and that influence 
 was always employed for the advancement of his country's 
 interests. 
 
 The four years he passed in Congress (1821 to 1825) added 
 much to his fame, owing to his long familiarity from per- 
 sonal observation with all that concerned our foreign rela 
 tions. He was thought so peculiarly fitted for the diplomatic 
 service that he was appointed our first Minister to Mexico. 
 There, even with his experience, he found it difficult to steer 
 clearly through the embarrassments which were caused by 
 the distracted and revolutionary condition of the country, 
 but the knowledge that he gained was invaluable to us, and 
 he at least taught the Mexicans, on a memorable occasion, 
 a lesson in regard to the respect due the American flag (of 
 which more hereafter) which they have never forgotten. 
 
 He returned from Mexico just in time to take the lead of 
 the Union party in South Carolina in its conflict with the 
 nullification and threatened secession of that State, — a post 
 peculiarly suited to his active and intrepid spirit. It seems 
 to me that he has never received proper credit for the cour- 
 age and intelligence with which he maintained the cause of 
 the Union in those dark days when the great forces — social 
 and political — not only of South Carolina, but of a consid- 
 
6 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 erable portion of other States of the South, were in the 
 hands of the nullifiers, and of those who sympathized 
 with them. By his influence, and that of the Union party 
 led by him, supported by the inflexible determination of 
 President Jackson to maintain the Union by any display of 
 force which might be necessary to accomplish his object, 
 the conspiracy for nullifying the laws of Congress, which 
 was embodied in the famous ordinance of South Carolina 
 in 1832, was broken up, the ordinance itself was repealed, 
 and South Carolina was once more brought into her normal 
 relations with the general government. 
 
 Some years later Mr. Poinsett became the Secretary 
 of War in the Cabinet of Mr. Van Buren. His adminis- 
 tration of that office was marked by intelligent and compre- 
 hensive measures in regard to many subjects of national 
 interest, among others the improvement of the artillery of 
 the army, the honest treatment of the Indians dependent 
 upon the government, and the organization of the famous 
 exploring expedition under Commodore Wilkes. He laid 
 the foundation of much that has since been done by the gov- 
 ernment, by advocating a wise and liberal national policy 
 with reference to these and kindred objects. During his 
 whole career Mr. Poinsett proved himself a thorough and 
 typical American. His notions of public policy were essen- 
 tially national, and his allegiance to the government of the 
 United States was always paramount. As such a public 
 man, especially a public man from South Carolina imbued 
 with such principles, and always standing firm on the na- 
 tional side, is something of a political curiosity, his life 
 and career seem well worth studying. 
 
 Joel Roberts Poinsett was born in Charleston on the 
 2d of March, 1778. He was of that Huguenot stock whose 
 force, intelligence, and virtue have been so conspicuous in 
 the history of the whole country, and especially in that of 
 South Carolina. His father, Dr. Elisha Poinsett, was an emi- 
 nent physician in Charleston, and he seems to have taken un- 
 common pains in the training of his son. Young Poinsett's 
 school days were passed in Charleston and in Greenfield, in 
 
 
The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 7 
 
 Connecticut, in which latter place he was under the care and 
 instruction of the Rev. Dr. Dwight, afterwards so famous 
 as the President of Yale College. His constitution was 
 naturally frail and delicate, and it was found that his health 
 suffered so much from the severe climate of Connecticut 
 that he returned after two years' absence to Charleston. 
 There, for a time, he pursued his studies, but in 1796 it was 
 determined to send him to England, and enter him as a 
 pupil at St. Paul's School in London, where his relative, Dr. 
 Roberts, was the Head Master. There he made great prog- 
 ress, particularly in his knowledge of the languages. He 
 was a respectable classical scholar, for he speaks in after- 
 years of having studied Herodotus in the original Greek, 
 as a guide-book to his travels in Southern Russia and the 
 shores of the Caspian Sea. In modern languages he became 
 very proficient. He acquired a fluent knowledge of French, 
 German, Italian, and Spanish, and made some progress in 
 Russian, a sort of knowledge which proved eminently useful 
 to him as a traveller. 
 
 From London he went to Edinburgh, intending to pursue 
 his medical studies there. He soon became the favorite 
 pupil of the celebrated Dr. Gregory, then one of the fore- 
 most Professors in the University. His health, however, 
 broke down, owing to confinement to his hard work as a 
 medical student. By the advice of his friends he abandoned 
 for a time the study of medicine, and went to Portugal. 
 Returning with restored strength, he became a pupil of Mar- 
 quois, who had been a Professor in the Military Academy 
 at Woolwich. The bent of Mr. Poinsett's mind and tastes 
 was always towards the life of a soldier, and under Marquois 
 he acquired a thorough theoretical knowledge of his pro- 
 fession, and his body was strengthened by the active military 
 habits and discipline in which he was trained. His father, 
 however, was averse to his entering the army in time of 
 peace, and he was called back to Charleston, and became a 
 student of law. This pursuit, however, was little suited to 
 his active, not to say restless, habits, and it was soon aban- 
 doned. He was then permitted by his father to return to 
 
8 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 Europe and to become, what his ardent curiosity and quick 
 intelligence had always inclined him to be, a traveller, going 
 wherever his love of knowledge or adventure might call 
 him. He spent the winter of 1801-2 in Paris. He was 
 fortunate in being there at a period the most interesting and 
 important in many respects of any in French history. It 
 was the period of the first consulate of Napoleon, the era 
 of transition from the horrors of the Revolution and of 
 civil and foreign war to the settlement of a stable and or- 
 derly government. It was the era of the peace of Luneville 
 and of Amiens, which had been brought about by the 
 French victories of Hohenlinden and Marengo. Never, 
 perhaps, in the whole career of Napoleon was his power of 
 doing good so absolute as at this particular epoch, and never 
 was his transcendent genius so conspicuous as when he 
 strove to reconstruct French society from the ruins which 
 had been left by the Revolution. Mr. Poinsett witnessed 
 the beginning of the mighty task which Napoleon had 
 undertaken of endeavoring to bring order out of chaos. 
 During his residence in Paris the churches were reopened 
 for Divine service, and a Concordat with the Pope agreed 
 upon, the Legion of Honor was established, a general am- 
 nesty was proclaimed, the national finances and credit were 
 re-established, a new system of taxation was adopted, the 
 revolutionary law of succession to property was confirmed, 
 a system of education was organized, the Code Civil, perhaps 
 the grandest and certainly the most enduring monument of 
 the Napoleonic era, was discussed and its main principles 
 settled, and throughout France vast works of public utility 
 designed to make people forget the miseries of the Revolu- 
 tion, and bless the government of the First Consul, were 
 undertaken. It was an era of unbounded activity and high 
 hopefulness. The young American traveller had abundant 
 opportunity of studying the effect of these conciliatory 
 measures on public opinion, and of witnessing the violent 
 strusrele between the elements of the old and new as the 
 master-hand of Napoleon fused them together. Paris, too, 
 at that time was full of foreigners, many of them men of 
 
The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 9 
 
 distinction in their respective countries, who had been led 
 there during the peace by their curiosity to see the wonder- 
 ful First Consul, and who wished to judge for themselves of 
 the likelihood of the stability of the vast changes which he 
 had made in the organization of the national life. "With 
 these men, as well as with the distinguished soldiers who 
 surrounded Napoleon, he discussed freely the various meas- 
 ures proposed for the reorganization of the nation, and thus 
 in a very important way his political education was advanced. 
 The next year Mr. Poinsett, taking advantage of the yet 
 unbroken peace, visited Italy, then divided into a number 
 of ephemeral republics established by the French after their 
 conquest of the country. He did not fail to observe how 
 little the real character of the people of that country had 
 been changed by the strange republicanism (according to his 
 standard) which had been forced upon them by the French 
 That character remained still Italian, with all its defects and 
 characteristic traits, and the administration was wholly con- 
 trolled by French agents, and in harmony with French 
 policy and interests. 
 
 These were new specimen types of the republican form for 
 Mr. Poinsett, and he found another of the same kind when 
 he reached Switzerland on his travels. Switzerland was the 
 oldest republic in modern history, but its ancient organization 
 was not of the French pattern, and did not suit the French 
 policy after the country had been overrun by the French 
 armies. The radical party supported by the French strove 
 to establish, contrary to all Swiss traditions and experience, 
 a highly centralized system, the other, one in which each 
 canton should be practically independent. This latter party, 
 made up chiefly of the men of the forest cantons, determined 
 upon resistance, and they selected the celebrated Aloys 
 Reding as their leader. WTien Mr. Poinsett reached Swit- 
 zerland he found that Reding had raised an army of ten 
 thousand men to maintain the cantonal independence, and 
 he joined his army without hesitation. The campaign was 
 a short one, and Reding's forces even gained an important 
 victory over their own countrymen at Morgarten, a spot 
 
10 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 sacred in the eyes of the Swiss, for there they had, in 1515, 
 destroyed the army of their Austrian tyrants under the 
 leadership of a Reding of the same name and lineage aa 
 that of their present leader, but the French allies of their 
 enemies having surrounded them, and cut them off from all 
 supplies, Reding and his followers were forced to capitulate. 
 
 Mr. Poinsett seems always to have embraced the oppor- 
 tunity of becoming acquainted with the men in each coun- 
 try he visited who had become for any reason famous. 
 From the camp of Reding he passed into the society of 
 M. decker and that of his accomplished daughter, Madame 
 de Stael, who were then exiles from France, and were re- 
 siding at Coppet, on the shores of the Lake of Geneva. 
 Through the kind offices of Mr. Livingston, then American 
 Minister in France, who was travelling in Switzerland, he 
 was brought into friendly relations with these illustrious 
 personages. They told him much concerning the stormy 
 scenes of the French Revolution, in the early part of which 
 they had been such prominent actors, and, according to Mr. 
 Poinsett's account, they never wearied of talking of events 
 in French and American history. They explained, too, the 
 secret motives (which none knew better than they) of many 
 little-understood acts of the French government in its policy 
 towards the United States during the American Revolution. 
 Mr. Poinsett confirms — what was well known from other 
 sources — the filial devotion, approaching adoration, with 
 which Madame de Stael regarded her father in his declining 
 years. Owing to his imperfect utterance through the loss 
 of his teeth, and Mr. Livingston's deafness, Madame de 
 Stael became to Mr. Poinsett the charming interpreter of 
 the words of wisdom which fell from his lips. 
 
 From Switzerland Mr. Poinsett went to Vienna, passing 
 through Southern Germany, at that time far from being the 
 attractive and interesting country which it has since been 
 made by the conveniences of modern travel. He remained 
 but a short time in Vienna, long enough, however, to become 
 a habitue of the salon of the celebrated Prince de Ligne, 
 the most distinguished soldier of Austria. He was called 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 1 1 
 
 home by the news of the death of his father, and by the 
 serious illness of his only sister. 
 
 His love of travel and of adventure still remaining un- 
 abated, he returned in 1806 to Europe, intending to carry 
 out his long-cherished plan of travelling in Russia. Indeed, 
 at that time this was the only country on the Continent 
 through which a traveller could pass without inconvenience 
 or danger, as it was the only one which was not overrun 
 by the armies engaged in the Napoleonic wars. He landed 
 at Gothenburg, and passed through Sweden so rapidly that 
 he seemed impressed chiefly with the extraordinary contrast 
 between the poverty of the people and the vast amount of 
 food and drink which they were capable of consuming. 
 
 After a painful and tedious journey through Finland, he 
 reached St. Petersburg in the beginning of the winter of 
 1806-7. At this capital he had unusual advantages of J. 
 studying the character of the people and the condition of 
 the country at a most important crisis. We had then no 
 Minister in Russia, and Mr. Poinsett was afterwards told by 
 the Emperor Alexander that he was the second American 
 gentleman who had been presented to him. 
 
 The condition of Russia during that winter was a very 
 critical one, as the danger of a French invasion became 
 imminent. After the victories of Austerlitz and Jena, by 
 which the French had destroyed the armies of Austria 
 and Prussia, they pressed on eastward with the hope of 
 subduing their ally, Russia. The battles of Eylau and of 
 Pultusk were fought during this period, and although the 
 Russians claimed a victory in each case, the progress of the 
 French towards their frontier was not stopped. Those who 
 were responsible for the safety of the country were filled 
 with grave anxiety, and the Emperor Alexander did not 
 hesitate to say, in a confidential conversation with Mr. 
 Poinsett, that he might even be obliged to sign a treaty of 
 peace under the walls of Tobolsk (Siberia). A ukaseVas 
 issued in December calling for six hundred thousand addi- 
 tional troops to defend the Empire. Notwithstanding all 
 these preparations, and the grave preoccupations of the 
 
 
12 The Life and Services of Joel JR. Poinsett. 
 
 time, the winter gayeties of St. Petersburg, according to 
 Mr. Poinsett, were not interrupted. How the Russians 
 bore themselves, and how they entertained strangers while 
 in imminent danger of invasion, is best told in Mr. Poinsett's 
 own letters, extracts from which we lay before the reader. 
 
 ..." Our consul, M r . Levett Harris, asked permission to 
 present me at Court on the first presentation day, whereupon 
 he received the next day a note from the Baron de Budberg 
 minister of foreign affairs asking an interview, whereat he 
 told him, that the Emperor would not wait until the next 
 presentation day, but would receive M r . Poinsett the fol- 
 lowing morning at Parade and that an aide-de-camp would be 
 sent to conduct him there. Accordingly I rose and dressed 
 by candlelight and after taking a cup of coffee had not 
 long to wait for the officer who was sent to usher me to the 
 Imperial presence. We were set down at the door of an 
 immense barrack where I found the Emperor in front of 
 the guard surrounded by a train of general officers in bril- 
 liant uniforms. He towered above them- all and was dis- 
 tinguished by his great height and manly form, as well as by 
 a pleasing and refined expression of countenance. He re- 
 ceived me courteously, even kindly. Spoke favorably of our 
 country, said that I was the second American gentleman 
 who had visited Russia and was glad to hear that I was the 
 friend of M r . Allen Smith who was remembered in Russia 
 with esteem and whose departure had been universally 
 regretted. He made a sort of apology for receiving me 
 so unceremoniously but supposed an American would not 
 object to be so treated. After a pretty long talk he bowed 
 meaningly & I withdrew. I have since been to court and 
 been presented to the Reigning Empress and the Empress 
 Mother — on this occasion the Emperor advanced to meet 
 me & shook me cordially by the hand. This distinction 
 has brought me into notice, into fashion I may say. I have 
 not dined in my own lodgings since I have been here nor 
 passed an evening in quiet. I dine out daily as a thing of 
 course, and go in the early part of the evening to some ball or 
 soiree or reunion of some sort and close the night at Count 
 Gregory OrlofPs where the members of the Diplomatic 
 Corps usually drop in to sup & talk over the news and 
 events of the day. At Count OrlofPs I meet many very 
 pleasant men among them Pozzo di Borgo a Corsican 
 gentleman who has just entered the service of Russia. I 
 was going to say that his principal recommendation is his 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 13 
 
 avowed hatred & hostility to Napoleon, the inheritance of 
 some family feud aggravated by personal injuries or insults ; 
 but he professes other qualifications for office, is well in- 
 structed and well informed, shrewd and bold. He enjoys 
 the confidence of the Emperor & will rise high. He 
 supped at OrlofPs the first night after he donned the Rus- 
 sian uniform and we drank to his future success. He is a 
 good talker and an agreeable companion. 
 
 " My acquaintance with that gifted nobleman Lord Royston 
 son of Lord Hardwicke, ripened into friendship and as our 
 tastes accorded we agreed to travel together in the spring 
 into the Asiatic possessions of Russia. The southern por- 
 tion of the Continent of Europe was closed to English 
 travellers and they were fain to turn their steps to the 
 north, so that I met many distinguished men from that 
 country in Vienna & in St. Petersburg. 
 
 " Lord Royston was a ripe scholar and we read Herodotus 
 together as a preparation for our eastern tour and studied 
 Russ that we might talk a little to the people. "We found it 
 a difficult language to acquire and thought it resembled the 
 Greek in the grammar & construction. Like the Greek, 
 it has the dual which no other modern tongue has, & we 
 found some good Russian translations of Grecian poetry. 
 
 " Let me tell you how the day passes here to the idle man 
 of leisure who seeks to make the time agreeable. I gen- 
 erally dress by candle light so that the dawn of a winter's 
 day finds me ready to read or go forth to parade to show 
 myself. Here the Emperor sometimes chats with me and 
 the officers always. By the way I am indebted to them for 
 information which saved me from much suffering. It is 
 against all forms of etiquette to present oneself with great 
 coat or other outward covering before the Emperor, so that 
 the first time I waited on him at Parade I nearly perished 
 with cold. The officers saw my situation and advised me 
 before I repeated my visit to have my clothes lined with 
 oiled silk — I did so and never sufi'ered again from the same 
 cause. After breakfast Lord Royston calls and we have our 
 Russian master & read for an hour or two when we then 
 go out to walk or drive to see sights or separate to our sev- 
 eral amusements. I usually to the Salle D'Armes kept by 
 one Silverbriik a German an excellent master. Here there 
 is always good company. We then sometimes adjourn to 
 take a second breakfast with Prince Adam Ctzartorizki 
 an accomplished Polish nobleman and a great favorite of 
 the Emperor Alexander. Then home to dress for dinner 
 
14 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 and the evening passes as already described. Apropos of 
 dining I received the other day an invitation, an order I 
 should have said, to dine with the Emperor at three o'clock. 
 I repaired to the palace at the hour indicated and was re- 
 ceived by the Marshal Prince Tolstoi, and ushered into 
 the presence. The Empress who is one of the most dig- 
 nified persons, very pretty withal, I ever saw was walking 
 about the room with her sister and His Majesty standing 
 at a window overlooking the Neva. A favorite aide-de- 
 camp was present who with the Mareschale made our party 
 of six. I was received unceremoniously and treated kindly 
 so much so that but for a little extra magnificence at table 
 might have fancied myself dining with a bon bourgeois. Some 
 of the servants were from the East & wore the rich and 
 somewhat fantastic dress of their country. The soul of the 
 repast was an easy, pleasant flow of talk in which the Em- 
 press mingled with great sweetness & good sense. After 
 dinner we returned to the reception room, where we partook 
 of coffee and had a very long conversation upon the politi- 
 cal affairs of Europe. The Emperor urged me to learn the 
 language and seemed pleased when I told him I was doing 
 so. He then expressed a wish that I should visit his domin- 
 ions and bring him an exact account of their condition add- 
 ing some flattering words which I will not repeat. I have 
 met him since and he has always renewed the subject. 
 The last time he addressed a few words to me jocularly in 
 Russ which I fortunatelv understood & could answer. He 
 laughed and encouraged me to persevere. By the way these 
 meetings in the streets are awful events. When the Em- 
 peror stops to talk to any person, which he does very rarely, 
 every one stops too so that the pavement & street are choked 
 with the passengers no doubt cursing in their hearts the 
 interruption and its cause. 
 
 " As I was told would happen after dining with the Em- 
 peror, the Empress Mother who keeps a court of her own 
 invited me to her table. This was a very different aflair, 
 a dinner of twelve covers the only ladies the Empress and 
 the Grand Duchess Catherine, the men were the officers of 
 her court and attached to her service. I dare say pleasant 
 gentlemanly men, but I had no opportunity of ascertaining 
 their companionable qualities. I was seated nearly opposite 
 the Empress and we had all the talk to ourselves. She took 
 no notice of any one else & addressed herself altogether to 
 me sometimes questioning me without pity & at others 
 telling me of her charitable and manufacturing establish- 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 15 
 
 ments both here and at Moscow. I must see them from 
 Cronstadt to Moscow. The first part I have undergone, but 
 the best is to be seen at Moscow, an orphan house & estab- 
 lishment of Demoiselles nobles. The magnificence and re- 
 finement displayed in these court entertainments are capti- 
 vating and the notice of such personages highly flattering 
 It has not turned my head quite & I do not think it 
 would be agreeable to pass one's life in such companv I 
 was going to write Society but there is no Society properlv 
 so called without perfect equality. As I promised I went 
 to Cronstadt the port of St. Petersburg. Harris (the Con- 
 sul) accompanied me in a sleigh. We set out before day- 
 light that we might return the same evening. We saw the 
 cotton manufactory which is under the patronage of the 
 impress mother, and the workshops of the navf V ard all 
 very inferior to those I had seen at home and in England 
 In the former I especially noted the excellencies & defect 
 for I was warned that I should have to undergo a strict 
 examination the first time I met the lady patroness. Look- 
 ing trom the docks to seaward as far as the eye could reach 
 was one sheet of ice covered with a thick coating of snow 
 I was summoned to the palace to assist at another dinner 
 party & to be questioned by the Empress mother. The 
 affair went off exactly as the first party had done except 
 tnat we talked a great deal about carding & spinning I 
 explained how cards were made in the United State's b Y 
 machinery, and her Majesty gave instant orders to have 
 the machinery introduced into her manufactory at Cron- 
 stadt 1 did not say so, but was sure manufactures fos- 
 tered by imperial favor alone will never succeed. There 
 is nothing of the energy & economy of individual interest 
 nn?a « T 01 *™"* a . re s ? rfs receiving only a scanty modicum 
 not sufficient to maintain their families in any sort of com- 
 
 tW Jif W ° meU m Serfc J° m P a ^ no tribute > neith er do 
 ba/d, tn tL anj - WageS r hen , tlie y accompany their hus- 
 bands to these imperial workshops; altogether it is a 
 wretched system. Alexander is suspected of%eing opposed 
 I 1 ?™ actl ° ns a » d sa Jings are watched with |reat jeal- 
 ousy by the nobles whose estates consist altogether of this de- 
 scription of property. Fortunes are estimated by the number 
 of sou s a proprietor possesses. These souls (the men only) 
 t?fW ]■ S 6d and pa ? onl ^ a m °derate tribute ; but not- 
 Wfit a ^ lng th ? !l umer ° us hu *iane ukases for their especkl 
 
 W fk 7- ?,? thGlr families are slaves an <* although by 
 law adsmpti glebv are sometimes sold without the land 
 
16 The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 
 
 " The Emperor said to me one day, ' we cannot create a 
 mercantile marine and have been hitherto entirely depend- 
 ant upon England for the transportation of our produce. 
 We now hope the United States will relieve us from this 
 dependance, and are therefore anxious to encourage your 
 shipping and to form the closest commercial relations with 
 you. You must say so to your President,' which I accord- 
 ingly did. But I sought the reason why Russia could not 
 possess a commercial marine and soon found it in the 
 nature of her institutions. If a ship is to be fitted out for 
 a foreign port the ship's husband must give security that 
 the sailors, who are private property will return to their 
 owners. A condition so burdensome puts an effectual stop 
 to all mercantile enterprize in Russian bottoms. The ships 
 of war are manned either by the Crown peasants or by draft 
 as the army is filled. By the way no army is recruited with 
 so little trouble. Orders are extended to the Landed pro- 
 prietors to furnish on a given day so many per cent, of their 
 vassals of a certain age. The poor serfs are marched to the 
 rendezvous and on the appointed day received by the re- 
 cruiting officer, shaved, uniformed and speedily converted 
 under the rudest discipline into a regular soldier of won- 
 derful endurance and great passive courage. 
 
 " There is in St. Petersburg a college of foreign affairs 
 where those who are destined to conduct the civil and political 
 affairs of the country are educated. It ensures some fitness 
 and a steady undeviating policy in the government as some 
 clever men have been brought up here. I distinguished 
 young Count Nesselrode and Count Lieven among the 
 number— Dolgorouki, but why should I repeat these Rus- 
 sian names which you will never retain nor care^ about 
 even if they should hereafter become conspicuous in his- 
 tory. In this country to have rank at Court it is not suffi- 
 cient to be born the son of a Knas or Prince the Russians 
 have translated the word. A Knas is in most respects like 
 the ancient Scotch Laird— chief of a clan, but the Knas's 
 clan are more slaves than the highlanders ever were. Prince 
 indeed! All the sons & daughters of these hereditary 
 landholders are called Prince & Princess which multiplies 
 the number of these titles inconveniently— Counts are more 
 rare. They are later creations since Peter the Great and 
 copied from the German; Graf & Graffen serving to des- 
 ignate the numerous tribe in both countries. Well neither 
 Prince or Count take rank at Court or dare drive about 
 the streets of St. Petersburg or Moscow in a coach & four 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 17 
 
 unless they have served in some civil or military capacity 
 up to the rank of Major. All rank having relation to the 
 military. My excellent friend Count Gregory OrlofF, a Sena- 
 tor & Privy Counsellor, is a Lieutenant-General although he 
 never saw an army except at a grand review. 
 
 "I have seen a magnificent display of the Imperial 
 troops, 20,000 men of all arms drawn up & maneuvre- 
 ing on the solid ice of the Neva. You have no idea of 
 the imposing appearance of such an array. Horse, foot 
 & artillery perfectly appointed thundering away upon the 
 smooth plain of the river. The cold was too intense for 
 the troops to remain out long, so that the solemn impression 
 of the spectacle rested pleasingly on the imagination. We 
 have heard of the battles of Pultusk and Preusse Eylau. 
 The Russians claim the victory and have chaunted Te 
 Deum ; but there is an air of consternation about the Court 
 which induces me to fear the worst. The Emperor too 
 said to me that he would make peace under the walls of 
 Tobolsk ; which looks like an expectation of being driven 
 out of his capital by the arch fiend as Buonaparte is de- 
 nominated here in common parlance. The common people 
 look upon him as the devil incarnate for he has been ex- 
 communicated in the Greek churches of the Empire. 
 
 " The Emperor is about to depart and draw nearer the 
 frontier. This movement I find fills his most sagacious 
 friends with fear. If he joins the army his courage will 
 expose him to danger & they dread his Eldest Brother 
 Constantine. He is indeed a fiend, and with a government 
 such as this the only alternative would be to repeat the 
 tragedy of the death of Paul. Again those who know 
 Alexander best say that he will succumb in case of renewed 
 reverses and make peace with France. We shall see. The 
 Emperor told me he was going & spoke right manfully. 
 He sent for me to dinner at the palace and after it was over 
 took mehy the arm and walked into an adjoining apartment. 
 I am a little deaf you know said he & want to talk to you 
 confidentially. He put many pertinent questions about our 
 country & our system & after hearing my replies said 
 emphatically well that is a glorious form of gov*. & if I 
 were not an Emperor I would be a Republican, meaning 
 of course that if he were not an Autocrat, a sovereign per 
 se he would be one of the sovereigns. He then said that it 
 was a pleasant thing to converse with a man who had no 
 fear of offending & no favor to ask or expect, but that he 
 wished to change these relations with regard to me and 
 
 2 
 
18 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 would gladly see me enter his service either civil or mili- 
 tary. Seeing me about to reply & reading hesitation in 
 my looks he continued execute your project, see the Em- 
 pire, acquire the language, study the people & when we 
 meet again let me hear your determination; and so we 
 parted. The prospect is a brilliant one but somehow I 
 cannot reconcile it to my sense of duty to abandon my 
 country." 
 
 In March, 1807, Mr. Poinsett, accompanied by Lord Roy- 
 ston, began his journey to the southeastern provinces of 
 Russia. They were furnished by the government with 
 every facility for travelling in safety through the wild 
 regions on the borders of the Caspian and the Black Seas, 
 being specially recommended to the care of the Russian 
 commanders in that quarter. They reached Moscow after 
 a journey of five days, suffering intensely from the cold, and 
 travelling in a conveyance which Mr. Poinsett says, " rolled 
 and pitched like a vessel in a choppy head sea," the motion 
 at times making them quite sea-sick. At Moscow they saw 
 what few Americans have ever seen, — that wonderful city 
 in its strange Oriental aspect, before it was destroyed by fire 
 after its conquest by the French in 1812. From Moscow 
 they passed on eastwardly to the ancient Tartar city of 
 Kasan, and thence down the Volga to Astrachan at its mouth. 
 Here they entered upon the threshold of a world totally new 
 and strange to a Western traveller. That portion of Russia 
 which they proposed to visit had been recently annexed to 
 the Empire, the eastern part, or that between the Caspian 
 and the Caucasian Mountains, having been taken from the 
 Persians by Peter the Great, while the western, that between 
 those mountains and the Black Sea, known as Georgia, had 
 been conquered from the Turks by the Empress Catherine. 
 These districts were then occupied by Russian troops, and 
 they were inhabited by wild and savage tribes of shepherds, 
 who were still in a great measure ruled by their own khans, 
 and retained many of their old habits and usages. They 
 stood to Russia very nearly in the same relation which Rus- 
 sia had once held to their forefathers, the Tartar tribes, who 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 19 
 
 had overrun their territory, — that is, they were tributary 
 states. The country which they occupied between the Cas- 
 pian and the Black Seas formed the route which the larger 
 portion of the original Aryan stock had taken in prehistoric 
 times in their migration from Asia to Europe. Many traces 
 of their most ancient manners, customs, and religions still 
 remained. The population was a strange medley of races 
 and tribes, retaining in many cases the various forms of 
 religious worship which their fathers had brought with 
 them from their original homes. There were collected in 
 this out-of-the-way and comparatively small territory not 
 only Russians, but Cossacks, Calmucks, Tartars, Hindoos, 
 Persians, Greeks, and Armenians. Each race lived apart, 
 and preserved some of its original distinctive peculiarities. 
 The travellers visited, for instance, the Hindoo temple of 
 Brahma at Astrachan. There they saw, what has often been 
 observed by travellers in India, a form of worship and ritual 
 resembling in some respects that of the Roman Catholic mass. 
 Buddhists were also to be found among the Calmuck Tar- 
 tars, and the worship of the Lamas. They were there shown 
 the famous prayer-machine, consisting of a barrel, on which 
 were pasted written prayers, which, when revolved with 
 great rapidity in the face of the idols placed before it, 
 prayed as much and as effectually, in the opinion of their 
 priests, in one minute as could be done in the ordinary 
 method in a whole day. Later on, near Baku, on the 
 southern shore of the Caspian, the seat of the naphtha- or 
 petroleum-wells, and now the centre of a vast trade in that 
 article with all parts of Europe and Asia, they encountered 
 the Guebres, or Fire- Worshippers, who were Persian pil- 
 grims, who had travelled a long distance in order to perform 
 their devotions in the " Land of Eternal Fire." 
 
 At Astrachan the travellers began to wonder why an 
 empire so autocratic as that of Russia permitted such a 
 diversity of opinions and usages in matters of religion as 
 prevailed there, and this wonder was increased as they 
 penetrated farther into the country. They saw nothing 
 which they were in the habit of regarding as distinctively 
 
20 The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 
 
 Russian except the garrisons intended to preserve the peace 
 and obedience of the country. At Astrachan they remained 
 about three weeks, and, although the plague was raging in 
 the town, and even in the quarantine grounds, their curi- 
 osity to see all the strange and novel things to be found in 
 the neighborhood was boundless, and they were not deterred 
 by fear of infection from visiting them all. 
 
 The Caucasian provinces to the south of Astrachan were 
 inhabited by warlike pastoral tribes, still ruled by khans 
 who were practically independent. The Russian authori- 
 ties considered travelling through this region dangerous, 
 especially where the travellers were two strangers, who 
 claimed that their only motive for visiting the country was 
 curiosity, — a motive which the natives could not, of course, 
 appreciate. They were provided, therefore, with an escort 
 of three hundred Cossacks. They were advised, it is said, 
 by one of the khans whom they met at an early stage of 
 their journey, to dismiss their escort, and to trust to Tartar 
 hospitality for their safety and kind treatment. Fortunately 
 for them, they did not follow his advice, as it proved that 
 their guards were more to be trusted than some of the wild 
 chieftains whom they met. They reached Derbend (Portal 
 Caspian) in safety, and thence went on to Baku, then a dis- 
 trict regarded with superstitious terror as the land of eternal 
 fire, and now converted into a place whence a large portion 
 of the civilized world draws its supplies of material for artifi- 
 cial light. The travellers, of course, met with some curious 
 adventures on their way, and of these Mr. Poinsett gives in 
 one of his letters the following lively account : 
 
 "... From the constant state of warfare in which this 
 country has been involved the Peasantry invariably at our 
 approach took to the woods, but after a little while finding 
 that their houses were not burnt they returned, and the 
 Mahamandar presented to the principal the firman for 
 quarters and a supply of provisions, which generally pro- 
 duced great murmurings and generally ended by the Maha- 
 mandar beating them most unmercifully, this argumentum 
 baculorum invariably produced a supper. Our quarters 
 always consisted of either a scaffold erected on four poles 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 21 
 
 on the roof of a house, the inside being uninhabitable. 
 The houses of the Peasantry are built of clay or unburnt 
 brick. We had proceeded thro' a well cultivated Country 
 having a view of Caspian on one side and the great chain 
 of Mount Caucasus on the other the summits covered with 
 snow. On the third morning the alarm was given that a 
 troop of horsemen were advancing towards us, we arranged 
 our little troop and prepared to receive them. When they 
 were within musquet shot the Principal of them advanced 
 and said that he was chief of several villages near us and 
 entreated us with much importunity to accompany him to 
 the nearest and spend the remainder of the day. We con- 
 sented, and he immediately dispatched a Courier to have 
 every thing prepared for our reception. We spent the re- 
 mainder of the day with him and he entertained us in the 
 best manner the village afforded. In the morning when we 
 wished to proceed we missed the horses of our Conductor 
 and Persian Escort; fortunately our own and the Copahs 
 were picketed under a guard. Our treacherous host had dis- 
 appeared. Whilst we were deliberating what was to be done, 
 he sent us a message to say that as we were travelling with- 
 out the escort of his Khan he should not permit us to pro- 
 ceed any farther, and if we attempted it by force he would 
 raise the whole Country ; he appeared at the same time at 
 the head of a body of horse. To attempt to proceed would 
 have been folly, to retreat to Derbend near two days journey 
 was equally impracticable. We therefore resolved to gain 
 Kouba the residence of the Khan about thirty miles from 
 the village. I accordingly ordered the Copahs to seize all the 
 horses in the village and mounted the Persians in the best 
 manner possible and we began our march, the Beg and his 
 followers hovered about us for some time without daring to 
 attack us. He at length advanced, and demanded a Parley. 
 I met him with only our Interpreter. He asked where we 
 intended to go. I told him very calmly to the Khan of 
 Kouba to complain of his robbery and insolence. He said 
 all he wished was that we should go to the Khan and that 
 he would accompany us. When we were within five miles 
 of Kouba he again rode up, and said that if we would say 
 nothing of what had passed to the Khan he would return 
 the horses. We told him that we would make no conditions 
 with such a villain. He hesitated for some time but at 
 length returned the horses and his troop dispersed. 
 
 " Upon our arrival at Kouba we were conducted to the 
 market Place into a large open Piazza where Carpets were 
 
22 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 spread for us and we were desired to repose until the Khan 
 was prepared to receive us. The whole town of Kouba col- 
 lected in the market place to see European travellers a sight 
 most rare in Kouba. The officers of the Khan household 
 were obliged to exercise their sticks to keep them from 
 crowding into the Piazza. After waiting more than an 
 hour in grand exhibition, the gentleman waited upon us to 
 say that the Khan was ready to receive us. 
 
 " The Khan was seated in a large Persian summer house 
 an elevation of three stories without walls. On the third floor 
 the Khan was seated surrounded by all his court. Without 
 the circle his guard were stationed leaning upon their fusils 
 reversed. The Khan made a sign to us to seat ourselves near 
 him and welcomed us to Kouba. I immediately harangued 
 him upon the occasion of our coming to the Court, detailed 
 the whole conduct of the Beg and demanded to know 
 whether it was by his orders that we had been treated in 
 that infamous manner and ended by declaring that it would 
 be an eternal stain to the bright reputation of Chjek-ali 
 Khan that strangers had met with such outrages in the 
 Khannate of Kouba. The astonishment of the whole court 
 when this was interpreted to them is not to be described. 
 The Khan disclaimed all knowledge of the transaction, ex- 
 pressed great regret at our treatment, but begged that now 
 we were at Kouba we would no longer think of the disagree- 
 able Circumstances which had brought us there, but en- 
 deavour to divert ourselves in the best manner possible. He 
 then became very inquisitive asking questions dictated by 
 the profoundest ignorance. We were obliged to give him a 
 long geographical lecture which he made his secretary write. 
 Upon being told that I was from America he asked me if 
 the King of America was powerful among the Kings of 
 Europe and if we joined the French Empire. After a long 
 explanation he insisted upon knowing the name of our Shah 
 and Thomas Jefferson is on record at the court of Chiek-ali 
 Khan of Kouba as Shah of America. In the meantime the 
 servants spread cotton Cloths round the room and placed 
 before each guest a thin piece of bread near a yard long 
 which served likewise the purpose of napkins for they eat 
 with their fingers and grease their hands and heard most 
 filthily. They next brought water to wash our hands, and 
 placed before us different meats cut small, with rice. The 
 Khan's Physician sat next to him and pointed out what he 
 was to eat and served him with wine of which he drank 
 plentifully, obliging us to pledge him each time observing 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 23 
 
 that he was a strict observer of the laws of Mahomnied ex- 
 cept in this one instance but he could not refrain from wine. 
 Whenever any one drank ' Khan Saluna' or the health of the 
 Khan re-echoed round the room ; When he drank himself 
 it was a horrid tintamarre for this ceremony was repeated 
 four times. Whilst we dined, some musicians and buffoons 
 entered the room and the Physician came to inform me that 
 one of them would play the devil for our diversion. The 
 droll put on a fools' Cap with bells and began dancing and 
 singing with such antic gestures as put the whole court into 
 a roar of laughter. Then ensued a Contest between two 
 musicians who inflating their cheeks produced such long 
 shrill notes from an octave pipe as excited universal applause. 
 Their music consisted of these pipes, a three stringed fiddle, 
 two guitars a small drum and two tambours de basque. 
 They have little idea of time and have no notes, whilst they 
 played, the whole Court beat time or rather clapped their 
 hands. During the contest between the pipers which should 
 produce the longest and shrillest notes, several girls entered, 
 elegantly dressed after the Persian manner, long large red 
 pantaloons which cover even the instep, a close silk jacket, 
 and over it a short robe open in front, their heads covered 
 with a vail. They took their seats at the lower end of the 
 room and uncovered their faces. They were generally hand- 
 some & highly painted which is a general "custom in the 
 east. As the Pipe was handed constantly round they smoked 
 in their turn with great gout. They danced and sung alter- 
 nately, their dancing resembled that of the Spanish women, 
 very little motion of the feet, but much graceful action of 
 the arms and body. Their singing was a horrid squalling 
 in loud falsett voice. They hid their faces which was neces- 
 sary for to produce those sounds. The contortions must have 
 been great. The Khan who had drank much wine became 
 very facetious, and amused himself with drumming time 
 upon his physicians head, and hitting his prime minister 
 great thumps on the back to the great diversion of the court. 
 During these entertainments fresh dishes were constantly 
 brought in, some in a singular manner, the roast always on a 
 long stick, which the Ecuyer tranchant shoved off into our 
 plates. As this entertainment had lasted from five till long 
 after midnight we thought it time to withdraw and accorcE 
 ingly took our leave retiring to our piazza, where we passed 
 the remainder of the night. 
 
 "In the morning we "performed our toilette before hun- 
 dreds even in the market place. When we had breakfasted, 
 
2-4 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 one of the officers led before us two handsome horses which 
 he presented in his masters name. We shortly after had 
 our audience of leave in which the Khan was particularly 
 solicitous that we should mention him in foreign countries, 
 and was particularly gratified on being assured that wherever 
 we went we would always speak of the magnificence of 
 Chiek-Ali Khan. We left the town of Kouba which is for- 
 tified with a single wall and delightfully situated in a vast 
 valley, having a view of Mount Caucasus. As we had an 
 escort from the Khan and his firman we continued our 
 journey in perfect security. The Khannat of Kouba is the 
 most beautiful and fertile country we had hitherto seen. 
 We stopped the first night at a village where, as usual, the 
 Inhabitants fled at our approach and upon their return were 
 most unmercifully beaten. I assured these unfortunate 
 people that I would pay them and made my interpreter 
 offer them privately money, they refused however saying 
 that should their Khan be apprized of their having received 
 money from us they would be severely punished. Once in- 
 deed an Armenian declared that there were no provisions 
 in the village and upon my giving him money rode off with 
 the declared intention of purchasing every thing necessary 
 from the next village, but we saw no more of him and upon 
 his comrades being beaten they produced our usual supper 
 which consisted of a Pilau. The ensuing day we left the 
 Khannat of Kouba and entered that of Baku a gloomy 
 desert, bleak barren hills sloping to the Caspian scarcely 
 covered with a blade of grass. 
 
 " The Russian commander received us very politely and 
 assigned us very good quarters, we were obliged to remain 
 here several days to recruit our sick for the fatigue of riding 
 on horseback and sleeping in the air had proved too much 
 for two of our servants. 
 
 " The harbor of Baku is formed by a deep bay and the 
 entrance protected by two islands. It is the best and indeed 
 may be said to be the only port in the Caspian. The navi- 
 gation of this sea is rendered extremely dangerous by the 
 want of ports, the numerous sand banks, and frequent oc- 
 currence of gales of wind, which, altho' there is no tide, raise 
 the sea to a great height, and occasions an overflow of the 
 adjacent low lands. 
 
 " General Gouvief accompanied us to view the sources of 
 Naptha which are within 15 miles of Baku and constitute its 
 chief branch of commerce. On our approach to the source, 
 the earth for a considerable distance round was covered with 
 
The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 25 
 
 a thin stratum of ]S T aptba. The large source is of some depth 
 and the petroleum is brought up in skins and deposited 
 in large reservoirs whence it is conveyed in skins to Sha- 
 mackie and other parts of Persia. It is used universally by 
 the Persians for their lamps, and especially in the manufac- 
 tories of silk, the people imagining that it is the only li«-ht 
 they can use without destroying the worm. There are some 
 small villages near these works, the machinery is the same 
 used by the Persians and is as bad as can be imao-ined 
 I here are some smaller sources of white naptha near this 
 but the grey or black naptha is the most abundant and the 
 most productive." 
 
 From Baku the travellers crossed the country to Tifflis, 
 in Georgia. Thence they went to Armenia, and were pres- 
 ent at the unsuccessful siege of Erivan by the Russians. As 
 war was then waging between Russia and the Ottoman Porte 
 they were, therefore, unable to reach Constantinople, but 
 returned northward to Moscow and St. Petersburg, the first 
 portion of the journey being through so sickly a country 
 that out of the party of nine who had left Moscow together 
 for their expedition only three returned alive. The health 
 of Mr. Poinsett suffered so much during this journey that 
 he was obliged to remain several months in St. Petersburg 
 before he gained sufficient strength to travel to the waters 
 of Toeplitz and Carlsbad. 
 
 On his way thither he passed through Koenigsberg, where 
 the Court of conquered and devastated Prussia, driven from 
 Berlin by the French, then resided. He was presented to 
 the King and to the celebrated Louisa, Queen of Prussia (the 
 mother of the late Emperor of Germany), celebrated alike 
 for her beauty and her misfortunes. It was then generally 
 thought, and the story even now is commonly believed, that 
 the Queen had been insulted by the Emperor Napoleon while 
 interceding with him for mercy towards the luckless country 
 whose armies he had destroyed. The statement that she had 
 been insulted she positively denied, according to Mr. Poin- 
 sett, and said that she had no other cause of complaint than 
 that the Emperor refused to grant her prayer that he would 
 spare her country. The King complained that thf- Emperor 
 
26 The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 
 
 Alexander, who had urged him to embark in this unhappy 
 war, had accepted from Napoleon a portion of the dismem- 
 bered Prussian territory. 
 
 At Toeplitz he met the Prince de Ligne, and Mr. Poinsett, 
 true to his instinct which led him to search out all the prom- 
 inent men of his time wherever he found them, was much 
 interested and instructed by the view he gave him of public 
 affairs at that critical period. The peculiarity of the Prince's 
 position was this : while horror-stricken with the spread of 
 revolutionary ideas, and the ascendency of the French arms 
 in Europe, he was disgusted because Austria had not placed 
 him in command of the armed force designed to combat 
 them. No man in Europe had at that time a higher repu- 
 tation for brilliant qualities and great services than he, but 
 he had lost his influence at the Austrian Court on the death 
 of Joseph II. 
 
 In the spring of 1808, Mr. Poinsett having recovered his 
 health, went through Germany to Paris. Never was that 
 city more brilliant than at this time, and nowhere could be 
 found a greater number of men who had gained European 
 renown by their services in the great Continental wars. One 
 of the most distinguished of the soldiers of Napoleon was 
 Massena (Prince of Essling), who previous to the French 
 Revolution had been an instructor in fencing of Mr. Joseph 
 Allen Smith, who had given Mr. Poinsett a letter of intro- 
 duction to him. He seems to have been very kind to Mr. 
 Poinsett, and presented him to Clausel, afterwards Marshal 
 of France, and to many other distinguished French soldiers. 
 Mr. Poinsett tells a curious story illustrating the relations of 
 Massena with Napoleon. In a private interview between 
 them a gun was suddenly heard to explode in the imperial 
 cabinet. The attendants rushed in, and found Massena 
 bathed in blood, while the Emperor explained that the gun 
 had been discharged by accident. The rumor spread, how- 
 ever, that Napoleon, in a fit of passion, had tried to murder 
 the Marshal. Mr. Poinsett paid a visit to Massena, who 
 was confined to the house by his wound. He spoke of the 
 rumor, and Massena told him it was well founded, that the 
 
 'i 
 
The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 27 
 
 discharge of the gun was not accidental, adding, " The 
 cursed little fool could not even shoot straight, or he would 
 have killed me." 
 
 Mr. Poinsett was present (as he always seems to have 
 been, with his extraordinary luck, on every important occa- 
 sion) at the celebrated interview between Napoleon and 
 Count Metternich, the Austrian Ambassador, at the Tuil- 
 eries in 1808, when the French Emperor publicly threatened 
 Austria that, if she continued to arm her subjects, he would 
 crush her beyond the power of recovery, a threat which 
 Napoleon supposed he had carried out when he dictated a 
 second time peace in the Austrian capital and married an 
 Austrian princess. 
 
 While Mr. Poinsett was residing in Paris there occurred 
 the memorable incident of the attack in time of profound 
 peace by the British war-ship " Leopard" upon the Ameri- 
 can frigate " Chesapeake," the " Leopard" firing a broad- 
 side into the " Chesapeake," and compelling her to surren- 
 der certain of her crew, who were claimed to be deserters 
 from the English navy. Like most of his countrymen, Mr. 
 Poinsett regarded war with England as the inevitable result 
 of this deplorable outrage. He lost no time in hurrying 
 home and offering his services to the government. He 
 hoped to receive the appointment of quartermaster-general, 
 that being the office for which he deemed himself best qual- 
 ified. He failed, however, to secure the position, and indeed 
 the immediate prospect of war was removed by the disavowal 
 on the part of the English government of the act of the com- 
 mander of the " Leopard" and the punishment of the admiral 
 who had ordered it. 
 
 President Madison, who had been very much impressed 
 with the capacity of Mr. Poinsett, then invited him to go to 
 South America on a secret and confidential mission. The 
 provinces of Buenos Ayres on the east and that of Chili on 
 the west side of the Andes had risen in revolt against the 
 Spanish government, and had established provisional Juntas, 
 who were for the time being the de facto rulers of the country. 
 Mr. Poinsett's instructions were to ascertain how firm a foun- 
 
28 The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 
 
 elation these new governments had, and if he found that their 
 existence was likely to be permanent, he was to negotiate 
 treaties of commerce with them. Mr. Poinsett was obliged 
 to dissemble the object of his mission, as the English, who 
 were numerous and powerful at Buenos Ayres, were very 
 jealous of the interference of any other power seeking to 
 share in the rich harvest which they hoped that they alone 
 would gather when the Spanish restrictive colonial policy 
 was abandoned. By skill and address, however, not unmin- 
 ^led with a certain amount of personal danger, Mr. Poinsett 
 reached Buenos Ayres by way of Rio de Janeiro, and there, 
 notwithstanding the violent opposition of the English mer- 
 chants, he concluded a favorable commercial treaty with the 
 revolutionary authorities. 
 
 To complete his mission it was necessary for him to cross 
 the Andes and negotiate a treaty with the authorities of 
 Chili. This province was then governed by the popular 
 Junta, while Peru was still under the authority of the 
 Spanish Viceroy. The two provinces were engaged in war 
 with each other, so that until the war ended it was impossi- 
 ble to tell whether it would be practicable to conclude such 
 a treaty as Mr. Poinsett was instructed to make. There 
 seemed, indeed, little probability that hostilities would soon 
 be brought to a close. Mr. Poinsett became irritated by the 
 helpless inactivity which he was obliged to maintain. Fired 
 by the example of Carera, the leader of the Chilian army, 
 and yielding to his influence, he was induced by him to 
 accept the command of a division of his army. He could, 
 it is true, find nothing in his instructions as Charge" d' Affaires 
 to justify such an act, but he never was idle or inactive when 
 the interests of his country required him to confront per- 
 sonal danger, and he did not hesitate to take the responsi- 
 bility. Shortly after he had assumed command, he learned, 
 through an intercepted letter to the Viceroy of Peru, that the 
 commandant at Talcahuano, on the bay of Concepcion, had 
 seized eleven American whalers which had touched there 
 for supplies, and that the crews of these vessels would be 
 sent to Callao as prisoners as soon as a " set of irons could 
 
 • 
 
The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 29 
 
 be completed for the purpose of securing the men." He 
 immediately put his army in motion for Talcahuano and 
 completely surprised the Peruvian detachment in charge of 
 the vessels. He then posted his artillery in a commanding 
 position and demanded its unconditional surrender to the 
 Junta of Chili. His demand was at once complied with, 
 the Peruvian commander who " was completing the irons" 
 was made prisoner and the vessels were released. It is not 
 easy, of course, to describe the surprise and gratification of 
 the American captains when they found that their liberator 
 was one of their own countrymen, exercising his functions 
 as Charge d' Affaires in this novel and efficient way. 
 
 While Mr. Poinsett was in Chili he was a spectator of 
 one of the most memorable combats in our naval history, and 
 indeed almost one of the participants in it. Captain David 
 Porter was in the neutral port of Callao with the " Essex," 
 considering himself in such a place out of all danger of attack 
 from two English vessels, the "Phebe" and the "Cherub," 
 that lay close beside him. Captain Porter had made a most 
 successful cruise in the " Essex," destroying almost wholly 
 the English whaling fleet In the Pacific. He was about to 
 sail for home with Mr. Poinsett as one of his passengers, 
 trusting to the speed of his vessel to outstrip the two ships 
 of his enemy. Unfortunately for him a gale occurred, which 
 injured some of his rigging, just as he was off the port. 
 He was about putting back for repairs when he was attacked 
 by both English ships, and a battle ensued which, whether 
 we consider the disparity of the forces engaged or the con- 
 spicuous gallantry with which the "Essex" was defended in 
 a hopeless contest of more than three hours, is hardly paral- 
 leled in naval history. The battle was fought within the 
 range of a fort on the Chilian shore, and Mr. Poinsett was 
 sent to beg the commander to fire on the English, who were 
 violating the neutrality of his country. BuUhe fear of the 
 consequences kept the Chilian officer quiet. The prisoners 
 taken in the " Essex," including Captain Porter, were sent 
 home by the English in a cartel, but permission for Mr. 
 Poinsett to embark with them was positively refused, Cap- 
 
 • 
 

 30 The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 
 
 tain Hilyar giving as a reason what, under the circum- 
 stances, was a high compliment to Mr. Poinsett, declaring 
 " that he would not suffer the arch-enemy of England to 
 return to America while the two countries were at war." 
 
 Mr. Poinsett, nothing daunted, however, recrossed the 
 Andes while they were covered with snow, reached Buenos 
 Ayres in safety, and passing down the Rio de la Plata in a 
 Portuguese vessel, and running the British blockade of the 
 river, was at last safely landed in the island of Madeira. 
 He soon made his way to the United States, but he found 
 that peace had then been made with England, so that there 
 was no longer any hope of his distinguishing himself, as he 
 had always longed to do, in the military service of his country. 
 
 On his return home he did not seek, as he well might 
 have done, repose after all the exciting adventures through 
 which he had passed. His active and enterprising spirit 
 found a large field for the development of its energy in pro- 
 jects for improving the condition of his native State, by the 
 construction of good roads and water-courses between its 
 widely-separated parts. He was appointed Chairman of the 
 Board of Public Works, made many suggestions in regard 
 to the internal improvements of the State, and superin- 
 tended the construction of at least one road which in its 
 day was regarded as a model for a work of that kind, — the 
 turnpike through Saluda Gap. 
 
 In 1821, Mr. Poinsett was elected a member of Congress 
 from the Charleston district. He took a prominent part in 
 many public measures of great importance, but his influ- 
 ence was perhaps strongest on the question of recognizing 
 the new republics of South America, concerning which his 
 opinion, based upon personal experience, was singularly 
 potent. He opposed the project of sending a commissioner 
 to Greece until that country was at least de facto independent, 
 in a speech of great statesmanlike force, not because he was 
 without sympathy for the sufferings which the Greeks en- 
 dured at the hands of the Turks, but because he regarded 
 the measure as one likely to serve as a precedent for in- 
 volving us in the complications of European politics. 
 
 
The Life and Services of Joel JR. Poinsett. 31 
 
 In the year 1822 the question of the recognition of the 
 independence of Mexico by our Government became a prac- 
 tical one. From the year 1811, when the revolt of the 
 Mexicans against the Spanish Crown began, a number of 
 governments which, judging by their short duration, can be 
 regarded only as revolutionary, had ruled that portion of the 
 country from which the Spanish army had been driven. 
 The insurgents who formed these governments had been at 
 last subdued by the Spanish forces, but in the year 1821 
 a new and formidable movement took place to establish 
 the independence of Mexico under Don Augustin Iturbide, 
 who had been an officer in the royal army. In 1822, 
 Iturbide, in the face of much opposition, was proclaimed 
 Emperor, and the question for our Government was to 
 determine whether, in view of all the revolutionary dis- 
 turbances which had preceded his accession, he was so sup- 
 ported by public opinion that he would be able to establish 
 a permanent government in Mexico and thus entitle him to 
 a recognition on our part as the de facto ruler of the country. 
 The President (Mr. Monroe) selected Mr. Poinsett for the 
 delicate and responsible duty of ascertaining the true state 
 of affairs. His mission to Mexico was secret and confiden- 
 tial, and he went there in 1822. He travelled through 
 many districts of Mexico, mingled with all sorts and con- 
 ditions of people and with men of every party. The result 
 of his observations, so far as he thought proper to make 
 it public, appeared in a book called " Notes on Mexico," 
 which he published shortly after his return. It contained 
 the best and indeed the only trustworthy account of Mexico 
 which had appeared in the English language up to that time. 
 His familiarity with the Spanish language and his long ac- 
 quaintance with public men both in the Old "World and the 
 New, as well as his experience with people who " get up" 
 revolutions in both hemispheres, gave to the judgment which 
 he at last arrived at great weight. He came to the conclu- 
 sion that Iturbide was not firmly seated on his throne, and 
 therefore that it would not be wise for us to recognize him. 
 He had hardly returned to this country when news reached 
 
 
32 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 here that the Emperor had been deposed by a new revolution. 
 It may be added that Iturbide was exiled, but that hoping 
 again to regain power he returned to Mexico, and having 
 been taken prisoner was at once shot. It is perhaps worthy 
 of remark that to the Mexicans of the present day Iturbide, 
 although he was shot as a traitor, is nevertheless a national 
 hero. At present the highest places in the Mexican Valhalla 
 are appropriated to those who although Spaniards were them- 
 selves in life conspicuous for their hostility to the injustice and 
 cruelty of the Spanish domination. Thus in the new Paseo 
 of the City of Mexico colossal statues commemorate four men 
 whose title to fame rests in the eyes of the Mexicans on this 
 basis. These statues are those of Columbus, victim of the 
 ingratitude of Spain; Hidalgo, who headed the first out- 
 break against her authority; Morelos, who continued the 
 revolution ; and Iturbide, who although once a royal officer 
 and in the end executed as a traitor to the republic is still a 
 popular hero because he died an enemy to the Spaniards. 
 
 On the return of Mr. Poinsett from Mexico in 1823 he 
 became a candidate for re-election to Congress. The excite- 
 ment concerning the tariff was just beginning, and the 
 measures which it would be proper for South Carolina to 
 take in case the Government should not change its policy 
 on this subject were being discussed, and it was proposed 
 by some of his constituents that he should pledge himself 
 before the election as to the course he would pursue as a 
 member of Congress. To his honor be it said, and as an 
 example to us in these days of political degeneracy, that he 
 promptly and decidedly refused to make any such pledge or 
 declaration. He told those who asked him to make such a 
 promise that his past public career was the best pledge he 
 could give for his future course, and his constituents were 
 wise enough to re-elect him by a large majority. 
 
 In 1824, Mr. Poinsett was an ardent advocate of the elec- 
 tion of General Jackson to the Presidency. As there was 
 no choice by the people, the contest was transferred to the 
 House of Representatives, when Mr. John Quincy Adams 
 was chosen. On the day after Mr. Adams's inauguration 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 33 
 
 he offered the post of Minister Plenipotentiary to Mexico to 
 Mr. Poinsett. Two things are to be specially noted in this 
 offer, — first, the purity of the public service at that time, 
 which permitted the appointment of a political opponent to 
 one of the most important offices in the gift of the Presi- 
 dent; and, second, the high opinion entertained by Mr. 
 Adams of Mr. Poinsett's qualifications, and certainly no one 
 had had more abundant opportunities than he of testing his 
 special gifts as a diplomatist, as he had been Secretary of 
 State during Mr. Poinsett's former mission to Mexico. 
 
 Mr. Poinsett's course while he represented this country 
 in Mexico has been much criticised, and certainly the dis- 
 tracted condition of the republic while he resided there 
 was such that no active policy he could have pursued, never 
 mind what, would have escaped the violent censure of some 
 of the partisans who were struggling to secure power and 
 office. When he reached Mexico he found the public mind 
 in a highly-excited condition. Although the country was 
 nominally a republic, he soon discovered that the real power 
 was in the hands of the aristocracy, who, supported by the 
 clergy and the army, strove to keep the ignorant populace 
 under their despotic sway. One of the peculiarities of the 
 Mexican revolt against Spain up to that period had been the 
 maintenance of the privileges and the riches of the Roman 
 Catholic clergy without any diminution whatever, for a 
 fanatical devotion to their religion has always been a 
 striking characteristic of the mass of the Mexicans. Many 
 of the revolutionary disturbances were led by priests, and 
 all of them were more or less under their control. What- 
 ever else the revolutionists changed, or desired to change, 
 the Church with its power and wealth was left unharmed 
 and untouched like the Ark in the wilderness : it was to all 
 sacred. The Church retained through all these convulsions 
 property which is said to have amounted in 1857 (when it 
 was confiscated) to the enormous sum of three hundred mil- 
 lions of dollars, and of course the clergy from their posi- 
 tion and organization with these means at their disposal 
 became the most powerful body in the country. By the 
 
 3 
 
 
34 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 time Mr. Poinsett arrived in Mexico the higher clergy had 
 become tired of the revolutions which were incessantly dis- 
 turbing their peace and threatening their security. They 
 had become conservative, and eagerly allied themselves with 
 those who sought to establish a stable government, The 
 other conservative class was the large landholders, proprie- 
 tors of vast haciendas, sometimes many square miles in ex- 
 tent, where they lived in a semi-independent state, defying 
 any government which they did not choose to recognize, 
 and, in short, enjoying the influence and possessing substan- 
 tially the power of feudal lords. Indeed, so rooted is this 
 system of holding land in the habits and ideas of the people 
 of Mexico that to this day it remains almost wholly un- 
 changed. The Church has been despoiled of its riches and 
 privileges until now it is the poorest Catholic Church in 
 Christendom ; the country for a number of years has been 
 without serious revolutionary disturbances ; modern civiliza- 
 tion in our sense has penetrated beyond the frontier; and 
 yet this system of dividing the country among a few owners 
 of large haciendas continues unchanged, and the proprietors 
 exercise almost as much authority and influence now as they 
 did in the palmy days of the Spanish viceroy alty. These 
 two conservative bodies acting together had the entire con- 
 trol of the army in the support of their pretensions, while 
 the genuine republican party, as we should deem it, was 
 made up of a few enlightened men, many adventurers, and 
 the mass of the populace in the large towns. 
 
 Mr. Poinsett thus found the Church and the State banded 
 together in possession of the power on the one side, and on 
 the other the discontented but true republicans, watching 
 every opportunity and willing to risk even a revolution 
 (which, of course, in all Spanish-American countries is an 
 event far less grave than it would be with us) in order to 
 snatch that power from them. 
 
 On his arrival the leaders of the opposition crowded 
 around him seeking information and advice. It was natural 
 that they should have done so, for to whom would they be 
 likely to turn more readily than to the representative of 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 35 
 
 that great republic which had successfully surmounted 
 those obstacles which appeared so formidable to those who 
 were trying to establish in Mexico a system similar to that 
 which had been adopted here ? Mr. Poinsett gave the in- 
 formation, but declined to give the advice, as inconsistent 
 with his duties as Minister. He could not, of course, help 
 feeling that they, and not the party in power, were the true 
 republicans according to the standard which prevailed in any 
 of the countries in which he had passed his life. He had 
 probably, too, a certain sympathy with them, for, like every 
 true American of that day, he ardently desired the spread 
 of republicanism everywhere, and especially upon the Con- 
 tinent of America, but he never forgot that he was not 
 accredited to them, and that his business in the country 
 was with the established Government and not with the 
 opposition. He did no act which compromised his position, 
 still his sympathy no doubt encouraged the discontented, 
 and certainly did not aid him in negotiating the treaty 
 which he was sent to Mexico to make. His position be- 
 came a very difficult and embarrassing one, and many of 
 the Government party became very hostile to him. 
 
 Meanwhile, the disaffected became more and more clam- 
 orous, and at last, in consequence of the armed resistance 
 of the Government to the installation of Guerrero, whom its 
 opponents claimed to have elected President, they broke 
 out into open rebellion. With this revolt is connected an 
 episode in Mr. Poinsett's career as Minister in Mexico 
 which, as illustrating his cool courage and his chivalric 
 nature, as well as the prestige of the American name and 
 flag in foreign countries, is well worth repeating, although 
 it is doubtless familiar to many. The revolutionists had de- 
 termined to attack the National Palace, which is at one end 
 of the principal street (that of San Francisco), while the 
 Alameda, the public park, bounds the other. Having seized 
 the Alameda, the barracks, and the artillery, the mob ad- 
 vanced along this street towards the Palace. The houses 
 on each side were filled with Government troops, and many 
 of them were known to belong to families of Spaniards, or 
 
36 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 of persons supposed to be friendly to the Government. 
 These houses were regularly besieged by the insurgents, and 
 many of them were taken and destroyed. Mr. Poinsett's 
 house was in this street, and while the conflict was raging, 
 Madame Yturrigaray, the widow of a former Spanish Vice- 
 roy, who was his neighbor, with some of her friends, all 
 Spaniards, sought the refuge and protection of the American 
 Embassy. The insurgents advanced to attack the house, 
 which they do not seem to have known to be that of the 
 American Minister, maddened by the story that was told 
 them that its proprietor had sheltered the hated Spaniards. 
 They attacked the gates which enclosed the court-yard and 
 clamored for the blood of their enemies. A musket-ball 
 which came through the window lodged in Mr. Poinsett's 
 cloak. At this moment Mr. Poinsett, accompanied by his 
 Secretary of Legation, Mr. John Mason, Jr., took the Ameri- 
 can flag, and, advancing with it in his hand to the balcony 
 of his house, displayed it for the first time before the eyes 
 of the thousands who were thirsting for his blood because he 
 had baulked their vengeance. He told them who he was, and 
 what nation that flag represented. Either because they rec- 
 ognized in that flag the emblem of the American power, or 
 because some among them knew Mr. Poinsett as a diplo- 
 matist who had always been a friend of their leaders, they 
 at once ceased their hostile attitude. The display of that 
 flag by its courageous upholder in the streets of the City 
 of Mexico changed at once the threatening temper of that 
 wild mob, and soon after it dispersed. 
 
 Mr. Poinsett's affiliation with the Freemasons in Mexico 
 proved a constant source of embarrassment to the success 
 of his mission in that country. It seems that he had been 
 long a member of the Masonic order here, and on his arrival 
 in the City of Mexico he was welcomed as a visitor to the 
 lodges with that cosmopolitan spirit of fraternity which is 
 characteristic of the Masonic body everywhere. The Mexi- 
 can Masons belonged to the " Scotch rite," while it seems 
 that in the hierarchy of Masonry the " York rite" holds a 
 higher rank. Mr. Poinsett explained this difference to his 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 37 
 
 associates, and told them, with that spirit of courtesy which 
 never failed him, that if it was agreeable to them he would 
 apply to the Masonic authorities in this country for a charter 
 to establish lodges in Mexico who should work accordiug 
 to the " York rite." The charter was granted and the 
 lodges duly organized under it. But, unfortunately, the 
 persons elected as members of the new lodges were nearly 
 all democrats, and opposed to the party in power. The old 
 lodges and the new soon formed two political camps, and 
 such was the bitterness and intensity of feeling at that time, 
 that they were looked upon by public opinion rather as 
 party organizations than as fraternal associations. Mr. 
 Poinsett's well-meant efforts to extend the Masonic rule in 
 Mexico was regarded by his enemies as an underhanded 
 effort on his part to give aid and encouragement to the dis- 
 affected. "When he found that he was being forced into the 
 position of a partisan leader through his connection with 
 this miserable squabble, he withdrew himself from all com- 
 munication with both bodies. But the mischief was done, 
 and his influence with the Government from that time was 
 very much lessened. 
 
 Mr. Poinsett negotiated a boundary treaty with the Mexi- 
 can Government and also a treaty of commerce, which was 
 not ratified because it contained a stipulation " that all per- 
 sons bound to labor taking refuge in Mexico should be 
 given up to their legal claimants." This is a noteworthy 
 event in the history of republicanism on this continent, for 
 it shows that the Mexicans even at that early date were at 
 least so far advanced in their political education that they 
 were unwilling to enact a fugitive-slave law even to oblige 
 the United States. It should be added, however, in order 
 to show how little public opinion at that time in other parts 
 of the world supported the pretension " that a slave could 
 not exist on Mexican soil," that Mr. Ward, the British Min- 
 ister, concluded about the same time with the Mexican 
 Government a treaty of commerce similar to ours, omitting 
 the stipulation in regard to fugitive slaves. When this 
 treaty was submitted to Mr. Canning, then the English 
 
38 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 Foreign Secretary, he sent it back to Mexico, refusing to 
 ratify it until the Mexicans would agree to surrender not 
 only fugitive slaves but also apprentices from the West In- 
 dies and deserters from the English army and navy. 
 
 The annoyances and vexations which Mr. Poinsett suf- 
 fered in Mexico did not make him unmindful of the interest 
 felt by people here in the wonderful curiosities, natural and 
 archaeological, to be found in that country. He learned 
 how to propagate olive-trees, and sent many cuttings to be 
 planted in his own garden in South Carolina. He intro- 
 duced into this country that well-known and truly splendid 
 flower now called Poinsettia, of the order of PJuphorbiacece. 
 He sent to the American Philosophical Society in Philadel- 
 phia the original manuscript and the drawings from which 
 Captain du Paix had copied the materials for his magnifi- 
 cent work on the antiquities of Mexico, published in Paris 
 in 1834. For a long time the ruins depicted in this work 
 were regarded by the learned as antediluvian, an opinion 
 which, by the way, has since been wholly disproved by Mr. 
 John L. Stephens and other observers. 
 
 n. 
 
 Mr. Poinsett asked for his recall in 1829, and his request 
 was granted without difficulty. He reached this country at 
 a very critical period, the era of the nullification excitement, 
 and he prepared to take an active part in the controversy 
 as the champion of the Union party of his State. On his 
 arrival in Charleston he was received and welcomed by his 
 friends without distinction of party as a man who had done 
 honor to his native State. On inquiry he found that while 
 a large proportion of the inhabitants both in the city and 
 the State were dissatisfied with the duties levied by the tariff 
 of 1828, they wholly disapproved of the violent measures 
 proposed by the JSTullifiers in order to resist their payment, 
 but many of the leading men on the Union side seemed to 
 doubt whether it was possible to stay the torrent which was 
 sweeping the people of the State into an attitude of defiance 
 against the General Government. Mr. Poinsett, however, 
 was hopeful, and he tried to inspire hope in others. He sue- 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 39 
 
 ceeded so well that at the next election (in 1830), which was 
 conducted by both sides with great energy, the Union party 
 in the State was successful, electing a majority of the mem- 
 bers of the Legislature. His associates in this conflict bear 
 names identified with the history of Carolina as among the 
 most distinguished of her citizens,— Colonel William Dray- 
 ton, Judge Huger, James L. Petigru, Thomas S. Grimke, 
 the Richardsons of Sumter, Judge David Johnson, Judge 
 O'Neal, the Pringles, and a host of others. Mr. Poinsett 
 was elected Senator from the Charleston district. In Co- 
 lumbia he met face to face with his late violent opponents, 
 and although he and his friends maintained such pro- 
 nounced opinions in favor of the Union, such was the 
 character and bearing of the leading men on both sides, that 
 the wide difference of sentiment between them led to no 
 unseemly want of courtesy or even of cordiality in their 
 personal intercourse. 
 
 The position taken by the Nullifiers in their controversy 
 with the United States Government at the beginning, and 
 consistently maintained by them to its close, was simply this : 
 " That any one State may not only declare an act of Con- 
 gress void, but prohibit its execution ; that they may do this 
 consistently with the Constitution ; that the true construction 
 of that instrument permits a State to retain its place in the 
 Union, and yet be bound by no other of its laws than those 
 it may choose to consider as constitutional." It is to be re- 
 membered that Mr. Calhoun and his friends whom he had 
 convinced by his metaphysical subtleties always insisted 
 that the doctrine of nullification was remedial only and not 
 revolutionary, and that it was a reserved right (resembling 
 the tribunitian power in Rome) on the part of each State, to 
 be employed in the last resort to force the others to do it 
 justice. Against such a colossal heresy, as Mr. Madison 
 called it, the Union party, headed by Mr. Poinsett and his 
 friends, protested with extraordinary vigor for more than 
 three years, and they became, amidst many discouragements 
 and much personal danger, the warm supporters of the Gen- 
 eral Government in its efforts to maintain its authority in 
 
40 The Life and Seimces of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 South Carolina as it did everywhere else throughout the 
 country. It should not be forgotten, too, that the Union 
 party was quite as much opposed to the provisions of the 
 tariff of 1828 as their opponents, but they looked for a 
 remedy to the methods prescribed by the Constitution of 
 the United States itself, and not to the annulling of a federal 
 law by the alleged sovereign power of one of the States. 
 
 The following: sketch of the events of the " Nullification 
 Era" in South Carolina, as it is called, written by Dr. Joseph 
 Johnson, a friend of Mr. Poinsett and an eye-witness of 
 most of the proceedings, seems so clear, accurate, and com- 
 plete, and explains so fully Mr. Poinsett's connection with 
 the movement, that we cannot do better than to present the 
 life-like picture which he has drawn to the reader : 
 
 " The foreign Enemies of our Commerce were hostile to 
 our manufacturing establishments, & tried to crush them by 
 various means. One of their plans was to deluge the 
 United States with the coarse fabricks of their establish- 
 ments. Protective Duties were imposed on all such impor- 
 tations. In some cases they were so heavy, as to exclude 
 such articles altogether, & thus produced an effect on Com- 
 merce unlooked for & not intended. The freights of vessels 
 returning from India & China were much reduced by the 
 exclusion of these bulky articles, & their Profits diminished. 
 The Southern States who were but slightly engaged in either 
 Commerce or Manufactures, had liberally voted taxes for the 
 encouragement of both, as national concerns. Their being 
 willing to sacrifice so much for the public good, roused the 
 manufacturers to impose much heavier Duties on most of 
 the Articles of which the South was the chief Consumer. 
 Many of those Articles were made to pay 40 ^ r C* on their 
 first Cost, & the Southern Orators in their declamatory ad- 
 dresses inflamed the minds of their hearers by asserting that 
 this was taking from them $40 out of every $100 which they 
 earnd by their daily labour. M r M c Dufiie insisted that the 
 Genr 1 Govern* imposed on the South these unequal and un- 
 just Taxes to oppress them, & by these imposts took from 
 every Cotton Planter, forty Bales of every hundred that he 
 could send to market. This was called M°Dufiie's forty 
 Bale Theory, & many believed it. In vain was it explained 
 to them by the Union Party, that this was an exaggerated 
 
The Life mid Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 41 
 
 ZZ^In v^n grieV rf Wh J Ch n ° ° ne in the South ap- 
 ?™I ^ *S WaS ? Sh0Wed t0 them > *at if this were 
 
 true they would now be obliged to pay from one third to 
 one half more for their blankets Clothing, Salt, Su'ar Tea 
 & coffee than they had always been a C & eustomed°to' pay 
 They all used they all bought, they all knew the former 
 cost of such things, & could readily say whether theyTow 
 paid more for them m any thing like that proportion stated 
 bv Ca houn M'Duffie, Hamilton, Hayne, Turnbu & others 
 of their public men. That as to the inequality of the Im 
 post, it was not possible to impose any Tax that mio-ht not 
 bear unequally on some State or State's, according Sits or 
 their peculiar habits or fashions. That every a?t of Con 
 gress extended alike oyer every State in thTlJi on & all 
 had equal rights to establish the Manufactories favored by 
 these imposts. That they were not imposed to favor any 
 Cr, ° f ou f r / OI ? m0 ?T Country, but to protect all the JJ. 
 States against foreign Nations, & prevent them from crush 
 mg our infant establishments by their overwhelminTcaS 
 their greater practical skill & experience, & the fmproved 
 cons ruction of their machinery/ That the South had an 
 
 in "tead'ff / ltb , the \ 0rth t° pr ° fit * these regulations, & 
 nstead of disputing about them with the North! to go & do 
 
 likewise to establish similar manufactories, and avail tW 
 selves of their black population-the cheaper description 
 of operators. The public mind became more & more ex- 
 cited against these heavy imposts, which unquesti ? onabfy 
 bore unequally on the South, as they were not manufaX 
 turersof the protected articles; & at the ensuiDg election 
 tt l^Zlo^^ * maj ° ritieS in b0th biSndffrf 
 " In 1828 at the Annual Meeting of the Legislature <i 
 r; ra a PP oi ^/ to consider & r°eport on Gov° erno ?Tay 
 
 IdoDted "t^^^^ 6 ^ 11 ? t0 the Tariffi A resolutio » wi 
 stitution.lHvl 1S ex P edieut t0 P rote «t against the uncon- 
 stitutionality & oppressive operation of the System of nro- 
 
 of the g Se^ e :'o & f ^W? ^fS r ° teSt entered °° the Journals 
 JJr T v at ? ° f the United States - Also t0 make a public 
 exposition of our wrongs & of the remedies within our 
 power & to communicate them to our Sister States with a 
 
 .TXWr^ 16 ^ this state in p^^rinS 
 
 a repeal of the Tariff for protection, & an abandonment of 
 the Principle, & if the repeal be not procured, that they will 
 
 theTv'r m SU mea8Ure8 aS ma ? hQ Gece sar ^ *™ 
 
42 The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 
 
 " This select Coin* 86 consisted of James Gregg, D. L. Ward- 
 law, Hugh S. Legare, Arthur P. Hayne, W m C. Preston, Will m 
 Elliott, & R' Barnwell Smith. They reported an Exposition 
 & Protest which was adopted on the 19 th of Dec r 1828, or- 
 dered to be printed & appeared in Pamphlet form early in 
 1829. These Pamphlets were diffused far and wide, read 
 by most people of reflection, & commented on in all the 
 public journals, variously according to the various opinions 
 of their editors or Patrons. The Report admitted that a 
 Tariff on Imports may be so arranged as to encourage man- 
 ufactures incidentally, by imposing duties for Revenue, on 
 articles now manufactured within the U. States : but asserted 
 that the Tariff of 1828 was not so arranged ; that it was un- 
 equal and oppressive on the South & S° Western parts of 
 the Union, and was not necessary for Revenue, but declared 
 to be for the promotion of manufactures. That the Protec- 
 tive System is therefore unjust, Oppressive, & unconstitu- 
 tional ; imposing such Duties on Commerce & Agriculture, 
 for the avowed purpose of promoting manufactures : & im- 
 posing them on the South to favor the interests of the 
 North. That it was unconstitutional, as it was not imposed 
 for the purpose of raising a Revenue, & ought to be resisted. 
 That each State in the Union is a Sovereignty, & has as 
 such a perfect right to judge for itself the violations of its 
 Rights, & a perfect right to determine the mode & measure 
 of its resistance. That in the present case Nullification is 
 the rightful Remedy, & if properly carried out, is sufficient 
 to protect South Carolina from the unconstitutional pro- 
 ceedings of Congress. 'They therefore solemnly protest 
 against the System of protecting Duties, lately adopted b> 
 the Federal Government.' 
 
 " No further measure was taken, at this session of the 
 Legislature, but the subject continued to agitate the public 
 mind, & the discussion was kept up with zeal & animation 
 on both sides. The Union men urged that whatever may 
 be the weight or inequality of the Tariff, they felt it in an 
 equal degree with their fellow Citizens of the other party. 
 That they too had endeavored to prevent it from being im- 
 posed to the present extent, but now that it was imposed, 
 resistance by force or unconstitutional measures, would only 
 make things worse, & perpetuate the evils of which they 
 complained. That in 1816 M r Calhoun & other influential 
 Southerners, with the best of motives, had brought forward 
 this System, & imposed prohibitory Duties on Coarse Cotton 
 Fabrics, usually imported from India, by which the Shipping 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 43 
 
 Interests of the North had suffered heavily. That although 
 they complained, they did not resist an Act of Congress, 
 imposed for the protection of manufactures of that descrip- 
 tion. Some of them withdrew a portion of their Capital 
 from Commerce & united in extending manufacturing estab- 
 lishments of various descriptions. They now find that these 
 new & finer fabrics require protection in proportion with the 
 first & coarser kinds. 
 
 " In these great changes the North did not all concur ; 
 they who had first adventured, feared that they would be 
 sufferers by the great competition in their own markets, & 
 the value of their Stock on hand be depressed. A meeting 
 of Merchants & Manufacturers in Boston was held in Nov* 
 1827. They showed how much they were opposed, and on 
 what strong grounds to such sudden & such great Changes ; 
 such interference by Congress in the Concerns of Trade & 
 manufactures. The Union men concurred in the impolicy of 
 such measures as were pursued, but as to their being uncon- 
 stitutional, there were strong grounds for a different opinion. 
 That in the Administration of Gen 1 "Washington in a Con- 
 gress mostly composed of those who had been members of 
 the Convention, in which that Constitution had been 
 framed, discussed & adopted; the second Act of that Con- 
 gress, had the following Preamble ' "Whereas it is necessary 
 for the support of Government, for the discharge of the 
 Debts of the U. States, & for the protection & encourage- 
 ment of Manufactures, that Duties be laid on Goods, "Wares 
 & Merchandise be it therefore enacted.' This Act was sanc- 
 tioned & signed by President Washington & its principles 
 adopted. Although the Federal Party lost their influence 
 at the close of M r J. Adams' Administration, this doctrine 
 of Protection to Manufactures continued among the Demo- 
 crats who succeeded his Administration, & was advocated by 
 Jefferson, Madison & Monroe. 
 
 " Gov r Miller's term as Governor of S° C a passed off with 
 some increase in the proportion of Nullification Representa- 
 tives & in his declaration of ' the Right to Fight.' The oth r " 
 Southern States appealed to in the exposition of S° Carolii 
 would not countenance or unite with them in Nullificatio 
 doctrines. It was demonstrated that such Duties were paid 
 by the Consumers of the Articles thus taxed, and by each 
 portion of the Union in proportion to the population of such 
 Consumers in that portion. That the Northern portions 
 were much more populous than the South, & the adjoining 
 States to S° C a much more populous than herself, therefore 
 
44 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 greater consumers in proportion & that they would not unite 
 in her Crusade. They considered S° Ca B too sensitive of her 
 grievances, and trusted that these however oppressive and 
 offensive could be & would be remedied by constitutional 
 measures much better than by force. That as to the Perfect 
 Sovereignty of the State— this existed previous to the adop- 
 tion of "the Federal Constitution, but a part of it was then 
 o-iven up by each State to the Federal Government, to obtain 
 their Guarantee of all their other public & private Rights. 
 Under that Constitution all the States yielded their Sov- 
 ei«m Rights to inlist Troops, to declare & carry on War ; to 
 make Peace; to negotiate Treaties with foreign nations; to 
 regulate Commerce ; to coin Money; to issue Bills of Credit; 
 to°establish a Federal Court ; & to impose Duties & Taxes 
 on Goods, Wares & Merchandise. The obligations thus 
 assumed by the Federal Government on the grant of these 
 powers, embraced yet another viz that all the States should 
 possess' equal rights and privileges; and this carried with it 
 an Obligation to prevent any State from assuming Rights & 
 Privileges not enjoyed by all or any of the Rest. That the 
 Federal Gov* was thus bound to prevent S° Car' from enjoy- 
 ing her assumption of Rights, under the Nullification Acts 
 & Ordinance. 
 
 " James Hamilton J r was elected Governor m Dec r 1830. 
 The so called American System continued in its strength, 
 notwithstanding these statements & remonstrances, & on 
 the 14 th of July 1832 an Act was passed called an Amend- 
 ment of the Tariff. It indeed altered some of the Imposts 
 by increasing those on articles consumed in the South, & 
 reduced those only that were mostly used in the North. It 
 was still more oppressive on the South & rendered the dis- 
 satisfied desperate. In Octob r Gov 1 Hamilton issued a Proc- 
 lamation convening an Extra Session of the Legislature of 
 S° C\ They met accordingly on the 22 d Octob 1 1832 & the 
 Governors message was delivered on the same day. In it 
 he says, ' The Tariff Act of 1832 is in point of Fact a Law 
 by which the consumption of the manufacturing States is 
 nearly relieved of all burdens on those Articles which they 
 consume & do not produce, & under the provisions of which 
 they are secured in a bounty, on an average of more than fifty 
 *§ r C fc on the productions of their Industry, whilst it taxes 
 our consumption to an equivalent amount, & the exchange- 
 able value of our products in a much more aggravated 
 ratio.' 'Articles of Luxury are selected as the Objects of 
 comparative exemption from all burden, whilst those of 
 
The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 45 
 
 PrS 88it J w r ? ear X the w £ ole brunt of the Imposts. Iron, 
 Cotton & Woolen fabrics, Salt & Sugar are burthened with 
 a lax quite equivalent to an average of seventy five «' C< 
 on the first Cost; whilst the Teas, the Coffees, the Silks & 
 
 n h!!Z th ? RlCh ' ^7 a m ? St Un J USt ^crimination 
 m then favor Levying at least three fourths of the whole 
 
 SET* °«A he > Fe i eml RevenUe on the industl T of the 
 Southern States.' He concludes by recommending the im- 
 mediate call of a Convention, <as it was in every respect 
 desirable that our issue with the General Government 
 should be made before the meeting of Congress ' ' 
 
 tJi«wT+ aC + t wa J accordingly passed, ordering an election of 
 Delegates to a State Convention. < The number of Delegates 
 from each election District, to be the same as the prfsent 
 united^ Re P resentatives and Senators in the Legislature 
 "The ratification of the Convention Bill was followed 
 
 ?iwtr\ * ft % d ^Y g f ° f Cannon and Music from 
 Doodle ' ( ^ Pr ° P0 ^ Stmck up ' Yankee 
 
 " The Union Party in S° Car 8 very properly considered this 
 Convention of the State a Critical movement, pregnant with 
 dangerous consequences. They therefore also called a con- 
 vention of the Union Party to be held at the same time & 
 place. m The Members of the two Conventions met accord- 
 ingly in their separate Places; they eyed each other with 
 suspicion at meeting in the Street, bowed coolly but politely 
 & were evidently on the watch if either should commit itself 
 by intemperate or illegal acts. The Union Members of the 
 tetate Convention offered objections to the legality of its 
 constitution— the members having been elected as if for 
 laxation representing Property & persons not as Delegates 
 IrT a u ? e °P le m a Primary Assembly. But this & all other 
 difficulties were promptly overruled by the opposite Party, 
 who followed their leaders. An Ordinance was ^accordingly 
 ratified ' for Arresting the operation of certain Acts of the 
 Congress of the U. States, purporting to be laws laying; 
 duties & imposts on the importation of Foreign Commodi- 
 ties. ±0 this Ordinance was attached an address to the 
 people of S° Car* said to have been written by Rob' L Turn- 
 b. rriS <* Jf other to the people of the U. States written 
 by Gen. M'Dufhe & prefixed to the whole was an exposition 
 
 1 it 
 
 'In this he announces 'We have resolved that until these abuses 
 shall be reformed,' no more Taxes shall be paid here." 
 
46 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 or Introduction written by Gen 1 R' Y. Hayne. The Ordi- 
 nance itself is said to have been drawn up by Judge W m 
 Harper. It was signed by Gov r Hamilton & by all the State 
 Eights' Members of the Convention 136 in number. The 
 Legislature met in a few days after the Ordinance was pub- 
 lished. Gov' Hamilton's Message urged on them the duty 
 of providing for inforcing that Ordinance. 
 
 " They accordingly passed the Replevin Act — To carry 
 into effect in part an Ordinance to Nullify certain Acts of 
 Congress &C &C— Also ' the Test Oath Act' by which all 
 Officers Civil & Military, were required to take the Oath or 
 lose their Offices. Also An Act to regulate the Militia, & 
 another to provide for the Security & protection of the State 
 of S° Carolina. 
 
 " These energetic Measures did not proceed without ex- 
 citing suitable attention & corresponding measures, both in 
 the Union Party of S° Car a , & in the heads of the Federal 
 Govern'. The Administration employed agents in Columbia 
 who silently condensed the transactions of each day & sent 
 the dispatch off every night to Wash'gton, under cover to 
 a person or name there, who was unknown or could not be 
 suspected. The Union Convention continued its meetings 
 also in Columbia, & on the 14 th Dec r 1832 adopted an address 
 & series of Resolutions exposing the illegality & injustice of 
 the measures lately adopted by the Party in power. Among 
 many other objections it declared those measures not only 
 revolutionary but essentially belligerent, & that the Natural con- 
 sequences would be Disunion & Civil War. That it betrays 
 all the features of an odious Tyranny to those Officers Civil 
 & Military, who holding their appointments legally, accord- 
 ing to the Laws & Constitution of S° Car a , were suddenly 
 excluded, without impeachment, trial or conviction, by the 
 new imposition of a Test Oath. To the members of the 
 Union Party opposed to these Nullification Measures, who 
 amount to the respectable Minority of more than 17,000 
 votes these measures are equally despotic, oppressive, & im- 
 politic. These measures produce irreconcilable opposition, 
 in the bosom of their own State, with that large & respect- 
 able Minority, who being equally opposed to the oppressive 
 Tariff, cannot unite in such measures to effect its repeal. 
 ' Disclaiming all intention of lawless or insurrectionary vio- 
 lence, they hereby proclaim their determination to protect 
 their Rights by all legal & constitutional means, unless com- 
 pelled to throw these aside by intolerable oppression.' This 
 document was published with the signatures of 182 of the 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett 47 
 
 Union members, headed by their Presid* the Venerable 
 Thomas Taylor of Columbia. 
 
 " The Inaugural Address of Gov r Hayne on the 10 th Dec* 
 1832 was in his usual fluent & happ}^ style but replete with 
 denunciations against the Federal Govern 4 & vaunted State 
 Rights & the perfect Sovereignty of South Carolina. He 
 then told the assembled Senate & House of Representatives, 
 that it was their Duty to provide for carrying fully into ef- 
 fect the Ordinance of the Convention & defend it with their 
 lives. 
 
 " The Legislature accordingly proceeded to pass the fol- 
 lowing Acts : 
 
 "An Act concerning the Oath required by the Ordinance 
 passed in Convention at Columbia on the 24 th day of No- 
 vemb r 1832, which imposed the Test Oath on all Officers, 
 Civil & Military, in S° Carolina. 
 
 " An Act to carry into effect in part, An Ordinance to nul- 
 lify certain Acts of the Congress of the U. S., purporting to 
 be Laws laying Duties on the importation of foreign Com- 
 modities, from & after the 1 st day of Feby 1833. 
 
 "An Act to provide for the security & protection of the 
 People of the State of S° Carolina, by which the Governor 
 was authorised to accept Volunteers & to call out the Militia 
 for the purpose of resisting any attempt of the Federal Gov- 
 ernment to inforce the payment of Duties on importations, 
 either by an overt act of coercion, or by an unusual assem- 
 blage of naval or military forces, in or near the State. 
 Also to authorise a Replevin on all such seizures by officers 
 of the Federal Government. 
 
 " On the receipt of these Documents, Presid 1 Jackson 
 issued a Proclamation to the people of S. Carolina & sent a 
 message to the two houses of Congress. In the Proclama- 
 tion he appeals to their Reason, Patriotism, & Sense of Pro- 
 priety, & then declared his determination to inforce the Laws 
 of the U. States notwithstanding the measures adopted in 
 S° Carolina. It was dated 16 th Jan'y 1833, very ably drawn 
 up & believed to have been written by the then Secretary 
 of State Edward Livingston. The Legislature of S° Carol* 
 being then in Session, Gov r Hayne sent them these Docu- 
 ments from "Washington & with them, his own Proclama- 
 tion. The House of Representatives in S° Car* referred the 
 whole to their Com tee on Federal Relations, & adopted a 
 series of Resolutions, commenting on the Course of Pro- 
 ceedings & confirming their own determination to resist. 
 Having received lately about $200,000 from the Fed 1 Govern*, 
 
48 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 as a balance due to S° Car% the Legislature voted the whole 
 of it for the purchase of Arms & other Munitions of War. 1 
 " Here then was S° Carolina completely at issue with the 
 Federal Government, both arming for attack & defence. 
 Presid* Jackson ordered seven Revenue Cutters & the Sloop 
 of War Natchez Com: Zantzinger to rendezvous in Cha'ton 
 Harbor — the whole under the command of Commodore 
 Elliot. He likewise ordered 700 additional U. S. Troops 
 to rendezvous at Cha B ton & garrison the Forts, all of which 
 were in possession of the Gen 1 Govern*: the whole were 
 under the Command of Gen 1 Scott. A Company of U. S. 
 troops had for five or six years occupied the Citadel in 
 Cha 8 ton. They were called upon to give it up, & they 
 promptly complied. The Officers of the State & of the 
 General Govern* were polite to each other, but it was other- 
 wise with the two parties of the Inhabitants, the Union men 
 & the ISTullifyers. They had many irritating occurrences at 
 their Elections — blows & broken heads were not uncommon, 
 & some Duels occurred. When Volunteers were called out 
 by the State to ' suppress Insurrection & Treason, they knew 
 that such charges could not apply to the Govern* Troops ; 
 & that however unjust to the Union Party hitherto, they 
 now felt that they must enrol themselves for self protec- 
 tion. They appointed a Central Com tBe of which M r Poin- 
 sett was the Ch r man. The military divisions were soon ar- 
 ranged, the Officers selected, & the places of rendezvous 
 assigned to each Company. A sufficiency of arms & ammu- 
 nition was obtained from Gen 1 Scott, & distributed subject 
 to the call of the Union Officers respectively. Both Parties 
 had their separate respective places of meeting, for harmo- 
 nious consultation & arrangements. One of these Places 
 occupied by the Union men was conspired against by a 
 large body of the Nullifyers & the entrance surrounded at 
 night. Several of their most respectable leaders tried to 
 prevent it but could not, — the public mind was much ex- 
 cited ; they sent to M r Poinsett apprising him of it, asking 
 him to persuade his friends to retire by a different entrance 
 from that in common use, but M r P. returned an Answer 
 that they would defend themselves if assailed. Anticipating 
 
 1 " In conformity with Gov r Haynes Orders, the Adj 1 General John B. 
 Earle issued his proclamation for Volunteers ' to suppress insurrection, 
 repel invasion & support the Civil Authorities in the execution of the 
 Laws.' The Governor likewise issued Circular Orders to each Eegiment 
 to examine & Report suitable Depots for Provisions &C, on the most 
 direct routes from their several Muster Grounds towards Charleston." 
 
The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 49 
 
 such an occurrence, he had provided strips of white Cotton 
 to be tied on the right arm of each Union man that they 
 might be known to each other in a mtUe ; he also prov ded 
 from a Coopers Shop the but ends of their hoop P poTes a. 
 Sticks to arm his party. He & Col W- Drayton were aS 
 pointed by acclamation for the Command, & they Selected 
 other persons as Lieu- to command each a Squad These 
 arrangements were soon perfected, & the Union Party 
 marched out three abreast in fine order. Mai chin? no 
 King Street they found themselves followed by the crowd 
 ot Nullifyers, that they had passed at the plLe of tW 
 
 A demfnde T d h thYt n Z *** ^ ^ ^kfst^ 
 ^demanded that their opponents should immediatelv dis 
 perse or they ^should be attacked by the Union men The 
 Nulhfyers did accordingly disperse, but there w?re amt 
 them many disposed to be mischievous. WhTle the tw f 
 parties were facing each other almost within react .three 
 of the Union Leaders Mess™ Petigru, Drayton & Poinsett 
 
 i;r ed l fri bu ? from unkno ™ ^ who im: 
 
 mediately sneaked into the crowd for concealment; The 
 (rentlemen were not much hurt. 
 
 ni'^A* J*™ * F& ^y found {t necessary to establish Ward 
 
 were assailed. On one occasion the Nullify ers succeeded 
 
 Pan^oTfou^oTr 011 8tati ^' & ? eat & m - used ^0^ 
 one of t£ f • r ? ccasions the y were repulsed, & in 
 
 firfrf • + 1 °", a 81 ? gle S un loaded wit ^ small shot was 
 
 few felt VfiZ^ °V 'f? b l f ° re ^ Would -tire ;°some 
 tew telt it & it was a hint to the rest, but it did no harm 
 
 In these collisions the Officers & Leaders of the Zlifyers 
 £ f f 0d faith ^ Prevent them, & sooth the angry feel- 
 ings on both sides; but in order to keep up a distinction- 
 they recommended that their men should al? wear in theb 
 
 blurbulfol" 1 " ° 0Ckade ' ° f a C ° nical S^Pe-calTed the 
 
 the' SlnL^f w ^l Governme nt were stationed thus; 
 
 outh of P Easf^ i^ 2 n lthin ^ Snot of ^ Batter^ 
 south ot Last Bay, & the Cutters about Cablelen<rth from 
 
 each other in a line North of the Natchez; except One o? 
 S the P °* ^ d er Captain Jackson which fay in the 
 Anchorage between Forts Moultrie & Castle plnckney 
 
 oTa Ma^n^fw' 1118 ^ 081 ' 1011 ' the Arm ^ent & disciple 
 ? % , £ f Y ar became an 0b Ject of Curiositv to the 
 etch'dav fhr tlemen °^ ^arlestoi At certain Tours of 
 each day, they were politely welcomed on board, and every 
 
 
50 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 part of the Ship freely thrown open to them. No distinction 
 was made between those of the two Parties, unless when a 
 blue button appeared, & then the Officers of the Ship were 
 very polite to the wearer (an acknowledged Nullifyer). The 
 Visiters on board were entertained with Promenades about 
 the Decks, & then with Music, Dancing & Refreshments, 
 Fruits, &C. The Guns of the Forts were understood to be 
 well found, & ready for action if necessary, with Mortars 
 in Castle Pinckney for throwing Shells into Charleston, 
 whenever hostilities might commence. A Battery of heavy 
 Cannon was likewise constructed N° East of the City on 
 Smiths Wharf, then hired as a Naval Station, & the Guns 
 pointed against the Citadel & against the Causeway in 
 Meet'g S' Road, by which it was understood that the State 
 troops would be marched into Cha a ton, & stationed at & in 
 the Citadel. 
 
 " The Nullifyers & State Authorities were likewise pre- 
 paring for the Ultima Ratio, under their Laws & Ordinances. 
 Arms, Ammunition & Provisions were provided & distrib- 
 uted to the different selected Stations in & out of Charles- 
 ton, except where from the election returns, it was found 
 that a Majority of the Union Party unquestionably existed. 
 Volunteers were accepted, armed, & trained in all the other 
 portions of the State, & held under Orders that they should 
 be ready at a moments warning, to march into Cha"ton 
 which it was well understood would be the battle ground in 
 case of hostilities. Among those organized in Cha'ton was 
 a body of Artillerists under Col. J. L. Wilson, who had a 
 battery of heavy Cannon on Magwoods Wharf command- 
 ing the rear of Castle Pinckney, the channel of Cooper 
 River, & Hog Island Channel. By means of the Test Oath 
 they had got clear of many of the Militia Officers in the low 
 & middle Country, who as Union men had refused to take that 
 Oath, & their places had been supplied with enthusiasts in 
 their Cause. The State Officers held all the Stores, depots 
 & arms in every part of the State, the northern & eastern 
 Districts excepted. Here, the majority of Union men was 
 so great that the Officers either refused to resign, or if they 
 resigned were sure of being reelected. 1 
 
 1 " About this time many strangers were in Charleston & among them 
 some attracted by curiosity, to witness the impending events. At the 
 Balls which were then given, Ladies of both parties were invited recip- 
 rocally ; some of them attended each others parties & were welcomed 
 with polite attentions; the Gentlemen were much more shy of each 
 other. On one occasion a gallant young Nullifyer exclaimed 'The 
 ladies are all for Union— to a man.' Not all said a young Lady 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 51 
 
 "At this Crisis another effort was made to prevent the 
 payment of Duties on imported Goods. A fast-sail'g vessel 
 was expected in Port, & her owner agreed to try & force her 
 up to the "Wharves where her cargo might be rapidly landed 
 & dispersed before the Custom h. Officers could have the 
 means of preventing it. Orders had been issued to Cap* 
 Jackson of the Cutter Polk, to bring every vessel to Anchor 
 arriving from a foreign Port, until a signal was made from 
 the Custom H — that the Duties had been secured according 
 to Law. One of the Pilots was engaged to run up this Ves- 
 sel to the City notwithstanding the opposition of the Reve- 
 nue Cutter. He accordingly disregarded the Revenue Cutter 
 & crowded all sail to pass up. Cap' Jackson pursued & over- 
 took her but the Pilot would not obey his Order to come to. 
 He then ran the Cutter along side & leaped upon the Ships 
 deck; still the Pilot held his course, & did not quit the helm 
 until he saw the drawn sword of Cap* Jackson raised against 
 his life. The Ship was then put about, brought back to her 
 place of anchorage, & detained there until the Duties were 
 secured, & a signal given from the Custom house to allow 
 her to pass up. One of the State Rights Party was overheard 
 saying — 'they are too strong for us, but we must strike a 
 blow, we may still take one of their Forts or Vessels, & will 
 do so before we surrender.' Notice of this intention was 
 given to the U. S. Officers that they might not be taken by 
 surprise. Accordingly in a dark night a large Canoe fitted 
 for 12 or 14 Oarsmen was observed rowing up astern of the 
 Cutter Polk, as she lay at anchor, with her netting all hoisted 
 & her watch on the look out. Only a few men appeared row- 
 ing the boat who on being hailed answered like Country 
 negroes, and were ordered off. They however pulled the 
 stronger in the same direction, until threatened to be fired 
 into. They then perceived that the matches were lighted, 
 the lanterns burning, & the boarding Nets hoisted, and the 
 Cannon pointed at the Canoe. They then rowed off and 
 reported progress. 
 
 " One of the most talented & influential of the State Rights 
 leaders, not satisfied with the representations that every thing 
 had been tried in vain, came down from Columbia to see & 
 judge for himself. He went on board of the Natchez with 
 
 promptly. I will have nothing to do with the Union. But said a 
 friend at her elbow, you know that you would like to capture that hand- 
 some U. S. Officer. . . . Oh said the fair Carolinian, I only wish to bring 
 him over to our side ; to your own side you mean, rejoined her discerning 
 friend." 
 
52 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 others, & thought with reason that everything was there put 
 in order for the public eye. He also hired a boat & went 
 about the harbour inspecting the location & state of prepara- 
 tion, at different times of day & night. In one of these trips, 
 he passed close to the Natchez while all were under arms, & 
 practising a Sham-fight, or naval engagement. They were 
 all at the moment repelling supposed boarders; with the 
 Netting hoisted, a part of the Crew were thrusting their 
 boarding Pikes through it ; some were working the Cannon 
 with lighted matches, — the Marines were firing in Platoons 
 from the Quarter Deck & Tops, while others on the Spars 
 were ready to light & throw their hand Grenades. The 
 Gentleman was perfectly satisfied & in a few days the Circus 
 Meetg was convened. 
 
 " The Central Com* 6 ' had frequent consultations with the 
 Army & Navy commanders on various interesting subjects ; 
 concerted with them the Signals to be given & returned on 
 various occurrences, & what would be expected of the Union 
 Party in case of an attack. It was agreed that in such an 
 event the Union Party should seize the Alarm Gun & Church 
 Bells, & take possession of the Guardhouse. It was also 
 agreed that if unable to hold the City, they should seize on 
 the Peninsula of Hampstead about a mile N° E. of Cha'ton 
 & intrench themselves there. 
 
 " The Central Com* 66 had also frequent confidential meet 
 ings by themselves. On one occasion a measure was pro- 
 posed, which at first view appeared very plausible to several 
 of them. M r Petigru prudently remarked that they should 
 be very careful to keep their proceedings within the Law. 
 That this was their surest protection against the other Party, 
 who would probably commit themselves by some hasty or 
 lawless Act. This observation probably led to the appeals 
 made to the Courts of Law for cooler considerations, all of 
 which resulted against the nullifying or State R* Party. The 
 first of these was on a Custom-house Bond given for the Du- 
 ties on an importation of "plains." The Signer & Securities 
 of the Bond objected to the payment on different Pleas, 
 wishing the question of their liability to be submitted to a 
 Jury, which Jury would not decide in favor of the U. S. 
 Government. The cause was very ably argued before Judge 
 Lee U. S. Dis* C by the Dis' Atty. Gilchrist & M r Petigru 
 against such reference ; & advocated by W. P. Finley & 
 Geo. M°Dufiie. The Judge decided against the Pleas — 
 the handwriting of the different signers on the Bond was 
 then proved, & a verdict given in favor of the Govern*. 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 53 
 
 An appeal was entered, & all the notes, proceedings & argu- 
 ments submitted to Judge W m Johnson, then in bad health 
 in North Carolina. He confirmed the decision of Judge 
 Lee, & the Bond was finally paid. This was a Trial of 
 great interest to both Parties. M r M°Duffie of very high 
 reputation for talents, was sent for & came down from 
 Abbe-ville to engage in the defence, & M r Petigru volun- 
 teered in behalf of the Union Party to aid M r Gilchrist 
 the then District Attorney in prosecuting the Suit. 
 
 " Two other causes arose in the State Circuit Courts, & 
 were both carried by appeal up to the Supreme Court. 
 These both originated in the Test Oath Act. Both were 
 argued ably in Columbia at the Court of Appeals. Judges 
 O'Neal & Dav d Johnson decided against the constitutionality 
 of the Test Oath. Judge Harper was in favor of it, but did 
 not enter upon much argument on the subject. 
 
 " It will be recollected that in the Ordinance of the Con- 
 vention & in the Act of the S° Car a Legislature dated Dec* 
 1832 it was provided that no Duties should be paid on Impor- 
 tations from foreign Countries into S° Car* after the l rt 
 Feby 1833. These were published as the Laws of S° Car*, 
 which none could violate with impunity, & none but the 
 Courts of Law could set aside. Notwithstanding the for- 
 mality & force of these enactments, a number of the State 
 Rights Party in Cha'ton resolved to hold a Meeting of 
 their Associates on the 21 st Jany 1833, only ten days pre- 
 ceding the time appointed by the high Authorities of the 
 State, for resisting the Power of the Union in collecting the 
 duties on such importations. That informal Party meeting 
 resolved that such resistance was inexpedient at that time, 
 & must be postponed until the adjournment of the next 
 Congress. That meeting of only a part of the State Rights 
 Party, resolved to nullify the proceedings of their whole 
 Party, in the Convention & in the Legislature, & to suspend 
 the execution of their euactraents ; & this nullification was 
 acquiesced in by the rest of their party. 1 
 
 1 " A direct attempt to evade the payment of Duties to the Government 
 about this time was made by Gen 1 Ja a Hamilton. He shipped some of his 
 own Rice to Havannah & ordered the proceeds to be returned in Sugar. 
 The Sugar arrived & the Vessel was brought to anchor in the appointed 
 place, by the Vigilant Captain of the Cutter. Gen 1 Hamilton would 
 not enter or bond it, or pay the Duties hoping that it would be landed 
 in Cha'ton & he obtain possession by some means. But M r Pringle the 
 Collector arranged it otherwise, he ordered the Sugar to be landed 
 on Sullivan's Island & stored in Fort Moultrie in one of its arched 
 entrances. Hamilton had been heard saying to some of his Adherents, 
 
54 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 " At this time the State of Virginia resolved to mediate 
 & appease the dissensions in S° Car a , & sent for that pur- 
 pose one of her most distinguished Citizens Benj n "Watkins 
 Leigh to bear the Olive Branch. He arrived on the 4 th 
 Feby & proceeded with great tact & judgment. He was 
 kindly & courteously received by both of the contending 
 Parties, & mediated personally with the most distinguished 
 leaders on both sides. Great deference & respect was 
 paid to him not only for his personal worth, but as an es- 
 pecial Messenger from the State of Virginia. It was accord- 
 ingly arranged that another Convention should be convened, 
 & that no violent measures should be pursued in the in- 
 terim. The Convention met accordingly on the 11 th March 
 1833 & Gov. Hayne brought the business before them by 
 inclosing the friendly & flattering letter which he had re- 
 ceived from M r Leigh — Commissioner from Virginia. This 
 was referred to a Com 168 of 21, who promptly reported an 
 Ordinance repealing the Ordinance of ]STov r 1832, & this 
 was adopted by the Convention. But many of the members 
 could not divest themselves of the irritation long enter- 
 tained, & of their purposes defeated. These were leveled 
 against the Union Party, & of their sense of obligation of 
 allegiance to the Federal Government. Some warm discus- 
 sion ensued & some intemperate expressions used, but the 
 majority concurred in accepting M r Clay's Bill which had 
 passed in Congress, as a compromise of their difference 
 with the Federal Government. 
 
 " But as to the Law imposing a Test Oath, the State Rights 
 Party were disappointed in its validity by the decisions of 
 the Courts. They therefore determined so to amend the 
 Constitution as to require of every one holding an Office, 
 that he should previously take an Oath that his Allegiance 
 to S° Carolina would be considered by him paramount to 
 all other obligations. A clause to this effect actually passed 
 the Legislature in Nov 1 1833 but as an Amendment of the 
 Constitution, it was necessary that the same should be recon- 
 sidered & ratified at another session of the Legislature. 
 The prospect of this becoming a part of the Constitution 
 alarmed the Union Party in S° C* particularly in the North- 
 ern parts of the State, lest they should be involved by it in 
 Disunion, & cease to be Citizens of the United States, or 
 fail to be protected in case of need by the Federal Gov*. 
 
 ' We will have to fight for that Sugar.' He no doubt hoped for some 
 opportunity to do so, but none offered & after the Compromise he paid 
 the Duty & storage, on which the Sugars were given up to him.'' 
 
 
The Life and Semices of Joel R. Poinsett. 55 
 
 The Union Party determined to resist this change in the 
 Constitution, & if it should finally pass, that they would 
 appeal to arms in defence of their Rights as American 
 Citizens. Spartanburgh was appointed as their place of 
 Rendezvous, & in this state of anxious suspense they awaited 
 the Legislative Action. The Central Corn' 89 determined to 
 try the effect of personal influence, talent & address to pre- 
 vent the impending evils of Civil War. They appointed 
 M r J. L. Petigru & Col. R. Blanding to meet their former 
 friends at the Session in Columbia and prevent if possible 
 the contemplated enactment. They attended accordingly & 
 in personal interviews and conferences with Gen 1 Ja 8 Ham- 
 ilton & other influential persons of the State Rights Party, 
 they finally succeeded but with great difficulty. The Clause 
 adopted at the previous meeting of the Legislature as an 
 amendment of the Constitution, was insisted on by its 
 former advocates, it could neither be rejected nor altered, 
 but they consented that the following Proviso should be 
 appended as a part of it. ' Provided however that noth- 
 ing expressed in the above obligation shall be construed to 
 impair the Allegiance of any Citizen of S° Carolina to the 
 Federal Government.' Or words to that effect, for by some 
 obliquity in the Record or in the Publication of the Laws, 
 this Proviso has not been printed with the Ratification. 
 
 "Both parties assented to this compromise Peace was again 
 restored to S° Carolina & Gen 1 M c Duflie was elected Gover- 
 nor in Dec r 1834." 
 
 The foregoing account presents a vivid picture of the po- 
 sition taken by the Union men in South Carolina during the 
 Nullification excitement. Nothing is more remarkable about 
 it than the spirit of obedience which they showed for the 
 supreme law of the land, because it was the law, and their 
 determination to appeal for relief to the law only as it had 
 been administered among them from the period of the adop- 
 tion of the Constitution, as well as their unwillingness to 
 rouse revolutionary passions in the conflict. The action of 
 their State had not merely made void an act of Congress, — 
 creating an alleged grievance from which the rest of the 
 country suffered in common with them, — but its effect was to 
 deny them the protection of their own courts and virtually 
 to disfranchise them. Under these trying circumstances they 
 were bold but not boastful, and, unmoved by the clamor of 
 
56 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 their former friends and neighbors, they formed the strongest 
 support to the General Government when it put forth its 
 strong arm to help them. A good deal of their forbearance 
 and determination to confine their action within the strict 
 limits of the law was due to the personal character of their 
 leaders. They belonged to the very elite of that social aris- 
 tocracy which held undisputed sway in Carolina up to the 
 period of the war of the rebellion, and their opponents, 
 whose chiefs were of the same class, and who had known 
 them well during their whole lives, always recognized not 
 merely the force and earnestness of their convictions, but 
 also their personal courage and the perfect purity and in- 
 tegrity of their motives. 
 
 In considering their methods of resistance to the law- 
 less acts of the Nullifiers, the first question for the Union 
 men to determine was how far and in what way they would 
 be supported by the General Government. All parties in 
 South Carolina had concurred in voting for General Jack- 
 son as President in 1828, and he was well known at that 
 time to have favored the enactment of a tariff law which 
 would levy only such an amount of money as would suffice 
 to defray the expenses of the Government and pay the in- 
 terest on the public debt. The intending Nullifiers during 
 the year 1830, well knowing General Jackson's opposition 
 to the " American system," as it was called, spread far and 
 wide the report not only that the President and many of 
 his personal and political friends sympathized with them in 
 their opposition to a protective tariff, but also that he would 
 hesitate to execute a Federal law in South Carolina which 
 the people of that State should declare to be inoperative 
 within her borders. The first thing, therefore, naturally 
 was to ascertain the exact position of the President on this 
 question. Mr. Poinsett, as their leader and organ, accord- 
 ingly wrote the following letter to President Jackson : 
 
 " Charleston 23 Oct'. 1830 
 " Dear Sir 
 
 " When we parted at Washington in May last, I men- 
 tioned to you, that I was returning to Carolina in order to 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 57 
 
 oppose, by every influence I might possess there, the strange 
 and pernicious doctrines advanced by some of the leading 
 men of our state and which, if not counteracted might 
 lead to the most serious and fatal consequences. On that 
 occasion I understood you to say, that you regarded them 
 as ' utter madness ;' and I left Washington in the firm con- 
 viction, that I was acting in conformity with your wishes 
 and for the good of our common country in controverting 
 doctrines, which I regard as subversive of the best interests 
 of that country, and in declaring myself opposed to princi- 
 ples which, if they could be detected in the letter or spirit 
 of our constitution by any subtlety of the human intellect, 
 would render that instrument a worthless document, would 
 entirely destroy the practical utility of our confederation 
 and convert our bond of union into a rope of sand. 
 
 " On my arrival in Columbia, where I went in order to 
 ascertain the extent of the evil, and that my sentiments 
 might be more generally known throughout the State, I 
 found the public mind poisoned by the opinions uttered at 
 Washington by our leading politicians there, and by the 
 pernicious doctrines of the President of the College, D r . 
 Cooper, whose talents and great acquirements give weight 
 to his perverse principles, and make him doubly dangerous. 
 On conversing confidentially with several old and valued 
 friends in that place I found that they too, deprecated the 
 measures proposed to be adopted as a remedy against the 
 operation of the tariff" law; but regarded opposition as hope- 
 less against such an array as had declared in favor of nullifica- 
 tion. I found the same sentiments prevailing and the same 
 fears entertained among the moderate men in Charleston ; 
 but after frequent conferences with my friends Judge Huger, 
 M r . Petigru, M r . Pringle, D r . Johnson and others it was re- 
 solved at all hazards to organize an opposition to schemes 
 which we considered likely to prove so ruinous in their 
 consequences. In this determination we were confirmed 
 and very much aided by Col. Drayton's honorable and pub- 
 lic declaration of his sentiments in favor of the union. 
 
 "The Nullifiers try to make us believe that the union 
 party are acting against your wishes. This has been 
 already and on several occasions broadly asserted by the 
 advocates of the rights of the states to nullify the laws of 
 the general government and besides the respectable names 
 of the Vice Prest., of W. M°Duflie, Gen 1 Hayne and 
 Major Hamilton we have had to contend against these as- 
 sertions of your views on this question, which the censure 
 
 
58 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 or dismissal of M r Pringle would tend to confirm, for he is 
 I believe the only officer of the general gov. in Charleston 
 in favor of the Union party. The opposition which was 
 commenced in Charleston has been extended throughout 
 the rest of the state and the favorable result of the elec- 
 tions leads us to hope, that we shall prevent the call of a 
 convention, which might have ended in an act of insurrec- 
 tion, for I can regard in no other light the consequences of 
 this state nullifying an act of Congress. It has been as- 
 serted of us that we have been induced to oppose ourselves 
 to these doctrines because we are in favor of M r . Clay and 
 of the American system. This M r . President is not so. M r . 
 Clay and his system have no partizans in this state & so en- 
 tirely do we rely upon your wisdom and sense of justice 
 that we hoped that you would finally obtain for us a modi- 
 fication of the system w b really is injurious and oppressive 
 in its operation upon us. We severally and universally 
 desire, that you should consent to serve another term." 
 
 It seems, however, that a similar letter referring to the 
 
 rumor prevalent in South Carolina had been written about 
 
 the same time to the President by Mr. Kobert Oliver, of 
 
 Baltimore. To this letter General Jackson at once replied, 
 
 and his answer may be regarded as intended not only for 
 
 him but for Mr. Poinsett also. 
 
 " Washington, Octobr. 26 th 1830 
 
 "Dear Sir 
 
 " I had the honour this evening to receive your letter of 
 the 25 th instant with its enclosure and agreeable to your 
 request herewith return it, with a tender of my thanks for 
 this token of your friendship & regard. 
 
 " I had supposed that every one acquainted with me knew 
 that I was opposed to the nulifying Doctrine, and my toast 
 at the JefTerson dinner was sufficient evidence of the fact. 
 I am convinced there is not one member of Congress who 
 is not convinced of this fact for on all occasions I have been 
 open & free upon this subject. The South Carolinians, as 
 a whole, are too patriotic to adopt such mad projects as the 
 nulifyers of that State propose. 
 
 " That M r Van Buren should be suspected of such opinions 
 is equally strange. 
 
 " I am sir with great respect 
 
 " & regard, your mo obdt servt 
 
 "Andrew Jackson 
 
 " Robert Oliver Esq." 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 59 
 
 The " Jefferson dinner" to which General Jackson refers 
 was an entertainment given on the 15th of April, 1880, in 
 "Washington, to celebrate Mr. Jefferson's birthday. The 
 occasion was secretly and adroitly taken advantage of by 
 the Nullifiers and those who sympathized with them to 
 obtain from the leaders of the Democratic party in Wash- 
 ington, and especially from the members of the Cabinet, an 
 expression of opinion that their proceedings would not be 
 interfered with by the General Government. The President 
 was a guest at this dinner, and he was not long in discover- 
 ing what was expected of him by many of those present. 
 He is said to have sat stern and silent, evidently trying hard 
 to suppress the violent emotions which agitated him. He 
 found relief when called upon for a toast, when he rose and 
 said calmly but most earnestly to the astounded assembly 
 who had hoped to entrap him, " The Federal Union — it 
 must be preserved." The Vice-President, Mr. Calhoun, 
 was then called upon, and this was his toast: " The Union, 
 — next to our liberty the most dear. May we all remember 
 that it can only be preserved by respecting the rights of the 
 States, and distributing equally the benefit and the burthen 
 of the Union." 
 
 The day of this Jefferson celebration seems to me one of 
 the most noteworthy in our history. On that day the issue 
 between the Union and the Disunion parties was distinctly 
 and finally made up ; each party prepared for the inevitable 
 conflict, and each knew under what leader it would serve. 
 General Jackson's honesty and inflexible will were even then 
 pretty well understood by those friends and foes who had for 
 their own reasons studied his character, and it became now 
 clear to all that the Union men in South Carolina, in their 
 struggle for the supremacy of the Federal law, would be 
 supported by the whole force of the General Government, 
 with the President at its head. The Nullifiers had foiled 
 utterly in securing that sympathy of the administration 
 upon which they had so fully counted. They were so much 
 discouraged and disappointed that, although violent and 
 revolutionary talk was still the fashion in South Carolina, 
 
60 The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 
 
 no active efforts were made there to carry out their plans 
 until more than two years later. Meanwhile, the Union 
 party in South Carolina was much encouraged in organizing 
 its powers of resistance. 
 
 In July, 1832, Congress passed an act reducing the duties 
 levied by the tariff of 1828 on certain articles, and remov- 
 ing them entirely from tea, coffee, etc., by which it was cal- 
 culated that the revenue from customs would be reduced 
 three or four millions of dollars, or from twenty to twenty- 
 five per cent. When Congress met in December, 1832, it 
 was proposed by the Committee of Ways and Means still 
 further to reduce the revenue levied under the act of 1828 
 about thirteen millions of dollars. General Jackson was 
 re-elected President by a great majority in the autumn of 
 1832, and a sufficiently large number of members of the 
 Congress which was to meet in December, 1833, had been 
 chosen at the same time to render it apparent that the anti- 
 tariff party would be largely in the majority in that Con- 
 gress. Notwithstanding all these concessions present and 
 prospective to the Free-trade party, and apparently in total 
 contempt for the spirit of conciliation which was manifested 
 by them in every part of the country, the leaders in South 
 Carolina determined upon revolutionary proceedings. These 
 proceedings, no doubt, confirmed the belief which had 
 widely prevailed, that the cause of discontent in that State 
 lay far deeper than the tariff, and that its removal would 
 not remedy it. On the 24th of November, 1832, the con- 
 vention in South Carolina adopted the ordinance of nullifi- 
 cation and threatened secession, and the Legislature imme- 
 diately afterwards passed laws to enforce its provisions. 
 These measures are so fully described in Dr. Johnson's 
 narrative that it is not necessary to explain them further 
 here. Their effect was not only to place the State in a 
 hostile attitude to the Government of the United States, 
 but also to place those citizens of the State who were loyal 
 to the Union beyond the pale of the protection of the State 
 laws. Under these circumstances the Union men of South 
 Carolina, through Mr. Poinsett, appealed to the Government 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 61 
 
 for advice as to the course which they as supporters of the 
 Union should pursue, and for aid in resisting these measures 
 should it become necessary. How this appeal was met by 
 the President is best told in the eight letters addressed by 
 him to Mr. Poinsett, which, as far as we know, are now 
 printed for the first time. It is thought better to give them 
 in a connected series as presenting the most faithful picture 
 of the attitude of the President during the whole of this 
 unhappy dispute, from the beginning until all danger of 
 an armed resistance to the execution of the laws of the 
 United States had passed away. As soon as the ordinance 
 of nullification reached the President, he issued, on the 10th 
 of December, 1832, his proclamation denouncing the revo- 
 lutionary proceedings in South Carolina, and expressing his 
 determination to execute the laws of the Government of the 
 United States. Early in January he sent a special message 
 to Congress asking that specific powers should be given 
 him to close any port in South Carolina where armed re- 
 sistance should be made to the collection of import duties, 
 and during such suspension to establish custom-houses in 
 places on land or on naval vessels in harbors where such 
 resistance was not to be expected. The Judiciary Commit- 
 tee reported a bill, commonly called the "Force Bill," 
 giving him the powers he asked for, but this bill was not 
 passed until the close of the session in March. Indeed, 
 from the view which General Jackson had of his duty it 
 was hardly necessary. The President, as will be seen by 
 his letters, needed no act of Congress either to shield him 
 from responsibility or to give him authority to perform the 
 constitutional duty he had assumed " faithfully to execute 
 the laws." But the story is best told in his letters : 
 
 (No. 1.) 
 
 " (Confidential) 
 
 ., -p. „ " Washington, Nov br 7 th 1832. 
 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 " This will be handed to you by my young friend George 
 Breathitt Esqr, brother of the present Governor of Ken- 
 
62 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 tucky, in whom every confidence may be reposed. I beg 
 leave to make him known to you as such. 
 
 " M r Breathitt goes to your state & city as agent for the 
 post office Depart, he bears instructions from the secretary 
 of the Treasury to the collector of Charleston, but we want 
 him only known as agent of the Post office. 
 
 " I wish him to see the F ta and revenue cutters in your 
 harbour and to visit Sullivan's Island. This to be done 
 merely as a stranger having curiosity to examine your capa- 
 city for defence and facilities for commerce, to your polite 
 aid I recomend him for this object. 
 
 " I have instructed him to obtain the real intentions of 
 the nullifyers whether they mean really to resort to force to 
 prevent the collection of the revenue and to resist the due 
 execution of the laws and if so what proof exists to show 
 that the imputations against important individuals and offi- 
 cers of the government in being engaged in advising, aiding 
 and abetting in this threatened nullification and rebellious 
 course are true. 
 
 " It is desirable that the Executive should be in posses- 
 sion of all the evidence on these points, and I have referred 
 Mr. Breathitt to you & Col. Drayton believing that you will 
 afford him all the knowledge you possess. 
 
 " Mr. Breathitt is charged with the enquiry what officers, 
 if any, in the Customs or post office Department belong to 
 or have adhered to the Nullifyers— and the character of Mr. 
 Pruson Simpson from whom I have rec d a long letter to 
 day, and all & every information of the views and measures 
 of the Nullifyers which they mean to adopt. 
 
 " We have been looking for some information from some 
 friend of the Union in that quarter but have hitherto been 
 disappointed, but it appears a crisis is about to approach 
 when the government must act, & that with energy — my 
 own astonishment is that my fellow citizens of S° Carolina 
 should be so far deluded, by the wild theory and sophistry 
 of a few ambitious demagogues, as to place themselves in 
 the attitude of rebellion against their Government, and be- 
 come the destroyers of their own prosperity^ and liberty. 
 There appears in their whole proceedings nothing but mad- 
 ness and folly. If grievances do exist there are constitu- 
 tional means to redress them— Patriots would seek those 
 means only. 
 
 " The duty of the Executive is a plain one, the laws will 
 be executed and the Union preserved by all the constitu- 
 tional and legal means he is invested with, and I rely with 
 
The Life and Services of Joel 12. Poinsett. 63 
 
 great confidence on the support of every honest patriot in 
 S° Carolina who really loves his country and the prosperity 
 and happiness we enjoy under our happy and peaceful re- 
 publican government. 
 
 "By the return of Mr. Breathitt I shall expect to hear from 
 you. 
 
 " With my sincere regards 
 
 " I am yr mo. ob dt serv 4 
 
 _, " Andrew Jackson 
 
 " Joel Poinsett Escf." 
 
 (No. 2.) 
 "MY D- SIR, " December 2< 1832. 
 
 "Your two letters of Nov. 24 & 25 th last have been 
 received and I hasten to answer them. 
 
 t " I / ull 7 concur with you in your views of nullification. 
 It leads directly to civil war and bloodshed and deserves the 
 execration of every friend of the country. Should the civil 
 power with your aid as a posse comitatus prove not strono- 
 enough to carry into effect the laws of the Union you have a 
 right to call upon the Government for aid and the executive 
 will yield, it as far as he has been vested with the power by 
 the constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof. 
 
 "The precautionary measures spoken of in your last 
 letter have been in some degree anticipated. Five thousand 
 stand of muskets with corresponding equipments have been 
 ordered to Castle Pinckney ; and a Sloop of war with a 
 smaller armed vessel (the Experiment) will reach Charles- 
 ton harbor in due time. The commanding officer of Castle 
 Pinckney will be instructed by the Secretary of War to 
 deliver the arms and their equipment to your order, takino- 
 a receipt for them and should the emergency arise he wifl 
 furnish to your requisition such ordnance and ordnance 
 stores as can be spared from the arsenals. 
 
 " The Union must be preserved and its laws duly executed, 
 but by proper means. With calmness and firmness such as 
 becomes those who are conscious of being right and are 
 conscious of the support of public opinion we must perform 
 our duties without suspecting that there are those around us 
 desiring to tempt us with the wrong. We must act as the 
 instruments of the law and if force is offered to us in that 
 capacity then we shall repel it with the certainty, that 
 even should we fall as individuals the friends of liberty and 
 union will still be strong enough to prostrate their enemies. 
 
64 The Life and Services of Joel It. Poinsett. 
 
 Your Union men should act in concert. Their designation 
 as Unionists should teach them to be prepared for every 
 emergency : and inspire them with the energy to overcome 
 any impediment that may be thrown in the way of the laws 
 of their constitution, whose cause is now not only their cause 
 but that of free institutions throughout the world. They 
 should recollect that perpetuity is stamped upon the consti- 
 tution by the blood of our Fathers, by those who achieved 
 as well as those who improved our system of free Govern- 
 ment. For this purpose was the principle of amendment 
 inserted in the constitution which all have sworn to support 
 and in violation of which no state or states have the right to 
 secede, much less to dissolve the union. Nullification there- 
 fore means insurrection and war ; and the other states have 
 a right to put it down. And you also and all other peace- 
 able citizens have a right to aid in the same patriotic object 
 when summoned by the violated laws of the land. Should 
 an emergency occur for the arms before the order of the 
 Secretary of War to the commanding officer to deliverthem 
 to your order, show this to him & he will yield a compliance 
 
 " I am great haste 
 
 " Y r ms ob dt servt. 
 
 "Andrew Jackson 
 
 '•J. R. Poinsett Esq 1 ." 
 
 (No. 3.) 
 
 Dec br 9 th 1832, Washington. 
 
 " My D b Sir, 
 
 "Your letters were this moment reed, from the hands 
 of Col. Drayton, read & duly considered, and in haste I 
 reply. The true spirit of patriotism that they breathe 
 fills me with pleasure. If the Union party unite with you, 
 heart & hand in the text you have laid down, you will not 
 only preserve the Union, but save our native state, from 
 that ruin and disgrace into which her treasonable leaders 
 have attempted to plunge her. All the means in my power, 
 I will employ to enable her own citizens, those faithful 
 patriots, who cling to the union, to put it down. 
 
 " The proclamation I have this day issued, & which I en- 
 close you, will give you my views; Of the treasonable con- 
 duct of the convention & the Governors recommendation 
 to the assembly— it is not merely rebellion, but the act of 
 raising troops positive treason, and I am assured by all the 
 members of congress with whom I have conversed that I 
 will be sustained by congress. If so I will meet it at the 
 
The IAfe and Services of Joel H. Poinsett. 65 
 
 threshold, and have the leaders arrested and arraigned for 
 treason — I am only waiting to be furnished with the acts 
 of your Legislature, to make a communication to congress, 
 ask the means necessary to carry my proclamation into 
 complete effect, and by an exemplary punishment of those 
 leaders for treason so unprovoked, put down this rebellion, 
 & strengthen our happy Government both at home and 
 abroad. 
 
 " My former letter & the communication from the Dept 
 of "War, will have informed you of the arms and equipments 
 having been laid in Deposit subject to your requisition, to 
 aid the civil authority in the due execution of the law, 
 whenever called on as the posse comitatus $-c $c. 
 
 " The vain threats of resistance by those who have raised 
 the standard of rebellion show their madness & folly. You 
 may assure those patriots, who cling to their country, & 
 this Union, which alone secures our liberty & prosperity 
 and happiness, that in forty days, I can have within the 
 limits of S° Carolina fifty thousand men, and in forty days 
 more another fifty thousand. How impotent the threat 
 of resistance with only a population of 250,000 whites & 
 nearly that double in blacks, with our ships in the port, to 
 aid in the execution of our laws ! The wickedness, mad- 
 ness & folly of the leaders and the delusion of their followers, 
 in the attempt to destroy themselves and our union has not 
 its paralell in the history of the world — The Union will be 
 preserved. The safety of the republic, the supreme law, 
 which will be promptly obeyed by me. 
 
 "I will be happy to hear from you often, thro' Col. 
 Mason or his son, if you think the post office unsafe. 
 
 " I am with sincere respect 
 
 " Y r mo. obdt. servt. 
 "Andrew Jackson 
 
 " Mr Poinsett" 
 
 " (Private) 
 
 (No. 4.) 
 
 " Washington, Jan 1 * 16 th 1833. 
 " My D b Sir, 
 
 " This day I have communicated to both houses of Con- 
 gress the Enclosed message, which has been referred to the 
 committees on the judiciary, who, we have a right to be- 
 lieve, will promptly report a bill giving all the power asked 
 for. 
 
 " I have rec d several letters from gentlemen in S° Caro- 
 
 5 
 
66 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 lina, requesting to be famished with the means of defence. 
 M r I Graham, an old revolutionary patriot, a M r Harrison 
 and Col Levy— I have requested Genl Blair to inform Col 
 Levy to apply to you & I request that you will make it 
 known confidentially, that when necessary, you are author- 
 ized, & will furnish the necessary means of defence. 
 
 " Mr. Calhoun let off a little of his ire against me to day 
 in the Senate, but was so agitated, & confused that he made 
 quite a failure, was replied to, with great dignity & firmness, 
 by Major Forsyth — Calhoun finds himself between Scylla & 
 Charybdis & is reckless— My great desire is that the union 
 men may put nullification & secession down in S° Carolina 
 themselves and save the character of the state, & add there- 
 by to the stability of our Union— you can rely on every aid 
 that I can give— only advise me of the action of the nulli- 
 fyers— The moment they are in hostile array in opposition 
 to the execution of the laws, let it be certified to me, by the 
 att y for the District or the Judge, and I will forthwith order 
 the leaders prosecuted, & arrested— if the Marshal is resisted 
 by 12,000 bayonets, I will have his possee 24,000 — but the 
 moment this rebellious faction finds it is opposed by the 
 good people of that state, with a resolution becoming free 
 men and worthy the name of Americans and under the pro- 
 tection of the union it will yield to the power of the land, 
 and they will return to their obedience. 
 
 " I write in great haste, late at night, and much fatigued, 
 & indisposed by a bad cold— You will excuse this scrawl it 
 is for your own eye — write me often, ^ give me the earliest 
 intelligence of the first armed force that appears in the field 
 to sustain the ordinance— The first act of treason committed, 
 unites to it, all those who have aided & abetted in the execu- 
 tion to the act— we will strike at the head and demolish the 
 monster, Nullification & secession, at the threshold by the 
 
 power of the law. 
 
 " I am very respectfully 
 
 " yr mo. ob dt servt 
 
 " Andrew Jackson 
 
 " Joel R. Poinsett EsqV 
 
 (No. 5.) 
 
 Washington January 24 th 1833. 
 
 "My Dear Sir, 
 
 " I have rec d yours of the 16 th 19 th & 20 th instant, that of 
 the 16 th late last night & hasten to reply by the return ex- 
 press which will leave here early to-morrow. 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 67 
 
 " My Message to Congress, forwarded to you by the last 
 express was referred to the committee in each house, on the 
 judiciary — that of the Senate has reported a bill which you 
 will receive from the secretary of the Treasury by the con- 
 veyance that will hand you this — you will see from a perusal, 
 that it contains, with the powers you possessed, every 
 authority necessary to enable the executive to execute the 
 revenue laws, and protect your citizens engaged in their sup- 
 port, & to punish all who may attempt to resist their execu- 
 tion by force. This bill has been made the order of the day 
 for Monday next, and altho this delay has been submitted 
 to by the Senate, still I have no doubt but it will pass by a 
 very large majority in both Houses — There will be some 
 intemperate discussion on the bill & on Calhoun's and 
 Grundy's resolutions. 
 
 " It was my duty to make known to Congress, being in 
 session, the state of the Union ; I withheld to the last 
 moment to give Congress time to act before the first of 
 February — Having clone my duty in this respect, should 
 Congress fail to act on the bill, and I shall be informed of 
 the illegal assemblage of an armed force with intention to 
 oppose the execution of the revenue laws, under the late 
 ordinance of S° Carolina, I stand — prepared forthwith to issue 
 my proclamation warning them to disperse. Should they 
 fail to comply with the proclamation, I will forthwith call 
 into the field, such a force as will overawe resistance, put 
 treason & rebellion down without blood, and arrest and hand 
 over to the judiciary for trial and punishment, the leaders, 
 exciters and promoters of this rebellion & treason. 
 
 " You need not fear the assemblage of a large force at 
 Charleston — give me early information, officially, of the 
 assemblage of a force armed, to carry into effect the ordi- 
 nance & laws, nullifying our revenue laws, and to prevent 
 their execution, and in ten or fifteen days at farthest I will 
 have in Charleston from ten to fifteen thousand men well 
 organized troops, well equipped for the field — and twenty 
 thousand, or thirty, more, in the interior. I have a tender of 
 volunteers from every state in the Union — I can, if need be, 
 which God forbid, march two hundred thousand men in 
 forty days to quell any, & every insurrection, or rebellion 
 that might arise to threaten our glorious confederacy & 
 Union, upon which our liberty prosperity & happiness rest. 
 
 " I repeat to the union men again fear not, the union will 
 be preserved & treason and rebellion promptly put down, 
 when, & where it may show its monster head. You may rest 
 
(38 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 assured that the nullies of Carolina will receive no aid from 
 any quarter — They have been encouraged by a few from 
 Georgia and Virginia, but the united voice of the yeomanry 
 of the country and the tender of volunteers from every 
 state have put this down — They well know I will execute the 
 laws, and that the whole people will support me in it, and 
 preserve the Union. . Even if the Governor of Virginia 
 should have the folly to attempt to prevent the Militia from 
 marching thro' his state to put the faction in S° Carolina 
 down & place himself at the head of an armed force for 
 such a wicked purpose, I would arrest him at the head of 
 his troops, & hand him over to the civil authority for trial. 
 The voluntiers of his own state would enable me to do this. I 
 repeat again, my pride and desire is, that the Union men may 
 arouse & sustain the majesty of the constitution & the laws, 
 and save my native state from that disgrace that the Nulli- 
 fiers have brought upon her. Give me early intelligence of 
 the assemblage of an armed force anywhere in the state, 
 under the ordinance & the laws to nullify & resist the revenue 
 laws of the United States, and you may rest assured I will 
 act promptly and do my duty to God and my country, & 
 relieve the good citizens of that despotism & tyranny, under 
 which the supporters of the Union now labour. 
 
 "On yesterday the tariii' bill (Verplancks) would have 
 passed the House of representatives had it not have been for 
 a very insulting & irritating speech by Wilde of Georgia 
 which has thrown the whole of Pennsylvania New York 
 & Ohio into a flame — I am told there is great excitement, 
 and no hopes now of its passing this session. It is further 
 believed that the speech was made for this purpose, at the 
 instigation of the nullies, who wish no accommodation of 
 the tariff — This will unite the whole people against the 
 nullifiers, & instead of carrying the South with the nullies, 
 will have the effect to arouse them against them when it is 
 discovered their object is nothing but disunion. The House 
 sat late & I have not heard from it since 7 o'clock — I must 
 refer you to M r M°Lane for further information as it is very 
 late & my eyes grow dim — keep me well advised & con- 
 stantly — The arms are placed subject to your requisition, 
 and under your discretion I keep no copy, nor have I time 
 to correct this letter — 
 
 " In haste very respectfully 
 
 " " Your Friend 
 
 " Andrew Jackson 
 
 " J. R. Poinsett Esq r ." 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 69 
 
 (No. 6.) 
 
 "Washington City February 7 th 1833. 
 
 " D B Sir, 
 
 " Yours of the 27 th and 28 th ultimo have been handed me 
 by M r Smith— that of the 30 th thro' Col. Drayton has also 
 been rec d . Their contents being considered I hasten to reply. 
 
 " The nullifiers in your state have placed themselves thus 
 far in the wrong. They must be kept there notwithstanding 
 all their tyranny and blustering conduct, until some act of 
 force is committed or there is an assemblage of an armed 
 force by the orders of your Governor under the ordinance 
 and Replevin laws to resist the execution of the laws of the 
 United States. The Executive of the United States has no 
 legal and constitutional power to order the Militia into the 
 field to suppress it until that time, and not then, until his 
 proclamation commanding the insurgents to disperse has 
 been issued. But this you may rely on, will be promptly 
 done by the President the moment he is advised by proper 
 affidavits that such is the condition of your state. You should 
 not therefore fear the result of the movement anticipated from 
 the upper country for the purpose of enforcing the odious 
 and despotic writ in withernam should it really be made. 
 
 " Keep me advised of the first actual assemblage of an 
 armed force in the upper part of your state, or in any other 
 part of it, or in any part of the adjoining states, and before 
 it reaches you I shall interpose a force for your protection 
 and that of the city strong enough to overwhelm any effort 
 to obstruct the execution of the laws. But bear in mind 
 the fact that this step must be consequent upon the actual 
 assemblage of such a force, or upon some overt act of its 
 commission. In this event which I trust in God will not 
 happen, I will act and with firmness, promptness and effi- 
 ciency. 
 
 " I sincerely lament that there is a contingency so probable 
 which menaces the safety of those who are acting with you 
 to sustain the Union and laws of our happy country. But 
 let what will happen remain at your post in the performance 
 of this the highest of all duties. Be firm in the support 
 of the Union : it is the sheet anchor of our liberty and 
 prosperity — dissolve it and our fate will be that of unhappy 
 Mexico. But it cannot be dissolved : the national voice from 
 Maine to Louisiana with a unanimity and resolution never 
 before exceeded declares that it shall be preserved, and 
 those who are assailing it under the guise of nullification 
 and secession shall be consigned to contempt and infamy. 
 
70 The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 
 
 " In resisting the tyrannic measures by which the ruling 
 party in S° Carolina have proposed to obstruct the laws of 
 the Union, you are thrown back upon the right of self 
 defence. Deprived of the protection guaranteed to you by 
 your own constitution, violent resistance to the tyranny 
 which thus oppresses you becomes a duty, and in the per- 
 formance of it the constitution and the laws of the United 
 States will be your shield. Do not doubt that this shield 
 will be upheld with all the power which I am or may be 
 authorised to use. 
 
 " As soon as I am notified that the hostile array which you 
 anticipate has been made the positions recommended as 
 proper to be occupied for defence will be taken. Of this 
 fact let me be notified by an express who will bring the 
 proper evidences of it. 
 
 " I have regretted that your convention did not, as such, 
 memorialise Congress to extend to you the guarantee of 
 the constitution, of a republican form of Government, 
 stating the actual despotism which now controls the state. 
 The action of Congress on the subject would have placed 
 your situation before the whole Union, and filled the heart 
 of every true lover of his country and its liberties with 
 indignation. 
 
 "I can order the regular troops to take any position 
 which may be found necessary : but your own advice has 
 been to ' do nothing to irritate.' "When the crisis comes and 
 I issue my proclamation, authority will be given to embody 
 all volunteers enrolled for the support and execution of the 
 laws, and the officers of the same of their own selection 
 will be sanctioned by the president, as has been usual upon 
 the receipt of the muster rolls. 
 
 " It has just been mentioned to me that a bet has been 
 taken by a man supposed to be in the secrets of the nulli- 
 fiers that the convention will be called and the odious or- 
 dinance repealed. God grant that this may be true. Let 
 not this hope however lessen your watchfulness or your ex- 
 ertions — my pride is to save the character of my native 
 state by the patriotism of its own citizens. Firmness on 
 your part will do this. 
 
 " The Tariff will be reduced to the wants of the Govern- 
 ment if not at this session of congress certainly at the next. 
 
 "Referring you to Mr. Smith I close this hasty scrawl 
 with my prayers for yr happiness 
 
 " Andrew Jackson 
 
 " J. K. Poinsett Esq"." 
 
The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 71 
 
 (No. 7.) 
 " (Private; 
 
 " Washington February 17 th 1833. 
 " My Dear Sir, 
 
 " I have just received your letter of the 9 th instant, I 
 never once thought, that the mission of M r Leigh, with his 
 powers, would be attended with any beneficial result what- 
 ever : It has only served to place the legislature of Virginia 
 in a disagreeable attitude, and has done more harm than 
 it can good. Had Virginia passed resolutions disapproving, 
 as she has done, nullification, and admonishing the nullifiers 
 to retrace their steps, this would have done much good, and 
 instead of encouraging them in expecting her aid, would 
 have caused them to have repealed their ordinance. The 
 great body of the people of Virginia are firmly opposed to 
 the course of the Legislature in this respect, and will sup- 
 port the United States nobly, should the crisis come, which 
 I trust the firmness of the Union men may yet prevent. 
 
 " The bill granting the powers asked will pass into a law. 
 M r Webster replied to M r Calhoun yesterday, and, it is said, 
 demolished him. It is believed by more than one, that M r 
 C. is in a state of dementation — his speech was a perfect 
 failure; and M r Webster handled him as a child. I fear 
 we have many nullifiers in Congress, who dare not openly 
 appear ; — the vote on the pending bill will unrobe them. 
 
 " I am delighted to learn that you will convene the Union 
 Convention simultaneously with that of the nullifiers, or 
 soon after. A bold and resolute stand will put them down, 
 and you will thereby save the character of your State. 
 "When you recollect the noble cause you are defending, — 
 that our precious union is the stake, — that the arm of the 
 United States, sustained by nineteen twentieths of the whole 
 people, is extended over you, — you cannot be otherwise than 
 firm, resolute and inflexible. One resolution, — that you nail 
 the United States colours to the mast, and will go down 
 with the Union or live free ; that you will, to your last 
 breath, resist the tyranny and oppression of their ordinance, 
 test oath and unconstitutional proceedings, will restore to 
 you peace and tranquility, which a well adjusted tariff will 
 confirm. 
 
 " Before the receipt of your letter M r . Livingston had an 
 interview with M r Bankhead on the subject of the conduct 
 of the British consul at Charleston. M r Bankhead has 
 written & admonished him that his exequatur will be revoked 
 on his first act of interference. This I assure you, will be 
 
72 The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 
 
 done. I have only to request that you will give us the 
 earliest intelligence that you can obtain of his having ordered 
 a British squadron to the port of Charleston ; and on an 
 affidavit of the fact of one arriving there, his exequatur will 
 be revoked. 
 
 " Keep me constantly advised of all movements in bouth 
 Carolina,— the marshalling troops to oppose the execution 
 of the laws of the U. States, affirmed on affidavit, and I will 
 forthwith use all my powers under the constitution and the 
 
 laws to put it down. 
 
 " with great respect 
 
 « Y r friend 
 "Andrew Jackson 
 " J. R. Poinsett Esq*" 
 
 (No. 8.) 
 
 " Washington, March 6, 1833. 
 
 "My Dear Sir, 
 
 " Your letters of the 22 nd & 28 th ultimo are both before me, 
 and I hasten to give you a reply by Col. Drayton, who leaves 
 in the morning. 
 
 I rejoice at the firmness lately evinced by the Union party. 
 The Bill more effectually securing the collection of the 
 revenue, or, as some call it, the enforcing Bill has passed the 
 House of Rep's by the unparalleled majority of 102. I say 
 unparalleled because it has not happened, according to my 
 recollection, in the course of our legislation, that any meas- 
 ure, so violently contested as this has been, has been sustained 
 by such a vote. This Bill gives the death blow to Nullifica- 
 tion or Secession, and, if the Nullifiers of your state have 
 any regard for the Union, or the bold, but respectful ex- 
 pression of the peoples determination, that the laws shall be 
 executed, and that no state shall secede at her will and pleasure, 
 there will be no difficulty. 
 
 The Tariff Bill has also become a law, but was not passed 
 until after the collection Bill. The passage of the Collection 
 Bill proves to the world the fixed determination of Congress 
 to execute, as far as their action was necessary, the laws 
 passed in pursuance of the Constitution. I have always 
 thought that Congress should reduce the Tariff to the wants 
 of the Government, and the passage of such a Bill became 
 peculiarly proper after Congress had, by the passage of 
 the " enforcing' Bill, so fully shewn to the world that she 
 was not to be deterred by a faction, which, if found in rebel- 
 lion and treason, she was prepared to crush in an instant. 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 73 
 
 " The Bill which has passed is not of the exact character 
 which I would have preferred, but it is hoped that it may 
 have a good effect in the South, as most, if not all, of her 
 prominent men gave it their support. 
 
 « Congress displayed, after shewing how little it regarded 
 the threats of some South Carolinians a proper sense of 
 justice to the people by making the reduction they did 
 and to that extent, relieving the people of useless taxation.' 
 I am happy to learn that you intend moving on pari 
 ?assu : with the nullification party, and that your convention 
 is called to meet at Charleston to be prepared to act if 
 necessary, in support of the Union. ' 
 
 "The stake is an important one, and the retention of it 
 worthy the patriots best, and noblest efforts. If lost the 
 world may bid adieu to liberty and all that is dear to free- 
 
 III L 1 1 . 
 
 . " Should the nullifies be rash enough to attempt seces- 
 sion and form a constitution and submit it to the people 
 surely no one would countenance such an unauthorized act 
 by voting on the question. I do not doubt but that those 
 who love their country and our happy union would, in such 
 event, be united to a man in their maintenance, and that 
 the union convention would come forth in the majesty of 
 her strength-which consists in the justice of her cause and 
 the will of the people— in denunciation of such an unholv 
 procedure. J 
 
 " I have only time to say one word on the Subject of the 
 union members attending the nullifying convention. Mv 
 opinion is that they ought to attend, but upon this condi- 
 tion that they present, with boldness and talent, the tyrannical 
 wicked and unconstitutional proceedings of the JSTulliners 
 to the world, in all their naked deformity. The union party 
 will always gain by coming in open contact with the STulli- 
 
 "Keason must, when exercised, always triumph over 
 error. Witness Calhoun's defeat in the Senate. If the 
 nullifyingconvention determine on secession, and forming a 
 new constitution the Union members ought, after entering 
 their solemn protest against the proceedings immediately 
 withdraw, and forthwith join the Union convention, which 
 ought then to issue its proclamation, or determination, to 
 adhere to, and support the Union of these United States to 
 the last extremity. ' 
 
 " I must refer you to Col. Drayton for the news of the 
 city. Heep me constantly advised of matters relating to 
 
74 The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 
 
 the conduct or movements of the nullifiers, and all will be 
 well, and the federal union preserved. 
 
 " T r Friend 
 
 " Andrew Jackson 
 
 " J. R. Poinsett Esq*." 
 
 These letters of General Jackson seem to me strikingly 
 characteristic of the man. They are clear, bold, and de- 
 cided in their tone, beginning, it will be observed, with a 
 certain calm dignity, and then swelling with a crescendo of 
 passionate indignation as the thought of the crime with 
 which he is dealing fires his heart. They leave no doubt 
 either as to his sentiments or his intentions. The cloud of 
 sophistry, which the disunionists had thrown around the re- 
 lations between the General Government and that of the 
 States and the obligations of obedience to the supreme law 
 of the land, disappears as it comes in contact with the strong, 
 practical common sense of the President. In the position 
 which he occupied he could see but one duty which he was 
 called upon to perform, and that was to take care that the 
 laws should be faithfully executed. His views of his duty 
 may have been narrow, but they were exceedingly clear. In 
 these letters there is not one word of sympathy for those 
 who have taken revolutionary methods of righting what he 
 in common with them regarded as a grievance. He makes 
 no excuse or apology for any one who has been involved in 
 the guilt of rebellion, and he waits only for the overt act, 
 which shall make their act treasonable, to order their arrest 
 and trial. He is so carried away by the earnestness of his 
 desire to suppress armed resistance to the execution of the 
 laws that he is utterly unyielding, even at times stern and 
 pitiless. His business is not to advise or suggest com- 
 promises, still less to conciliate, but to act. He goes so 
 far as to maintain that although an act of Congress may be 
 useful in authorizing him to close the ports, yet that no 
 such act is necessary to empower him to execute his con- 
 stitutional duty of enforcing the execution of existing laws. 
 Yet he had no design or intention of doing any arbitrary 
 or illegal act. His duty he looked upon as completed when 
 
The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 75 
 
 he arrested traitors against the government, even, as he 
 says, " the Governor of Virginia at the head of his troops," 
 and handed them over to the courts, to be there tried and 
 punished for their treason. 
 
 It may readily be conceived how these letters must have 
 cheered and encouraged Mr. Poinsett and his friends and 
 colleagues, the leaders of the Union party in South Carolina. 
 The military forces of the State had been rapidly organized 
 under its authority, and thousands of armed men from the 
 country districts burned with impatience to sweep down 
 upon Charleston and seize there the men who were loyal to 
 the Union. During the early months of 1833 it cannot be 
 doubted that the position of these men was one of great 
 personal danger. They looked upon the measures which 
 had been adopted by the General Government for the de- 
 fence of Charleston (which are so graphically described in 
 Dr. Johnson's narrative) as inadequate, and in their anxiety 
 they naturally complained that the Government seemed 
 slow in coming to their relief. The letters of two of these 
 leaders, Mr. Poinsett and Judge Huger, at this crisis have 
 been preserved, and they show how great was the alarm 
 and how well-founded were their fears of danger. 1 These 
 letters were addressed to Colonel Drayton, at that time a 
 member of the House of Representatives from the Charles- 
 ton district, — a man who did more and suffered more for 
 the cause of the Union in those trying times than any other 
 inhabitant of the State, — and it was intended that they 
 should be laid before the President for his information and 
 guidance. Some extracts from these letters may be given 
 as disclosing the actual condition of affairs as it appeared to 
 these leaders of what then seemed to be a " forlorn hope." 
 
 On the 8th of January, 1833, Mr. Poinsett writes : 
 
 1 1 am indebted to my friend Mr. Heyward Drayton for the letters 
 which were addressed by Messrs. Poinsett and Huger to his father. 
 These letters complete the secret and confidential correspondence be- 
 tween the chiefs of the Union party in 1832-33. It is a little singular 
 that these letters, coming from such different quarters, should find a 
 common resting-place in Philadelphia, and that they should now be used 
 for the first time to vindicate the course taken by their authors. 
 
76 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 " I am afraid that all hope of putting down nullification 
 in this State by moral force must be abandoned — I most 
 sincerely hope the vain blustering of these madmen will 
 not influence the deliberations of Congress upon the tariff. 
 Here a hope is cherished that nothing will be done in the 
 matter this year as such a concession would confirm the 
 power & the popularity of the Kullifiers of the State. I do 
 not share this sentiment. Such a result is of minor im- 
 portance. Let us destroy the monster, and try conclusions 
 with these men afterwards. I am glad to hear your opinion 
 of the sentiments of Congress respecting the secession of 
 the State. I go for practical results rather than for meta- 
 physical abstract rights. If a State should be allowed to 
 secede our gov' is at an end." 
 
 He then adds significantly, — 
 
 " I should like to have one hundred sabres, and as many 
 pairs of pistols sent to the commanding officer here." 
 
 On the 16th of January he writes to Colonel Drayton, — 
 
 " I observe that you say that you have urged the Pres* 
 not to interfere with our party by affording them the aid 
 of the Federal troops under existing circumstances. But what 
 are we to do if Charleston is filled with Nullifiers from the 
 country? The regular troops, Municipal and Magazine 
 guards will consist of 150 men divided into two companies. 
 The artillery is in the hands of our opponents, and even if 
 we had ordnance we have no artillery men. Five thousand 
 men have Volunteered, and those from Richland & Sumter 
 are anxious to be brought down to insult us . . . 
 
 " Is not raising, embodying and marching men to oppose 
 the laws of the United States an overt act of treason? 
 Ought not such acts to authorise the interference of the 
 Executive ? I have no hope & see no means by which the 
 revenue laws can be enforced by legal process &c." 
 
 Many other letters from Mr. Poinsett might be given, all 
 showing an earnest desire on his part that a sufficiently large 
 Federal force should be sent to South Caiolina, ready to act 
 the moment the Nullifiers should begin hostilities. The 
 letters of General Jackson were written to reassure him 
 and his friends that the whole force of the Government 
 would be employed to sustain them. 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 77 
 
 Another of Colonel Drayton's correspondents was Judge 
 Daniel E. Huger. He was a most conspicuous man in 
 South Carolina, an earnest leader of the Union party there, 
 and, like all the others, had many friends and relatives 
 on the other side. He took a somewhat different view 
 of the subject of Federal armed intervention from Mr. 
 Poinsett. 
 
 In a letter dated December 17, 1832, Judge Huger, after 
 explaining that the Union Convention at Columbia did not 
 call upon the President for protection lest such an appeal 
 should " Exasperate the Nullifiers," goes on to say, — 
 
 " I trust in God that the President will not use the means 
 he confessedly has, but will leave to Congress the deter- 
 mination of the course to be pursued. Not that I would 
 have our noble President flinch from responsibility, but 
 Congress is regarded as the People of the United States. 
 From their course there could be no appeal, and this would 
 dampen very much the spirit of our opponents." 
 
 Again, in another letter of the same date, he says, — 
 
 " The great body of the Union party, at this moment, are 
 unwilling to look to the Gov* for protection, and I confess 
 for one that I would prefer defending ourselves, and only in 
 the last extremity accept of Federal assistance. I am aware 
 how dangerous this course is. I do not like the idea of 
 having our opponents put down by force. If the parties 
 take the field, the Gov* might be used as an auxiliary with- 
 out offending the State pride of our people, but if the Gov* 
 be principal in the war, our people will join most reluctantly 
 if they join at all. The Gov*, of course, must do its duty ; 
 the revenue laws, I suppose, must be enforced, but disabuse, 
 if you can, the President of any wish on our part to have 
 forces marched into this State with a view to our protection. 
 We would rather suffer much than see our countrymen 
 dragooned." 
 
 It was perhaps well for the peace of the country at that 
 time, that these conflicting opinions of the leaders of the 
 Union party in South Carolina, as to the nature and amount 
 of coercion which it was expedient to use in order to secure 
 
78 The Life and Services of Joel B. Poinsett. 
 
 obedience to the laws, were reviewed by the cool and saga- 
 cious judgment of Colonel Drayton before they were sub- 
 mitted to the President. Between the urgent appeals of 
 Mr. Poinsett for the immediate use of force enough to effect 
 the object, and the strange kind of force advocated by Judge 
 Huger, half principal and half auxiliary (a truly Southern 
 definition of force, by the way), and the inflexible deter- 
 mination of the President to employ force of any kind, 
 "principal or auxiliary," or both, to compass his ends, 
 which were the execution of the laws and the punishment 
 of rebels against their authority, Colonel Drayton must have 
 been sorely perplexed how to satisfy all parties. But he proved 
 himself a negotiator and diplomatist worthy of the occasion. 
 He had some peculiar qualifications for such an onice. He 
 had proved himself during a long course of public service a 
 man of such high honor and such unimpeached integrity 
 that he was at that time not only respected but trusted by 
 all parties. He was deeply impressed with the soundness 
 of the political views held by the Union party, he knew 
 well the lawlessness and madness of the Nullifiers, and he 
 could not help seeing that if obedience to the laws of the 
 United States was to be secured, force must be in the last 
 resort employed. But with the far-seeing sagacity of a 
 statesman, and with a certain tender regard for the mis- 
 guided men of his own State, he thought that the ultima 
 ratio should be postponed until every other method of 
 compelling obedience had been exhausted. 
 
 With these views he turned his attention first to removing 
 the great obstacle to peace, — the provisions of the Tariff Acts 
 of 1828 and 1832. On the 9th of February, 1833, he pro- 
 posed an amendment to the pending bill of Mr. Verplanck, 
 reducing the rate of duties one-third after the 2d of March, 
 1834, and although his proposition was then rejected by the 
 House, its introduction none the less marks the beginning 
 of the compromise system which was afterwards adopted 
 as a modus vivendi by both Houses. In a letter to Mr. Poin- 
 sett of that date, he thus explains the motives that led to 
 his action : 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 79 
 
 " Should what I have proposed become a law the accumu- 
 lation of the surplus revenue would be prevented, the rate 
 of protection would be diminished, and an interval would be 
 allowed for the manufacturers to save themselves from the 
 losses which they would sustain by an instantaneous removal 
 of the protective duties. For the sake of South Carolina as 
 she is, I would not make the slightest effort to reduce the 
 protective duties. On the contrary, I should be opposed to 
 legislating altogether at this time unless by doing so a result 
 might be accomplished which might deprive the Nullifiers 
 of their means of doing mischief by conciliating those States 
 whose co-operation they are desirous of obtaining, and 
 without whose co-operation they must be sensible that their 
 revolutionary plans would fail." 
 
 Meanwhile, Colonel Drayton had submitted to the Presi- 
 dent the views of Judge Huger. On the 31st of December 
 he writes to Mr. Poinsett, — 
 
 " I have had several conversations with the President & 
 proposed to him not to interfere with our party by affording 
 them the aid of the Federal troops under existing circum- 
 stances, & he acquiesces in the policy of this forbearance, 
 observing that he hopes to see the patriots of S. Carolina 
 put down sedition & rebellion themselves. So soon as the 
 laws passed by our late legislature in conformity with the 
 directions of the Ordinance shall reach here a special message, 
 I presume, will be sent by the Pres* to Congress. Congress 
 will then have this distracting subject before them, and 
 unless I labor under the darkest error, the majority of Con- 
 gress will not permit South Carolina peaceably to secede from 
 the Union." 
 
 As time went on, and the JSTullifiers grew more bold and 
 defiant, Colonel Drayton was forced to regard armed inter- 
 vention as a measure becoming more probable every day. 
 But his loyalty to the Union never grew cool even when 
 submitted to the crucial test of coercion should it be found 
 necessary to adopt it. 
 
 "If our citizens," he says in a letter to Mr. Poinsett, 
 January 13, " will not pay duties upon dutiable imports, and 
 we resolve to exclude the Federal Courts from deciding con- 
 troversies which are constitutionally within their jurisdic- 
 
80 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 tion our ports will be blockaded. ... In the event of our 
 being drawn into a struggle with our foes and the foes of 
 our country, and of our rights and liberties I hope & trust 
 that we shall meet the emergency like men, prepared without 
 boasting to defend ourselves with arms in our hands. The 
 Nullifiers appear to be persuaded that they could raise the 
 blockade of our ports and produce the retreat of the navy and 
 military of the Federal Gov* whenever they please simply 
 by the formal declaration of Secession ; but in this respect 
 they labor under the same delusion which has characterised 
 ail "their proceedings, for nothing is more evident to any 
 observer at this place than that the Congress of the United 
 States will not permit South Carolina to withdraw herself 
 from the Union." 
 
 " The President contemplates sending a special message 
 to Congress upon the subject of our affairs & declared that 
 he would immediately execute his intention unless I should 
 say to him that a delay would contribute to the safety of 
 the members of the Union party. I told him that it would 
 be a source of infinite regret to us if the proper course of 
 the Gov* should be arrested or paralysed by any considera- 
 tion which was personal to ourselves, that we felt, I was 
 confident, the same inclination which he did that the mad- 
 ness & folly and lawless usurpation of those who now tyran- 
 nised over us should be suppressed by the authority of the 
 Union. I suggested to the President that it might be ad- 
 visable to postpone the communication for a few days in 
 order that some impression may be made on the tariff dis- 
 cussion, this he has promised to do." 
 
 The danger of an armed collision was averted, as is well 
 known, by the unshaken firmness of the President, and the 
 passage of the Compromise Bill of Mr. Clay by the com- 
 bined vote of the Protectionists and the Mlifiers, with Mr. 
 Calhoun at their head. The secret history of this bill may 
 be read in Mr. Benton's " Thirty Years in the Senate," vol. 
 i. p. 342. Suffice it to say here that the result was that the 
 bill gave to the Protectionists all that they could reasonably 
 claim in the changed condition of feeling throughout the 
 country in regard to the Tariff question, — a rate of protection 
 gradually decreasing during nine years, — while, of course, it 
 was not satisfactory to the Legislature of South Carolina, 
 which continued for some time to protest, threaten, and 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 81 
 
 nullify. But the people outside of the State, and the General 
 Government paid little attention to all this talk, regarding 
 it, as it proved to be, mere brutum fulmen. 
 
 I certainly have no design of writing a history of the 
 Nullification troubles. I merely wish to present the views 
 of some of the most eminent men in South Carolina at that 
 time — of Poinsett, of Huger, and of Drayton — in regard to 
 a question which has always been important, and which our 
 later history has shown to be the most practical in its bear- 
 ings of any which can agitate the country, — namely, the duty 
 of the General Government to enforce the execution of its 
 own laws under all circumstances and everywhere. If this 
 is a principle which is now deeply rooted in the national life, 
 and universally recognized as the basis of our national policy, 
 we ought, it seems to me, to recall with pride and thankful- 
 ness the heroic struggles of those men who in the darkest 
 days of trial and personal danger, and with a full conscious- 
 ness that they were sacrificing fortune, and old friends, as 
 well as social and political position, boldly proclaimed and 
 maintained the truth upon which the Government under 
 which we live has been built. 1 
 
 When the strife and excitement attendant upon the 
 " troublous times" of the Nullification era had closed Mr. 
 Poinsett married, and became a rice planter near George- 
 town. Here he exhibited the same enterprise, intelligence, 
 and activity which he had displayed in his public life. He be- 
 came a prosperous planter, and the hours which he could 
 spare from the cultivation of his farm were given to reading, 
 and especially to scientific studies, while he enjoyed the 
 society of the cultivated people who thronged around him, 
 eager to learn from his lips the lessons which had been taught 
 him by a large experience of life in many countries and under 
 many diverse conditions. Like many retired statesmen he 
 became extremely fond of the comparative repose of rural 
 
 1 Colonel Drayton resigned his seat in Congress in 1833, owing, as he 
 expressed it, "to a deep-rooted and thorough disgust of public life." 
 He removed shortly afterwards to Philadelphia, and the remainder of hia 
 useful and honorable life was passed in that city. 
 
 6 
 
82 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 life. He believed in the possibility of cultivating success- 
 fully here mauy of the plants which he had seen growing 
 in the various countries he had visited, and he amused 
 himself with experiments to naturalize them here. Prob- 
 ably this period of his life was the happiest he had ever 
 known. He had at last a home where he was surrounded 
 not only by the comforts of life, but where his refined and 
 elegant tastes had full play. Shut out, it is true, by his 
 political opinions from public life in his own State, he 
 nevertheless enjoyed what has always been " the classic 
 diversion of a statesman's care," — the cultivation of his 
 fields and the never-failing resource of his books. 
 
 But although his own State neglected him, he was not 
 forgotten by those who remembered and could reward his 
 services to the nation. He was appointed Secretary of "War 
 in 1837 by Mr. Yan Buren, and certainly no one was a bet- 
 ter judge than he of the activity, temper, and tact which 
 Mr. Poinsett would bring to the execution of the duties of 
 his office. The new field of duty upon which he entered at 
 Washington was, as we have seen, one entirely suited to his 
 tastes and habits from his earliest boyhood. He at once 
 introduced strict methods of accounting: into the transaction 
 of the business of the office, and he especially distinguished 
 himself by improvements in what may be called the scien- 
 tific work of the Government. It was he who was chosen 
 (although the subject properly belonged to the Navy Depart. 
 ment) by Mr. Yan Buren's Cabinet to organize and equip 
 the " Wilkes Exploring Expedition," and whatever credit the 
 nation received for the results of that voyage, a good deal of 
 it belongs to his provident care and liberality in fitting out 
 the expedition. He planned and founded, moreover, the first 
 National Museum and Institute in Washington, which was 
 the worthy progenitor of the more famous Smithsonian In- 
 stitution. 
 
 While in Europe in early life he had been much struck 
 with certain improvements which had beeu introduced into 
 the organization of the French armies under Napoleon. 
 Among these things was the constitution and duties of the 
 
The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 83 
 
 MU major, or general staff of the army, the improvements in 
 artillery equipment and practice, and the vast importance of 
 a corps, known in the English service as that of sappers 
 miners. He labored hard to introduce all these improve- 
 ments into our own small army. He was only partially 
 successful. He completely reorganized, however, our artil- 
 lery, and established batteries of what were called flying 
 artillery. He sent Colonel Ringgold, who was afterwards 
 killed while doing gallant service at Palo Alto in command 
 of one of these batteries, to Europe to perfect himself in 
 the details of the service. Much of our success in the bat- 
 tles of the Mexican War was owing, as is well known, to the 
 superiority of our artillery, and its excellence was in a great 
 measure due to the prudent care and foresight of Mr. Poin- 
 sett while Secretary of War. 
 
 When Mr. Van Buren's term as President expired, Mr 
 Poinsett returned to his plantation in South Carolina He 
 went back to his old work with renewed interest, and took 
 no further part in political affairs. His health, as well as 
 that of his wife, required attention, and they lived happy 
 and contented together in private life. No one enjoyed 
 more domestic happiness than he; and no one had more 
 reason to wish for its long continuance. But the time of 
 his departure was at hand, and he died peacefully on the 
 12th of December, 1851, being nearly seventy-three years 
 old. J 
 
 Mr. Poinsett had been much in the public eye for more 
 than a half a century, and his career had been, as I have 
 endeavored to show, a singularly useful and honorable one 
 During the whole of it he was remarkable for many quali- 
 ties in which our prominent men are often singularly defi- 
 cient. In the extent of his knowledge, in his devotion to 
 duty as a principle in public affairs, in the firmness and de- 
 cision of his character, in the great courage of his opinions 
 he had few if any rivals. As a speaker he was clear and 
 forcible; his voice was not strong, but so distinct that he 
 could be heard without difficulty. In the control of his 
 
84 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 
 
 temper, in his self-possession in danger, in the courteous 
 simplicity of his manners, he was a model. Above all, he 
 was a typical American, willingly sacrificing everything to 
 maintain his American principles, and as such, it seems to 
 me that he is one of those Americans whose memory we 
 should not willingly let die. 
 
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