^ Q. ^^O^ .% v^^ .V' ^ V v.o/% V • o , -Ti^ • V -^o. .^^ °- .N^ .^^ ^^ \ '-'^^'/^ ^^K^,/^ "^^K^c/^ V fe^'Vo^ .^afe*- ■^^o^ -^fiiia- ^^-^rm, sen?s prope ad ipsos a>tatis terminos per silentiam venimus. — Tacitus, Agricola, ii. INTRODUCTION vii a little research. Holding the key to much that has heretofore been obscure or ill related, I have furnished the true connection between events and persons where, in some cases, this had escaped notice. I shall gladly receive any correction of mistakes, but shall not pay much regard to inferential and distorted statements which traverse my own clear recollections, — supported, as these often are, by written evidence which I have not here printed, but hold in reserve. I could not have completed this task of nearly thirty years but for the constant and friendly aid of the family of John Brown, who have placed without reserve their papers in my hands. I have had also the co-operation of Colonel Higginson, Edwin Morton, Mrs. Stearns, Lewis Hayden, Thomas Thomas, and other friends among the living; and of the late Dr. Howe, Wendell Phillips, George L. Stearns, F. J. Merriam, Osborn An- derson, and many more, who are now dead. To all these, named and unnamed, I would here return my acknow- ledgments. Particularly, I must thank those gentlemen of Kansas, my college friend and brother journalist Mr. D. W. Wilder, and Mr. F. G. Adams of the Kansas His- torical Society, who by their accurate knowledge of Kansas history and topography, and the free access they have given me to important papers, have made it possible for me to write the chapters that concern their State. I am also indebted to Mr. James Redpath, Mr. Richard Hinton, Mr. Frederick Douglass, Mr. W. S. Kennedy, and to many correspondents and admirers of John Brown whose names are mentioned in the pages that follow. I might include in this acknowledgment a few malicious slanderers and misjudging censors of Brown, who by their publications have caused the whole truth to l)e more carefully searched out. Viii INTRODUCTION I cannot hope that all my readers will take the same view of Brown that I do ; but I assure them, from long acquaintance with his character, that the more they know it the more they will honor it. As for the conspiracy in which he lost his life, should any imagined regard for the reputation of persons living or dead tempt kinsmen or friends to disown the share of any man in this affair, let them remember what Sir Kenelm Digby says of his father. " All men know," pleads the fair Stelliana, " that it was no malitious intent or ambitious desires that brought Sir Everard Digby into that conspiracy, but his too inviolable faith to his friend that had trusted him with so dangerous a secret, and his zeal to his coun- try's antient liberties." V. B. S. Concord, June 2, 1885. PREFATORY NOTE TO THE SECOND EDITION. Since the above was written, Owen Brown has died in California (1888), Lewis Hayden in Boston (1889), and James Redpath in New York (1891). There is now no survivor, so far as I know, of John Brown's Com- pany at Harper's Ferry; and few of those now living can testify of their own knowledge to the early-formed plans of Brown for attacking slavery by force. A con- troversial writer in the " Andover Review " has lately questioned the exactness of my statement on this point ; but he has since confessed himself satisfied, by the em- phatic testimony of John Brown, Jr. Many interesting facts have come to light since 1885, but none requiring any material correction of this book. F. B. S. Concord, March 2, 1891. INTRODUCTION ix PREFATORY NOTE TO THE FOURTH EDITION. In this edition, published in Iowa, that young State in 1856, which aided so gallantly through its governor, James Wilson Grimes (a New Hampshire law-student with my father-in-law, James Walker), its Iowa City committee-man, W. P. Clarke, and many less known men, in the preservation of Kansas to free institutions, I owe it to that now powerful Commonwealth to record Brown's indebtedness to her good people. Among the Calvinists of Grinnell, and the Quakers of Springdale he and his f reedmen, emancipated by force, — a business in which Uncle Sam engaged on a grand scale three years later, — were received with noble hospitality. Two lowans in 1859, brothers named Gue, one of whom was afterwards lieutenant-governor of the State, having learned of Brown's desperate plan for invading Vir- ginia, gave notice of it to the Virginian war-secretary of Buchanan, from a mistaken sense of duty to their friends the Coppocs, in a letter whose authorship was in doubt until one of the brothers avowed it, long after- ward. This is the letter mentioned on pages 543-44, and there tentatively ascribed to a Hungarian refugee in Kansas, through a Cincinnati reporter, which is now known not to be true. Providence took care that this well-meant betrayal from Iowa should not take effect. So confident were the slave-masters in their assured con- trol of the country in 1859, that they took no account of this warning letter, and in Carolina went on with their revival of the slave-trade. The conduct of Brown in Kansas, aided from Iowa both in 1856 and the years following, has been much investigated since this book was first published in 1885. Slanders and suspicions, grossly unfounded and actu- ally impossible of verification, have been printed in Kansas, in New York, in Boston and elsewhere. One of ■^ X INTEODUCTION these villifications alleged that Brown was not concerned in the defence of Lawrence, against its third attack by the Missourian invaders in September, 1856, and did not make the speech reported on page 335. The re- searches of that precise historian, Mr. William Elsey Connelley of Topeka, have brought to light the evidence of several men still living who heard and vouch for this speech ; and I give below in f ac-simile Brown 's own written account of his participation in this affair. It is always safe to say that any fight which Brown saw, he took part in. A T M^ '-^v/o-^^otfC ^ /iv^-o^^ {Qu^-n^.t.^ ■^t.^.yJkJ^ i- 'lAmLL- Ajl. h* Other slanders upon Brown's conduct and motives have been refuted, by me and many others, in the pub- lished Proceedings of the Kansas Historical Society and the Massachusetts Historical Society, in recent years. My Recollections of S'cventy Years, published last year in Boston by R. G. Badger, contains in its first volume other refutations, and much elucidation of the enter- prises of Brown, whether in Kansas, Missouri, Mary- land or Virginia. New lives of Brown, containing much fact and some fiction, have been printed and will be printed hereafter. It does not become an author to say much in praise of his own book; but this ought to be INTEODUCTION xi said of mine : It contains as least 200 pages, of its 650, which were never printed before I made them public, copyrighted them, and thus made every future biog- rapher dependent on my book for indispensable facts about Brown. X am now one of the few living witnesses to the career and character of John Brown ; whom I knew intimately, and of whom my high opinion was formed fifty-three years ago, and has only been height- ened by all I have seen and learned of him since. P. B. S. Concord, February 22, 1910. TO JOHN BROWN.i I. Marble nor brass, nor granite from the shore Which thy grave fathers trod with ])ilgrim feet, Thy fame shall never need; the hollow roar Of Time's vast ocean will thy name repeat, When we and all our works are buried low Under the whelming of his restless tide. In generous hearts thy praise shall ever glow With theirs that earlier for sweet Freedom died. Leonidas claims kindred with thy line, Rome's firmest rooted courage thou liast shared; Not Sempach saw a nobler deed than thine, When Winkelried his high achievement dared! Nay, who sad Afric's kneeling race shall blame. Blending with thine Judea's holiest name? II. Yet must we give what thou so well couldst spare, Thine earnest features carved in whitest stone, — Best symbol of a life as firm and fair, — Shall grace this house, to thee so friendly known. Here didst thou turn aside, a pilgrim gray; Here didst thou lay that heavy burden down ; Here slept in peace, and with the breaking day Departed hence to win thy noblest crown. Now, while the opening year leads Freedom in. And war's wild earthquake bursts the prison gate, Our hearts, atoning for a nation's sin. Give earnest of the honors that await. And thou, blest Spirit! from thy calm retreat. Give us Godspeed, and New Year's welcome sweet. F. B. Sanborn. Concord, Jan. 1, 1863. 1 These sonnets were read by Wendell Phillips at the house of Mr. Stearns, in Medford, when the marble bust of Brown was unveiled, Eman- cipation Day, Jan. 1, 1863. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. Ancestry and Childhood 1 II. Youth and Early Manhood 31 III. John Brown as a Business Man ... 54 IV. Pioneer Life in the Adirondacs .... 90 V. Preparations for the Conflict . . , .116 VI. Family Counsels and Home Life . . . 139 VII. Kansas, the Skirmish-Ground of the Civil War 160 VIII. The Brown Family in Kansas 187 IX. The Pottawatomie Executions .... 247 X. The Kansas Struggle Continued . . . 283 XL John Brown and the Kansas Committees . 344 XII. The Plans Disclosed 418 XIII. From Canada, through Kansas, to Canada 469 XIV. John Brown and his Friends .... 495 XV. The Foray in Virginia 519 XVI. John Brown in Prison 576 XVII. The Death and Character of John Brown 621 Index 633 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN CHAPTER I. ANCESTRY AND CHILDHOOD. "\X/'HEN a man of mark is to appear in the world and give a new turn to the affairs of men, there has always been preparation made for him. Even the weeds and vermin of the field have their heredity and evolu- tion, — much more a predestined hero like John Brown, of Kansas and Virginia. His valor, his religion, his Saxon sense, his Calvinistic fanatacism, his tender and generous heart were inherited from a long line of Eng- lish, Dutch, and American ancestors, — men and women neither famous nor powerful, nor rich, but devout, aus- tere, and faithful ; above all free, and resolved that others should be free like themselves. No genealogist has yet traced the English forefathers of Peter Brown the carpenter, who came over in the " Mayflower," and landed at Plymouth with the other Pilgrims in December, 1620; but his presence in that famous band is evidence enough of his character, even if the deeds of his descendants had not borne witness to it. He drew his house-lot on Leyden Street in the little town, with Bradford, Standish, and Winslow, and like them soon migrated to Duxbury, at the head of Plymouth Bay, where his family dwelt after his early death, in 1633, not far from Standish 's abode at the foot of "Captain's Hill." A brother of Peter, John Brown, a weaver (some- times confounded with a more distinguished John, who became a magistrate), also lived at Duxbury, and took 1 2 LIFE AND LETTEES OF JOHN BROWN [1620. some care of his deceased brother 's four children, — two sons and two daughters, — who survived him. Peter Brown was unmarried when he landed at Plymouth, but within the next thirteen years he was twice married, and died, — as we learn from unquestionable authority, the " History of Plymouth Plantation," left in manuscript by William Bradford, who succeeded Carver in 1621 as governor of the colony, and died in 1657, Writing about 1650, Bradford says: " Peter Brown married twice. By his first wife he had two children, who are living, and both of them married, and one of them hath two child- ren; by his second wife he had two more. He died about sixteen years since." It is supposed that his first wife was named Martha, and that Mary and Priscilla Brown were her daughters, — the two who are mentioned by Bradford as married in 1650. In 1644 they were placed Avith their uncle John, and in due time received each £15, which their father had left them by will. The rest of Peter's small estate went to his second wife and her two sons, of whom the younger, born in 1632, at Duxbury, was the ancestor of the Kansas captain.^ He was named Peter for his father, removed from Duxbury to Windsor in Connecticut between 1650 and 1658, and there married Mary, daughter of Jonathan Gillett, by whom he had thirteen children. He died at Windsor, March 9, 1692, leaving to his family an estate of £409. One of his children, John Brown, born at Windsor, Jan. 8, 1668, married Elizabeth Loomis in 1691, and had eleven children. Among these was John Brown (born in 1700, and died in 1790), who was the father and the sur- vivor of the Revolutionary Captain John Brown, of West Simsbury. He lived and died in Windsor, there married Mary Eggleston, and Captain John Brown just men- tioned, the grandfather of our hero, was his oldest son, 1 It would be curious to trace the English ancestry of Captain Brown, which, some suppose, goes back to that stout-hearted John Brown of Henry VIII. 's time, who was one of the victims of Popish persecution in the early years of that king. Fox, in his " Book of Martyrs," tells the story of his martyrdom at the stake, in the early summer of 1511, at Ashford, where he dwelt ; and adds that his son, Richard Brown, was imprisoned for his faith in the latter days of Queen Mary, and would have been burned but for the proclniming of Queen Elizabeth, in 1558. 1728.] ANCESTRY AND CHILDHOOD 3 born Nov. 4, 1728. He married Hannah Owen, of Welsh descent, in 1758, whose father was Elijah Owen, of Windsor, and her first ancestor in this country John Owen, a Welshman, who married in Windsor in 1650, just before young Peter Brown went thither from Dux- bury. A few years afterward an Amsterdam tailor, Peter Miles or Mills, came to Connecticut from Holland, settled in Bloomfield near Windsor, and became the an- cestor of John Brown's grandmother, Ruth Mills, of West Simsbury. Thus three streams of nationality — English, Welsh, and Dutch — united in New England to form the parentage of John Brown. His forefathers were mostly farmers, and among them was the proper New England proportion of ministers, deacons, squires, and captains. Both his grandfathers were officers in the Con- necticut contingent to Washington's army, and one of them, Captain John Brown, died in the service. It is his gravestone which the pilgrim to his grandson's grave, in the Adirondac woods, sees standing by the great rock that marks the spot ; and among the other inscriptions ^ which there preserve the memory of his slauglitered de- scendants, that of the Revolutionary captain stands first. Owen Brown, — ' ' Squire Owen, ' ' — son of this cap- tain, and father of the Kansas captain, was named for 1 These remarkable epitaphs, several of which were written by Joha Brown, of Kansas, are as follows: — In Born Dec. 31, 1830, and Memory of Murdered at Osawatofiiie, Capt. John Brown, Kansas, Aug. 30, 1856, who Died at For his adherence to New York, Sept. ye the cause of freedom. 3, 1775, in the 48 year of his age. _- _ ^ Watson Beown Born Oct. 7, 1835, was wounded .John Brown at Harper's Ferry, Born May 9, 1800 Oct. 17, and Died Was executed at Charleston Oct. 19, 1859. Va., Dec. 2, 1859. Oliver Brown In memory of Born May 9, 1839, was Frederick, Killed at Harper's Ferry Son of John and Dianthe Oct. 17, 1859. Brown, 4 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN [1771. his mother's family, and was the earliest of these Browns who seems to have left any written memoirs. He migrated from Connecticut to Ohio, among the first of those who settled on the Western Reserve, early in the century, and when nearly eighty years old, while living at Hudson, Ohio, wrote an autobiography for his children's perusal, which gives some characteristic details of the state of so- ciety where he lived, and where his renowned son was born. OWEN BROWN'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY. " My life has been of little worth, mostly filled up with van- ity. I was born at West Simsbury (now Canton), Connecticut, Feb. 16, 1771. I have but little recollection of what took place until the years '75 and '76. I remember the beginning of war, and some things that took place in 1775; but only a little until '76, when my father went into the anny.i. He was captain in the militia of Connecticut, and died in New York, with the dysen- tery, a few weeks after leaving home. My mother had ten child- ren at the time of my father 's death, and one born soon after, making eleven of us all. The first five were daughters, the oldest about eighteen; 2 the next three were sons; then two daughters, and the youngest a son. The care and support of this family fell mostly on my mother. The laboring men were mostly in the army. She was one of the best of mothers, active and sensible. She did all that could be expected of a mother ; yet for want of help we lost our crops, then our cattle, and so became poor. I very well remember the dreadful hard winter of 1778-79. The snow began to fall in November, when the water was very low- in the streams; and while the snow was very deep, one after an- other of our hogs and sheep would get buried up, and we had to dig them out. Wood could not be drawn with teams, and was brought on men's shoulders, they going on snowshoes until paths were made hard enough to draw wood on hand-sleds. The snow was said to be five feet deep in the woods. Milling of grain could not be had, only by going a great distance; and our family were driven to the necessity of pounding corn for food. We lost that winter almost all of our cattle, hogs, and sheep, and were reduced very low by the spring of 1779. 1 He entered the army of Washington in the summer of 1776, and died shortly before the battle of Long Island, in which his regiment took part. 2 John Brown married Hannah Owen in 1758, and his eldest daughter was but little more than seventeen at his death in 1776. 1784.] ANCESTRY AND CHILDHOOD 5 ' ' I lived at home in 1782 ; this was a memorable year, as there was a great revival of religion in the town of Canton. My mother and my older sisters and brother John dated their hopes of salvation from that summer's revival, under the ministry of the Rev. Edward Mills. I cannot say as I was a subject of the work; but this I can say, that I then began to hear preaching.i I can now recollect most, if not all, of those I heard preach, and what their texts were. The change in our family was great; family worship, set up by brother John, was ever afterward con- tinued. There was a revival of singing in Canton, and our family became singers. Conference meetings were kept up constantly, and singing meetings, — all of which brought our family into a very good association, — a very great aid of restraining grace. About 1784 the Rev. Jeremiah Hallocks became the min- ister at Canton. I used to live with him at different times, and received a great deal of good instruction from him. About this time I began to make shoes, and worked mostly winters at shoemaking, and at farming at home summers. In the winter of 1787 I took a trip into Massachusetts, through Granville, Otis, and Blandford. In these towns I worked at shoemaking over half of the winter. I was but a bungling shoemaker, yet gave good satisfaction, was kindly treated as a child, and got my pay well, in clothing and money. I then went to Great Barrington, Sheffield, and Salisbury. Here I hired out to a very good shoemaker, at about half price, with a view of learning to be a better workman. I returned home in the spring of 1788 and worked on the farm through the summer. In 1789 I lived at home, but in the fall I went to Norfolk, and worked at shoe- making all winter, mostly around at houses for families. 1 He was then in his twelfth year ; his brother John was, perhaps, fifteen or sixteen. This brother was a faithful and honored deacon of the church in New Hartford, Conn., for many years. Another brother, Frederick, born Aug. 14, 1769, in Canton, Conn., represented the neighbor- ing town of Colebrook in the State Legislature during the war of 1813, but in 1816 removed to Wadsworth, Medina County, Ohio, and assisted in founding that town. On the organization of the county, he was chosen senior Associate Judge for fourteen years. During this term of office, the PresidiPT Judge having a large circuit most of the business in Wadsworth came beiore Judge Brown, who gained a high reputation as a magistrate and citizen. " He never spoke disparagingly of a neighbor, nor of any other church than his own." Two of his sons were physicians of celebrity; another a successful minister of the Gospel. 2 The Hallock family were connected by marriage with the Browns, and we shall find them mentioned hereafter, — John Brown having studied for a while with the Rev. Moses Hallock. 6 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN [1793. " In the spring of 1791 we as a family were rising in the gain of property; we had good crops; our stock had increased, and we felt able to make a small purchase of land ; our credits were good for the payment of debts. In all this, we must ac- knowledge the kind providence of God. Our former poverty had kept us out of the more loose and vain company, and we appeared to be noticed by the better class of people. There was a class of young men and ladies that were a little older than my brothers, who had rich parents that dressed their fam- ilies in gay clothing, giving them plenty of money to spend, and good horses to ride. Oh, how enviable they appeared to me, while my brothers and sisters lacked all these things! Now, while I write, I am thinking what was the change of fifteen or twenty years with these smart young folks. I cannot think of more than one or two that became even common men of business, but a number of them did become poor drunkards, and three came to their end by suicide. God knows what is best. " In the spring of 1790 I returned and hired out to the Rev. Jeremiah Hallock for six months. Here I had good instruc- tion and good examples. I was under some conviction of sin, but whether I was pardoned or not, God only knows; this I know, I have not lived like a Christian. " About this time I became more acquainted with Ruth Mills (daughter of the Rev. Gideon Mills), who was the choice of my affections ever after, although we were not married for more than two years. In March, 1793, we began to keep house; and here was the beginning of days with me. I think our good minister felt all the anxiety of a parent that we should begin right. He gave us good counsel, and, I have no doubt, with a praying spirit. And I will say, never had any person such an ascendency over my conduct as my wife. This she had without the least appearance of usurpation or dictation; and if I have been respected in the world, I must ascribe it to her influence more than to any one thing. We began with very little property, but with industry and frugality, which gave us a comfortable support and a small increase. We took children to live with us very soon after we began to keep house. Our own first child was born at Canton, June 29, 1794, — a son, we called Salmon, a thrifty forward child. " We lived in Canton about two years, I working at shoe- making, tanning, and farming; we made butter and cheese on a small scale, and all our labors turned to good account; we were at peace with all our neighbors, and had great cause for thanksgiving. We were living in a rented house, and I felt called to build or move. I thought of the latter, and went di- rectly to Norfolk, as I was there acquainted, and my wife had taught school there one summer. The people of Norfolk encour- o M C3 ;z! ^: o O 1804.] ANCESTRY AND CHILDHOOD 7 aged me, and I bought a small farm with a house and barn on it. I then sold what little I had, and made a very sudden move to Norfolk. We found friends in deed and in need. I there set up shoemaking and tanning, employed a foreman, did a small good business, and gave good satisfaction. " Feb. 18, 1796, my little son Salmon died. This was a great trial to us. In the spring of 1796 my business was much increased, but owing to sickness of wife and self I could not get but a small part of the leather out in the fall. The people became somewhat dissatisfied with me, and things went hard that winter; but when spring returned, my leather came out well, and from that time I gave good satisfaction to the people, as far as I knew. July 5, 1798, my daughter Anna was born in Norfolk. Soon after this, my wife and I made a public profes- sion of religion which I have so poorly manifested in my life. " In February, 1799, I had an opportunity to sell my place in Norfolk, which I did without any consultation of our neigh- bors, who thought they had some claim on my future services as they had been very kind and helped; and they questioned whether I had not been hasty. But I went as hastily to Torrington and bought a place, although I had but little acquaintance there. I was quick on the move, and we found there good neighbors, and were somewhat prosperous in business. In 1800, May 9, John was born, one hundred years after his great grandfather; nothing else very uncommon. We lived in peace with all men, so far as I know. (I might have said the years of '98 and '99 were memorable years of revivals of religion in the churches of our town and the towns about us. Perhaps there has never been so general a revival since the days of Edwards and Whitfield.) April 30, 1802, my second son Salmon was born. " In 1804 I made my first journey to Ohio. I left home on the 8th of August, came through Pennsylvania and saw many new things. Arrived in Hudson about the 1st of September; found the people very harmonious and middling prosperous, and mostly united in religious sentiments. I made a small purchase of land at the center of Hudson, with the design of coming at a future day. I went to Austinburg, and was there taken sick, which proved to be the fever and ague; was there a month, very sick and homesick. I started for home against counsel, and had a very hard journey, — ague almost every day or night, — but ar- rived home on the 16th of October. I had the ague from time to time over one year; yet my determination to come to Ohio was so strong that I started with my family in company with Ben- jamin Whedon, Esq , and his family, on the 9th of June, 1805. We came with ox teams through Pennsylvania and I found Mr. Whedon a very kind and helpful companion on the road. 8 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN [1808. " We arrived in Hudson on the 27th of July, and were received with many tokens of kindness. We did not come to a land of idleness; neither did I expect it. Our ways were as prosperous as we had reason to expect. I came with a determina- to help build up and be a help, in the support of religion and civil order. We had some hardships to undergo, but they appear greater in history than they were in reality. I was often called to go into the woods to make division of lands, sometimes sixty or seventy miles from home, and be gone some weeks, sleep- ing on the ground, and that without serious injury. " When we came to Ohio the Indians were more numerous than the white people, but were very friendly, and I believe were a benefit rather than an injury. In those days there were some that seemed disposed to quarrel with the Indians, but I never had those feelings. They brought us venison, turkeys, fish, and the like; sometimes they wanted bread or meal more than they could pay for at the time, but were always faithful to pay their debts. In September, 1806, there was a difficulty between two tribes; the tribe on the Cuyahoga River came to Hudson, and asked for assistance to build them a log-house that would be a kind of fort to shelter their women and children from the firearms of their enemy. Most of our men went with teams, and chopped, drew, and carried logs, and put up a house in one day, for which they appeared very grateful. They were our neighbors until 1812, but when the war commenced with the British, the Indians left these parts mostly, and rather against my wishes. " In Hudson my business went on very well, and we were some prosperous in most of our affairs. The company that we received being of the best kind, the missionaries of the gospel and leading men travelling through the country called on us, and I became acquainted with the business people and ministers in all parts of the Western Reserve, and some in Pennsylvania. In 1807 (Feb. 13) Frederick, my sixth child, was bom. I do not think of anything else to notice but the common blessings of health, peace, and prosperity, for which I would ever acknowledge the goodness of God with thanksgiving. I had a very pleasant orderly fam- ily until Dec. 9, 1808, whn all my earthly prospects seemed to be blasted. My beloved wife gave birth to an infant daughter who died in a few hours; as my wife expressed it, ' She had a short passage through time. ' My wife followed a few hours after. These were days of affliction. I was left with five small children (six, including Levi Blakesly, my adopted son), the eldest but about ten and a half years old. The remembrance of this scene makes my heart bleed now. These were the first that were buried in the ground now occupied as a cemetery at the centre of Hud- son. I kept my children mostly around me, and married my sec- 1812.] ANCESTRY AND CHILDHOOD 9 ond wife, Sally Root, Nov. 8, 1809. Through all these changes I experienced much of the goodness of God in the enjoyment of health in myself and family and general prosperity in my busi- ness. April 19, 1811, Sally Marian was born. " In July, 1812, the war with England began; and this war called loudly for action, liberality, and courage. This was the most active part of my life. We were then on the frontier, and the people were much alarmed, particularly after the surrender of General Hull at Detroit. Our cattle, horses, and provisions were all wanted. Sick soldiers were returning, and needed all the as- sistance that could be given them. There was great sickness in different camps, and the travel was mostly through Hudson, which brought sickness into our families. By the first of 1813 there was great mortality in Hudson. My family were sick, but we had no deaths. July 22, 1813, Watson Hughs, my seventh son was born ; he was a very thrifty promising child. We were mostly under the smiles of a kind providence. Florilla, my fourth daugh- ter, was born May 19, 1816. From this time I had many calls from home, and was called to fill some places of trust which others were more capable of filling. I now believe it was an injury to my family for me to be away from them so much; and here I would say that the care of our own families is the pleasantest and most useful business we can be in. Jeremiah Root, my eighth son, was born Nov. 8, 1819, and Edward my ninth son, July 13, 1823. ' ' Nothing very uncommon in this period, save that there was a change in general business matters. Money became scarce, prop- erty fell, and that which I thought well bought would not bring its cost. I had made three or four large purchases in which I was a heavy loser. I can say the loss or gain of property in a chort time appears of but little consequence; they are momentary things, and will look very small in eternity. Job left us a good example. About this time my son Salmon was studying law at Pittsburgh. I had great anxiety and many fears on his account. Sept. 21, 1825, Martha, our fifth daughter, was born; Sept. 18, 1826, she died from whooping-cough. Lucian, my tenth son, was born Sept. 18, 1829. Here I will say my earthly cares were too many for the good of my family and for my own comfort in religion. I look back upon my life with but little satisfaction, but must pray, ' Lord, forgive me for Christ 's sake, or I must perish. ' Jan. 29, 1832, my son Watson died, making a great breach in my family. He had not given evidence in health of being a Christian, but was in great anxiety of mind in his sickness; we sometimes hope he died in Christ. Martha, my sixth daughter, was born June 18, 1832 ; and Sept. 6, 1833, Salmon, my third son, died in New Or- leans with yellow fever. He was a lawyer and editor of a French and English newspaper called the ' New Orleans Bee ' ; was of 10 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN [1800. some note as a gentleman but I never knew that he gave evidence of being a Christian. Aug. 11, 1840, my second wife died with con- sumption, which she had be«n declining under for a long time. I think she died a Christian. Here my old wounds were broken open anew, and I had great trials. " Some little time before this there had been great speculation in village lots, and I had suffered my name to be used as security at the banks. My property was in jeopardy; I expected all to be lost. I had some to pity me, but very few to help me ; so I learned that outward friendship and property are almost inseparably con- nected. There were many to inform me that I had brought my troubles upon myself. April 1841, I was married to the Widow Lucy Hinsdale. My worldly burdens rather increased, but I bore them with much patience. April, 1843: about this time my fam- ily had so scattered — some by marriage and other ways — that I thought best to leave my favorite house and farm, and to build new at the centre of Hudson. ... I have great reason to mourn my unfaithfulness to my children. I have been much perplexed by the loss of property, and a long tedious lawsuit ; while my health has been remarkably good for one of my age, and I have great reason for thanksgiving." This artless narrative, written by Owen Brown at the age of seventy-eight, discloses his character, and sketches in some manner the conditions of life under which John Brown was born and bred. But another paper from the same hand shows how naturally the son inherited from his Connecticut ancestors his hatred of slavery. Owen Brown thus described, about 1850, some events of which he had been cognizant sixty or seventy years earlier : — ' ' I am an Abolitionist. I know we are not loved by many ; I have no confession to make for being one, yet I wish to tell how long I have been one, and how I became so. I have no hatred to negroes. When a child four or five years old, one of our nearest neighbors had a slave that was brought from Guinea. In the year 1776 my father was called into the army at New York, and left his work undone. In August, our good neighbor Captain John Fast, of West Simsbury, let my mother have the labor of his slave to plough a few days. I used to go out into the field with this slave, — called Sam, — and he used to carry me on his back, anTI I fell in love with him. He worked but a few days, and went home sick with the pleurisy, and died very suddenly. When told that he would die, he said he should go to Guinea, and wanted victuals put up for the journey. As I recollect, this was the first funeral I ever attended in the days of my youth. There were but three or four slaves in West 1798.] ANCESTRY AND CHILDHOOD H SiDisbury. In the year 1790, when I lived with the Rev. Jeremiah Hallock, the Rev. Samuel Hopkins, D. D., came from Newport, and I heard him talking with Mr. Hallock about slavery in Rhode Island, and he denounced it as a great sin. I think in the same summer Mr. Hallock had sent to him a sermon or pamphlet-book, written by the Rev. Jonathan Edwards, then at New Haven. I read it, and it denounced slavery as a great sin. From this time I was antislavery, as much as I be now. In the year 1798 I lived in Norfolk. There was a Presbyterian or Con- gregational minister settled in Virginia at the beginning of the Revolutionary War, by the name of Thomson, who on account of the war came to North Canaan with slaves, and not knowing how long the war would last, he bought a small farm in North Canaan, and lived on it till the close of the war; he then moved back to Virginia, and left a family of blacks on the farm. About 1798 he came up to sell his farm and move back his slaves, as he called them. Some time before this, slavery had been abolished in Connecticut. Mr. Thomson had difficulty in getting away his slaves. One man would not go, and ran into the woods, and Mr. Thomson hired help to catch him. He was secreted among blacks that lived in a corner of Norfolk. Mr. Thomson preached for Mr. Robbins in Norfolk, assisted in the administration of the sac- rament, etc. There were blacks who belonged to the church, that absented themselves. Mr. Thomson attended meetings, I think, three Sabbaths; preached about twice. The last Sabbath it was expected he would preach in the afternoon; but there were a number of the church members who were dissatisfied with his being asked to preach, and requested Deacon Samuels and Dea- con Gaylord to go and ask Mr. Robbins not to have Mr. Thomson preach, as it was giving dissatisfaction. There was some ex- citement amongst the people, some in favor and some against Mr. Thomson; there was quite a debate, and large numbers to hear. Mr. Thomson said he should carry the women and children, whether he could get the man or not. An old man asked him if he would part man and wife, contrary to their minds. He said: ' I married them myself, and did not enjoin obedience on the woman.' He was asked if he did not consider marriage to be an institution of God; he said he did. He was again asked why he did not do it in conformity to God's word. He appeared checked, and only said it was the custom. He was told that the blacks were free by act of the Legislature of Connecticut; he replied that he belonged to another State, and that Connecticut had no control over his property. I think he did not get away his ' property,' as he called it. Ever since I have been an Ab- olitionist ; and I am so near the end of life I think I shall die an Abolitionist. ' ' 12 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN [1840. To these papers of his father should now be added John Brown's own account of his childhood and youth, written for Harry Stearns, a boy of thirteen. This is printed and punctuated exactly as Brown wrote it. THE CHILDHOOD OF JOHN BROWN. Red Rock, Ia., 15th July, 1857. Me. Henry L. Stearns. My dear young friend. — I have not forgotten my promise to write you; but my constant care, & anxiety have obliged me to put it off a long time. I do not flatter myself that I can write anything which will very much interest you ; but have concluded to send you a short story of a certain boy of my acquaintance; & for convenience & shortness of name, I will call him John. This story will be mainly a narration of follies and errors; which it is to be hoped you may avoid; but there is one thing connected with it, which will be calculated to encourage any young person to persevering effort; & that is the degree of success in accoinplishing Jm objects which to a great degree marked the course of this boy throughout my entire acquaintance with him ; notwithstanding his moderate capacity ; & still more moderate acquirements. John was born May 9th, 1800, at Torrington, Litchfield Co. Connecticut ; of poor but respectable parents ; a descendant on the side of his father of one of the company of the Mayflower who landed at Plymouth 1620. His mother was descended from a man who came at an early period to New England from Am- sterdam, in Holland. Both his Father 's and his Mother 's Fathers served in the war of the revolution; His Father's Father; died in a barn in New York while in the service; in 1776. I can not tell you anything in the first Four years of John's life worth mentioning save that at an early age he was tempted by Three large Brass Pins belonging to a girl who lived in the family & stole them. In this he was detected by his Mother; & after having a full day to think of the wrong; received from her a thorough whipping. When he was Five years old his Father moved to Ohio; then a wilderness filled with wild beasts, & Indians. During the long journey, which was performed in part or mostly with an ox-team; he was called on by turns to assist a boy Five years older (who had been adopted by his Father & Mother) & learned to think he could accomplish smart things in driving the Cows; & riding the horses. Sometimes he met with Rattle Snakes which were very large ; & which some of the company generally managed to kill. After getting to Ohio in 1805 he was for some time rather afraid of 1805.] ANCESTRY AND CHILDHOOD. 13 the Indians, & of their Rifles; but this soon wore off: & he used to hang about them quite as much as was consistent with good manners ; & learned a trifle of their talk. His father learned to dress Deer Skins, & at 6 years old Jolm was installed a young Buck Skin. He was perhaps rather observing as he ever after remem- bered the entire process of Deer Skin dressing ; so that he could at any time dress his own leather such as Squirel, Raccoon, Cat, Wolf and Dog Skins, and also learned to make Whip Lashes, which brought him some change at times, & was of considerable service in many ways. At Six years old he began to be a rambler in the wild new country finding birds and squirrels and sometimes a wild Turkey's nest. But about this period he was placed in the school of adversity ; which my young friend was a most necessary part of his early training. You may laugh when you come to read about it ; but these were sore trials to John : Avhose earthly treasures were very feio & small. These were tlie beginning of a severe but much needed course of dicipline which he afterwards was to pass thrcnigh ; & which it is to be hoped has learned him before this tfme that the Heavenly Father sees it best to take all the little things out of his hands which lie has ever placed in them. When John was in his Sixth year a poor Indian hoy gave him a Yellow Marble the first he had ever seen. This he thought a great deal of; & kept it a good while ; but at last he lost it beyond recovery. It tooh years to heal the wound & I think he cried at times about it. About Five months after tliis he caught a young Squirrel tearing off his tail in doing it ; & getting severely bitten at the same time himself. He however held on to the little lob tail Squirrel ; & finally g(jt him perfectly tamed, so that he almost idolized his pet. lids too lie lost ; by its wandering away ; or by getting killed ; & for a year or two John was in mourning ; and looking at all the Squirrels he could see to try & discover Bobtail, if possible. I must not neglect to tell you of a verry bad <& foolish babbit to which John was somewhat addicted. I mean telling lies ; generally to screen himself from blame ; or from punishment. He could not well endure to be reproached ; & I now think had he been ofteiier encouraged to be entirely frank ; by making frankness a kind of atonement iov some of his faults ; he would not have been so often guilty of this fault ; nor have been (in after life) obliged to struggle so long with so mean a habit. John was never quarelsome ; but was excessively fond of the hard- est & roughest kind of plays ; & could never get enough [of] them. Indeed when for a short time he was sometimes sent to School the opportunity it aft'orded to wrestle & Snow ball & run & jump & knock off old seedy Wool hats ; offered to him almost the only com- pensation for the confinement, & restraints of school. I need not 14 LIFE- AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1812. tell you that with such a feelhig & but little chance of going to school at all: he did uot become much of a schollar. He would always choose to stay at home & work hard rather than be sent to school ; & during tlie warm season might generally be seen bare- footed & bareheaded : with Buck skin Breeches suspended often witli one leather strap over his slioulder but sometimes with Two. To be sent off through the wilderness alone to very considerable dis- tances was particularly his delight ; & in this he was ofteu indulged so that by the time he was Twelve years cdd he was sent off more tlian a Humlred Miles with companies of cattle; & he would have thought his character umch injured had he been fibligcd to be heli)ef his being more than a hundred miles from home with a company of cattle alone ; while the negro bog (who was fully if not more than his equal) was badly clothed, poorly fed ; d- lodged in cold 1815.] ANCESTRY AND CHILDHOOD. 15 weather ; <& beaten before his eyes with Iron Shovels or any other thing that came first to hand. This brought John to reflect on the wretched, hopeless condition, of Fatherless & Motherless slave chil- dren : for such cliildren have neither Fathers or Mothers to protect, & provide for them. He sometimes would raise the question is God their Father f At the age of Ten years an old friend induced him to read a little history, & oifered him the free use of a good library ; by ; which he acquired some taste for reading : which formed the principle part of his early education : & diverted him in a great measure from bad company. He by this means grew to be verry fond of the company, & conversation of old & intelligent persons. He never attempted to dance in his life; nor did he ever learn to knoAV one of a pack of Cards from another. He learned nothing of Grammer; nor did he get at school so much knowledge of common Arithmetic as the Four ground rules. This will give you some general idea of tlie first Fifteen years of his life; during which time he became very strong & large of his age & andjitious to perform the full labour of a man ; at almost any kind of hard work. By reading the lives of great, wis(^ & good men their sayings, and writings; he grew to a dislike of vain & frivolous conversation <£■ persons; & was often greatly obliged by the kind manner in which older & more inteligent persons treated him at their houses: & in conversation; which was a great relief on account of his extreme bashfuluess. He very early in life became ambitious to excel in doing anything he undertook to perform. This kind of feeling I would recommend to all young persons both male d- female: as it will certainly tend to secure admission to the company of the more inteligent ; & better portion of every community. By all means endeavour to excel in some laudable pursuit. I had like to have forgotten to tell you of one of John's misfortunes whicli set rather hard on Iiim while a young boy. He had by some means perhaps by gift of his fother become the owner of a little Ewe Lamb which did finely till it was about Two Thirds grown ; & tlieu sickened & died. This brought another protracted mourning season : not fhat he felt the pecuniary loss so much: for that was never his disposition ; but so strong & earnest were his atachments. John had been taught from earliest childhood to " fear God and keep his commandments ; " & thougii quite skeptical he had always by turns felt much serious doubt as to his future well being ; & about this time became to some extent a convert to Christianity & ever after a firm believer in the divine authenticity of the Bible. With this book he became very familiar, & possessed a most unusual memory of its entire contents. 16 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1816. Now some of the things I have been telling of; were just such as I would recommeod to you : & I would like to know that you had selected these out ; & adopted them as part of your own plan of life ; & I wish you to have som£ deffinite plan. ]Many seem to have none ; & others never stick to any that they do form. This was not the case with John. He followed up with tenacity whatever he set about so long as it answered his general purpose : & hence he rarely failed in some good degree to effect the things he undertook. This was so much the case that he habitually exjiected to succeed in his undertakings. With this feeling should be coupled ; the consciousness that our plans are right in themselves. During the period I have named, John had acquired a kind of ownership to certain animals of some little value but as he had come to understand that the title of minors might be a little im})erfeet : he had recourse to various mean.s in order to secure a more independent ; & perfect riglit of j^roperty. One of those means was to exchange with his Father for something of far less value. Another was by trading witli others persons for something his Father had never owned. Older persons have some times found difficulty with titles. From Fifteen to Twenty years old, he spent most of his time work- ing at the Tanner & Currier's trade keeping Bachelors hall ; & he officiating as Cook ; & for most of the time as foreman of the estab- lishment under his Father. During this period he found much trouble with some of the bad liabits I have mentioned & with some that I have not told you off: his conscience urging him forward with great power in this matter: but his close attention to business ; & success in its management ; together with the way he got along with a com- pany of men, & boys ; made him quite a favorite with the serious & more iuteligent portion of older persons. This was so much the case ; & secured for him so many little notices from those he esteemed ; that his vanity was very much fed by it : & he came forward to man- hood quite fuH of self-conceit ; & self-confident ; notwithstanding his extreme bashfulness. A younger brother^ used sometimes to remind him of this : & to repeat to him this expression which you may some- where find, " A King against whom there is no rising up." The habit so early formed of being obeyed rendered him in after life too much disposed to speak in an imperious or dictating way. From Fif- teen years & upward he felt a good deal of anxiety to learn ; but could only read & studdy a little ; both for want of time ; & on account of inflammation of the eyes. He however managed by the help of books to make himself tolerably well acquainted with common arithmetic ; & Surveying ; which he practiced more or less after he was Twenty years old. 1 This was Sahnon, uo doubt. 1820.] ANCESTRY AND CHILDHOOD. 17 At a little past Twenty years led by his own inclination & prompted also by his Father, he married a remarkably plain ; but neat industrious & economical girl ; of excellent character ; earnest piety ; & good practical common sense ; about one year younger than himself. This woman by her mild, frank, & more than all else: by her very consistent conduct; acquired & ever while she Hved maintained a most powerful ; & good influence over Mm. Her plain but kind admonitions generally had the right effect ; without arousing liis haughty obstinate temper. John began early in life to discover a great liking to fine Cattle, Horses, Sheep, & Swine ; & as soon as circumstances would enable him he began to be a practical Shep- herd : it being a calling for which in early life he had a kind of enthusiastic longing : together with the idea that as a business it bid fair to afford him the means of carrying out his greatest or principal object. I have now given you a kind of general idea of the early life of this boy ; & if I believed it would be worth the trouble ; or afford much interest to any good feeling person : I might be tempted to tell you something of his course in after life ; or manhood. I do not say that I will do it. You will discover that in using up my half sheets to save paper ; I have written Two pages, so that one does not follow the other as it should. I have no time to write it over; & but for unavoidable hindrances in traveling I can hardly say when I should have written what I have. With an honest desire for your best good, I subscribe myself, Your Friend, J. Brown. P. S. I had like to have forgotten to acknowledge your contri- bution in aid of the cause in which I serve. God Almighty bless you ; my son. J. B. This autobiography had its origin, as did so many other words and acts of John Brown in 1857-1859, in the hospi- talities of one house in Massachusetts where the okl hero Avas always welcome. Mr. George Luther Stearns, a wealthy merchant and manufacturer of Boston, but living in a beau- tiful villa at Medford, had invited Brown to Boston in December, 1856, when he came eastward from his first campaigns in Kansas. Brown accepted the invitation, and reached Boston a little after Christmas, 1856, meeting Mr. Stearns in the street and going with liim to the rooms of the Massachusetts Kansas Committee, where I first met 2 18 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. (1856. him. The next Sunday, the first in January, 1857, Brown went to the Boston Music Hall to hear Theodore Parker preach, and there met Mrs. Stearns (a niece of Mrs. Child, the graceful author of " Philothea "), who invited him to her house in Medford. He spent there the second Sunday in January, 1857, and made a deep impression on the oldest son of the family, then in his thirteenth j'^ear, by the stories he told of the sufferings of the pioneer families in Kansas. Running to the next room, and bringing forth his hoard of pocket-money, the boy thrust it into John Brown's hand, saying, '• Will you buy something, — a pair of shoes, or something, — for one of those little Kansas children?" and then adding, as the old man thanked him, "Captain Brown, will you not write me, sometime, what sort of a little boy you were ? " Brown looked at him with surprise and pleasure, and promised him to do so. In due time this long letter reached Medford, addressed to Harry, but with a short note to Mr. Stearns at the end of it. Mrs. Stearns, who at once saw its value, treasured it carefully ; and after Brown's death she requested her friend Mr. Emerson to make this autobiography part of a sketch of the hero which he was urged to write. Mr. Emerson admired and praised it, but was compelled to decline the task of writing Brown's Life, as also did Henry Thoreau (who knew Brown well) and Mrs. Child. Then IVIrs. Stearns permitted Mr. Redpath to print it in his biography, for the sake of bringing money to supply the needs of the widow and children of Brown. It has been since reprinted again and again from Mr. Red- path's book. * I have made my copy from the original let- ter, and thus corrected some variations in the punctuation and spelling, which had crept into the published copies. Brown's writing was peculiar in these respects, and by no means uniform ; but his style everywhere shows the same vigor and simplicity, and he had the art of Homer and Herodotus to mingle the colloquial with the serious, with- out any loss of dignity or effect. He thought humbly of his own composition, and would sometimes say, " 1 know no more of grammar than one of that farmer's calves ; " but he had what is essential in all grammars, — the power to make himself understood. 1856.] ANCESTRY AND CHILDHOOD. 19 The house in which John Brown was born, as mentioned in this autobiography,^ still stands in Torrington, Conn., in the western part of the town, three miles from Wolcottville, six from Litchfield, and ten from Winsted, on a by-road. It much resembles the old farm-house in Concord in which Thoreau was born, and the engraving of one might easily pass for that of the other. The log-house of Owen Brown, in Hudson, Ohio, stood on what is now the public square in that town ; and in a little valley near by, not far from the railroad, was the tannery where John Brown learned his ftither's trade. His childhood was passed in Hudson and its vicinity in the manner above described. He read the Bible, the " Fables of ^sop," the " Life of Franklin," the hymns of Dr. Watts, "Pilgrim's Progress," and a few more books ; but his school education was very scanty. Although in order of time the following correspondence belongs in a later chapter, I introduce it here to show what were the relations throughout life of John Brown and his father. The latter lived till within four years of John Brown's execution, dying May 8, 1856, at the age of eighty- five. Only six weeks before his death he wrote as follows to his son in Kansas, — verbatim et literatim: — Letter of Owen Brown to John Brown. Hudson (Ohio), March 27, '56. Dear son John, — I received yours of 13th on the 25t,h, and was very glad to hirn that all your Fanielys were so well, and that you had not been distourbed by the enemy. Your letters come very regular, and we look carfuly after them. I have been faithfull to answer 1 It was after hearing this letter read that Miss Osgood, of Medford, re- marked, " If Captain ]5rown had not been called, in the providence of God, to a very ditlerent work, what charming stories he could have written for young children ! " The original manuscript fills six pages of closely writ- ten letter-paper, without division into paragraphs. The contributions made by Harry Stearns and by others "in aid of the cause in which I serve," were given to helj) the oppressed pioneers of Kansas whom Brown was then defending. His father, Owen Brown, as a beef contractor, was with Hall's army at or just before the surrender at Detroit in 1812, accom- panied by his son John. John, then twelve years old, circulated among the American soldiers and officers, and overlieard many conversations in camp 20 LITE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. them, not out of amLishou, but to keep one or more on the road all the time. My health at present is not so good ; for three weeks past I am somewhat put to it to breathe, mostly nights, and sometimes feel as though death was at the dore. 1 feel as though God was very merso- full to keep such a great sinner on probation so long. I ask all ot you to pray more earnestly for the salvation of my soul than for the life of my body, and that I may give myself and all 1 have up to Christ, and honer him by a sacratise of all we have. I think that the moovments of Congress will prevent an invasion of your rights ; they have voted to send to Kansas to investigate the situation fand] elections. I think of cliping from some papers some short Acts of Congress and inclose them in a private letters and send tliem to you. I tbiidi I shall have them very regular. I wrote ^Mr. Giddeonsi ["Giddiugs" in John Brown's band written over this name] about 3 weeks ago to send me the debats and Acts of Con- gress on the subjects of Kansas from time to time. He was at home then sick, but has now returned to Con [in John Brown's hand " Washington" is written in before " Con "] and the papers begin to come. Friends are midliug well as far as I know. I am now at Ed- ward's ; it is rather a cold, stormy day. We have had a remarkable cold, snowe winter, and the snow is mostly on the gnnmd now. We have 3 only plesent dayes this week, but have had no rain through the winter. I consider all of my Children at Kansas as one Famely, and hope you will take turns in writeing. They are midling well at Edward's, and wish to be remembered. Your unfaithful Parent, Owen Brown. N. B. 28tli. After writing the above, Edward had a paper from which we dipt the within. "•^ 0. B. concerning General Hull and his position. He saw much of General Cass, then a captain under Hull; and it is to him, no doubt, that allusion is made as one of those "who have figured before the country since that time." Long afterward (in 1857), he told me that he overheard such conver- sation from Cass, McxVrtbur, and otliei- officers as woiikl have branded them as miitineers, if lie could have reported it to the Washington authorities. He believed that Hull was forced into the false position wliich led to liis surrender, by the ill-conduct of his subonlinate officers. 1 Owen Brown and most of his sons and grandsons wlien in Ohio were constituents of Joshua R. Giddings, the famous antislavery Congressman from the Western Reserve. 2 This letter is addressed in the feeble linndwriting of an old man to "John Brown, Osawatomie, K. T.," and is indorsed in his son's hand- writing, "Owen Brown's Letter, March 27, 1856." The original is among 1846.] ANCESTRY AND CHILDHOOD. 21 This was the last of many letters written to his son in the forty years since 1817, when John first left home for long absences. A few of John Brown's replies have come into my hands, chiefly of the years 1846-1849, of which the following are specimens : — John Brown to his Father. Springfield, Mass., 29tli Oct., 1846. Dear Father, — Yours of the 22d, telling us of the death of brother King, is received. I must say, that, with ah his imperfections and faults, I certainly feel that if he has not been a very warm- hearted, yet he has been a steady, friend, and on some accounts a useful friend ; and I mourn his frailties and death sincerely. You say he expected to die, but do not say how he felt in regard to the change as it drew near. I have to confess my unfaithfulness to my friend in regard to his most important interest. I did not fail to write you, as soon as I returned myself, from want of inclination, but be- cause I thought it would please you quite as much to get a letter from Jason. We are getting along moderately with our business, but when we shall be able to close it up will be difficult to say, for we still continue to receive large quantities of wool. Prices rather improve. We expect to be ready to close up all the lots Jerry brought on in a very few days. Have contracted away the lowest he brought at twenty-live cents per pound. There is no doulit but we might make the most advantageous exchanges of wool for any description of woollen goods that are wanted in the country. We shall probably take hold of the business with a view to such exchanges another year, if we continue the wool business. We find no difficulty in disposing of the very coarsest wools, now that we have learned better where to sell them, and can turn them cash. Please write often, and let us hear how you all get along, and what you think proper to say to us. Your affectionate son, John Brown. Springfielp, Mass., 10th Dec, 1846. Dear Father, — Yours, dated 2d and 3d December, we re- ceived this evening. It is perhaps needless for me to say that I am always grateful for everything of that kind I receive from you, and the Brown Papers in the library of the Kansas Historical Society at Topeka, from whose invaluable collections I liave drawn much material for this work. 22 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1847. that I think I have your whole correspoudence for nearly thirty years laid up to remember you by, — I mean, of course, what you have di- rected to me. I would further say, that 1 feel grateful to you, and my brother, for calling to see my dear afflicted wife and children in their calamity. It is a great comfort that / can in my imagination see my always kind and affectionate old father with them, while at the same time the responsibilities I have assumed constrain me to be absent, very contrary to my feeling (and it may be contrary to my duty, too ; but trust not). I mean to return sometime in February, and should feel like one out of prison could I leave to-morrow. I hope you will visit my family as often as you can during my absence, and that you will write us often while here. We will endeavor, one of us, to reply promptly at least. We are getting along with our business slowly, but prudently, I trust, and as well as we could reasonably expect under all the circumstances ; and so far as we can discover, we are in favor with this people, and also with the many we have had to do business with. I sent home a good supply of excellent cloth for pantaloons, from which you can have some if it suits you, and should arrive safe. If it does not, please write me without delay. Jason took the cloth with him (cost eighty-five cents per yard). I can bring more cloth of almost any kind when I return, should there be need. When I think how very little influence I have even tried to use witli my numerous acquaintances and friends, in turning their minds toward God and heaven, I feel justly condemned as a most wicked and slothful servant ; and the more so, as I have very seldom had any one refuse to listen when I earnestly called him to hear. I sometimes have dreadful reflections about having fled to go down to Tarshish. Affectionately yours, John Brown. Springfield, Mass., April 2, 1847. Dkar Father, — Your very kind as well as rational letter I received last evening. I trust I do in some measure realize that only a few, a very few, years will of necessity bring to me a literal accom- plishment of the sayings of the Preacher. I am quite sensible of the truth of your remark, that my family are quite as well off as tliougli we possessed millions. I hope we may not be left to a feeling of ingratitude, or greediness of gain ; and I feel unconscious of a desire to become rich. I hope my motive for exerting myself is higher. I feel no incliuation to move my family to Springfield on account of any change tliat I am itching for, and think it very doubtful whether I ever conclude on it as the best course. My only motive would be 1848. ANCESTRY AND CHILDHOOD. 23 to have them with me, if I continue in my present business, which I am hy no means attached to. I seem to get along middling well, and hope to return in a short time. Wrote Jeremiah some days since. I shall pay ten cents very cheerfully to hear that you are alive and well, at any time ; and should not grudge to pay more for such kind and ever seasonable pointing me to the absolute vanity of this world's treasures, as well as the solemn future which is before uk;. It affords me great satisfiiction to get a letter fi-om you at this period of your life, so handsomely written, so well worded, and so exactly in point, both as to manner and (wliat is mucli more) matter. I intend to preserve it carefully. Your affectionate son, John Brown. Spkixgfield, Mass., 1st Nov., 1847. Dear Father, — After some three (.ir fmr days' delay on the road, we arrived here safe to-day about noon, and found all here well; but our hard hearts are never thankful as they should be. Always dependent and constantly receiving, we arc; ungrateful enough to be cast ofi", — if that were our only fault ! Our business, so far as I can judge, has gone along middling well during my absence. Watson is not yet very .stout, but is perhaps a little improved since I left. We shall all be anxious to hear from Luciau, and from you all, and how you got home from Austinburg, as soon and as often as we can. Affectionately yours, John Brown. Mr. Hubbard has deeded his swamp farm to John Sherman. Has not sold his thirty-acre lot at MunroviUe, but has offered it for sale to William Hickox and Kelsey. Yours, J. B. Springfield, Mass., 2d Dec, 1847. Dear Father, — Yours of the 9th November was received a few days since, but I have delayed writing on two accounts since receiving it. One, is the greater press of business, and increased anxiety on account of the sudden change in money matters; the other, that it is always hard for me to make out a letter without something to make it out of. We have been middling well since I returned, except John and Watson. John has had a short turn of fever, and Watson has seemed to have a number of complaints, but both are better now. Our business seems to be going on middling well, and will not probably be any the worse for the pinch in the money concerns. I trust that 24 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN UKUWX.. [1847. getting or losing money does not entirely engross our attention ; but T am sensible that it occupies (juite too large a share in it. To get a little property together to leave, as the world have done, is really a low mark to be firing at through life. " A nobler toil may I sustain, A nobler satisfaetiou gain." You wrote us that Lucian seemed to decline. This is not unex- pected ; but we hope that a life still lengthened may not all be mis- spent, and that the little of duty to God and mankind it may yet be in his power to do may be done with his might, and that the Lord Jesus Christ will be the end of the law for righteousness, for that which must be left undone. This is the only hope for us bankrupts, as we may see at once if we will but look at our account. We hope to hear how you all are again soon. AU'ectionately yours, John Brown. Springfield, Mass., 16th Jan., 1818. Dear Father, — It is Sabbath evening ; and as I have waited now a long time expecting a letter from you, I have concluded to wait no longer for you to write to me. I received the Hudson paper giving an account of the death of another of our family. I expected to get a letter from you, and so have been waiting ever since getting the paper. I never seemed to possess a faculty to console and com- fort my friends in their grief; I am inclined, like the poor comforters of Job, to sit down in silence, lest in my miserable way I should only add to their grief. Another feeling that I have in your case, is an entire consciousness tliat I can bring before your mind no new source of consolation, nor mention any wliich, 1 trust, you Iiave not long since made full proof of. I need not say that I know how to sympa- thize with you ; for that you equally well understand. I will only utter one word of humble confidence, — " Though He slay me, yet will I trust in Him, and bless His name forever." We arc all in lu'alth here, but have just been taking another lesson on the uncer- tainty of all we hold here. One week ago yesterday, Oliver found some root of the plant called hemlock, that he supposed was carrot, and eat some of it. In a few minutes he was taken with vomiting and dreadful convulsions, and soon became senseless. However, b^ resorting to the most jiowerful emetics he was recovered from it, like one raised from the dead, almost. The country in this direction has been suffering one of the sever- est money pressures known for many years. The conse(|ucnce to us has been, tliat some of those who have contractt'd for wool <.>f us are 1849.] ANCESTEY AND CHILDHOOD. 25 as yet unable to pay for and take the wool as they agreed, and we are on that account unable to close our business. This, with some trouble and perplexity, is the greatest injury we have suffered by it. We have had no winter as yet scarcely, the weather to-day being almost as warm as summer. We want to hear how you all are very much, and all about how you get along. I hope to visit you in the spring. Farewell. Your affectionate, unworthy son, John Brown. Springfielti, Mass., 5th Feb., 1849. Dear Father, — I write you at this time more because you said in your last that you "love lettei'S more now than ever before," than on account of anything I have to write. We are here all mid- dling well, except our youngest child, who has been quite feeble since last fall. Owen's arm seems to be improving slowly. We have been selling wool middling fast of late, on contract, at 1847 prices. We have in this part of the country the strongest prfiofs that the great majority have made gold their hope, their only hope. I think that almost every product of industry will soon become high, from the fact alone that such a vast number of those who have hitherto been producers will cease to be so, and hereafter, for a time at least, be only consumers. I am inclined to think that persons who are in debt, and who hold any property of value, are likely to have a most favorable time to get out of debt. Would it not he loell to have the word go round amongst all the Broums, that they may get ready to sell off enough of sometliing to pay all debts? I really wisib that Oliver and Frederick ^ would take the hint, and when things get up (which I feel confident they will do), go at once to selling off and paying up. There is no way of making money so easy as by selling when every one wants to buy. It may cost us some little sacrifice of feeling at first, but w(juld open a new ivorld almost, if thoroughly done. I have felt a good deal of anxiety about the injury you received on your way home; was glad to hear that you was in any measure comfortable. I did not intend to put off writing so long ; but I al- ways find it exceedingly hard work to write when I have nothing to communicate that is worth as much as the paper and postage. Your letters are not of so barren a character ; so that we shall not expect you to pay tlie postage when you write, which we hope will be often. Your aflectiouate but unworthy son, John Brown. 1 His brothers, or cousins ; not his sous. 26 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1833. These letters show upon what terms of affection and re- ligious sympathy John Brown lived with his pious father, — a man everywhere respected. Colonel Perkins, of Akron, Ohio, who was the capitalist partner of John Brown in the wool business, and lost money thereby, had no great respect for his partner's prudence, but said : '' His father had more brains than John Brown, and was a more prudent man." He was long a trustee of Oberlin College, and it was through him that John Brown was sent to Virginia in 1840, to survey the wild lands there which belonged to that college. John Brown, Jr., says : " My grandfather, Owen Brown, of Hudson, had no son for whom he entertained more sincere regard than for his son John. I was myself for years almost as one of my grandfather's family, and had the best means of knowing." His aunt, John Brown's half- sister, Mrs. Marian Hand, of Wellington, Ohio, now living, confirms this statement. She also furnishes me with some facts concerning her brother Salmon, for whom his father had " great anxiety and fears " while he was studying law at Pittsburg in 1824, and who, he says, •'* was of some note as a gentleman, but I never knew that he gave evidence of being a Christian." It seems that Salmon Brown, after beginning to practise law, travelled far and wide over the United States, and particularly in the South, where he finally took up his resi- dence at New Orleans, and became the editor of a news- paper, " The Bee," which was published both in French and English, and seems to have opposed the administration of Andrew Jackson. His career as a journalist was from 1830 to 1833, and he died at Thibodeauxville, or New Orleans, in the autumn of 1833. A letter from John Brown to his, brother Frederick thus mentions Salmon's death, among other matters of smaller concern : — Randolph, Penn., Oct. 26, 1833. Dear Brother, — - 1 arrived at home without any mishap on Saturday of the week I left you, and found all well. I had received newspapers from Thibodeauxville during my absence, similar to those sent to fiither, but no letters respecting the death of our brother. I believe I was to write father as soon as I returned, but I have 1829.] ^ ANCESTRY AND CHILDHOOD. 27 nothing further to write, and you can show him this. I will imme- diately let him know what answer I get to the letter I shall send to the South by this mail, respecting our dear brother. I enclose fifteen dollai's, and wish you to let me know that you re- ceive it. Destroy my note, and accept my thanks. If you aflford my colt plenty of good pasture, hay, aud salt, it is all I wish, unless he should fall away badly or be sick. Your's bore his journey well. Please tell Milton Lusk that I wish to have him pay over the money I left with him to Juliau, without delay. Afi'ectiouately yours, John Brown. P. S. I want to be informed of any news respecting Salmon as soon as any of you get any. The three following letters are all that I have received from the papers of Salmon Brown, who wrote a neat hand and rather a difEuse, ceremonious style, at variance with the direct, laconic manner of his father and brother, but who re- sembled them in the earnestness with w'hich he pursued his objects, and the serious affection he manifested for all his family, and particularly for his father. Salmon Broion to Owen Brown, Sr. HuNTSviLLE, Ala., Feb. 28, 1829. Honored Father, — In order to avoid that circumlocution of " compliments," which I have heard you mention as one of the de- fects of my letters in general, it shall be the object of this to make known to you, with the least preamble and in the fewest possible number of Avords, all that a parent, kind and solicitous as you have ever been, might desire to know in relation to the welfare of an ab- sent child. My health, thank God, has been uniformly good since I was at Hudson last July. From New York, if I mistake not, some- time in the month of September, I wrote you a letter, and inclosed one of my printed circulars, by which I presumed you would be made acquainted with the tour I had in contemplation, and the several points to which letters might be directed in season to reach me. This probably was not received till after your return from New England, which circumstance sufficiently accounts for its not being answered. I have pursued almost literally the track indicated by the ch-cular alluded to, and still intend to pei'severe, till I have accom- plished the entire journey. My operations have been as successful as heretofore, though I have experienced more delays than usual. On 28 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1829. leaviug this place, I shall proceed South, by the way of Tuscaloosa and Mobile, to New Orleans ; but having business to transact at a great many intermediate places, I cannot determine with any degree of certainty when I shall reach there, or how early I shall be able to leave tliat place in the spring. This, I am resolved, shall be my last tour in the United States, at least on the extensive scale I have practised for the last three years. I however still intend to execute the project which I disclosed to you last summer; and I cannot neglect the present opportunity to thank you for the very valuable hint which you suggested to me, in respect of availing myself of the facilities which my travels afford, to collect materials and information to be made use of hereafter in pub- lie lecturing. I have reflected much on the subject, and I am fully persuaded the business may be turned to a good practical account, in reference to my intended operations abroad. I am therefore ap- plying myself to the subject in good earnest, both by extending my own personal observations as widely as possible, and by consulting any vA^itten authority which may throw light upon my object of research. But pray let this matter, as well as the other, rest for the present between ourselves exclusively. I am exceedingly anxious to receive a letter from you. When shall I be gratified ? On my arrival at New Orleans ? I hope so. I also hope that you will not be sparing of the local news of your vicinity. I should lilte to know something of the results of your jour- ney to the East. You doubtless heard of me am(mg our family relations. I am obliged to leave off abruptly, and 1 will not delay sending this for the sake of filling out the sheet at another time. My love to all our family, and to my friends in general. Adieu. Salmon Brown. St. Louis, June 18, 1829. Honored Father, — Having ascended the river to this place, and being under the necessity of returning again to Natchez in order to close some unfinished business, I write to advise you of my in- tended movements. By the ordinary course of steamboat navigation I shall reach there (Natchez) in the course of five or six days, and my stay in that region will be as short as possible. It is my inten- tion afterwards to proi?eed by the interior of Alabama to Florida, and thence through Georgia and the Carolinas to the North. I cannot at this time name witli certainty any place where letters directed to my address would be received, though Tallahassee in Florida would seem to be the most eligible point ; at all events, I hope you will write to me there. I left New Orleans without receiving any letters from you, 1830.] ANCESTRY AND CHILDHOOD. 29 which was a great disappointment. I however made arrangements by which I shall still get them, if any come on to that post-office. I have enjoyed good health and thus far a reasonable share of pros- perity in the prosecution of my business, though delays have been more frequent than I anticipated, and of longer duration, which will be the means of detaining me all summer in the Southern country. I beg you will not permit yourself to be uneasy on account of my liealth. I shall avoid the low country on the sea-coast, and by con- fining myself to the high ground of the interior, I apprehend very little danger. Finally, go where I may, I am in the hands of the same kind Providence that has heretofore guided me safely through an infinity of perils. I have been preserved, no doubt, for some wise purpose. I hope it may be to accomplish some great good in the world ; if not, why should I desire to live ? I am still occupied, heart and soul, with the scheme I have inti- mated to you before. It is the theme of my constant meditations, night and day ; and I am devoting all my leisure moments for its ac- complishment. That the design is a good and laudable one, I have no doubt. This gives me confidence to expect great success.^ I cannot write more at this moment, but if I am prospered, you shall hear from me frequently. Adieu. Your aflectionate son, Salmon Browtn. Louisville, Ky., Aug. 22, 1830. Honored Father, — I avail myself of the first moment of leisure on my arrival at this place to relieve you from the anxiety which I am conscious you have ere this begun to feel on my account. I could nut have neglected writing so long had I anticipated the possibility of being detained so long at the South. One cause of delay after an- other pnjlonged the period of my departure from New Orleans till the latter part of July, and having to stop at several places on the river where I had business to look after, and the rivers being almost too low for steamboat navigation at this season, August has almost passed away before I could reach here. My health, thank God, has been uniformly good, and I am quite well at this time. I am without news from any of my family or friends these several months past, which makes me exceedingly anxious about their wel- fare. I hope some of you will write instantly on receiving this, and 1 It does not appear what this "laudable design" was, but it must have been, in part at least, of a public nature. At this time Sahnon Brown was twenty-seven years old. He was the brother next in age to John, and was at school with him for a time in Connecticut. 30 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1830. direct to Wheeling, Virgiuia, where I expect to be in the course of three or four weeks. It is impossible for nie to determine whether I can visit Hudson this fall or not. I am engaged about some political arrangements in opposition to the present unprincipled and corrupt Administration, to which I have become so committed as not to be master of my own time. The arrangements alluded to have for their object the best interests of our common country ; and believing that I may be instrumental in doing good in this way, I feel it to be my duty to exert my endeavors. I go from this place to Frankfort, thence to Lexington/ thence to Maysville, and thence to Wheeling. If it shall be possil)le for me to visit Hudson before I proceed to the eastward, I will do so. An infirmity of my nerves, proceeding from an unknown cause, makes it difficult to write legibly, I have been conscious that tliis was growing ou me for years, without being able to apply any remedy. I never lived so tempei-ately as I have the year past. Pray present me to tlie recollection of my brothers and sisters, and to all my friends atfectionately. Years do but increase and coutirm the sense of filial duty and gratitude with whicli I remain Your sou, Salmon Brown. ^ Henry Clay lived near Lexington, and it was doubtless in the interest of that statesman and his friends that }'oung Brown undertook tliis crusade against the " unprineijiled and corrupt administration " of General Jackson, who had been elected in 1828 and inaugurated in 1829, in spite of Clay, — defeating John Quincy Adams. I have not yet found copies of Brown's "New Orleans Bee," but doubtless the sting of this journal was directed against Jackson in the city which he rescued from British invasion. 1816.] - YOUTH AND EAKLY MANHOOD. 31 CHAPTER II. YOUTH AND EARLY MANHOOD. JOHN BROWN'S childhood passed, like that of most boys in a new country, in the midst of active labor and rude sport, but with little advantage of schooling at home. Like all serious-minded lads of Puritan stock, how- ever, he dreamed at one time of completing his education in a college, and then studying for the ministry. He " expe- rienced religion," and joined the " Orthodox " or Congre- gational Church at Hudson in 1816. Soon after this he revisited Connecticut, and went to the town of Canton to consult a kinsman of his father, the Rev. Jeremiah Hal- lock, concerning his studies in divinity, — whose advice was that Owen Brown's son should fit for Amherst College (where his uncle, the Rev. Heman Humphrey, was soon to be President), and that his teacher should be the Rev. Moses Hallock, of Plainfield, in Massachusetts.^ This school at Plainfield was famous for graduating ministers and missionaries, and the poet Bryant had been a student there a few years before, — Plainfield being next to Cum- mington, where Bryant was born, and not far from Amherst. No doubt the lad's hope was to fit himself at Plainfield and then enter at Amherst, working his way by his own efforts, as so many young men have since done. But he was at- 1 John Brown seems to have been for a short time at the Morris Academy in Connecticut, in company with his younger brother Salmon, ah-eady mentioned. A story of the two brothers is tokl, how John, finding that Sahnon had committed some school offence, for which tlie teaclier had jiardoned him, said to the teacher: " Mr. Vail!, if Salmon had done this thing at home, father would have jiunished him. I know he would expect you to punish him now for doing this, — and if you don't, I shall." That night, finding that Salmon was likely to escape punishment, John made good his word, — more in sorrow than in anger, — giving his brother a severe flogging. 32 LIFE AND LETTERS OE JOHN BROWN.. [1820. tacked with inflammation of the eyes, which soon became serious, so that he was forced to give up study, and go back to his father's tan-yard in Hudson. The time spent at the Plainfield school was short, and there are few reminiscences of him at that period. In December, 1859, Heman Hallock, the youngest son of the Eev. Moses Hallock, wrote to his brother Gerard Hallock, then editor of the New York " Journal of Commerce," as follows : — " Your youngest brother docs remember John Brown, who studied at our house. How long he lived there, or at what period, I do not know. I think it must have been at the time of my visits to Plain- field, when I was or had been at Amherst Academy, perhaps in 1819 or 1820. I have the name ' John Brown ' on my hst of i^ither's students. It is said that he was a relative of Uncle Jeremiah Hal- lock's wife, and that Uncle J. directed him to Plainfield. He was a tall, sedate, dignified young man, from twenty-two to twenty-five years old.^ He had been a tanner, and relinquished a prosperous business for the purpose of intellectual improvement. He brought with him a piece of sole-leather about a foot square, which he had himself tanned, for seven years, to re-sole his boots. He had also a piece of sheep-skin which he had tanned, and of which he cut some strips, about an eighth of an inch wide, for other students to pull upon. Father took one string, and winding it around his fin- gers said, with a triumphant turn of the eye and mouth, ' I shall snap it.' The very marked yet kind immovableness of the young man's face, on seeing father's defeat, father's own look, and the position of people and things in the old kitchen, somehow gave me a fixed recollection of this little incident." From theology, young Brown turned his attention to sur- veying ; and his text-book, " Flint's Survey," now owned by his son John Brown, Jr., bears date at Hudson in 1820. He became a skilful surveyor ; but his chief occupation from 1819 for nearly twenty years was the tanning of leather, ^ The maturity of John Brown's appearance at the age of nineteen is shown by this remark : he could not have been twenty years old when study- ing at Plainfield. My own date for this experience would be 181 9 ; for Brown was married to Dianthe Lusk, June 21, 1820. He had previously been dis- appointed in love, and as he said in a letter written from Gerrit Smith's house, Feb. 24, 1858, "felt for a number of years in earlier life a steady, strong desire to die." This letter will be found on a later l^Kge, in its due connection. 1820.] ♦ YOUTH AND EARLY MANHOOD. 33 which his father had taught him, and in which he had ac- quired much skill before 1820, as may be inferred from his autobiography. His log-house and tan-yard were a mile or more from his father's, and northwest of the village of Hudson. The home which was built under his direction in 1824 is a large wooden farm-house, standing in pleasant ru- ral scenery ; and Hudson itself, which is one of the oldest vil- lages in Northern Ohio, and for many years the seat of a small college, has the air of a thriving Connecticut town. When John Brown first occupied his cabin in 1819-20, he was un- married, and his housekeeper was Mrs. Lusk, the widow of Amos Lusk, a Hudson farmer, and the mother of Brown's future wife. Her brother, Milton Lusk, who was living in 1882, gave me then some reminiscences of his brother-in-law, which may serve to complete the sketch drawn by Brown himself of his resolute, serious, and headstrong youth. " I am now seventy-nine years old," said this kinsman of John Brown, ''for I was born in 1803, my sister Dianthe in 1801, and Brown in 1800. I knew him from a boy, went to school with him, and remember well what a commanding disposition he always had. There was once a Democratic school and a Federal school in Hndson village, and the hoys used to snow-ball each other. Brown and I were federalists, as our fathers, Squire Brown and Captain Lusk, were. One day the Democratic boys found a wet hollow in the bat- tle-field of snow-balls, and began to throw wet balls, which were hard and hurt 'masterly.' John stood this for awhile, — then he rushed alone upon the little Democrats, and drove them all before him into their schoolhouse. He did not seem to be angry, but there was such force and mastery in what he did, that everything gave way before him. He doted on being the head of the heap, and he was ; lie doted on his ability to hit the mark. Dianthe, my sister, was not tall like my father (who fouglit at the siege of Sandusky and died in tlie spring of 1813), but about her mother's height; she was plain, but attracted John Brown, by her quiet, amiable disposition. She was my guiding-star, my guardian angel ; she sung beautifully, most always sacred hymns and tunes ; and sh? had a place in the woods, not far from the house, where she used to go alone to pray. She took me there sometimes to pray with me. She was a pleasant, cheerful person, but not funny; she never said anything but what she meant. When mother and Dianthe were keeping house for John Brown at the old log-cabin where he had his tannery, I was working as a boy at Squire Hudson's in the village, and had no 3 34 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1820. time to go up and see ray mother and sister except Sundays.^ Brown was an austere feller, and he did n't like that ; one day he said to me, ' Milton, I wish you would not make your visits here on tlie Sab- bath.' I said, '■ John, I won't coine Sunday, nor any other day,' and I stayed away a long time. When Dianthe was married, I would not go to the wedding. I did not get along very well with him for some years ; but when he was living in Pennsylvania, and I had my controvei'sy with the church iu Hudson, he came and prayed with me, and shed tears, and said perhaps I was nearer right than he had thought. After my sister's death he said to John, his son, ' I feel sure that your mother is now with me and influencing me.' He ■was tasty in his dress, — about washing, bathiug, brushing, etc. ; when he washed him, he pushed his hair back from his forehead." Joliu Brown, Jr., who was born at liis father's first home in Hudson, gives the following account of one of his first recollections of that neighborhood : — " Our house, on a lane which connects two main roads, was built under father's direction in 1824, and still stands much as he built it, 1 Hudson was named for a Connecticut farmer, David Hudson (born iu Goshen, 1758), commonly called "the Squire," who led the settlement there in 1799, and whose daughter, Mrs. Harvey Baldwin, whom I saw- in 1878, was the first white child born in the town. Her father is buried in the cemetery not far from the grave of Owen Brown, out of which a young hemlock tree, twelve feet high, was growing when I visited it in' 1878. Squire Hudson gave the land iu Hudson on which the West- ern Reserve College was built ; lie was a strict Calvinist, and an original abolitionist, like Owen Brown. Mr. Elizur Wright, now of Boston, formerly a schoolmate of John Brown, and afterwards a professor in the college at Hudson, tells me that he met Squire Hudson, one day in Sep- teiuljer, 1831, coming from his post-office, and reading a newspaper he Iiad just received, which seemed to excite him very much as he read. As Mr. Wright came within hearing, the old Calvinist was exclaiming, ' ' Thank Goil for that ! 1 am glad of it. Thank God they have risen at last ! " Inquiring wdiat the news was. Squire Hudson replied, " Why, the slaves have risen down in Virginia, and are fighting for their freedom as we did for ours. I pri^' God they may get it." This was the " Southamp- ton massacre" of Aug. 23, 1831, in which Nat Turner, with six fellow- slaves, raised a revolt in Southampton County, on the edge of the Dismal Swamp in Virginia, and had killed more than fifty whites, without the loss of a single follower, when his band was dispersed on the 25th of August. Turner escaped arrest for eight weeks longer, but was captured Oct. 30, 1831, tried November 5, and hanged November 11, almost exactly twenty- eight years before John Brown's execution, Dec. 2, 1859. 1826.] YOUTH AND EARLY MANHOOD. 35 with the garden and orchard around it whicli he laid out. In the rear of the house was then a wood, now gone, on a knoll leading down to the hrook wliich supplied the tan-pits. I was born in an older log-house. When I was four or five years old, and probably no later than 1825, there came one night a fugitive slave and his wife to father's door, — sent, perhaps, by some townsman who knew John Brown's compassion for such wayfarers, then but few. They were the first colored people I had seen ; and when the woman took me up on her knee and kissed me, I ran away as quick as I could, and ruhhed my face ' to get the black ofi"; ' for I thought she would ' crock ' me, like mother's kettle. Mother gave the poor creatures some supper ; but they thought themselves pursued, and were un- easy. Presently father heard the trampling of horses crossing a bridge on one of the main roads, lialf a mile ofi"; so he took his guests out the back door and down into the swamp near the bnjok, to hide, giving them arms to defend themselves, but returning to the house to await the event. It proved a false alarm : the horsemen were people of the neighborhood going to Hudson village. Father then went out into the dark wood, — for it was night, — and had some difficulty in finding his fugitives ; finally he was guided to the spot by the sound of the man's heart throbbing for fear of capture. He brought them into the house again, sheltered them awhile, and sent them on their way." At this time John Brown could not have been more than twenty-six years old. The children of his first marriage were born, married, and died as follows : — John Brown, Jr., born July 25, 1S21, at Hudson, Ohio ; married Wealthy C. Hotchkiss, July, 1847. Jason Brown, Jan. 19, 1823, at Hudson ; married Ellen Sherbondy, July, 1847. Owen Brown, Nov. 4, 1824, at Hudson (never married). Frederick Ik-own (1), Jan, 9, 1827, at Kiohmond, Pa.; died March 31, 1831. Kuth Brown, Feb. 18, 1829, at Kichmond, Pa. ; married Henry Thompson, Sept. 26, 1850. Frederick Brown (2), Dec. 31, 1830, at Richmond, Pa. ; murdered at Ossawatomie by Eev. Martin White, Aug. 30, 1856. An infant son, Aug. 7, 1832 ; was buried with his mother three days after his birth, at Eichmond, Pa. A letter of John Brown to his father, of which only a 36 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. portion is preserved, describes the death of his first wife in the most touching manner. Her character has already been given in the fragmentary autobiography, and in the recollec- tions of her brother, Milton Lusk. She was descended through her mother (iVIary Adams, of West Stockbridge, Mass., daughter of John Adams, an army contractor in the Eevolution) from the same ancestors as John Adams the second President, and Samuel Adams the Eevolutionary patriot.^ Of the seven children above-named, the four eldest are still living (1885), — John and Owen at Put-in- Bay Island, Ohio ; and Jason and Euth (who married a New Hampshire farmer's son, Henry Thompson, at North Elba, N. Y.) at Pasadena, Cal. I am indebted to all of them for many details of their father's career, and many letters 1 lu December, 1867, John Brown, Jr., copied the following recoid from the Lusk family Bible in the possession of Judge Stephen H. Pitkin, hus- band of his aunt Julia Lusk, by which it appears that Mary (Adams) Lusk was five years older than her husband, and was a widow when Cap- tain Lusk married her : — Amos Lusk, born Thursday, March 6, 1773 ; Mary (Hull) Lusk (his wife), born Sunday, May 15, 1768 ; Sophia Hull, born Wednesday, April 29, 1789 ; Laura Hull, born Thursday, Dec. 8, 1791 ; Minerva Lusk, born Sunday, Oct. 18, 1795 ; Maria Lusk, born Sunday, June 27, 1797 ; Loring Lusk, born Tuesday, June 3, 1799 ; Dianthe Lusk, born Monday, Jan. 12, 1801 ; Milton Adams Lusk, born Thursday, June 2, 1803 ; Julian H. Lusk, born Monday, Sept. 16, 1805 ; So])hia H. Lusk, born Thursday, July 28, 1808 ; Julia Lusk, born Saturday, Feb. 10, 1810 ; Edward Lusk, born Tuesday, Dec. 31, 1811 ; Laura Hull, married Sept. 23, 1810 ; Amos Lusk, died May 24, 1813; Dianthe Lusk Brown, died Aug. 10, 1832 ; Mary Lusk, wife of Amos Lusk, died Jan. 20, 1843. Captain Lusk removed to Ohio from East Bloomfield, N. Y., with his family, then consisting of his wife and her six children (including Sophia and Laura Hull by her first husband), -in 1801. Several families, includ- ing his sister's (Mrs. Hannah Lindley), made up the omigiating party. Buffalo was then a small village, and Ohio almost an unbroken wilderness. On their journej^ while stopping at a tavern, an incident occurred which came near terminating tlie life of Dianthe Lusk, then a baby six weeks olre is none like hi.m in the earth; a perfect and an upright man, one Avho fearetli God and escheweth evil, and still he holdeth fast his integrity." Tlie same writer makes Elipliaz put to Job these ques- tions, remarkable, but searching: "Is not this thy fear, thy confi- dence, thy hope, and the uprightness of thy ways?" This writer makes his different characters call the unstable and unsound, hypo- crites. Bildad says, " So are the paths of all that forget God, and tlie hypocrite's hope shall perish. Whose hope shall be cut off, and whose trust shall be a spider's web.'' ifophar says of the same class of persons, " And tlieir hope shall be as the giving up of the ghost." EUphaz says, "Let not him that is deceived trust in vanity, for vanity shall be his recompense." Joli says, "I know that my Re- deemer liveth, whom I shall sec for myself, and mine eyes behold, and not another." Zophar says, " The trinm]diing of the wicked is short, and the joy of the hypocrite but for a moment." Job is made to inquire concerning those who deceive themselves (as though the thing had come to be well understood in liis day) : " Will he de- light himself in the Almighty? Will he always call upon God?" One writer of the Psalms says of those who did not love Israel's God, " Til rough the pride of his countenance he will not seek after God. God is not in all his thoughts." 1853.] YOUTH AND EARLY MANHOOD. 49 A writer of the Psalms, iu view of the diflferent feelings of men toward tlie God of the Bible, has this lauguage : " With the mer- ciful thou wilt show thyself merciful, with ati ujjright man thou wilt show thyself upright, with the pure, thou wilt show thyself pure, and with tha froward thou wilt show thyself froward." Again iu the Psalms we read, "The meek shall eat and be satisfied, they shall praise the Lord that seek him." Again, " The meek will he guide in judgment, and the meek will he teach his way." " All the paths of the Lord are mercy and truth unto such as keep his covenant and testimonies." " The secret of the Lord is with them that fear him, and he will show them his covenant." " Oh, how great is thy good- ness which thou hast laid up for them that fear thee, which thou hast wrought for them that trust in thee before the sons of men ! " " The angel of the Lord encampeth round about them that fear him, and delivereth them." '' The Lord redeemeth the soul of his servants, and none of them that trust in him shall be desolate." "Though he fall, yet he shall not be utterly cast down, for the Lord upholdeth him with his hand." " The law of his God is in his heart ; none of his steps shall slide." " But the salvation of the righteous is of the Lord ; he is their strength in the time of trouble." " Mark the per- fect man, and behold the upriglit, for the end of that man is peace." "The Lord will strengthen him upon the bed of, languishing ; thou wilt make all his bed iu his sickness." " Our heart is not turned back, neither have our steps declined from thy way." "They go from strength to strength ; every one of them in Zion appear before God." " Great peace have they that love thy law, and nothing shall offend them." "Then shall I not be ashamed when I have respect unto all thy commandments." " If I forget thee, Jerusalem ! let my right hand forget her cunning." " The backslider in heart shall be filled with his own ways." "To the law and to the testimony ! if they speak not according to their word, it is because there is no light in them." " Thus saith the Lord, What iniquity have your fathers found in me that they are gone far from me, and have walked after vanity, and have become vain ? " " Turn, back-sliding children, saith the Lord." "But they hearkened not, nor inclined their ear, but walked in the counsels and in the imaginations of their evil heart, and went backward and not forward." " Yea, the stork in the heaven knoweth her appointed times, and the turtle and the crane and the swallow observe the time of their coming, but my people know not the judgment of the Lord. " " The heart is deceitful above all things, and desperately wicked; who can know it?" " Tliy prophets have seen vain and foolish things for thee, and they have not discovered thine iniquity." " They that observe lying vanities forsake their own mercy." "Then they shall answer, Because they 4 50 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JO FIN BROWN. 11853. have forsaken the covenant of the Lord their God." " Forty years long was I grieved with this generation, and said it is a people that do err in their heart, and they have not known my ways." " But the^ like men have transgressed the covenant ; there have they dealt treacherously against me." " Many shall he [lurified and made white and tried, but the wicked shall do wickedly ; and none of the wicked shall understand, but the wise shall understand." " The preacher sought to find out acceptable words, and that which was written was upright, even words of truth." ''That the generation to come miglit know them, even the children which should be born, who should arise and declare them to their children ; that they might set their hope in God, and not forget the works of God, but keep his coui- maudments ; and might not be as then- fathers, a stubborn and re- bellious generation ; a generation that set not their heart aright, and whose spirit was not steadfast with God." " Who is wise and shall understand these tlungs; prudent, and he shall know them ? For the ways of the Lord are right, and the just shall walk in them ; but the transgressor shall fall therein." " Whosoever therefore shall confess me before men, hhn will I also confess before my Father which is in Heaven." " And many false prophets shall arise, and shall deceive many ; and because inicpity shall abound, the love of many shall wax cold." '^ And blessed is he whosoever shall not be offended in me." '' They on the rock are they which when they hear, receive the word with joy; and these have no root, and for a while believe, and in time of temptation fall away." " From that time many of his disciples went back, and walked no more with him." " He that rejecteth me, and receiveth not my words, hath one that judgeth him : the word that I have spoken, the same shall judge liim at the last day." "Every branch in me that beareth not fruit he taketh away." " But if our gospel be hid, it is hid to them that are lost." " I marvel tliat ye are so soon removed from him that called you into the grace of Cln'ist, unto another gospel." "Ye did run well: who did hinder you that ye should not (d)ey the truth '? " "Beware lest any man spoil you through philosopliy and vain deceit, after the tradition of men, after the rudiments of the world, and not after Christ." " For now we live, if ye stand fast in the Lord." " For the time will come when they will not endure sound doctrine." " Therefore we ought to give the more earnest heed to the things wliich we have heard, lest at any time we should let them slip." " Let us therefore fear lest a promise being left us of entering into his rest, any of you should seem to come short of it." "And we desire that every one of you do show the same diligence to th(^ full assurance of hope unto the end; that ye be not slothful, but followers of them who through faith and patience 1853. YOUTH AND EARLY MANHOOD. 51 inherit the promises." " Now the just shall live by faith ; hut if any man draw back, my soul shall have no pleasure in him." " And this I pray, that your love may abound yet more and more in knowledge and in all judgment, that ye may approve things that are excellent, that may bo sincere and without offence till the day of Christ." "And make straight paths for your feet, lest that which is lame be turned out of the way, but let it rather be healed." " Looking diligently lest any man fail of the grace of God." " For it had been better for them not to have known the way of righteousness, than after they have known it to turn from the holy commandment delivered unto them." " Nevertheless I have somewhat against thee, because thou hast left thy first love. Remember therefore from whence thou art fallen, and repent." *' Be watchful, and strengthen the things which remain and are ready to die, for I have not found thy works perfect before God." " He that overcometh, the same shall be clothed in white raiment; and I will not blot out his name out of the book of life, but I will confess his name before my Father, and before his angels." " Blessed is he that watcheth and keepeth his garments, lest he walk naked and they see his shame. Amen." '' And I beseech you [children] to sutler the word of exhortation." Akron, Ohio, Sept. 23, 1853. Dear Children. — It is now nearly a month since I began on another page. Since writing before, father has seemed quite well, but Jason, Ellen, Owen, and Frederick have all had more or less of the ague. They were as well as usual, for them, yesterday. Others of the family are in usual health. I did mean that my letter should go off at once, but I have not become very stout, and have a great deal to look after, and have had many inten'uptions. We liave done pai't of our sowing, and expect to get all our corn (of which we have a good crop) secure from frost tliis day. We shall be glad to see you here at the time of our county fair, which is to be on the twelfth and thirteenth of October. I hope that through the infinite grace and mercy of God you may be brought to see the error of your ways, and be in earnest to turn many to righteousness, instead of leading astray ; and then you might prove a gi-eat blessing to Essex County, or to any place where your lot may fall. I do not feel " estranged from my children," but I cannot flatter them, nor "cry peace when there is no peace." My wife and Oliver expect to set out for Pennsylvania before long, and will probably call on you ; but prr my ovvu benefit, and could not redeem it ; and wliereas I have been legally discharged from my obligations by the laws of the United States, — I hereby agree (in consideration of the great kind- ness and tenderness of said Company toward me in my calamity, and more particularly of the moral obligation I am under to render to all their due), to pay the same and the interest thereon, from time to time, as Divine Providence shall enable me to do. Witness my hand and seal. John Brown. Richfield, Summit County, Ohio, Oct. 17, 1842. George Kellogg, Esq. Dear Sir, — I have just received information of my final discharge as a bankrupt in the District Court, and I ought to be grateful tliat no one of my creditors has made any opposition to such discharge being given. I shall now, if my lite is continued, have an opjxjr- tunity of proving the sincerity of my past professions, when legally free to act as I choose. I am sorry to say that in consequence of tlie unforeseen expense of getting the discharge, the loss of an ox, and the destitute condition in which a new surrender of my effects has ])laced me, witli my numerous family, I fear this year must pass witliout my effecting in tlie way of payment what I have encouraged you to exiK'Ct (notwithstanding I have been generally prosperous in my business for the season). liespectfuUy your unworthy friend, John Brown. These papers show the real integrity of Brown in a trans- action where he might have escaped the obligation which he • thus assumed. He had not paid the whole of this debt at his death in 1859. In his will then made he bequeathed fifty dollars toward paying the claim, Avliich the Company received and placed to his credit. Another of Brown's creditors at a later period was Dwight Hopkins, formerly of Ohio, but lately of Montana, who followed him to Kansas in 18r)5-.56 to collect some part of his debt. He found Brown, as the story goes, '' in a little cabin with his toes out of his boots, and nothing but mush and milk on the table, — the old man tearfully regretting his lack of better entertainment." ^ Hopkins got his pay 1 Letter of Hosea Paul, of Wabash, Ind., Jan. 17, 1875, from which some of the above statements arc taken. 1844.1 JOHN BROWN AS A BUSINESS MAN. 57 finally ; but that was not always the case with Brown's creditors, as we have seen, and shall see. He would seem to have been " a visionary man in business affairs, and of a restless, speculating disposition, not content with the plod- ding details of ordinary trade." As to his wool specula- tions. Colonel Simon Perkins, of Akron, when questioned by me in 1878 ^ about Brown's wool-growing and wool-dealing, re- plied, " The less you say about them the better." I answered that the more I knew, the better I should be able to say the less. He then said that Brown was a rough herdsman, though a good wool-sorter; "in general terms, he was not a good shepherd, though a nice judge of the quality of wool." He used shepherd dogs, " because it was then the fashion to use them, as much for company as anything else ; but they did more harm than good." He said he kept but one thou- sand five hundred sheep when Brown had charge of them, and that he could easily distinguish every sheep from every other, for " sheep look about as much alike as men do." " Brown took all the care and risk of the flock, and accounted to me at the end of the year, when we divided the profits ; he was here off and on for ten or twelve years. In the wool business at Springfield I furnished the capital ; Brown managed according to his own impulses : he would not listen to anybody, but did what he took into his head. He was solicitous to go into the business of selling wool, and I allowed him to do it ; but he had little judgment, always followed his own will, and lost much money. His father had more judgment and less will. I had no controversy with John Brown, for it would have done no good." " Do » May" 29, 1878, I visited the large farm of Colonel Perkins, lying just outside the city limits of Akron, in the township of Portage, where Brown herded sheep as late as 1854. Calling on Colonel Perkins a little before noon, I found him walking in his garden, a white-bearded man with a for- bidding manner, who evidently grudged me the half-hour I asked of him to talk about Brown. He said he had letters of Brown ; but they were business letters, and not to be .shown. He said he no longer kept sheep, because " it does not pay to keep them here, so near to the city ; " that his crops were wheat, fruit, vegetables, etc. I told him that I knew much of Brown's Virginia campaign, but little of his life as a sheep-farmer, and obtained the information given above. 58 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1843. you mean to connect me with that Virginia affair ? " said Colonel Perkins. " I consider him and the men that helped him in that the biggest set of fools in the world." Evi- dently he had treated Brown more generously than he now spoke of him, and no doubt sympathized with him in his ef- fort to help the wool-growers. Mi\ T. B. Musgrave, of Xew York, who was then well acquainted with the wool-trade, has told me that the warehousing of wool at Springfield and else- where was a new feature introduced by Brown, in order to enhance prices in the interest of the farmers. Brown went from Franklin to Hudson in 1839, having also lived at Hudson in 1836-37, and in 1840 for a time. In 1841 he kept the sheep of Captain Oviatt, a farmer and merchant of Richfield. After his reverses in 1837 he had taken up the romantic life of a shepherd, — that, as he says, " being a calling for which in early life he had a kind of enthusiastic longing." At the age of thirty-nine, when he entered fully upon this " calling," he also had, as he says, " the idea that as a business it bid fair to afford him the means of carrying out his greatest or principal object." This object was the liberation of the slaves; and the plan which he had formed for this was in substance the same in 1839 that it was twenty years later, when he put it in exe- cution. " If he kept sheep," said Emerson, " it was with a royal mind ; and if he traded in wool, he was a merchant- prince, not in the amount of wealth, but in the protection of the interests confided to him." A few of his letters at this period may be cited to show how he dealt with these interests, whether of animals or of men. Letters of John Broivn to his Children. Richfield, Ohio, July 24, 1843. Dear son John, — I well know how to appreciate the feelings of a yonng person among strangers, and at a distance from home ; and no want of good feeling towards you, or interest in you, has been the reason why I have not written yon before. I have been careful and troubled with so much serving, that I have in a great measure neglected the one thing needful, and pretty much stopped all corres- pondence with heaven. My worldly business has borne heavily, and still does ; but we progress some, have our sheep sheared, and have 1844.] JOHN BROWN AS A BUSINESS MAN. 59 done something at our haying. Have our tauuing business going on in about the same proportion, — that is, we are pretty fairly behind in business, and feel that I nmst nearly or quite give up one or other of the branches, for vi^ant of reguLar troops on whom to depend. We should like to know how you expect to dispose of your time hereafter, and how you get along, what your studies are, and what difficulties you meet. I would send you some money, but I have not yet re- ceived a dollar from any source since you left. I should not be so dry of funds could I but overtake my work ; but all is well, — all is well. Will you couie home or not this fall ? I suppose there are some per- sons in Richfield who would be middling fond of seeing you back once more, wherever you may be. I hope you may behave yourself wisely in all things. From your affectionate father, John Brown. Richfield, Jan. 11, 1844. Dear Son John, — Your letter, dated December 21, was re- ceived some days ago, bat I have purposely delayed till now, in order to comply with your request that 1 should write about every- thing. We are all in health ; amongst the number is a new sister,^ about three weeks old. I know of no one of our friends that is not in comfortable health. I have just met with father ; he was with us a few days since, and all were then well in Hudson. Our flock is well, and we seem to be overtaking our business in the tannery. Divine Providence seems to smile on our works at this time ; I hope we shall not prove unthankful f(n- any favor, nor forget the giver. (I have gone to sleep a great many times while writing the above.) The boys and Ruth are trying to improve some this winter, and are effecting a little I think. I have lately entered into a copartnership with Simon Perkins, Jr., of Akron, with a view to carry on the sheep business extensively. He is to furnish all the feed and shelter for wintering, as a set-off against our taking all the care of the flock. All other expenses we are to share equally, and to divide the profits equally. This arrangement will reduce our cash rents at least $250 yearly, and save our hiring help in haying. We expect to keep the Captain Oviatt form for jiasturing, but my family will go into a very good house belonging to ^Ir. Perkins, — say from a half a mile to a mile out of Akron. I think this is the most comfortable and the most favorable arrangement of my worldly concerns that I ever had, and calculated to aff'ord us more leisure for im})rovement, by day and by night, than any other- I do hope that God has enabled us to make ^ Anne Brown, now Mrs. Adams. 60 LITE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1844. it in mercy to us, and not that he should send leanness into our souls. Our time will all be at our own command, except the care of the Hock. We have nothing to do M-ith providing for them in the winter excepting harvesting rutabagas and potatoes. This, 1 think, will be considered no mean alliance for our family, and I most earnestly hope they will have wisdom given to make the uiost of it. It is certainly indorsing the poor bankrupt and his family, three of whom were but recently in Akron jail, in a manner (juite un- expected, and proves that notwithstanding we have been a company of " Belted Knights," our industrious and steady endeavors to main- tain our integrity and our character have not been wholly overlooked. Mr. Perkins is perfectly advised of our poverty, and the times that have passed over us. Perhcips you may think best to have some connection with this business. I do not know of any person in KiCHFiELD that you would be likely to be fond of hearing from in particular, excepting one at Cleveland ; and if hearing from any person prove to be a very up-stream business, 1 would advise not to worry at present. Will you let me know how it stands between you and all parties concerned i ^ Your father, John Brown. To his wife he wrote thus at this period : — Springfield, Mass., March 7, 1844. ]\Iy dear Mary, — It is once more Sabbath evening, and nothing so much accords with my feelings as to spend a portion of it in con- versing with the partner of my choice, and the sharer of my poverty, trials, discredit, and sore afflictions, as well as of what comfort and seeming prosperity has fallen to my lot for quite a number of years. I would you sliould realize that, notwithstanding I am absent in body, I am very much of the time present in spirit. I do not forget the firm attachment of her who has remained my fast and faithful affectionate friend, when others said of me, " Now that he lieth, he shall rise up no more." ... I now feel encouraged to believe that my absence will not be very long. After being so much away, it seems as if I knew pretty well how to appreciate the quiet of home. There is a peculiar music in the word which a half-year's absence in a distant country would enable you to understand. Millions there are who have no such thing to lay claim to. I feel considerable regret by tui-ns tliat I have lived so many years, and have in reality done so • 1 The alhision at the close of this letter is to some affairs of the heart in which the young man tiien had an interest ; for love was no more a stranger to these Ohio shepherds than to those of Sicily. 1844.] JOHN BROWN AS A BUSINESS MAN. 61 little t() increase the amount of hiiinan happiness. I often regret that my manner is no more kind and afliectionate to those I really love and esteem; but I trust my friends will overlook my harsh, rough ways, when I cease to be in their way as an occasion of pain and uu- happiness. In imagination I often see you in your room with Little Cliick and that strange Anna. You must say to her that father means to come before long and kiss somebody. I will close by saying that it is my growing resolution to endeavor to promote my own happiness by doing what I can to render those about me more so. If the large boys do wrong, call them alone into your room, and expostulate with them kindly, and see if you cannot reach them by a kind but pow^erful appeal to their honor. I do not claim that such a theory accords very well with my practice; I frankly confess it does not ; but I want your face to shine, even if my own should be dark and cloudy. You can let the family read this letter, and perhaps you may not feel it a great burden to answer it, and let me hear all about how you get along. Affectionately yours, John Brown. Cleveland, June 22, 1844. Dear son John, — I received your letter some days ago, but was so busy in preparing for my journey to Lowell (on which I now am) that 1 could find no time to write before. We had been waiting for news from you for some time, not knowing where you were, and were all glad of your letter. I will give a little account of things since you left. We moved to Akron about the 10th of April ; get along very pleasantly with our neighbors Perkins ; find them very affable and kind. Have had a good deal of loss amongst our sheep from grub in the head. Have raised 5G0 lambs, and have 2,700 pounds of wool ; have been offered 56 cents per pound for one ton of it. Jason spends most of his time in Richfield. Have not yet done finishing leather, but shall probably get through in a few weeks after my return. The general aspect of our woridly affairs is favor- able. Hope we do not entirely forget God. I am extremely ignorant at present of miscellaneous subjects. Have not been at Richfield for some time, and have but a moment to write, on board a boat. I enclose three dollars, and would more, but may be short of expense money. May write you at Lowell or Boston ; ^ may return by you. Your afl'ectionate father, John Brown. 1 Mr. Amos A. Lawrence, of Bo.ston, writes me (Feb. 25, 1885), "Brown was the agent of our Firm to buy wool in Oliio. as early as 1843." 62 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1846. Akkon, Jan. 27, 1846. Dear son John, — I arrived at home December 2d ; had a fa- tiguing but I should tliiuk a prosperous journey, and brought with me a few choice sheep. Our wool sold by the sort, at from 24 cents to $L20 per pound, just as we wash it on the sheep ; average, about the same as last year, perhaps a little better. Our flock have done remarkably this winter, and are in good condition and health. We have lost but three by disease since sometime in the fall. Our sales of sheep (mostly bucks) since August amount to about $ (540. Since my return, I have been troubled considerably with my eyes. They are better now. Your letter to Ruth is received, and slie is preparing to go with you when you come out. I have a plan to lay before you for your o})enitions after the first of June next, and hope you will not com- mit yourself for a longer time until you hear it. I think we have quite as much wtaidly prosperity as will bo likely to be a real blessing to us. Fred is in Richfield for the present, with about 250 sheep and a dog under his command. He seems disposed to reading and some thought. Would like to have you write him there, or here perhaps would be better. Write often. Affectionately your father, John Brown. PiiCHMOND, Jefferson County, Ohio, March 24, 1846. Dear Son, — I am out among the wool-growers, with a view to the next summer's operations. Left home about a week ag believed in him, and his children observed him with rever- ence. Whenever he spoke liis words commanded earnest attention. His arguments, which I ventured at some points to oppose, seemed 1850.] JOHN BROWN AS A BUSINESS MAN. 67 to convince all ; his appeals touched all, and his will impressed all. Certainly, I never felt myself in the presence of a stronger religious influence than whUe in this man's house." Douglass soon learned that his host was living in this Spartan way in order to save as much money as possible for his great enterprise of freeing the slaves ; and this agrees with what we know from other sources. It was from James Forman probably that Mr. Eedpath obtained the typical anecdote that Brown would not sell leather by the pound from his tannery until the last drop of moisture had been dried out of it, " lest he should sell his customers water instead of leather." The general testimony of his business associates is that of Heraan Oviatt who knew him at Eich- field, and who said in 1859 : " Through life he has been distinguished for his integrity, and esteemed a very con- scientious man by those who have known him." It was to advance the price of wool that Brown visited Europe, hoping to open there a market for American wool, some lots of which he had previously forwarded to his agents, the Pickersgills, in London. As will be seen later, the price actually got at auction in England for the second grade of wool was less than thirty cents a pound, or far below the American average. Mr. Leonard happened to be an eye- witness to one of the instances in which Brown was griev- ously disappointed in his English speculation, and has thus described what took place. We must suppose the time to be after Brown's return from Europe. Mr. Musgrave, the Yorkshire manufacturer, established in Northampton, Mass., was the father of T. B. Musgrave of New York, already cited. " A little incident occurred in 1850. Perkins & Brown's clip had come forward, and it was beautiful ; the little compact Saxony fleeces were as nice as possible. Mr. Musgrave of the Northampton Woollen Mill, who was making shawls and broadcloths, wanted it, and offered Uncle John sixty cents a pound for it. ' No, I am going to send it to London.' Musgrave, who was a Yorkshire man, advised Brown not to do it, for American wool would not sell in London, — not being thought good. He tried hard to buy it, but without avail. Uncle John graded it himself, bought new sacking, and had it packed under his own eye. The bags were firm, round, hard, and true 68 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1839. almost as if they had been turned out in a lathe, and away it went. Some little time after, lung enough for the purpose, news came that it was sold in London, but the price was not stated. Musgrave came into my counting-room one forenoon all aglow, and said he wanted me to go with him, — he was going to have some fun. Then he went to the stairs and called Uncle John, and told him he wanted him to go over to the Hartford depot and see a lot of wool he had bought. So Uncle John put on his coat, and we started. When we arrived at the depot, and just as we were going into the freight-house, Musgrave says : ' Mr. Brune, I want you to tell me what you think of this lot of wull that stands me in just fifty-two cents a pund.' One glance at the bags was enough. Uncle John wheeled, and I can see him now as he ' put back' to the lofts, his brown coat-tails floating be- hind him, and the nervous strides fairly devouring the way. It was his OMTi clip, for which Musgrave, some three months before, had offered him sixty cents a pound as it lay in the loft. It had been graded, new-bagged, shipped by steamer to Lcjndon, sold, and re- shipped, and was in Springfield at eight cents in the pound less than Musgrave offered. " The last time I saw him ^A•as in 1851. He had some native wine that he had made, and he asked me to taste it, — I think frcnn currants, native grapes, and the raspberry. The latter was very excellent, and wlien I told him of the great quantities of Franconia raspberries growing by the roadsides in the White Mountain region, he took down directions, and said he should try to go there the next season and make a quantity of wine." So it seems he was a vintager as well as a sliepherd; indeed, he sought perfection in all his undertakings, and was constantly improving the stock of cattle, the quality of orchards, grape-vines, etc., as his sons do still. In March, ISilO, he drove a herd of cattle from Ohio to Connecticut, and in July brought back with him a few fine sheep, from which he bred his first flock in Eichfield. He had made a previous journey to Connecticut the same year, in connec- tion with his financial embarrassment, and in the course of it wrote the following letter to his wife : — New Hartford, Conx., Jan. 23, 1839. ... I have felt distressed to get my business dtme and return, ever since I left ln^ne, but know of no way consistent with duty but to make thorough work of it while there is any hope. Things now look more favorable than they have, but I may still be disappointed. 1840.] JOHN BROWN AS A BUSINESS MAN. 69 We must all try to trust in Him who is very gracious and full of compassion and of almighty power ; for those that do will not be made ashamed. Ezra the prophet prayed and afflicted himself before God, when himself and the Captivity were in a straight, and I have no doubt you will join with me under similar circumstances. Don't get discouraged, any of you, but hope iu God, and try all to serve him with a perfect heart. In 1840 he had returned to Hudson, where his father still lived, and there engaged largely in sheep-raising.^ His part- ner at first was Captain Oviatt, of Richfield, a neighboring town ; and in 1842 Brown had removed to Eichfield, where he lived for two years, and where his daughter Anne was born. Here, too, he lost four children in less than three weeks, — Sarah, aged nine ; Charles, almost six ; Peter, not quite three ; and Austin, a year old. Three of these were carried out of his house at one funeral, and were buried in the same grave, in September, 1843. In Springfield also, as we have seen, one of his children died under pathetic cir- cumstances. Yet he looked back on his life in that city with pleasure. 1 John Brown bred racing-horses in Franklin in 1836-37, from a horse called "Count Piper," and from another called "John McDonald." There was a race-course at Warren, Ohio, fret^uented by Kentuckians and others, the only racing-ground then iu the Western Reserve. A certain Dr. Har- mon owned or kept "Count Piper" and "John McDonald," from which Brown bred several colts ; and young John, who gave me these facts, says that he " broke " a young McDonald at three or four years old, — perhaps in 1837-38. His father had no scrui^le about breeding race-horses at that time, but afterwards gave it up on principle. " He had no wish to breed merely draft-horses, but was alwaj's thinking of running with horses and of military operations." He wanted his sons to become familiar with swift horses, and to understand all about their management, and was himself a good rider, — not particularly graceful, his sons say, "but it was very hard to throw him." He "broke" racing-horses himself. At iirst, he argued that if he did not breed them, somebody else would ; but his son John "convinced him that was the gamblers and the slaveholders argu- ment, a7id he abandoned the business, and went into sheep-farming and tan- ning." This I heard from John and Owen Brown in 1882, when they were relating to me their adventures on horseback in Kansas, in which they owed their escape from their enemies to the speed of their horses and the training of the latter to leap fences, etc. Among the men who were asso- ciated with Jolm Brown in business were Gilbert Hubbard (son of a ship chandler of Boston, and afterwards a chandler himself at Chicago), who was 70 Lll^E AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1849. While engaged in his Springfield agency, and wishing to make a market for his wool, which he thought he could sell in Europe to advantage, he went abroad in 1849, and trav- ersed a part of England and the Continent, on business, but also with an eye to his future campaigns against slavery. He visited wool-markets and battle-fields, and took notice of the tricks of trade and the manoeuvres of armies with equal interest. He was then noted among wool-dealers for the delicacy of his touch in sorting the different qualities and his skill in testing them when submitted to him. Give him three samples of wool, — one grown in Ohio, another in Vermont, and a third in Saxony, — and he would distinguish them from each other in the dark, by his sense of touch. Some Englishmen, during his sojourn abroad, put this power to the test in an amusing manner. One evening, in com- pany with several English wool-dealers, each of whom had brought samples in his pocket, Brown was giving his opinion as to the best use to which certain grades and qualities should be put. One of the party very gravely drew a sam- ple from his pocket, handed it to the Yankee farmer, and asked him what he would do with such wool as that. Brown took it,' and had only to roll it between his fingers to know that it had not the minute hooks by whicli the fibres of wool are attached to each other. " Gentlemen," said he, " if you have any machinery in England that will work up dog's hair, I advise you to j^ut this into it." The jocose Briton had sheared a poodle and brought the fleece with him ; but the laugh went against him when Brown handed back his precious sample. His skill in trade was not so great; and, as we saw, after trying the markets of Europe, he finally sold his Liverpool consignments of wool at a lower price than they would have brought in Springfield. connected with Brown at Hudson in sheep-raisin.?, and afterwards with him at Springfield in the wool husiness, and J. C Fairchild, father of General Lucius Fairchild, of Wisconsin, who was a ])nrtner with Brown in tanning at Hudson, and afterwards lived at Cleveland. A young man named For- man, who became connected afterwards hy marriage with the Fairchilds, was brought up by Brown at Randolph, and was living in 1861 at Youngs- ville, Peiin. 1849.] JOHN BROWN AS A BUSINESS MAN. 71 'V few letters of his from Europe are in existence, and will soon be given. The only other record of his European experiences is, perhaps, that noted down by me from con- versations in 1857-59, in which he described what he chiefly noticed abroad, — the agricultural and military equipment of the countries visited, and the social condition of the people. He thought a standing army the greatest curse to a country, because it drained away the best of the young men, and left farming and the industrial arts to be managed by inferior persons. The German farming, he said, was bad husbandry, because the farmers there did not live on their land, but in villages, and so wasted the natural manures which ought to go back without diminution to the soil. He thought Eng- land the best cultivated country he had ever seen ; but as we were driving away one morning in 1859 from the coun- try seat of Mr. John M. Forbes at Milton, near Boston, he told me that he had seen few houses of rich men in England so full of beauty and comfort as this, in which he had passed the night. He had followed the military career of Napoleon with great interest, and visited some of his battle- fields. We talked of such things while driving from Con- cord to ]\[edford one Sunday in April, 1857. ' He then told me that he had kept the contest against slavery in mind while travelling on the Continent, and had made a special study of the European armies and battle-fields. He had examined Napoleon's positions, and assured me that the common military theory of strong places was unsound ; that a ravine was in truth more defensible than a hill-top. So it is for an army of heroes, as Leonidas demonstrated at Thermopylae ; but for ordinary warfare, we may believe that Napoleon was right. Brown often witnessed the evo- lutions of the Austrian troops, and declared that they could always be defeated (as they have since been in Italy and elsewhere) by soldiers who should manoeuvre more rapidl}^ The Erench soldiers he thought well drilled, but lacking individual prowess ; for that he gave the palm to our own countrymen. John Brown sailed for England in August, 1849, and returned to Springfield in October. He wrote to his son as follows ; — 72 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BKOWX. |1849. LoNDOx, Aug. 29, 1849. Dear son John, — I reached Liverjx)ol on Sabbath day, the 26th iust., and this phice the 27th at eveuiug, — a debtor to Grace for health aud for a very pleasant and quick passage. Have called on the Messrs. Pickersgill, and find they have neither sold any wool nor offered any. They think that no time has been lost, and that a good sale can yet be expected. It is now the calculation to offer some of it at the monthly sale, September next, commencing a little before the middle of the month. I have had no time to examine any wools as yet, and can therefore express no opinion of my own in the matter. England is a fine country, so far as I have seen; but nothing' so very wonderful has yet appeared to me. Their fanning and stone-masonry are very good ; cattle, generally more than middling good.^ Horses, as seen at Liverpool and London, and through the fine country betwixt these places, will bear no comparison with those of our Northern States, as they average. I am here told that I must go to the Park to see the fine horses of England, and I suppose I must ; for the streets of London and Liverpool do not exhibit half the dis- play of fine horses as do those of our cities. But what I judge from more than anything is the numerous breeding mares and colts among the growers. Their h<'gs are generally good, and mutton- sheep are almost everyAvhere as fiit as pork. Tell my friend Middle- ton and wife that England afl'ords me plenty of roast beef and mutton of the first' water, and done up in a style not to be exceeded. As I intend to write you very oft en- 1 shall not be lengthy; shall probably add more to this sheet before I seal it. Since writing the above, I find that it will be my best way to set out at once for the Continent, and I expect to leave for Paris this evening. So farewell for this time, — now about four o'clock p. M. Your affectionate father, John Brown. London, Sept. 21, 1849. De.\r son John, — T have nothing new to write excepting that I am still well, and that on Monday a lot of No. 2 wool was sold at the auction sale, at from twenty-six to twenty-nine cents per pound. This is a bad sale, and I have withdrawn all other wools from the 1 "Writing Sept. 30, 1850, to an inquiring correspondent, Jolui Brown said : " None of my cattle are pure Devons, but a mixture of that and a particular favorite .<;topk from Connectieut, — a cross of which I much prefer to any pure Ejiglish cattle, after many years experience, of different breeds. I was several montlis in England last season, and saw no one stock on any farm that would average better than my own.'l 1849.] JOHN BROWN AS A BUSINESS MAN. 73 market, or public sales. Since the other wools have been withdrawn, I have discovered a much greater interest among the buyers, and I am in hopes to succeed better with the other wools ; but cannot say yet how it will prove on the whole. I have a great deal of stupid, obstinate prejudice to contend with, as well as contlictiug interests, both in this country and from the United States. I can only say that I have exerted myself to the utmost, and that if I cannot effect a better sale of the other wools privately I shall start them back. I believe that not a pound of No. 2 wool was bought for the United States ; and I learn that the general feeling is now that it was quite undersold. About one hundred and fifty bales were sold. I regret that so many bales were put up ; but it cannot be helped now, f(jr after wool has been subjected to a London examination k>r public sale, it is very much injared for selling again. The agent of Thiriou, IMailard, &. Co., has been looking at them to-day, and seemed highly pleased ; said he had never seen superior m'ooIs, and that he would see me again. We have not yet talked about price. I now think I shall begin to think of home quite in earnest at least in another fortnight, possibly sooner. I do not think the sale made a full test of the operation. Farewell. Your affectionate fathei", John Brown. Westpokt, N. Y., Nov. 9, 1849. Dear son John, — I reached home last week, and found all well, and the weather fine, which has been the case since you left Essex County. I expect to return to Springfield some day next week, but wish you would forward me (without delay) by letter directed to me at this place (Westport, Essex Co.), care of F. H. Cutting, a draft on New York for $250, payable to my order. Please let my wife know. Your affectionate father, John Brown. John Brown landed in England, Sunday, Aug. 26, 1849, and was in Paris on the 29th and 30th of August. His journey through Germany must have been swift, for he was again in London, September 21 ; but he may have visited the Continent again in October, for he did not land in New York until the last week in October, and proceeded from there to Westport on his way to North Elba (where his family were then settled), as the short letter above printed shows. His wife, hoAvever, was then at a water-cure establishment in Northampton, while John was managing 74 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1850. the business in Springfield. The story of his settlement in the wilderness of northern New York will be more fully given hereafter. So far as his wool business was concerned, this forest home afforded him a quiet retreat from the annoyances which the failure of his mercantile enterprise brought upon him. All through 1850 it was evident that the result would be unfortunate, and it was feared his losses might be large. Brown was anxious, not without reason, lest his partner in Ohio, Simon ]^erkins, might blame him for his peculiar and obstinate course in trying to force the market, without success. The following letters show how this affair turned : — John Brotvn to his Fatnibj. BuiiGETTSTOWN, Penn., April 12, 1850. Dear son John and Wife, — When at New York, ou my way here, I called at Messrs. Fowler & Wells's office, but you were abseut. Mr. Perkins has made me a visit here, and left for home yesterday. All well at Essex when I left; all well at Akron when he left, one week since. Our meeting together was one of the most cordial and pleasant I ever experienced. He met a full history of our difficulties and probable losses without a frown on his counte- nance, or one syllable of reflection ; but, on the contrary, with words of comfort and encouragement. He is wholly averse to any separa- tion of our business or interest, and gave me the fullest assurance of his undiminished confidence and personal regard. He expresses strong desire to have our flock of sheep remain undivided, to become the joint possession of our families when we have gone oft' the stage. Such a meeting I had not dared to expect, and I most heartily wish each of my family could have shared in the comfort of it. Mr. Per- kins has in the whole business, from first to last, set an example worthy of a philosopher, or of a Christian. I am meeting with a {jood deal of trouble from those to whom we have over-advanced, but feel nerved to face any difficulty vi^hile God continues me such a partner. Expect to be in New York within three or four weeks. Your affectionate father, John Brown. Akron, April 25, 1850. Dear son John and Wife, — T reached here well yesterday, and found all well. Since I came I liave seen your letter to Jason, by which I am taken somewhat by surprise; but am exceedingly 1850.] JOHN BROWN AS A BUSINESS MAN. 75 gratified to learn that you have concluded to quit that city. I have only to say at this, moment, do suspend all further plans and move- ments uutn you can hear the result of a general consultation over matters with Mr. Perkins, youv grandfather, and Jason. I mil just say, in few words, that such is the eflfect here of the California fever, that a man is becoming more precious than gold ; and I very much want my family to take the legitimate aud proper advantage of it. Edward has got married and gone to California. Your affectionate father, John Brown. Whitehall, N. Y., Nov. 4, 1850. Dear son John, — I was disappointed in not seeing you and Wealthy ^ while in Ohio ; and not till within a few days did I get to know where to write you, as I have been on the move most of the season. I should have written you while at Ravenna, but expected every day to see you. We have trouble : Pickersgills, McDonald, Jones, Warren, Burlington, and Patterson & Ewiug, — these differ- ent claims amount to some forty thousand d(jllars, and if lost will leave me nice and flat. This is in confidence. Mr. Perkins bears the trouble a great deal better than I had feared. I have been trying to collect, aud am still trying. Have not yet effected a sale of our wool. I expect to take some of the best of my cattle to Akron. Our crops in Essex were very good this season, aud expenses small. The fam- ily were well when last heard from. Am now on my way home. Ruth was married in September, and I tliink has done well. I want you to write me at Springfield all how you get along, and what you are doing and intend to do, and what your prospects are. I have in no way altered my plan of future operations since conversing with you, and I found Mr. Perkins's views fully correspond with my own. I have my head and hands quite full ; so no more now. Your affectionate father, John Brown. Springfield, Mass., Dec. 4, 1850. Dear sons John, Jason, Frederick, and daughters, — I this moment received the letter of John and Jason of the 29th No- vember, and feel grateful not only to learn that you are all alive and well, but also for almost everything your letters communicate. I am much pleased with the reflection that you are all three once more to- gether, and all engaged in the same calling that the old patriarchs followed. I will say but one word more on that score, aud that is ^ The wife of John. 76 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1850. taken from their history : '' See that ye fall not out by the way," and all will be exactly right in the end. I should think matters were brightening a little in this direction, in regard to our claims ; but I have not yet been able to get any of them to a final issue. I think, too, that the prospect for the fine-wool business rather impnn'es. AVliat burdens me most of all is the appreliension that Mr. Perkins exjjects of me in the way of bringing matters to a close what no living man can possibly bring about in a short time, and that he is getting out of patience and becoming distrustful. If I could be with him in all I do, or could possibly attend to all my cares, aud give him full explanations by letter of all my movements, I should be greatly relieved. He is a most noble-spirited man, to whom I feel most deeply indebted ; and no amount of money would atone to my feel- ings for the loss of confidence and cordiality on his part. If my sons, who are so near him, conduct wisely and faithfully and kindly in what they have undertaken, they will, beyond the possibility of a doubt, secure to themselves a full reward, if they should not be the means of entirely relieving a father of his burdens. I will once more repeat an idea 1 have often mentioned in regard to business life in general. A world of pleasure and of success is the sure and constant attendant upon early rising. It makes all the busi- ness of the day go off with a peculiar cheerfulness, while the effects of the contrary course are a great aud constant draft upon one's vitality and good temper. When last at home in Essex, I spent every day but the first afternoon surveying or in tracing out old lost boundaries, about which I was very successful, working early and late, at two dol- lars per day. This was of the utmost service to both body and mind ; it exercised me to the full extent, and for the time being almost en- tirely divested my mind from its burdens, so that I returned to my task very greatly refreshed and invigorated. John asks me about Essex. I will say that the fiimily there were living upon the bread, milk, butter, pork, chickens, potatoes, turnips, carrots, etc., of their own raising, and the most of them abundant in quantity and superior in quality. I have nowhere seen such pota- toes. Essex County so abounds in hay, grain, potatoes, and ruta- bagas, etc., that I find unexpected difficulty in selling for cash oats and some other things we have to spare. Last year it was exactly tlie reverse. The weather was charming up to the 15th November, when I left, and never before did the country seem to hold out so many things to entice me to stay on its soil. Nothing but a strong sense of duty, obligation, and propriety would keep me from laying my bones to rest there ; but 1 shall cheerfully endeavor to make that sense my guide, God always helping. It is a source of tlic utmost comfort to feel that I retain a warm place in tlie sympathies, affections, and 1850.1 JOHN BROWN AS A BUSINESS MAN. 77 confidence of my own most familiar acquaintance, my family ; and allow me to say that a man can hardly get into difficulties too big to be surmounted, if he has a firm fo(Jlhold at home. Bemember that. I am glad Jason has made the sales he mentions, on many accounts. It will relieve his immediate money wants, a thing that made me somewhat unhappy, as I could not at once supply them. It will lessen his care and the need of being gone from home, perhaps to the injury somewhat of the flock that lies at the foundation, and possibly to the injury of Mr. Perkins's feelings on that account, in some measure. He will certainly have less to divide his attention. I had felt some worried about it, and I most heartily rejoice to hear it ; for you may all rest assured that the old flock has been, and so long as we have anything to do with it will continue to be, the main root, either directly or indirectly. In a few short months it will afl'ord another crop of wool. I am sorry for John's trouble in his throat ; I hope he will soon get relieved of that. I have some doubt about the cold-water prac- tice in cases of that kind, but do not suppose a resort to medicines of much account. Regular out-of-door labor I believe to be one of the best medicines of all that God has yet provided. As to Essex, I have no question at all. For stock-growing and dairy business, consider- ing its healthfuluess, cheapness of price, and nearness to the two best markets in the Union (New York and Boston), I do not know where we could go to do better. I am much refreshed by your letters, and until you hear from me to the contrary, shall be ghul to have you write me here often. Last night I was up till after midnight writing to Mr. Perkins, and perhaps used some expressions in my rather cloudy state of mind that I had better not have used. I mentioned to him that Jason understood that he disliked his management of the flock somewhat, and was worried about that and the poor hay he would have to feed out during the winter. I did not mean to write him anything offensive, and hope he will so understand me. There is now a fine plank road completed from Westport to Eliza- bethtown. We have no hired person about the family in Essex. Henry Thompson is clearing up a piece of ground that the "colored brethren " chopped for me. He boards with the family ; and, by the way, he gets Ruth out of bed so as to have breakfast before light, mornings. I want to have you save or secure the first real prompt, fine-look- ing, black shepherd puppy whose ears stand erect, that you can get ; I do not care about his training at all, further than to have him learn to come to you when bid, to sit down and lie down "when told, or something in the way of play. Messrs. Cleveland & Titus, our lawyers in New York, are anxious to get one for a ]ilaything ; 78 LITE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1850. and I am well satisfied, that, shuuld I give them oue as a matter of friendship, it would be more appreciated by them, and do more to secure their best services in our suit with PickersgiU, than would a hundred dollars paid them in the way of fees. I want Jason to ob- tain from Mr. Perkins, or anywhere he can get them, two good junk - bottles, have them thoroughly cleaned, and filled with the chen-y wine, being very careful not to roil it up before filling tlie bottles, — providing good corks and filling them perfectly full. These I want him to pack safely in a very small strong box, which he can make, direct them to Perkins •& Brown, Springfield, Mass., and send them by express. We can efi'ect something to purpose by producing un- adulterated domestic wines. They will command great prices.^ It is again getting late at night ; and I close by wishing every present as well as future good. Your affectionate father, John Brown. Spkixgfiei.d, Mass., Dec. 6, 1850. Dear son John, — Your kind letter is received. By same mail I also have one from Mr. Perkins in answer to one of mine, in which I did in no very indistinct way introduce some queries, not altogether unlike those your letter contained. Indeed, your letter throughout is so much like wluit has often passed through my own mind, that were I not a little sceptical yet, I should conclude you had access to some of the knocking spirits.'^ I shall not write you very long, as I mean 1 This fixes the date of the anecdote told by Mr. Leonard concerning the wines which Brown bad to exhibit ; it must have been after this time, and probably in 1851. John Brown, Jr., has been for many years cultivat- ing the grape on an island in Lake Erie, and his brother Jason is now doing the same in Southern California. Their principles, however, forbid them to make wine. 2 This was the period when tlie Fox family, at Rochester, N. Y., were astonishing the world with their knockings and the messages from another world which these were supposed to convey. John Brown, Jr., was inclined to believe in the reality of this "rat-hole revelation " (as Emerson described it to Henry Ward Beccher) ; but his father was sceptical. He talked with his son at the American House, Springfield, in 1848, concerning this mat- ter, and told him that the Bible contains the whole revelation of God ; that since that canon was closed, "the book has been sealed." In his later years he was less confident of this ; and in 1859, when he last talked with John Brown, Jr. , on the subject, he said he had received messages, as he believed, from Dianthe Lusk, which had directed his conduct in cases of perplexity. Milton Lusk has been a believer in " Spiritualism " for many years ; indeed, he is naturally heretical, and was excommunicated by the church in Hudson, in 1835. 1853.] JOKN BROWN AS A BUSINESS MAN. 79 to write again before many days. Mr. Perkins's letter, to which I just alluded, appears to be written in a very kind spirit ; and so long as he is right-side up, I shall by no means despond ; indeed, I think the fog clearing away from our matters a little. I certainly wish to understand, and I mean to understand, " how the land lies " before taking any important steps. You can assist me very much about being posted up ; but you will be able to get hold of the right end exactly by having everything done up first-rate, and by becoming very familiar, and not by keeping distant. I most earnestly hope that should I lose caste, my family will at least prove themselves wroperly authorized to take testimony. If so, I wish you to ascertain the fact and write me ; if not, I want you to learn through Mr. Perkins who would be a suitable person for that business, as I expect before many weeks to want your testimony, and I want you to give me the name. I forgot to write to Mr. Per- kins about it, and have sealed up my letter to him. I mentioned about your testimony, but forgot what I should have written. Your afiectionate father, John Brown. As may be inferred from these letters, the settlement of Perkins & Brown's affairs involved several lawsuits, some brought by them and some against them. These were tried in several places, — at New York, at Troy, and in one in- stance at Boston. The latter was tried before Caleb Gushing in the winter of 1852-53, and Avas one of the last cases heard by Judge Gushing before leaving his seat in the Su- preme Gourt of Massachusetts to take his place in President Pierce's cabinet as attorney-general. The suit was brought 80 LITE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1853. by the Burlington Mills Company of Vermont, represented in Boston by Jacob Sleeper and others, against John Brown and others, for a breach of contract in supplying wool to these mills of certain grades ; and the damages were laid at sixty thousand dollars. It was pending for a long time, the counsel against Brown being liufus Choate and Francis B. Hayes, and his own senior counsel being the eminent New York lawyer, Joshua V. Spencer. It finally came to trial in Boston, Jan. 14, 1853, and after several postponements and the taking of much testimony it was settled, Feb. 3, 1853, by a compromise between the counsel, the anticipated decision of the court being against Brown. About a year later he won a similar suit in a New York court ; and he always believed that he should have won his Boston suit, if the case had been tried on its merits. An appeal was taken from the verdict in Brown's favor, at Troy, IST. Y. ; and while this was pending, in the spring of 1854, he was at Ver- non, near Utica, N. Y., assisting his counsel, Mr. Jenkins, to prepare the case. A person in the law-office of his coun- sel tells this anecdote, to show hoAV his love of liberty interfered with his business : — '' The morning after the news of the Burns afikir reached Vemori, Brown went at his work iininediately after breakfast; but in a few minutes started up from his chair, wallved rapidly across the room several times, then suddenly turned to his counsel and said, ' I am going to Boston.' ' Going to Boston ! ' said the astonished lawyer ; ' why do you want to go to Boston '! ' Old Brown continued walking vigorously, and replied, ' Anthony Burns must be released, or I will die in the attempt.' The counsel dropped his pen in consternation ; then he began to remonstrate: told him the suit had been in progress a long time, and a verdict just gained ; it was appealed from, and that appeal must be answered in so many days, or the whole labor would be lost; and no one was sufficiently familiar with the whole case except himself. It to(^ik a long and earnest talk with old Brown to persuade him to remain. His memory and acuteness in that long and tedious lawsuit often astonished his counsel. While here he wore an entire suit of snuff'-colored cloth, the coat of a decidedly Qua- kerish cut in collar and skirt. He wore no beard, and was a clean- shaven, scrupulously neat, well dressed, quiet fdd gentleman. He was, hoM'ever, notably resolute in all that he did." 1851.] JOHN BROWN AS A BUSINESS MAN. 81 At this time Brown was fifty-four years old, but looked five years beyond his age ; and this aged appearance was increased by his hardships in Kansas, so that he might have passed for seventy at his death in 1859. The following letters relate to these lawsuits : — Steubenville, Ohio, May 15, 1851. Dear son John, — I wrote you some days since, euclosing ten dollars, and requesting you to acknowledge it, and also to hold your- self in readiness to go to Pittsburgh when called upon ; since which I have not heard from you. I am now on my way to Akron ; and as our causes at Pittsburgh have been continued until next fall, we shall not need you there until then. We have now no prospect of any trial until fall, except with Henry Warren ; and we wish you to so arrange your business that you can leave for Troy upon a short notice. I also want you to keep me advised at Akron of your where- abouts, so that I may call upon you should I have time. I did ex- pect to go to Hartford when I left home, but find I must alter my course. I was in Essex on Tuesday last. Left Ruth and husband well, and vei-y comfortably situated. We seem to get along as pleas- antly as I expected, so far ; can't say how long it will be so ; hope we may continue. I want you to write often and let us know how you get along. Had sad work among our Saxony ewes and lambs by dogs, Saturday night last : probably forty killed and wounded. Your affectionate father, John Brown. Cleveland, Oct. 30, 1851. Dear son John, — I have just landed here from Buffalo, and expect to leave for Akron by next train. As soon as I learn at what time we shall want you at Pittsburgh I will let you know ; but I now suppose we shall want you there immediately, and wish you to hold yourself in constant readiness. Have heard nothing further from home or from Essex since we parted. Met Mr. iJenkins at Al- bany, and we came on together to Utica. He was pleased with the course we took at Lauesboro, and was in very good spirits ; says he learned through Brigham, while at Albany, that Warren's attorneys feel pretty well cornered up ; ^ says we did right in not taking your deposition in Burlington case. Your affectionate father, John Brown. ^ In a previous letter to his family, Brown says (Oct. 6, 1851) : " I have strong hopes of success finally in disposing of our business here [Troy], but it is exceedingly troublesome and expensive." 6 82 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1852. Akrox, Ohio, Dec. 1, 1851. Dear son John, — Youre, dated November 14, came on in season, but an increased amount of cares has prevented me from answering sooner. One serious difficulty has been with Frederick, -who has been very wild again. He is again, however, to all appearance nearly recovered from it by the return to an abstemious course of living, — almost, if not quite, the only means used. He had gradu- ally slid back into his old habit of indulgence in eating, the effect of wliich I consider as being now fully demonstrated. I now expect to set out for Troy on Wednesday of this week, at furthest ; and if you do not see me at Vernon before the stage leaves on Thursday, I wish you to take it on that day, so as to meet me at Bennet's Temperance House in Buffalo. The going is too bad to go by private convey- ance, and I am yet at a loss how I can get through from Warren to Vernon with my trunk of books, etc. I intend to bring my watch with me. I have accomplished a good deal in the way of preparation for winter, but shall be obliged to leave a great deal un- done. If you do not find me at Buflido (or before you get there), you may wait there not longer than till Saturday evening, and then take the cars for Troy. You will learn at Bennet's whether I am behind or not. If you have not funds sufficient to take you to Troy, you can probably borrow a little, to be refunded immediately when I see you, by Perkins Sl Brown. Yours, J. B. New York, March 11, 1852. Simon Perkins, Esq. Dear Sir, — I called on Messrs. Cleveland «& Titus to-day. Found Mr. Cleveland intended to charge us three hundred dollars as a bal- ance of accounts. I asked him for the principal items of his charge, which he promised to make up, and leave, directed to you, care of Messrs. Delano, Dunlevy, & Co., 39 Wall Street. He said he could not make it up without keeping me detained over night. As I couhl see no advantage to be derived from waiting, after hearing his expla- nation of the matter, I concluded not to wait. He says he drew an amended bill after drawing the first complaint, and that he gavt; more time to that than he did to the complaint. Since I left him I have thought this was not quite right, after the conversation we had with him together, and after our letter to them dated May 16, 1851. He said to me that if I was not satisfied with the charge it should be reduced. I did not tell him wliat T thought; but if I had thought of our letter at the time I should have asked him to refer to it, as I think he went contrary to his own advice, and also to our last instructions. If you call on liim, I wisli you would ask hhn to read I 1852. J JOHN BROWN AS A BUSINESS MAN. 83 that letter to you. I think it can do no harm, and that he will prob- ably abate something from his charge. I should not now, after reflecting upon it, hesitate to say that I think he ought to do it (and since looking up the copy of our letter to them). In haste. Your friend, John Brown. ^ P. S. If you call on Cleveland &. Titus, and can find room, I M-ould be glad to have you bring the papers in that case. I forgot to ask for them. Yours truly, J. B. The Boston trial was put off from time to time, — from September, 1852, to November, aud then to December. John Brown wrote to his son John in September : '' When our suit comes on in November, we shall not need to detain you but a few days, and the w^ant of your testimony might work our ruin. Write me on receipt of this." Nov. 20, 1852, he wrote again, — I parted with Fi-ederick at Ravenna, on his way to your place ; he has told you of the death of our Mr. Jenkins (of Vernon, N. Y., a brother of Timothy Jenkins). We have employed Timothy Jenkins, M. C, to finish up his business, and I am now on my way to assist him to understand it, previous to having our trial with 0. J. Richard- son. We now expect our trial at Boston to come ofi" sometime about the middle of December, and hope to see the end of it before the close. We hope the situation of your family is such, before this time, that you are relieved in regard to the anxiety you have expressed, so that you can leave at once, and go on when you get notice of the time. I will send you funds for your expenses aud the earhest possible iu- fijrmation of the exact time when the trial will come on. All were well at home and at Hudson this morning. I should wait and go on with you, did not our Warren business require my iannediate attention. I suppose our Pittsburgh cause is decided before this ; but we had not heard from it when I left. I will only add that you all have my most earnest desire for your real welfare. Will you drop me a line (care of A. B. Ely, Esq., Boston), on receipt of this, to let me hear how you all do ? Your afiectionate father, John Brown. 1 On the same date (March 11, 1852), but from New Haven, Brown writes to his family : " I received Henry's letter of the 3d at Troy, which place 1 left yesterday in order to meet Mr. Perkins, who has come on here on railroad business. I have at last got through trying our cause at Troy, but have not yet got a decision. I think it will, without doubt, be in our favor." 84 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [\Sb2. Vernon, Oneida County, N. Y., Dec. 8, 1852. Dear son John, — I have this moment got a line from Mr. Ely, saying onr trial at Boston will not come on until the first week in January next. I give you this early notice, in hopes that it will re- lieve your mind in a measure, and that it will be more convenient for you to be absent at that time. I do not know whether I shall be able to go home again before that time or not. Will write you hereafter when to set out for Boston, and supply you with funds for expenses. My best wishes for you all. Akron, Ohio, Dec. 9, 1852. Dear son John, — I reached home last night, and found all well. I came by the Erie Railroad, and got along very well until I left Dunkirk. Fare from Dunkirk to Cleveland, $8.90 ; expenses from same to same, $4.02, and was two and a half entire days getting through, the roads being vastly worse than when we went out. Had I expected so hard and so expensive a trip, I should not have re- turned. I mean to go back by Pittsburgh and Philadelphia, there being on that route but twenty-eight miles of sleighing, from Trt)y to Hudson, and that on a good road. I intend to get back to Troy by the 17th if I can. Have not yet seen Mr. Perkins, to have any con- versation with him of any account. Whatever you may do in the pre[)aration of papers will be all well for the Burlington case. You will- have saved a great amount of exposure, hardshij), and expense by staying behind. »' Y^our aflectionate father, John Brown. Vergennes, Vermont, Dec. 22, 1852. Dear son John, — I have written Mr. Perkins to send you money for expenses, so that you may set out for Boston by the 21st Jamnu-y at furthest. I am too much used up about money to remit, or I should do so. I have written Mr. Perkins to come on himself by way df Vernon; but if he does not get on, or send you money in time, do not on any account delay setting out, if you have to borrow tlie money for a few days. The money will be sent, and if it does not reach you in time, Wealthy ^ can use it to pay, should you not have it on hand. Mr. Beebe has got home from Euro])e, which we think very fortunate. Mr. Harrington is here with me from Troy ; he has got his case against Warren affirmed din-ing the last week. I hope this may prove a sickness to Warren about standing out against us. 1 The wife of John Brown, Jr. 1851.] JOHN BROWN AS A BUSINESS MAN. 85 I am so much in haste, and have my mind so full, that I can think of no more now, except that I stop at the Exchange Coffee House in Boston. May God in mercy bless you all. Your affectionate father, John Brown. This trial, so anxiously awaited and prepared for, went against Brown, as has been said, and he withdrew from trade and litigation, for which he was ill-fitted, to the life of a shepherd and a pioneer once more. Profiting by his experience, however, he gave this good advice to his son John, ^Yho at one time was tempted to take up the business of wool-buying : — Hudson, Ohio, May 20, 1851. Dear son John, — I learn by brother Jeremiah, who has just returned, that you have engaged yourself to buy wool. I have no objection to your doing so ; but an untiring anxiety for your welfare naturally inclines me to remind you of some of the temptations to which you may be exposed, as well as some of the difficulties you may meet with. Wool- buyers generally accuse each other of being unscrupulous liars; and in that one thing perhajjs they are not so. Again, there are but very few persons who need money, that can wholly resist the temptation of feeling too rich, while handUng any con- siderable amount of other people's money. They are also liable to devote God's blessed Sabbath to conversation or contrivances for fur- thering their schemes, if not to the examination and purchase of wool. Now, I would not have you barter away your conscience or good name for a commission. You will find that many wiU pile away their wool, putting the best outside, and will be entirely unwilling you should handle it all. I would at once leave such lots, unless that point is yielded. I would have an absolute limit of prices on the different grades. You can throw into different grades, pretty fast, a lot of wool, so as to see pretty nearly whether it will average above or below the grade you wish generally to buy. Do not let your anxiety to buy carry you one inch beyond your judgment. Do not be influenced a particle by what you hear others have offered. Never make an absolute offer to any one for his ivool. If persons will not set a price on it, wliicli you feel confident you are autliorized to pay, you can asJc them if they will not take so much, without really making any bid. If you make bids, some other buyer will follow you, and get the wool by offering a trifle more. A very trifling difference will very often do as much towards satisfying persons as would a greater one. You will gener- 86 LIFE AND LETTJ:RS of JOHN BROWN. [1851. ally buy to the best advantage where the wool is generally good and washed; yon can buy to better advantage by finding a good stand, and there buying no more than you have the funds on hand to pay fur. Do not agree to pay money you have not on hand. Remember that. Say who you are employed to buy for frankly if asked. The less you have to say about the why or wherefore the better, other than that you are limited. A book containing the grading of numer- ous lots of wool is with me at Akron, to which you can have access; it may be of service to you about knowing liow diflerent lots will average. Buy you a superior cow, one that you have milked ytnir- self, and know to give a good quantity of milk, before getting a horse. The getting of a horse will get for you numerous absolute wants you would otherwise not have. All well. Shall want to know where to find you. Your aflectionate father, John Brown. We see here the homely, Franklin-like wisdom and Con- necticut caution of the man. In his whole business life, though his judgment w^as often at fault, his uprightness was manifest. Though unfortunate, he was never unjust. He was industrious in whatever he undertook, fair and scru- pulous in his business transactions, but with a touch of eccen- tricity, which showed itself particularly, his friends thought, in his deeds of charity. While living in Pennsylvania he declined to do military duty, and paid his fine rather than encourage war by learning the art, resolving, as Thoreau said in 1859, '^ that he would have nothing to do with any war unless it were a war for liberty." He caused the arrest of an offender there, who had done him no injury, but w\as a plague to'the community ; and while this man was in prison, Brown supplied his wants and supported his family until the trial, out of his own earnings. One of the appren- tices in his tanyard at that time bears testimony to the singular ])robity of his life. " I have known him from boyhood through manhood," said Mr. Oviatt, of Richfield, *' and he has always been distinguished for his truthfulness and integrity." Another Ohio acquaintance, who first knew him in 1836, says : " Soon after my removal to Akron, he became a client of mine, subsequently a resident of the township in which the town of Akron is situated, and during 1842.] JOHN BROWN AS A BUSINESS MAN. 87 a portion of the time a member of a Bible-class taught by me. I always regarded him as a man of more than ordinary mental capacity, of very ardent and excitable temperament, of unblemished moral character ; a kind neighbor, a good Christian, deeply imbued with religious feelings and sympa- thies. In a business point of view, his temperament led him into pecuniary difliculties, but I never knew his integrity questioned by any person whatsoever." Mr. Baldwin, of Hudson, son-in-law of that Squire Hudson for whom the town was named, said that he first knew John Brown in 1814, and always found him " of rigid integrity and ardent temperament," which describes him well. When he went to live in Springfield, he was for some years the client of the late Chief-Justice Chapman, who called him "a quiet and peaceable citizen and a religious man," and further said : *' Mr. Brown's integrity was never doubted, and he was hon- orable in all his dealings, but peculiar in many of his notions, and adhering to them with great obstinacy." This was true, also, of the chief-justice, and is a Xew-England trait. But for Brown's " peculiar notions " and "great obstinacy," there would have been no occasion to write this biography. John Brown, Jr., who was well acquainted with his father's business life from 1837 onward, has furnished me this statement bearing on several of the events in this period of his life : — " The bankruptcy of 1842 had Httle to do with any speculation in wool, for at that time my father was not a wool-dealer on a hirge scale, but sold his own ' clip,' as other farmers did. His failure, as I now remember, was wholly owing to his purchase of land on credit, — including the Haymaker farm at Franklin, which he bought in connection with Seth Thompson of Hartford, Trumbull County, Ohio, and his individual purchase of three rather large adjoining farms in Hudson. When he bought those farms, the rise in value of his place in Franklin was such that good judges estimated his property worth fully twenty thousand dollars. He was then thought to be a man of excellent business judgment, and was chosen one of the Directors of a Bank at Cuyahoga Falls. The financial crash 88 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1842. came in 1837, and down came all of father's castles, and buried the reputation he had achieved of possessing at least good common-sense in respect to business matters. In his conversations with me in later years respecting the mistakes he had made, I have heard him say tliat ' these grew out of one root, — doing business on credit.' ' Where loans are amply secured,' he would say, ' the bornjwer, not the lender, takes the risks, and all the contingencies incident to business ; wliile the accumulations of interest and the coming of pay-day are as sure as death. lustead of being thoroughly im- bued with the doctrine of ^^a?/ as you go,' he said, ' I started out in life with the idea that nothing could be done without capital, and that a poor man must use his credit and borrow ; and this pernicious notion has been the rock on which I, as well as so many (jthers, have split. The practical effect of this false doctrine has been to keep me like a toad under a harrow most of my business life. Run- ning into debt includes so much of evil that I hope all my children will shun it as they would a pestilence.' "His imprisonment in the couuty jail had nothing to do with any of his wool matters, but related entirely to the affair of ' the old log fort.' The purchaser of the Hudson farm got out a warrant against father, Jason, Owen, and me for breach of the peace, alleging that he feared personal harm in his attempts at taking possession ; and, alleging further that he could not obtain justice in Hudson, he swore out his warrant before a Justice in an adjoining township. We made no resistance whatever to the service of the writ, and appeared for examination before the Justice in that town, who was plainly in full sympathy with the complainant ; and after a brief hearing he required us to enter- into bonds for our appearance at the county court in Akron. These we would not give; and next day we went to jail. The sheriff, a friend of father, and who under- stood the merits of the case, went through the form of turning the jail-key on us, then opened the door and gave us the liberty of the town, putting us upon our honor not to leave it. We were then taken to board at a nice private residence, at county expense, for three or four days only, as it was just before the sitting of Court. On call- ing the case it was ' nolled,' and we returned home. This sclieme of the purchaser resulted in his getting possession f)f one of the fine farms wliich father then owned in Hudson, and that too within half an hour after our arrest. This is all there was in the matter of our having once been in Akron Jail. " In correction of what you told me Colonel Perkins said to ilis- parage my father's skill as a shepherd, his success in business, etc., let me remark that the correspondence of Perkins & Brown, if exhibited, would not confirm these statements. Since father had 1850.] JOHN BROWN AS A BUSINESS MAN. 89 become well known as a grower of the finest Saxony wool by the fiue-wool growers of Pennsylvania and Ohio, and somewhat of Western Virginia, when these men all thought they were vic- timized by the manufacturers of fine wool, father was urged by these growers to undertake the work of grading their wool and selling it on commission, in hopes to obtain in this way fairer prices. Mr. Perkins not only ' allowed ' father to undertake this, but entered heartily into the plan, which for a year or two was successful, until the manufacturers discovered that Perkins & Brown were receiving a large share of the really fine wool grown in this country, and that if they bought it they must pay a fairer price for it. This would greatly diminish the profits heretofore made by the manufacturers of these very fine wools ; and so this high-handed attempt, not to ' control,' as stated by Mr. Musgrave, but to influence the price somewhat ' in the interest of the farmers,' must be squelched. The manufacturers combined, and 'boycotted' these upstart dealers. From the quoted prices in the London market of grades of wool not equal, as father well knew, to the wool he had, he became satisfied that rather than take the prices -which the com- bination would pay it would be better to send the wool abroad. The clique had long arms, and finally bought at low rates and brought back the wool he shipped to London ; and the farmers, most of whom had consented to the undertaking of sending it abroad, suflered great loss. Thus ended the wool business of Perkins & Brown." The letter-books of Perkins & Brown, which came into the hands of John Brown, Jr. (May, 1885), quite confirm this statement. 90 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1826. CHAPTER IV. PIONEER LIFE IN THE ADIRONDACS. THE Brown family were born to be pioneers, and none of them more than our Kansas hero. His first Ameri- can ancestor was a pioneer at Plymouth in 1620 ; the next generation were pioneers in Connecticut ; and their descend- ants went from wilderness to wilderness until New Eng- land was fairly civilized. Then Owen Brown, of Torrington, took up the march again, and encamped in Ohio, where his famous son took the first lessons of a pioneer among the Indians of Cuyalioga and the Great I'ortage. This expe- rience ended, and the attractions of civilization proving too weak for him, he pushed eastward into the woods of Penn- sylvania, where we have seen him serving as postmaster, and planning a negro village for the education of that en- slaved race. What his way of life was at Richmond has been told by one of his neighbors, Mr. Delamater, who was born at Whitehall, N. Y., but remembers when Brown built there in 1826-27, and cleared up his small farm.^ The houses of John Brown and of the elder Delamater were four miles apart ; and in these was kept the school of the neighbor- hood, — at Brown's house in the Avinter, and at Delamater's in the summer. Both houses were of logs, with two large rooms on the ground floor, — one used as kitchen, dining- room, and living-room; and the other for the school, and as a sleeping-room. In family worship, which daily took place in the family room. Brown gave each person present some part to take, — himself leading in prayer. The post- office, of course, was kept in this log-cabin of Brown, and 1 Brown owned five luindred acres of Iniid heavily timbered with hem- lock, the bark of which he used for tannii),£;. Dehimater's log-house was near the State Road, about eight miles east of Meadville, 1824.1 PIONEEK LIFE IN THE ADIRONDACS. 91 the men who worked in his tannery boarded with him. It was here that his first wife died, and to this cabin he brought his second wife (who was related to the Delamaters) in 1833. Ruth and Frederick were born in this house, and John, Owen, and Jason received a part of their schooling- there. Their father kept a record of their boyish sins, and on one occasion, at least, when they amounted to twenty in number, he allowed one blow of the rod for each fault ; but only half the blows were given to the boy, who then took the rod and punished his father with just as many blows. This was an earlier example of Mr. Alcott's method of punishment in his Boston school.^ Among the childish recollections of the eldest son (who was born in a log-cabin near where his father built in 1824 a large frame house, which is still standing) are the follow- ing, which relate chiefly to Eichmond, but date back to the Hudson tannery : — " Father had a rule not to threaten one of his children. He com- manded, and there was obedience. Up to this time (1824) I had not heard a threat. I was playing round where the timbers ior the new house were being hewed, and occasionally I picked up the tools be- longing to Mr. Herman Peck the carpenter, who spoke up sharp to me and said, ' John, put them down, or I '11 cut your ears oif ! ' Be- lieving he would do so, I scrambled under the timbers which were laid up on logs to be hewed (and in my hurry I bumped the back of my head on most of them as I went), and ran off to the tannery, in a room of which we were temporarily living ; for the log-house in which I was born had been torn down to give place to the new one. Besides the sharpest recollection of this, I have heard father mention, 1 The family government of Brown was always strict, but with some- thing humorous about it too. His son John relates that when he and George Delamater were playing one winter evening in the school-room, and were so noisy as to disturb the father who was sitting in the kitchen. Brown, after repeating several times, *' Children, you make too much noise," all at once called out, " John and George, you may come here to me ! " Wlien they came and stood one on each side of him, he said, " Boys, I think you need to hear the bell ring." Then taking out his clasp-knife and opening it, he held it by the blade and tapped his son John with the handle, smartly on the top of the head. This made his mirthful expression change so 'piickly that George burst out laughing. Thereupon Brown tapped George on the head, and Jolm burst out laughing. After " ringing the hell " twice or three times in this way their mirth was changed to melan(dioly. 92 LITE AND LETTERS OE JOHN BROWN. [1829. when speaking of the matter of threatening children, how greatly alarmed I was uii that occasion. I cannot say how old I was then, — jjrobably less than three, — yet my memory of the event is clear. 1 don't know the year when we moved to Pennsylvania, though I re- member the circumstances. Owen was then a baby. '' My first apprenticeship to the tanning business consisted of a three years' course at grinding bark with a blind horse. This, after mouths and years, became slightly monotonous. WHiile the other children were out at play in the sunshine, where the biids were singing, 1 used to be tempted to let the old horse have a rather long rest, espe- cially when father was absent from home; and I would then join the others at their play. This subjected me to frequent admonitions and to some corrections for ' eye-service,' as father temied it. I did not fully appreciate the importance of a good supply of ground bark, and on general principles I think my occupation was not well calculated to promote a habit of faithful industry. The old blind horse, unless ordered to stop, would, like Tennyson's Brook, ' go on forever,' and thus keep up the appearance of business; but the creaking of the hungry mill would betray my neglect, and then father, hearing this from below, would come up and stealthily pounce upon me while at a window lo(jking upon outside attractions. He finally grew tired of these frequent slight admonitions for my laziness and other short- comings, and concluded to adopt with me a sort of book-account, something like this : — John, Dr., For disobeying mother 8 lashes " unfaithfulness at work 3 " " telling a lie 8 " This account he showed to me from time to time. On a certain Sun- day morning he invited me to accompany him from the house to the tannery, saying that he had concluded it was time for a settlement. We went into the upper or finishing room, and after a long and tear- ful talk over my faults, he again showed me my account, Avhich ex- hibited a fearful footing up of debits. I had no credits or off-sets, and was of course bankrupt. I then paid about one-third of the debt, reckoned in strokes from a nicely-prepared blue-beech switch, laid on ' masterly.' Then, to my utter astonishtnent, father stripped off" his shirt, and, seating himself on a block, gave me the whip and bade me ' lay it on ' to his bare back. I dared not refuse to obey, but at first I did not strike hard. 'Harder!' he said; 'harder, harder! ' until he received the balance of the account. Small drops of blood showed on liis back where the tip end of the tingling beech cut through. Thus ended the account and settlement, which was also 1833.] PIONEER LIFE IN THE ADIRONDACS. 93 my first practical illustration of the Doctrine of the Atonement. I was then too obtuse to perceive how Justice could be satisfied by in- fiictiug penalty upon the back of the innocent instead of the guilty ; but at that time I had not read the ponderous volumes of Jonathan Edwards's sermons which father owned." Ruth Tliompson, in her reminiscences of her father, says : — *' My mother, Dianthe Lusk Brown, died at Randolph, Pa., in August, 1882. The baptism of myself and my brother Fred must have been in the spring of 1832, when I was a little more than three yeai's old, and while my own mother was living. The first house- work that I remember is wiping some dishes for my new mother, perhaps when I was five years old. My father was married a second time to Mary Anne Day, July 11, 1833, and I continued to live at Randolph (now Richmond) uutU 1835, when we went back to Ohio, where my grandfather, Owen Brown, was living. While I was wiping the knives, at the time I mention, I cut my finger and was faint, so that father got some wine for me, and told me to drink it. The boys bothered me about that wine for a h>ng time, but were very careful never to say anything about it before father, who was some- times very stern and strict. He used to whip me quite often for tell- ing lies, but I can't remember his ever punishing me but once when I thought I did n't deserve it, and then he looked at me so stern that I did n't dare to tell the truth. He had such a way of saying ' tut, tut ! ' if he saw the first sign of a lie in us, that he often frightened us children. When we were moving back from Pennsylvania to Ohio, father stopped at a house and asked for a pail of water and a cup to give us a drink ; but when he handed the cup of M'ater to mother ho said, with a queer, disgusted look, * This pail has sore ears.' " When I first began to go to school, I found a piece of calico one day behind one of the benches, — it was not large, but seemed quite a treasure to me, and I did not show it to any one until I got home. Fatlier heard me then telling about it, and said, ' Don't you know what girl lost it ? ' I told him I did not. ' Well, when you go to school to-morrow take it with you, and find out if you can who lost it. It is a trifling thing, but always remember that if you should lose anything you valued, no matter how small, you would want the person that found it to give it back to you.' The impres- sion he made on me about that little piece of calico has never been forgotten. Before I had learned to write, the school-teacher wanted all the scholars to write a composition or read a piece. Father wanted me to read one of ^sop's fables, — I can't remember what 94 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1838. fable. Brother John said he would write it for me. ' No,' I said, ' I had rather have one of the other boys write it, for if you do the whole school will soon know I did not write it.' My father spoke up quickly and said, ' Never appear to be what you are not, — honesty is the best policy.' When I was telling something done by another girl that I thought was wrung, he said, ' Who made you to differ f ' He showed a great deal of tenderness to me ; and one thing I always noticed was my father's peculiar tenderness and devotion to his father. In cold weather he always tucked the bedclothes around grandfather, when he went to bed, and would get up in the night to ask him if he slept warm, — always seeming so kind and loving to him that his example was beautiful to see. He used to tell us a story of a man whose old father lived with him, and broke a plate while he was eating ; and then his son concluded to make him a trough to eat out of. While he was digging the trough, his little boy asked him what he was making. ' I am making a trough for your grandfather to eat out of.' The little boy said, ' Father, shall I make a trough for you to eat out of when you are old? ' This set the man thinking, and he concluded his father might still eat on a plate. He often told us when we were where old people were standing, always to offer them a seat if we had one, and used to quote this verse, ' Thou shalt rise up before the hoary head, and honor the face of the old man.' While we were living at Hudson, an old man, leading an old white ox, came to our house one rainy afternoon, asking for something to eat and to stay'over night. Father and the older boys were gone from home, and mother and we younger children were afraid of him, — he acted so strangely, did not talk much, but looked down all the time, and talked strangely when he said anything. Mother gave him something to eat, and told him there was a tavern a half mile from there, where he could stay. He went on, and we thought no more about him. The next Sunday father was talking to us about how we should treat strangers, and read this passage from the Bible, ' Forget not to entertain strangers, for thereby some have entertained angels unawares.' Mother then told about the old man. John said, ' I met that same old man as I was coming home from Franklin about midnight, riding his old white ox ; it was raining and cold.' When father heard that he said, ' Oh, dear ! no doubt he had no money, and they turned him off at the tavern, and he could get no place to stay, and was obliged to travel all night in the rain.' He seemed to feel really hurt about it. When his children were ill with scarlet fever, he took care of us himself, and if he saw persons coming to the house, would go to the gate and meet them, not wish- ing them to come in, for fear of spreading the disease. Some of his friends blamed him very much for not calling in a physician, — but 1843] PIONEER LIEE IN THE ADIRONDACS. 95 he brought tlie whole family through nicely, and without any of the terrible effects afterward, which many experience. Right away he became famous as a doctor, and those who blamed him most were the first to call for him when they were taken with the same disease. "As a shepherd, he showed the same watchful care over his sheep. I remember one spring a gi-eat many of his sheep had a disease called * grub in the head/ and when tlie lambs came the ewes would not own them. For two weeks he did not go to bed, but sat up or slept an liour or two at a time iu his chair, and then would take a lantern, go out and catch the ewes, and hold tliem while the lambs sucked. He would very often bring in a little dead-looking lamb, and put it in warm water and rub it until it showed signs of life, and then wrap it in a warm blanket, feed it warm milk with a tea- spoon, and wt)rk over it with such tenderness that in a few hours it would be capering around tlie ronm. One Monday morning I had just got my white clothes in a nice warm suds in the wash-tub, when he came in bringing a little dead-looliing lamb. There seemed to be no sign of life about it. Said he, ' Take out your clothes quick, and let me put this lamb in the water.' I felt a. little vexed to be hindered with my washing, and told him I did n't believe he could make it live ; but in an hour or two he had it running around the rooiri, and calling loudly for its mother. The next year he came in from the barn and said to me, 'Euth, that lamb that I hindered you with when you were washing, I have just sold for one hundred dollars.' It was a pure-blooded Saxony lamb." From Pennsylvania back to Ohio, in 1835-36, and from Ohio to Massachusetts in 1845-46, were for the Brown family a temporary recall from their frontier and pioneer duty to the hannts of civilization ; and in this interval the children of the second marriage were nearly all born, and in part educated. The older children also received some education which the backwoods could not furnish ; and it was seriously contemplated at one time to send John Brown, Jr., to West Point, where he might receive a military educa- tion in the national school. At Franklin in 1836 and during the short period when the wool business at Springfield was flourishing, John Brown had hopes of becoming a capitalist, — not for the sake of giving himself an easier life, but to educate his children better, and to lay up money with which he could carr}'- out his chosen purpose of setting the slaves free. This hope faded away, but the purpose. remained fixed, 96 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1848. and was the occasion of his seeking once more the freedom and tlie hardships of a backwoodsman. On the anniversary of West India emancipation, August 1, 1846, Gerrit Smith, the agrarian emancipationist of New York, had offered to give one hundred thousand acres of his wild land in that State to such colored families, fugitive slaves or citizens of New York, as would occupy and cultivate them in small farms. Two years later (April 8, 1848) when a few of these families had established themselves in the Adirondac wilderness, John Brown visited Mr. Smith at Peterboro', New York, and proposed to take up land in the same region for himself and his children, while at the same time he would employ and direct the labor of those colored backwoodsmen who had settled there. Mr, Smith, who had inherited from his father landed prop- erty in more than lifty of the counties of New York, knew very well when he made his jjrincely offer that those who might accept it would need all the encouragement and di- rection they could receive from men like Brown,- for there were many difficulties in the way of its acceptance by the Southern fugitives and the free people of color in the Northern cities. The Adirondac counties were then, much more than now, a backwoods region, with few roads, schools, or cliurches, and very few good farms. The great current of summer and autumn travel, which now flows through it every year, had scarcely begun to move ; sportsmen from New York and New England, and the agents of men in- terested in iron-mines and smelting-forges, were the chief visitors. The life of a settler there was rough pioneer Avork : the forest was to be cut down and the land burned over ; the family supplies must be produced mainly in the household ; the men made their own sugar from the maple woods, and the women spun and wove the garments from the wool that grew on the backs of the farmers' sheep. Winter lingers there for six months out of the twelve, and neither wheat nor Indian corn will grow on these hillsides in ordinary years. The crops are grass, rye, oats, potatoes, and garden vegetables ; cows, and especially sheep, are the wealth of the farmer; and, as Colonel Higginson mentioned in 1859, the widow of Oliver Brown, when he was killed at 1S49.] PIONEER LIFE IN THE ADIRONDACS. 97 Harper's Ferry, was considered not absolutely penniless, because her young husband had left her five sheep, valued at ten dollars. Such a region was less attractive to the negroes than Canada, for it was as cold, less secure from the slave-hunter, and gave little choice of those humble but well-paid employments, indispensable in towns, to which the colored race naturally resort. There was no opening in the woods of Essex for waiters, barbers, coachmen, washer- women, or the other occupations for which negroes had been trained. In spite of these discouragements, at the date of Brown's first call at the hospitable home of Mr. Smith (where he was ever after a welcome visitor) a small colony of colored people had gone to North Elba in Essex County, to clear up the forest land, and were braving the hardships of the first year in the cold backwoods of Northern New York. Brown introduced himself to Mr. Smith, and made him this pro- posal : " I am something of a pioneer ; I grew up among the woods and wild Indians of Ohio, and am used to the climate and the way of life that your colony find so trying. I will take one of your farms myself, clear it up and plant it, and show my colored neighbors how such work should be done ; will give them work as I have occasion, look after them in all needful ways, and be a kind of father to them." His host knew the value of such services ; with his quick eye for the nobler traits of human nature, he saw the true character of Brown, and the arrangement was soon made. Brown purchased a farm or two, obtained the refusal of others, and in 1848-49, while still engaged in his wool busi- ness, he removed a part of his family from Springfield to North Elba, where they remained much of the time between 1849 and 1864, and where they lived when he was attacking slavery in Kansas, in Missouri, and in Virginia. Besides the other inducements which this rough and bleak region offered him, he considered it a good refuge for his wife and younger children, when he should go on his campaign ; a place where they would not only be safe and independent, but could live frugally, and both learn and practise those habits of thrifty industry which Brown thought indispen- sable in the training of children. When he went there, his 7 98 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1850. youngest sou Oliver was ten years old, and his daughters Anna and Sarah were six and three years old. Ellen, his youngest child, was born afterwards. Brown soon fell in love with the region thus chosen for his home and burial-place. His romantic spirit, which in early life made him long to be a shepherd, made him also keenly alive to the attractions of the wild and sublime in Nature. Had he been born among these mountains he could not have felt their beauty more deeply. In the summer and early autumn, for a few months, this wilderness is charming. The mountains rise grand and beautiful on all sides ; the untamed forest clothes their slopes and fills up the plains and valleys, save where the puny labors of men have here and there rescued a bit of fertile land from its gloom. On such spots the houses are built, and around them grow the small cultivated crops that can endure the climate, while the woods and meadows are full of wild fruits. Many of the dwellings were then log-cabins ; and in the whole town- ship of North Elba there was scarcely a house worth a thousand dollars, or one which was finished throughout. Mrs. Brown's house, at my first visit, in 1857, had but two plastered rooms, yet two families lived in it, — and at my second visit, in February, ISGO, two widowed women besides, whose husbands were killed at Harper's Ferry. I slept on both occasions in a little chamber partitioned off with a rude framework, but not plastered, the walls only ornamented with a few pictures (among them a portrait of Brown) ; and in winter the snow sifted through the roof and fell upon the bed. I arrived at nightfall, closely pursued from the shore of Lake Champlain by a snowstorm, which murmured and moaned about the chamber all night ; and in the morning I found a small snowdrift on my coverlet, and another on the floor near the bed.^ This house had been built by John Brown about 1850, and the great rock beside which he lies buried is but a few rods from its door. At that time, far more than now, the wild raspberries and other fruits were 1 The new-born babe of Oliver Brown (the captain's youngest son, who had been killed at Harper's Ferry four months before) died in the house that night, and the poor young mother did not long survive. 1850.] PIONEER LIFE IN THE ADIRONDACS. 99 in abuudance, the woods abounded in game, and the streams and lakes with lish. But the mode of life was rude and primitive, with no elegance, and little that we should call comfort, as will appear by the reminiscences of Mrs. Thomp- son, soon to be cited. The contrast between this region, in 1849, and the thriving towns of Massachusetts, like Spring- field, was striking. One of the first things that Brown did in this wilderness was to introduce his favorite breed of cattle, and to exhibit them for a prize at the annual cattle-show of Essex County, in September, 1850. They were a grade of Devons, and the first stock of the kind that had ever been seen at the county fair. The agricultural society, in its annual report for 1850, said : " The appearance upon the grounds of a number of very choice and beautiful Devons, from the herd of Mr. John Brown, residing in one of our most remote and se- cluded towns, attracted great attention, and added much to the interest of the fair. The interest and admiration they excited have attracted public attention to the subject, and have already resulted in the introduction of several choice animals into this region." The same result, on a much grander scale, was observed some years later, when John Brown exhibited specimens of a choicer and bigger breed of men than had been seen lately in Virginia or New England. " We have no doubt," added the Essex County farmers, " that this influence upon the character of our stock will be permanent and decisive." Mrs. Kuth Thompson has given some anecdotes of the pioneer life at ISTorth Elba, whither she went at the age of twenty. She says : — " Before moving to North Elba, father rented a farm, having a good haru on it, and a one-story house, which seemed very small for a family of nine. Father said, ' It is smaU ; but the main thing is, all keep good-natured.' He had bouglit some fine Devon cattle in Connecticut, near his birthplace ; these my brothers Owen, Watson, and Salmon drove to North Elba. At Westport he bought a span of good horses, and hired Thomas Jefferson (a colored man, who with his fiunily were moving to North Elba from Troy) to drive them. He proved to be a careful and trusty man, and so father hired him as long as he stayed there, to be his teamster. Mr. JeSerson by his kind ways 100 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1850. soon won the confidence of us all. He drove so carefully over the mountain roads that father thought he had been very fortunate in meet- ing him. The day we crossed the mountain from Keeue was rainy and dreary; but father kept our spirits up by pointing out some- thing new and interesting all the way. We stopped occasionally to get a cup of water from the sparkling streams, that were so clear we could see the bottom covered with clean sand and beautiful white pebbles. We never tired of looking at the mountain scenery, which seemed awfully grand. Father wanted us to notice how fragrant the air was, filled with the perfume of the spruce, hemlock, and balsams. The little house of Mr. Flanders, which was to be our home, was the sec- ond house we came to after crossing the mountain from Keene. It had one good -sized room below, which answered pretty well for kitchen, dining-room, aild parlor ; also a pantry and two bedrooms ; and the chamber furnished space for four beds, — so that whenever ' a stranger or wayfaring man ' entered our gates, he was not turned away. We all slept soundly ; and the next morning the sun rose bright, and made our little home quite cheerful. Before noon a bright, pleasant colored boy came to our gate (or rather, our bars) and inquired if John Brown lived there. ' Here is where he stays,' was father's reply. The boy had been a slave in Virginia, and was sold and sent to St. Augustine, Fla. From there he ran away, and came to Springfield, where by his industry and good habits he had acquired some property. Father hired him to help carry on the farm, so there were ten of us in the little house; but Cyrus did not take more than his share of the room, and was always good- natured. " As soon as father could go around among the colored families, he employed Mrs. Reed, a widow, to be our housekeeper and cook ; for mother was very much out of health. " While we were living in Springfield our house was plainly fur- nished, but very comfortably, all excepting the parlor. Mother and I had often expressed a wish that the parlor might be furnished too, and father enccuiraged us that it should be ; but after he made up his mind to go to North Elba he began to economize in many ways. One day he called us older ones to him and said : ' I want to plan with you a little ; and I want you all to express your minds. I have a little money to spare ; and now shall we use it to furnish the parlor, or spend it to buy clothing for the colored people who may need help in North Elba another year ? ' We all said, ' Save the money.' He was never stingy in his family, but always provided liberally for us, whenever he was able to do so. Frederick Douglass has said in his last book, that John Brown economized so closely in order to carry out his plans, that we did not have a cloth on the I 1850.] PIONEER LIFE IN THE ADIRONDACS. 101 table at meal-times. I think our good friend is mistaken ; for I never sat down to a meal at my father's table without a cloth. He was very particular about this. Father had been planning ever since a boy how he could help to liberate the slaves at the South, and never lost an opportunity to aid in every possible way those who were es- caping from bondage. He saw in Mr. Smith's proposal an opening through which he thought he might carry out his cherished scheme. He knew that the colored people who might settle on those Adiron- dac lands were inexperienced. Most of them had lived in cities, and were unused to the hardships and privations they must necessa- rily undergo in making homes in that wild mountain region. There- fore, as soon as we had got fairly settled, father began to think what he could do to heljj the new colored settlers to begin work on their lands. The greater number of them were "intelligent, industrious people, and glad to do the best they could ; but many of them had been cheated badly by a land-surveyor, who took advantage of their ignorance, and got them to settle on lands that did not correspond with the deeds Gerrit Smith had given them. Some of them began working on low land that was hard to cultivate ; and when they found they had been cheated they were discouraged, and many went back to their city homes. Father felt deeply over the way so many of them had been treated, and tried to encourage and help them in every way he could. He spent much of his time in surveying their land, running out their lines, and helping them to locate on land actually belonging to them ; and he also employed several of the colored men to cut the timber off a part of the farm where he now lies buried. He bought a quantity of provisions for them, and some cloth to be made up into garments. " It was not long after we settled in North Elba that Mr. R. H. Dana, w^ith Mr. Metcalf, of Eastern Massachusetts, and Mr. Aikens, of Westport, came to our house one morning, and asked for some- thing to eat. They met father in the yard, and told him they had been lost in the woods, and had eaten nothing since the morning be- fore. Father came in, and asked me if I could get breakfast for some men that had been out all night, and were very hungry. ' Certainly I can,' said I. They lay on the grass while I made preparations to cook something substantial for them, but they were so hungry they could not wait ; so they came in and said, ' Do not wait to cook anything; just give us some bread and milk, for we are nearly starved.' I hun'ied some bread, butter, and milk on the table, and they ate as only hungry men can. I filled the milk-pitcher and bread-plate several times, until I was afraid thoy would hurt them- selves ; and then I persuaded them to go upstairs and sleep a few hours until I could get them a cooked dinner, and they did so. 102 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1849. While they were resting on the beds upstairs, our excellent cook got dinner for them, — venison and some speckled brook-trout, with other things necessary to make a substantial dinner. After all was ready I called them, and the three came down and ate alone. They seemed to enjoy the dinner; but their appetites did not appear as keen as in the morning, when they ate the bread and milk. They paid us liberally for their meals, and thanked us kindly for our tmuble ; took their boots in their hands (for their feet were too much swollen to put them on), and bade us good-by. Their teamster had been sent for, and he took them to Mr. Osgood's, — as ]\lr. Dana mentions. We saw at once that they were gentlemen, despite their forlorn appearance; we were interested in their story, and were glad to entertain them." Mr. Dana wrote an account of this adventure, which was printed in the " Athmtic IVIonthly " for July, 1871, and in which he thus describes the country as John Brown first saw it in 1848 : — ** From Keene westward we began to meet signs of frontier life, — log-cabins, little clearings, bad roads overshadowed by forests, moun- tain torrents, and the refreshing odor of balsam firs and hemlocks. In the afternoon we came into the Indian Pass. This is a ravine or gorge, formed by two close and parallel walls of nearly perpendicular cliffs, thirteen hundred feet in height, and almost black in their hue. Before I had seen the Yosemite Valley these cliff's satisfied my ideal of steep mountain walls. From the highest level of the Pass ffow two moun- tain torrents in opposite directions, — one the source of the Hudson, and ^o reaching the Atlantic ; and the other the source of the Au Sable, which runs into Lake Champlain, and at last into the Gulf of St. Lawrence. . . . The Adirondac Mountains wave with woods, and are green with bushes to their summits; torrents break down into the valleys on all sides ; lakes of various sizes and shapes glitter in the landscape, bordered by bending woods whose roots strike through the waters. There is none of that dreary barren grandeur that marks the White Mountains, although Tahawus [Mt. Marcy], the highest ])eak, is about fifty-four hundred feet high, only some six or seven hundred feet less than Mt. Washington. . . . From John Brown's .small log-house, old White Face, the only excepti(m to the uniform green and brown and Idack hues of the Adirondac hills, stood plain in view, rising at the head of Lake Placid, its white or pale-gray side caiised, we were told, by a landslide; all about were the distant highest sunnuits." 1849.] PIONEER LIFE IN THE ADIRONDACS. 103 This was not the house that Brown built, and near which he now lies buried, but the smaller one that he first occupied. Of Brown's appearance and family arrangements in June, 1849 (he was then forty-nine years old), Mr. Dana says : — '* He was a tall, gaunt, dark-complexioned man, walking before his wagon, having his theodolite and other surveyor's instruments with him. He came forward and received us with kindness ; a grave, serious man he seemed, with a marked countenance and a natural dignity of manner, — that dignity which is unconscious, and comes from a superior habit of mind. At table he said a solemn grace. I observed that he called the two negroes by their surnames, with the prefixes of Mr. and Mrs. He introduced us to them in due form, — ' Mr. Dana, Mr. Jefferson,' etc. We found him veell informed on most subjects, especially in the natural sciences. He had boolis, and evidently made a diligent use of them. He had confessedly the best cattle and best farming utensils for miles round. He seemed to have an unhmited family of children, from a cheerful, nice, healthy woman of twenty or so [Ruth], and a full-sized, red-haired son [Owen], through every grade of boy and girl, to a couple that could hardly speak plain. Friday, June 29, we found them at breakfast in the patriarchal style, — Mr. and Mrs. Brown, and their large family of children, with the hired men and women, including three negroes, all at the table together. Their meal was neat, substantial, and wholesome." Concerning the house in which Mr. Dana visited her father, Mrs. Thompson says : — " It stood near the schoolhouse, on the road to Keene and Westport, from the grave by the great rock on father's own farm, and more than a mile east from that spot. The Indian Pass, mentioned by Mr. Dana, is a 'notch' between Mt. Marcy and Mt. Mclntyre, a few miles south of our cabin, while Mt. White Face was as many miles to the north. The Au Sable River is the stream which drains these mountains, and flows through North Elba in a winding course into Lake Champlain, at Port Kent. Westport is the town on Lake Champlain, south of the mouth of the Au Sable, from which travellers commonly start in going into the Adirondac wilderness by Keene ;' and it was through this town that father usually went to and from North Elba. On one of his trips home from S]irinc;field, in the winter, he hired a man to take him from Westport to Keene, but could not get any one to carry him over the mountain to North Elba that afternoon. Being very 104 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN.' [1850. anxious to get home, he started from Keene on foot, carrying a heavy satchel. Before he came within several miles of home, he got so tired and lame that he had to sit down in the road. The snow was very deep, and the road but little trodden. He got up again after a while, went on as far as he could, and sat down once more. He wallied a long distance in that way, and. at last lay down with fatigue in the deep snow beside the path, and thought he should get chilled there and die. While lying so, a man passed him on foot, but did not notice him. Father guessed the man thought he was drunk, or else did not see him. He lay there and rested a while, and then started on again, though in great pain, and made out to reach the first house, Robert Scott's. (This M'as afterwards a noted tavern for sportsmen and travellers, and became known far and wide as ' Scott's.' It is now kept by Mr. Scott's kinsman Mr. Ames, and is the nearest hotel to the ' John Brown Farm,' where father lies buried.) Father rested at this house for some time, and then Mr. Scott hitched his oxen to the sled, and brought him home to us. Father could scarcely get into the house, he was so tired. " I had in the mean time married Henry Thompson, of North Elba (two of whose brothers were afterwards Icilled at Harper's Ferry), and was living with my husband on his farm not far from where fatlier's grave now is. Father's lawsuits about his wool business had brought him back from Ohio to Troy, N. Y., nearly a hundred miles from North Elba ; lint hearing that the small-pox was in one of the mountain towns not far ft'om us, he made the long journey into the wilderness, and came to our house early one morning (fearing my husband had not been vaccinated, and so might get the sinall- pox). We were much surprised to see him ; and when he told us what brought him back, I thought was there ever such love and care as his ! When any of the family were sick, he did not often trust watchers to care for the sick one, but sat up himself, and was like a tender mother. At one time he sat up every night for two weeks wliile mother was sick, for fear he would oversleep if he went to bed, and then the fire would go out, and she take cold. No one outside of liis own family can ever know the mingled strength and tenderness of his character. Oh, what a loss his death seemed to us ! Yet we did not half know him until he was taken from us. " He did not lose his interest in the colored people of North Elba, and grieved over the sad fate of one of them, Mr. Henderson, who was lost in the woods in the winter of 1852, and perished with the cold. Mr. Henderson was an intelligent and good man, and was very industrious, and fatlier tliought mucli of liim. Before leaving for Kansas in 18.55, to help defend the Free State cause, and, if an opportunity offered, to strike a blow at slavery, he removed his family 1854.] PIONEER LIFE IN THE ADIRONDACS. 105 from Ohio back to the farm in North Elba. On leaving us finally to go to Kansas that summer, he said, ' If it is so painful for us to part with the hope of meeting again, how dreadful must be the feelings of hundreds of poor slaves who are separated for life ! ' " When John Brown, Jr., visited with his father at North Elba in 1858, he thus described the place in a letter to his brother : — " From Keene we came by a new road, laid south of the old route over the mountains. This new road is open for travel in the winter months, as it leads by Long Pond, which is itself used as a road when frozen over. The route is the most romantically grand and beautiful that I ever saw in my life. I am fully convinced that North Elba is the country for us to come to. Building materials of good quality are very cheap ; and I can purchase the wild lands having excellent sugar orchards on them, of from two hundred to one thousand good maple-trees, for about one dollar per acre. The land is easily cleared by ' slashing ' and burning, and by sowing on grass-seed can be con- verted into good pasture within a year. It is excellent for rye, spring- wheat, oats, potatoes, carrots, turnips, etc., and in some places hardy apples can be raised to advantage. I can get Mr. Dickson's place (forty acres, with five or six improved, or at least cleared), with a good log-house, a frame barn, 20 X 30 feet, for $150." John Brown himself often declared his fondness for this region, and it was by his express request that he was buried on the hill-side, in view of Tahawus and White Face. In June, 1854, while living in Ohio, he thus wrote to his son John : — " My o^vn conviction, after again visiting Essex County (as I did week before last), is that no place (of which I know) oflers so many inducements to me, or any of my family, as that section ; and I would wish when you make a move that you go in that direction. I will give my reasons at length when I have a little more time. Henry and family are well, and appear satisfied that North Elba is about the place after all. I never saw it look half so inviting before." In an earlier letter he thus writes : — North Elba, N. Y., Dec. 15, 1852. Dear son John, — I got here last night, and found all very com- fortable and well, except Henry, who is troubled with a lame back. 106 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [ISoO. something like rheumatism I presume. The weather has been very mild so far, and things appear to be progressing among our old neiglibors ; so that I feel as much as ever disj)osed to regard this as my home, and I can thinlt of no objection to your coming here to live when you can sell out well. A middling good saw-mill is now run- ning a few rods down the river ^ from the large pine log we used to cross on, when we went to help Henry take care of his oats. The more I reflect on all the consequences likely to follow, the more I am disposed to encourage you to come here ; and I take into the account as well as I can the present and future welfare of yourself and family, and prospects of usefulness. Our trial at Boston is to come on by agreement on the 6th January. I shall write Mr. Pei-kius to send you money for expenses, so that you can get, on to Boston by the 3d January. We shall want to look the papers over, and talk the business over beforehand. Ruth intends occupying tlie balance of the sheet. My best wishes for you all. Your affectionate father, John Brown. The hardships of existence in a new country like North Elba fall heaviest on the women. Mrs. Brown had been an invalid before leaving Springfield, and she was long out of health in this forest home. To encourage her, as he fre- quently did, Brown had recourse to letters of sympathy and exhortation, mingled with prosaic details of the econ- omy they must practise at North Elba. One or two of these letters will here be given, together with letters to Ruth and his other children. John Broivn to his Wife. Springfield, Mass., Nov. 28, 1850. Dear Wife, — ... Since leaving home I have thought that under all the circumstances of doubt attending the time of our removal, and the possibility that we may not remove at all, I had perhaps en- couraged the boys to feed out the potatoes too freely. ... I want to have them very careful to have no hay or straw wasted, but I would have them use enough straw for bedding the cattle to keep them from lying in the mire. I heard from Ohio a few days since ; all were then well. It now seems that the Fugitive Slave Law was to be the means of making more Abolitionists than all the lectures 1 A branch qf the Au Sable. 1851.] PIONEER LIFE IN THE ADIRONDACS. 107 we have had fur years. It really looks as if God bad his hand on this wickedness also. I of course keep encouraging uiy colored friends to " trust in God, and keep their powder dry." I did so to-day, at Thanksgiving meethig, publicly. . . . While here, and at almost all places where I stop, 1 am treated with all kindness and attention ; but it does not make home. I feel kinely and restless, no matter how neat and comfortable my room and bed, nor how richly loaded may be the table; they have few charms for me, away from home. I can look back to our log-cabin at the centre of Eichfield, with a supper of porridge and johnny-cake, as a place of far more interest to me than the " Massasoit" ^ of Springfield. But "there 's mercy in every place." Jan. 17, 1851. ... I wrote Owen last week that if he hud not the means on hand to buy a little sugar, to write Mr. Cutting, ot Westport, to send out some. I conclude you have got your belt before this. I could not manage to send the slates for the boys, as I intended, so they must be provided for some t)ther way. ... Say to the little girls that I will run home the first chance I get ; but I want to have them learn to be a little more still. May God in his infinite mercy bless and keep you all is the unceasing prayer of Your atfectiuuate husband, John Bkown. To Henry Thompson. North Hudson, N. Y., March 15, 1851. I have drawn an order on you, payable in board of Mail-carrier, horse-feed, or oats, in favor of Mr. Judd for $7.09, which you will oblige me by paying in oats at forty cents per bushel, or in board as above, whichever he may choose. When you can sell my stuflp please pay your fiither $2.00 for me. I also wish you to send <>u of my shin- gles that Hiram Brown carried out, two thousand to Alva Holt, as we settled about the oats on conditicm of my sending him two thou- sand. I wish you to open an account of debt and credit with me from this time on, as I shall have a good many errands to trouble you with. I wish you would notify Mr. Flanders by letter at once (if Nash calls on you for the $3.00) to go ahead with the suit. Mr. Kellogg told me he thought the Trustees would settle with me, were he to write to them. We are getting along very well ; the boys are still ahead, and Jack is with us. Mr. Blood talked of taking the shingles before I sold the two thousand to Holt, and said he would 1 A noted iun. 108 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1852. go and look at them, aud give me $1.50 per thousand for them if he liked them. I wish to do the handsome thing by him about it. Would be glad to have you see him about it. My love unceasing to Ruth. Affectionately yours, John Brown, TiioY, N. Y., Oct, 6, 1851. Dear Children, — As I am still detained at this place, I improve a leisure moment to write you, as the only means of communicating with a part of my family in whose present and future interests I have an inexpressible concern. Words and actions are but feeble means of conveying an idea of what I always feel whenever my absent chil- dren come into mind ; so I will not enlarge on that head. . , , I wish you to say to Mr. Epps ^ that if Mr. Hall does not soon take care of the boards that are fallen down about the house he built, I wish he and Mr. Dickson would go and take them away, as I paid for them, and am the rightful owner of them. I wish to have them confine themselves entirely to those of the roof and gable- ends. I mean to let Hall have them if he will occupy the building, or have any one do it on his account ; but I do not mean to have him let them lie year after year and rot, and do no one any good. I wish this to be attended to before the snow covers them up again. Elizabethtown, Feb. 6, 1852. Dear Henry, — Mr. Judd is wanting to buy a large quantity of oats, for which he is now paying one cent per pound, cash. He also wants to buy a supply for his teams that carry the mail to Saranac, for the next season. He says oats that have rye mixed with them will be worth as much by the pound for his own teams as those which have none. Thinking it miglit be of advantage to you to know of this, and perhaps to see him, I concluded to send you a line at any rate. Affectionately yours, John Brown. To his Wife. Utica, N, Y., Dec. 27, 1852. ... I seem to he pretty much over the effects of the ague, except as to my sight, which is some impaired, and which will not probably ever become much better. I made a short visit to North Elba, and left them all well and very comfortable, one week ago to-day. . . . The colored families appear to be doing well, and to feel encouraged. 1 One of Lis colored neighbors at North Elba. J 1853.] PIONEER LIFE IN THE ADIRONDACS. 109 They all send much love to you. They have constant preaching on the Sabbath ; and intelligence, morality, and religion appear to be all on the advance. Our old neighbors appear to wish us back. I can give no particular instructions to the boys, except to take the best care of everything, — not forgetting their own present and eter- nal good. If any young calves come that are nice ones, I want them to be well looked after, and if any very mean ones, I would have them killed at once. I am much pleased to get such a good account from the boys, and from Anne and Sarah. To Henry and Ruth Thompson. Akron, April 6, 1853. I have thought a good deal how to arrange as well as possible in regard to a home, should I live to go back to North Elba. I am a good deal at a loss how to divide the land so as to accommodate both families in the best way ; and I wish to call your attention to that matter, as you may perhaps be able to think of some way that will exactly suit all hands. I would be glad if Henry will send me his views freely in regard to the following questions, namely : Are you fond of the business or care of a sawmill "f Are there any springs on that part of the let lying east of the river, so situated as to accommo- date a family on that side ; or do you think there is a prospect of getting a good well where the strip is of some width, and the face such as would be convenient to build on ? Would you divide the land by the river, or by a line running east and west "? Will it be any damage to you if you defer building your house until we can hit on some plan of dividing the land, or at least for another year? If I was sure of going back next spring I should want to get some logs peeled for a house, as I expect to be quite satisfied with a log-house for the rest of my days. Perhaps by looking over the land a little with a view to these things, you can devise a plan that will suit well. I do not mean to be hard to please ; but such is the situation of the lot, and so limited are my means, that I am quite at a loss. Will it be convenient to have the ground that is gone over on the east side of the river got into grass this season? ... I can tliink of but little to write that will be worth reading. Wishing you all present and future good, I remain, Your aflfectionate father, John Brown. Akron, Ohio, .June 30, 1853. Dear Children, — Your very welcome letters were received last night. In regard to a house, I did not prefer a log one, only in view 110 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1854. of the expense ; and I would wish Henry to act according to his own best judgment in regard to it. If he builds a better house than I can pay for, we must so divide the hind as to have him keep it. I would like to have a house to go into next spring, if it can be brought about comfortably. I ought to have expressed it more distinctly in better season, but forgot to do so. We are in comfortable health, so far as I know, except father, Jason, and Ellen, all of whom have had a run of ague. Father, when I saw him last, was very feeble ; and I fear that in consequence of his great age he will never get strong again. It is some days since I went to see him. We are not through sheep- shearing or hoeing, and our grass is needing to be cut now. We have lately had very dry weather. ... I am much rejoiced at the news of a religious kind in Ruth's letter ; and would be still more rejoiced to learn that all the sects who bear the Christian name would have no more to do with that mother of all abominations, — man-stealing. I hope, unfit and unworthy as I am, to be allowed a membership in your little church before long ; and I pray God to claim it as his own, and that he will most abundantly bless all in your place who love him in truth. " If any man love not his brother whom he huth seen, how can he love God whom he hath not seen ? " I feel but little force about me for wiiting or any kind of business, but will try to write you more before long. Our State fair commences at Dayton the 2Uth of September, and will be held open four days. Your affectionate father, John Brown. Akron, April 14, 1854. Dear Children, — I did not get Ruth's letter, dated on the 1st instant, until the 12th, but was very glad to hear from you then, and to learn that you fouiid things as well as you did. In fact, God never leaves us A\'ithout the most abundant cause for gratitude ; and let us try and have it in habitual exercise. We have had some com- plaints among several of us of late, but none of us have been very unwell. We had a most comfortable settlement of last year's busi- ness with Mr. Perkins, and division of stock. I had nine of the company calves, and he sold me four of the old for one hundred dol- lars, which I used to have. I have two young bull calves, — one a full blood, — which I think among the best I ever saw. Akron, Nov. 2, 1854. Dear Children, — T feel still pretty much determined to go back to North Elba; but expect Owen and Frederick will set out for Kan- sas on Monday next, with cattle belonging to John, Jason, and them- 1855.] PIONEER LIFE IN THE ADIRONDACS. Ill selves, intending to winter somewhere in Illinois. I expect to set out for Albany to-morrow, and for Connecticut after the 8th. I mean to go and see you before I return, if my money for expenses will hold out. Money is extremely scarce, and I have been some disappointed, so that I do not now know as I shall be able to go and see you at this time. Nothing but the want of means will prevent me, if life and health are continued. Gerrit Smith wishes me to go back to North Elba ; from Douglass and Dr. McCune Smith I have not yet heard. I shipped you a cask of pork containing 347 pounds clear pork, on the I9th, directed to Henry Thompson, North Elba, Essex Co., N. Y., care C B. Hatch & Son, Westport. We are all in usual health. Your affectionate father, John Brown. This letter was preliminary to Brown's first expedition to Kansas in 1855, in defence of the free settlers there, par- ticularly his own sons. While he was preparing for the further defence of Kansas in 1857-58, and for his attack on slavery elsewhere, he did not by any means forget or neglect the family at :Nrorth Elba, but busied himself in securing for them an addition to the two farms in the wilderness on which his wife and married daughter, Mrs. Thompson, were living. Several of his Massachusetts friends, chief among whom were Mr. George L. Stearns and Mr. Amos A. Lawrence, raised a subscription of one thousand dollars to purchase one hun- di-ed and sixty acres of land for division in equal portions between these farms. Mr. Stearns contributed $260 to this fund, and Mr. Lawrence $310, — these two gentlemen hav- ing made up the sum by which the original subscription fell short of one thousand dollars. The connection of Mr. Law- rence with this transaction, and his personal acquaintance ■with Brown in 1857,^ were afterwards held to imply that he 1 At this time neither Gerrit Smith nor Mr. Stearns nor myself had any knowledge of Brown's scheme for a campaign in Virginia. The subscrip- tion ])aper was as follows : — " The family of Captain Jolin BroAvn, of Ossawatoniie, have no means of support, owing to the oppression to which he has been subjected in Kansas Territory. It is pioposed to put them (his wife and five children) in pos- session of the means of supporting tliemselves, so far as is possible for per- sons in their situation. The undersigned, therefore, will pay the following 112 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1857. had some knowledge of Brown's Virginia plans, which was not the case. The subscription thus raised was expended in completing the purchase of the tract in question, origi- nally sold by Gerrit Smith to the brothers of Henry Thomp- son (Brown's son-in-law), but which had not been wholly paid for. In August, 1857, as the agent of Messrs. Stearns and Lawrence, I visited North Elba, examined the land, paid the Thompsons their stipulated price for improvements, and to Mr. Smith the remainder of the purchase money, took the necessary deeds, and transferred the property to Mrs. Brown and Mrs. Thompson, according to the terms ari'auged by Captain Brown in the preceding spring. I have before me as I write the pencil memorandum, in Gerrit Smith's sums, provided one thousand dollars should be raised. With this sum a small farm can now be purcliased in the neighborhood of their late resi- dence in Essex County, New York. Maj', '57. Paid. William R. Lawrence, Yifty dollars. Ione hundred dollars. ^235 more. 3335 ] Fifty dollars. Paid. George L. Stearns, l f^ more J $285 Paid. John E. Lodge, twenty-five dollars. Paid. J. Carter Brown [by A. A. L.], one hundred dollars. Paid. J. M. S. Williams, fifty dollars. Paid. John Bertram [by M. S. W.], seventy-five dollars. Paid. W. D. Pickman.'fiftv dollars. Paid. R. P. Waters [by \V. D. P.], ten dollars. Paid. S. E. Peabody, ten dollars. Paid. John H. Silsbee, ten dollars. Paid. B. Sil.sbee, five dollars. Paid. Cash, ten dollars. Paid. Wendell Phillips, twenty-five dollars. Paid. W. J. Rotch, ten dollars. Paid. George L. Stearns, two hundred and thirty-five dollars. Paid. A. A. Lawrence, two hundred and thirty-five dollars. One thousand dollars in aU. July 27, 1857. Boston, Nov. 5, 1857. John Bertram's subscription being $75, instead of $25, as I supposed, I have returned to Amos A. Lawrence twenty-five dollars, making his whole subscription, $310 ; my subscription, $260 ; all others, $430, — total, $1000. (Signed) George L. Steakns," I 1857.] PIONEER LIFE IN THE ADIRONDACS. 113 «> familiar handwriting, showing this transaction. Here it is : — DraftofF. B. S flOOO Due Thompsons $574 Due me on note 111.66 " " on land 288.89 974.55 125.45 This sum ($25.45) I handed to Mrs. Brown at North Elba, Aug. 13, 1857. A few days later I reported to Mr. Stearns as follows : — " I wi'ote you from Buffalo, I think, telling you of the settling of the business of Captain Brown witli Mr. Smith ; since when I have been in North Elba, and passed a night under his roof. There I found Mrs. Brown, a tall, large woman, fit to be the mother of heroes, as she is. Her family are her two sons and three daughters, one of them a child of three years. One of the sons has been in Kansas ; the other vA'as to go with his father this summer, but I think his mar- riage, which took place in April, may have prevented it. Owen is now with his father, and both, I suppose, are in Kansas, for on the 17th of July they were beyond Iowa City with their teams. I shall have much to teU you about this visit. The subscription could not have been better bestowed, and the small balance, which I paid Mrs. Brown, came very opportunely." I had previously written to Brown, August 14, from Au Sable Forks, to which he replied from Tabor, in Iowa, Aug. 27, 1857, as follows : — My dear Friend, — Your most welcome letter of the 14th inst., from Au Sable Forks, is received. I cannot express the gratitude I feel to all the kind friends who contributed towards paying for the place at North Elba, after I had bought it, as I am thereby relieved from a very great embarrassment both with Mr. Smith and the young Thompsons, and also comforted with the feeling that my noble-hearted wife and daughters will not be driven either to beg or become a bur- den to my poor boys, who have nothing but their hands to begin with. I am under special obligation to you for going to look after them and cheer them in their homely condition. May God reward you all a thousandfold! No language I have can express the satishiction it affords me to feel that I have friends who will take the trouble to look after them and know the real condition of my family, while I am " far away," perhaps never to return. I am still waiting here for company, 8 114 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1857. additional teams, and means of paying expenses, or to know that I can make a diversion in favor of our friends, in case they are involved again in trouble. Colonel Forbes has come on and has a small school at Tabor. I wrote you some days ago, giving a few particu- lars in regard to our movements ; and I intend writing my friend Stearns, as soon as I have anything to tell him that is wortli a stamp. Please say to him, that, provided I do not get into such a speculation as shall swallow up all the property I have been furnislicd with, I intend to keep it all safe, so that he may be remunerated in the end ; but that I am wholly in the dark about it as yet, and that I canncjt flatter him much now. Will direct where to write me when I know how to do so. Very respectfully your friend, N. H. " N. H." stands for " Nelson Hawkins," one of the names by which Brown was known to his friends when in an enemy's country. Soon afterwards he did write to Mr. Stearns : "I have learned with gratitude what has been done to render my wife and children more comfortable. May God himself be the everlasting portion of all the contri- butors ! This generous act has lifted a heavy load from my heart." John Brown had returned to North Elba in April, 1857, after two years' absence ; and it was on this visit that he carried with him the old tombstone of his grandfather, Cap. tain John Brown, the Kevolutionary soldier, from the burial place of his family in Canton, Conn. He caused the name of his son Frederick, who fell in Kansas, to be carved on this stone, with the date of his death, and placed it where he desired his own grave to be, — beside a huge rock on the hillside where his house stands, — giving directions that his own name and the date of his death should be inscribed there too, when he should fall, as he expected, in the conflict with slavery. That stone now marks his grave, and tells a story which more costly monuments and longer inscriptions could not so well declare. Beside him are buried, after a strange separation of many years, the bones of his son Watson, over which funeral services were performed on this hillside in October, 1882, in the presence of his mother, his wife, his two eldest brothers, and his sister Ruth. The wander- 1882.] PIONEER LIFE IN THE ADIEONDACS. 115 ings of the father and the son have ceased, and they rest together in this mountain-home of their affections, — these pioneers of Liberty, their long march ended at last.-^ 1 This pioneer iustinct of the family has led the sons of John Brown into many a new country, either for exploration or fur settlement. All of them at one time or another tried their fortune in Kansas ; the youngest surviv- ing sou, after the Civil War was decided, journeyed with his mother and sisters across the great plains to California, where he is a sheep-farmer on the ranges of Humboldt County. Others of the family have since gone to Southern California ; while the two eldest sous established themselves among the first on oue of the charming vineyard islands of Lake Erie. The oldest son, in 1875, while exploring the region about the Black Hills, encountered Indians on the journey, who made some threats of attacking "men with hats" if the United States should try to remove them from their hunting-grounds as had been proposed ; but they were friendly to the exploring party, and being told that tliis was the sou of Captain Brown, of Harper's Ferry, of whom, though wild Indians, they had heard the story, they testified much respect for the son of such a brave. The whole Brown family now live widely se[)arated, and all are far away from their father's grave among the Adirondac Mountains. Ruth, the oldest daughter, with her husband Henry Thompson, is living with her children and grand- children at Pasadena, Cah ; Anne has long been married, and has a fam- ily of children ; Salmon has seven or eight children ; John, the eldest brother, has two children, — so that the grandchildren of Cai>tain Brown already number about twenty. There is no danger of that family becoming extinct, even though it lost so many members in the war with slavery. Nor are the Browns likely to become enervated by too much contact with luxury and the life of cities, for they follow the romantic impulse of their father, and of Daniel Boone, and keep on the advancing edge of civilization, — whereof they are pioneers, in more senses than one. 116 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1857. CHAPTER V. PREPARATIONS FOR THE CONFLICT. ALL this unwearied industry of John Brown in pioneer life, in tlie pursuit of wealth, in the establishment of his children, in the formation of acquaintance, and the maintenance of his family, was but preparatory, in his thought and in fact, to the fore-ordained and chosen task of his life, — the overthrow of American slavery. During the English war of 1812 he began to reflect, he says, " on the wretched, hopeless condition of fatherless and motherless slave children, sometimes raising the question, ' Is God their Father ? ' "When this was answered in the Old Testament way, the boy in his teens declared and swore ' eternal war with slavery.' " He did not hasten forward towards the achievement of what he had undertaken, until the fulness of time had come, and he had furnished himself with such military and general knowledge as he deemed requisite. He kept it steadily before him for forty years, educated himself and his children for it, and made it as much a part of his household discipline as were his prayers at morning and evening. Emerson, indeed, in his speech at Salem in 1859, a month before Brown's death, fixes a much earlier date as the beginning of his enterprise against slavery in Virginia. "It was not a piece of spite or revenge, — a plot of two years or of twenty years, — but the keeping of an oath made to heaven and earth forty-seven years before. Forty-seven years at least, — though I incline to accept his own account of the matter at Charlestown, which makes the date a little older, when he said, * This was all settled millions of years before the world was made.' " Mrs. Brown told me in 1860 that she had known his design ijnd been pledged to aid it for more than twenty years ; and John Brown himself had said in 1857, early in my acquaintance i 1858.J PREPARATIONS FOR THE CONFLICT. 117 with him, " I always told her that when the time came to fight against slavery, that conflict would be the signal for our separation. She made up her mind to have me go long before this ; and when I did go, she got ready bandages and medicine for the wounded." " For twenty years," he told Richard Hinton in 1858, " I have never made any business arrangement which would prevent me at any time answering the call of the Lord. I have kept my affairs in such condition that in two weeks I could wind them up and be ready to obey that call ; per- mitting nothing to stand in the way of duty, — neither wife, children, nor worldly goods. Whenever the time should come, I was ready ; that hour is very near at hand, and all who are willing to act should be ready." In 1820, at the time of the Missouri Compromise, when his hostility to slavery took definite shape ; in 1837, when he formed his plans for attacking slavery by force ; and even in 1858, when he had organized an armed band to carry them out, — his scheme would have seemed mere madness to most persons. But Brown had the spirit of his ancestors, the Pil- grim Fathers ; he entered upon his perilous undertaking with deliberate resolution, after considering what was to be said for and against it, as did the Pilgrims before they set forth from Holland to colonize America. William Bradford, their brav- est leader and their historian, has recorded the arguments for attempting the voyage to America in words which will apply, with very little change, to the adventure undertaken two centuries and a half later by Peter Brown's stalwart descendant, the last of the Puritans. " It was answered," says Bradford in his History, " that all great and honourable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both enterprised and overcome with answerable courages. It was granted the dangers were great, but not desperate ; the difficuUies were many, but not invincible. For though there were manie of them likely, yet they were not certain. It might be sundrie of the things feared might never befall; others, by provident care and the use of good means, might in a great measure be prevented ; and all of them, through the help of God, bi/ fortitude and patience, might either be borne or overcome. True it was that such attempts were not to be made and undertaken without good ground and reason ; not rashly or lightly as 118 LITE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1820. many have done for curiosity or hope of gaine, etc. But their condi- tion was not ordinarie; their ends were good and honourable; their calling lawfull and urgente; aud therefore they might expecte the blessing of God iu their proceeding. Yea, though thei/ should loose their lives in this action, yet might they have comforte iu the same, aud endeavors would be honourable." The world now sees how honorable the endeavors of Brad- ford, Standish, and John Brown. were, and what momentous results have followed. " Christ died on the tree," said Car- lyle to Emerson at Craigenputtock iu August, 1833 : " that built Dunscone kirk yonder ; that brought you and me to- gether." The sequence of events iu John Brown's case was the same, and far more important, — since from the cruci- fixion at Jerusalem a light sprang forth that was reflected back without obstruction from the ugly gallows of Virginia. John Brown took up his cross and followed his Lord ; aud it was enough for this servant that he was as his Master. Even from the statesman's point of view the enterprise was glorious, as the event has proved. John Quincy Adams was a statesman sufficiently prudent ; yet when the Mis- souri Compromise was under fierce debate in Congress (Mr. Adams being then Secretary of State, and Mr.- Calhoun Secretary of War, to James Monroe) he made this entry in his journal : — " Feb. 24, 1820. I had some conversation with Calhoun on the slave-questiou pending in Congress. He said he did not think it would produce a dissolution of the Union, but if it should, the South would be compelled to form an alliance, offensive and defensive, with Great Britain. I said that would be returning to the colonial state. He said, ' Yes, pretty much ; but it would be forced upon them.' . . . I pressed the conversation no further. But if the dissolution of the Union should result from the slave-question, it is as obvious as any- thing that can be foreseen of futurity, that it must shortly afterwards be followed by the universal emanciimtion of the slaves ; . . . the destructive progress <>? emancipation, wliich, like all great religious and political reformations, is terrible in its means, though happy and glorious in its end. Slavery is the great and foul stain upon the North American Union, and it is a contemplation worthy of the most exalted soul whether its total abolition is or is not practicable ; if practicable, by what means it may be effected, and if a choice of 1859.] PREPARATIONS FOR THE CONFLICT. 119 means be within the scope of the object, what means would accomplish it at the smallest cost of human sufferance f A dissolution, at least tonporary, of the Union as now constituted woidd be necessary ; and the dissolution must be upon a j^oint involving the question of slav- ery, and no other. The Union might then be reorganized on the fundamental principle of emancipation. This object is vast in its compass, awful in its prospects, sublime and beautiful in its issue. A life devoted to it would be nobly sjjeut or sacrificed." Such a life was that of John Brown. He entered upon it when as a boy, " during the war with England," seven years before this colloquy of Adams with Calhoun, he saw his little black playmate starved and beaten, and with boyish ardor " swore eternal war with slavery." He ended it upon the gallows in Virginia, and men said he " died as a fool dieth." But the method that he devised for emancipation was that which, within live years from his death, the nation adopted and carried to a successful issue. It Avas the method of force ; and it proceeded gradually, as Brown had foreseen that it must, from State to State, and without overthrowing the general government. There was, however, what Adams had predicted, — a temporary dissolution of the Union, fol- lowed by " amendment and repeal," as Brown desired ; and then by that which Adams and Brown both had longed for, — a reorganization of the Union " on the fundamental question of emancipation." Thus, again, in human history, as so many times before, did the divine paradox reassert itself, and the stone which the builders rejected became the head of the corner. Beside the Potomac, where the founder of our Re- public lived and died, crowned with honors, it was decreed that the restorer of the Republic should also die by the hangman's hand. The work that Washington and Jeffer- son left unfinished, Brown came to complete ; and Lincoln with his proclamations. Grant and Sherman with their armies, did little more than follow in the path that Brown had pointed out. " Of all the men who were said to be my contemporaries," w^rote a Concord poet, '' it seemed to me that John Brown was the only one wdio had not died. I meet him at every turn. He is more alive than ever he was ; he is no longer working in secret ; he works in public, and in the clearest light that shines on this land." 120 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1874. This was Thoreau's verdict in 1860, before the great Civil War had shown the world what Brown's true place was among the successful champions of humanity. Fifteen years after his death, when the American Eepublic had regained the universal freedom of men, for which Jefferson formulated its charter in 1776, and wlien the French Republic had re- called Victor Hugo from his long and honorable exile, that commanding genius of his century thus addressed the widow of John Brown : ^ — Madam, — Several years have passed away since your noble hus- band completed the sacrifice of a life consecrated to the most generous of all aims. The gallows on which he suffered called forth a cry of universal indignation, which was the signal for securing the emanci- pation of a race till then disinherited. Honor be to him, and to his worthy sons who were associated with him in his endeavors ! To the blessing witli which the present age crowns their memory shall be added that of future generations. These thoughts. Madam, ^ This letter, written by Hugo, was signed also by the other members of a French committee which presented to Mrs. Brown in 1874 a gold medal in honor of her husband. Their names were Louis Blanc, Victor Schcelcher, Patrice Larroipie, Eugene Pelletan, Melvil-Bloncourt, Capron, Ch. L. Chas- sin, Etienne Arago, Laureut-Pichat, and L. Gornes. The medal itself Avas njodelled by Wurder, of Brussels, bearing on one side a bearded head of Brown, and on the reverse this inscription : '' To the memory of John Blown, judicially murdered at Charlestown, in Virginia, on the 2d of De- cember, 1859 ; and in commemoration also of his sons and comrades who, with him, became the victims of their devotion to the cause of negro eman- cipation." This medal (weighing nearly five ounces) was sent to Mrs. Brown in California by her son John, who received it from William Lloyd Garrison, to whom the French committee gave a bronze copy of the medal, with the following letter : — Paris, Oct. 20, 1874. Wm. Lloyd Garrison. S,K, — We have received, through the hands of M. Victor Schcelcher, the letter by which the son of Jolin Brown informs you that tlie family will receive, with all due appreciation, the gold medal struck in memorj- of the glorious death of his father. We beg yon, therefore, to he kind enough, in accordance with your generous offer, to charge yourself with its delivery to the Brown family, together with the letter to Mrs. Brown accompanying it. In thanking you for your kind inten-ention, we beg you to accept the assurance of our high esteem ; and also a copy of the medal, in bronze, which is the work (without remuneration) of a sympathizing artist. We have sent to the agency of the house of Lebeau, who represent the line of steamers from Liver])ool to Boston, the box containing the gold medal addressed to the widow of John Brown, —expenses pre- paid. The Delegate Capkon. Patrice Larroque, Secretary. 1839. PREPARATIONS FOR THE CONFLICT. 121 must assuredly tend greatly to alleviate your great sorrow. But you have sought a higher cousolation for your grief, iu the reflection that beyond the imperfect justice of man sits enthroned that Supreme Justice which will leave no good action unrewarded and no crime impunished. We hope, also, that you may derive some comfort from this expression of our sympathy, as citizens of the French Republic, which would have reached you earlier but for the prolonged and cruel sufferings through which our unfortunate country has been forced to pass. Though Brown drew this applause from the French Kepublicans for his generous martyrdom, nothing could be further from the Red Republican temper and from French impiety than were his temper and devout purpose. He was a Saxon follower of the French Calvin and the Mauritanian Augustine, as they were followers of the Hebrew Scriptures. John Brown was a Bible-worshipper, if ever any man was. He read and meditated on the Bible constantly ; in his will he bequeathed a Bible to each of his children and grand- children ; and he wrote to his family a few days before his execution, " I beseech you every one to make the Bible your daily and nightly study." Such was the man — of the best New England blood, of the stock of the Plymouth Pilgrims, and bred up like them " in the nurture and admonition of the Lord " — who was selected by God, and knew himself to be so chosen, to overthrow the bulwark of oppression in America. His prayers and meditations from childhood had been leading him towards this consecration of himself to a great work, and he had no dearer purpose in life than to fulfil the mission. He seems to have declared a definite plan of attacking slavery in one of its strongholds, by force, as early as 1839 ; and it was to obtain money for this enter- prise that he engaged in land-speculations and wool-mer- chandise for the next ten or twelve years. His ventures failed ; it was not destined that he should grow rich and be able to help the poor from his abundance ; and he accepted the narrow path of poverty. While tending his flocks in Ohio, with his sons and daughters about him, he first com- municated to them his purpose of attacking slavery in arms. From that time forward, a period of more than twenty years, he devoted himself, not exclusively, but mainly, to the un- 122 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [18;VJ. dertaking iu which he sacrificed his life. He looked on his mercautile connections, on his acquaintance at home and his travels abroad, as means to this great end ; he came back from Europe poor, but more in love than ever with Amer- ican democracy, and more resolved that American slavery should be destroyed. In his campaign against it he did not contemplate insurrection, but partisan warfare, — at first on a small scale, then more extensive ; yet he did not shrink from the extreme consequences of his theory. A man of peace for more than fifty years of his life, he nevertheless under- stood that war had its uses, and that there were worse evils than battles for a great principle. He more than once said to me, and doubtless to others, " I believe in the Golden E,ule and the Declaration of Independence. I think they both mean the same thing ; and it is better that a whole generation should pass off the face of the earth, — men, women, and children, — by a violent death, than that one jot of either should fail m this country. I mean exactly so, sir." He also told me that " he had much considered the matter, and had about concluded that forcible separation of the connection between master and slave was necessary to fit the blacks for self-government." First a soldier, then a citizen, was his plan with the liberated slaves. " When they stand like men, the nation will respect them," he said ; " it is necessary to teach them this." He looked forward, no doubt, to years of conflict, in which the blacks, as in the later years of the Civil War, should be' formed into regiments and brigades and be drilled in the whole art of war, — like the black soldiers of Toussaint L'Ouverture and Dessalines, in Hayti. But in his more inspired moments he foresaw a speedier end to the combat which he began. Once he said, " A few men in the right, and knowing they are right, can overturn a mighty king. Fifty men, twenty men, in the Alleghanies, could break slavery to pieces in two years." The actual attempt of Brown in Virginia to break in pieces this national idol of slavery was judged as mad- ness by his countrymen at the moment, and even now, as we look back on it, seems devoid of the elements which would make success possible. But with God all things are possible, — and success followed the noble madness of his 1851.] PREPARATIONS FOR THE CONFLICT. 123 assault. That brief campaign, with its immediate frustra- tion and its ultimate and speedy triumph, is now seen to have been au omen of the divine purpose. It has already become a part of the world's history and literature, — a new chapter added to the record of heroism and self-devotion, a new incident in the long romance which has been for three hundred years the history of Virginia. It was little to the honor of Virginia then ; but so heavy has been the penalty since visited on that State and her people, that we may omit all censure upon what was done. God has judged between them and John Brown ; and His judgment, as always, will be found not only just but merciful, since it has removed from a brave and generous people the curse of human slavery. It was for this result, and this alone, that Brown plotted and fought, prayed and died ; and even before his death he saw that his prayers woi:ld be answered. Although John Brown would have justified a slave insur- rection, or indeed almost any means of destroying slavery, he did not seek to incite general insurrection among the Southern slaves. The venture in which he lost his life was not an insurrection in any sense of the word, but an invasion or foray, similar in its character to that which Garibaldi was to make six months later in Sicily for the overthrow of the infamous Bourbon tj^ranny there. The Italian hero suc- ceeded, and became dictator of the island he had conquered; the American hero failed for the moment, and was ]3ut to death. But his soul went marching on ; and millions of his countrymen followed in his footsteps two years later, to complete the campaign in which Brown had led the forlorn hope. As usual, the forlorn hope was sacrificed, but by their death the final victory was won. While this servant and prophet of God was waiting for the accepted time, he continued those efforts in behalf of fugitive slaves which began so early. He was specially ac- tive in this after the enactment of Senator Mason's Fugitive Slave Bill in 1850, — supported as it was by Webster, of Massachusetts, and Clay, of Kentucky. Poor black men were then hunted down at the instigation of rich white men, even in Boston ; and the courts of Massachusetts were disgraced by the chains of Virginian slavery. Early in 1851, while 124 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1851. Brown was nominally a resident of the Adirondac woods, he was at his old home in Springfield, and there formed an organization among the colored people, many of whom were refugees, to resist the capture of any fugitive slave, no mat- ter by what authority. The letter of instructions given by Brown at that time to his Springfield " Gileadites," as he called them, deserves to be cited here, as an authentic docu- ment throwing light on the character and purposes of l>rown at that time, nearly nine years before his campaign in Virginia. It is somewhat condensed from his manuscript : WORDS OF ADVICE. Branch of the United States League of G ilcadites. Adopted Jan. 15, 1851, as written and recommended by John Brown. "UNION 18 STRENGTH." Nothing SO charms the American people as personal bravery. Witness the case of Cinques, of everlasting memory, on board the " Amistad." The trial for life of one bold and to some extent successful man, for defending his rights in good earnest, would arouse more sym- pathy throughout the nation than the accumulated wrongs and suffer- ings of more than three millions of our submissive colored population. We need not mention the Greeks struggling ai^ainst the oppressive Turks, the Poles against Russia, nor the Ilnugarians against Austria and Russia combincMl, to prove this. No jury can he found in the Northern States that would conrict a man for defending his rights to the last extremitg. This is well understood hg Southern Congressmen, who insisted that the right of trial by jurg should not be granted to the fugitive. Colored people have ten times the number of fast friends anu)ng the whites than they sui)pose, and would have ten times the number they now have were they but half as tnuch in ear- liest to secure their dearest rights as they are to ape the follies and extravagances of their white neighbors, and to indulge in idle show, in ease, and in luxury. Just think of the mcmey expended by indi- viduals in your behalf in the past twenty years! Think of the num- ber who have been mo])beil and imprisoned on your account! Have any of you seen the liranded Hand? Do you remember the names of Lovejoy and Tnrrey ? Should one of your number be arrested, you must ctdlect together as quickly as possible, so as to outnumber yo'ir adversaries who are taking an active part against you. Ijct no able-bodied man app((ar on the ground unequipped, or with his wea]>t)ns exposed to view : 1851.1 PREPARATIONS FOR THE CONFLICT. 125 let that be understood beforehand. Your phms must be known only to yourself, and with the understanding that all traitors must die, wherever caught and proven to be guilty. *' Whosoever is fearful or afraid, let him return and part early from Mount Gilead " (Judges, vii. 3; Deut. xx. 8). Give all cowards an opportunity to show it on condition of holding their peace. Do not delay one moment after you are ready : you ivill lose all your resolution if you do. Let the first blow he the signal for all to engage ; and when engaged do not do your work by halves, but make clean work icith your enemies, — and be sure you meddle not with any others. By going about your busi- ness quietly, you will get the job disposed of before the number that an uproar would bring together can collect ; and you will have the advantage of those who come out against you, for they will be wh(dly unprepared with either equipments or matured plans ; all with them will be confusion and terrtir. Your enemies will be slow to attack you after you have done up the work nicely ; and if they should, they will have to encounter your white friends as well as you ; for you may safely calculate on a division of the whites, and may by that means get to an honorable parley. Be firm, determined, and cool ; but let it be understood that you are not to be driven to desperation without making it an awful dear job to others as well as to you. Give them to know distinctly that those who live in wooden houses should not throw fire, and that you are just as able to suffer as your white neighbors. After effecting a rescue, if you are assailed, go into the houses of your most prominent and influential white friends with your ivives; and that will effectually fasten tqwn them the suspicion of being connected ivith you, and will compel them to make a common cause tvith you,, whether they would othenvise live up to their profession or not. This tvould leave them no choice in the matter. Some would doubtless prove themselves true of their own choice ; others would flinch. That would be taking them at their own words. You may make a tumult in the court-room where a trial is going on, by burning gunpowder freely in paper pack- ages, if you cannot think of any better way to create a momentary alarm, and might possibly give one or more of your enemies a hoist. But in such case the prisoner will need to take the hint at once, and bestir himself; and so sliould his friends improve the opportunity for a general rush. A lasso might possibly be applied to a slave-catcher for once with good effect. Hold on to your weapons, and never be persuaded to leave them, part with them, or have them far away from you. Stand by one another and by your friends, while a drop of blood re- mains ; and be hanged, if you must, but tell no tales out of school. Make no confession. 126 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1851. Uuiou is strength. Without some well-digested arrangements nothing to any good purpose is likely to be done, let the demand be never so great. Witness the case of Hamlet and Long in New York, when there was no well-defined plan of operations or suitable prepa- ration beforehand. Tlie desired end may be eflfectually secured by the means pro- posed ; namely, the enjoyment of our inalienable rights. AGREEMENT. As citizens of the United States of America, trusting in a just and merciful God, whose spirit and all-powerful aid we humbly im- plore, tve will ever be true to the flag of our beloved count ri/, always acting under it. We. whose names are hereunto affixed, do constitute ourselves a branch of the United States League of Gileadites. That we will provide ourselves at once with suitable implements, and will aid those who do not possess the means, if any such are disposed to join us. We invite every colored person whose heart is engaged in the performance of our business, whether male or female, old or young. The duty of the aged, infirm, and young members of the League shall be to give instant notice to all members in case of an attack upon any of our people. We agree to have no officers except a treasurer and secretary ^ro tern., until after some trial of courage and talent of able-bodied members shall enable us to elect officers from those who shall have rendered the most important services. Nothing but wisdom and undaunted courage, efficiency, and general good conduct shall in any way influence us in electing our officers. Then follows, in the original manuscript, a set of resolves, such as John Brown, with his methodical, forward-looking mind, was in the habit of drawing up whenever he organized any branch of his movement against slavery. This paper, which is sufficiently curious, reads as follows : — Resolutions of the Springfield Branch of the United States League of Gileadites. Adopted 15th Jan., 1851. 1. Resolved, That we, whose names are affixed, do constitute our- selves a Branch of the United States League, under the above name. 2. Resolved, That all business of this Branch be conducted with the utmost quiet and good order; that we individually provide our- selves with suitabl(5 implements witliout delay ; and that we will sufficiently aid those who do not possess the means, if any such are disposed to join us. 1851.] PREPARATIONS FOR THE CONFLICT. 127 3. Besolved, That a committee of one or more discreet, iufluentiiil men be appointed to collect the names of all colored persons whose heart is engaged for the performance of our business, whether male or female, whether old or young. 4. Resolved, That the appropriate duty of all aged, infirm, fe- male, or youthful members of this Branch is to give instant notice to all other members of any attack upon the rights of our people, first informing all able-bodied men of this League or Branch, and next, all well known friends of the colored people; and that this information be confined to such alone, that there may be as little excitement as possible, and no noise in the so doing. 5. Resolved, That a committee of one or more discreet persous be appointed to ascertain the condition of colored persons in regard to implements, and to instruct others in regard to their conduct iu any emergency. 6. Resolved, That no other officer than a treasurer, with a pres- ident and secretary ^5ro tern., be appointed by this Branch, until after some trial of the courage and talents of able-bodied members shall enable a majority of the members to elect their ing pick sheep ; should like to know if yon did, etc. Cannot tell you much more now, except it he that we all appear to think a great deal more about this world than about the next, which proves that we are still very foolish. I leave room for some others of the family to write, if they will. Affectionately yours, John Brown. 1846.] FAMILY COUNSELS AND HOME LIFE. 141 May 30, 1845. Dear Son, — We are at this time all well, but very busy prepar- ing for shearing. Have had a most dreadful frost over night, and am afraid the wheat is all killed. There will be here no article of fruit. I trust you will perform your service with patient spirit, doing with your might. The children wiU write you hereafter. Affectionately yours, John Brown. Akron, Ohio, June 6, 1846. Dear Son and Daughter, — I wrote you some time since, en- closing five dollars ; but neither of you have let me know Avhether you received it or not, nor how much you were in immediate want of. Two lines would have told me all, and that you were or were not well. I now enclose you ten dollars ; and I want to hear from you without one moment's delay, or I cannot till I get to New England (possibly). Say to me how much you must have for your bills at Austinburg and expenses back to this place. I can calculate for John's expenses to Springfield from here, and will provide for tliat. I have some nice cloth for an entire suit, which I think I had better take for you (John) to Springfield, so that you can have it made up there if you have any want of clothes before winter. We have plenty of it on hand, and it will save paying out the money. We are getting a good pair of calfskin boots made for you. We intend to take on a good supply of nice well-made shirts, in order to save your paying there for such things more than is indispensable, and also to prevent your being delayed after you come back here with Ruth. It is barely possible that Jason and I may come by way of Austin- burg. We expect to start in a little more than a week from this. If I do not come by your place on my way, you may look for another letter before I start for the East. It may be that some of your bills can lie unpaid till I can sell some of our wool, and let you draw on Perkins & Brown at Springfield for the amount, instead of making a remittance by mail. Some of your merchants or other business men might be glad to get a small draft of that kind, payable at sight. Let me know all about matters. All are well here. Affectionately yours, John Brown. The letter above printed was written to John and Ruth Brown, who were then at school, or taking lessons, in Aus- tinburg, Ohio. Their father was about removing to Massa- chusetts. 142 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1846. To his Wife and Children. Springfield, Sept. 29, 1846. Dear Mary, — ... Ydur letter dated the 20th was received last night, and aflbrded me a real though a mournful satisfaction. That you had received, or were to receive, a letter from either John or Jason I was in perfect ignorance of till you informed me ; and I am glad to learn that, wholly uninfluenced by me, they have shown a disposition to aflford you the comfort in your deep affliction which the nature of the case would admit of. Nothing is scarcely equal with me to the satisfaction of seeing that one portion of my remaining family are not disposed to exclude from their sympathies and their warm affections another portion. I accept it as one of the most grateful returns that can be made to me for any care or exertion on my part to promote either their present or their future well-being ; and while I am able to discover such a feeling, I feel assured that notwithstanding Grod has chastised us often and sore, yet he has not entirely withdrawn himself from us nor forsaken us utterly. The sudden and dreadful manner in which he has seen fit to call our dear little Kitty to take her leave of us is, I need not teU you how much, in my mind ; but before Him I will bow my head in submission and hold my peace. ... I have sailed over a somewhat stormy sea for nearly half a century, and have experienced enough to teach me thoroughly that I may most reasonably buckle up and be prepared for the tempest. Mary, let us try to maintain a cheerful self-command while we are tossing up and down •, and let our motto still be Action, Action, — as we have but one life to live. Afi"ectionately yours, John Brown. Springfield, Mass., Jan 5, 1847. Dear daughter Ruth, — Yours dated the 20th and Jason's dated the 16th of December were both received in season, and were very grateful to our feelings, as we are anxious to hear from home often, anil had become very uneasy before we got word from Jason. We are middling well, and very much perplexed with our \Aork, accounts, and correspondence. We expect now to go home, if our lives and health are spared, next month, and we feel rejoiced that the time is so near when we hope to meet you all once more. Sometimes my imagination follows those of my family who have passed behind the scenes ; and I would almost rejoice to be permitted to make them a personal visit. I have outlived nearly half of all my numerous fixm- ily, and I ought to realize that in any event a large proporti(jn of my journey is travelled over. 1847.] FAMILY COUNSELS AND HOME LIFE. 143 You say that you would like very much to have a letter from me, with as much good advice as I will give. Well, what do you sup- pose I feel most anxious for in regard to yourself and all at home ? Would you believe that I ever had any such care on my mind about them as we read that Job had about his family (not that I would ever think to compare myself with Job) ? Would you believe that the long story would be that ye sin not, that you form no foolish attachments, and that you be not a companion of fools? Your affectionate father, John Brown. Springfield, March 12, 1847. Dear son John, — Yours dated Feb. 27th I this day received. It was written about the same time I reached this place again. I am glad to learn that you are relieved in a good measure from another season of suffering. Hope you will make the right improvement of it. I have been here nearly two M-eeks. Have Captain Spencer, Freeman, the Hudsons, together with Schlessinger and Ramsden, all helping me again. Have turned about four thousand dollars' worth of wool into cash since I returned ; shall probably make it up to seven thousand by the 16th. Sold Musgrave the James Wallace lot yesterday for fifty-eight cents all round. Hope to get pretty much through by the middle of Ajjril. Have paid your account for the " Cincinnati W^eekly Herald and Philanthropist," together with two dollars for one year's subscription to "National Era," being in all three dollars. I should have directed to have the "National Era " sent you at Austinburg, but could not certainly know as you would be there to take it. You had better direct to have it sent to you there. I now intend to send Ruth on again soon after my return. Jason writes on the 3d that all are well at home. I feel better than when I left home, and send my health to all in and about Austinburg. Yours affectionately, John Brown. Springfield, Mass., April 12, 1847. Dear son John, — Yours of the 5th is just received. I was very glad to learn by it that you were then well. I ha*d begun to feel anxious, not hearing for so long a time since you M'rote, that you were unwell. My own health is middling good ; and I learn that all at home were well a few days since. I enclose ten dollars; and I must say that when you continue to make indefinite applica- tions for money, without giving me the least idea of the am(»unt you need, after I have before complained of the same thing, — ■ namely, 144 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1847. your not. telling me frankly how much you need, — it makes me feel injured. Suffice it to say that it always affords me the greatest pleasure to assist you when I can; hut if you want five, ten, twenty, or fifty dollars, why not say so, and then let me help you so far as I am able ? It places me in an awkward fix. I am much more will- ing to send you all you actually need (if in my power), than to send any when you do not tell what your wants require. I do not now see how we could make the exchange Mr. Walker proposes in regard to sheep, but should suppose it might be done to his mind somewhere in our direction. I should think your brother student might pay the postage of a letter ordering the " Era" to yt)U at Austinburg till the year expires. I have ten times as many papers as I can read. Have got on middling well, since I wrote you, with the wool-trade, and mean to return shortly, and send Ruth to Austin- burg. Do not see how to take time to give you further particulars now, having so much every hour to attend to. Write me on receipt of this. Will send you a Steubenville report. Afi"ectionately your father, John Brown. P. S. Had I sent you twenty dollars, yon deprive me of the com- fort of knowing that your wishes have been at all complied with. Akron, July 9, 1847. Dear son John, — I wrote you yesterday to urge your coming here to keep up the family for a few m(mths, as I knew of no way to provide for Jason or Owen's board ; but that matter is all got over, and the probability is that Jason will have a wife as soon as you. We mean to have the business done up before we leave, so as to have no breaking up of the family here. I would now say that if you can get ready and meet us at Buffalo on the 14tli or L5th, we shall be glad to have you go on with us. I would be willing to delay for a day or more in order to bring it about. It would seem as though you might bring it about by that time, so early as to get here on the ICth, as you wrote. As matters now stand, I feel very anx- ious to have you go on with us, — and partly on Frederick's account. I sent you yesterday a certificate of deposit for fifty dollars, directed to Vernon, care of Miss Wealthy Hotchkiss.^ Should it so happen that you get to Buffalo before we do, wait for us at Bennett's Hotel ; or we will wait for you awhile. Inquire for us at Bennett's, or of George Palmer, Esq. If you get this in season, you may perhaps get to ^ Soon to be Mrs. John Brown, Jr. 1851.1 FAMILY COUNSELS AND HOME LIFE. 145 Buffalo before we can. Mary is still quite feeble. Frederick appears to be quite as well as when you left. Say to Ruth I remember her. Affectionately yours, John Brown. Springfield, Sept. ], 1847. Dear daughter Ruth, — I have not heard from you since John left to come on here ; and I can assure you it is not for want of inter- es' in your welfare that I have so long delayed writing you. We got over the tedious job of moving as well as we could expect, and have both families comfortably fixed. Frederick has been under the treatment of one of the most celebrated physicians in Massachusetts, and for some part of the time has appeared to be as well as ever, but has not appeared so well for a few days past. Your mother is quite unwell with a bilious fever, and has been so for a day or two. We think she is doing well now, and hope she will get around soon. We have almost all of us complained more or less since we got on here. We have heard from Akron every few days since we came on. All were well there a short time since. Our business here seems to go on middling well, and should noth- ing befall me I hope to see you about the last of this month or early next. John says he will write you soon. I supposed he had done so before this, until now. We are very busy, and suppose we are likely to be for the present. We expect you to WTite us how you get along, of course. Affectionately yours, John Brown. Vernon, Oneida Co., N. Y., March 24, 1851. Dear son John, — I now enclose draft on New York for fifty dollars, which I think you can dispose of to some of the merchants for a premium at this time in the season. I shall pay you the bal- ance as soon as I can ; but it may be out of my power until after we sell our wool, which I think there is a prospect now of doing early. I hope to get through here so as to be on our way again to Ohio be- fore the week closes, but want you and Jason both to hold on and take the best possible care of the flock until I do get on, at any rate. I wrote you last week that the family is on the road : the boys are driving on the cattle, and my wife and the little girls are at Oneida Depot, waiting for me to go on with them.^ Your affectionate father, John Brown. ^ The family were removing from North Elba to Akron, leaving Ruth and her husband, Henry Thompson, iu the Adirondac woods. 10 146 LIFE AND LETTEKS OF JOHN BROWN. 11851. To his Wife. Boston, Mass., Dec. 22, 1851. Dear Mary, — ... There is an unusual amount of very inter- esting things happening in this and other countries at present, and no one can foresee what is yet to follow. Tlie great excitement pro- duced by the coming of Kossuth, and the last news of a new revolution in France, with the prospect that all Europe will soon again he in a blaze, seems to have taken all by surprise. I have only to say in regard to those things, I rejoice in them, from the full belief that God is carrying out his eternal purpose in them all. I hope the boys will be particularly careful to have no waste of feed of any kind, for I am strongly impressed with the idea that a long, severe winter is before us. This letter shows how closely Brown attended to politics in Europe as well as in America, notwithstanding his la- borious life and the urgency of his private affairs. The " new revolution in France " was the coiq) d'etat of Louis Napoleon, which happened in this month of December, 1851. At the same time the Hungarian patriot Kossuth was exciting great enthusiasm in Massachusetts and the Northern States in general ; Charles Sumner was celebrat- ing him in an eloquent speech at Washington ; Emerson at Concord was bidding him welcome to the historic battle- ground there ; and Theodore Parker, in his Boston pulpit, was preaching in behalf of Hungarian independence. The friends of Brown, on whom he relied in later years, were singularly in accord with him in 1851, though neither Emer- son nor Parker nor Sumner had then seen Brown. I was then a student at Exeter, preparing for Harvard College, and I remember the interest that Kossuth aroused there. An old lady with whom I sometimes took, tea, and with whom in her youth Daniel Webster had taken tea when a student at Exeter fifty-five years before, used to divide the talk at her little round tea-table between anecdotes of Web- ster (whom she admired for his beauty and eloquence, but abhorred for his betrayal of the Northern cause) and eulogies of Kossuth, vSumner, Garrison, and the other friends of free- dom in Europe and America. While Miss Betsey Clifford thus manifested her enthusiasm at the age of seventy, her I 1850.] FAMILY COUNSELS AND HOME LIFE. 147 young guest at the age of twenty was publishing verses ad- dressed to Kossuth in praise and to Webster in censure of their public action. But the pithy comment of John Brown — " God is carrying out his eternal purpose in them all " — was as profitable an utterance as that of any scholar or statesman of that period. He belonged to the school of the prophets, though a herdsman like Amos the Hebrew and the Arabian seer. I have been able to find but few of Brown's letters in the years 1850-51, when the first general agitation against the aggression of Southern slaveholders took place in the North ; nor do his earlier letters contain much allusion to the antislavery crusade of Garrison, Gerrit Smith, Arthur Tappan, Wendell Phillips, and the other emancipationists. But he took the warmest interest in these discussions from the first, and like Garrison and his associates early declared against the colonizationists, who would send the free negroes away to Liberia. Milton Lusk, Brown's brother-in-law, already quoted, has given me some details of antislavery action at Hudson fifty years ago. At that time Kev. Charles B. Storrs, a devoted antislavery man, was at the head of the Western Reserve College in Hudson, and a communicant, if not pastor, of a Congregational church there. In that to which Mr. Lusk belonged it had been customary before 1835 to take up a collection occasionally for the cause of colonization, which was advocated from the pulpit by agents of the Colonization Society. On one of these occasions "Brother Lusk" was asked to take up the collection as usual, but refused. His pastor earnestly ques- tioned him why ; whereupon Milton Lusk showed the cler- gyman a speech or letter of Chief-Justice Marshall, in which colonization was advocated as a relief to the Virginia slaveholders, by removing the troublesome class of the free negroes from the State. '' If that is genuine," argued Mr. Lusk, ''then the slaveholders are asked to give money for colonization to protect slavery; while we are asked for money to remove slavery by colonization. If our contri- butions go into the same fund, I for one will never help to raise another dollar." The pastor could not deny the premises of his parishioner, and was forced to accept his conclusion ; but not long afterward Milton Lusk was ex- 148 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1852 communicated for various errors of opinion, among which the colonization incident was not quite forgotten.-^ Troy, N. Y,, Jan. 23, 1852. Dear Children, — I returned here on the evening of the 19th inst., having left Akron on the 14th, the date of your letter to John. I was very glad to hear from you again in that way, not having re- ceived anything from you while at home. I left all in usual health, and as comfortahle as could be expected ; but am afflicted with you on account of your little boy. Hope to hear by return mail that you are all well. As in this trouble you are only tasting of a cup I have had to drink deeply, and very often, I need not tell you how fully I can sympathize with you in your anxiety. . . . How long we shall continue here is beyond our ability to foresee, but think it very probable that if you*write us by return mail we shall get your letter. Something may possibly happen that may enable us (or one of us) to go and see you, but do not look for us. I should feel it a gi'eat privilege if I could. We seem to be getting along well with our business so far, but progress miserably slow. My journeys back and forth this winter have been very tedious. If yoii find it difficult for you to pay for Douglass' paper, 1 wish you would let me know, as I know I took liberty in ordering it contin- ued. You have been very kind in helping me, and I do not meau to make myself a burden. Y^our affectionate father, John Brown. Akron, Ohio, March 20, 1852. Dear Children, — I reached home on the 18th at evening, meet- ing with father on the way, who went home with me and left us yesterday; he kept me so busied that I had no time to write you yesterday. I found all in usual health but Frederick, who has one of his poor turns again ; it is not severe, and we hope will not be so. I now enclose the Flanders lease. Y^ou will discover that the bar- gain I had with him for the second year is simjdy an extension of the ^ " ' I threw down Judge Marshall's speech and stamped on it,' said Mil- ton Lusk. ' Why, Milton, what ails you ? ' said my sister. I told her I had got through raising money for colonization. I asked our minister if our contributions here in Ohio went into the same chest with those from Virginia, where men sold slaves and put a part of the purchase-money into the contribution-box ? He said he supposed so. Then, I said, I could have nothing to do with it." i 1852.] FAMILY COUNSELS AND HOME LIFE. 149 time made on the back of it, except that for the last year I was to pay the taxes. Owen says he thinks the tooth fell out of the harrow while lying on a pile of sticks and old hoards near the corner of the barn, between that and the house ; and that if you do not find it among the rubbish, nor in the house or barn, — over the door from the ham into the back shed, — he cannot tell where it will be found. Expecting to hear from you again soon, I remain your afi"ectionate father, John Brown. Akeon, Ohio, May 14, 1852. Dear Children, — I have a great deal to write, and but very little time in which to do it. A letter was received from you, which Salmon put in his pocket before it had been opened, and lost it. This grieved me very much indeed ; I could hardly be reconciled to it. We have been having the measles, and now have the whooping- cough among the children very bad. Your mother was confined by the birth of the largest and strongest boy she ever had two weeks ago, and has got along well considering all our difficulties. The little one took the measles, and was very sick, and has now the whooping-cough so bad that we expect to lose him ; we thought him dying for some time last night. Annie and Sarah cough badly ; Oliver is getting over it. Our little one has dark hair and eyes like Watson's ; notwithstanding our large number, we are very anxious to retain him. Jason and Owen have gone on to a large farm of Mr. Perkins over in Talmadge. Frederick is with us, and is pretty well. The family of Mr. Perkins have the whooping-cough, and have had the measles. They have another son, a few days older than ours. Our other friends are well, so far as we know. Father was with us, quite well, a few days ago. We have had so much rain that we could do but little towards spring crops. Have planted our potatoes. The grass is forward ; great prospect of apples and ' cherries, but no peaches scarcely. Have twelve of the finest calves I ever saw. Our Troy suit went in our favor, but not to the extent that it ought. I have bought out the interests of Jason and Owen in the lot we got of Mr. Smith, on which, I suppose, you are living before this. I can send you no more now than my earnest wishes for your good, and my request that as soon as you can you send me the substance of your last letter, with such additions as you may be able to make. Your affectionate father, John Brown. 150 LITE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1852. Akron, Ohio, July 20, 1852. Dear son John, — I wrote you a few days before the death of our infant son, saying we expected to lose him ; sinee then we liave some of us been sick constantly. The measles and whooping-cough went so hard with Sarah that we were quite anxious ou her account, but were much more alarmed on account of my wife, who was taken with bleeding at the lungs two or three days after the death of her child. She was pretty much confined to her bed for some weeks, and sufiiired a good deal of pain, but is now much more comfortable, and able to be around. About the time she got about I was taken with fever and ague, and am unable to do much now, but have got the shakes stopped for the present. The almost constant wet weather put us back very much about our crops, and prevented our getting in much corn. What we have is promising. Our wheat is a very good quality, but the crop is quite moderate. Our grass is good, and we have a good deal secured. We shall probably finish harvesting wheat to-day. Potatoes promise well. Sheep and cattle are doing well ; and I would most gladly be able to add that iu wisdom and good morals we are all improving. The boys have done remarkably well about the work ; I wish I could see them manifest an equal regard for their futui'e well-being. Bliuduess has happened to us in that which is of most importance. We are at a loss frir a reason that we do not hear a word from you. The friends arc well, so far as I know. Heard from Heury and liuth a few days since. Your afiectiouate father, John Brown. Akron, Ohio, Aug. 6, 1852. Dear son John, — I had just written a short letter to you, di- rected and sealed it, when I got youi s of the 1 st instant. I am glad to hear fi;om you again, and had been writing that I could not re member hearing anything from you since early last spring. I air pretty much laid up with the ague, and have been for more than a month. The family are about ..in their usual health. Your mother is not well, but is about the house at work. The other friends are well, so far as I know. After something of a drouth, the weather has become very unsteady ; yet we have not had a great amount of rain. We get a little so often that we progress slowly with our hay- ing, of which we have yet considerable to do ; we have also some late oats to cut. Have our wheat secured. Our corn we had to plant over once ; it now looks promising. The prospect for potatoes, since the rains have begun to come, is good. Our sheep and cattle 1852.] FAMILY COUNSELS AKD HOME LIFE. 151 are doing well; we think of taking some to Cleveland to show. Have not heard from Henry and Ruth since June 26, when they were well. Mr. Ely of Boston writes us that our trial there will come on about the 21st September, and that we must then be ready. He says Mr. Beebe had not returned from Europe July 24, but is expected this month. "We want you without fail to have your business so arranged that you can go on and be there by that date, as we cannot do without you at all. We have not yet sold our wool. I hope your corn and oats will recover ; ours that was blown down last year did in a good measure. One word in regard to the religious belief of yourself, and the ideas of several of my children. My affections are too deep-rooted to be alienated from them; but " my gray hairs must go down in sorrow to the grave" unless the true God forgive their denial and rejection of him, and open their eyes. I am perfectly conscious that their eyes are blinded to the real truth, their minds prejudiced by hearts unreconciled to their Maker and Judge ; and that they have no right appreciation of his true character, nor of their owti. ''A deceived heart hath turned them aside." That God in infinite mercy, for Christ's sake, may grant to you and Wealthy, and to my other chil- dren, " eyes to see," is the most earnest and constant prayer of Your affectionate father, John Brown. Akron, Ohio, Aug. 10, 1852. Dear Ruth, — Your letter to mother and children is this day received. We are always glad to hear from you, and are much pleased with the numerous particulars your letters contain. I have had a return of the ague (rather severe), so that I am pretty much laid up, and not good for much anyway ; am now using means to break it up again. Your mother is still more or less troubled with her difficulties, but is able to keep about and accomplish a good deal. The remainder of the family (and friends, so f;ir as I know) are quite well. We are getting nearly through haying and harvest. Our hay crop is most abundant ; and we have lately had frequent little rains, which for the present relieves us from our fears of a terrible drouth. We are much rejoiced to learn that God in mercy has given you some precious showers. It is a great mercy to us that we frequently are made to understand most thoroughly our absolute dependence on a power quite above ourselves. How blessed are all whose hearts and conduct do not set them at variance with that power ! Wliy will not my family endeavor to secure his favor, and to effect in tlie one only way a perfect reconciliation % 152 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1852. The cars have been running regularly from Akron to Cleveland since July 5, so that there is now steam conveyance from Akron to Westport. This is a great comfort, as it reduces the journey to such a tritliug affair. We are making a little preparation for the Ohio State Fair at Cleveland, on 15th, 10th, 17th September next, and think we shall exhibit some cattle and sheep. Mr. and Mrs. Per- kins have been away at New York for about three weeks. Mr. Perkins is away for a great part of the time. We are quite obliged to our friend Mrs. Dickson for remembering us ; are glad she is with you, and hope you will do a little towards making her home with you happy on our account, as we very much respect her, and feel quite an interest in her welfare. Our Oliver has been speculating for some months past in hogs. I think he will probably come out about even, and maybe get the inter- est of his money. Frederick manages the sheep mostly, and butchers mutton for the two families. Watson operates on the farm. Salmon is chief captain over the cows, calves, etc., and he has them all to shine. Jason and Owen appear to be getting along with their farm- ing middling well. The prospect now is that the potato crop will be full middling good. Annie and Sarah go to school. Annie has be- come a very correct reader. Sarah goes singing about as easy as an old shoe. Edward still continues in California. Father is carrying on his little farming on his own hook still, and seems to succeed very well. I am much gratified to have him able to do so, and he seems to enjoy it quite as much as ever he did.^ I have now written about all I can well think of for this time. Your affectionate father, John Brown. Akron, Ohio, Sept. 21, 1852. Dear son John, — I now enclose five dollars to pay you for the expense of your trip to Cleveland as near as I can. I would have given you more at Cleveland had I met with Mr. Perkins in season after you concluded to leave. We will hereafter arrange about your time so as to make that satisfactory. We drew three second pre- miums at the fair, but no first premium. Our bull — by far the most extraordinary animal we have — got no premium at all. We heard a very strong expression of dissatisfaction with the award on Devon bulls from numerous strangers, as well as from many good judges of our acquaintance, before we left the ground. We received a first prenuum on a yearling buck, and he was the meanest sheep of four- teen that we exhibited ; we got no other premium on sheep. ^ Owen Brown was now eighty-one years old. Edward was his youngest son. Sarah was John Brown's daughter, at this time six years old. 1853.] FAMILY COUNSELS AND HOME LITE. 153 Akron, Ohio, Sept. 24, 1852. Dear Children, — We received Ruth's letter of the 31st August a few days before our State fair at Cleveland, which came off on the 15th, 16th, and 17th instant. John and myself expected to go from there to Boston, and John came on to Cleveland for that purpose ; but just then we learned tliat our trial would not come on until November next. I may leave to go on to Boston before November, but cannot say now. We got four premiums on cattle and sheep at the fair, — two of ten dollars each, one of fifteen dollars, and one of twenty-five dollars. The Perkinses were much pleased with the show of stock we had to make, but felt, as many others did, that great injustice was done in not giving us but one first premium, and that on our poorest buck exhibited. The premiums were paid in silver cups, goblets, etc., and are of little use, except for mere show. All the friends were well at the time of the fair, and a large portion of them on the show-ground, — father among the rest. It was sup- posed to be the greatest exhibition ever had in the Western States, far exceeding those of the State of New York ; but a vast majority of those who were at much pains and cost to exhibit their stock and other things went away disappointed of any premiums. This is a mortifying reflection. We are busy taking care of our potatoes and apples, and preparing to sow our grain. I liave had no shake of ague for some time, but am not strong. The family are in usual health. Write again. Your aflectiouate father, JoHJsr Brown. To his Wife. Boston, Mass., Jan. 16, 1853. Dear Wife, — I have the satisfaction to say that we have at last got to trial, and I now hope that a little more than another week will terminate it. Up to this time our prospects appear favorable. ... I have no word for the boys, except to say I am very glad to hear they are doing so well, and that every day increases my anxiety that they all will decide to be wise and good ; and I close by saying that such is by far my most earnest wish for you all. Your aflPectionate husband, John Brown. The Boston trial went badly, as we have seen in a former chapter, nor did the religious views of Brown's children ever square perfectly with his own. As years went forward he 154 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1853. became less anxious on this point, and was more willing to leave tlie matter with Providence ; but his own opinions never changed. Akron, Ohio, Feb. 21, 1853. Dear Children, — It was my intention, on parting with John at Conneaut, to have written you soon; but as Mr. Perkins (imme- diately on my return home) expressed a strong desire to have me continue with him at least for another year, I have deferred it, in hopes from day to day of being able to say to you on what terms I am to remain. His being absent almost the whole time has pre- vented our making any definite bargain as yet, although we have talked considerably about it. Our bargain will not probably vary much from this, — namely, he to furnish hind, stock of all kinds, teams, and tools, pay taxes on lands, half the taxes on other property, and furnish half the salt ; I to furaish all the work, board the hands, pay half the taxes on personal property put in, half the interest on capital on stock, and half the insurance on same, and have half the proceeds of all grain and other crops raised, and of all the stock of cattle, sheep, hogs, etc. He seems so pleasant, and anxious to have me continue, that I cannot tear away from him. He is in quite as good spirits since he came home as I expected. We are all in good health ; so also was father and other Hudson friends a few days ago. Our sheep, cattle, etc., have done very vi'ell through the winter. Got a letter from Ruth a few days ago. All appears well with them. She writes that they have had quite a revival of religion there, and that Henry is one of the hopefully con- verted. My earnest and only wish is, that those seeming conversions may prove genuine, as I doubt not " there is joy over one sinner that repenteth." Will you write me °? Your affectionate father, John Brown. Akron, Ohio, Sept. 24, 1853. Dear Children, — We received Henry's letter of the IGth August in due time, and when it came I intended to reply at once ; but not being very stout, and having many things to look after, it has been put off until now. We Were very glad of that letter, and of the information it gave of your health and prosperity, as well as your future calculations. We have some nice turkeys and chickens fatten- ing, to be ready by the time you come on to Akron. Father and Jason were both here this morning. Father is quite well. Jason, EUen, Owen, and Fred have all been having the ague more or less I .J 1854.] FAMILY COUNSELS AND HOME LIFE. 155 since I wrote before. Other frieuds are iu usual health, I believe. We have done part of our sowing, got our fine crop of com all se- cured against frosts yesterday, and are digging potatoes to-day. The season has been thus far one of great temporal blessing ; and I would foin hope that the Spirit of God has not done striving iu our hard hearts. I sometimes feel encouraged to hope that my sons will give up their miserable delusions and believe iu God and in his Son "our Saviour. I think the family are more and more decided in favor of returning to Essex, and seem all disposed to be making little prei)a- rations for it as we suppose the time draws near. Our county fair comes off on the 12th and J 3th October, but we sujDpose we can hardly expect you so soon. Should be much pleased to have you here then. . . . Akron, Ohio, Jan. 25, 1854. Dear Children, — I remember I engaged to write you so soon as I had anything to tell worth the paper. I do not suppose the balance will be great now. So far as I know, the friends here are about in usual health, and are passing through the winter prosperously. My wife is not iu as good health as when you were here. Have not heard from Hudson for some days. The loss of sheep has been merely a nominal one with us. We have skinned two full-blood Devon heifers, — from the effects of poison, as we suspect ; for several of our young cattle were taken sick about the same time. The others appear to be nearly well. This world is not yet freed from real malice or envy. It appears to be well settled now that we go back to North Elba in the spring, I have had a good-natured talk with Mr. Perkins about going away, and both families are now prepaiing to carry out that plan. I do not yet know what his intentions are about our compensation for the last year.^ Will write you when I do, as I want you to hold yourself (John, I mean) in readiness to come out at once, should he decide to give me a share of the stock, etc. Should that be the case, I intend to let you have what will give you a little start in the way of red cattle. I learn, by your letters to others of the family, that you have pretty much decided to call your boy John, and that in order to gratify tho feelings of his great-grandfother and grandfi^ther. I will only now say that I hope to be able sometime to convince you that I appreciate the sacrifices you may make to accommodate our feelings. I noticed 1 By referrins: to a previous letter of Feb. 21, 1853, it will be seen that Mr. Perkins's mind had changed within the year. It has been intimated that political opinipns had something to do with this change. 156 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOKN BROWN. [1854. your remark about the family settling near each other; to this I would say, I would like to have my posterity near enough to each other to be friendly, but would never wish them to be brought so in contact as to be near neighbors or to intermarry. I may possibly write you again very soon. Your affectionate father, John Brown. Akron, Ohio, Feb. 9, 1854. Dear son John, — I write by direction of Mr. Perkins to ask you to come out immediately to assist him, instead of Mr. Newton, in closing up my accounts. He has seen the above, and it is a thing of his own naming ; so I want you, if possible, to come right away. He has told me he intends to give me one share, but would like to have the stock mostly. We are on excellent terms, so far as I know. All well except my wife, and I hope she will soon be better. Your affectionate father, John Brown. Akron, Ohio, Feb. 24, 1854. Dear son John, — Since writing you before, I have agreed to go on to the Ward place for one year, as I found I could not dispose of my stuff in time to go to North Elba without great sacrifice this spring. We expect to move the first of next week, and do not wish you to come on until we get more settled and write you again. As I am not going away immediately, there will be no particular hurry about the settlement I wrote about before. On reckoning up our expenses for the past year, we find we have been quite prosperous. I have sold my interest in the increase of sheep to Mr. Perkins for about $700, in hogs for $51, in wheat on the ground for $176. These will pay our expenses for the year past, and the next year's rent for the Ward place, Crinlen place, and Old Portage place. These places I get for one year in exchange for my interest in wheat on the ground ; and it leaves me half the wool of last season (which is on hand yet), half the pork, corn, wheat, oats, hay, potatoes, and calves sixteen in number. If I could have sold my share of the wool, I might have gone to Essex this spring quite comfortably; but I have to pay Henry $100 before he leaves, and I cannot do that and have sufBcient to move with until I can sell my wool. We are all middling well. Henry and Ruth intend to leave for home about the I5th March, and to go by your place if they can. We have great reason to be thankful that we have had so prosperous a year, and have terminated our connection with Mr. Perkins so comfortably and 1854.] FAMILY COUNSELS AND HOME LIFE. 157 on such friendly terms, to all appearance. PeiTy Warren, to whom Henry Warren conveyed his property, was here a few days ago, feel- ing about for a compromise ; did nothing, and left, to return again soon as he said. We think they are getting tired of the five years' war. I shall probably write you again before a great while. Your aflectiouate father, John Brown. Akron, Ohio, April 3, 1854. Dear son John, — We received your letter of the 24th March two or three days since, and one from Henry, dated 25th March, about the same time. They had got on well so far, but had to go by stage the balance of the way. Father got home well, and was with us over night Friday last. We have all been middling well of late, but very busy, having had the care of the whole concern at Mr. Perkins's place until Friday night. I had a most comfortable time settling last year's business, and dividing with Mr. Perkins, and have to say of his deal- ing with me that he has shown himself to be every incli a gentle- man. I bring to my new home five of the red cows and ten calves ; he to have $100 out of my share of the last year's wool, to make us even on last year's business ; after dividing all crops, he paying me in hand $28.55, balance due me on all except four of the five cows. I am going now to work with a cheap team of two yoke oxen, on which I am indebted, till I can sell my wool, $89 ; $46 I have paid towards them. I would like to have all my children settle within a few miles of each other and of me, but I cannot take the responsibil- ity of advising you to make swy forced move to change your location. Thousands have to regret that they did not let middling " well alone." I should think you ought to get for your place another $125; and I think you may, if you are not too anxious. That would buy you considerable of a farm in Essex or elsewhere, and we may get the Homestead Law passed yet. It has been a question with me whether you would not do better to hire all your team work done than to have your little place overstocked possibly, after some trouble about buy- ing them, paying taxes, insurance, and some expense for implements to use them with. If you get a little overstoclied, everything will seem to do poorly. Frederick is very much better, but both he and Owen have been having the ague lately. They leave the Hill farm soon. I do not at this moment know of a good opening for you this way. One thing I do not fear to advise and even urge ; and that is the habitual " fear of the Lord, which is tlie beginning of wisdom." Commending you all to his mercy, I remain Your afi'ectionate father, John Brown. 158 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1854. Akron, Ohio, Aug. 24, 1854. Dear Children, — I have just received Henry's letter of the 13th instaut, aud have much reasou to he thankful for the good news it brings. We are all in middling health, so far as I know, in this quarter, although there is some si(;kuess about us. Motlier Brown, of Hudson, was complaining some last week ; have not heard from her since then. This part of the country is suffering the most dread- ful drouth ever experienced during this nineteenth century. We have been much more highly favored than most of our neighbors in that we were enabled to secure a most excellent hay crop, whilst many others did not get theirs saved in time, and lost it notwith- standing the dry weather. Our oats are no better than those of our neighbors, but we have a few. We shall probably have some corn, while others, to a great extent, will have none. Of garden vegetables we have more than twenty poor families have in many cases. Of fruit we shall have a comfortable supply, if our less favored neigh- bors do not take it all from us. We ought to be willing to divide. Our cattle (of whicli we have thirty-three head) we are enabled to keep in excellent condition, on the little feed that grows on the moist grounds, and by feeding the stalks green that have failed of corn, — and we have a good many of them. W^e have had two light frosts, on August the 9th and 18th, but have had more extreme hot weather in July and August than ever known before, — thermometer often up to 98° in the shade, and was so yesterday ; it now stands (eleven o'clock p. M.) at 93°. I am thinking that it may be best for us to dispose of all the cattle we want to sell, and of all our winter feed, and move a few choice cattle to North Elba this fall, provided we can there buy hay and other stuff considerably cheaper than we might sell our stuff for here, and also provided we can get a comfortable house to winter in. I want you to keep writing me often, as you can learn how hay, all kinds of grain, and roots can be bought with you, so that I may be the better able to judge. Our last year's pork proves to be a most per- fect article, but I think not best to ship any until the weather gets a little cooler. The price Mr. Washburn asks for his contract may not be much out of the way, but there seems to be some difficulty about a bargain yet. First, he wants to hang on all his stock, and I do not know at present as I want any of them. I do not know what he has on hand ; he may perhaps be able to get theiu off himself. Then, again, I do not know as j\Ir. Smith ^ would give a deed of half the lot before the whole purchase-money for the entire lot and interest are paid. You may have further information than I have. Early in 1 Genit Smith, who still owned much land at North Elba. 1854.] FAMILY COUNSELS AND HOME LIFE. 159 the season all kinds of cattle were liigh, scarce and ready cash; now, as the prospects are, I am enthely unable to make an estimate of what money I can realize on them, so as to be able to say just now how much money I can raise, provided those other impediments can be got over. I intend to turn all I consistently can into money, and as fast as I can, and would be glad to secure the purchase of Wash- burn, if it can be done consistently and without too much trouble. Write me again soon, and advise as far as you can about all these matters. We could probably sell all our produce at pretty high prices. How are cattle, horses, sheep, and hogs selling in your quarter ? Your affectionate father, John Brown. These family letters, full of repetitions, of petty concerns, of old-fashioned forms of expression, and with their whim- sical mixture- of important and unimportant affairs, have a value, in exhibiting the true character of John Brown, that more elaborate epistles, elegantly written with an eye to the public, could not possibly hold. Like the rude verses of Lucilius, they paint the whole life of the old man ; but they were -Cvritten, unlike the Roman verses, without the least thought of publication. The later letters of the series — written five years before he engaged in his Virginia campaign, which Colonel Perkins thought so foolish — point to the final separation between these two unequally yoked partners. They had worked together, each in his own way, for more than ten years ; and they parted amicably, though with some after-thoughts w^hich hindered them from ever uniting in sentiment again. At this time the sons of Brown were beginning to look towards Kansas as a place for their husbandry ; and we shall see in the next chapter why its open territory attracted them. 160 LITE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1784. CHAPTER VII. KANSAS, THE SKIRMISH-GROUND OF THE CIVIL WAR. HP HE State of Kansas, which gave John Brown his first ^ distinction, occupies territory with which the names of other famous men are associated, though with none is it more closely connected than with his. The first of Euro- peans to visit Kansas was Vasquez de Coronado, a Spanish captain, who in 1541-42 reached its southern and western counties, coming up from Mexico in search of gold, silver, and fabulous cities. He called the land " Quivira," and de- scribed it as "the best possible soil for all kinds of Spanish productions, very strong and black, and well watered by brooks, springs, and rivers ; " but in reaching it from Mex- ico he marched nine hundred and fifty leagues, and traversed " mighty plains and sandy heaths, smooth and wearisome, and bare of wood." These plains he found " all the way as full of crook-back oxen [buffaloes] as the mountain Serena in Spain is full of sheep." At this very time De Soto was discovering the river Mississippi ; but neither he nor Father Marquette, one hundred and thirty years later, set foot in Kansas. La Salle, in 1687, might have crossed it, on his way from Texas to Canada, if he had not fallen by the hand of mutiny ; but the first Frenchman to explore it was Dutisne, in 1719, who, in travelling westward from the Osage River, may have crossed the Pottawatomie near where John Brown afterward labored and fought. It was then and long after a jjart of the French king's broad colony of Louisiana, and as such was ceded by Napoleon to Jefferson in 1802. Nearly twenty years before this, in 1784, Jefferson had undertaken to free the whole northwestern territory of the United States from the curse of slavery, by what has since been known as the Ordinance of 1787. As drawn by Jefferson in 1784, i I 1820.] KANSAS AND THE CIVIL WAR. 161 this great charter of Western freedom provided that all new States to be carved out of the national domain should in their governments uphold republican forms, " and after the year 1800 of the Christian era there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any of them." This was de- feated by a single vote in Congress, much to Jefferson's disgust. In 1786 he said : " The voice of a single individual would have prevented this abominable crime [the introduc- tion of slavery into new territory]. Heaven will not always be silent ; the friends to the rights of human nature will in the end prevail." They did prevail in John Brown's time, and largely through his heroism ; and in the conflict Kansas became the skirmish-line of our Civil War. After the cession of Louisiana, which brought with it to the United States all the region then known as "the Mis- souri territory," including Kansas, the latter was again de- clared free soil by the Missouri Compromise of 1820 ; ^ for it was then enacted by Congress (March 6, 1820), when erecting Missouri into a State, — " That in all that territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of 36° 30' north lati- tude, not included within the limits of the State contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punish- ment of crimes, shall be, and is hereby, forever prohibited." It was in the face of this solemn declaration that the slaveholders of 1854-56 undertook to establish slavery by 1 The Missouri Compromise — as Charles Sumner said in his great speech of May 19 and 20, 1856, "The Crime against Kansas" — was the work of slaveholders, who insisted that Missouri should come into the Union as a slave State, but for this concession were willing to give up all the Northern territory to freedom. Sumner says : "It was hailed by slaveholders as a victory. Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina, in an oft-quoted letter written at eight o'clock on the night of its passage, says: ' It is considered here by the slaveholding States as a great triumph.' At the North it was accepted as a defeat, and the friends of freedom everywhere throughout the country bowed their heads with mortification." The cliief advocates of this compromise were William Pinkney, of Maryland, and Henry Clay, of Ken- tucky ; among the chief advocates of excluding slavery from Missouri were Eufus King, then of New York, and Harrison Gray Otis, a nephew of the Revolutionary orator James Otis, of Massachusetts. 11 162 LIFE AND LETTEKS OF JOHN BROWN. [1820. force and by fraud in Kansas. As a preliminary, they had carried through Congress, under the lead of Senator Douglas of Illinois, what was known as the " squatter sovereignty " clause of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, — leaving the people at each election to determine the existence of slavery for them- selves. This plausible form of words covered a purpose on the part of the South to fasten slavery upon the new States, which Jefferson had striven to free from the possibility of such a misfortune ; and when the prairies of Kansas were opened to settlement in 1854, this purpose became offensively manifest. Indeed, there could be no doubt why Douglas had introduced his bill, or what was the intention of the Demo- cratic administration under Franklin Pierce of New Hamp- shire, and of the presidential candidates, including Douglas, who hoped to succeed Pierce in office. A new slave State was wanted, since California had excluded slavery, and there were one or two Northern Territories likely soon to come in as States with slavery also excluded. By this time the Southern slaveholders, abandoning the early doctrine of Washington, Jefferson, George IVIason, Madison, and Mar- shall, and even the cautious ground that Clay and Pinckney held in 1820, were thirsting to extend the area of their de- testable institution. They had annexed Texas and made war on Mexico for this purpose ; and they were seeking to deprive Spain of Cuba, and conquer San Domingo, in order to re-establish slavery where it first cursed Spanish America, and to carry on the slave-trade openly once more. The prediction made by Taylor of New York, in opposing the Missouri Compromise, had been singularly verified. Taylor said to the slaveholders in 1820 : — " On ail implied power to acquire territory by treaty, you raise an implied right to erect it into States, and imply a compromise by which slavery is to be established and slaves represented in Congress. Is this just? Is it fair? Where will it end ? . . . Your lust of acquir- ing is not yet satiated. You must have the Floridas. Your ambition rises. You covet Cuba, and obtain it ; you stretch your arms to the other islands in tlie Gulf (if Mexico, and tliey become yours. Are the iiiillious of slaves inhabitiug those countries to be incorporated iuto the Union and nspresfnited in Couti^ress ? Are the freemen of the old States to become the slaves of the representations of foreign slaves ? " i 1854.] KANSAS AND THE CIVIL WAR. 163 Such was, indeed, the dream of South Carolina and Mis- sissippi and Louisiana ; such the purpose of Jefferson Davis, Soule of New Orleans, and Mason of Virginia, — a degenerate descendant of Washington's friend George Mason. "Mani- fest Destiny " was the watchword of these politicians, to whom the Northern Democrats — Pierce, Buchanan, Cass, and Douglas — basely submitted. As the discussion on Douglas's Kansas-Nebraska bill proceeded, it became evi- dent, from the very nature of tjje case, that there was a purpose to force slavery into Kansas, the more southern Territory of the two. There would have been no need of repealing the Missouri Compromise except to carry out this purpose. It was also evident that the great mass of Northern and European emigration would turn away from Kansas if it became probable that slavery would enter there. " No single man or single family unwilling to enter a slave State would trust themselves, unsupported, in a Territory which would probably become one," said Edward Hale in 1854, speaking as the organ of the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Company, which Eli Thayer, Dr. Howe, Richard Hil- dreth, and other antislavery men of Boston and Worcester had joined with Mr. Hale, then a clergyman of Worcester, to organize, but which in its management soon fell into the hands of men like Amos A. Lawrence, Judge Chapman of Springfield, and others who were not considered fanatical against slavery. Mr. Hale further said : ^ — '' Meanwhile a rapid emigration has heen going on into the Terri- tories, particularly into Kansas, quite independent of the Emigrant Aid Companies. During the close of the winter of 1853-54, it is said, large numhers of persons from Northwestern States collected in the towns on the eastern side of the Missouri, awaiting the opening of the Territories, that they might go in and stake out their locations. As the spring opened, a rapid current of emigration began. At first the Northern settlers went generally into Nebraska ; but so soon as it was known that determined and combined arrangements would be made to settle Kansas from the North, the natural attractions of that Territory began to exercise their influence, and the preponderance of emigration ^ See "Kansas and Nebraska," by Edward E. Hale (Boston : Phillips, Sampson, & Co., 1854), — a very useful book at the time. The passage cited is at pp. 233, 234. 164 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1854. through the siiinincr of 1854 has been into its bonlors. The Indian troatios were ratified only at the close of the session of the Senate ; some of them not till the beginning of Angust. Settlement on the Indian lands was therefore, nntil that time, strictly illegal. But per- sons intending to emigrate, in many instances, made arrangements with the Indians, or, at the least, staked off the Lmd on which they wished to settle, and made registry of the priority of their claim on the books of some ' Sqnatters' Association.' A large number of the residents of Western Missouri have in this manner passed over the line, and made claim to such sections as pleased them, intending, at some subsequent period, to make such improvements as will give them a right of pre-emjition, when tlw^ lands are oti'ered for sale, but for tlie present not residing in tlie new Territtiry." Some of these last-named persons were actually intending to settle in Kansas ; but most of them were either land-specu- lators or slavery-propagandists, who meant to make Kansas a slave State, whether they lived there or not. The acting Vice-l'resident of the United States, David R. Atchison, of Western Missouri, whose name, along with that of Presi- dent Pierce, is sigited to the Kansas-Nebraska law (May 30, 1854), five months afterwards made a speech in the county of Platte, in which he said : — " Tlie people of Kansas in their first elections will decide the ques- tion wlietlier or not slaveholders are to be excluded. Now, if a set of fanatics and diMnagognes a thousand miles off [meaning Messrs. Lawrence, Chapman, John Carter Hrown, etc.] can aH'ord to ad- vance their money and exert every nerve to abnlitioTiize Kansas and exclude the slaveholder, what is your duty, when you reside within one day's journey of the Territory, and when your peace, quiet, and property depend on your action? Yon can, without an exertiim, send five hundred of your young men who will vote in favor of your institutions. Should each county in the State of Missouri only do its duty, the question will be decided quietly and peaceably at the ballot-box." This was the advice of Vice-President Atchison, — much of the same character as if Senator Edmunds, of Vermont, who has honored the place that Atcliison disgraced, should advise the citizens of Northern Vermont to march over into Canada and vote at the elections there. A Vermonter has now as much right to vote in Sherbrooke or Montreal as a 1855.] KANSAS AND THE CIVIL WAR. 165 Missourian in 1854 had to vote in Leavenworth or Law- rence ; and this was practically admitted by a confederate of Atchison, General Stringfellow, of Missouri, who said in 1855 : — " To those who have qualms of conscience as to violating laws, State or national, I say the time has come when such impositions must be disregarded, since your rights and property are in danger. And I advise you, one and all, to enter every election district in Kansas in defiance of Reeder and his vile myrmidons, and vote at tlie point of the bowie-knife and revolver. Neither give nor take quarter: our cause demands it. It is enough that the slaveholding interest wills it, from which tliere is no appeal." They acted on this advice, as appears by another speech of Atchison after the first invasion : — " Well, what next? Why, an election for members of the Legis- lature to organize the Territory must be held. What did I advise you to do then? Why, meet them on their own ground, and beat them at their own game again ; and, cold and inclement as the vi^eather was, I went over with a company of men. My object in going was not to vote. I had no right to vote, unless I had dis- franchised myself in Missouri. I was not within two miles of a voting place. My object in going was not to vote, but to settle a difficulty between two of our candidates. The Abolitionists of the North said, and published it abroad, that Atchison was there ivith bowie-knife and revolver, — and, by God, H ivas true ! I never did go into that Territory, I never intend to go into that Territory, without being prepared for all such kind of cattle.^'' The whole South, and particularly South Carolina, Geor- gia, and Alabama, were urged to send men into Kansas, as Atchison and StringfelloAV urged the Missourians to go in, — law or no law, — to secure the triumph of slavery. String- fellow wrote to the " Montgomery Advertiser " (published at the town in Alabama where the Southern Confederacy first established its seat of government in 1861) : " Not only is it profitable for slaveholders to go to Kansas, but politically it is all-important." A South Carolina youth, Warren Wilkes by name, who commanded for a while an armed force of Carolina and Georgia settlers in Kansas, 166 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. wrote to the " Charleston Mercury," of South Caroliua, in the spring of 1856 : — '' By conseut of parties, the present contest in Kansas is made the turning-poiut in the destinies of slavery and abohtionism. If the South triumphs, abohtionism will be defeated and shorn of its power for all time. If she is defeated, abolitionism will grow more insolent and aggressive, until the utter ruin of the South is consummated. If the South secures Kansas, she will extend slavery into all territory south of the fortieth parallel of north latitude, to the Rio Grande; and this, of course, will secure for her pent-up institution of slavery an ample outlet, and restore her power in Congress. If the North secures Kansas, the power of the South in Congress will be gradually diminished, and the slave population will become valueless. AU depends upon the action of the present moment." To this reasoning men like John Brown assented, and were ready to join issue for the control of Kansas upon this ground alone. But Brown had another and quite different object in view ; he meant to attack slavery by force, in the States themselves, and to destroy it, as it was finally de- stroyed, by the Aveapons and influences of war. What, then, was the slavery which South Carolina wished to establish in Kansas and all over the jSTorth, and upon what grounds was it advocated ? It is hard, at this distance of time and in the complete change of circumstances that the Civil War has produced, to show another person or make real to one's self the despotism which a few slaveholders ex- ercised in 1856 over the rest of mankind in this country. Though a meagre minority in their own South, they abso- lutely controlled there not only four millions of slaves, but six millions of white people, nominally free, while they directed the policy and the opinions of more than half the free people of the non-slaveholding States. They dictated the nomination and secured the election of Pierce and after- ward of Buchanan as President, — the most humble ser- vants of the slave-power who ever held that office ; they had not only refused to terminate the slave-trade (as by treaty we were bound to assist in doing), but they had induced the importation of a few cargoes of slaves into Carolina and Georgia ; they had not only broken down the Missouri { 1857.] KANSAS AND THE CIVIL WAR. 167 Compromise of 1820 (imposed by themselves on the un- willing jSTorth), but had done their best to extend slavery over the new Territories of the nation, and to legalize its existence in all the free States. Through the mouth of Chief- Justice Taney, who simply uttered the decrees of the slaveholding oligarchy, they were soon to make the Supreme Court of the nation declare virtually, if not in set terms, that four million Americans, of African descent, had prac- tically " no rights which a white man was bound to re- spect ; " and they were exerting themselves in advance in every way to give effect to that foregone conclusion. The Dred Scott decision was not made by Taney until 1857, when it led at once to the execution of John Brown's long- cherished purpose of striking a blow at slavery in its own Virginian stronghold. That decision flashed into the minds of Korthern men the conviction which Brown held and John Quincy Adams had long before formulated and expressed, — that " the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of slavery was the vital and animating spirit of the National Government." It was this conviction that led to the elec- tion of Abraham Lincoln in 1860, as it had led John Brown and his small band of followers to assert freedom by force in Kansas. At the time when the young South Carolinian wrote the words above-cited, his State was an oligarchy founded upon negro slavery, and its State Constitution provided that a citizen should not " be eligible to a seat in the House of Eep- resentatives unless legally seized and possessed in his own right of a settled freehold estate of five hundred acres of laud and ten negroes." A few years earlier, Chancellor Harper, of South Carolina, in an address before a Society for the Advancement of Learning, at Charleston, made these statements, which were cited by J. B. De Bow, a Lou- isiana writer, in 1852 : — " The institution of slavery is a 2^'>"incipal cause of civilization. It is as much the tn-der of nature that men should enslave each other as tliat otlier animals should prey upon each other. The African slave- trade has given the boon of existence to millions and millions in our country who would otherwise never have enjoyed it. It is true that the slave is driven to his labor by stripes. Such punishment would 168 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1852. be degrading to a free man, who had the thoughts and as})irations of a freeman. In general, it is not degrading to a slave, nor is it felt to be so. Odium has been cast upon our legislation, on account of its forbidding the elements of education to be comuiunicated to slaves. But, in truth, what injury is done them by this ? He who works during the day with his hands does not read in intervals of leisure for his amusement or the improvement of his mind. A knowledge of reading, writing, and the elements of arithmetic is convenient and iuij)ortant to the free laborer, but of what use would they be to the sla\e ? Would you do a benefit to the horse or the ox by giving him a cultivated understanding or fine feelings f The law has not i)rovided for making the man'iages of slaves indissoluble, nor could it do so- It may perhaps be said that the chastity of wives is not protected by law. It is true that the passions of the men of the superior caste tempt and find gratifl(;ation in the easy chastity of the female slave. But she is not a less useful member of society than before. She has done no great injury to herself or any other human being ; her off- spring is not a burden, but an acquisition to her owner ; his support is provided for, and he is bi'ought up to usefulness. If the fruit of in- tercourse with a free man, his condition is perhaps raised somewhat above that of his mother. I am asked. How can that institution be tolerable, by which a large class of society is cut ofl' from improve- ment and knowledge, to whom blows are not degrading, theft no mcire than a fault, falsehood and the want of chastity almost venial; and in which a husband or parent looks with comparative indifference on that which to a freeman would be the dishonor of wife or child ? But why not, if it produce the greatest aggregate of good f Sin and ignorance are only evil because they lead to misery.'''' Except for these utterances of shame and guilt, the name of Chancellor Harper is now forgotten. But the name of Jefferson remains in honor, and rises higher with each succeeding year which, by the lapse of time, converts him from a statesman into a prophet. A hundred years ago (May 10, 1785), the printers in Paris finished Jefferson's " Notes on Virginia," which he at once sent to his most inti- ]nate friends and disciples in America, Madison and Monroe, who afterwards succeeded him in the Presidency. In trans- mitting the little book, he wrote to Madison : '' I wish to put it into the hands of the young men at the college, as well on account of the political as physical parts ; but there are sentiments on some subjects which might be displeasing 1 1782.] KANSAS AND THE CIVIL WAR. 169 to the country, perhaps to the Assembly, or to some who lead it. I do not wish to be exposed to their censure, nor do I know how far their influence, if exerted, might effect a mis- apjjlication of law to such a publication, were it made. If you think it will give no offence, I will send a copy to each of the students of William and Mary College, and some others to my friends and to your disposal." ^ Being informed that he might send them to his Virginia friends Avithout risk of censure, Jefferson did so. The eighteenth chapter, or " Query," contains these often-quoted words, written at Monticello in 1782 : — " There must doubtless be an unhappy influence on the manners of our people produced by the existence of slavery among us. The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most unremitting despotism, on the one part, and degrading submissions on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it ; for man is an imitative animal. If a parent could find no motive, either in his philanthropy or his self-love, for restraining the intemperance of passion towards his slave, it should always be a sufficient one that his child is present. But generally it is not sufficient. The parent storms ; the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives a loose rein to his worst passions, and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by such circumstances. And with what execration should that statesman be loaded who, per- mitting one half the citizens to trample on the rights of the other, transforms those into despots and these into enemies, destroys the morals of the one part and the amor patricE of the other? For if a 1 It appears by a letter from Monroe to Jefferson (New York, Jan. 19, 1786), that it was what he had said of the Indians of Virginia, rather than his attack upon negro slavery, \\hich Jefferson feared might not be well re- ceived in his native State, —he loved to call it his "country." Monroe thanks Jefferson for the book, "which I have read with pleasure and im- provement," and then says : " I should suppose the observations you have made on the subjects you allude to would have a very favorable effect, since no considerations would induce them but a love for the rights of Indians and for your country." It would seem that the passage concerning slavery gave no offence, but the eloquent speech of Logan did ; and in 1797, while Jef- ferson was Vice-President, he felt compelled to give chapter and verse for the incidents of that W(^rld-famous affair of Logan and Cresap. n 170 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1782. slave can have a country in this world, it must be any other in pref- erence to that in which he is born to live and labor for another ; in which he must lock up the faculties of his nature, contribute, as far as depends on his individual endeavors, to the evanishment of the human race, or entail his own miserable condition on the endless generations proceeding from him.^ With the morals of the people their industry is also destroyed ; for in a warm climate no man will labor for himself who can make another labor for him. This is so true, that of the proprietors of slaves a very small proportion indeed are ever seen to labor. And can the liberties of a nation be deemed secure when we have removed their only firm basis, — a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are the gift of God, that they are not to be violated without his wrath ? Indeed, I trem- ble for my country [Virginia] when I reflect that God is just j that His justice cannot sleep forever; that considering numbers, nature, and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune is among possible events ; that it may become probable by supernatural inter- ference. The Almighty has no attribute that can take sides with us in such a contest." After this generous outburst of indignation against what he saw everywhere about him in Virginia, Jefferson added, with that wise optimism which was so strong a feature in his character : " I think a change already perceptible since the origin of the present Eevolution. The spirit of the mas- ter is abating ; that of the slave is rising from the dust, his condition is mollifying ; the way, I hope, preparing under the auspices of Heaven for a total emancipation ; and that this is disposed, in the order of events, to be unth the consent of the masters rather tlian by their extirpation.''^ This pre- diction was fulfilled within half a century from Jefferson's death, though not in the way he had conceived, and not with- out that manifestation of God's awakened justice, at the thought of which the true Virginian trembled for Virginia. Kansas, a part of the vast region which Jefferson had wrested from Spain and France and devoted to liberty, was to be the first theatre of God's judgments ; and John Brown, Jeffer- 1 Sole estate his sire beiiueathed (Hapless sire to hapless son), Was tlie wailing song he breatlied, And his chain when life was done. Emerson, Voluntaries. 1854.] KANSAS AND THE CIVIL WAR. 171 son's most radical disciple, who went even beyond his master in devotion to freedom, was that servant of the Lord who most clearly comprehended and fulfilled the divine purpose, whether in Kansas or A^irginia. This the heart of the people instinctively recognized from the first, and to this even his enemies have borne witness. One of the most garrulous of these enemies (though formerly professing to be Brown's friend), Charles Robinson of Kansas, wrote thus to a true friend of Brown, James Hanway, in February, 1878, con- cerning one of the Kansas hero's most debated deeds : ^' I never had much doubt that Captain Brown was the author of the blow at Pottawatomie, for the reason that he ivas the only man tvho comprehended the situation and saiv the absolute necessity of some such blow, and had the nerve to strike it." The condition of affairs in Kansas when John Brown appeared there, in October, 1855, had become such that no milder measures than he adopted would meet the exigency. The advice given by Atchison and the leaders of the slave oligarchy all over the South had been followed, and had borne fruit accordingly. The first of many Territorial gov- ernors of Kansas, a Pennsylvania Democrat, Andrew H. Eeeder by name, reached Leavenworth in October, 1854, and established his office temporarily there. He ordered an election for delegate to Congress, Nov, 29, 1854, at which hundreds of Missourians voted, casting, with other pro- slavery men, 2,258 votes for Whitfield, the proslavery can- didate, out of 2,905 votes thrown. On the 28th of February, 1855, a census of the voters was completed by Governor Eeeder, and the number declared to be 2,905, the whole num- ber of inhabitants in eighteen election districts being then 8,501. The most important election, that for members of the Territorial Legislature, was appointed for March 30, 1855, at which time the genuine population could not have exceeded ten thousand, nor could there have been more than three thousand legal voters in Kansas. Yet the vote actu- ally counted was 6,307, of which no less than 5,427 were for the proslavery candidates. Not less than four thousand of these were fraudulent votes. A writer, whose home was in Lawrence at the time, says that for some days before 172 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1855. the election crowds of men began to assemble at certain rendezvous on the border counties of Missouri, — " rough, brutal-looking men, of most nondescript appearance," but all wearing the proslavery badge, — a white or blue ribbon. Many Missourians who did not or could not join these voting excursions gave money or provisions or lent their wagons to help on the expedition. At St. Joseph, near the Missouri border, Stringfellow made the speech already quoted, in which he also said, according to the " Leavenworth Herald," a proslavery newspaper : " I tell you to mark every scoun- drel among you that is the least tainted with free-soilism or abolitionism, and exterminate him. Neither give nor take quarter from the d d rascals. I propose to mark them in this house and on the pi-esent occasion, so you may crush them out." This phrase, " Neither give nor take quarter," became the watchword of the Border Ruffians, as these in- vaders were fitly called. Provisions were sent before these parties ; and those intended for use at Lawrence were stored in the house of one Lykins, for whose kinsman a county had been named. The polls were also opened at his house. Some of these Lawrence voters came in from Missouri the even- ing before election, pitched tents near Lawrence, and held a meeting that night, in Avhich Colonel Young, of Boone County, Mo., declared " that more voters were here than would be needed to carry the election," but that there was a scarcity at Tecumseh, Bloomington, Hickory Point, and other places eight, ten. and twelve miles distant. Volunteers came for- ward for those elections, and the next morning left Lawrence to vote there. The village of Lawrence, then containing a few hundred persons, was entered March 30, 1855, by about a thousand men, under the command of Colonel Young and of a distinguished Missourian, Claiborne F. Jackson. They came in about a hundred wagons and on horseback, with music and banners ; armed with guns, pistols, rifles, and bowie-knives. They brought also two cannon loaded with musket balls, but had no occasion to use them, for the Lawrence people submitted quietly to this outrage. Colonel Y'oung did not send off any of his armed volunteers to other points until he was satisfied, as he said, tliat " the citizens of Lawrence were not going to offer any resistance " 1855.] KANSAS AND THE CIVIL WAR. 173 to their voting." Mrs. Charles Kobinson, who published a volume about Kansas in 1856, says, what is confirmed by the testimony taken by the Congressional Committee of 1856 : 1 — '' When this band of men were coming to Lawrence, they met Mr. N. B. Blauton, formerly of Missouri, who had been appointed one of the judges of election by Governor Eeeder. Upon his saying that he should feel bound, in executing the duties of his oiBce, to demand the oath as to residence in the Territory, they attempted, by bribes first and then with threats of hanging, to mduce him to receive their votes without the oath. Mr. Blanton not appearing on the election day, a new judge, by name Robert A. Cummins, who claimed that a man had a right to vote if he had been in the Territory but an hour was appointed in his place. The Missourians came to the polls from the second ravine west of the town, where they were encamped in tents in parties of one hundred at a time. Before the voting commenced however, they said that * if the judges appointed by the governor did not allow them to vote, they would appoint judges who would,' They did so in the case of Mr. Abbott, one of the judges, who had become indignant, and resigned. The immediate occasion was Colo- nel Young's refusing to take the oath that he was a resident of Kan- sas. When asked by Mr. Abbott ' if he intended to make Kansas his future home,' he replied tliat ' it was none of his business ; ' that ' if he was a resident there, he should ask no more.' Colonel Young then mounted on the window-sill, telling the crowd ' he had voted and they could do the same.' He told the judges ' it was no use swearing them, as they would all swear as he had done.' The other judges deciding to receive such votes, Mr. Abbott resigned." At other voting-places the judges of election were treated with great indignity, and particularly at Bloomington, where an "old soldier," John A. Wakefield, was one of the chief citizens. Upon the refusal of the judges to resign, the mob broke in the windows of the polling-place, and, presenting pistols and guns, threatened to shoot them. A voice from the outside cried, "Do not shoot them ; there are proslavery men in the house ! " The two Free-State judges still refusing to allow Missourians to vote, one Jones led on a party with bowie-knives drawn and pistols cocked, telling the judges ^ Of this committee John Sherman, now Senator from Ohio, was a member. 174 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BEOWN. [1855. ''he would give them five minutes to resign or die." The five minutes passed by. Jones said he " would give another minute, but no more." The proslavery judge snatched up the ballot-boxes, and, crying out "Hurrah for Missouri!" ran into the crowd. The other judges, persuaded by their friends, who thought them in imminent peril, passed out, one of them putting the poll-books in his pocket. The Mis- souri mob pursued him, took the books away, and then turned upon Wakefield, shouting, '' Take him, dead or alive ! " What followed may be given in Wakefield's own words : — " I rau iuto the house and told Mr. Ramsay to give me his douhle- barrelled shot-gun. The mob rode up, aud I shouhi think a dozen or tnore presented their pistols at nie. I drew up the gun at Jones, the leader. We stood that way perhaps for a minute. A man profess- ing to be my friend undertook to take the gun from me, saying, ' If you shoot, we will all be killed : we can't fight this army.' My rejjly was, to stand ofl', or I would shoot him — which he did. Then one of my friends spoke in a very calm manner aud said, ' Judge, you had better surrender; we cannot fight this army without arms.' I tlien said I must know tlie conditions ; and remarked to the mob, ' Gentlemen, what do you want with me ? ' Some one said, ' We want you to go baclv to tlie polls and state whether it was not you that persuaded the judges to take away the poll-books.' I said I could easily say no, for I could not get in hearing of tlie judges ; but if I could have, I should have done it. I said I would go back, but go alone ; I went back, and got upon a wagon and made them a short speech. I told them I was an old soldier, and had fought tlirough two wars for the rights of my country, and I thought I had a privilege there that day. I said they were in the wrong, — that we were not the Abolitionists they represented us to be, but were Free-State men; that they were abusing us unjustly, and that their acts were contrary to organic law and the Constitution of the United States. A man cried out, while I was speaking, several times, ' Shoot him ! he 's too saucy.' When I got through and got down from the wagon, a man came up and told me he wanted to tie a white ribbon in my button-hole, or ' the boys would kill me.' I first re- fused ; but he insisted, and I let him do it ; then I turned round and cut it out with my knife. I then made an attempt to leave, when they cried out, ' Stay with us and vote ; we don't want you to leave.' I thanked them, but told them they could have it to themselves then, I should leave them ; and I went." 1855.] KANSAS AND THE CIVIL WAR. 175 There was something of Falstaff about this old Judge Wakefield, whose house was afterward burned in some of the raids of 1856, and of whom many anecdotes are told. But neither he nor the other brave men who took part in this election could do much against an invasion from Mis- souri in such overwhelming numbers. An English traveller, Mr. Thomas H. Gladstone, distantly related to the English premier, who visited Kansas in 1856, and has written a book about it,^ relates, on the authority of others, some incidents of this fraudulent, or "bogus," election thus: — " A Presbyterian clergymau, the Rev. Frederic Starr, who was an eye-witness of the fraud and intimidation practised at Leavenworth City, and has published a statement of this and preceding events, describes a scene by no means rare on the occasion of this election. ' Some four days later,' he wiites, ' I was on my horse returning from Platte' City to Weston, when four wagons came along, and on the bottoms sat six men. A pole about five feet high stuck bolt upright at the front of the wagon ; ou its top stuck an inverted empty whiskey- bottle ; across the stick at right angles was tied a bowie-knife ; a black cambric Hag, with a death's-head-and-bones daubed on it in white paint, and a long streamer of beautiful glossy Missouri hemp, floated from the pole ; there was a revolver lashed across the pole, and a powder-horn hanging loosely by it. They bore the piratical symbols of Missouri ruffians returning from Kansas.' " A Missouri newspaper friendly to the Border Eufl&ans said, soon after this affair : — " From five to seven thousand men started from Missouri to attend the election; some to remove, but the most to return to their fami- lies, with an intention, if they liked the Territory, to make it their permanent abode at the earliest moment practicable. But they in- tended to vote. The Missourians were, many of them, Douglas County men. There were one hundred and fifty voters from this county, one hundred and seventy-five from Howard, one hundred from Cooper. Indeed, every county furnished its quota; and when they set out it looked like an army. They were armed ; and as there were no houses in the Territory, they carried tents. Their mission 1 The Englishman in Kansas ; or, Squatter Life and Border Warfare. By T. H. Gladstone, Esq., author of the "Letters from Kansas" in the London Times. New York : Miller & Co., 1857. The book has 328 pages, and contains a clear statement of the Kansas question. 176 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1855. was a peaceable one, — to vote, and to drive down stakes for future homes. After the election, stjuie fifteen hundred of the voters seut a committee to Mr. Reeder to ascertain if it was his purpose to ratify the election. He said that it was, and that the maj(-)rity must carry the day. But it is not to be denied tliat the fifteen hundred, appre- hending that the governor might attempt to play the tyrant, — since his conduct had already been insidious and unjust, — wore on their hats hunches of hemp. They were resolved, if a tyrant attempted to tram]}le on the rights of a sovereign people, to hang him." The Legislature chosen in the manner above described held its sessions within a mile or two of the Missouri border, at a place called the Shawnee Mission, but spent the time when they were not in session^at the Missouri town of Westport. They unseated most of the few Free-State members who were declared by Governor Eeeder elected ; but the most distinguished member of the Council, or upper house, Martin F. Conway (a iNfaryland lawyer, w4io afterward represented Kansas in Congress), resigned his seat on the ground that the whole election was illegal. Governor Eeeder early no- tified both houses that he could not recognize their legality or approve their legislation ; but he was removed by the subservient President Pierce, who dared not resist the dic- tates of the slaveholders ; and the " bogus " Legislature proceeded, in August and September, 1855, to the most ex- treme and infamous action in support of slavery. A res- olution offered by J. H. Stringfellow w^as adopted in these words : — '' Be it resolved by the House of Eepresentatives, the Council concur- ring therein. That it is the duty of the proslavery party, the Union- loving men of Kansas Territory, to know but one issue, Slavery; and that any party makings or attempting to make, any other is and should be held as an ally of Abolitionism and Disunionism." The same Stringfellow (so appropriately named), in a letter to the " Montgomery Advertiser," wrote : " We have now laws more efficient to protect slave-property than any State in the Union. These laws have just taken effect (Sept. 1, 1855), and have already silenced Abolitionists ; for in spite of their heretofore boasting, these know they will be 1855.] KANSAS AND THE CIVIL WAR. 177 enforced to the very letter and with the utmost rigor." Let us see, then, what these laws were, which John Brown was even then journeying towards Kansas, through Illinois and Missouri, to confront and overthrow. Mr. Gladstone says of this Missouri-born Legislature : — " Being in haste to give a code of hiws to Kansas, they transferred into a volume of more than a thousand pages the greater jjart of the laws of their own State, substituting the words ' Territory of Kan- sas ' for ' State of Missouri.' In protection of slavery they enacted far more rigorous laws than obtain in Missouri, or than were ever before conceived of, — making it a felony to utter a word against the institution, or even to have in possession a book or paper which denies the right to hold slaves in Kansas. It wiU be seen that for every copy of a Free-State paper which a person might innocently purchase, the law would justify that person's condemnation to penal servitude for two or live years, dragging a heavy ball and chain at his ankle, and hired out for labor on the public roads or for the ser- vice of individuals at the fixed price of fifty cents per diem. So com- prehensive did these legislators make their slave-code, that by the authority they thus gave themselves they could in a very short time have made every Free-State man a chained convict, standing side by side, if tliey so pleased, with their slaves, and giving years of forced labor for the behoof of their proslavery fellow-citizens. The Legis- lature proceeded also to elect officers for the Territory. Even the . executive and judiciary were made to hold office from itself; and a board of commissioners chosen by the Legislature, instead of the in- habitants themselves, was empowered to appoint the shei-iffs, justices of the peace, constables, and all other officers in the various counties into «'hich the Territory was divided. Every member of succeeding legislatures, every judge of election, every voter, must swear to his faithfulness on the test questions of slavery. Every officer in the Territory, judicial, executive, or legislative, every attorney admitted to practice in the courts, every juryman weighing evidence on the rights of slaveholders, must attest his soundness in the interest of slavery, and his readiness to indorse its most repugnant measures. For further security the members of the assembly submitted their enactments to the chief-justice ^ for confirmation. This judicial 1 "Had he not the Cliief- Justice," said Burke, in his impeachment of "Warren Hastings, — "the tamed and domesticated Chief- Justice, who waited on him like a familiar spirit ?" The Kansas dignitary of this name and function was he of whom John Brown once said, "he had a perfect right to be hung." 12 178 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1855. confirmation was gratefully given. All they had done was declared legal ; and the sheriffs and other local officers appointed hy the Leg- islature were equally ready with their aid in the execution of these unjust laws." To show that our English visitor, in his bktnt indignation at the iniquity he found flagrant in Kansas, has exaggerated nothing, let me cite tlie very words of this slave-code : — Chapter CLl. Slaves. An Act to punish Offences against Slave Property. Sec. 3. If any free person shall, by speaking, writing, or print- ing, advise, persuade, or imhiee any slaves to rebel, c()usi)ire against, or murder any citizen of this Territory, or shall bring into, print, write, j)ublish, or circulate, or cause to be brought into, printed, written, published, or circulated, or shall hwidnghj aid or assist in the bring- ing into, printing, icriting, publishing, or circulating, in this Terri- tory any book, pamphlet, p)aper, magazine, or circular, for the purpose of exciting insurrection, rebellion, revolt, or conspiracy on the part of the slaves, free negroes, or mulattoes, against tlie citizens of the Terri- tory or any part of them, such person shall be guilty of felony, and suffer death. Sec. 4. If any person shall entice, decoy, or carry away out of tliis Territory any slave belonging to another, with intent to deprive the owner thereof of the services of such shive, or with intent to efleet or procure the freedom of such slave, he shall be adjudged guilty of grand larceny, and on conviction thereof, shall suffer death, or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than ten years. Sec. 5. If any person shall aid or assist in enticing, decoying, persuading, or carrying away, or sending out of this Territory any slave belonging to another, with intent to efi"ect or procure the free- dom of such slave, or with intent to deprive the owner thereof of the services of such slave, he shall be adjudged guilty of grand laix-eny, and on conviction thereof he shall suffer death, or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than ten years. Sec 6. If any person shall entice, decoy, or carry away out of any State or other Territory of the United States any slave belonging to anotlier, with intent to procure or effect the freedom of such slave, or to deprive the owners thereof of the ser\nces of such slave, and shall bring such slave into this Territory, he shall be adjudged guilty of grand larceny, in the same manner as if such slave had been enticed, decoyed, or carried away out of this Territory ; and in such case the 1855.] KANSAS AND THE CIVIL WAR. 179 larceny may be charged to have been committed in any county of this Territory into or through which such slave shall have been brought by such person; and on conviction thereof, the person offend- ing shall suffer death, or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than ten years. Sec. 9. If any person shall resist any officer while attempting to arrest any slave that may have escaped from the service of his master (jr owner, or shall rescue such slave when in the custody of any officer or other person, or shall entice, persuade, aid, or assist such slave from the custody of any officer or other person who may have such slave in custody, whether such slave have escaped fi'om the service of his master or owner in this Territory or in any other State or Ter- ritory, the person so offending shall be guilty of felony, and punished by imprisonment at hard labor for a term not less than two years. Sec. 11. If any person print, write, introduce into, publish, or circulate, or cause to be brought ^into, printed, written, published, or circulated, or shall knowingly aid or assist in bringing into, printing, publisliing, or circulating within this Territory any book, paper, pamphlet, magazine, handbill, or circular containing any statements, arguments, ojnnions, sentiment, doctrine, advice, or innuendo calcu- lated to produce a disorderly, dangerous, or rebellious disaffection among the slaves of this Territory, or to induce such slaves to escape from the service of their masters, or resist their authority, he shall he guilty of felony, and he punished hy imprisonment at hard labor for a term not less than five years. Sec. 12. If any free person, by speaking or by writing, assert or maintain that persons have not the right to hold slaves in this Ter- ritory, or shall introduce into this Territory, print, publish, write, circulate, or cause to be printed, published, written, circulated, or introduced into this Territory, any book, paper, njagazine, pamphlet, or circular containing any denial of the right of persons to hold slaves in this Territory, such person shall be deemed guilty of felony, and punished by imprisonment at hard labor for a term not less than two years. Sec. 13. No person who is conscientiously opposed to holding slaves, or who does not admit the right to hold slaves in this Ter- ritory, shall sit as a juror on the trial of any prosecution for any violation of any of the sections of this act. It is plain at a glance, that Thomas Jefferson, through whom the existence of Kansas as a part of the United States 180 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1855, was made possible, and who wrote the first charter of our national existence, the Declaration of Independence, had he been living in Kansas under these detestable laws, could not have held oflice nor sat on a jury ; nay, he would have been liable to punishment as a felon, certainly under section eleven, and probably to the punishment of deatli under section three. If he dreaded in 1785 some mild " misapplication of law " which would have prevented the circulation of his " Notes on Virginia," what would he have said in 1855 of that worse than British or French tyranny which punished all generous sentiments in favor of the poor slave with imprisonment and with death ? Yet the men who enacted these laws, and the baser men at Washington who had them enforced by the national courts and the national army, were the professed followers of Jefferson, and one of them, the Secretary of War, bore his name.^ Such a crisis could not escape the eye nor fail to command the presence of John Brown. The disciple of Franklin and Jefferson, he could not be other than the sworn foeraan of Franklin Pierce and Jefferson Davis, whom God, for our sins, had allowed to be set in authority over us and over Kansas. He went far beyond Jefferson and Franklin, those founders of American democracy, in his sternness of hostil- ity to oppression. Jefferson had said, quoting an in)aginary epitaph on Bradshaw the regicide, " Rebellion to tyrants is obedience to God ; " and the spirit of that maxim had sought expression in the escutcheon of Virginia, with its proud legend, " Sic semper tyrcmnis." But Brown found in the tenets of Calvinism, in the practice of his Puritan ancestors, and in the oracles of the Bible, a more imperative and prac- tical duty enjoined, which he hastened to perform at Potta- watomie and elsewhere. There rang in his ears those deep notes of " the ballad-singer of Calvinism " (as Emerson called Isaac Watts) chanting in Puritan verse the avenging justice of the Hebrew Jehovah : — 1 Jefferson Davis was Secretary of "War under Fravklin Pierce ; but Franklin and Jefferson, for whom they were named, could both have been shot or hanged in Kansas under their administration, if then living and maintaining the doctrines which gave them renown. 1856.1 KANSAS AND THE CIVIL WAR. 181 " Judges who rule the world by laws, Will ye despise the righteous cause, When th' injured pool- before you stands ? Dare ye condemn the righteous poor, And let rich sinners 'scape secure, While gold and greatness bribe your hands ? '* Have ye forgot, or never knew, That God will judge the judges too ? High in the heavens his justice reigns ; Yet you invade the rights of God, And send your bold decrees abroad To bind the conscience in your chains. " Break out their teeth, eternal God ! — Those teeth of lions dyed in blood, — And crush the serpents in the dust ! As empty chaff, when whirlwinds rise, Before the sweeping tempest flies, So let their hopes and names be lost. "Thus shall the justice of the Lord Freedom and peace to men afford ; And all that hear shall join and say, ' Sure there 's a God that rules on high, A God that hears his children cry, And all their sufferings will repay.' " Until Brown arrived on the scene in Kansas, few blows had been struck in the Lord's cause. Mr. Gladstone, who reached Kansas City May 22, 1856, at the very moment when Brown heard of the burning of Lawrence, says : — " Among all the scenes of violence I witnessed it is remarkable that the offending parties were invariably on the proslavery side. The Free-State men appeared to me to be intimidated and overawed in consequence, not merely of the determination and defiant boldness of their opponents, but still more through the sanction given to these acts by the Government." He was deeply impressed with the wild and fierce aspect of the Border Kuffians, as he first saw them. He says : — " It was on the night of May 22, 1856, that I first came in contact with the Missourian patriots. I had just arrived in Kansas City, and shall never forget the appearance of the lawless mob that poured into the place, inflamed with drink, glutted with the indulgence of the 182 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856 vilest passions, displaying with loud boasts the ' plunder ' they had taken from the inliabitants, and thirsting fur the opportunity of re- peating the sack of Lawrence on some other offending place. Men, for the most part of large frame, with red flannel shirts and immense boots worn outside their trousers, their faces unwashed and unshaven, still reeking with the dust and smoke of Lawrence, wearing their most savage looks, and giving utterance to the most horrible impre- cations and blasphemies; armed, moreover, to the teeth with ritles and revolvers, cutlasses, and bowie-knives, — such were the men I saw around me. Some displayed a grotesque intermixture in their dress, having cn^ssed their native red rough shirt with the satin vest or narrow dress-coat, pillaged from some Lawrence Yankee, or haviug girded themselves with the cords and tassels which the day before had ad(n-ned the curtains of the Free-State Hotel. Looking around at these groups of drunken, bellowing, blood-thirsty demons, who crowded around the bar of the hotel, shouting for diiuk, or vented their furious noise on the levee outside, I felt that all my former experiences of Border men and Missourians bore faint comparison with the spectacle presented by this wretched crew, who appeared only the more terrify- ing from the darkness of the surrounding night. The hotel in Kan- sas City, where we were, was the next, they said, that should fall, — the attack was being planned that night ; and such, they declared, should be the end of every place which was built by Free-State men, or harboi'ed ' those rascally Abolitionists.' Happily, this threat was not fuiailed." Nor was the astoaishecl Englishman left in any doubt what all this meant. He had visited New York, Washing- ton, and most of the Southern States before going to Kansas, and went there from Mississippi. He says : " When in South Carolina and other Southern States, I witnessed extraordi- nary meetings, presided over by men of influence, at which addresses of almost incredible violence were delivered on the necessity of 'forcing slavery into Kansas,' of 'spreading the beneficent influence of Southern institutions over the new Territories,' of driving back at the point of the bayonet the nigger-stealing scum poured down by Northern fanati- cism." He knew what was the temper of Pierce, Gushing, Davis, Mason, and Toombs at Washington ; and he had not learned, as many of his countrymen did a few years later, to identify the oligarchy of slavery with the aristocracy of Europe, and to exult in the anticipated downfall of demo- cratic freedom in America. 1859.J KANSAS AND THE CIVIL WAR. 183 Long before Mr. Gladstone's arrival in Kansas, the real inhabitants of that Territory had declared their purpose to resist the " bogus " laws of the usurping Legislature. At a convention held in " Big Springs," 8ept. 5, I800, General Lane and ex-Governor Reeder had each brought forward res- olutions, somewhat inconsistent with each other, but wdiich the convention adopted. Those written by Eeeder, which the Kansas people afterward fully confirmed by their action, contained these declarations : " We owe no allegiance or obedience to the tyrannical enactments of this spurious Legislature ; their laws have no binding force upon the peo- ple of Kansas, and every freeman among us is at full liberty (consistent with all his obligations as a citizen and a man) to resist them if he chooses so to do. We will endure and submit to these laws no longer than the best interests of the Territory require as the least of two evils, and will re- sist them to a bloody issue so soon as we ascertain that peaceable remedies shall fail, and forcible resistance shall furnish any reasonable prospect of success. In the mean time we recommend to our friends throughout the Territory the organization and discipline of volunteer companies, and the procurement and preparation of arms." Upon this plat- form John Brown (who was not in Kansas when it was adopted, although four of his sons were) consistently acted from 1855 to 1859, when he finally left the Territory with a party of rescued slaves whom he carried to Canada early in 1859, in utter defiance of the Kansas laws and the Fugitive Slave Law of Senator Mason. What his course had been in the mean time will be seen in the following chapters. The contest in Kansas went forward, with many changes and re- verses, in those four years ; and towards the close of 1859, just before Brown's death, the other great martyr of eman- cipation, Abraham Lincoln, came for a few days to look upon the scene of conflict. Mr. Wilder, the Kansas his- torian, speaking at Wathena, in Doniphan County, July 4, 1884, said : — . " The greatest man who ever set foot in this township arrived here on the first day of December, 1859, — a warm and beautiful day. The late Judge Delahay and I met him at the depot in St. Joseph, Mo., 184 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. that day, and rode up town with hiin ; took him to a barber's shop on Francis Street, just east of the Phxnter's House, where there is now a phiuiug-mill ; and I went up to Woolworth's news-stand, in the next bU)ck, and bought him the latest papers. Then the three went down to the ferry hiudiug, near the okl Robidoux building, and sat down in the dirt, on the bank, waiting for Captain Bkickiston's boat. Mr. Lin- coln's talk, sitting on that bank, was of Douglas and Colonel Thomas L. Harris, the famous Illinois Congressman. Mr. Lincoln always spoke kindly, almost tenderly, of his political opponents. On some occasion I asked him about John Calhoun, the first surveyor-general of Kansas and Nebraska, the president of the Lecompton Constitu- tional Convention, and probably the ablest Democratic manager we have ever had in Kansas. Mr. Linccdn spoke of Calhoun in terms of the highest esteem, and with affection. Mr. Calhoun had given him a surveying job when he was poor, needy, unknown ; and the great and good man had never forgotten it. Calhonn did his best — and that was much — to plant slavery in Kansas, but he was not the monster that our papers and speeches pictured him. By the way, Mr. Lincoln made Mark Delahay Surveyor-General, and wlien Dela- hay resigned, gave the place to me without my asking for it. Mr. Lincoln made a speech that evening at the Great Western Hotel, in the dining-room, — a very great speech, — to an audience called together by a man who went through the town sounding a gong. The next day, December 2d, the day on whidh John Brown was hanged, he spoke at Troy; and I think Colonel Ege replied to him, and fully vanquished the future President. He also spoke in Asahel Low's hotel in Doniphan ; and that completes the great man's connection with this county." The audiences in Kansas, even on the threshold of civil war, could not recognize the full greatness of the plain, awk- ward Illinois lawyer who was to lead his people like a true shepherd through dark and bloody ways. The qualities of John Brown were more obvious, and they attracted more attention in Kansas ; yet it was only here and there that his real rank was seen and appreciated, and by a singular in- gratitude it is in Kansas that his most malicious enemies are now found. Their malice cannot harm his renown ; he is as much above their reach now as he was above their comprehension while he fought in their cause, and traversed their prairies to make them glorious. "In a great age," says Cousin, speaking of Pascal, "everything is great." 1859.] KANSAS AND THE CIVIL WAR. 185 John Brown, like Abraham Lincoln, came to prominence in an age by no means grand or noble ; but such was his own heroic character that he conferred importance on events in themselves trivial. His petty conflicts in Kansas and the details of his two days' campaign in Virginia will be remem- bered when a hundred battles of our Civil War are forgot- ten. He was one of ten thousand, and, as Thoreau said, could not be tried by a jury of his peers, because his peers did not exist ; yet so much was he in accord with what is best in the American character, that- he will stand in history for one type of our people, as Franklin and Lincoln do, — only with a difference. He embodied the distinctive quali- ties of the Puritan, but with a strong tincture of the more humane sentiments of later times. No man could be more sincere in his faith toward God, more earnest in love for man ; his belief in foreordination was absolute, his courage not less. The emotion of fear seemed quite unknown to him, except in the form of diffidence, — if that were not rather a sort of pride. He was diffident of his power in speech or writing; yet who, of all his countrymen, has uttered more effective, imperishable words ? Part of the service he ren- dered to his country was by this heroic impersonation of traits that all mankind recognize as noble. The cause of the poor slave had need of all the charm that romantic courage could give it ; his defenders were treated with the contempt which attached to himself. They were looked upon with aversion by patriots ; they were odious to trade, distasteful to fashion and learning, impious in the sight of the Church. At the stroke of Brown's sword all this was changed : the cause that had been despised suddenly became hated, feared, and respected ; and out of this new fear and hatred our national safety was born. It was on the soil of Kansas that this transformation be- gan, though it was not completed until Brown's desperate onset and valiant death in Virginia. In Kansas he had with him the hopes and the support of millions, to whom he was then the defender of white men's rights ; in Virginia lie stood almost alone, — the omen and harbinger of that na- tional calamity which was to avenge the black man's wrongs. But in his devout mind the two causes united, as they were 186 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. soon seen to unite in the event of the Civil War, to which the course and the result of the Kansas skirmish were as beacons lighting the way, and warning against use- less concession. O navis ! fortiter occupa portum, was the lesson of Kansas. Note. — On page 162, the statement that the Kansas-Nebraska Act left the people free "at each election to determine the existence of slavery tor themselves" is too strong, and interprets tliis juggling bill of Douglas too favorably. All that it did was to declare that the Territory, " «<; the tine oj its adniissiijii into Ike Union as a State, shall be received with or without slavery, as its Constitution may provide." But it also declared the light of the people "to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." The mis- chief in this clause lay in the fiict that by the Dred Scott decision the Fed- eral Constitution was interpreted to hold slavery forever in a Territory, — as Abraham Lincoln forcibly showed in his speech at Springfield, 111., June 17, 18.")8, saying, "The second point of the Dred Scott decision is that, 'subject to the Constitution of the United States,' neither Co7igress nor a Territorial Legislature can exclude slavery from any United States Terri- tory." I am indebted to Mr. T. D wight Thacher, of Topeka, for calling iny attention to this. JOHN BROWN. [1855.] 1855.] THE BROWN FAMILY IN KANSAS. 187 CHAPTER VIII. THE BROWN FAMILY IN KANSAS. "T^HE long contest against Southern slavery ended at last -^ in a revolution, of which Kansas saw the first outbreak. Then followed a bloody civil war, after which the South was reorganized, — or, as it was called, ''reconstructed," — with the corner-stone of its old social structure, negro slavery, left out, and emancipation, " the stone which the builders rejected," at last adopted in its place. In this contest, continuing for almost a century, but active and violent for about fifty years, there were four distinct parties or groups of men, varying in number as the struggle proceeded, but now nearly all merged in one great antislavery party, just as the persecution of the Christians ended in the conver- sion of the whole Roman world to Christianity. These jDar- ties were — (1) the Abolitionists, beginning with Franklin, Jefferson, and George Mason, and ending with Garrison, Lincoln, and Phillips ; (2) the proslavery men ; (3) the great body of neutrals ; and (4) the Brown family, by which I mean John Brown of Osawatomie, his father Owen Brown, and his children. This one household constituted itself an outpost of emancipation when the early Abolitionists had been defeated and Jefferson had grown silent ; it was an active force long before Garrison began his agitation (about 1830), and it continued in the service until the freedom of the slaves was assured. There was no discharge in that war for the Brown family. As one generation passed away, another took its place ; and when the struggle became one of arms, the sons replaced each other in the fight, as the children of the old clansman in Scott's romance came for- ward to die one by one for their chieftain. " Another for Freedom ! " was as potent a call with them as " Another for 188 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1854. Hector ! " with the sons of the defeated clan. The Browns too were defeated, but only for a time, and in such a way that their renown was increased thereby. From a local leader John Brown became a world-famous martyr. " Are you Captain Brown of Kansas ? " asked the Vir- ginian at Harper's Ferry of the old hero, as he recovered from the stabs and blows of Lee's soldiers. " I am sometimes called so." " Are you Osawatomie Brown ? " " / tried to do my duty therey So long as these manly answers and the manly acts that preceded them remain on the record ; so long as the public murder of John Brown for the crime of emancipation is a part of the history of that republic which within fite years completed emancipation at the cost of half a million lives, — so long will the deeds and sufferings of the Brown family in Kansas be as important a chapter in the history of that State as any that can be written. Let us then resume the homely series of family letters in which the father and his children told each other the story of their pilgrimage to Kansas in 1854-55, and what befell them there ; beginning with the account given in November, 1883, by the present head of the family, John Brown, Jr., of the circumstances attending and preceding this removal from Ohio and the Adirondac forest to Osawatomie in Kan- sas. The town of this name is ten miles from the vari- ous settlements of the Brown family on the branches of the Pottawatomie Creek (properly a river) ; but the brother-in- law of Brown, the Rev. S. L. Adair, established himself at Osawatomie in 1854, and his log-cabin served as a rendez- vous for the family so long as they remained in Kansas. John Brown, Jr., says : — " During the years 1853 and 18.54 most of the leading Ndrthorn newspapers were not only full of sjl'^'wing aceonnts of the extraordi- nary fertility, healthfnlness, and beauty of the Territory of Kansas, tlien newly opened for settlement, but of urgent appeals to all lovers of freedom who desired homes in a new region to go there as settlers, and by their votes save Kansas from the curse of slavery. Influenced by these considerations, in the month of October, 1854, five of the sons of John Brown, — John, Jr., Jason, Owen, Frederick, and Sal- 1855.] THE BROWN FAMILY IN KANSAS. 189 mon, — then residents of the State of Ohio, made their arrangements to emigrate to Kansas. Their combined property consisted chiefly of eleven head of cattle, mostly young, and three horses. Ten of this number were valuable on account of the breed. Thinking these especially desirable in a new country, Owen, Frederick, and Salmon took them by way of the lakes to Chicago, thence to Meridosia, 111., where they were wintered ; and in the following spring drove them into Kansas to a place selected by these brothers for settlement, about eight miles west of the town of Osawatomie. My brother Jason and his family, and I with my family followed at the opening of naviga- tion in the spring of 1855, going by way of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers to St. Louis. There we purchased two small tents, a plough, and some smaller farming-tools, and a hand-mill for grinding corn. At this period there were no railroads west of St. Louis ; our journey must be continued by boat on the Missouri at a time of extremely low water, or by stage at great expense. We chose the river route, taking passage on the steamer * New Lucy,' which too late we found crowded with passengers, mostly men from the South bound for Kan- sas. That they were from the South was plainly indicated by their language and dress; while their drinking, profanity, and display of re- volvers and bowie-knives — openly worn as an essential part of their make-up — clearly showed the class to which they belonged, and that their mission was to aid in establishing slavery in Kansas. " A box of fruit-trees and grape-vines which my brother Jason had brought from Ohio, our plough, and the few agricultural implements we had on the deck of that steamer looked lonesome ; for these were all we could see which were adapted to the occupations of peace. Then for the first time arose in our minds the query : Must the fertile prairies of Kansas, through a struggle at arms, be first secured to free- dom before free men can sow and reap ? If so, how poorly we were prepared for such work will be seen when I say that, for arms, five of us brothers had only two small squirrel rifles and one revolver. But Ix'fore we reached our destination other matters claimed our attention. Cholera, which then prevailed to some extent at St. Louis, broke out nmong our passengers, a number of whom died. Among these biiither Jason's son Austin, aged four years, the elder of his two chil- tive of these men who followed Atchison and his comrades. Among their leaders were men of cultivation, wealth, and humanity; and such persons did much to mitigate the horrors of the brutal mob-despotism which then prevailed, by intervals, where the flag of the nation should have secured peace and justice to all who lived under it. But from the rabble who filled the ranks came in due time such outlaws as Quantrell, who in 186.3 sacked Lawrence and murdered one hundred and fifty of its people ; and the James brothers, who were in his band. 1856.] THE BROWN FAMILY IN KANSAS. 235 But when a woman takes upon herself the garb of a soldier by carrying a yharpe's ritle, then she is no louiyer worthy of respect. Trample her under your feet as you would a snake! Come on, boys ! Now do your duty to yourselves aud your St)uthern friends! Your duty I know you will do. If one man or woman dare stand before you, blow them to hell with a chunk of cold lead." t As soon as Atchison concluded, the men moved towards the town until near the hotel, when the advance company halted. Jones said the hotel must be destroyed ; he was acting under orders; he had writs issued by the First District Court of the United States to destroy the Free- State Hotel, and the offices of the '' Herald of Freedom " and "■ Free State." The grand jury at Lecompton had indicted them as nuisances, and the court had ordered them to be destroyed. Here is the indictment : — " The Grand Jury sitting for the adjourned term of the First District Court, in and for the County of Douglas, in the Territory of Kansas, beg leave to report to the H(moral)le Court, from evidence laid before them showing it, that the newspaper known as ' The Herald of Freedom,' published at the town of Lawrence, has from time to time issued publications of the most inflammatory and seditious character, denying the legality of the Territorial au- thorities ; addressing and commanding forcible resistance to the same; demoralizing the popular mind, and rendering life and prop- erty unsafe, even to the extent of advising assassination as a last resort. " Also, that the paper known as ' The Kansas Free State' has been similarly engaged, and has recently reported the resolutions of a public meeting in Johnson County, in this Territory, in wliicli resistance to the Territorial laws even unto blood has been agreed upon. And that we respectfully recommend their abatement as a nuisance. Also, that we are satisfied that the building known as the 'Free-State Hotel' in Lawrence has been constructed VA-ith the view to military occupation and defence, regularly parapeted and portholed for the use of cannon and small arms, and could only have been designed as a stronghold of resistance to hiw, thereby endanger- ing the public safety and encouraging rebellion and sedition in tliis country, and respectfully recommend that steps be taken whereby this nuisance may be removed. " Owen C Stewart, Foreman." 236 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. Incredible as it may now appear, this indictment was carried out : the hotel was destroyed, the offending news- paper had its type and press thrown into the Kansas River ; and all this was done under the cover of United States authority. The President (Pierce), his Cabinet, in which Jeiferson Davis was a controlling member, the Senate of the United States, and the national courts appeared as the accomplices of murder, arson, and pillage, and as the cham- pions of pettier tyrants who would hesitate at no crime. It was under these circumstances that John Brown now took the field ; and he shall be his own reporter. brown's second campaign in KANSAS. Near Brown's Station, K. T., June, 1856. Dear Wife and Children, every one, ^ — It is now about five weeks since I have seen a line from North Elba, or had any chance of writing yon. During that period we here have passed through an almost constant series of very trying events. We were called to go to tlie relief of Lawrence, May 22, and every man (eight in all), except Orson, turned out; he staying with the women and children, and to take care of tlie cattle.^ John was captain of a company to which Jason belonged ; the other six were a little company by our- selves. On our way to Lawrence we learned that it had been already destroyed, and we encamped with John's company overnight. Nex,t day our little company left, and during the day we stopped and searched three men. • Lawrence was destroyed in this way : Their leading men had (as I think) decided, in a very cowardhj manner, not to resist any pro- cess having any Government official to serve it, notwithstanding the process might be wholly a bogus affair. The consequence was that a man called a United States marshal came on witli a horde of ruffians which he called his posse, and after arrestintr a few persons turned tlie ruffians loose on the defenceless people. They robbed the inhabitants of their money and other property, and even women of their ornaments, and burned considerable of the town. On the second day and evening after we left John's men we encountered quite a number of proslavery men, and took quite a 1 "Orson" was Mr. Orson Day, a brother of Mrs. Jolm Brown. The " other six " were probably John Brown, Owen, Frederick, Salmon, Oliver, and Henry Thompson. 1856.1 THE BROWN FAMILY IN KANSAS. 237 number prisoners. Our prisoners we let go ; but we kept some four or five horses.' We were immediately after this accused of murdering five men at Pottawatomie, and great efl'orts liave since been made by the Missourians and their rufiian allies to capture us. John's com- pany soon afterward disbanded, and also the Osawatomie men.^ Jason started to go and place himself under the protection of the G(»vernment troops ; but on his way he was taken prisoner by the Bogus men, and is yet a prisoner, I suppose. John tried to hide for several days ; but from feeling^ of the ungrateful conduct of those who ought to have stood by him, excessive fatigue, anxiety, and con- stant loss of sleep, he became quite insaue, and in that situation gave up, or, as we are told, was betrayed at Osawatomie into the hands of the Bogus men. We do not know all the truth about this afiair. He has since, we are told, been kept in irons, and brought to a trial before a bogus court, the result of which we have not yet learned. We have great anxiety both for him and Jason, and numerous other prisoners with the enemy (who have all the while had the Government troops to sustain them). We can only commend them to God. 8 1 This is all that Bro\vn says in this letter about the events of that night in May when the Doyles were executed. Doubtless his text for the next morning was from the Book of Judges : " Then Gideon took ten men of his servants, and did as the Lord had said unto him ; and so it was that he did it by night. And when the men of the city arose early in the morn- ing, behold the altar of Baal was cast down. And they said, one to another, Who hath done this thing ? And when they inquired and asked, they said, Gideon, the son of Joash, hath done this thing." 2 In the original something has been erased after this, to which this note seems to have been appended : "There are but very few who wish real facts about these matters to go out." Then is inserted the date "June 26," as below. 3 John Brown, Jr.'s, own account of this campaign, as given by him to a reporter of the "Cleveland Leader," April, 1879, is as follows: "During the winter of 1856 I raised a company of riflemen from the Free-State settlers who had their homes in tlie vicinity of Osawatomie and Pottawatomie Creek, and marched with this company to the defence of Lawrence, May, 1856, but did not reach the latter place in time to save it from being burned by the Missourians at that time. On this march I was joined by three other companies, and was chosen to the command of the combined forces. Returning to our homes, we found them burned to the ground by Buford's men from Alabama, who had marched in from Missouri on our rear. Our cattle and horses were driven off and dispersed, there only being three or "four which we ultimately recovered. In that destruc- tion of our houses I lost my library, 'consisting of about four hundred volumes, which I had been accumulating since I was sixteen. Reaching 238 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856 The cowardly mean conduct of Osawatomie and vicinity did not save them ; for the ruffians came on them, made numerous prisoners, fired their buildings, and robbed them. After this a picked party of the Bogus men went to Brown's Station,^ burned John's and Jason's houses, and their contents to ashes ; in which burning we have all suffered more or less. Orson and boy have been prisoners, but were soon set at liberty. They are well, and have not been seriously in- jured. Owen and I have just come here for the first time to look at the ruius. All looks desolate and ^'rsaken, — the grass and weeds fast covering up the signs that these places were lately the abodes of quiet families. After burning the houses, this self-same party of picked men, some forty in number, set out as they supposed, and as was the fact, on the track of my little company, boasting, with awful profanity, that they would have our scalps. They however passed the place where we were hid, and robbed a little town some four or five miles beyond our camp in the timber.^ I had omitted to say that some murders had been committed at the tim.e Lawrence was sacked. On learning that this party were in pursuit of us, my little company, now increased to ten in all, started after them in company of a Cap- tain Shore, with eighteen men, he included (June 1). We were all mounted as we travelled. We did not meet them on that day, but took five prisoners, four of whom were of their scouts, and well armed. We were out all night, but could find nothing of them until Osawatomie, my brother Jason and I were arrested on the charge of treason against the United States, by United States troops, acting as posse for the marshal of the Territory, and taken to Paola, where Judge Cato was to hold a preliminary examination ; but he did not hold his court. It was from the latter place that I was tied by Captain AVood of the United States cavalry, and driven on foot at the head of the column a distance of nine miles at full trot to Osawatomie. My arms were tied behind me, and so tightly as to check the circulation of the blood, especially in the right arm, causing the rope, which remained on me twenty-seven hours, to siidc into the flesli, leaving a mark upon that arm which I have to this day. The captain of that comjiany was, I think, a Georgian, and finally, I believe, entered the Ton- federate service during the late war. From there we were marched, chained two by two, carrj'ing the chain between us, to a camp near Lecompton, where we met the other treason prisoners and were turned over to the cus- tody of Colonel Sacket, who had command of a regiment of United States cavalry. We were held here until September of 1856, when we were re- leased on bail ; and a few days after I took part in the defence of Lawrence against the third attack. At that time Franklin was burned, a few miles from Lawrence." 1 Ten miles west of Osawatomie. 2 This town was Palmyra. 1856.] THE BROWN FAMILY IN KANSAS. 239 about six o'clock next morning, wlien we prepared to attack them at once, on foot, leaving Frederick and one of Captain Shore's men to guard the horses. As I was much older than Captain Shore, the prin- cipal direction of the fight devolved on me. We got to within about a mile of their camp before being discovered by tlieir scouts, and then moved at a brisk pace, Captain Shore and men forming our left, and my coinjjany the right. When within about sixty rods of the enemy. Captain Sliore's men halted by mistake in a very exposed situation, and continued the fire, both his men and the^ enemy being armed with Sharpe's rifles. My company had no long-shooters. We (my company) did not fire a gun until we gained the rear of a bank, about fifteen or twenty rods to the right of the enemy, where we commenced, and soon compelled them to hide in a ravine. Captain Shore, after getting one man wounded, and exhausting his ammuni- tion, came with part of his men to the right of my position, much discouraged. The balance of liis men, includiug the one wounded, had left the ground. Five of Captain Shore's men came boldly do\^Ti and joined my company, and all but one man, wounded, helped to maintain the fight until it was over. I was obliged to give my con- sent that he ^ should go after more help, when all his men left but eight, four of whom I persuaded to remain in a secure position, and there buried cme of them in shooting the horses and mules of the enemy, which served for a show of fight. After the firing had con- tinned for some two to three hours. Captain Pate with twenty-three men, two badly wounded, laid down their arms to nine men, myself incduded, — four of Captain Shore's men and four of my own. One of my men (Henry Thompson) ^ was badly wounded, and after con- tinuing his fire for an hour longer was obliged to quit the ground. Three others of my company (but not of my family) had gone off. Salmon was dreadfully wounded by accident, soon after the fight; but both he and Henry are fast recovering. A day or two after the fight, Colonel Sumner of the United States army came suddenly upon us, while fortifying our camp and guard- ing our prisoners (which, by the way, it had ]>een agreed mutually should be exchanged for as many Free-State men, John and Jason included), and compelled us to let go our prisoners without being exchanged, and to give up their horses and arms. They did not go more than two or three miles before tliey began to rob and injure Free-State people. We consider this as in good keeping with the ^ By "he" is apparently meant Captain Shore. 2 Brown's son-in-law, the husband of Ruth Brown. The agreement with Pate, referred to above, is still in existence to confirm tliis letter ; both copies of it having found their way to the Historical Library at 240 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. cruel and unjust course of the Administration and its tools through- out this whole Kansas difficulty. Colonel Sumner also compelled us to disband ; and we, being only a handful, were obliged to submit. Since then we have, like David of old, luid our dwelling with the serpents of the rocks and wild beasts of the wilderness ; being obliged to hide away from our enemies. We are not disheartened, though nearly destitute of food, clothing, and money. God, who has not given us over to the will of our enemies, but has moreover deliv- ered them into our hand, will, we humbly trust, still keep and deliver us. We feel assured that He who sees not as men see, does not lay the guilt of innocent blood to our charge. I ought to have said that Captain Shore and his men stootl their ground nobly in tlieir unfortunate but mistaken position during the early part of the figlit. I ought to say further that a Captain Ab- bott, being some miles distant with a company, came onward promptly to sustain us, but could not reach us till the fight was over. After the fight, numerous Free- State men who could not be got out before were on hand ; and some of them, I am ashamed to add, were very busy not only with the plunder of our enemies, but with our private effects, leaving us, while guarding our prisoners and providing in regard to them, much poorer than before the battle. If, under God, this letter reaches you so that it can be read, T wish it at once carefully copied, and a copy of it sent to Gcrrit Smith. I know of no other way to get those tacts and our situation before the world, nor when I can write again. Topeka, where Mi'. F. G. Adams, the secretary, showed them to me in 1882. Here is a copy : — This is an article nf agreement hetween Captains John Brown, Sr. , and Samuel T. Shore of the first part, and Captain H. C. Pate and Lieutenant W. B. Brockett of the second part : and witnesses that, in eonsideratioti of the fact that the parties of the first part have a number of Captain Pate's company prisoners, that they agree to give up and fully liberate one of their prisoners for one of those lately arrested near Stanton, Osawatomie, and Pottawatomie, and so on, one of the former for one of the latter alter- nately, until all are liberated. It is understood and agreed by the parties that the suns of Captain John Brown, Sr. — Captain John Brown, Jr., and Jason Brown — are to be anions the liberated parties (if not already h'berated), and aie to he exchanged for Cajitain Pate and Lieutenant Brockett, respectively. The jjrisonei-s are to be brought on neutral ground ancl exchanged. It is agreed that the neutral ground shall be at or near the house of John T. (or Ottawat .Tones of this Territory, and that those who have been arrested and have been liberated will be considered in the same light as those not liber- ated : but they nnist a))pear in jierson, or answer in writing that they are at liberty. The arms, particnlarly the side arms of each one exchanged, are to be returned with the prisoners ; also the horses, so far as practicable. (Signed) John Browk. Pkairik City, K. T., June 2, 1856. S. T. Shore. H. C. Pate. W. B. Brockett. 1856.1 THE BROWN FAMILY IN KANSAS. 241 Owen has the ague to-day. Our camp is some miles off. Have heard that letters are in for some of us, but have not seen them. Do continue writing. We heard last mail brought only three letters, and all these for proslavery men. It is said that both the Lawrence and Osawatomie men, when the ruffians came on them, either hid or gave up their arms, and that their leading men counselled them to take such a course. May God bless and keep you all ! Your affectionate husband and father, John Brown. P. S. Ellen and Wealthy are staying at Osawatomie. The above is a true account of the first regular battle fought be- tween Free-State and proslavery men in Kansas. May God still gird our loins and hold our right hands, and to him may we give the glory ! I ought in justice to say, that, after tlie sacking and burning of several towns, the Government troops appeared for their protection and drove off some of the enemy. J. B. June 26. Jason is set at liberty, and we have hopes for John.. Owen, Salmon, and Oliver are down with fever (since inserted) ; Henry doing well. With this chapter of Brown's commentaries on the Kan- sas war may properly go the following papers, although they were not written until some months later, — the first in August, 1856, and the second after Brown left Kansas in October, 1856. The first is addressed to his friend Ed- mund B, Whitman, who then lived at Lawrence. For Mr. Whitman. Names of sufferers and persons who have made sacrifices in en- deavoring to maintain and advance the Free-State cause in Kansas, within my personal knowledge. 1. Two German refugees (thoroughly Free- State), robbed at Pot- tawatomie, named Benjamin and Bondy (or Bundy). One has served under me as a volunteer ; namely, Bondy. Benjamin was prisoner for some time. Suffered by men under Coffee and Pate. 2. Henry Thompson. Devoted several months to the Free-State cause, travelling nearly two thousand miles at his own expense for the purpose, leaving family and business for about one year. Served under me as a volunteer ; was dangerously wounded at Palmyra, or Black Jack ; has a bullet lodged beside his backbone ; has had a 16 242 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. severe turn of fever, and is still very feeble. SuflFered a little in burn- ing of the houses of John Brown, Jr., and Jason Brown. 3. John, Jr., and Jason Brown. Both burned out ; botli prisoners for some time, one a prisoner still ; both losing the use of valuable, partially improved claims. Both served repeatedly as volunteers for defence of Lawrence and other places, suffering great hardships and some cruelty. 4. Owen and Frederick Brown. Both served at different periods as volunteers under me; were both in the battle of Palmyra; botli suffered by the burning of their brothers' houses ; both have had sickness (Owen a severe one), and are yet feeble. Both lost the use of partially improved claims and their spring and summer work. 5. Salmon Brown (minor). Twice served under me as a volun- teer ; was dangerously wounded (if not permanently crippled) by accident near Palmyra ; had a severe sickness, and still feeble. 6. Oliver Brown (minor). Served under me as a volunteer for some uKmths; was in the battle of Palmyra, and had some sickness. 7. [B. L.J Cochran (at Pottawatomie). Twice served under me as a volunteer ; was in the battle of Palmyra.^ 8. Dr. Lucius Mills devoted some months to the Free-State cause, collecting and giving information, prescribing for and nursing the sick and wounded at his own cost. Is a worthy Free-State man. 9. John Brown has devoted the service of himself and two minor sons to tile Free-State cause for more than a year; suffered by the fire before named and by robbery ; has gone at his own cost for that period, except that he and his company together have received forty dollars in cash, two sacks of flour, thirty-five pounds bacon, thirty- five do. sugar, and twenty pounds rice. I propose to serve hereafter in the Free-State cause (provided my needful expenses can be met), should that be desired ; and to raise a small regular force to serve on the same condition. My own means are so far exhausted that 1 can no longer continue in the service at present without the means of defraying my expenses are fur- nished me. I can give the names of some five or six more volunteers of special merit 1 would be glad to have particularly noticed in some way. J. Brovv^n. The second paper is part of the notes which Brown drew up for his speeches at Hartford, Boston, Concord, and other New England towns, in the spring of 1857. In this speech he laid stress not only on the sins of the Border Ruffians 1 Better known as Black Jack. I 1856.] THE BROWN FAMILY IN KANSAS. 243 and tlie unpatriotic conduct of the National Government, but on the pecuniary loss which he and the other settlers had undergone in being kept from their work, at the busiest season of the year, by the raids from Missouri. This gives a strange air to the paper, which is otherwise noticeable for the facts set forth. AN IDEA OF THINGS IN KANSAS. ' I propose, in order to make this meeting as useful and interest- ing as I can, to try and give a correct idea of the condition of things in Kansas, as they were while I was there, and as I suppose they still are, so far as the great question at issue is concerned. And here let me remark that in Kansas the question is never raised of a man, Is he a Democrat '? Is he a Republican ? The questions there raised are, Is he a Free-State man ? or. Is he a proslavery man? I saw, while in Missouri in the fall of ]8.'55, large numbers on their way to Kansas to vote, and also returuing after they had so done, as they said. I, together with four of my sous, was called out to help defend Lawrence in the fall of 18.5.5, and travelled most of the way on foot, and during a dark night, a distance of thirty-five miles, where we were detained with some five hundred others, or there- about, from five to fifteen days, — say an average of ten days, — at a cost to each per day of $l.,5l1 as wages, to say nothing of the actual loss and suffering it occasioned ; many of them leaving their families at home sick, their crops not secured, their houses unprepared for winter, and many of them without houses at all. This was the case with myself and all my sons, who were unable to get auy house built after our return. The loss in that case, as wages alone, would amount to $7,500. Loss and suffering in consequence cannot be estimated. I saw at that time the body of the murdered Barber, and was present when his wife and other friends were brought iu to see him as he lay in the clothes he had on when killed, — no very pleasant sight ! I went, in the spring of last year, with some of my sons among the Buford men, in the character of a surveyor, to see and hear from them their business into the Territory; this took us from our work. I and numerous others, in the spring of last year, travelled some ten miles or over on foot, to meet and advise as to what should be done to meet the gathering storm ; this occasioned much loss of time. I also, with many others, about the same time travelled on foot a sim- ilar distance to attend a meeting of Judge Cato's court, to find out what kind of laws he intended to enforce ; this occasioned further 244 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. loss of time. I with six sons and a son-in-law was again called out to defend Lawrence, May 20 and 21, and travelled most of the way on foot and during the night, being thirty-five miles. From that date none of us could do any work about our homes, but lost our whole time until we left, in October last, excepting one of my sons, who had a few weeks to devote to the care of liis own and his broth- er's family, who had been burned oiit of their houses while the two men were prisoners. From about the 20th of May of last year hundreds of men like ourselves lost their whole time, and entirely failed of securing any kind of crop whatever. 1 believe it safe to say that five hundred Free-State men lost each one hundred and twenty days, at $1.50 per day, which would be, to say nothing of attendant losses, $90,000. I saw the ruins of many Free-State men's houses "at different places in the Territory, together with stacks of grain wasted and burning, to the amount of, say $50,000 ; making, in lost time and destruction of property, more than $150,000. On or about the 30tli of May last two of my sons, with several others, were imprisoned witliout other crime than opposition to bogus enactments, and most barbarously treated for a time, — one being held about one month, the other about four months. Both had their families in Kansas, and destitute of homes, being burned out after they were imprisoned. In this buniing all the eight were sufterers, as we all had our effects at the two houses. One of my sons had his oxen taken from him at this time, and never recovered tliem. Here is the chain with wliich one of them was confined, after the cruelty, sufferings, and anxiety he underwent had rendered him a maniac, — yes, a maniac. On the 2d of June last my son-in-law was tembly wounded (sup- posed to be mortally), and two other Free-State men, at Black Jack. On the 6th or 7th of June last one of my sons was wounded by acci- dent in camp (supposed to be mortally), and may prove a cripple for life. In August last I was present anunded, whose names I cannot now remember. I saw Dr. Graham, who was a prisoner \vith the ruffians on the 2d of June last, and was present when they wounded him, in an attempt to kill him, as he was trying to save himself from being murdered by them during the fight of Black Jacl\. I know that for much of the time during the last summer the travel over a portion of the Territory was entirely cut off, and that none but bodies of armed men dared to move at all. I know that for a con- siderable time the mails on different routes were entirely stopped, and that notwithstanding there were abundant United States troops at 1856.] THE BROWN FAMILY IN KANSAS. 245 hand to escort the mails, such escorts were not furnished as they might or ought to have been. I saw while it was standing, and afterward saw the ruins of, a most valuable house, full of good arti- cles and stores, which had been burned by the ruflBaus for a highly civilized, intelligent, and most exemplary Christian Indian, for be- ing suspected of favoring Free-State men. He is known as Ottawa Jones, or John T. Jones. In September last I visited a beautiful little Free-State town called Stanton, on the north side of the Osage or Marais des Cygnes River, as it is called, from which every inhab- itant had fled (being in fear of their lives), after having built them, at a heavy expense, a strong block-house or wooden fort for their protection. Many of them had left their effects liable to be destroyed or carried off, not being able to remove them. This was a most gloomy scene, and like a visit to a vast sepulchre. During last summer and faU deserted houses and cornfields were to be met with in almost every direction south of the Kansas Eiver. I saw the burning of Osawatomie by a body of some four hundred ruffians, and of Franklin afterward by some twenty-seven hundred men, — the first-named on August 30, the last-named September 14 or 15. Governor Geary had been for some time in the Territory, and might have saved Franklin with perfect ease. It would not have cost the United States one dollar to have saved Franklin. I, with five sick and wounded sous and son-in-law, was obliged for some time to lie on the ground, without shelter, our boots and clothes worn out, destitute of money, and at times ahnost in a state of stan-a- tion, and dependent on the charities of the Christian Indian and his wife whom I before named. ^ I saw, in September last, a Mr. Parker, ^ Notwithstanding the losses and charities of this good Indian in 1856, he was the next year in condition to make further gifts to Brown, as appears by this letter : — Ottawa Creek, K. T., Oct. 13, 1857. Mr. John Bro\vn. Dear Sir, — Respecting the account you have against us as a band, I would respect- fully inform you that I have presented the matter before them two or three different times, and ] cannot jiei-suade them but what was paid by them was all that could be reasonably demanded of them, from the bargain they entered into with Jones the agent. Foi my part I think the charge is just, and it ought to be paid. The Ottawa payment comes oS some time this week, and I will i)resent your case before them again, and do what I can to induce them to attend to the account, though I entertain no hopes of its being allowed ; but nothing like tiying. In contributing my mite in aiding you in your benevolent enterjirise, I enclose you ten dollars on the State Bank of Indiana (I presume it is good, though hundreds ^f other banks are worthless), and throw in the young man's bill and horse-hire, which amounts to four dollai-s. Accept it, sir, as a free-will offering from your friend. Tiines are coming round favorably in Kansas. Mr. Parrott for Congress will have 8,000 to 10,000 majority over Ransom, and both branches of the Legislature the same in proportion. I am quite encouniged that ali things will work together for good for those who are trying to work out righteousness in the land. May God bless you in your work 246 " LIFE AND LETTEKS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. whom I well know, with his head all bruised over aud his throat partly cut, having before been dragged, while sick, out of the house of Ottawa Jones, the Indian, when it was burned, aud thrown for dead over the bank of the Ottawa Creek. I saw three mangled bodies of three young men, two of which were dead and had lain on the open ground for about eighteen hours for the flies'' to work at, the other living vi-ith twenty buckshot and bullet-holes in him. One of those two dead was my own son. Here, then, we may pause to review the position of the Brown family in Kansas, twelve months after John Brown had set forth from Illinois to support his children in making free and peaceful homes on those beautiful prairies. One of his sons was dead ; another a prisoner charged with trea- son; a third was desperately woundqd; a fourth stricken down with illness ; all had lost their cabins, their crops, their books and papers ; their waves and children w^ere scat- tered or far away. Only one son of the six remained in fighting condition ; all were in extreme poverty ; the cause of freedom, for which they had ventured so much, seemed almost lost. Everything w^as subdued except the inexorable will of John Brown. ^ That remained ; his faith in God and his obedience to the voice of God were as quick as ever ; and he had begun the warfare against slavery by a dire blow, which w^as destined in its consequences to make Kansas free, even as his master-stroke in Virginia, three years later, w^as to set in motion the avalanche that destroyed slavery in the whole land. This blow was the execution at Pottawatomie on the 24th of ]\Iay. of benevolence and philanthropy : and may God reward ynu more than double for your toil and losses in the vvorl': to bring about liberty for all men ! Write me if you can, and let ine know how you are gettin^r along, etc. I remain your sincere friend, John T. Jones. By " us as a band " is meant the Ottawa tribe of Indians, and their " payment" was the allowance periodically given to them by the Federal Government. I saw one of the last nomadic Indians of this tribe sitting bareheaded on his pony in the busy streets of Ottawa, in August, 1882, staring with his stolid eye at the white man's way of life. * Andire magnos jam videor duces Non indecoro pulvere sordidos, El cnncfM terrarum subacfa Prcetcr atrocem animum Catonix. Horace, Odes, lib. ii. car. i. 1856.] THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. 247 CHAPTER IX. THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. '"PHE story of John Brown will mean little to those who -■- do not believe that God governs the world, and that He makes His will known in advance to certain chosen men and women who perform it, consciously or unconsciously. Of such prophetic, Heaven-appointed men John Brown was the most conspicuous in our time, and his life must be con- strued in the light of that fact, — as the career of Cromwell must be, and has been, since Carlyle set it forth to the world in its true colors. Cotton Mather, in 1720, intimated to the young friend for whom he wrote his quaint " Directions for a Candidate of the Ministry," that he must not look at Cromwell through Clarendon's glasses. " I do particularly advertise you," said Mather, " that this mighty man has never yet had his history fully and fairly given ; and when you read it given with the greatest impartiality wherein you have hitherto seen it, you may bear this in your mind, that the priiiciiml stroke in his character, and the p7'inci- pal spring of his conduct, is forever defectively related." Brown has not suffered so much as Cromwell in this way, for his worldly success was not so great, and therefore he offered a lesser mark for envy and malice ; he was also a more simple and ingenuous Calvinist than Cromwell, and could not lay himself so open to the charge of hypocrisy and self-seeking. But the source of his greatness and the motive of his public conduct were essentially the same, — an impression that God had called him to a high and pain- ful work, and that he must accomplish this even with bloodshed and at the loss of friends, life, and reputation. Milton, in so many points like Cromwell, though in more like Brown (T speak not of his genius, but of his character). 248 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOIIN BROWN. [1856. understood this, — and alsa that there is a divine antinomi- anisni as well as a loose and diabolic one. Therefore he said in one of those matchless choral passages of the *' Samson,'' — " Just are the ways of God, And justifiable to men ; Unless there be who tliink not God at all. If any be, they walk obscure ; For of such doctrine never was there school, But the heart of the fool, — • And no man therein doctor but himself. Yet more there be who doulit His ways not just, As to His own edicts found contiadicting ; As if they would confine th' Interminable, And tie Him to His own prescript, Who made our laws to bind us, not Himself, And hath full right to exempt Whom it so pleases Him by choice From national obstriction, without taint Of sin or legal debt ; For with His own laws He can best dispense." This is a high doctrine, applying only to heroes; but it holds good of John Brown, and particularly in regard to the Pottawatomie executions of May, 1856. Such a deed must not be judged by the every-day rules of conduct, which distinctly forbid violence and the infliction of death for private causes; branding the act, and justly, by the odious names of " murder " and " assassination." The cause here was a public one ; the crisis was momentous, and yet invisible to all but the eyes divinely appointed to see it and to foresee its consequences. Upon the swift and secret vengeance of John Brown in that midnight raid hinged the future of Kan- sas, as we can now see ; aud on that future again lunged the destinies of the whole country. Had Kansas in the death- struggle of 1856 fallen a prey to the slaveholders, slave- holding would to-day be the law of our imperial democracy; the sanctions of the Union and the Constitution would now be on the side of human slavery, as they were from 1840 to 1860. And the turning point in the Kansas conflict was 1856.] THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. 249 that week of May, 1856, when the whole power of the United States was shamefully put forth to conquer the little town of Lawrence, to abase the free spirit of the Northern farmers on the Kansas prairies, ami to give supremacy to the vilest and most- inhuman elements in the American nationality. The attack on Lawrence (May 20) was coin- cident in time with the close of Charles Sumner's great speech in the Senate on the " Crime against Kansas ; " and the temporary downfall of the Free-State cause west of the Missouri was echoed at Washington in the contrived and almost completed murder of Sumner by the weapons of South Carolina, as he sat in the Senate chamber two days after (May 22, 1856). One shout of exultation went up from the slaveholding States over the two events ; and one thrill of anguish ran through the free North when the tidings came in the same day from Kansas and from Wash- ington. A venerable citizen of Boston, — Josiah Quincy, then in his eighty-fifth year, — who had seen the Indepen- dence of America declared by Jefferson and maintained by Washington, Franklin, and Lafayette, raised his aged voice in protest against the degeneracy of their descendants. Writing to Judge Hoar, of Concord (May 27, 1856), Mr. Quincy said : — " My mind is in no state to receive pleasure from social scenes and friendly intercourse. I can think and speak of nothing but the outrages of slaveholders at Kansas, and the outrages of slaveholders at Washington, — outrages which, if not met in the spirit of our fathers of the Revolution (and I see no sign that they will be), our liberties are but a name, and our Union proves a curse. But, alas ! sir, I see no principle of vitality in what is called freedom in these times. The palsy of death rests on the spirit of freedom in the so-called free States." Thus Quincy spoke ; and in the same sense, to a result such as Quincy could not foresee, John Brown had already acted. He also felt that " our liberties are but a name and our Union proves a curse," if the deeds done at Lawrence, preceded by murders and followed by the flight of freemen from Kansas, were not to be met with retaliation. The blow at Pottawatomie followed, as a signal to every Kansas 250 LIFE AXD LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. ruffian that blood must recompense blood. For every cold- blooded murder heretofore perpetrated, — for Dow, Barber, Brown, Stewart, and Jones, — the sabres of Pottawatomie requited life with life. Five representative defenders of : slavery were struck down in a single night, in reprisal for the five sons of liberty slain in the previous six months. The lesson was terrible, but salutary ; the oppressors of Kansas never forgave it, but they could not forget it, — and it wrought their defeat in the end. It shocked the Free- State men, no doubt ; but it soon gave them confidence that God's justice did not sleep, and that their cause was not lost. I have already cited what Charles Robinson said of it in 1878, — that he had always believed John Brown to be the author of the Pottawatomie executions, because he was the only man then in Kansas who comprehended the situ- ation, and had the nerve to strike the blow. John Brown, Jr., in this respect agrees with Robinson, and says : "It has never been asserted by me, nor by any one else who compre- hended the situation at that time, that the killing of those men at Pottawatomie was wholly on account of the emer- gency in that neighborhood. That blow was struck for Kansas and the slave ; and he who attempts to limit its object to a mere settlement of accounts with a few proslav- ery desperadoes on that creek, shows himself incapable of rendering a just judgment in the case." When Jason Brown met his father for the first time after the executions, near the empty cabins from which the Brown families had fled for safety to Osawatomie, the tender-hearted son said : "Father, did you have anything to do with that bloody affair on the Pottawatomie ? " Brown's reply was, " I approved of it." Jason then said : " Whoever did it, the act was uncalled for and wicked." Brown answered, " God is my judge, — the people of Kansas will yet justify my course." This predic- tion was true. An old friend of his, James Hanway, who lived near the scene of the executions, and at first strongly abhorred them, has given this testimony on the point : — ■ " In tho month of January, IB.W, the last tinio I mot John Brown before he left the Territory for the la.'^t time, lie asked me, in the presence of my family, ' What do the old settlers now think about 1856.] THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. 251 the affair ? ' alluding to tlie killing of the Doyles, etc. My reply was, ' A great change in public opinion has taken jilace ; it is not now looked upon with that feeling of horror which prevailed soon after the event took place.' Browu replied, ' I knew all good men who loved freedom, when they became better acquainted with the circumstances connected with the case, would approve of it. The public mind was not ready then to accept such hard blows.' Captain Brown firmly believed that he was an instrument in the hands of Providence to smite the slave-power, and roll back its blasphemous threats. The question with him was the proper time to strike the blow. He thought the hour had come, and the Pottawatomie tragedy was the result." The scene of tliis act of wild ji^stice was one of the most romantic in Kansas. The broad prairies of that State are fertile and sunny, but they have the tameness and sameness of landscape that soon wearies the eye of the traveller. Around Osawatomie, however, this monotony is broken by winding streams, swelling hills, and steep ravines ; while along the streams is a noble border of woodland. That in- stinctive love of the picturesque which led John Brown and his sons to the forests of Ohio, the mountains of the Adiron- dac wilderness, and the snow-capped heights of California, guided their steps in Kansas also, and pitched their tents in this wildest tract of a tame region. Two copious rivers, though condescending to bear the commonplace name of "creek," — the Marais des Cygnes, and the Pottawatomie, — unite near Osawatomie, in what was then the home of Indian tribes, to form the Osage Pdver, the largest tributary of the Missouri below the mountain-torrents. Each of these Kansas rivers is formed by tributary streams, and all wind gracefully among fringes of woodland, below which in many places the banks shelve steeply down to the lazy waters.^ . ^ \''''J*!^^ Osawatomie, August 21, 1882, and made this entry in my journal : Crossed the Marais des Cygnes by a bridge on the road from Paola between the msane asylum and the village of Osawatomie, -a large stream with high banks, heavily timbered, perhaps one hundred feet wide at this season, and in some places twenty or thirty feet deep ; so that men fordin- It have often been d rownod. It was on the northern bank of this river, one mi e or more from the village, that John Brown was encamped (August 29, dO) before the battle of Osawatomie. I saw one of Brown's friends - the 252 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. Beyond this forest selvage stretches broad and grand the grassy, flower-enamelled prairie, now dotted at many points with orchards, groves, farm-houses and villages, — but in 1856 a virgin soil, which the plow had only scarred a little now and then, and over which ranged and flitted countless beasts and birds, with here and there a herd of cattle, or a group of half-wild horses. The Indian hunter pursued his game there, and the buffalo had not wholly forsaken his >old grazing-ground. The villages of Osawatomie, which gave John Brown a distinctive name, and of Lane, which has grown up near the old ford of the Pottawatomie in the township of that ilk, once known as Dutch Henry's Crossing, are neither of tl^em large or specially flourishing, but a historic interest attaches to both from their asso- ciation with Brown's career. Lane is southwest of Osa- watomie, and therefore, as the river runs, above it ; and above the old Crossing, where there is now a modern bridge, are the neighborhoods which Brown visited on that tragic night. Professor Spring, the latest historian of Kansas, thus describes the country as he saw it three years ago : — '' The Dutch Henry's Crossing of 1882 is a paradise of rural peace and happiness. The fiercest sounds I heard during a visit to that region were the clatter of agricultural machinery and the fervent hallelujahs of a ' holiness ' camp-meeting. Here quiet and security seem to have reached their utmost Umit. The Pottawatomie — half hmpid, with slighter mixtures of discolorins: mud than any Kansas stream that I have seen — winds languidly between beautiful. y shaded banks toward the Marais des Cygues. The vast fields of Sniders of the Trading Post massacre, — a blacksmith of Osawatomie now, standing tall and swarthy in his shop at the village ; and tlien drove the next morning two miles farther west to the log-house of Eev. S. L. Adair, on the high prairie along which the Missonrians came the morning of the fight. The road from the village to Mr. Adair's is steep and rocky, — more so than any I have yet seen in Kansas. His house is the one he built in the spring of 18.')5, though it has since been enlarged ; it is the common cabin of squared logs, chinked in with clay, and the main room has two beds in it. In this room John Brown was sick with typhoid fever for six weeks, in 1858, — Kagi and the Adairs taking care of him. The house has orebards about it, and in front two or three pine-trees which Mr. Adair brought from the East about 1860, one of which is now twenty feet high." I 185G] THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. 253 ct)ru and wlieat, with their picturesque borders of orange hedge, lie mapped upon the rolling prairie in every direction, — * As quietly as spots of sky Anioiig the evening clouds.' " The Dutch Henry's Crossing of 1856 stands in antithesis to all this Arcadian repose. Then there was no law but force, no rule but violence, in the Territory of Kansas. A veritable reign of terror was inaugurated. Marauders were prowling about in whose eyes nothing was sacred that stood in the way of their passions. The opposing factious into whose hands the question of slavery or no slavery for Kansas had fallen, hunted each other like wolves. Pistol-shots and sword-slits were the prevailiug style of argument. For puri)oses of anibusli and concealment this location was admirably cliosen. The surface is cut up by gulches afi\)rding natural defences which ten resolute men could hold against a hundred. I spent half a day in exploriug this region with one of Brown's men, who had not been on the ground for twenty-six years, in an effort to recover the exact site of Brown's bivouac of May 23. But so marked is the change which time has wrought in the landscape, so great the number and similar- ity of the ravines, that all our efforts failed. Indeed, notliing here remains as it was in the Border period. The earliest cabins have been pulled down, frontier characteristics are gone, and the customs of older civilizations appear. The ford retains its quaint and primitive name of Dutch Henry's Crossing, but has ceased to be used. The once broad and travelled road leading down to it has now shrunk to a narrow, weed-choked path, right acn)ss which lies a half-decayed tree. I found one direct, and to ine pathetic, memorial of the Potta- watomie raid (even that is being rapidly obliterated), — the grave of three of its victims. They were buried coffinless in orie shallow trench. No stone or tablet marks their resting-place, — only a slight heaving of the turf, in an open tield near the ford." The two Shermans, — Dutch Henry and Dutch Wil- liam, — who lived here and gave their name to the ford, were brothers, from Oldenburg in Germany, who had been long in America, and were among the earliest white settlers of this region. They were men of harsh and brutal charac- ter, who profited by the neighborhood of peaceful Indians to advance their own interests at the expense of the red men, and who looked upon Indians and negroes with equal con- tempt. Their house was a sort of tavern, as many of the prairie cabins w^ere in those days, and their most acceptable 2o4 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. visitors were the proslavery men from Missouri and farther south. At this very time, in the words of John Brown the younger, " the Doyles, Wilkinsons, and Shermans were fur- nishing places of rendezvous and active aid to the armed men who had sworn to kill us and others." With the Browns it was simply a question as to which, to use a Western phrase, should " first get the drop " on the others. Upon this point, which of late years has been the subject of controversy, the testimony is clear and ample. The men who suffered death were not only leagued with the Missouri invaders, but luid themselves committed gross outrages, such as they had threatened a year before their death. An early citizen of Kansas (now or recently a police magistrate at Salina), Au- gust Bondi by name, went to settle, in May, 185o, on the Musquito branch of the Pottawatomie, four miles from Dutch Henry's. Being a German, and having two compatriots (Theodore Wiener and Jacob Benjamin) owning near him, Bondi went to call on Henry Sherman, whom he had heard of as a German also, and therefore sought his acquaintance. After a short conversation with him, Henry Sherman said " he had heard that Bondi and Benjamin were" Freesoilers, and therefore would advise them to clear out, or they might meet the fate of Baker," — a Vermont man whom the Bor- der Ruffians had taken from his cabin on the Marais des Cygnes, whipped, and hanged upon a tree, but had cut him down before death, and released him upon his promise to leave Kansas. Allen Wilkinson, who was a member of the usurping Legislature, talked to Bondi in much the same way. The two Germans (Bondi and Benjamin, for Wiener had not yet arrived) took counsel what should be done. Benja- min, who had worked several days at the settlement on the Marais des Cygnes, reported that no hel]) could be expected thence, where the settlers were all from Missouri or Arkan- sas. He had heard, however, of a small settlement of Ohio men about five miles to the northeast, and both agreed that these ought to be seen. Next morning Benjamin went there, and about noon returned with Frederick I'rown, who brought word from his three brothers that they would always be found ready to assist Bondi and his friend. No attack was made that summer, during which there was a large immi- 1856.] THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. 255 gration into the Pottawatomie region, both from the North and the South, — the Northern men in the majority, but the proslavery men having the advantage of being generally well armed and under better organization. On their side, too, were the gangs of robbers and murderers on the borders of jMissouri and the Indian Territory. But in the spring of 1856 the Shermans and their com- rades began to carry out their threats. George Grant, who then lived on the Pottawatomie, testified in 1879 : — '' My father, John T. Grant, came from Oneida County, N. Y.. and settled on Pottawatomie Creek, in 1854. We were near neigh- bors of the Shermans, of the Doyles, and of Wilkinson, who were afterward killed. There was a company of Georgia Border Ruffians encamped on the Marais des Cygnes, about four miles away from us, who had l>een committing outrages upon the Free-State people ; and these proslavery men were in constant communication with them. They had a courier who went backw'ard and forward carrying mes- sages. When we heard on the Pottawatomie that the Border Ruf- fians were threatening Lawrence, and that the Free-State men wanted help, we immediately began to prepare to go to their assistance. Frederick Brown, son of John Brown, went to a store at Dutch Henry's Crossing, kept by a Mr. Morse, from Michigan, known as old Squire Morse, a quiet, inoffensive old Free-State man, living there with his two boys, and bought some bars of lead, — say twenty or thirty pounds. He brought the lead to my father's house on Sun- day morning, and my brother Henry C. Grant and my sister Mary spent the whole day in running Sharpe's and other rifle bullets for the company. As Frederick Brown was bringing this lead to our house, he passed by Henry Sherman's house, and several proslavery men, among them Doyle and liis sous, William Sherman, and others, were sitting on the fence, and inquired what he was going to do with it. He tfdd them he was going to run it into bullets for Free-State guns. They were apparently much incensed at his reply, as tlioy knew that the Free- State company was then preparing to go to Lawrence. The next morning, after the company had started to go to Lawrence, a number of these proslavery men — Wilkinson, Doyle, his two sons, and William Sherman, known as 'Dutch Bill' — took a rope and went to old Squire Morse's house, and said they were going to hang him for selling the lead to the Free-State men. They frightened the old man terribly ; but finally told him he must leave the country before eleven o'clock, or they would hang him. Tliey then left and went to the Shermans' and went to drinking. About 256 lAl'i: AND LKTTKHS OF JOHN lilfOWN. [1856. eleven o'clock ;i portion of tliein, li;ilf drunk, w(ait back to Mr. Monso's, and were goin^ to kill him with an axe. Jlis little boys — one was only nine years old — set up a violent crying, and l)eggecl for tiieir father's lifi;. 'J'lnty finally gave liiin until sundown to leave. Ih' left everything an6 William Sherman had tak(!n a fanc^y to tlie dang]it(!r of one of his Fn;e-Stato neigh})ors, and had been refused hy lier. The next time he met her he u.sed the most vile and insulting languiige toward her, in the iniv the dishes, 1856] THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. 259 and I sat in my chair. I finally said, * Captain Brown, I want to ask you one question, and you can answer it or not as you please, and I shall not be offended.' He stopped his pacing, looked nie square in the face, and said, ' What is it "i ' Said I, ' Captain Brown, did you kill those five men on the Pottawatomie, or did you not f ' He replied, ' I did not; but I do not pretend to say they were not killed by my order ; and in doing so I believe I was doing God's service.' My wife spoke and said, ' Then, Captain, you think that God uses you as an instrument in his hands to kill men f ' Brown replied, ' I think he has used me as an instrument to kill men ; and if I live, I think he will use me as an instrument to kill a good many more' He went on and said: 'Mr. Coleman, I will tell you all about it, and you can judge whether I did right or wrong. I had heard that these men wei'e coming to the cabin that my son and I were staying in [I think he said the next Wednesday night] to set fire to it and shoot us as we ran out. Now, that was not proof enough for me; but I thontrht I would satisfy myself, and if they had committed murder in their hearts, I would be justified in killing them. I was an old surveyor, so I disguised myself, took two men to carry the chain, and a flagman. The lines not being run, I knew that as soon as they saw me they would come out to find out where their lines would come.' And taking a book from his pocket, he said, 'Here is what every man said that was killed. I ran my lines close to each man's house. The first that came out said, " Is that my line, sir ? " I replied, " I cannot tell ; I am running test lines." I then said to him, " You have a fine country here; great pity there are so many Abolitionists in it." " Yes, but by God we will soon clean them all out," he said. I kept looking through my instrument, making motions to the flagman to move either way, and at the same time I wrote every word they said. Then I said, '• I hear there are some bad men about here by the name of Brown." " Yas, there are ; but next Wednesday night we will kill them." So I ran the lines by each one of their houses, and I took down every word ; and here it is, word for word, by each one. [Shows wife and me the book]. I was satisfied that each one of them had committed murder in his heart, and according to the Scriptures they were guilty of murder, and I felt justified in having them killed; but, as I told you, I did not do it myself.' He then said, ' Now, Mr. Coleman, what do you think ? ' I told him I thought he did right, and so did my wife. This statement we are both willing to be sworn to." ^ 1 See " The Kansas Memorial," 1879, pp. 196, 197. I have a letter from Mr. Coleman, written in 188.">, in whicli he repeats tliis striking conversa- tion, with some variations, but in substance as recited above. He says : £G0 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. John Browu, Jr., has thus expressed himself concerniug the mystery wliich long concealed the true facts in this af- fair ; and no person who knows him will doubt his wjard : '' The only statement that I ever heard my father make in regard to this was, ' I did not myself kill any of those men at Pottawatomie, but I am as fully responsible as if I did.' This statement of his is strictly in accordance with the facts, as I have now abundant evi- dence. The statements vi others, giving a ditferent version, I believe "The Browns were hunted as we hunt wolves to- day ; and because they un- dertook to protect themselves, they are called cold-blooded murderers, — merely because they ' had the dare,' and were contented to live and die as God intended them to. Brown was a Bible-man, — he believed it all ; and though 1 am not, I give him credit for being honest, and the most consistent so-called Christian I have ever met. Brown and his sons had claims, and workeil them, as I did mine, when these devils were not prowl- ing about, killing a man now and then, stealing our stock and running them oif to Missouri." John Brown, Jr.'s, version of the surveying adventure, and doubtless the more correct one, is as follows : " Early in the spring of 1856, Colonel Buford, of Alabama, arrived with a regiment of armed men, mostly from South Carolina and Georgia. They came with the openly declared purpose to make Kansas a slave State at all hazards. A company of these men was reported to us as being encamped near the Marais des Cygnes, a little south of the town now called Bantoul, I think, and distant from our })lace about two miles. Father took his surveyor's compass, and with him four of my brothers, — Owen, Frederick, Salmon, and Oliver, — as chain-carriers, ax- juan, and marker, and found a section line which, on following, led through the camp of these men. The Georgians indulged in the utmost freedom of ex- pression. One of them, who ajipeared to be the leader of the comj)any, said : ' We' ve come here to stay. We won't make no war on them as minds their own business ; but all the Abolitionists, such as them damned Browns over tliere, we' re going to whip, drive out, or kill, — any way to get shut of them, by God.' The elder Doyle was already there among them, having come from tlie Pottawatomie, a distance of nine miles, to show them the best fords of the river and creek." Upon reading Mr. Coleman's letter, John Brown has written me thus : "While we had in tlie spring of 1856 abundant and entirely satisfactory evidence that our family were marked for destruction, I am not aware of any information having been received by any of our number that a par- ticular day had been decided u{)on for the undertaking. It is probable tiiat father related to Mr. Coleman the story of his running that line through a camp of Buford's men and of the information he obtained ; but further than this I think he did not go. The running of that line occurred a few days before our second call to assist Lawrence, May 20, 1856." 1859.] THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. 261 have been made in good faith upon reports which they supposed were true, or upon their interpretation of father's words as given above. I have yet to learn of any authentic statement made by him touching this matter which in substance differs from his words as I have given them. In the fall of 1856 I was told by one who as I supposed was in possession of the facts, that when my father aud his men, on their return from our camp near Ottawa Creek, had reached Middle Creek, liis party divided; that he and some of the men crossed the Mai-ais des Cygues to reconnoitre the position of a party of Buford's men, and that consequently lie M'as several miles away when those men were killed on the Pottawatomie. I accepted this statement as true, and whenever I had occasion to refer to the matter I stated it in accord- ance with what I supposed was fact. It was not until July, 1860, that I was more correctly informed by one who had himself partici- pated in that affair. At that time a large reward was offered by the State of Virginia for my capture. Soon after, stimulated by that reward, kidnappers attemptetl the work of my abductiun ; aud from that time until the close of the Civil War other matters more urgent claimed my attention than the correction of my own statements in ' regard to Pottawatomie, or of Mr. Redpath's mistake, which I have no doubt was as innocently made as my own."^ The most direct statement made by any of the party who accompanied John Brown on his expedition of May 23, that was made public before the Civil War, is, I think, a letter from one of his sons, who undertook, a few weeks after his father's death, to answer a question on the subject which was asked of his mother. She had no knowledge con- cerning the matter, as she told me in 1882 ; but knoAving that her son Salmon had been Brown's constant companion in Kansas, she requested him to reply. He was then living with her at North Elba, and he wrote as follows : North Elba, Dec. 27, 1859. Dear Sir, — Your letter to my mother was received to-night. You wish me to give you the facts in regard to the Pottawatomie execution, or murder, and to know whether my father was a partici- pator in the act. I was one of his company at the time of tlie homi- cide, and was never away from him one hour at a time after we took up arms in Kansas; therefore I say positively that he was not a 1 In confirmation of this, T may say that my last letters fi'om Mr. Eed- path continued to declare that John Brown was not at the execntions. 262 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. participator in the deed, — although I should think none the less of hhn if he had been there ; for it was the grandest thing that was ever done in Kansas. It was all that saved the Territory from being overrun with drunken hiud-pirates from the Southern States. That was the first act in the history of Kansas which proved to the demon of Slavery that there was as much room to give blows as to take them. It was done to save life, and to strike terror through their wicked ranks. Yours respectfully, Salmon Brown. The member of Brown's company of eight who first dis- closed the details of the expedition of May 23-25, was James Townsley, a jNlaryland man, who had emigrated to Kansas in October, 1855, and settled on the Pottawatomie^ a mile west of the present tow^n of Greeley. This is several miles southwest of Dutch Henry's Crossing, and therefore higher up on the creek. Townsley had been a cavalry soldier in the United States army from 1839 to 1844, and had fought against Indians in Florida ; by trade he was a pointer, and he was an acquaintance of Martin and Jefferson Conway, w^ho like himself migrated from Maryland to Kansas, but were opposed to slavery. He set out from Baltimore with his wife and four children and eleven hundred dollars in money, and, leaving his family in Kansas City, went into the Pottawatomie region and bought a "claim," for which he paid eighty dollars, put up a rude cabin, and moved his family into it. They suffered much from cold during the winter, and were just beginning to plant their land in the spring, when Townsley, who had joined the " Pottawatomie Eifles " in April, was called upon to march for the protec- tion of Lawrence. This wms on the afternoon of May 21. What followed has thus been told by himself : — "About two miles south of Middle Creek we were joined by the Osawatomie company, under Captain Dayton, and proceeded to Mount V(>rnon, where we waited about two hours until the moon rose. We then marched all night, camping the next morning (the 22d) for breakfast, near Ottawa Jones's. Before we arrived at tliis point news liad been received that Lawrence had been destroyed, and a question was raised whether we should retuni or go on. During the forenoon, however, we proceeded up Ottawa Creek to within i 1856.1 THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. 263 about five miles of Palmyra, and went into camp near the residence of Captain Shore. Here we remained undecided over night. About noon the next day, the 23d, old John Br<»wn came to me and said he had just received information that trouble was expected on the Potta- watomie, and wanted to know if I would take my team and take him and his boys back, so that they could keep watch of what was going on. I told hiin I would do so. The party — con.sisting of John Brown, Frederick Bi-own, Owen Brown, Watson Brown, Oliver Bi-own, Henry Thompson (John Brown's son-in-law), and Mr. Wiener — were soon ready for the trip, and we started, as near as I can remember, about two o'clock p. M. All of the party except Mr. Wiener, who rode a pony, rode with me in my M\'igon. When within two or three miles of the Pottawatomie Creek we tinnied off the main road to the right, drove down into the edge of tlie timber between two deep ra- vines, and camped about one mile above Dutch Henry's Crossing. After my team was fed and the party had taken supper, Jolm Brown told me for the first time what he i)roposed to do. He said he wanted me to pilot the compjiny up to the forks of the creek, some five or six miles above, int(_> the neighborhood in winch I lived, and show them where all the proslavery men resided ; that he proposed to sweep the creek as be came down of all the proslavery men living on it. I positively refused to do it. He insisted upon it; but when he found that I would not go he decided to postpone the expedition until tlie following night. I then wanted to take my team and go home, but he refused to let me do so, and said I should remain with them. We remained in camp that night and all day the next day. Sometime after dark we were ordered to inarch." Townsley has related, not always in the same manner, and with more or less variation from the fact (as in the above statement, which is somewhat incorrect, though mainly true), how the five men were called out and despatched, — alleging that he had no hand in the actual slaughter, but that John Brown had.^ I have talked with those present, and find reason to doubt this. "Whatever Townsley 's part may have been, I am convinced that John Brown did not raise his own hand or discharge his weapon against his vic- tims. He was no less responsible for their death than if he had done so, and this he never denied. But for some reason he chose not to strike a blow himself; and this is what Sal- mon Brown meant when he declared that his father " was 1 Owen Brown and Henry Thompson deny this. 264 LIPE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. not a participator in the deed." It was a very narrow inter- pretation of the word " participator " which would permit such a denial ; but it was no doubt honestly made, although for the purpose of disguising what John Brown's real agency in the matter was. He was, in fact, the originator and per- former of these executions, although the hands that dealt the wounds were those of others. The actual executioners were but three or four. The weapons used were short cut- lasses, or artillery sabres, which had been originally worn by a military company in Ohio, and were brought from Akron in 1855 by John Brown. ^ They were straight and broad, like an old Roman sword, and were freshly ground for this expedition at the camp of John Brown, Jr.^ When the bodies of the dead were found, there went up a cry that they had been mutilated ; but this was because of the weapons used. Their death was speedy and with little noise, the use of fire-arms being forbidden. A single shot was fired during the five executions ; but when, ayd for what purpose, the witnesses are in dispute. The Doyles were first slain, then ^ The swords used were not sabres exactl}', but weapons made like the Roman short-sword, of which six or eight had been given to Brown in Akron, Oliio, just before he went to Kansas, by General Bierce of that city, who took them from an old armory there. They had been the swords of an artillery company, then disbanded, which General Bierce had some- thing to do with, and there were also some guns and old bayonets among these arms. The bayonets would not fit any guns the Kansas people had ; and so in December, 1855, when the Browns went up to defend Lawrence for the first time, they fastened some of them on sticks, and intended to use them in defending breastworks. They were thrown loosely "into the bed of the wagon," — not set up about it for parade, as some have said. There were also some curved swords among these Akron arms. ^ When Brown called for volunteers to go on a secret expedition, his son at first questioned the wisdom of reducing his main force in this way ; but as only eight men were wanted no serious opposition was made, and John Brown, Jr., says: "We aided him in his outfit, and I assisted in the sliarpening of his cutlasses. James Townsle\', who resided near Pottawa- tomie Creek, volunteered to returu with his team, and offered to point out the abodes of such as he thought should be disposed of. No man of our entire number could fail to understand that a retaliatory blow would fall ; yet when father and his little band departed, they were saluted by all our men with a rousing cheer." All the survivors of the " little band," except Townsley, deny that Brown "proposed to sweep the creek." 1856.] THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. 265 V Wilkinson ; and finally the Shermans were visited, their guests captured and questioned, but only William Sherman executed. The testimony of James Harris, one of the com- rades of William Sherman, who was allowed to go unpun- ished, was given in these words before the Congressional Committee of 1856:^ — '' Ou Sunday morning, May 25, 1856, about two A. M., while my wife and child and myself were in bed in the house wliere we lived, near Henry Sherman's, we were aroused by a company of men who said they belonged to the Northern army, and who were each armed with a sabre and two revolvers, two of wliom I recognized ; namely, a Mr. Brown, whose given name I do not remember (commonly known by the appellation of ' old man Brown'), and his son Owen Brown. They came into the house and approached the bedside where we were lying, and ordered us, together with three other men who were in the same house with me, to surrender; that the Nortliern army was upon us, and it would be no use for us to resist. Tlie names of these otlier men wlia were then in the house with me were William Sherman and John S. Whiteman ; the other man I did not know. They were stopping with me that night. They had bought a cow from Henry Sherman, and intended to go home the next morning. When they came up to the bed, some had drawn sabres in their hands, and some revolvers. They then took into their possession two rifles and a bowie-knife, which I had there in the room (there was but one room in my house), and afterwards ran- sacked the whole establishment in search of ammunition. They then took one of these three men, who were staying in my house, out. (This was the man whose name I did not know.) He came back. They then took me out, and asked me if there were any more men about the place. I tcdd them there were not. They searched the place, but found no others but us four. They asked me where Henry Sherman was. (Henry was a brother to William Sherman.) I told them he was out on the plains in search of some cattle which he had lost. They asked me if I had ever taken any hand in aiding proslavery men in coming to the Territory of Kansas, or had ever taken any hand in the last troubles at Lawrence ; they asked me whether I had ever done the Free-State party any harm, or ever intended to do that party any harm ; they asked me what made 1 James Hanway, who talked with Harris more than once after the affair, says that this testimony differed from the accounts Harris privately gave. 266 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. me live at such a place. I then answered that I could get higher wages there than anywhere else. They asked nie if there M'ere any hridles or saddles about the premises. I told them there was one saddle, which they took ; and they also took possession of Henry Sherman's horse, which I had at my place, and made me saddle him. They then said if I would answer no to all the questions «-hich they had asked me, they would let me loose. Old Mr. Brown and his sou then went into the house with me. The other three men — Mr. Wil- liam Sherman, Mr. Whiteman, and the, stranger — were in the house all this time. After old man Brown and his son went into the house with me, old man Brown asked Mr. Sherman to go out with him ; and Mr. Sherman then went out with old Mr. Brown, and an- other man came into the house in Brown's place. I heard nothing more for about fifteen minutes. Two of the Northern army, as they styled themselves, stayed in with us until we heard a cap burst, and then these two men left. That morning, about ten o'clock, I found William Sherman dead in the creek near my house. I was lookiug for him ; as he had not come back, I thought he had been murdered. I took Mr. William Sherman out of the creek and examined him. Mr. Whiteman was with me. Sherman's skull was split open in two places, and some of his brains was washed out by the water. A large hole was cut in his breast, and his left hand was cut off except a little piece of skin on one side. We buried him." INIr. Hanway used to declare that this James Harris told him that when the avenging party first entered the house his wife supposed they were Missouri men, arrived there for the purpose of driving out the Free-State settlers. Mrs. Wilkinson, an unfortunate woman who had tried in vain to keep her hvisband from engaging in the outrages against their Free-State neighbors, was visited early in the morn- ing after the executions by Dr. Gilpatrick and Mr. Grant, two Free-State men, who went to her house (which was the post-office) to get their mail. They found the poor Avoman weeping, and saying that a party of men had been to the house during the night and taken her husband out ; she had heard that morning that Mr. Doyle had been killed within the night, and she was afraid that her husband had been killed also. Among other reasons that she gave for fearing this, he had said to her the night before that there was going to be an attack made upon the Free-State men, and that by the next Saturday night there would not be a Free-State 1856.] THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. 267 settler left on the creek. These, she said, were his last words to her the night before as they were going to sleep. Her testimony before the Congressional Committee was as follows : — . . . " Ou the 25th of May last, somewhere between the hours of midnight and daybreak, I cannot say exactly at wliat hour, after we all had retired to bed, we were disturbed by the barking of the dog. I was sick with the measles, and vyoke up Mr. Wilkinson, and asked him if he heard the noise, and what it meant. He said it was only some one passing about, and soon after was again asleep. It was not long before the dog raged and barked furiously, awakening me once more ; pretty soon 1 heard footsteps as of men approaching ; saw one pass by the window, and some one knocked at the door. I asked, ' Who is that ? ' No one answered. I awoke my husband, who asked, ' Who is that ? ' Some one replied, ' I want you to tell me the way to Dutch Henry's.' He commenced to tell them, and they said, ' Come out and show us.' He wanted to go, but I would not let him ; lie then told them it was difficult to find his clothes, and could tell them as well without going out of doors. The men out of doors after that stepped back, and I thoiight I could hear them whispering ; but they immediately returned, and as they ap- proaclied, one of them asked my husband, ' Are you a Northern armist"?' He answered, 'I am.' I understood the answer to mean that my husband was opposed to the Northern or Free-Soil party. I cannot say that I understood the question. My husband was a proslavery man, and was a member of the Territorial Legisla- ture held at Shawnee Mission. When my husband said, ' I am,' one of them said, ' You are my prisoner; do you surrender?' He said, ' Gentlemen, I do.' They said, ' Open the door.' Mr. Wil- kinson told them to wait till he made a light, and they replied, ' If you don't open it, we will open it for you.' He opened the door against my wishes ; four men came in ; my husband was told to put on his clothes, and they asked him if there were not more men about. They searched for arms, and took a gun and powder-flask, — all the weapon that was about the house. I begged them to let Mr. Wil- kinson stay with me, saying that I was sick and helpless, and could not stay by myself. The old man, who seemed to be in command, looked at me, and then around at the children, and re})lied, ' You have neighbors.' I said, ' So I have ; but they are not here, and I cannot go for them.' The old man replied, ^ It matters not.' They then took my husband away. One of them came back and took two saddles; I asked what they were going to do with him, and he said, ' Take him a prisoner to the camp.' I wanted one of them to stay 268 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. with me. He said ' he would, but they would not let him.' After they were gone, I thought I heard my husband's voice in complaiut, but do not know ; went to the door, and all was still. Next morn- ing Mr. Wilkinson was found about one hundred and fifty yards from the house, in some dead brush. I believe that one tif Captain Brown's sons was in the party who murdered my husband ; I heard a voice like his. I do not know Captain Brown himself. The old man who seemed to be commander wore soiled clothes and a straw hat, pulled down over his face. He spoke quick ; is a tall, narrow-taced, elderly man. I would recognize him if I could see him. My hus- band was a quiet man, and was not engaged in arresting or disturbing anybody." ^ There is little reason to doubt that this account is sub- stantially correct. The particulars of the action, like the deed itself, were bloody, and it is not pleasant to read them or relate them ; but they were the opening scenes of war, and in requital for bloodier and quite inexcusable deeds which had preceded them. Brown long foresaw the deadly conflict with the slave-power, which culminated in the Civil War, and was eager to begin it, that it might be the sooner over. He knew — what few could then believe — that slavery must perish in blood ; ^ and, though a peaceful man, he had no scruples about shedding blood in so good a cause. The American people a few years after engaged in organized bloodshed for the attack and defence of slavery, and hundreds of thousands of men died in the cause that Brown had killed and been killed to maintain. Yet we who praise Grant for those military movements^ which caused the bloody death of thousands, are so inconsistent as to denounce Brown for the death of these five men in Kansas. If Brown was a murderer, then Grant and Sherman, and Hancock and the other Union generals, are tenfold murderers, — for they simply did on a grand scale what he did on a small one. War is murder, — in one of its aspects it is deliberate and repeated murder ; and yet the patriot warrior who goes 1 On the contrary, Mr. Grant and hi.s other neighbors speak of him as a vicious, muHgnant man, who ill-treated his wife as well as the Free-State men. "^ " Without the shedding of blood there is no remission of sins," was a favorite text witli Brown. 1856.] THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. 269 to battle in behalf of his country is not arraigned for murder, but honored as a hero. This is so even when by stratagem, or midnight assault, he slays hundreds of defenceless peo- ple ; for the cause in which he fights is supposed to excuse all atrocious deeds. A like excuse must serve for this violent but salutary act of John Brown ; ^ and it was in this way that he defended it to those who served under him, and by whose hands the deed was done. I have talked with more than one of these men, and from one of them I had this statement : — "John Brown did no shooting in my presence, and I think he had nothing to do with the killing of any of the five men. At a consul- tation on Middle Creek the question came up who would join ; I opposed the scheme for a time, and opposed it all the time, and had nothing to do with it, except that he went along with us. John Brown thought it a matter of duty that there should be a little bloodletting on both sides ; he not only approved these executions, but planned and carrieii them througli very successfully.^ I reflected that these men were influential persons, leading men, and among the worst holding office [referring particularly to Wilkinson and George Wilson] , and I agreed with Brown it was a matter of duty ; yet I 1 Charles Robinson, who had as many minds about the Pottawatomie affair as his Democratic friends used to have about slavery itself, charac- terized it thus in a letter of Dec. 21, 1879, published in the Topeka " Com- monwealth " of Jan. 8, 1880 (he has since called John Brown all sorts of names, jussit quod sjjiendida bilis) : "It had the effect to strike terror into the hearts of all proslavery men, and had its influence in the general melee. The proslavery party could take no exceptions to it, as it had inaugurated the war, and all the Free-State men can say in its defence is, it was an incident of the civil war set on foot by the slave-power. . . . But was John Brown at heart a murderer in this butchery ? I think not. He worshipped the God of Joshua and David, who ordered all the enemies ol his people slaughtered, including non-combatants, women, and children, flocks and herds, and ' everything that breathed.' John Brown seemed to believe he was the special messenger and servant of this God ; and he may have been as sincere as was Abraham when he stretched forth his hand to take the knife to slay his own son, or as Joshua when he slaughtered all that breathed of his enemies." 2 The following anecdote is said to rest on the testimony of James Christian, a Kansas Democrat. How good authority this may be I can- not say, but give it as I find it: "Jerome Glanville was the man who was stopping at Dutch Henry's on the night of the massacre, and was taken out to be killed, as the others were. On examination he was found 270 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. was opposed to doing it myself. I saw the inconsistency of tliis, and afterwards acted consisteiitly . I had seen Doyle and his boys two or three times, and knew them ; they harbored the worst ruffians, and I thought them as guilty as if they had done the deeds themselves. There was a signal understood, and no firing done in the first opera- tion (at Doyle's). The signal was when John Brown was to raise a sword; then we were to begin, and there were to be no shots fired. I heard but one shot when I was keeping guard over the family of Henry Sherman ; it was fired down the creek, half a mile away, and I did not know what it meant. Tlie antislavery people in the Terri- tory disajiproved of the killing, — Mr. Adiiir among them. He said to one of us, ' You are a marked man. You see what a terrible calamity you have brought ujjou your friends, and the sooner you go away the better.' The reply was, ' I intend to be a marked man.' The Border Kuffians had for their vi-atchword * War to the knife, and the knife to the hilt,' in the spring before the Pottawatomie executions ; after that, they thought the knife might come from the other side. Liberty can only live or survive by the shedding of blood." Townsley declares that when he and others of tlie party were unwilling to slay men taken by surprise and unarmed, John Brown argued that it was a just and necessary stroke of war ; and said, "It is better that ten guilty proslavery men should die, than that one Free-State settler should be driven out." Townsle}^ adds that he was unwilling to have the proslavery men who lived in his neighborhood (Ander- son County, near Greeley) attacked by Brown, because some of them were good men, and others had wives wlio had been kind to his wife. He thought as ill as Brown did of the proslavery probate judge Wilson, then supposed to bo at Dutch Henry's, and was willing to have the attack made there. He was also ready to go to the Doyles, who, " when they had drunk a little whiskey, were ready to do what- to be only a traveller, but was kept a prisoner until morning and then discharged. He informed me personally who were the principal actors in tliat damning midnight tragedy, and said that the next morning, while the old man raised his hands to Heaven to ask a blessing, they were stained with the dried blood of his victims. For being too free in his expressions about the matter he was soon after shot in his wagon, between Black Jack and the head of Bull Creek, wliile on his way to Kansas 1856.] THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. 271 ever Dutch Henry told them." According to Townsley, Wilkinson was born in the North, but had married a Ten- nessee wife, and adopted her view of slavery ; he was the postmaster at Shermansville (now called Lane), and was an active proslavery leader, like Henry Sherman and George Wilson. 1 Townsley and all the witnesses agree that the horses of the Shermans were taken and carried with the party to the camp of John Brown, Jr., near Ottawa Jones's, where they arrived late on the night of the 24th. The next morning Oliver Brown showed his brother John a horse with his mane and tail sheared, saying, " Did you ever see that horse before ? That is Dutch Henry's gray pony." This horse was soon after taken to northern Kansas by some Free-State men, who gave in exchange for that and other horses captured on the Pottawatomie some fast Ken- tucky horses, on one of which Owen Brown afterward escaped from his pursuers. August Bondi says of the executions : — " Late in the evening of May 25 I arrived at my claim, in company with an old neighbor, Austin, wh(j was afterward named Old Kill Devil, from a ritie he had of that name. The family of Benjamin (whom we had left when we departed for camp) had disappeared, and no cattle were to be seen. This latter was a serious matter, for there was nothing left in the shape of [)rovisions. When I told Aus- tin that I was willing to stay with him until the last of the Border Ruffians had left the country, he encouraged me, and assured me that he would find Benjamin's family and protect them at all events. Tliis the old man faithfully did. The next evening (May 26) I amved, tired and hungry, at the camping-ground of John Brown, a log-cabin on the banks of Middle Creek upon the claim of his brother-in-law Orson Day. This is one of the houses which, under the name of 'John Brown's cabin,' has since become famous. The Browns built it as a first shelter in the winter of 1855-56, and Day dwelt ' Mrs. Rising, a New Hampshire woman, who then lived next neighbor to the Wilkinsons, told a friend of mine that she knew Mrs. Wilkinson very well Viefore and after the killing of her husband ; that Mrs. Wilkin- son said she had persuaded him to take the jiroslavery side, but was sorry for it, since he was a worse man after it than before, and had treated her badly. Mrs. Rising added that he was harsh and cruel to his wife, who was a delicate, sickly woman ; and that he was a bad man in other respects. 272 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. in it after March, 1856. It stands west from Osawatoniie on the bottoip laud of North Middle Creek. Here also I found my friend Wiener,^ from whom I first heard an account of the killing of Doyle and his sons, "Wilkinson, and Dutch Heury's brother William. In this account Wiener never expressed himself positively as to who killed those persons, and I could only guess about it. I was as- tonished, but not at all displeased. The men killed had been our neighbors, and I was sufficiently acquainted with their characters to know that they were of the stock from which afterwards came the James brothers, the Youngers, and the rest, who never shrank from perpetrating crime if it was done iu the interest of the proslavery cause. As to their antecedents, — the Doyles had been ' slave- hunters ' before they came to Kansas, and liad brought along two of their blood-hounds. Dutch Bill (Sherman), — a German from Oldenburg, and a resident of Kansas since 1845, — had amassed con- siderable property by robbing cattle droves and emigrant trains. He was a giant, six feet four inches high, and for the last weeks before his death had made it his pastime (in company with the Doyles) to break in the doors of Free-State settlers, frightening and insulting the families, or once in a while attacking and ill-treating a man whom they encountered alone. Wilkinson was one of the few Southerners who were able to read and write, and who prided him- self accordingly. He was a member of the Border Ruffian Legisla- ture, and a principal leader in all attempts to annoy and extirpate the Free-State men. Although he never directly participated in the murders and robberies, still it was well understood that he was always informed a short time before an invasion of Missourians was to occur; and on the very day of his death he had tauntingly said to some Free- State men that in a few days the last of them would be either dead or.out of the Territory. In this he referred to the coming invasion of Cook, at the head of two hundred and fifty armed men from Bates County, Mo., who made his appearance about the 27th of May and plundered the whole region." A startling tale has been tokl, but without good authority, concerning the effect produced iu the camp on the Ottawa 1 Wiener, who took part in the Pottawatomie executions, was residing in St. Louis, September, 1855, but then agreed with Benjamin to go to Kansas and open a store on Bondi's claim. He invested some .$7,000 in goods, and took thera to Kansas just after Bondi had gone back to St. Louis, in November. In May, 1856, Wiener went there to buy more goods, and Bondi returned to Kansas witli liini. Wiener furnished as a gift all the provisions needed by the two rifle companies of sixty-five men, when they set out for Lawrence. 1856. THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. 273 by the return of John Brown, — how his son resigned the command and became insane, and how general was the exe- cration against Brown for his bloody deed. Ko doubt it was regretted by most of the company, and it is true that John Brown, Jr., resigned his captaincy. But this was for other reasons, and the insanity which soon appeared had other causes. Jason Brown, who was in his brother's company, says : " On the afternoon of IMonday, May 26, a man came to us at Liberty Hill (eight miles north of Ottawa Jones's house), his horse reeking wdth sweat, and said, ' Five men have been killed on the Pottawatomie, horribly cut and mangled ; and they say old John Brown did it.' Hearing this, I was afraid it was true, and it w^as the most ter- rible shock that ever happened to my feelings in my life; but brother John took a different view. The next day, as we were on the east side of Middle Creek, I asked father, ' Did you have any hand in the killing ? ' He said, ' I did not, but I stood by and saw it.' I did not ask further, for fear I should hear something I did not wish to hear. Frederick said, ' I could not feel as if it was right ; ' but another of the party said it w^as justifiable as a- means of self-defence and the defence of others. What I said against it seemed to hurt father very much; but all he said was, * God is my judge, — we were justified under the circumstances.' " The occasion upon which John Brown, Jr.. resigned his command had occurred the day before, — the setting free by him of some slaves, who were afterward re- turned to tlieir master. On the Sunday following tlie Pot- tawatomie executions, but before the tidings reached him, he had gone "with Captain Abbott, the rescuer of Branson, to see the ruins of Lawrence, and on his way back with a file of men, John Brown, Jr., liberated two slaves from their Missouri master, near Palmvra, and took them up to his camp, while the master fled to Missouri. The arrival of these slaves in camp caused a commotion. The act of freeing them, though attended hj no violence or bloodshed, was freely denounced, and in accordance with a vote given by a large majority of the men they were or- dered to go back to their master. The driver of the team which carried them back, overtaking him on his way to . 18 274 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. Westport, received a side-saddle as his reward from the grateful slaveholder. Young Brown, feeling insulted by this act of his men, refused to command them any longer. But in the mean time (so fast did events move that day), while the company from Osawatomie was still at Liberty Hill, two or three miles south of Palmyra, a company of United States dragoons came up, and their leader, a lieuten- ant, asked to see the commander of the Free-State force. John Brown, Jr., who had not yet resigned, sent word that if the lieutenant would come forward without his men he (Brown) would meet him. Thereupon, says John Brown, Jr., " A solitary horseman from their number came toward us, and I rode out and met him. He introduced himself as Lieutenant Ives, if I am not mistaken, and told me that he had been sent by Colonel Sumner, then in command of the Federal troops in Kansas, with an order for all armed bodies of men on either side to disperse and return to their homes, — adding that Colonel Sumner had undertaken to prevent hostile meetings of armed men. The lieutenant hoped we would not delay in complying with the order, and further said that he was then on his way to disperse the force of Georgians, who, he had been informed, were in camp a few miles east. He and his men then rode aw^ay in that direc- tion, while I returned and related Avhat the lieutenant had said. It gave much satisfaction ; for we were all anxious to be at home and attend to the planting of our spring crops, which had seemed likely to be prevented, in accord- ance with the openly avowed plan of our enemies. We did not return to our first place of encampment, but at once began our homeward march, and reached Ottawa Jones's place, where we met my father, about ten o'clock that evening." The attack of insanity, which came on after this, does not seem to have been causied by the news from Pottawatomie, but by the hardships, exposure, and anxiety to which John Brown, Jr., had been subjected, and which were soon to be redoubled by the harsh treatment of his captors The tidings of the executions inflamed the Border Ruf- fians greatly, as was natural, and gave an excuse for the activity of the Federal troops on the side of the slave- 1856.] THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. 275 holders. Warrants had already been issued for the arrest of the Browns as conspirators against the Territorial gov- ernment ; and these were now served by civil officers who had a strong military force behind them. We saw in the last chapter John Brown's explanation of his sons' capture.^ I will now give in the words of those sons the events accompanying it. John Brown, Jr., says : — " We got back to Osawatoinie from our five days' campaign, toward evening on the 26th of May. The same night I went to the house of Mr. Adair, where I found my wife and son, Jason and his wife and their little boy. Jason and I remained there all night ; but next morning, learning that a man named Hughes, of Osawatoinie, a pre- tended Free-State man, was heading a party to capture us, Mr. Adair did not consider it prudent for us to stay lunger, and advised us to secrete ourselves in a ravine on his place well tilled with small undergrowth. He told us he had received word that the United States Marshal had warrants for us and all of our family, — also for Mr. Williams, William Partridge, and several others, — and that Hughes wanted to distinguish himself by taking us, though pretending to be friendly. Jason started at once on foot for Lawrence, saying that if there was a warrant out for him he would go there and ^ive himself up to a United States officer rather than be taken by a posse made up of Missourians and Buford's men. While on his way to Lawrence he was captured near Stanton (now called Rantoul) by just such a gang as he hoped to avijid, and was taken at once to Paola, then called Baptisteville. I took my rifle and horse and went into the ravine on Mr. Adair's land, remaining there through that day (May 27) and the following night. About four o'cLick p.m. I was joined by my brother Owen, who had been informed at Mr. Adair's of my whereabouts. He brought with him into the brush a valuable running horse, mate of the one I had with me. These horses had been taken by Free-State men near the Nebraska line and exchanged for horses obtained in the way of reprisals further south ; and while on foot a few miles south of Ottawa Jones's place, May 26, I had been offered one of these to ride the remaining distance to Osawatomie. Owen's horse was wet with sweat ; and he told me of the narrow escape he had just had from a number of armed pro- slavery men who had their headquarters at Tooley's, — a house at the foot of the liill, about a mile and a half west of Mr. Adair's. Their guards, seeing him in the road coming down the hill, gave a signal, 1 See Brown's Second Campaign in Kansas, p. 237. 276 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. and at once the whole gang were in hot chase. The supeiior tleet- ness of the horse Owen rode alone saved him. He exchanged horses with me, and that night forded the Marais des Cygucs, and going by Stanton (or Staudiford, as it was sometimes called), recrossed the river to father's camp about a mile north of the house of Mr. Day. Until Owen told me tliat night, 1 did nut kuow where father could be found. The next morning early I went to Mr. Adair's house; and was there but a few moments when there suddenly rode up a number of United States cavalry, whom I was quite willing to see ; but while in conversation with them a large number of mounted Missouriaus came up also, and with them the United States Marshal, whom I knew, but did not wish to see. He read to me a warrant for my arrest, which charged me witli treason against the United States. Resistance was of course out of the question. It was then I dis- covered that the soldiers were there simply as a j^osse to aid the marshal ; and I went along in a wagon accompanied by all of these as far as where Captain Wood of the cavalry had his camp, near Osawatomie, when the soldiers returned to their camp, and the others went on with me to Paola. There I found Jason and several others of our men, including Mr. Williams, Mr. Partridge, and, I think, Mr. Benjamin." Such were the adventures of one brother, before he joined the other in captivity at Baptisteville,^ now called Paola. Jason's adventures were even more romantic. He had parted from his father, May 26, early in the morning, after the conversation already quoted, and had returned with a heavy heart to Osawatomie, where his family were. His brother John was suffering from his sleepless anxieties, al- though he afterward became much worse ; ' and the conduct 1 This is a town of some importance between Osawatomie and the Missouri border, and about ten miles northeast of Mr. Adair's house. Its name in 1856 (pronounced colloquially " Batteesville") was given in honor of an Indian, — Buptiste Peoria, — from whose last name, by corruption, the present title of the town seems to be derived. It was a' proslavery settlement at that time, while Osawatomie was celebrated for its antislavery character. 2 Mr. Adair told me, when I visited him in 1882, among his orchards and vines at Osawatomie, that John Brown, Jr., was "beside himself" when he came to the Adair place Monday night, jMay26, with Jason ; that he had been without sleep several nights, and was perhaps disturbed also by the killing of the Doyles, etc. Thinking him in such a condition as made it unsafe to have him, fully armed, in the house, some of his friends, 185G.J THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. 277 of liis father at Pottawatomie weighed on Jason's compas- sionate mind. His uncle Adair could give them no protec- tion, and was endangered himself by their presence. Jason therefore set forth alone and on foot across the prairie north of the Marais des Cygnes, to go back to the friendly house of Ottawa Jones, the Christian Indian, and thence to Lawrence, where he meant to give himself up to " Uncle Sam's " troops, and not to the Border Euffians. He had not gone far when he saw in the distance towards Paola a dozen horsemen, whom he took to be Missourians, moving southwest toward the Browns' settlement on Middle Creek, while he was travelling northwest from Osawatomie. Their lines of travel soon intersected, and Jason, going up to one of the horsemen, inquired the way to Ottawa Jones's. The leader of the party with an oath exclaimed : " You are one of the men we 're hunting for ; " and levelled his rifle at him. Jason stood still, and the men began to question him rapidly. " What is your name ? " '' Jason Brown." — " The son of old John Brown ? " " Yes." — " Are you armed ? " " Yes, with a revolver." — '' Give it up. Have you any money ? " He produced two or three dollars, which he happened to have, and gave that up. " Xow step in front of the horses." Upon this, he knew they meant to shoot hiln ; so he stepped backward, facing them, opened his bosom, and said: "I am an Abolitionist; I believe that slavery is wrong, and that Kansas ought to be a free State. I never knowingly harmed any man in the world. If you want to take m}' blood for believing in the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence, do it now." When he said this with emphasis,^ three or four of the Missourians laid their rifles across their saddles, but the rest kept aiming at him. The leader, who proved to be Martin White, a pro- slavery preacher (the same Avho afterward shot Frederick Brown), said, " Well, we won't shoot you now, but make a or those who professed to be such, tried to have him give up his arms, and be himself given wp to the United States troops and put under their protection. Owen Bi'own, who spent some hours with John the night be- fore his arrest, denies this alleged insanity at that time. 1 " I could talk then," said the modest man, telling me the story ; " I can't talk now." 278 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1836. prisoner of you ; " and they took him Lack toward Paola. On the way they halted, and he, overcome with fatigue, sat down on the ground and fell asleep. He was waked by men who seemed to be threatening his life again ; but he began to talk to them, denouncing slavery and declaring himself an Abolitionist, with the reasons why. One or two of the company, who seemed more intelligent than the rest, listened to him ; and when they reached Paola, these men — Judge Cato and Judge Jacobs, as they were called — caused their prisoner to be put in a good bed, and returned his money and revolver to him. He met his brother John the next day ; and there soon happened to them another adventure, which is related by the elder brother, and is a good example of the fear inspired by John Brown : — " The day after we were taken to Paola, a proslavery man fi-om near Stanton brought in and gave to the Missourians and Buford's men wlio held our Uttle company as prisoners a scrap of paper containing only these words : ' I am aware that you hold my two sons, John and Jason, prisoners. — John Brown.' The bearer of the paper said he brought it under the assurance that his own life depended on its delivery. Brother Jason and I occupied a room which contained a bed and a small lamp-stand or table. Two others also occupied the room as guards. The early part of the night of this day had been spent by our guards at card-playing at the little table. Jason, with- out removing his clothes, had lain down on the front side of the bed, and was in deep sleep. Occupying in like manner the side of the bed next the wall, at about midnight, as near as I can judge, T was awakened by the sudden opening of the outside door and the rushing in of a number of men with drawn bowie-knives. Seizing the can- dle, and saying, ' Which are they ? ' they crowded around our bed with uplifted knives. Believing that our time had come, and wish- ing to save Jason, still asleep, from prcdonged suffering, I opened the bosom of his shirt, and pointing to the region of his heart, said, * Strike here ! ' At this moment the sudden and loud barking of dogs outside and a hurrying f)f steps on the porch caused a most lively stampede of our assailants within, and this attack was ended without a blow. From the hour at Pottawatomie, father had become to slaveholders and their allies in Kansas an omnipresent dread, filling them with forebodings of evil by day and the spec- tre of their imaginings at night. Owing to that fear, our lives were saved.' 1856.] THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. 279 The next day they were placed in custody of Captain Walker, of the United States cavalry, a Southerner, who himself tied John's arms back in such a manner as to pro- duce the most intense suffering, with one end of a long rope, of Avhich he gave the other end to a sergeant ; the captive was then placed a little in advance of the column headed by Captain Walker, and to avoid being trampled by the horses which had been ordered to trot, he was driven at this pace in the hot sun to Osawatomie, a distance of nine miles. The rope had been tied so tight as to stop circulation. In- stead of loosening it at camp, a mile south of Osawatomie, no change was made in it through that day, all the follow- ing night, nor until about noon the next day. By that time the poor man's arms and hands had swollen to nearly double their size, and turned black as if mortitied. On removing the rope, a ring of the skin came off ; and the scar of this, which he calls " slavery's bracelet," is still visible on Mr. Brown's arms. Such treatment, of course, increased his insanity, throwing him into a kind of fever, and for some time his recovery was doubtful. During this period he was sometimes chained with a common trace-chain, — which his father afterwai'd obtained, and occasionally exhibited in his journeys through the aSTorth, to show his hearers what slavery could do for white men in Kansas. John Brown, meanwhile, was pursuing the course de- scribed by him in the long letter of June, 1856, printed in the last chapter. His fame was wonderfully increased by the bloody deed of Pottawatomie, which rumor instantly ascribed to him, and which was not doubted to be his act at the time, in Kansas or Missouri. He had counted, most likely, on this very result, and profited in his campaign by the terror and rage it inspired. The two or three weeks that intervened between the attack on Lawrence and the successful skirmishes of Brown in June, were the critical period of the contest for the "Free-State men. Had he not held up the standard then, and checked the insolence of the slaveholders, Kansas would have been given up to them, and the immigration of Korthern men prevented. This opinion has been expressed to me by many of the Kansas 280 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. people ; while others, who do not go so far, admit that Brown's course was very useful to the cause. Colonel Walker, of Lawrence, in quoting to me Brown's saying in August, 1882, — " the Pottawatomie execution was a just act, and did good," — added, "I must say he told the truth. It did a great deal of good by terrifying the Missourians. I heard Governor Robinson say this himself in his speech at Osawatomie in 1877 ; he said he rejoiced in it then, though it put his own life in danger, — for he [Eobinson] was a prisoner at Lecomptou, when Brown killed the men at Pottawatomie." This also was the deliberate and often-expressed opinion of Judge Hanway, who lived near the scene of the execu- tions, and who knew all the circumstances. This worthy man published the following statement in December, 1879, in addition to what I have already quoted : — " T was informed by one of the party of eiglit who left our camp ou Ottawa Creek, May 22, 185G, to visit the Pottawatotiiie, what their object and purposes were. I protested, and begged them to desist. Of course my plea availed nothing. After the dreadful affair had taken place, and after a full investigation of the whole matter, I, like many others, modified my opinion. Good men and kind-hearted women in 1856 differed in regard to this affair in which John Brown and his party were the leading actors. John Brown justified it, and thought it a necessity ; others differed from him then, as they do now. I have had an excellent opportunity to investigate the matter, and like others of the early settlers was finally forced to the conclu- sion that the Pottawatomie ' massacre,' as it is called, prevented the ruffian hordes from carrying out their programme of expelling the Free-State men from this portion of the Territory of Kansas. It was this view of the case which reconciled the minds of the settlers on the Pottawatomie. They would whisper one to the other : ' It was fortunate for us ; for God only knows what our fate and condition would have been, if old John Brown had not driven terror and con- sternation into the ranks of the proslavery party.'" Upon this result, as well as upon the ground first named in this chapter, — that Brown believed himself to be, and in fact was, divinely inspired to make a slavish peace in Kansas impossible, — must rest his justification for the bloody act I have described. Men will continue to doubt »J 1359.] THE POTTAWATOMIE EXECUTIONS. 281 whether his justification is ample ; but such he held it to be, and. was willing to rest his cause with God, and with pos- terity. A few men who now denounce him for this deed long upheld it, and have profited by its good consequences, — among them Charles Robinson, whose emphatic approval in 1878 has already been cited.^ With the excuses of such men for their change of tone, history has nothing to do. During the period when they must have best known the circumstances attending Brown's act, — its provocations, its timeliness, and its results, — they publicly excused it, and honored him. Their voice in accusation and mali- cious interpretation of Brown will now be judged at its true value. Those of us who long refused to believe that Brown participated in these executions would not perhaps 1 At a public meeting held in Lawrence, Dec. 19, 1859 (according to the newspaper report.s at the time), the citizens jjassed resohitions concern- ing the Pottawatomie execntion.s, declaring " that according to the ordinary rules of war said transaction was not unjustifiable, but that it was per- formed from the sad necessitj' which existed at that time to defend the lives and liberties of the settlers in that region." This resolution was supported by Charles Robinson, who said that he had always believed that John Brown was connected with that movement. Indeed, he believed Brown had told him so, or to that effect ; and when he first heard of the massacre, he thought it was about right. A war of extermination was in prospect, and it was as well for Free-State men to kill proslavery men, as for proslavery men to kill Free-State men. All he wanted to know was that these men were put out of the world decently, not hacked and cut to pieces, as was R. P. Brown. G. W. Brown believed the murder of those men on Pottawatomie Creek was not justifiable ; but he (Rol)inson) thought it was. Mr. Adair, a nephew of John Brown, remarking that he had heard his uncle say he was present and approved of the deed, but that he did not raise a finger himself to injure the men, — that his .skirts were clear of blood, — Robinson said it made no difference whether he raised his hand or otherwise. John Brown was present, aiding and advising ; he did not attempt to stop the bloodshed, and is of course responsible, though justi- fiable according to Robinson's understanding of the matter. He added that while the war in Kansas continued, he was pleased with the co-oper- ation of John Brown ; but after peace was restored, and the offices passed into Free-State hands, he thought the sheriffs of the several counties should have been called upon to preserve the peace. With them the responsibility should have rested, not with the unauthorized individuals, — old John Brown or anybody else ; and any interference of Brown subsequent to the troubles in 1856 he repudiated. 282 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. have honored or trusted him less had we known the whole truth. I for one should not ; though I should have deeply regretted the necessity for such deeds of dark and provi- dential justice. " Not yet the wise of heart would cease To hold his hope through shame and guilt, And, with his hand against the hilt, Would pace the troubled land like Peace ; WouM love the gleams ol' good that broke From either side, nor veil his eyes ; A7id if sovie dreadful need should rise. Would strike, and firmly, and oou stroke." 1856.] THE KANSAS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. 283 CHAPTER X. THE KANSAS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. '"PHE events already chronicled are but a small part of •^ those which took place in Kansas while John Brown maintained his connection with the friends of freedom there. It was more than three years from his first arrival at Osa- watomie before he finally withdrew (late in January, 1859) from the Territory, whose admission as a free State was then secure, although the date was delayed. But he spent less than half those three years in Kansas. His first sum- mer there, in 1856, was the most eventful portion of that period ; and this has been in part described. But much remains to be told, although the incidents of that sum- mer, which then seemed so momentous, have shrunk almost into insignificance in comparison with the campaigns of the Civil Way that so soon followed. What we used to call "battles" in Kansas, if the whole sum of them were thrown together, would hardly equal in their numbers or tangible results a single- heavy skirmish along the front of Grant's army. The total loss of life on both sides during 1856, by the casualties of war, did not exceed a hundred men, and the property destroyed was hardly so much as a hundred thousand dollars. Yet though this com- putation makes the struggle appear trivial, it was not so in fact ; while in the qualities of mind which it developed it became all-important. In Kansas, first of all, the patient and too submissive citizen of the North learned to stand firm against Southern arrogance and assumption ; for that scantily settled prairie exhibited more courage to the square mile than the most populous Northern States had before displayed. John Brown alone was worth all the trouble that Kansas gave the nation, and his significance atones for the littleness of the affair, even as we now view it. 284 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. Yet, in truth, the creation of a free State, colonized by the best yeomanry of the North, on the western frontier of the slaveholding South, was in itself a great event ; and the possibility of success in the enterprise aroused an interest throughout the country that nothing else had excited. The attempt was made, too, on the eve of one of our periodic political contests, — the election of President ; and this issue became inevitably connected with the canvass. It was the fear of losing the presidential vote of Pennsylvania for James Buchanan in 1856 that inspired the recall of the worst Territorial governors of Kansas, — Shannon and Wood- son, — and the appointment, just before the decisive October election, of that upright Pennsylvania Democrat Governor Geary. His private instructions were said to be, "Quiet the Territory at any cost ; for if the warfare continues in Kansas, Pennsylvania will vote for Fremont." This, as the other States then^ stood, would have defeated Buchanan. Just before Geary's appointment, Jefferson Davis (of all men in the world), who was then Secretary of War, had directed General Persifor Smith, who commanded the United States forces at Leavenworth, to put down the " open rebel- lion " of the freemen of Kansas.^ But more patriotic and peaceful counsels prevailed ; Governor GeaiT quieted the Territory, and Buchanan was elected President. The occasion for this manifesto from Jefferson Davis was the lively campaign, offensive as well as defensive, which had been carried on by John Brown, General Lane, Major Abbott, Captain Walker, and others, during the three months be- tween the Pottawatomie executions and the burning of Osa- watomie at the end of August. Having already published 1 Davis wrote to General Smith : "The President has rlireeted me to say to you that you are authorized from time to time to make requisitions njion the Governor [of Kans;is] for sueh militia force as yon may reijuire to enable you to suppress the insurrection against the f:fovernment of tlie Ter- ritory of Kansas. Should you not be able to derive from the n)ililnry of Kansas an adequate force for the purjmse, you will derive such additional number of militia as may be neeessi»ry from the States of Illinois and Kentucky. . . . The position of the insurgents is that of ojxn rcheUioyi against the laws and constitutional anthoritics, with such manifestation of purpose to sjiread devastation over the land as no longer justifies further hesitation or indulgence." 1856.] THE KANSAS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. 285 John Brown's report to his family of the fight at Black Jack, near Palmyra, early in June, I will next quote from other authorities, and finally from Brown himself, some his- torical notes of this disturbed summer. One of his soldiers, Luke F. Parsons, has within a few years made this statement respecting his own conduct in the Kansas feud : — RECOLLECTIONS OF L. F. PARSOXS. " At daylight on the morning of the 3d of June, 1856, Major Hoyt and I galloped to Black Jack, where I tendered my services to Captain Brown, and was immediately put on guard; and I was the only post sentinel who challenged Colonel Sumner when he came to release our prisoners. Again, sometime in the latter part of August I Hiet John Brown hi Lawrence ; he told me he came to get help to defend Osawatomie. I told him to try the ' Stubs ' (which was a Lawrence Sharpe's rifle company to which I belonged). He replied that he had, but they would not leave Lawrence. I told him I wt)uld get my rifle and go with him. He said he would surely show me how lo fight, if the rascals would give him a chance. When I went for my gun Lieutenant Cutler asked what I was going to do. I told him, and he said, ' The guns belong to the company, and shall not be taken away.' Brown borrowed a Sharpe's rifle of Captain Harvey for me, and I went with him to his camp near Osawatomie. "Aug. 30, 18.56, we were camped a half-mile east of that town, at Mr. Crane's place. While we were cooking breakfast, before sunrise, a man dashed into camp, saying ihe Border Ruffiaus were coming from the west, and had just killed Fred Brown and David Garrison near Mr. Adair's. Brown started right off, and said, ' Men, coDie on! ' He did not say rjo. I started with Iiim, and it was some minutes before any overtook us. While we were hurrying on by ourselves, Brown said, 'Parsons, were you ever under firef ' I re- plied, * No; but I will obey orders. Tell me what you want me to d(i.' He said, ' Take more care to end life well than to live long.' "When we reached the bhickhouse in the village he motioned to several to go in, myself with the rest. He then said to me, ' Hold your position as long as possible, and hurt them all you can ; while we will go into the timber and annoy them from that side.' I fast- ened the door with a large bar, and thought all secure. Soon firing conmienced up the Marais des Cyenes, where Brown had gone. There was a second floor in the blockhouse, and part of the boys had gone up there. While we all selected our port-hole. Brown had drawn their attention, so that we were not molested. After some twenty 286 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. minutes or so, some one on the second floor called out : * They have cannon, and will blow us all to pieces in here. I am going to get out of this.' I said : ' No, you must stay.' Old man Austin said, * Stay here, and let them blow us to hell and back again ! ' I went upstairs to get a better view of the enemy, and before I knew it the door was opened and most of the men gone. I don't know even where they went. Austin and I, and I think two others, — four in all, — then went up the Marais des Cygnes River, in tlie timber, aud joined Brown at the fight, on his left. Cline had gone before this. We had not been there long when we all fell back across the river. Partridge was shot while in the river. " At this place the water was deep, and I said to Austin, * I cannot swim witli my gun,' which I soon threw into the river. So we both ran down the river. The bank was high, so we were most of the time out of sight. I ran too fast for the old man [Austin], and he called to me not to leave him. As we approached the old saw- mill the bank became lower, and we were seen by the ruffians, three of whom were after us. I told Austin that as I could see the bottom, I would cross. He replied, 'I won't run another inch;' and dropped down behind a large log. I waded through ; but the opposite bank was steep and high ; and as I was clinging to brush and scrambling up, I heard the words ' Halt ! halt I halt ! ' in rapid succession, and immediately several guns were fired, aud the dirt lorn up by my side. I was on the bank in a twinkle, and returned their salute as well as I could. Two were [uitting spurs to tlieir iiorses the best they could. One horse bore an euipty saddle, and one man was kicking his last kick; and Austin jumped up and came over to me. As we went up the river he told me tliat they did not see him, but passed rather in front of him, and all shot at me ; while he shot one in the back just at the very moment they shot at me. In an hour or so after this we got together at a h)g-liouse on the north side of the river. Dr. Updegraff w;\s then in the house, shot in the thigh. Brown -was with him. But before we got together the smoke of the bumiug town was seen. They burned twenty-nine houses. " The next day we moved to the south side, to a ]\Ir. Hauser's. We commenced to fell timber round a place selected by Brown as pos- sessing natural advantages for defence. We felled the tree-tops out, and trimmed them with sharp points. Most of the men became sick with the ague, and work was suspended. Soon after this, I too was taken with fever, and Brown hauled me to Lawrence. I was very sick. Brown asked me if he should take me to the hospital. I told him that I would rather go to Mrs. Killum's (a boarding-house where I had previously lodged), if she would take care of me. He went and found her, and return«>d saying, 'Mrs. Killum says, 1856] THE KANSAS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. 287 " Bring him here : I would do as much for Luke Parsons as for uiy own son." ' Under her care I recovered so' that I was again under Brown's command. I shouldered my gun and marched out to meet the twenty-eight hundred men who cauie up from Missouri in Septemher. If I remember aright, in about a year after this I went with John E. Cook to Tabor, Iowa, where I next saw Brown, and from Tabor went on to Spriugdale. "■ I also take pride in saying that I was under arms in Topeka, on July 4, 1856, when Colonel Sumner dispersed the Legislature. I was with Captain Walker in the capture of Colonel Titus, near Lecompton. I claim to be the man who shot Colonel Titus. "I was near our Captain Shombre when he was struck by the fatal ball. I received a very sore but slight wound there. It was on my shin, made by a very small ball or a buclv-shot. '' Kansas was admitted into the Union in 1861, with every inch free soil, and still the object for which Brown fought was not entirely accomplished. I enlisted in the Union army, and fought for nearly four years, until that object icas fulU/ attained, and there was nowhere to be found a ' slave to clank his chains by the graves of Monticello or the shades of Mt. Vernon.' " The name of this soldier of Brown's company appears in the " Articles of Enlistment and By-Laws of the Kansas Regulars, made and established by the commander, A. d. 1856, in whose handwriting it is," — as Brown described the book to me when he gave me a copy in April, 1857. Here are its contents, given, as to spelling and punctuation, in exact accordance with the original : — Kansas Territory, a. d. 1856. 1. The Covenant. We whose names are found on these and the next following pages do hereby enhst ourselves to serve in the Free-State cause under John Brown as Commander : during the full period of time affixed to our names respectively and we severally pledge our word and our sacred honor tt) said Commander ; and to each other, tliat during the time for which we have enlisted we will fiiitlifnlly and punctually perform our duty (in such capacity or place as may be assigned to us by a majority of all the votes of those associated with us : or of the companies to which \xg may belong as the case may be) as a regular volunteer force for the maintainance of the rights & liberties of the Free- State Citizens of Kansas : and we further agree ; that as 288 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. iudividuals we will coufonn to the b>/ Laws of this Organization & that tve icill insist ou their regular & pimctual enforcement as a first & last duly : & in short that we will observe & maintain a strict & thorough Military discipline at all times untill ouv term of service expires. Names, date of enlistment^ and term of sei'vice on next Pages. Term of service omitted for want of room {princiiiallij for the War). 2. Natnes and date of enlistment. Aug. 22.^ Wm. Patridge (imprisoned), John Salathiel, S. Z. Brown, John Goodell, L. F. Parsons, N. B. Phelps, Wra. B. Harris. Aug. 23. Jason Brown (son of commander; imprisoned). Aug. 24. J. Benjamin (imprisoned). Aug. 25. Cyrus Taton, R. Reynolds (imprisoned), Noah Frazee (1st Lieut.), Wni. Miller, John P. Glenn, Wm. Quick, M. D. Liuie, Amos Alderman, August Bondie, Charles Kaiser (murdered Aug. 30), Freeman Austin (aged 57 years), Samuel Heresou, John W. Troy, Jas. H. Hcdmes (Capt.). Aug. 26. Geo. Patridge (killed Aug. 30), Wm. A. Sears. Aug. 27. S. H. Wright. Aug. 29. B. Darrach (Surgeon), Saml. Farrar. Sept. 8, Timothy Kelly, Jas. Andrews. Sept. 9. W. H. Leman, Charles Oliver, D. H. Hurd. Sept. 15. Wm. F. Haniel. Sept. 16. Saml. Geer (Commissary). 3. Bylaws of the Free- State regular Volunteers of Kansas enlisted undo' John Broivn. Art. T. Those who agree to he governed by the following articles & whose names are appended will be known as the Kansas Regulars. Alt. IL Every officer connected with organization (except the Commander already named) shall be elected by a majority of the members if above a Captain ; & if a Captain ; or under a Captain, by a majority of the company to which they belong. Art. HL All vacancies shall be filled by vote of the majority of members or companies as the case may be, & all members shall be alike eliiiible to the highest office. Art. IV. All trials for misconduct of Officers ; or privates ; shall be by a jury tif Twelve; chosen by a majority of Compauy, or 1 1856. 1856.] THE KANSAS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. 289 conipauies as the case may be. Each Company shall try its own members. Art. V. All valuable property taken by honorable warfare from the enemy, shall be held as the property of the whole company, or companies, as the case may be : equally, without distinction ; to be used fur the common benefit or be placed in the hands of responsible agents for sale : the proceeds to be divided as nearly equally amongst the cfimpany : or companies capturing it as may be : except that no person shall be entitled to any dividend fi-om property taken before he entered the service ; and any person guilty of desertion, or convicted of gross violation of his obligations to those with whom he should act, whether officer or private : shall forfeit his interest in all dividends made after such misconduct has occurred. Art. VI. All property captured shall be delivered to the receiver of the force, or company as the case may be ; whose duty it shall be to make a full inventory of the same (assisted by such person, or persons as may be chosen for that purpose), a coppy of which shall be made into the Books of this organization; & held subject to examination by any niember, on all suitable occasions. Art. VII. The receiver shall give his receipts in a Book for that purpcise for all moneys & other property of the regulars placed in his hands ; keep an inventory of the same & make copy as provided in Article VI. Art. VIII. Captured articles when used for the benefit of the members : shall be receipted for by the Commissary, the same as moneyes placed in his hands. The receiver to hold said receipts. Art. IX. A disorderly retreat shall not be suffered at any time & every Officer & private is by this article fully empowered to prevent the same by force if need be, & any attempt at leaving the ground daring a fight is hereby declared disorderly unless the consent or di- rection of the officer then in command have authorized the same. Art. X. A disorderly attack or charge ; shall not be sulfered at any time. Art. XI. When in camp a thorough watch both regular and Piquet shall be maintained both by day, & by Night : and visitors shall not be suffered to pass or repass without leave from the Captain of the guard and under common or ordinary circumstances it is expected that the Officers will cheerfully share this service with the privates for examples sake. Art. XII. Keeping up Fires or lights after dark ; or firing of Guns, Pistols or Caps shall not be allowed, except Fires and lights when unavoidable. Art. XIII. When in Camp neither Officers shall be allowed to leave without consent of the Officer then in command. 19 290 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. Art. XIV. All uncivil ungentlemanly profane, vulgar talk or conversation shall be discouuteuanced. Art. XV. All acts of petty tlieft needless waste of the property of the members or of Citizens is hereby declared disorderly : together with all uncivil, or unkind treatment of Citizens or of prisoners. Art. XVI. In all cases of capturing property, a sufficient number of men shall be detailed to take charge of the same ; all others shall keep in their position. Art. XVII. It shall at all times be the duty of the quarter Master to select ground for encampment subject however to felie approbation of the commanding officer. Art. XVIIl. The Commissary shall give his receipts in a Book for that purpose f(M' all moneys provisions, and stores ^sut into his hands. Art. XIX. The Officers of companies shall see that the arms of the same are in constant good order and a neglect of this duty shall be deemed disorderly. Art. XX. No person after having first surrendered himself a prisoner shall be ^juf to death : or subjected to corporeal p)unishment, without first having had the benefit of an impartial trial. Art. XXI. A Waggon Master and an Assistant shall be chosen for each company whose duty it shall be to take a general care and oversight of the teams, waggons, harness and all other articles or property pertaining thereto: and who shall both be exempt from serving on guard. Art. XXII. The ordinary use or introduction into the camp of any intoxicating liquor, as a beverage: is hereby declared disorderly. Art. XXIII. A Majority of Two Thirds of all the Members may at any time alter or amend the foregoing articles. 4. List of Volunteers either engaged or guarding Horses during the fight of Black Jack or Palmgra, June 2, iS'i6. 1. Saml. T. Shore (Captain). 2. Silas More. 3. David Hen- dricks (Horse Guard). 4. Hiram McAllister. 5. Mr. Parmely (wounded). 6. Silvester Harris. 7. 0. A. Carpenter (wounded). 8. Augustus Shore. 9. Mr. Townsley (of Pottawatomie). 10. Win. B. Hayden. 11. Jolin Mewhinney. 12. Montgomery Shore. 13. Elkana Timmons. 14. T. Weiner. 15. August Bondy. 16. Hugh Mewhinney. 17. Charles Kaiser. 18. Elizur Hill. 19. William David. 20. B. L. Cochran. 21. Henry Thomi)son (wounded). 22. Elias Basinger. 23. Owen Brown. 24. Fredk. Brown (horse guard ; murdered Aug. 30). 25. Salmon Brown. 2fi. Oliver Brown. 27. This blank may be filled by Capt. Shore as he mav liave the name. John Buown. 1856.] THE KANSAS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. 291 5. List of names of the wounded in the Battle of Black Jack (or Palmyra') and also of the Eight who held out to receive the surrender of Capt. Fate and Twenty -1 wo men on that occasion. June 2, 185G. 1. Mr. Parmely wounded in Nose, & Ann obliged to leave. 2. Henry Thompson dangerously wounded but fought for nearly one Hour afterward. 3. 0. A. Carpenter Badly wounded and obliged to leave. 4. Charles Kaiser, murdered Aug. 30. 5. Elizur Hill. 6. Wm. David. 7. Hugh Mewliiuuey (17 yrs. old). 8. B. L. Cochran. 9. Owen Brown, 10. Salmon Brown. Seriously wounded (soon after by accident). 11. Oliver Brown — 17 years old. In the battle of Osawatomie Capt. (or Dr.) Updegraph ; and Two others whose names I have lost were severely {one of them shockingly) wounded before the fight began Aug. 30, 1856. John Brown. In these lists appear a few of the men who afterward fought under Captain Brown at Harper's Ferry ; but only a few, for most of them seem to have been settlers in Kansas who would fight to protect themselves, but not to attack slavery at a distance. The dates given in the list, when this man or that was "murdered,'* denote the day on which Brown's most famous engagement — that of Osawatomie, Aug. 30, 1856 — was fought. The fight at Black Jack, or Palmyra, on the 2d of June, 1856, was more remarkable, though the w^hole force engaged on both sides was less than eighty. I have quoted Brown's report of it, but will here describe it more fully. Brown had taken to the prairie for guerilla warfare against the Missourians and other Southern invaders of Kansas, after the Pottawatomie executions. Among their leaders -^was Captain Pate, a Virginian. Brown, hearing of the capture of his sons, pursued Pate, and came up with him on Monday, the 2d of June, at his camp on the Black Jack Creek (so called from the black oak growing on its banks), within the present limits of Palmyra. In the interval between the Pottawatomie executions and the fight at Black Jack, during which the sons of John Brown were captured as has been re'lated, many im])ortant events occurred ; but I will confine my narrative chiefly to 292 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. those ill which the Brown family were directly concerned. Several witnesses are still alive who took part in them ; but my chief reliance will be (besides the letters of John Brown) the detailed statements made by Owen Brown and by August Bondi (the German citizen of Kansas already men- tioned), both of whom were in camp, or rather in hiding, with John Brown while the Border Buftians and the United States dragoons were scouring the country between Law- rence and Osawatomie to find the perpetrators of the bloody deed of May 24. Bondi has published a minute report, in which he says that he rode, with nine others, on the morn- ing of May 26, to the claim of John Brown, Jr., qii " Vine Branch, a mile and a half from Middle Creek Bottom," where they halted, and were joined in the afternoon by 0. A. Carpenter, a Fi'ee-State man then living on Ottawa Creek, not far from Prairie City, who came to request John Brown in the name of the settlers there that he would come and protect them against the Missourians. This little vil- lage of Prairie City (described by Redpath as "a munici- pality consisting of two log-cabins and a well ") is a part of the township of Palni3'ra, and now figures as a railroad station on the route from Lawrence to the Indian Territory and Texas. It has been eclipsed by Baldwin City in the same township, which is the nearest station (on the South- ern Kansas Railway) to the field of Black Jack. Baldwin City had three hundred and twenty-five inhabitants in 1880 ; while Prairie City has disappeared from separate enumera- tion, and contributes its few citizens to the aggregate popu- lation of Palmyra township, — about twenty -five hundred. These places are in the southeastern corner of Douglas County, of which Lawrence is the chief town, and so near the Shawnee Mission and the INEissouri border that they Avere peculiarly exposed to raids by the Ruffians. Moreover they lay near the road from Lawrence to OsaAvatomie (some forty miles apart), and the protection of the Free-State men there was important in keeping up communications between central and southern Kansas, as those terms were then used. South of Palmyra, in^Miami County, was the armed colony of Buford's men, and eastward were the "Missouri counties of Cass and Jackson. Carpenter's mission was, then, to 1856.] THE IvANSAS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. 293 secure Brown's small band as a protection for the southern part of Douglas County, checking the thieving raids which were then so frequent, and, if necessary, making reprisals. Brown accepted the duty, and at dusk on the 26th of May, with his force now increased to nine men besides himself, set out under Carpenter's guidance towards Prairie City, twenty miles northeastward. Bondi says : — '' There were ten of us, — Captaiu Brown, Owen, Frederick, Sal- mon, and Oliver Brown; Henry Thompson, Theodore Wiener, James Townsley, Carpenter, and myself. Our armament was this : Captain Brown carried a sabre and a heavy seven- shooting revolver ; all his sons and his son-in-law were armed with revolvers, long knives, and the common ' squirrel rifle ; ' Townsley with an old musket, Wiener with a double-barrelled gun, I with an old-fashioned flint-lock mus- ket, and Carpenter with a revolver. The three youngest men — Salmon Brown, Oliver, and I — rode without saddles. By order of Captain Brown, Fred Brown rode first, Owen and Carpenter next ; ten paces behind them,- old Brown : and the rest of us behind him, two and two. Our way from Middle Creek to Ottawa Creek was along the old military road between Fort Scott and Fort Leav- enworth. When we had nearly reached the crossing of the old California road at the ford of the Marais des Cygnes, we saw by the fading watch-fires of a camp, liardly a hundred and fifty steps before us, an armed sentinel pacing. While Fred Brown rode slowly for- ward. Carpenter turned back and told Captain Brown that here was probably a division of United States dragoons who were ?*cting as posse for the marshal. BroMTi thereupon gave Carpenter his in- structions in a few words. We were to ride forward slovA-ly with no indication of the least anxiety, and otherwise to imitate his example. The sentry let Fred Brown and Carpenter approach within twenty- five paces, and then cried, ' Who goes there ? ' Fred answered just as loud, ' Free-State.' The sentry called the officer of the guard, and while he was coming the rest of us rode, by Brown's order, within five paces of where Fred and Carpenter were halted, forming ourselves in an irregular group. When the officer appeared, Carpenter spoke up and said we were farmers, living not far from Prairie City, who had gone to Osawatomie upon invitation of the settlers to protect them against an expected invasion from Missouri ; had been there two days, seen and heard nothing of the Mi.ssourians, and so had resolved to return home. Upon this Lieutenant Mcintosh, the com- manding officer, appeared, and Carjienter repeated wliat he had said. None of the rest of us said a word ; but the deputy marshal came 294 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN [1856. forward and requested the lieutenant to detain us till dayliglit, so that he might make further inquiries. Mcintosh replied sternly : ' I have uo orders to stop peaceahle travellers, such as these people are ; they are going home to their farms;' adding to Carj)enter and the rest of us: 'Pass on! pass on!' We defiled slowly through the camp, forded the stream, and when the soldiers were a mile behind us pushed on rapidly. About four o'clock in the morning of May 27 we reached the secluded spot on Ottawa Creek which Carpenter had indicated to us as a safe place for camping. In the midst of a primeval wood, perhaps half a mile deep before you come to the creek, we pitched our camp beside a huge fallen oak, and tethered our horses in the un- derwood. Old Brown inspected the region, and set guards ; Carpenter brought corn for the horses and coarse flour for ourselves, and then Brown began to get breakfast." In this secure retreat they remained until June 1, when they set forth to find the enemy, whom they defeated at Black Jack ; and it was here that James Redpath on May 30, and Colonel Sumner on June 5, visited Brown. Red- path was at that time a Kansas correspondent of the "New York Tribune" and other Eastern newspapers, and was spending a few days near Prairie City to watch the movements of the Missourians and the dragoons, and, if possible, to give some aid to the Free-State men. His horse had been stolen in Palmyra by one of the Border Ruffians, and he was arrested himself the next day on suspicion of stealing dragoon horses, but soon discharged. While looking about on Priday for an old preacher who lived near Ottawa Creek, and who was to carry his New York letter for mailing to Kansas City, some twenty miles off, the lively newspaper correspondent stumbled upon the hiding-place of John Brown, whom he then saw for the first time. Redpath's description of the adventure, somewhat abridged, is this : — " The creeks of Kansas are all fringed with wood. T li)st my way, or got oif tlie path that crosses Ottawa Creek, when suddenly, thirty paces before me, I saw a wild-looking man, of fine proportions, with pistols of various sizes stuck in his belt, and a large Arkansas bowie- knife prominent among them. His head was imcovered; his hair M'as uncombed ; his face had not been shaven for many months. We were similarly dressed, — with red-topped boots worn over the pan- 1856.] THE KANSAS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. 295 taloons, a coarse blue shirt, and a pistol-belt. This was the usual fashion of the times. " ' Hello ! ' he cried, ' you 're in our camp I ' " He had nothing in his right hand, — he carried a water-pail in his left; but before he could speak again I had drawn and cocked my eight-inch Colt. I only answered in emphatic tones : * Halt ! or I '11 fire ! ' He stopped, and said that he knew me ; that he had seen me in Lawrence, and that I was true; that he was Frederick Brown, the sou of old John Brown ; and that I was now within the limits of their camp. After a parley of a few minutes I was satisfied that I was among my friends, shook hands with Frederick, and put up my pistol. He talked wildly as he walked before me, turning round every minute as he spoke of the then recent afiiiir of Pottawatomie. His family, he said, had been accused of it ; he denied it indignantly, with the wild air of a maniac. His excitement was so great that he repeatedly recrossed the creek, until, getting anxious to reach the camp, I refused to listen to him until he took me to his father. He then quietly filled his pail with water, and after many strange turnings led me into camp. As we approached it we were twice challenged by sentries, who suddenly appeared before trees, and as suddenly disappeared behind them. "I shall not soon forget the scene that here opened to my view. Near the edge of the creek a dozen horses were tied, all ready sad- dled for a ride for life, or a hunt after Southern invaders. A dozen rifles and sabres were stacked against the trees. In an open space, amid the shady and lofty woods, there was a great blazing fire with a pot on it ; three or four armed men were lying on red and blue blankets on the grass ; and two fine-looking youths were standing, leaning on their arms, near by. One of them was the youngest sou of old Brown, and the other was ' Charley,' the brave Hungarian, who was subsequently murdered at Osawatomie. Old Brown himself stood near the fire, with his shirt-sleeves rolled up, and a large fork in his hand. He was cooking a pig. He was poorly clad, and his toes protruded from his boots. The old man received me with great cordiality, and the little band gathered about me. But it was only for a moment, for the Captain ordered them to renew their work. He respectfully but firmly forbade conversation on the Pottawatomie affiiir; and said that if I desired any information from the company in relation to their ccmduct or intentions, he as their captain would answer for them whatever it was proper to communicate. In this camp no manner of profane language was permitted ; no man of im- moral character was allowed to stay, except as a prisoner of war. '' . . . It was at tliis time that the old man said to me : 'I would rather have the small-pox, yellow fever, and cholera all together in 296 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. my camp, than a man without principles. It's a mistake, sir,' he continued, ' that our people make, when they think that bullies are the best fighters, or that they are the men fit to oppose these South- erners. Give me men of good principles ; God-fearing men ; men who respect themselves, — and with a dozen of them, I will op- pose any hundred such men as tliese Buford ruffians.' I remained in the camp about an hour. Never before had 1 met such a band of men. They were not earnest, but earnestness incarnate. Six of them were John Brown's sons." ^ Boncli remembers this adventure of Redpath, and relates some other conversation that then took place. Their chance visitor told them it looked well for their neighbors that in spite of the great rewards already offered for their arrest, no traitor had been found to pilot the enemy to that camp, although many in the neighborhood had by that time come to know where it was. He told them further that on their perseverance might depend the success of the good cause in Kansas ; that when he should go back to Lawrence he would try to have the Lawrence " Stubs," a small military company, join them ; and meantime hoped they would not forsake Douglas County, as Brown had threatened to do, unless the settlers took up arms to aid him in his warfare. The cheerful counsel of the young coiTCspondent encouraged them, and, as Bondi says, " they felt as if they were the ex- treme outpost of the free North in Kansas." Doubtless they were ; and with prophetic insight Brown said that day, " We shall stay here, young man ; we will not disappoint the hopes of our friends." '■^ " Charley, the brave Hungarian," of whom Redpath speaks, was Charles Kaiser, a Bavarian, who had settled 1 In fact, there were but four of Brown's sons here, and his son-in-law Thompson. In .some other points the account is exaggerated ; hut in the main it gives a true picture of the scene, as remembered by Bondi, Owen Brown, and others. At this time John and Jason Brown were prisoners, on their way to Lecompton. Jason was soon discharged ; but John Brown, Jr., remained at Lecompton until September 10, when he wa^ released on bail and went to Lawrence. 2 According to Bondi, Brown had suggested, a day or two before, that if they had to leave Kansas on account of the cowardice or indifference of their friends, they might go to Louisiana and head an uprising of the slaves there, to make a diversion in favor of Kansas. 1856.] THE KANSAS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. 297 in Hungary when young, and in 1849 had served in the Hungarian revolutionary army as a hussar. His face, says Bondi, was marked with lance and sabre-cuts ; and he had a taste for war. He was living on a claim three or four miles from this camp, and had made the acquaintance of Brown in the '' Wakarusa war " the winter before. Eecosr- nizing in Bondi and Wiener fellow-countrymen of the same political opinions, he became intimate with them as soon as he joined Brown's company on the 28th of May. The same day they had been joined by Ben Cochrane, a member of the Pottawatomie Kifies, and a neighbor of Bondi and Wiener, who told them how their houses had been burned, their cattle driven off, and their goods plun- dered a day or two before ; while the United States dra- goon officer refused to interfere on behalf of the settlers on the Pottawatomie, saying, " I have no orders." Bondi goes on to say : — " The next day (May 29), Captain Sliore, of the Prairie City Rifles, ami Dr. Weatfall, a neighbor of Carpenter, came to our camp and told us that many horses and other property had been stolen near Wil- low Springs, ten or tifteeu miles distant. They asked Brown ' what he calculated to do f ' Brown replied, ' Captain Shore, how many men can you furnish me f ' Shore answered that his men were just now very unwilling to leave liome ; to which Brown said, ' Why did you send Carpenter after us f I am not wilUng to sacrifice my men, without Iiaving some hope of accomplishing something.' That evening (May 2'.)) Shore visited us again, and brought some Hour, of which we had great need, as a present. Brown then said to him that if his neigiihors did not stxm take the offensive, he should cer- tainly be compelled to leave that region, for tlie Missourians would sooner or later find out our hiding-place. Captain Shore asked him to delay his departure a few days, saying that he knew the Missou- rians suspected we were in ambush somewhere near Prairie City, and that nothing save the fear of us had protected this neighlx.rhood so long asrainst attack and pillage ; hut should Shannon's militia find out that we were away, it would be all over with the Free-State men. Brown gave him till next Sunday to gather the settlers, so that with combined forces we might hunt for the militia and offer them battle wlierever we might find them; Shore promised to do his best, and so tlie matter stood when Redpath visited us. The day after his visit (May 31) Shore came to tell us that a large baud of Shannon's 298 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. militia were encamped ou the Santa Fe road, by Black Jack Spring, and at ten o'clock p. M. returned with Carpenter and Mewhinney bringing serious news. They said that three men from the Black Jack camp had attacked a block house in Palmyra, three miles from Prairie City, where several neighbors' families were visiting; that the seven Free-State men there, though well armed, had, upon a simple deniand, given up to the tliree Missourians three rifles, three revolv- ers, and live double-barrelled guns. Such a disgrace, our visitors thought, could not be endured patiently ; and Shore said he had sent word to all the settlers to muster at Prairie City by ten the next morning (Sunday), where he would expect us with our arms and lu)rses. Captain Brown grasped his hand and said, ' We will be with you ! ' and our friends departed about midnight. The next morn- ing Brown had breakfast earlier than common, and when Carpenter came back about nine o'clock, to escort us to Prairie City, we were ready to start. Carpenter, Kaiser, and Townsley assisted Wiener to empty his bottle. Captain Brown called out, ' Eeady, Forward, March ! ' and we were on the road towards the eneniy. Our appear- ance was indescribable. Except Kaiser, none of us had proper attire ; for our clothes readily showed the eflfects of bush-whacking, continued for the last eight days; we had come down to wearing ideas, suspicions, and inemories of what had once been boots and hats. Still in the best of spirits, and with our appetite still better, just whetted by our .scant breakfast, we ft)llowed Captain Brown, — he ah)no remaining serious, and riding silent at our front." ^ Prairie City is half-way between Lawrence and Osa- watomie, and near by is Hickory Point, where Dow was murdered by Coleman. Pate had been encamped a day or two among the *' black-jack oaks," which gave an nncouth name to the stream, and though Brown's force was much the smaller, — only twenty-eight men including Brown liim- self, — he did not hesitate to attack at once. The day was Sunday, and Brown had attended a prayer-meeting at Piairie City ; while there, three men who had been at the sack of Lawrence rode by and unconsciously disclosed Pate's where- abouts. Brown set out that night, and at four o'clock the next morning reached a patch of black oaks on a slope to- 1 I have aV)ndged this arcomit Proin the letters of Bond!, printed both in German and Ent^disli in the Kansas newspapers of 1883-84. Oceasion- ally the English version varies from the German, and I follow the latter in preference. Prairie City is about five miles southwest of Black Jack. 1856.] THE KANSAS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. 299 wards the north near Pate's camp,, but away from the water. Leaving the horses there in the charge of his son Fred, he marched his other twenty-six men in double file until he came within reach of the enemy's fire, and still pushed for- ward under fire until he gained a place of shelter in sight of Pate's tents, but screened by the slope of land, where he took position in a ravine ten feet deep. The firing began a little after six a. m., and lasted until one or two o'clock in the afternoon. During this time many of the men on both sides deserted ; but Captain Brown crept round on his hands and knees behind the ridge, and persuaded some of the de- serters to fire on the horses of the enemy. At this point Fred Brown (who " was a little flighty," as his brother Owen says) came riding up on Ned Scarlet, Owen's colt, waving his sword, and shouting, " Hurrah ! come on, boys ! we 've got 'em surrounded ; we 've cut off all communica- tion." He could be heard a long way off ; and his great size and odd gestures alarmed the enemy. He was shot at, but not hit, and the firing upon Pate's horses was kept up by the stragglers. Alarmed at all this, Captain Pate tied a white handkerchief on a ramrod as a flag of truce, and with that came forward to meet Captain Brown, who was returning from his successful ruse.^ He first met Owen Brown, who commanded in his father's absence, to whom he said, " We are government officers." Owen replied, " You are just the kind of government officers we want to fight." Cap- tain Brown came as Pate was saying that he was an officer acting under orders of the United States Marshal of Kansas, and that he supposed they did not intend to fight against the United States. He was going on in this 1 Owen Bi'own adds (April, 1885) : "When my brother Frederick rode ' Ned Scark't ' entirely around where the fight was going on, he was not so flighty but he knew well what he was doing ; he made a dashing appear- ance, brandished his sword, and shouted so loud that all could distinctly hear, ' Come on, boys, we 've got them surrounded, and have cut off their communications.' At this very time Pate's horses and mules were tum- bling down pretty lively, and within five or eight minutes Pate came out with his white handkerchief tied to a ramrod, and with him a Free-State prisoner. I think Fred's liding aiound there as he did, happened just at the right time, and had a most excellent effect." Like all the witnesses, Owen praises the courage of Captain Shore. 300 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856 way when Browu stopped him by saying, " I understand exactly what you are, and do not wish to hear any more about it. Have you any proposition to make me ? " There being no definite answer to this query, Brown continued, " Very well ; I have one to make to you : you must sur- render unconditionally." Then, taking his pistol in hand, Brown returned with Captain Pate to the enemy's line, leading with him eight of his own men, and among them Owen Brown, to receive the surrender of the one-and-twenty men who were left under Pate's orders. As they drew near the line, where Pate's lieutenant Brockett was in command. Brown called upon him also to surrender. He hesitated ; and Captain Pate, to whom Brown turned requesting that he should order his lieutenant to yield, also hesitated, seeing the great apparent superiority of his force over Brown's. Quick as thought, Brown placed his pistol at Pate's head, and cried in a terrible voice, " Give the order ! " The Vir- ginian yielded, and bade his men lay down their arms, which they sullenly did. Brown's force of eight unwounded men then took the guns and other arms of the discomfited party, threw them into wagons, and marched off the twenty odd prisoners to their own position. Here a treaty or agree- ment was drawn up and signed by John Brown and Captain Shore on one side, and Captain Pate and Lieutenant Brockett on the other. This agreement (or rather Pate's copy of it) seems to have been folded as a letter, and indorsed or addressed on the back as follows : " United States Marshal Hays, Colonel Coffey, General Heiskell, or Judge Cato, or friends at Baptiste Pa- ola, K. T." These were the persons into whose hands Pate and Brockett hoped the paper would fall ; and it did appar- ently reach William A. Heiskell, of Paola, one of the persons named, whose widow a few years since sent it to the Kansas Historical Society.'^ The agreement was not carried out, for 1 Two copies of this agreement were made, one of wliieh Brown kept, and it was sent by his widow, long after his death, to the Kansas Historical Society at Topeka, where it has heen for six or eight years. Sometime after this, the duplicate, which had lie(»n retained by Pate, was also sent to the librarian of the Historical Society, Mr. F. G. Adams ; and now the two papers, torn and faded, but still legible, are exhibited side by 185G.] THE KANSAS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. 301 a knowledge of the capture of Pate (communicated to his friends perhaps by this very paper, sent to Paola) brought from Missouri a large force under General Whitfield to res- cue him. Brown also was presently largely reinforced ; and a sanguinary battle seemed imminent. But on the 5th of June Colonel Sumner appeared with a force of United States troops and summoned Captain Brown to an inter- view, which resulted in his prisoners being set at liberty. It is said that Pate was at the sacking of Osawatomie two days afterward, while John Brown, Jr., was not liberated till the 10th of September following. Brown's report of his men after the fight, made to a com- mittee at Lawrence, was much the same as the list already given : — (Ou the face of the sheet.) List of names of men wounded in the battle of Palmyra or Black Jack ; also of eight volunteers icho maintained their position during that fight, and to whom the surrender was made June 2d, 1856. Henry Thompson, } "^"^^^^^^^ ^^^^ly, Thompson dangerously. Mr. Parmely, wounded slightly in nose, also in arm so that he had to leave the ground. Charles Keiser. Elizur Hill. Wm. David. Hugh Mewhinney. Mr. Cochran, of Pottawatomie (B. L.). Owen Brown. Salmon Brown, accidentally wounded after the fight, and liable to remain a cripple. Oliver Brown. (Names of all Avho either fouglit or guarded the horses during the fight at Palmyra, June 2d, 18.56, will be found on other side.) Respectfully submitted by John Brown. Messrs. Whitman, Eldrige, and others. side in Mr. Adams's invahiahle collection. The copy printed on page 240 was obtained by Mr. Eobinson, of Paola, from Mrs. Heiskell of the same town, which in the addr(='ss is termed " Baptiste Paola." The form of the agreement and the order of signatures proves that Captain Brown and not Captain Shore was the real leader at Black Jack, — a fact which some have questioned. 302 LIFE AND LEITERS (»F JOHN BKOWN. [18J6. (Oil the back of tlio :«hoi't.) List of volunteers, either eupofied or puardixg horses during the fight at Fahiii/ru or Black Jack, Jtnie '2d, 1856. Saiiil. T. SIkw, Captaiu. Silas Moro. Daviil Hi'iulricks, Horse Guanl Ilirain MoAllister. Mr. Paniioly, wouuded. Silvester Harris. Elkanah Tiiiimous. T. Weiuer. A. Boiuly. Hugh Mewluiiney. Charles Keiser. Eliziir Hill. Win. David. Mr. Cochran, of Pottawatomie. (this blauk to be filled). (Signed) 0. A. Carpenter, badly wounded. Augustus Shore. Mr. Townsley, of Pottawatomie. Wni. 1>. Hay den. John Mewluuney. Montgomery Shore. Henry Thompson, dangerously wounded. Elias Basinger. Owen Brown. Fred'k Brown, Horse Guard. Salmme twelve or fifteen new recruits, who were ordered to leave their preparations for breakfast and follow me into the town, as soon as this news was brought to me. As I had no means of learning correctly the force of the enemy, I placed twelve of the recruits in a log-house, hoping we might be able to defend the town. I then gathered some fifteen more men together, whom we armed with guns; and we started in the direc- tion of the enemv. After going a few rods we could see them 1856.] THE KANSAS STKUGGLE CONTINUED. 319 approaching the town iu line of battle, about half a mile oif, upon a hill west of the village. I then gave up all idea of doing more than to annoy, from the timber near the town, into which we were all retreated, and which was filled with a thick growth of underbrush ; but I had no time to recall the twelve men iu the log- house, and so lost their assistance in the fight. At the point above named I met with Captain CUne, a very active young man, who had with him some twelve or fifteen mounted men, and persuaded him to go with us into the timber, on the southern shore of the Osage, or Marais des Cygnes, a little to the northwest from the village. Here the men, numbering not more than thirty in all, M-ere directed to scatter and secrete themselves as well as they could, and await the approach of the enemy. This was done in full view of them (who must have seen the whole movement), and had to be done in the utmost haste. I believe Captain Cline and S(»me of his men were not even dismounted iu the fight, but cannot assert posi- tively. When the left wing of the enemy had approached to within common rifle-shot, we connnenced firing, and very soon threw the nortliern branch of the enemy's line into disorder. This continued some fifteen or twenty minutes, wliich gave us an uncommon oppor- tunity to annoy them. Captain Cline and his men soon got out of ammunition, and retired across the river. After the enemy rallied we kept up our fire, until, by the leaving of one and another, we had but six or seven left. We then retired across the river. We had one man killed — a Mr. Powers, from Captain Cline's company — in the fight. One of my men, a Mr. Partridge, was shot in crossing the river. Two or three of the party who took part in the fight are yet missing, and may be lost or taken prisoners. Two were wounded ; namely. Dr. Updegrafl' aud a Mr. CoUis. I cannot speak in t(JO high tenns of them, and of many otliers I have not now time to mentif)n. One of my best men, together with myself, was struck by a par- tially spent ball from the enemy, in the commencement of the fight, but we were only bruised. The loss I refer to is one of my missing men. The loss of the enemy, as we leara by the diff'erent state- ments of our own as well as their people, was some thirty-one or two killed, and from forty to fifty wounded. After burning the town to ashes and killing a Mr. Williams they had taken, wliom neither party claimed, they took a hasty leave, can-ying their dead and wounded with them. They did not attempt to cross the river, nor to search for us, and have not since returned to look over their work. I give this in great haste, in the midst of constant interruptions. My second son was with me in the light, and escaped unharmed. 320 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. This I mention for the benefit of his friends. Old Preacher White, I hear, boasts of having killed uiy son. Of course he is a lion. John Brown. Lawrence, Kansas, Sept. 7, 1856. Jason Brown (•' my second son "), who was his father's bod^'-guard in this fight, relates this incident of the campaign : — " Captain Shore is a good and brave man, but I cannot learn that he claims to be the hero of Black Jack. I care nothing for the honors of war. It matters but little whether the battles of Black Jack and Osawatomie are looked upon as victories or defeats. I was at the latter engagement, but I do not know whetlier I had the honor of killing (as it is looked upon by soww persons) anybody at Osawatomie or nut. If I did, I would gladly transfer tlie lionor of the whole slaughtering part of it to the Rev. David N. Utter, and to his brother in divinity, Rev. Martin White. The only real comfort- ing recollection of my part in it is, that I did all in my power to alleviate the sufferings of a young and very intelligent Mississippian' named Kline, if I remember correctly, who was teiribly wounded, but able to talk. He had been wounded a day or two before, in an attack by Free- State men on a camp of Georgians, seven or eight miles southeast of Osawatomie. The weather was hot, and the wound below the knee of the right leg, wliich was terribly shattered by a Sharpe's-riile ball, was filled with maggots. How it was that he did not have the right care I do not know. All about the house where he was lying was excitement and hurry, to be ready to meet the enemy we expected soon to attack us. I got help, cleansed his wound of the vermin, dressed it, bathed him, and changed his clothes. While this was being done he asked my name. I told him. He said, * I thought the Abolitionists were savages before I M-as brought here.' As he lay there, pale and exhausted from loss of blood and suSering, he spoke of his home and friends in Mississippi, and how he wished he had never come to Kansas. He said he would soon be at rest. He asked me if I would not take care of him for tlie few hours he had to live. I told him I would. As I was sitting by his bed and saw the tears flowing from a heart full of sorrow and trouble, alone among strangers, and far from home, I thought this : If these are some of the things which make war glorious and honor- able, deliver me from the honors of war. In a moment more I was suddenly called away to defend my own life, and probably to do more of such work. I would rather have the real good it did nie then to care as best I could for a few liours for a misenided dyiuff enemy, 1856.] THE KAiS^SAS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. 321 than to have all the glory ever gained by the proudest and most successful waiTior that ever shook the earth with the thunder of his guns and the tread of his mighty armies of beasts and men, since the world began. I heard afterwards that this young man was rescued from 'the abolition fiends' by Reid's army, and thrown into a wagon with other wounded men, and died somewhere on the way to Missuuri. 1 don't know that this is true." A contemporary proslavery account of this fight is as follows, copied from a Missouri newspaper : — " The attack on Osawatomie was by part of an army of eleven hundred and fifty men, of whom Atchison was major-general. Gen- eral Keid, with two hundred and fifty men and one piece of artillery, moved on to attack Osawatomie ; he arrived near that place, and was attacked by two hundred Aboliti(jnists under the command of the no- torious John Brown, who commenced firing upon Reid from a thick chaparral four hundred yards off. General Reid made a successful charge, killing thirty-oue, and took seven prisoners. Among the killed was Frederick Brown. The notorious John Brown was also killed, by a proslavery man named White, in attempting to cross the Marais des Cygues. The proslavery party have five wounded. On the same day Captain Hays, with forty men, attacked the house of the notorious Ottawa Jones, burned it, and killed two Abolitionists. Jones fled to the cornfield, was shot at by Hays, and is believed to be dead." The Indian missions in Kansas were little centres of civi- lization, and that which was first established near the crossing of the Ottawa River, near what is now Ottawa, was long an oasis in the desert. There the Presbyterians and Baptists started missions ; thither the Rev. Joseph Meeker, in 1834, brought the first printing-press, and there the first Kansas book was printed ; there lived the famous Indian and his excellent white missionary wife, John Tecumseh Jones (usually called " Tawey Jones," Ottawa being properly pro- nounced Ot-^«f?r-wa). There John Brown and his friends were always Avelcome, and the great house of this Christian Indian w\ts " long the hospitable headquarters of Free-State men," as Wilder says, with whom Horace Greeley made this part of his tour in Kansas in 1859, — spending a night at Jones's house. Brown said of it and its owner in 1857 : "I 21 322 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. saw while it was stauding, and afterwards saw the ruins of, a most valuable house, the property of a highly civilized, in- telligent, and exemplary Christian Indian, which was burned to the ground by the Ruffians, because its owner was sus- pected of favoring Free-State men." ^ The house was after- wards rebuilt. Its destruction by the Missouri invaders, — a detachment from the force that burued Osawatomie, Au- gust 30, — has been described to me by Jason Brown : — " On the 29th of August word came to my father, who was posted a mile from Osawatomie, on the road to Paola and Westport, on the Missouri side of the Marais des Cygnes, near where the State Insane Asylum now stands, that the Missourians were on their way from Westport. At the same time that they attacked Osawatomie, they sent a force of fifty men to burn the house of our friend Jones, and kill him if possible. He was a tall and stout Christian Indian, who had married a Miss Emery from Vermont ; he owned much land, had two or three hundred head of cattle, improved breeds of all domestic animals, and had committed no offence, except being friendly to the Free-State men. A little after midnight he heard a great noise among his dogs, and sprang out of bed ; as he did so, he heard the scabbards of the ^Missourians strike on the flag-stones in front of ills house as they dismounted from their horses. They had let down his cornfield fences, and ridden on all sides, hoping to find a force of Free-State men there in his double log-house, — at that time the best in Kansas ; but there was nobody iu it except Jones and his wife, an Indian boy, and a ' ueuti-al ' named Parker 1 Mr. Adair wrote from Osawatomie, July 16, 1856, to " Bro. Jolin Brown," by Jason, informing him that of $49.50 received in June fiom " Bro. J. R. B.," he had assigned $25 to John l^rown, Sr., and his unmar- ried sons ; $10 to J. B., Jr. ; $7.25 to Jason, and $7.28 to S. L. Adair. He says he had sent him $10 immediately, — but it had come back to liiin, and he had now sent it by George Partridge to " you or some of your sons " at Ottawa Jones's ; $8 was paid to Frederick and $7 to Henry Thompson, July 2, at Jones's. This shows that the house of this Indian farmer was a rendezvous for Brown and his party, while they were under arms in that anxious summer, and while they were hunted like wolves over the prairie. Sarah l^rown says : "On the day that my brother Frederick was killed, near Osawatomie, my father lost his hat in^fighting. When lie found the body of liis son he was forced to take Ids hat to cover his own head. After- ward, the Lidian (Ottawa Jones), of whom he often spoke, gave him a cap. When on one of his visits home, at North Elba, he brought the cap with him, and said he wanted it kept in Toeniory of Ottawa Jones." 1856.] THE KANSAS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. 328 from Missouri. The Euffiaus shouted, ' We 've got you now, — come out, come out ! ' Nobody replying, and fearing an ambush, they cried, ' Fire the house ! ' and began to do so, setting it on fire in several places. Jones had seized liis gun and stood in his front hall, thinking what he could do. ' 1 knew we must shoot,' he told me ; ' we must fight, or make our escape the best way we could.' He opened the door and cocked his gun ; the euemy hearing it called out, ' Don't shoot ! ' whereupon he sprang out in his night-clothes, and ran as far as he could into a thirty-acre cornfield close by, the enemy shooting at him, but missing him. It was a wet and cold night (August 29). He ran through his corn, and far beyond, about two miles in all; looking back, he saw his house burning. The guide in this attack was Henry Sherman, of Pottawatomie, who had worked for Jones and knew the house well. Mrs. Jones, in the mean time, had put about four hundred dollars in gold and silver into a bag, and tried to conceal it and herself in the house. The captain of the Euffiaus, looking through the door, saw her and said : ' Come out I we won't hurt you, — you have been kind to us.' As she went out, she dropped the money in the grass, and it was picked up by Sherman or some of the band. They found Parker, the Mis- sourian, ill in bed ; as they approached him with their weapons, he said, ' Don't kill me, — I'm sick.' ' We always find a good many sick men when we come round,' was the reply, — and with that they dragged him out into the road, knocked him on the head and cut his throat, but did not sever the jugular vein ; then dragged him to the bank of the Ottawa and threw him in among some brush. I found him afterward in a hospital at Lawrence, able to tell his story, to which he added, ' I 'm not a neutral any more ; I 'm a Free-State man now ; they '11 never take me alive again.' The Ruffians sacked the house, which was burned to the ground, as described by my father in one of his speeches." A marble monument now stands at Osawatomie, erected in 1877 to commemorate the battle there, and bearing on one side this legend : — This inscription is also in commemoration of the HEROISM OF Captain John Brown, who com- manded at the battle of Osawatomie, Aug. 30, 1856, who died and con- quered American slavery at Charleston, Va., Dec. 2, 1859, 324 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. lu dedicating this monument on the twenty-first anni- versary of the fight (Aug. 30, 1877), Charles Robinson, of Lawrence, wlio presided, said among other things : — "This is an occa.sion of no ordinary merit, being for no less an object than to honor and keep fresh the memory of tiiose who freely offered their lives for their fellow-men. We are told that ' scarcely for a riglitO(3us man will one die, yet peradventure for a good man some would dare to die ; ' but the men whose death we commemorate this day, cheerfully ofiered themselves a sacrifice for strangers and a despised race. They were men of convictions, though death stared them in the face. They were cordial haters of oppression, and would ■fight injustice wherever found ; if framed into law, then they would light the law ; if upheld and enforced by government, then govern- ment must be resisted. They were of Revolutionary stocli, and held tliat when a long train of abuses had put the people under absolute despotism, it was right and duty to throw off' such government and provide guards for future security. The S(.»ul of John Brown was the inspiration of the Uuicjn armies in the eniauci{)ation war, and it will be the inspiration of all men in the present and distaut future who may revolt against tyranny and oppression ; because he dared to be a traitor to the government that he might be loyal to humanity. To the superficial observer John Brown was a failure. So was Jesus of Nazareth.^ Both suffered ignominious deatli as traitors to the 1 The comparison here drawn by this speaker is too close and literal to be accepted by all Christians, but it was designed to express the deepest reverence for John Brown, and to indicate that his memory is inmiortal. In fact, this Ohio Puritan is the best-known name in Kansas ; not that the million people, — white, black, and red, — who now dwell in this State, all know accurately who he was and what he did ; but they have all heard of him, and keep his memory alive by tales and disputes. And in the districts where he moved about, armed at all points, the air is full of legends con- cerning him, — some true, some false, and most of them neither true nor false, but a mixture of both. This is specially the case in the region around Osawatomie, that village of a single street and a few detached houses, in the angle where those two romantic rivers, — the Marais des Cygnes (or as Brown spelled it, " Merodezene ") and the Pottawatomie, — come together and form the Osage. The town takes its name from the first three letters of " Osage " prefixed to the last three syllables of " Pottawatomie." Tliia centaur-like epithet was the work of another Brown, who early settled in this spot, but who is now quite forgotten in the greater fame of his name- sake. The Marais des ("ygnes has a more picturesque name, as if the old French iioyageurs who gave the title had found the swan s\vimn)ing there. They never did, but it was some other great bird to which they gave the 185G] THE KANSAS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. 325 goverunieut, yet one is now hailed as the savior of a world from sin, and the other of a race from bondasre." On the 8th of September, after hearing the particulars of the Osawatomie fight, John Brown, Jr., wrote to his father at Lawrence thus : — Monday Morxing, Sept. 8, 1856. Dear Father and Brother, — Colonel Blood has just handed me your letter, for which I am most grateful. Having before heard of Frederick's death and that you were missing, my anxiety on your account has been most intense. Though my dear brother I shall never again see here, yet I thank God you and Jason still live. Poor Frederick has perished in a good cause, the success of which cause I trust will yet brtng joy to millions. My "circumstances and prospects" are much the same as when I last wrote you. The trial of Mr. Williams and me is before Cato, in October, — T believe the 4th. Don't know whether or not the others will get any trial here. Judge Locompte is reported sick, and as no notice of the names of the jurors and witnesses has been served on them, it looks as if the intention is to hold them over to another term. Wealthy has the chills and fever almost every day. She succeeds in checking it only a short time. It would afford us a great satisfac- tion to see you and Jasou ; he, and I have no doubt you, could come up with some one without any risk. If Governor Geary should not release us, I still think of going with you, whenever you think it best, to some place out of reach of a I'e-arrest. I can, I have no doubt, succeed in making my escape to you from here, where W. and Johnny old poetic name ; and here, too, on this " Marsh of the Swans," the vulture of slavery croaked its foulest note before committing suicide. A long, slow, winding, and sombre stream, fringed everywhere with dark woods, it creeps through the counties south of Lawrence, where the worst ruffians had their roosts, and where the darkest deeds were done. The annals of theft and murder and arson on the Scotch border, around which Walter Scott and the older ballad-makers cast an atmosphere of romance, were repeated in ruder ways in these Missouri Marches, of which John Brown and James Montgomery came to be the self-appointed wardens. Montgomery was himself a Scotchman by descent, whose great-grandfather had fought for the young Chevalier at C'ulloden ; but Brown was of the un- mixed Puritan breed, and inherited from deacons and captains of Connec- ticut "the sword of the Lord and of Gideon." Montgomery's widow and sons still live in Kansas, but none of the Browns remain there alive. P)2n LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BKOWN. [1850. might join ns. There is some talk of our being removed to Leaven- worth soon. If we are, I suppose the difficulty of escajjc would bo very much increased. I am anxious to see you both, iu order to per- fect some phm of escape iu case it should appear best. Come up if you consistently can. The battle of Osawatomie is considered here as tJie great fight so far, and, considering the enemy's loss, it is certainly a great victory for us. Certainly a very dear burning of the town for them. This has proven most unmistakably that ''Yankees" ivill "fight." Every one I hear speaking of you is loud iu your praise. The Missourians in tliis region show signs of great fear. Colonel Ct>f>k ' was heard to say that if our party were prudent iu view of their suc- cess, there was nothing to prevent our having everything our own way. Hoping to see you both soon, I am as ever Your affectionate son and brother. (Not signed.) On the reverse, " Captain J. B , Lawrence." Near the above, iu John Brown's handwriting, is "J. Brown, Jr., iu prison." In connection with this fight, I may quote from a let- ter concerning John Brown which I received after his death from Richard Mendenhall, a Quaker, then living near Osawatomie, He said : " I was at a public meeting held in the spring of 1856 at Osawatomie, for the purpose of considering what course should be pursued relative to submitting to the 'bogus laws' (of Governor Shannon's Ter- ritorial Legislature), more especially the payment of taxes under them. I was very unexpectedly chosen chairman of the meeting. John Brown was present, and made a very earnest, decisive, and characteristic speech. For the action of that meeting in taking a bold stand against the ' bogus laws ' we were all indicted, but the warrants were never served. I next met John Brown again on the evening before the battle of Osawatomie. He with a number of others was driving a herd of cattle which they had taken from proslavery men. He rode out of the company to speak to me, when I playfully asked him where he got those cattle. He replied, with a characteristic shake of the head, that ' they were good ^ Of the United States Army. 1856.] THE KANSAS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. 327 Free-State cattle now.' In the tenth mouth, 1858, John Brown and two others — one of them Stevens — came to my house and stayed several days, being detained by high water. I found him capable of talking interestingly on almost every subject. He had travelled a good deal in Europe on account of his business, and he imparted to me some valuable hints on different branches of business. I once heard a stranger ask the Rev. S. L. Adair if he knew what John Brown's principles were ; and he replied that his relation to John Brown gave hira a right to know that Brown had an idea impressed upon his mind from childhood that he was an instrument raised up by. Providence to break the jaws of the wicked ; and his feelings becoming enlisted in the affairs of Kansas, he thought this was the field for his operations. Last winter, when Brown took those negroes from Missouri, he sent them directly to me ; but I had a school then at my house, and the children were just assembling when they came. I could not take them in, and was glad of an excuse, as I could not sanction his mode of procedure." Neverthe- less, Richard ]\Iendenhall added, much in the spirit of John A.Andrew's phrase ("Brown himself was right"), "Men are not always to be judged so much by their actions as by their motives. I believe that John Brown was a good man, and that he will be remembered for good in time long hence to come." The state of affairs immediately preceding the fight was made known by many letters such as the following, written by a Kansas farmer, Cyrus Adams, who emigrated from Massachusetts, to his b.rother at home : — Lawrexce, Kansas, Aug. 24, 1856. Dear Brothek, — Yon prolialily learn of the state of affairs licre in Kansas as well as T can describe thein. We live under a repub- lican form of government, so called, — a form of government which allows its people to be murdered every day, and lifts no hand for their protection ; and so we are all of us liable to be murdered any day. Every little while we are set upon by bands of ruffians acting under the officers of the General Government ; towns are sacked and burned, men murdered, and property destroyed. Until lately the Free-State follis have not ofiFered much resistance to these outrages. 328 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. It was known that bauds of these ruffians encamped in the vicinity, where they carried on their trade of horse-stealing and robbery ; and murdered a man with whom I was well acquainted : he was riding by near one of these camps, and was shot dead by some of the guard. His name was Major Hoyt, of Deerfeld, Mass. Another man was shot near the same place. A few days ago a brother-in-law of Mr. Nute, whom you saw in Concord, came into the Territory. He in- tended to stop iu Leavenworth. He brought his wife, and left her with Mr. Nute until he could go back and put up a house. When returning, and within two miles of Leavenworth, he was shot, and, horrible to relate, was scalped in the Indian fashion. A man — or a beast — took his scalp and carried it about the streets of Leaven- wortli oti a long pole, saying that he " went out to get a damned Abolition scalp, and got one." Another man went to Kansas City for a load of lumber ; he v.^as shot and scalped in the same way. So you may judge of the fcdks we have to deal with. If they catch a man alone they show no mercy. Two Aveeks after the date of this letter, Governor Geary reached Kansas to supersede Shannon and his proslavery secretary Woodson, who was acting governor. At that time Lawrence was a military camp. All the roads lead- ing thither ■were blockaded by armed bodies of Southern marauders, and every day violence was offered to Free- State citizens. Guerilla parties of Free-State men were also abroad, making reprisals on proslavery men. Between these bodies there was little safety for any one. Geary at once distributed large numbers of his proclamations, order- ing all bodies of armed men to lay down their arms and retire to their homes and ordinary occupations. He de- clared his intention to protect the Territory from further violence, and this promise was tolerably well kept. When questioned by the people at Lawrence (which he visited for the first time September 12) whether it would be safe for them to go to their homes in other parts of the Terri- tory, he replied : " You had better stay in town a few days longer, for mutual protection ; but be careful that you do nothing in violation of the spirit of my proclamation. To defend yourselves against an attack will not incur my dis- pleasure." At this time there were some eight hundred Free-State men assembled in Lawrence, but a few days 1856.] THE KANSAS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. 329 after the number was much reduced. Soon after Geary's removal by Buchanan, he wrote a " Farewell Address to the People of Kansas," dated March 12, 1857, in which he fully describes the condition of 'things on his first arrival, — the time of which I am writing. He says : " I reached Kansas, and entered upon the discharge of my official duties in the most gloomy hour of her history. Desolation and ruin reigned on every hand ; homes and firesides were deserted ; the smoke of burning dwellings darkened the atmosphere ; women and children, driven from their habi- tations, wandered over the prairies and among the wood- lands, or sought refuge and protection even among the Indian tribes. The highways were infested with numerous predatory bands, and the towns were fortified and garrisoned by armies of conflicting partisans, each excited almost to frenzy, and determined upon mutual extermination. Such was, without exaggeration, the condition of the Territory at this period." It was in the midst of such scenes that the Border Ruf- fians, provoked by the recent successes of the Kansas farm- ers, raised an army of twenty-seven hundred men for their last great invasion of the Territory, and what they meant should be a final attack on Lawrence, where John Brown then was. While this force was mustering, Charles Robin- son, who had just been discharged from prison, wrote a few letters to John Brown, of which the first is as follows : — Lawrence, Sept. 13, 1856. Captain John Brown. Dear Sir, — Governor Geary has been here and talks very ivell. He promises to protect us, etc. There will be no attempt to arrest aay one for a few days, and I think no attempt to arrest you is contemplated by him. He talks of letting the past he forgotten, so far as may he, and of commencing anew. If convenient, can you not come to town and see us ? ^ I will then tell you all that the governor said, and talk of some other matters. Very respectfully, C. Robinson. ^ The interview solicited bj^ Robinson did take place at a house in Lawrence, and in course of it, according to Jolin I3rown, Jr., who was present, Robinson not onlv did not censure Brown for his Pottawatomie 330 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. On the same sheet of letter-paper is a longer letter to Brown from his son John, written the same day : — John Broiun,' Jr., to his Father. All seem to be pleased with (ji-eary. They tlnuk that while he must talk of enforcing the Territorial laws, he has iuteuded to let them lie a dead letter; says no Territorial otficer or court shall arrest or try. Although he says iu his proclamatiou that all armed men must disband, yet he says our men better ludd together a few days until he can clear the IteiTitory of the militia ; requests our men to enroll themselves, choose their own officers, and consider him as chief and themselves as his guard. I am inclined to the belief that unless something unusual shall turn up within a few days, you had better return home, as I have no doubt an attempt will be made to arrest you, as well as Lane, whom Geary says he is under obligations to ar- rest. His plan, no doubt, will be to get the assistance of Free-State men to aid in making arrests. Don't allow yourself to be trapped in that way. Captain Walker thinks of going East via Nebraska soon. I do hope ynu will go with him, for I am sure that you will be no m(jre likely to be let alone tlian Lane. Dont go into that secret military refmjee plan as talked of by Mohinson, I beg of you. I shall go into Mr. Whitman's house, about two and a half miles west of Lawrence, where I shall make arraugemeirts for Jasou and com- mence cutting hay. Robinson to John Brown. Lawrence, Sept. 14, 1856. Captain John Brown. My dear Sin, — I take this opportunity to express to you my sincere gratification that the late report that you were among the killed at the battle of Osawatomie is incorrect. Your course, so far as I have been informed, has been such as to merit the highest praise from every patriot, and I cheerfully accord to you my heartfelt thanks for your prompt, efficient, and timely action against the invaders of our rights and the murderers of our citi- zens. History will give your name a proud jdace on her pages, and posterity will pay homage to your heroism in the cause of God executions, but urged him to undertake similar work elsewhere ; to whicli Brown replied, " If you know of any job of that sort that needs to he done, 1 advise you to dn it yourself," or words to that effect. Robinson now denies that he made such a proposition. 1856] THE KANSxVS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. 331 and huinatiity. Trusting that you will conclude to remain in Kan- sas, and serve " during the war" the cause you have done so much to sustain, and witli earnest prayers for your health, and protection from the shafts of death tliat so thickly beset your path, I subscribe myself, Very respectfully, your obedient servant, C. ROBINSO!?. Lawrence, Sept. 14, 1856. To THE Settlers of Kansas, — If possible, please render Captain Jtihu Brown all the assistance he may require in defending Kansas from invaders and outlaws, and you will confer a favor upon your co-laborer and fellow-citizen, C. ROBINSOX. At this time, as these letters prove, there was no question among the Free-State men of Kansas concerning the ser- vices which Brown had rendered. The feeling-against him ill consequence of the Pottawatomie affair had subsided ; nor was it till years afterward that this feeling was mali- ciously revived. The general effect of Brown's deadly blow has been described ; but it may be asked what were its im- mediate consequences in the region where it was directly felt. There are no better witnesses to this than the two neighbors, of the men that suffered, — George Grant and James Hanway, — already quoted. Grant said in 1880 : " Both parties were greatly alarmed at first. The proslav- ery settlers almost entirely left at once, and the Free-State people were constantly fearful of vengeance. As a matter of fact, there was no more killing on either side in that neighborhood. Dutch Henry, — Henry Sherman, — was killed in the spring of 1857, but politics had nothing to do with it." Judge Hanway, who died in 1881, said : — " It was thought that the effect of the Pottawatomie affair would be disastrous to the settlers who had taken up their quarters in this locality.^ For a few weeks it looked ominous. I spent most of my ^ As to the wisdom of John Brown's gpneral policy of brave resistance and stern retaliation, the sagacious Judge Hanway says : " In the early Kansas troubles, I considered the extreme measures which he adopted as not the best under the circumstances. We were weak and cut off, as it were, from our friends. Our most bitter enemies received their support from an ad- joining State. We were not in a condition to resist by force the power of 332 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. time in the brush. The settlement was overnin by the ' law and order ' men, who took every man prisoner whom tliey came across, ' jay-hawked ' horses and saddles, and even, in several cases, work cattle ; ]>ut after these raids ceased, the proslavery element became willing to bury the hatchet and live in peace. The most ultra of those who had been leaders left the Territory, only to return at periods to burn the house of some (obnoxious Free-State man. The Pottawatomie affair sent a terntr into the proslavery ranks, and those who remnined on the creek were as desirous of peace as any class of the community." Brown's only autograph account, so far as I know, of the attack on Lawrence, in September, 1856, is the following, ■written in Januaiy, 1857, as part of his address before New England audiences : — THE LAWRENCE FORAY. " I well know, that, on or about the 14th of September last, a large force of Missourians and other ruffians, numbering twenty-seven hun- dred (as stated by Governor Geary), invaded the Territory, burned Franklin, and while the smoke of that place was going up behind them, they, on the same day, made their appearance in full view of, and within about a mile of, Lawrence. And I know of no possible reason why they did not attack and burn that place ex(;ept that about one hundred Free-State men vcdunteered to go out on the oj^en plain before the town and there give them the offer of a figlit, which they de- clined, after getting some few scattering shots from our men, and then retreated hack towards Franklin. 1 saw that whole thing. The government troops at this time were with Governor Geary at Lecomp- tou, a distauee of twelve miles onli/ from Lawrence, and, notwith- standing several runners had been to advise him in good time of the approach or of the setting out of the enemy, who had to marcli some the Border Ruffians, backed and supported as they were by the administra- tion at Washington. Events afterwanl proved tliat the most desperate remedies, as in the Pottawatomie affair, were best. In place of being the forenmner of additional strife and turmoil, the result proved it was a peace measure." Charles Robinson, in an article written for the "Kansas iMagazine" many years ago, said of the executions by Brown: "They had the eilect of a clap of thunder from a clear sky. The slave men stood aghast. The officials were friglitened at this new move on the part of the supposed subdued free men. This was a warfare they wei-e not ])re- pared to wage, as of the bcnm fide settlers there were four free men to one slave man." 1856.] THE KANSAS STRUGGLE CONTINUED. 333 forty miles to reach Lawrence, he did not on that memorable occasion get a single soldier on the ground until after the enemy had retreated back to Franklin, and had been gone for more than five hours. Pie did get the troops there about midnight afterwards; and that is the way he saved Lawrence, as he boasts of doing in his message to the bogus Legishiture ! " This was just the kind of protection the administration and its tools have afforded the Free-State settlers of Kansas from the first. It has cost the United States more than half a million, for a year past, to harass poor Free-State settlers in Kansas, and to violate all law, and all right, moral and constitutional, for the sole and only purpose of forcing slavery upon that Territory. I challenge this whole nation to prove before Grod or mankind the contrary. Who paid this money to enslave the settlers of Kansas and worry them out ? I say nothing in this estimate of the money wasted by Ctjn- gress in the management of this horrible, tyrannical, and damnable affair." In what Brown here says of Governor Geary, he does some injustice to that officer, who proved to be the best governor that Kansas had during the reign of terror in 1855-56. His motives were political, no doubt ; but he had the heart of a man and the courage of a soldier, and soon placed himself, in effect, on the Free-State side. He might have dispersed the invaders about Lawrence more speedily, but he was not then wholly master of the situation, or did not feel himself to be. As the course of events at Law- rence, September 14-15, has been variously represented, I will hei-e cite the evidence of eye-witnesses and contem- porary reporters. H. L. Dunlop, then of Lawrence, but now of Topeka, says : — " I was at that time a member of John Wright's company. What name I went by on the rolls I will not say. Many of us went under fictitifnis names. My next younger brother, who was with Tiie in tliat command, went by the name of Henry Preston. You will find his name on the list of Lecompton prisoners. He was captured at Hick- ory Point with Colonel Harvey. On the day preceding the attack on Lawrence (September 13), I went east of Lawrence, through the town of Franklin, with a detachment of Captain Wright's men, on a scout, the balance of Captain Wright's company having gone with Colonel Harvey. We found a large body of men crossing at the lower ford of the Wakarusa ; they camped that night on the bottom. 334 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. We counted their tents to ascertain about how many there were, as near as possible. The next morning they commenced to advance. We fell back slowly through Franklin, ducking their advance-guard occasionally. They fired the mill at Franklin and came on, and when we arrived near Lawrence their advance was pressing us closely. The Stub Rifles, Captain Walker's men, came up and deployed on our riglit, and we went into position in the rifle pits near the head of Massachusetts Street. John Brown was there. I think he had w>t recollect anything in the oath whieh required us to deal with Free- State men in preference to proslavery men, or to wear upny. These witnesses have seen the things of which they testify, and have felt the oppression we ask you to check. Ask this gray- haired man, gentlemen, — if you have the heart to do it, — where lies the body of liis murdered son ; where are the homes of his four other sons, who a year ago were quiet farmers in Kansas. I am ashamed, in presence of this modest veteran, to express the admiration which his heroism excites in me. Yet he, so venerable for his years, his integrity, and his courage, — a man whom all Massachusetts rises up to honor, — is to-day an outlaw in Kansas. To these witnesses, whose unsworn testimony deserves and will receive from you all the authority which an oath confers, I will now yield place." Brown then addressed the commitee and a large audience who had assembled to hear hiui. He made in substance the same speech which he gave that winter at Hartford, at Con- cord, and elsewhere ; reading from his manuscript (which I have already cited) an account of the destruction of property and of life by the Missouri invaders in 1855-56, and speak- ing of the inactivity of the Federal Government, except in the protection of these invaders. He described modestly the last attack on Lawrence, and denied that it had been saved from destruction by Governor Geary. In answer to questions by the chairman of the committee (Senator Albee, of Marlborough) he gave the account — since so well known — of his visiting Buford's men near Osawatomie in the guise of a surveyor ; and quoted them as telling him that the Yankees could not be coaxed, driven, or whipped into a fight, and that one Southerner could whip a dozen Aboli- tionists ; they intended to drive out the whole Free-State population of Kansas, if that should be necessary to estab- lish slavery in the new State ; if Kansas was free, Missouri could not maintain slavery, they told him. When asked what sort of emigrants were needed to make Kansas free, Brown replied, " We want good men, industrious and honest, who respect themselves, and act only from principle, from the dictates of conscience ; men who fear God too much to fear anything human." Questioned by Senator Albee concerning the probable need and effect of such an appro- priation as was sought for. Brown replied : " Whenever we 1857] THE KANSAS COMMITTEES. 373 heard last year that the people of the Korth were doing anything for us, we were encouraged and strengthened to keep up the contest. At present there is not much danger of an invasion from Missouri. God protects us in winter ; but when the grass gets high enough to feed the horses of the Border Ruffians we may have trouble, and should be prepared for the worst. Things do not look one iota more encouraging now — except that the winter is milder — than they did last year at this time. You may remember that from the Shannon treaty, which ended the Wakarusa war, till early in May, 1856, there was general quiet in Kansas. No violence was offered to our citizens when they went to Missouri. I frequently went there myself to buy corn and other supplies. I was known there ; yet they treated me well. I do not know that there will be another invasion, but should expect one. Yet the actual settlers who go to Kansas from the slave States have many of them turned to be the most determined Free-State men, — lighting in all our battles. The comparative strength of the parties as regards numbers, intelligence, industry, and good habits gen- erally, is all on our side ; but the machinery of a genuine territorial government is not yet in operation, while the Federal Government is wholly on the side of slavery." The movement for a State appropriation was unsuccessful, but the Massachusetts Committee continued their contribu- tions to John Brown. Among the contributors to his fund was Mr. Amos Law- rence, of Boston, who wrote to Brown as follows the day after the speech in the State House : — Boston, Feb. 19, 1857. My dear Sir, — Enclosed yon will find seventy dollars. Please write to John Conant, of East Jaffrey, N. H., and acknowledge re- ceipt ; or write to me saying you have received the Jaifrey money, and I will send your letter to them. It is for your own personal use, and not for the cause in any other way than that. I am sorry not to have seen you before you left. It may not be amiss to say that you may find yourself disappointed if you rely on the National Kansas Committee for any considerable amount of money. Please to con- sider this as confidential ; and it is only my own opinion, without definite linowledge of their operations. 1 hope they will get a great 374 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1857. deal of inooey, but think they will uot. The old managers have not inspired confidence, and therefore money will be hard for them to get now and hereafter. This check, you will see, needs your indorsement. May God bless you, my dear sir, is the wish of your friend, Amos A. Lawrence. While Brown was ordering his pikes in Connecticut, Mr. Lawrence wrote him again in these words : — (Private.) Boston, March 20, 1857. My dear Sir, — Your letter fi-om New Haven is received. I have just sent to Kansas near fourteen thousand dollars to establish a fund to be used, first, to secure the best system of common scliools for Kansas that exists in this country ; second, to establish Sunday- schools. The property is held by two trustees in Kansas, and cannot return to me. On this account, and because I am always short of money, I have not the cash to use for the purpose you name. But in case anything should occur, while you are engaged in a great and good cause, to shorten your life, you may be assured that your wife and children shall be cared for more liberally than you now propose. The family of ''Captain John Brown of Osawatomie " will not be turned out to starve in this country, until Liberty herself is driven out. Yours with regard, Amos A. Lawrence. I hope you will not run the risk of arrest. I never saw the otiVr to which you refer, in the "-Telegraph," and have now forgotten what it was. Come and see me when you have time. A. A. Lawrence. Soon after the Boston hearing, Brown visited his fam- ily at North Elba; and early in March returned to New England, where he revisited the graves of his ancestors in Connecticut. These letters relate to this period: — John Broivn to his Wife. Hartford, Coxn., March 6, 1857. Dear Wife, — I enclose with this a letter from Owen, written me from Albany. He appeared to be very much depressed before he jiSi 1857.] THE KANSAS COMMITTEES. ^75 left me ; but there was no possible misunderstanding between us that I knew of. I did not pay Samuel Thompson all that I ought to have given him for carrying us out, and wish you would make it up to him, if you can well, out of what I have sent you. If you get hay of him, I will send or fetch the money soon to pay for it. I shall send you some newspapers soon to let you see what different stories are told of me. None of them tell things as I tell them. Write me, care of the Massasoit House, Springfield, Mass. Your affectionate husband, John Brown. Springfield, Mass., March 12, 1857. Dear Wife and Children all, — I have just got a letter from John. AH middling well, March 2, but Johnny, who has the ague by turns. I now enclose another from Owen. I sent you some papers last week. Have just been speaking for three nights at Can- ton, Conn., and at CoUinsville, a village of that town. At the two places they gave me eighty dollars. Canton is where both father and mother were raised. They have agreed to send to my family at North Elba grandfather John Brown's old granite monument, about eighty years old, to be faced and inscribed in memory of our poor Frederick, who sleeps in Kansas.^ I prize it very highly, and the family all will, I think. I want to see you all very much, but can- not tell when I can go back yet. Hope to get something from you here soon. Direct as before. May God bless you all ! Your affectionate husband and father. Mr. Rust, to whom the next letters were written, says that he had a " store " at CoUinsville in 1857, and John Brown was there in April, showing to various persons the bowie-knife that he captured with Pate in Kansas. As he did so, Brown said : '•' Such a blade as this, mounted upon a strong shaft, or handle, would make a cheap and effective weapon. Our friends in Kansas are without anus or money 1 This note from a friend in Connecticut shows how soon the gravestone was removed to North Elba : — CoLLiNSViLLE, April 17, 1857. Captain J. Brown. Dear Sir, — Your favnr of tlie 16th is .jiist at hand. The pistols I shall send to- morrow morning. I received the paclacTiage. Be kind enough to say to my friend Blair that I expect funds within a day or two to meet my engagement, and that I mean to call on him. Please direct the package to John (not Captain) Brown, care Mas- sasoit House, Springfield, Mass. Did you receive the package for Selden H. Brown ? Very respectfully your friend, John Brown. Springfield, Mass., April 25, 1857. H. N. Rust, Esq. My dear Sir, — I did not see you the other morning before I left, as I expected. Please hand line and draft to Mr. Blair at once. The sabre you got is the identical one taken from Lieutenant Brocket at Black Jack surrender. I would on no account have you 1857.] THE KANSAS COMMITTEES. 377 buy it of me, as you really have done, but that I am laterally driven to beg, — which is very humiliating. Very respectfully your friend, John Brown. (JSfote hy Mr. Bust.) The draft was spoken of in the letter of April 16, and was handed to Mr. Blair; the sabre was a present to me from Captain Brown, received with the pistols ; the pay spoken of was the bill for the pistols, which I did not send him as requested. The pistols had been used in Kansas and sent East for repairs ; the funds spoken of were t Witnesses. Thomas Russell, j The purposes of the Massachusetts Committee will be seen by the letter of Mr. Stearns to a Xevv York committee, dated May 18, 1857. He said : — " Since the close of the last year we have confined our operations to aiding thtjse persons in Kansas who were, or intended to become, citizens of that Territory, — believing that sufficient inducements to immigrate existed in the prosperous state of afl'airs there; and we now believe that should quiet and prosperity continue there for an- other year, the large influx of Northern and Eastern men will secure the State for freedom. To insure the present prosperity we propose — "1. To have our legislature make a grant of one hundred thousaml dollars, to be placed in the hands of discreet persons, who shall use it for the relief of those in Kansas who are, or may become, destitute through Border-Ruffian outrage. We think it will be done. " 2. To organize a secret force, well armed, and under control of the famous John Brown, to repel Border-Ruffian outrage and defend the Free-State men from all alleged impositions. This organization is strictly to be a defensive one. "3. To aid by timely donations of money those parties of settlers in the Territory who from misfortune are unable to provide for their present wants. " I am personally acquainted with Captain Brown, and have great confidence in his courage, prudence, and good Judgment. He has control of the whole affair, including contributions of arms, clotliing, etc., to the amount of thirteen thousand dollars. His presence in the Territory will, we think, give the P'ree-State men confidence in their cause, and also check the dispositin payment, or to that eftect. He had given me no encouragement of any help about it from him ; and when I met one of the Thompsons there, ^ all I could do was to get both parties to agree to the arrangement, and to wait until the money could get on from Boston. Mr. Smith had before written me that his last year's efforts for Kansas had embarrassed him, but that when the struggle was renewed he would do all he could. He gave me fifty doUars, Mrs. S. ten dollars and some little useful articles ; Peterboro' friends gave me thirty-one dollars, and I came on with the understanding that probably the thousand dollars would soon be sent on to Mr. Smith. I lost about one week on my way to my family with ague and fever, and left home feeble, and am still so. I could promise Colonel Carter no more than pay for primings, which I had not bar- gained for. I shall redeem my promise to you as soon as I am able 1 At Peterboio'. 410 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1857. to do so. Please write me next to Dr. Jesse Bowen, Iowa City, Iowa, on envelope. I send my earnest good wishes to Mrs. S. and the children. Am disappointed in not having Mr. Foster and child for company. Very respectfully your friend, John Brown. Upon this statement of the case, Mr. Stearns proposed to Mr. Lawrence that the money should be sent on at once. To this proposition he finally assented, but in the mean time wrote to Mr. Stearns as follows : — June 3 [1857]. My dear Sir, — I did not intend to do any more than to write a "heading" for a subscription for Captain Brown, and subscribe for myself. But he was desirous to have me do more, and I have, as the paper shows. I wish I could do the whole. But I am behind- hand in everything. My business extends through a large part of the twenty-four hours, and prevents my devoting as much time as would be desirable to push on this and similar good projects for individual advantage. If Captain Brown should be killed or dis- abled, then I should be held for the one thousand dollars.-' Yours truly, A. A. Lawrence. HrosoN, Ohio, May 27, 1857. Dear Wife and Children, every one, — ... I have got Salmon's letter of the 19th instant, and am much obliged for it. There is some prospect that Owen will go on with me. If I should never return, it is my particular request that no other monument be used to keep ine in remembrance than the same plain one that records the death of my grandfather and son ; and that a shoi-t story, like tliose already on it, be told of John Brown the fifth, under that of grandfather. I tliink I have several good reasons for this. I would be glad that my posterity should not only remember their parentage, but also the cause they labored in. I do not expect to leave these jjarts under four or five days, and will try to write again 1 I take it this last sentence implies that Brown was going to "bear arms," that he was on a dangerous errand, and that Mr. Lawrenee approved of wliat lie was going to do with tlie arms and money in liis hands. At this time tliere was no talk of the Virginia jtlan, nor did any property of tlie Kansas Committee go for that plan, — but the property of individual mem- bers who gave it freely, knowing what might be done with it. 1857.] THE KANSAS COMMITTEES. 411 before I go off. I am much confused in mind, and cannot remember what I wish to write. May God abundantly bless you all ! . . . Your affectionate husband and father, John Brown. These letters are all brief and to the point. Wassonville, Iowa, July 17, 1857. Dear Wife and Children, every one, — Since I last wrote I have made but little progress, having teams and wagons to rig up and load, and getting a horse hurt pretty badly. Still we shall get on just as well and as fast as Providence intends, and I hope we may all be satisfied with that. We hear of but little that is interesting from Kansas. It will be a great privilege to hear from home again ; and I would give anything to know that I should be permitted to see you all again in this life. But God's will be done. To his infinite grace I coTnmend you all. Your afl'ectiouate husband and father, John Brov^ji. Tabor, Iowa, Aug. 8, 1857^ George L. Stearns, Esq., Boston, Mass. My dear Sir, — In consequence of ill-health and other hin- drances too numerous and unpleasant to write about, the least of which has not been the lack of sufficient means for fi-ei^ht bills and other expenses, I have never as yet returned to Kansas. Tliis has been unavoidable, unless I returned without securing the principal object for which I came back from the Territory ; and I am now waiting for teams and means to come from there to enable me to go on.i I obtained two teams and wagons, as I talked of, at a cost of seven hundred and eighty-six dollars, but was obliged to hire a teamster and to drive one team myself. This unexpected increase of labor, together with being inuch of the time quite unwell and de- pressed with disappfiintments and delays, has prevented my writing sooner. Indeed, I had pretty much determined not to write till I should do it from Kansas. I will tell you some of my disappoint- ments. I was flattered with the expectation of getting rder of Cap- tain Brown. Tliere were also other stores, consisting of blankets, clothing, boots, ammuuition, and about two hundred revolvers of the Massachusetts Arms patent, all of which we transported across Iowa to Spriugdale, and from there to Liberty, at whicli place they were shipped for Ashtabula County, Ohio, where they remained till brought to Chambei'sburg, Pa., and from there transported to the Kennedy Farm, which Brown had rented for six months, and which was about five miles from Harper's Ferry. It was the iutenticm of Captain Brown to sell his teams in Spriugdale, and with the proceeds to go on with the rest of the company to some place in Ashtabula County, Ohio, where we were to have a good military instructor during the winter; but he was disappoiuted in the sale, and it was decided we should remain in the neighborhood of Spriugdale, and that our in- structor. Colonel Forbes, should be sent to us from the East. We stopjted over winter at Mr. Maxou's, where we pursued a course of military studies." It thus appears that Brown had started for Virginia with a few men, and with the Kansas rifles and revolvers, at least three months before he communicated to Mr. Stearns, the owner of the arms, that he had any purpose of using them outside of Kansas and Missouri. It is also plain that he imi)arted his purposes little by little to his armed followers. Edwin Coppoc, an Iowa youth, who joined Brown at Spring- 1858.] THE PLANS DISCLOSED. 425 dale,, said to the Virginians who captured and hung him : " I am a Republican philanthropist, and came here to aid in liberating negroes. I made the acquaintance of Captain Brown in Iowa as he returned from Kansas, and agreed to join his company. Brown wrote to me in July to come on to Chambersburg, where he first revealed the whole plot. The whole company was opposed to making the first demon- stration at Harper's Ferry, but Captain Brown would have it his own way, and we had to obey orders." ^ C. W. INIoffat, of Montour, Iowa, who was one of Brown's company in the winter of 1857-58, says : — " We spent the winter in the vicinity of Iowa City. Our efforts there were directed towards starting a Sharpe's rifle military school, of which a man named Stephens, — known better in Kansas as Whipple, — was to be the instructor ; but our plans were interfered with by pecuniary embarrassments. Then Bnnvn went to Ohio (fur which we had started in the first place) to form another school. Tiiere was also to be one in Canada, — three in all. When Brown left he gave Whipple charge of the school, and I had sent Forbes round by water to Ohio. Forbes had been engaged as drill-master at a hundred dollars a month, and when we stopped in Iowa Brown said he would have to give Forbes the choice of the schools : if Forbes would come back to Iowa, Whipple would take the school in Ohio or in Canada. But when he got to Ohio, Brown found that Forbes had gone away, and so gave up the Ohio school." This is as good a place as any to speak once for all of this Hugh Forbes, Avho proved to be the false member of the little band, and betrayed the confidence of his employer through vanity and emptiness of head, rather than through malice of heart. I have already spoken of his employment by Brown eight months before ; but his earlier history and his general character were thus portrayed by Horace Greeley, in his usual lively manner, in October, 1859, after Forbes had promulgated some futile disclosures of Brown's plans : "This Forbes appeared in New York sometime after the explosion of the European revolution of 1848, and claimed to have borne an important part in that movement. Of course he was needy, and the ' See Owen Brown's statement in chap. xv. 426 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1858. Herald says he was ' at one time a reporter or translator on tlie Tribune.' This is quite probable, though I do not recollect it. Some time late in 185(3 (I tliink it was) ^ I was aj»prised that he was going out to Kansas to help the Free-State men, then threatened with anniliilation by the Border Ruffians of Missouri, backed by Federal functionaries and troops. Lawrence had tlien been twice beleaguered and once sacked ; Osawatomie had been twice ravaged and burned ; Leavenworth had been swept clean of Free-State men by a Missouri raid, — William Phillips being butchered while de- fending his own house, his brother badly wounded and captured, while those who made no resistance were sent down the river at an hour's notice. As Forbes professed to be a capable and experienced military officer, especially qualified for guerilla or border warfare, and as he had always claimed to be an earnest Red Republican and foe of every form of human slavery, I thought his rest)lution natui'al and commendable. Knowing him to be poor, I gave him twenty dollars as he was starting; others gave him larger sums, — how much in all I do not know ; but I think his total receipts from friends t)f Free Kansas cannot have fallen below seven hundred dollars. He went — was absent some months — came back : that is all / know of his services to the Free-State cause in any shajw. Whether he was not needed, or was not trusted, or was found incompetent, I do not know ; I only know tliat lie did nothing, and was practically worth nothing.^ I believe he spent part of the money given him in print- ing a pamphlet embodying liis notions of guerilla or partisan war- fare : of course, no dollar ever came back. I think I heard of him before his return, clamoring for more money. In due time, he reap- peared in New York, and came to me (as to others) with complaints that he had been deceived, misled, swindled, beggared, his family (iu 1 Renlly in April, 1857. 2 Forbes could not rest quiet under Greeley's censure, and published in the " Herald " this card : — New York, Oct. 25, 1859. Tliero having appeared in yesterday's "Tritiune " a false and malicious attack upon me, I shall, after the trial of John Brown, publish the correspondence between himself, liis friends, and myself, which correspondence conunenceugh my friend Miss Assing I found that Forbes had told Brown's designs to Horace Greeley, and to the government officials at Washington, of whicli 1 informed Captain Brown ; and this led to the postponement of the enlerpi-ise anotlnn- year. It was hoi)ed that by this delay the story of Forbes would bo discredited; and this calculation was correct, — f()r nobody believed the scoundrel, though he told the truth." Brown's own method of dealing with the loquacious betrayer of his counsels (with which so slight a person should never have been intrusted) was peculiar. AVhile at the house of Douglass, in Rochester, he received, early in February, a letter from Forbes, forwarded by John Brown, Jr., frou) West Andover, Ohio, where the latter was then living. Upon this he wrote to his son as follows : — To John Broxcn, Jr. Dear son John, — Forl)es's letter to me of the 27th of January I enclose back to you, and will be glad to have you return it to him with sometliing like the following (unless you can think of some serious objection), as I am anxious to draw him out more fully, and would also like tlollars to enable me to do so, — the i 1858. J THE PLANS DISCLOSED. 435 same object for which I asked for secret-service money last fall. It is my only errand here; and I have written to some of our mutual friends in regard to it, but they none of them understand my views so well as you do, and 1 cannot explain witliout their tirst committing themselves more than I know (jf their doing. I have heard that Parker Pillsbury and some others in your quarter hold out ideas similar to those on which I act ; but I have no personal acquaintance with theui, and know nothing of their influence or means. Cannot you eitlier by direct or iudii'ect action do something to further me f Do you not kuovv of some parties whom you could induce to give their abolition theories a thoroughly practical shape? I hope this will prove to be the last time I shall be driven to harass a friend in such a way. Do you think any of my Gariisouian friends, eitlier at Boston, Worcester, or any otlier place, can be induced to supply a little " straw," if I will absolutely make " bricks " '1 I have wiitten George L. Stearns, Esq., of Medford, and Mr. F. B. Sanborn, of Concord ; but 1 am not informed as to how deeply-dyed Abolitionists those friends are, and mutit beg you to consider this conniiuuication strictly confidential, — unless you know ot jjarties who will feel and act, and hold tiieir peace. I want to bring the thing about during the next sixty days. Please write N. Hawkins, care Williatn J. Watkins, Esq., Kochester, N. Y. Very resjjectfully your friend, John Brown. ^ Brown's letters of the same date and for a few weeks af- ter, to Colonel Higginson and to me, were of a similar tenor, though rather more explicit ; but they conveyed no distinct intin:ation of his plans. He wrote to Higginson, February 2, from Rochester: "1 am here, concealing my whereabouts for good reasons (as I think), — not, however, from any anxiety about my personal safety. . I have been told that you are both a true man and a true Abolitionist, and I partly believe the whole story. Last fall I undertook to raise from five hundred to one thousand dollars for secret service, and succeeded in getting five hundred dollars. I now w-ant to get, for the perfecting of by far the most important under- taking of my whole life, five hundred to eight hundred dollars within the next sixty days. I have written Rev. Theodore Parker, George L. Stearns, and F. B. Sanborn, Esqs., on the subject, but I do not know as either Mr. 1 Weiss's Life of Theodore Parker, vol. ii. pp. 163, 164. 436 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1858. Stearns or Mr. Sanborn are Abolitionists. I suppose they are." On the 12th of February he wrote again, in response to a remark in Higginson's reply about the Underground Railroad in Kansas : " Kailroad business on a somewhat ex- tended scale is the identical object for which I am trying to get means. I have been connected with that business, as commonly conducted, from my boyhood, and never let an oiiportunity slip. I have been operating to some purpose the past season ; but I now have a measure on foot that I feel sure would awaken in you something more than a com- mon interest if you could understand it. I have just writ- ten my friends G. L. Stearns and F. B. Sanborn, asking them to meet nie for consultation at Peterboro', N. Y. I am very anxious to have you come along, certain as I feel that you will never regret having been one of the council." It w^as inconvenient for any of the persons addressed to take the long journey proposed ; and on tlie 13th I wrote for myself and ]Mr. Stearns, inviting Brown to visit Boston, and offering to pay his travelling expenses. To this request Brown replied, February IT : " It would be almost impos- sible for me to pass through Albany, Springfield, or any of those parts, on my way to Boston, and not have it known ; and my reasons for keeping quiet are such that when I left Kansas I kept it from every friend there ; and I suppose it is still understood that I am hiding somewhere in the Terri- tory ; and such will be the idea until it comes to be gener- ally known that I am in these parts. I want to continue that impression as long as I can, or for the present. I want very much to see Mr. Stearns, and also Mr. Parker, and it may be that I can before "long; but I must decline accepting your kind offer at present, and, sorry as I am to do so, ask you both to meet me by the middle of next week at the furthest. I wrote Mr. Higginson, of Worcester, to meet me also. It may be he would come on with you. My reasons for keeping still are sufficient to keep me from seeing my wife and children, much as I long to do so. I will endeavor to explain when I see you." ^ 1 This letter was written from Douglass's house, at Rochester, but fixed the place of meeting at Gerrit Smitli's house in Peterboro'. At this time one of my Kansas corresix)udents sent wonl tliat Brown liad disappf^ared II 1858.] THE PLANS DISCLOSED. 437 On the 7th of February my friend Edwin Morton wrote me from Gerrit Smith's house, giving the substance of a similar letter which Smith had just received from Brown. '* He wants from five to eight hundred dollars for secret service, and thinks he can do more with it than all that has yet been done. That is his errand. He wishes to avoid publicity, and so does not come here, and will not see his family. Meantime he is staying Avith Fred Douglass under the nom, de guerre of N. Hawkins, — to which name he de- sires letters addressed, care of Douglass. This is news, — he 'expects to overthrow slavery' in a large part of the country." On the 19th of February Morton wrote me again : ''John Brown is here, and asks me to say he is waiting here to see you. If you cannot come within the time he named, — say the middle of next week, — let him know by letter here (Peterboro'), enclosed to me, when you can come. He says 't is not possible tor him to go East under the circum- stances. He would very much like to see you. He is pleased to find Mr. Smith more in harmony with his general plan than he thought he might be." On the next day (February 20) Brown himself wrote as follows to his son . — Peterboro', N. Y., Feb. 20, 1858. Dear sox Johx, — I am here with our good friends Gerrit Smith and wife, who, I am most happy to tell you, are ready to go in for a share in the whole trade. I will say (in the language of anutherj, in regard to this most encouraging fact, " My soul doth magnify the Lord." I seem to be almost marvellously helped ; and to His name be praise ! I had to-day no particular thing to write, other than to let you share in my encouragement. I have been looking f(jr a letter flora you to be forwarded from Rochester ; and may get one to-day. When I get one, will write you further. I do not expect to remain here long, but shall be glad to have you write me here, enclosing to Caleb Calkins,^ Esq., Peterboro', Madison County, N. Y. Jason and family well on the 8th. Y^our affectionate father, John Brown. from among them, and that some of tlie Kansas people thouEcht him insane. All this, combined with the complaints and intimations of Forbes, led me to imagine that Brown had some plan for an uprising of slaves ; but, if so, I supposed it would be on the Kansas border, or in some part of Missouri. ^ This was the faithful clerk of Gerrit Smith, to whose hands most of 438 LIFE AXD LETTERS OF JOHN BROWX. [1858 Feb. 22. I have still need of all the help I can possibly get, but am greatly encouraged in asking fur it. Mr. Smith thinks you miglit operate to more advantage in New England, about Boston, than by giiing to Washington, — say in the large country towns. I think he may be right. Do as you think best. Yours ever, J. B. Theodore Parker and George Stearns being at the time un- able to accept this second and pressing request from Brown for a meeting at Peterboro', I determined to go, and invited Colonel Higginson to join me at Worcester, February 20. But in fact I made the journey alone, and reached Cana- stota, ten miles from Peterboro', on the afternoon of Mon- day, February 22. There T either took the stage-coach, or was met by IVIr. Smith's sleigh, and drove up over the hills to his house, where I arrived early in the evening of W^ash- ington's birthday. Brown had been there since the preced- ing Thursday, and had unfolded much of his plan to the Smiths. After dinner, and after a few minutes spent with other guests in the parlor, I went witli Mr. Smith, John Brown, a^nd my classmate Morton, to the room of IMr, j\Ior- ton in the third story. Here, in the long winter evening which followed, the whole outline of Brown's campaign in Virginia was laid before our little council, to the astonish- ment and almost the dismay of those present. The constitu- tion which he had drawn up for the government of his men, and of such territory as they might occupy, was exhibited by Brown, its provisions recited and explained, the projDosed movements of his men indicated, and the middle of May was named as the time of the attack. To begin this hazardous adventure he asked for but eight hundred dollars, and would think himself rich with a thousand. Being questioned and opposed by his friends, he laid before them in detail his methods of organization and fortification ; of settlement in the South, if that were possible, and of retreat through the his large pecuniary affairs were intrusted, and whose business it was in such matters as this to " hear and sec, and say nothing." Morton, at that time t)ie tutor of Mr. Smith's son, was born in Plymouth, Mass., of the Pilgrim stock. -Ji 1858.] THE PLANS DISCLOSED. 439 North, if necessary ; and his theory of the way in which such an invasion would be received in the country at large. He desired from his friends a patient hearing of his state- ments, a candid opinion concerning his plan, and, if that were favorable, then such aid in money and support as we could give him. We listened until after midnight, proposing objections and raising difficulties ; but nothing could shake the purpose of the old Puritan. Every difficulty had been foreseen and provided against in some manner ; the grand difficulty of all, — the manifest hopelessness of undertaking anything so vast with such slender means, — was met with the text of Scripture : " If God be for us, who can be against us ?" He had made nearly all his arrangements : he had so many men enlisted, so many hundred weapons ; all he now wanted was the small sum of money. With that he would open his campaign in the spring, and he had no doubt that the enterprise " would pay,^' as he said. On the 23d of February the discussion was renewed, and, as usually happened when he had time enough. Captain Brown began to prevail over the objections of his friends.^ At any rate, they saw that they must either stand by him, or leave him to dash himself alone against the fortress he was determined to assault. To withhold aid would only delay, not prevent him ; nothing short of betraying him to the enemy would do that. As the sun was setting over the snowy hills of the region where we met, I walked for an hour with Gerrit Smith among those woods and fields (then included in his broad manor) which his father had purchased of the Indians and bequeathed to him. BroAvn was left at home by the fire, discussing points of theology with Charles Stewart, an old captain under Wellington, who also hap- pened to be visiting at the house. Mr. Smith restated in his eloquent way the daring propositions of Brown, whose import he understood fully ; and then said in substance : " You see how it is ; our dear old friend has made up his mind to this course, and cannot be turned from it. We cannot give him up to die alone ; we must support him. I ^ " All, gentlemen," said Edwin Copiioc at Harper's Ferry, "yon don't know Captain Brown : when he wants a man to do a thing he does it." 4-40 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1858. will raise so many hundred dollars for him ; you must lay the case before your friends in Massachusetts and perhaps they will do the same. I see no other way." For myself, I had reached the same conclusion, and engaged to bring the scheme at once to the attention of the three Massachu- setts men to whom Brown had written, and also of Dr. S. G. Howe, who had sometimes favored action almost as extreme as this proposed by Brown. I returned to Boston on the 25th of February, and on the same day communi- cated the enterprise to Theodore Parker and Wentworth Higginson. At the suggestion of Parker, Brown, who had gone to Brooklyn, K. Y., was invited to visit Boston secretly, and did so the 4th of March, taking a room at the American House, in Hanover Street, and remaining for the most part in his room ^ daring the four days of His stay. Mr. Parker was deeply interested in the project, but not very san- guine of its success. He wished to see it tried, believing that it must do good even if it failed. Brown remained at tlie American House until Monday, March 8, when he de- parted for Philadelphia. On the Gth of March he wrote to his son John from Boston : " My call here has met with a most hearty response, so that I feel assured of at least toler- able success. I ought to be thankful for this. All has been effected by quiet meeting of a few choice friends, it being scarcely known that I have been in the city." Before visiting Gerrit Smith, and while doubly occupied in managing his delicate negotiation with Forbes, and ar- ranging for a full disclosure of his purposes to his wealthy friends, John Brown, from his hiding-place in Rochester, addressed this pathetic letter to his household in the wintry forest of North Elba : — To his Family. Rochester, N. Y., Jan. 30, 1858. My dear Wife and Children, every one, — I am (praised be God I) once more in York State. Whether I shall be permitted to visir you or not this winter or spring, I cannot now say ; but it is some relief of mind to feel that I am again so near yon. Possibly, if 1 cannot go to see you, I may be able to devise some way for some ^ This was No. 126, I remember. I 1858.] THE PLANS DISCLOSED. 441 one or more of you to meet me somewhere. The anxiety I feel to see my wife and children once more I am unable to describe. I want exceedingly to see my big baby and Ruth's baby, and to see how that little company of sheep hxds about this time. The cries of my poor sorrow-stricken despairing children, whose " tears on their cheeks " are ever in my eyes, and whose sighs are ever in my ears, may how- ever prevent my enjoying the happiness I so much desire. But, courage, courage, courage ! — the great w^ork of my life (the uuseen Hand that " guided me, and who has indeed holdeu my riglit hand, may hold it still," though 1 Lave not Icnowu him at all as I ought) I may yet see accom{)lished (God helping), and be permitted to return, and " rest at evening." O my daughter Ruth ! could any plan be devised whereby you could let Henry go " to scliool " (as you expressed it in your letter to him while in Kansas), I would ratlier now have him " for another term " than to have a hundred average scholars. I have a particular and very important, but not dangerous, place for him to till in the " school," and I know of no man living so well adapted to fill it. I am quite confident some way can be devised so that you and your children could be witli hiin, and be quite happy even, and safe ; but God forbid me to flatter you into trouble ! I did not do it before. My dear child, could you face such music if, on a full explanation, Hem-y could be satisfied tliat his family might be safe f I would make a similar inquiry of my own dear wife ; but I have kept her tumbling here and tliere over a stormy and tempestuous sea for so many years that I cannot ask her such a questicm. The natural in- genuity of Salmon in connection with some experience he and Oliver have both had, would point him out as the next best man I could now select ; but I am dumb in his case, as also in the case of Watson and all my other sons. Jason's qualifications are, some of them, like Henry's also. Do not noise it about that I am in these parts, and direct to N. Hawlvins, care of Frederick Douglass, Rochester, N. Y. I want to hear how you are all supplied with winter clothing, boots, etc. God bless you all ! Your affectionate husband and father, John Brown. Ruth's reply to this letter should not fail to be quoted here : — Ruth Thompson to John Brown. North Elba, Feb. 20, 1858. My dear Father, — Your letter of January 30 we received this week, it having lain in the postoffice a week. Oliver went to the 442 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1858. office and got our news ; there were two letters for ine, but the postmaster did not give him yours. We did not get it this week in time to answer it, or we shoukl have done so immediately. I am sorry tor such a delay. We were rejoiced to hear that you weie so near us, and we hope that you can visit us yet before leaving York State. It really seems hard that we cannot see you, when you have been so long from home ; yet we are glad that you still feel encour- aged. Dear father, you have asked me rather of a hard question. I want to answer you wisely, but hardly know how. I cannot bear the thought of Henry leaving me again ; yet I know I am selfish. When 1 think of my poor desjjised sisters, that are deprived of both husband and children, I feel deeply for them; and were it not fcr my little children, I would go almost anywhere with Henry, if by going I could do them any good. Wliat is the place j'ou wish him to fill? How long would you want him? Would my going be of any service to him or you ? I should be very glad to be wnth him, if it would not be more expense than what good we could do. I say tve ; could I not do something for the cause ? Henry's feelings are the same that tliey have been. He says : " Tell father that I think he places too high an estimate on my qualifications as a schtdar ; and tell him I should like much to see him." I wish we could see yon, and then we should know better what to do ; but will you not write to us and give us a full explanation of what you want him to do ? . . . Please wi'ite often. Your affectionate daughter, Ruth Thompson. In a letter of February 24 from Gerrit Smith's house. Brown wrote to his wife : " I have been here for a short time, and am making middling good progress, I think. Mr. Smith and family go all lengths with me." A week later he was more explicit : — To his Wife. New York, March 2, 1858. My dear Wife, — I received yours of the 1 7th of February yes- terday ; was very glad of it, and to know that you had got the ten d(dlars safe. I am having a constant series of both great encourage- ments and discouragements, but am yet able to say, in view of all, " hitherto the Lord hath heljjed me." I shall send Salmon some- thing as soon as I can, and will try to get you the articles you men- tion. I find a much more earnest feeling among the colored people 18r>8.] THE PLANS DISCLOSED. 443 than ever before ; but that i;- by no moans unusual. On the whole, the language of Providence to ine would certainly seem to say, " Try on." I Hatter myself that I may be able to go and see you again before a great while ; but 1 may not be able. I long to see you all. All were well with John and Jason a few days since. I had a good visit with Mr. Sanborn at Gerrit Smith's a few days ago. It would be no very strange thing if he should join me. May God abundantly bless you all ! No one writes me but you. Your affectionate husband, John Brown. As this letter shows, Brown had left Peterboro' in or- der to visit and confer with the colored people of New York, Brooklyn, and Philadelphia concerning his main plan. He was to have visited Philadelphia with Douglass before going to l)Oston ; but while in Brooklyn he received this letter from Douglass : — Syracuse, Feb. 27, 1858. My dear Friend, — "When we parted, we were to meet in Phila- delphia on Friday, ^larch 5. I write now to postpone going to Philadelphia until Wednesday, March 10. Please write me at Rochester if this will do, and if you wish me to come at that time. You can, I hope, find work enough in and about New York up to that date. Please make my warmest regards to Mrs. and Mr. Gloucester, and accept that and more for yourself. Fred Douglass. John Bkown, Esq. Brown answered this note March 2, and had previously written me from Brooklyn as follow^s : — Brooklyn, Feb. 26, 1858. F. B. Sanborn, Esq., Coftcord, Mass. My dear Friend, — I want to put into the hands of my young men copies of Plutarch's "Lives," Irving's " Life of Washington," the best-written Life of Napoleon, and other similar books, together with maps and statistics of States. Could you not find persons who might be induced to contribute old copies (or other ones) of tliat character, or find some person who would be willing to undertake to collect some for me ? I also want to get a quantity of best white cotton drilling, — some hundred pieces, if T can get it. The use of this article I will hereafter explain. Mr. Morton will forward your 444 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1858. letter here to ine. Anything you may be disposed to say to me within two or three days j)lease enclose to James N. Gloucester, No. 265 Bridge Street, Brooklyn, N. Y. Very respectfully your friend, John Brown. P. S. Persons who would devote their time to the good work, as agents in diHerent parts, might do incalculable good. Can you find any such ? Yours, J. B. From Gerrit Smith's house, the day I departed for Bos- ton, Brown wrote to me one of those touching and prophetic letters which so seldom flowed from his pen, and which I have cherished as the most complete evidence of his confi- dence in my friendship and unison with him : — John Brown to F. B. Sanborn. Peterboro', N. Y., Feb. 24, 1858. My dear Friend, — Mr. Morton has taken the liberty of saying tome that you felt half inclined to make a common cause with me. I greatly rejoice at this ; for I believe when you come to look at the ample field I labor in, and the rich harvest which not only this entire country but the wliole world during the present and future genera- tions may reap from its successful cultivation, you will feel that you are out of your element until you find you are in it, an entire unit. What an inconceivable amount of good you might so effect by your counsel, your example, your encouragement, your natural and ac- quired ability for active service ! And then, how very little we can possibly lose ! Certainly the cause is enough to live for, if not to for. I have only had this one opportunity, in a life of nearly sixty years ; and could I be continued ten times as long again, I might not again have another equal opportunity. God has honoi-ed but comparatively a very small part of manlcind with any possible chance for such mighty and soul-satisfying rewards. But. my dear friend, if you should make up your mind to do so, I trust it will be wholly from the promptings of your own spirit, after having thoroughly counted the cost. I would Hatter no man into such a measure, if I could do it ever so easily. I expect nothing but to " endure hardness ;" but T expect to effect a mighty conquest, even though it be like the last victory of Sam- sou. I felt for a number of years, in earlier life, a steady, strong yt»i,'MXTXrk<.o^A^I,')^-^'jL/ % ( fu-td^.' rCi-^y Tru^t/A-j yfr->o^ /n- ortySt-t.^^^ Ji uXM^Ury- ». Im.>-^ 1858.] THE PLANS DISCLOSED. 445 desire to die : but since I saw any prospect of becoming a *' reaper " in the great harvest, I have not only felt quite willing to live, but have enjoyed lite much ; and am now rather anxious to live for a few years more. Your sincere friend, John Brown. ^ Till I follow my noble friend to that other world on which his hopes were fixed, I can never read this letter without emotion. Yet it did not persuade me to comply with his wish. Long accustomed to guide my life by lead- ings and omens from that shrine whose oracles may destroy but can never deceive, I listened in vain, through months of doubt and anxiety, for a clear and certain call. But it was revealed to me that no confidence could be too great, no trust nor affection too extreme, towards this aged poor man whom the Lord had chosen as his champion. In any event of his designs, — had he failed as conspicuously as he has succeeded, — I could still have had nothing to regret in the little aid I afforded him, except that I could not aid him more. The work upon which he entered was danger- ous, and even desperate ; none saw this better than those who stood with him : but his commission was from a Court that could bear him out, whatever the result. It is a maxim even of worldly prudence that desperate diseases require desperate remedies, — m rebus arduis ac tenui sjye fortisslma quceque consilia sunt optima. But it is also the 1 This letter, which is now in possession of Mrs. Stearns, was received by me soon after my return to Concord. On my way through Boston I had communicated to Theodore Parker (at his house in Exeter Phice, to which I had taken Brown in January, 1857, and where he met Mr. Gar- rison and other Abolitionists) the substance of Brown's plan ; and upon receiving the letter I transmitted it to Parker. He retained it, so that it was out of my possession in October, 1859, when I destroyed most of the letters of Brown and others which could compromise our friends. Some time afterward, probably in 1862, when Parker had been dead two years, my letters to him came back to me, and among them this epistle. It has to me an extreme value, from its association with the memory of my best and noblest friends ; but in itself it is also a remarkable utterance. That it did not draw me into the field as one of Brown's band was due to the circumstance that the interests of other persons were then too much in my hands and in my thoughts to permit a change of my whole course of life. 44«» LIFE AND LETTEKS OF JOHN BKOWN. [1858. privilege of heroism, as of beauty and of sanctity, to iiu- pose its own conditions upon the behohler : they claim and they receive their due homage. A casual glance, a frivo- lous mind, might be deceived in John Brown. His homely garb and plain manners did not betoken greatness, but neither could they disguise it. That antique and magnani- mous character which amid wounds and fetters and fero- cious insults suddenly fastened the gaze of the whole world ; those words of startling simplicity uttered among the corpses of his men, or before his judges, or in his prison cell, and listened to by all mankind, — all things that were peculiar to John Brown and distinguished him among the multitude, lost nothing of their force when he was seen at nearer view and heard within the walls of a chamber. That impressive personality, whose echoes so long mied the air of our camps, lacked nothing of its effect upon the few wlio came within his influence before the world recognized him. We saw this lonely and obscure old man choosing poverty before wealth, renouncing the ties of affection, throwing away his ease, his reputation, and his life for the sake of a despised race and for " zeal to his country's ancient liberties." Moved by this example, shamed by this generosity, was it to be imagined that young men and devoted Abolitionists would examine cau- tiously the grounds of prudence, or timidly follow a scrupu- lous conservatism ? Without accepting Brown's plans as reasonable, we were prepared to second them merely because they were his, — under the impulse of that sentiment to which Andrew afterward gave utterance when he said : *' Whatever might be thouglit of John Brown's acts, John Brown himself was right." Three courses were open to us, — to aid him so far as we could ; to discountenance and op- pose liis plans ; or to remain neutral. Of course there was no thought of betraying his conhdence, nor of treating him as a madman incapable of counsel. And it was soon evi- dent that where Brown was concerned there could be no neutrality and no indifference. In the winter and spring of 1858 the Kansas rifles, pistols, etc., were in the care of John Brown, Jr., to whom his father wrote from Mr. Smith's house, Feb. 23, 1858 : — ... 1858.J THE tLANS I>1SCLgrity and ability of Captain Brown ; but it is utterly absurd to infer from that any responsibility Ibr his acts. I have confidence in the integrity and ability of scores and hundreds of men for whose words and acts I am in no wise responsible. I never made myself responsible, as a member of the Kansas Committee, or as an individual, neither legally nor morally, for any contract between Captain Brown and you. I was an active member of the committee from its formation nntil it ceased active opera- tions (which was long, long ago), and never heard of any contract with you ; and I know that the committee never delegated power to any one to bind it by any legal or even moral obligation with you. So the brains are out of that allegation, and I will not heed any ghosts of it which you may parade before me or the pnblic. Your mistaken notion about my being in any way responsible for Captain Brown's actions is the key, I suppose, to certain enigmatical allusions in yonr last letter to some projected expedi- tion of his ; as thongh I was to be responsible through all time for him ! I infer from yonr language that you have obtained (in confidence) some in- formation respecting an expedition which you think to be commendable, provided you could manage it, but which you will betray and denounce if he does not give it up ! You ai-e, sir, the guardian of your own honor ; but I trust that for your children's sake, at least, you will never let your passion lead you to a course that might make them blush. In order, how- ever, to disabuse you of any lingering notion that I, or any of the members of the late Kansas Committee (whom I know intimately) have any respon- sibility for Captain Brown's actions, I wish to say that the very last com- munication I sent to him was in order to signify the earnest wish of certain gentlemen, whom you name as his sup^wrters (in your letter and iu the 460 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1858. thinks evil), and he will probably be bungling about in the dark and hesitating until the period for his doing harm has passed. Forbes has disclosed what he knows to Senator Seward, or says he has." A few days after this. Dr. Howe also admitted that the enterprise must be postponed. I was in almost daily consultation with him, and on the 18th of May I wrote to Higginson : *' Wilson as well as Hale and Seward, and God knows how many more, have heard about the plot from Forbes. To go on in the face of this is mere madness, and 1 place myself fully on the side of Parker, Stearns, and Dr. Howe. Mr. Stearns and the doctor will see Hawkins in New York this week, and settle matters hnally." Following up Parker's hint, but without being able to meet Forbes in New York, Higginson wrote to him a letter which after a time found him out, and to which Forbes re- plied from Philadelphia, June 6, — some days after Brown had definitely agreed to the postponement, and had left New England for Kansas. The letter was long and rambling, and reads more like the epistle of a lunatic than the pro- position of a military leader, such as Forbes professed to be. He said : — " The patent business which called me to Washington detained me longer than I anticipated ; besides, certain financial difficulties threw obstacles in my way. ... I am little disposed to trust certain letters by the United States mail addressed to obnoxious individuals. You can get from F. B. Sanboi-n and Dr. S. G. HovA'e a sight of my letters to them, unless Dr. H. may have thrown them behind the fire, as he said he would do if he did not like their tone, — as if he anonymous one), that he should go at on.-e to Kansas and give his aid in the coming elections. Whether he will do so or not, we do not know. I may, perhaps, save you trouble by declaring that though I am w^illing to do my uttermost to ai— ^iOziC <_. ■^■ c^—r^ 1859.1 THE PLANS DISCLOSED. 46i Thus matters stood fifteen months before the foray at Harper's Ferry, so far as Brown's last committee were con- cerned. His own movements in Canada and Kansas will soon be related ; but I may here continue the record of Mr. Smith's hospitality toward the old hero. Early in the spring of 1859, Brown again directed his steps to Peterboro', where he arrived with a single follower (Jerry Anderson), April 11, 1859. My classmate Morton was still residing in Mr. Smith's family, and wrote me as follows at the dates named : — Wednesday Evening, April 13, 1859. You must hear of Brown's meeting this afternoon, — few in num- bers, but tlie most interesting I perhaps ever saw. Mr. Smith spoke well ; G. W. Putnam read a spirited poem ; and Brown was exceed- ingly interesting, and once or twice so eloquent that Mr. Smith and some others wept. Some cue asked him if he had not better apply himself in another direction, and reminded him of his imminent peril, and that his life could not be spared. His replies were swift and most impressively tremendous. A paper was handed about, Avith the name of Mr. Smith for four hundred dollars, to which others added. Mr. Smith, in the most eliKjuent speech I ever heard from him, said : " If I were asked to point out — I will say it in his pres- ence — to point out the man in all this world I think most truly a Christian, I would point to John Brown." I was once doubtful in my own mind as to Captain Brown's course. I now approve it heartily, having given my mind to it more of late.^ . April 18. Brown left on Thursday the 14th, and was to be at North Elba to-morrow the 19th. Tlience he goes *' in a few days " to you. [He actually reached my house in Concord, Saturday, May 7, and spent half his last birthday with me.] He says he must not be trifled with, and shall hold Boston and New Haven to their word. New Haven advises him to forfeit five hundred dollars he has paid on a certain 1 When I fir.st met Brown at Peterboro', in 1858, Morton plaA^ed some fine music to us in the parlor, — among other things Schubert's " Serenade," then a favorite piece, — and the old Puritan, who loved music and sang a good part himself, sat weeping at the air. •'Northward he turneth through a little door. And scarce three steps ere music's golden tongue Flattered to tears this aged nian and poor. But, no ; already had his death-bell rung ; The .joys of all his life were said and sung. " 468 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. contract, and drop it. He will not. From here he went in good spirits, and appeared better than ever to us, barring an affection of the right side of his head. I hope he will meet hearty encourage- ment elsewhere. Mr. Smith gave him four hundred dt)llars, I twenty- five, aud we took some ten dollars at the little meeting. . . . " L'ex- perience demontre, avec toute I'evidence possible, que c'est la societe que prepare le crime, et que le coupable n'est que I'instrumeut que rexec'Ute." Do you believe Que'elet i June 1. Mr. Smith has lately writtei >to John Brown at New York to find what he needed, meauiug to supply it. He now sends to him ac- cording to your enclosed address. 1 suppose you know the place where this matter is to be adjudicated. Harriet Tubman suggested the 4th of July as a g(.)od time to " raise the mill." June 30. News from Andover, Ohio, a week or more since, from our friend. He had received two hundred dollars more from here,^ was full of cheer, and arranging his wool business; but I do not look for a result so soon as many do. This message from Browni, about June 20, 1859, shows that he was already mustering his men and moving his arms toward Virginia ; and it was about the 4th of July, as Har- riet Tubman the African Sibyl had suggested, that Brown first showed himself in the counties of Washington and Jefferson, on opposite sides of the lordly Potomac. Before relating his adventures there, I must pause to recite his last Kansas episode. 1 That is, from Gerrit Smith. 1858. THROUGH KANSAS TO CANADA. 469 CHAPTER XIII. FROM CANADA, THROUGH KANSAS, TO CANADA. TT is now a humiliating thought that in 1858-59 Canada ^ was the only safe refuge of the American fugitive slave. That simple hero, whose guide was the North Star, and to whom the roar of Niagara meant freedom, used to call his resort to British protection "shaking the paw of the Lion." " Slaves could not breathe in England " a hundred years ago ; but the atmosphere of Canada was as wholesome to the freedmen in Judge Taney's time as that of England was in Lord Mansfield's. When John Brown wished to organize quietly his foray against Virginian slavery, he withdrew to Chatham, in Canada, where, in May, 1858, he held his little convention among the fugitives, and promulgated his " Pro- visional Constitution." Here is the beginning of the in- strument, as it came from the mind and the pen of John Brown : — PROVISIONAL CONSTITUTION ^ AND ORDINANCES FOR THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. Preamble. WJiereas, Slavery, throughout its entire existence in the United States, is none other than a most barbarous, unprovoked, and un- justifiable war of one portion of its citizens upon another portion — ^ On the 10th of May, 1858, when the Chatham convention adjourned, it was voted "that John Brown (commander-in-chief), J. H. Kagi (secre- tary of war), Richard Realf (secretary of state), <'harles P. Tidd, E. Whip- ple (A. D. Stephens), C. W. Moffat, John E. Cook, Owen Brown, Stewart Taylor, Osborne P. Anderson,. A. M. EJlswortli, Richard llkhardson, W. H. Leeman, and John Lawrence be, and hereby are, "appointed a committee to whom is delegated the power of the convention to fill by election all the offices specially named in the Provisional Constitution which may be va- cant after the adjournment of this convention." Those in italics were eolored men. 470 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. |1S58 the only conditions of which ai'e perpetual iniprisfinment and hope- less servitude or absolute extermination — in utter disregard and violation of those eternal and self-evident truths set forth in our Declaration of Independence : Therefore, We, citizens of the United States, and the oppressed people who by a recent decision of the Supreme Court are declared to have no rights which the white man is bound to respect, together with all other people degraded by the laws thereof, do, for the time being, ordain and establisli for ourselves the following Provisional Constitution and Ordinances, the better to protect our persons, prop- erty, lives, and liberties, and to govern our actions : Qualifications for Member ship. Art. I. All persons of mature age, whether proscribed, oppressed, and enslaved citizens, or of the proscribed and oppressed races of the United States, who shall agree to sustain and enforce the Provisional Constitution and Ordinances of this organization, together with all minor chiUlreu of such persons, shall be held to be fully entitled to protection under the same. This whole constitution, much ridiculed in 1859, will bear a careful examination, and will be found well suited to its purpose, — the government of a territory in revolt, of which the chief occupants should be escaped slaves. Mr. Bagehot once said that " the men of Massachusetts could work any constitution ; " and so perhaps Brown and his men might have done. Upon the intelligence received from Boston, in May, 1858, the little party of liberators in Canada separated, some going one way, some another. Richard Realf wrote to Brown, May 31, from Cleveland, Ohio : — " I learn from George Gill that a certain Mr. Warner, living at Milan, has l)Pon told that a quantity of material was located in a certain county^ (name correctly given), and that this Warner has 1 At this time the arms of Brown were stored at Lindenville, Ohio, in charge of Mr. E. A. Fobes, to whom Biown had written from Chatham, May 11, saying : "The conduct of Colonel Forbes has been so strange of late as to render it important that he get no clew to where the arms are stored, or other articles, and tliat he slioiihl know nothing of my where- abouts. You will gi-eatly oblige me and many other friends of freedom by 1858.] THROUGH KANSAS TO CANADA. 471 mentioned it to another man. All these are, Gill says, tnie men ; but I do not like the idea any more for that. Nor am I better pleased to learn from tlie same source that a certain Mr. Reynolds (cme sense, to " possess the field ; " but we deem it wise to " be on the alert." Whether Missouri people are more excited through fear than otherwise, I am not yet prepared to judge. The black- smith (Suyder) has got his family back ; also some others have re- turned, and a few new settlers are coming in. Those who tied or were driven off will pretty much lose the season. Since we came here about twenty- five or tliirty of Governor Denver's men have moved a little nearer to the line, I believe. August G. Have been down with the ague since last date, and had no safe way of getting t)ff my letter. I had lain every night without shelter, suffering from cold rains and lieavy dews, together with the oppressive heat of the days. A few days since, Governor Denver's officer then in command bravely moved his men on to the line, and on the next adjoining claim with us. Several of them im- mediately sought opportunity to tender their service to me secretly. I however advised them to remain where they were. Soon after I 1 The allusion here is to Brown's contract with Charles Blair, who was to make the thousanil pikes. Brown had not been able, for lack of money, to complete the payment, and was afraid his contract would be forfeited, and the money paid would be lost. He therefore communicated the facts to Mr. Russell, who was then the head of a military school at New Haven, and had some assurance from him of money to be raised in Connecticut to meet this contract. 2 Gerrit Smith, and his own family. 1858.] THROUGH KANSAS TO CANADA. 477 came on the line my right name was reported ; but the majority did not credit the report. I am getting better. You will know the true result of the election of the 2d iust. much sooner than I shall, probably. I am in no place for correct genei'al information. jMay God bless you all ! Your friend, John Brown. When recovering from fever he wrote this shorter letter : OsAWATOMiE, Kansas, Sept. 10, 1858. Dear Friend, and other Friends, — Your kind and very welcome letter of the 11th July was received a long time since, but I was sick at the time, and have been ever since until now ; so that I did not even answer the letters of my own family, or any one else, before yesterday, when I began to try. I am very weak yet, but gaining well. AH seems quiet now. I have been down about six weeks. As things now look I would say that if you had not already sent forward those little articles,^ do not do it. Beft)re I was taken sick there seemed to be €very prospect of some business very soon ; and there is some now that requires doing ; but, under alLthe circumstances, I think not best to send them. I have heard nothing direct from Forbes for months, but expect to ■when I get to Lawrence. I have but fourteen regularly employed hands, the most of whom are now at common work, and some are sick. Much sickness prevails. How we travel may not be best to write. I have often met the " notorious " Montgomery, and think very favorably of him. It now looks as though but little business can be accomplished until we get our mill into operation. I am most anxious about that, and want you to name the earliest date possible, as near as you can learn, when you can have your matters gathered up. Do let me hear from you on this point (as soon as consistent), so that I may have some idea how to arrange my business. Dear friends, do be in earn- est : the harvest we shall reap, if we are only up and doing. Sept. 13, 1858. Yours of the 25th August, containing draft of Mr. S. for fifty dol- lars is received. I am most grateful for it, and to you for your kind 1 The whistles, etc., mentioned in this note, sent to me from Brooklyn in March, 1858. " Please get for me (if yoii can) a quantity of whistles such as are used by the boatswain on ships of war. They will be of great service. Every ten men ought to have one at least. Also some little articles as marks of distinction, which I mentioned to you." 478 LIFE AND LETTEKS OF JOHN BROWN. [1858. letter. This would have been sooner inailed but for want of stamps and envelopes. I am gaining slowly, but hope to be on my legs soon. Have no further news. Mailed, September 15. Still weak. Your friend. To his Family. OsAWATOMiE, Kansas, Sopt. 9, 1858. Dear Wife and Children, all, — I received Henry's letter of the 21st July a long time ago, but was too sick to answer it at the time, and have been ever since till now. I am still very weak, but gaining pretty well. I was never any more sick. I left the Missouri line about six weeks since ; soon after, T was taken down. Things are now very quiet, so far as I know. What course I shall next take, I cannot tell, till I have more strength. I have learned witli pain that the flour did not go on, and shall try to send you some money. instead of it, so that Mr. Allen may he well paid for the bar- rel he lent. I can write you no more now, but I want to know how you all get along. Enclose everything to Augustus Wattles, Moneka, Linn County, Kansas, iu sealed envelope, with my name (mly on it. God bless you all ! Your affectionate husband and father. Osawatomie, Kansas, Sept. 13, 1858. *Dear Wife, — Your letter of the 25th August I was most glad to get, notwithstanding it told me of your trials ; and T would be thankful that the same hand that brought me your letter brought me another, supplying me with the means of sending you st)me relief. I hope you will all learn to put your trust in God, and not become dis- couraged when you meet with poor success and with losses. I wrote you two or three days ago, telling you how I had been sick, but was getting better. I am still very weak, and write with great labor. T enclose draft for fifty dollars, payable to Watson. I want Mr. Allen paid out of it, to his full satisfaction, for the barrel of flour lent, as a first thing, and the balance used to supply substantial comforts for the family, or to pay any little debts. I shall Jiave the means, after a while, of paying for another yoke of oxen, and I hope to have it soon; but of that I cannot be certain. It would be well to make consider- able inquiry for a good, youngish yoke, without faults, and also to find where you can get them mt>st reasonably for the money. Do not, any of you, go iu debt for a team. You may, perhaps, hire a few days' work of some good team to log with, or of some good man to help tut a team, and I will endeavor to send the pay 1838.] THROUGH KANSAS TO CANADA. 479 on for that soon. Do the best you can, and neither be hasty nor dis- couraged. You must acknowledge the receipt of this at once, and tell nie all how you get aloug. May God abundantly bless you all ! Your aiFectionate husband. OsAWATOMiE, Kansas, Oct. 11, 1858. Dear Wife and Children, all, — I wrote you sometime since, enclosing G. Smith's check for iifty d()llars, payable to order of Watson. Since then I have no word from any of you, but am in hopes of getting sometliing to-morrt>w. I have been very feeble ever since, but have improved a good deal now for about one week. I can now see no good reason why 1 should not be located nearer home, as soon as I can collect the means for defraying expenses. I still intend sending you some furtlier help as soon as I can. Will write you how to direct to me hereafter. No more now. Your affectionate husband and father. Moneka, Kansas, Nov. 1, 18f«8. Dear Wife and Children, all, — I have just written to John H. Painter, of Springdale, Cedar County, Iowa, to send you a New York draft, payable to Oliver. I have strong hopes of your getting one to the amount of his note. At any rate, it is all the means I now have of giving you a little further help. Should you get it, you need not send him the note, as my letter is good against the note. I would be glad to have you pay the taxes, if you can so manage as to do it and be comfortable. I shall do all I can to help you, and as fast as I can. How soon I shall be able to see you again, I cannot tell, but I still live in hopes. I cannot now tell you how to direct to me, but will advise you further as soon as I can. Things at this moment look quite threatening along the line. I am much better in health tlian I was vi^heu I wrote last, but not very strong yet. May God bless you all ! Your affectionate husband and father. Moneka, Kansas, Nov. 1, 1858. Dear Friends, — Your letter of the 10th October from Hudson was received in good time, but I was not then in a condition to reply at once. Things at this moment look rather threatening in this im- mediate neighborhood ; but what will come up I cannot say. I am obliged to you for your efforts to prevent Watson from going to Cali- fornia, and will try to express my gratitude by hinting to you that a business and copartnership, such as you allude to, would be very likely to require a good deal of the capital (real or fictitious) of others, where- 480 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1858. by yon would be likely to run into debt, and into some other entan- glements. Could you not do moderately well by taking a dairy again? That business has for the last half century been sulijeet to as few fluctuations in Ohio as any other (I think). Beside that, I suppose you already understand it, tolerably well at least. I may take wholly a wrong view of the subject. My healtli is some improved, but I am still weak. Shall write to you where to direct when I know where to do so. May God bless you all ! Your friend. These letters are not signed, because Brown was still a proscribed person in Kansas, and was liable at any time to engage in new contests which might lead to his arrest by the Democratic governor or the Federal troops. At the date of the last letter, Governor Denver, who had succeeded Walker and Stanton, had resigned, and there was a short interregnum. Captain Montgomery, with an armed force much larger than any that Brown had commanded, for some months patrolled southern Kansas, and retaliated on the Border Ruffians as he saw occasion. Montgomery was Brown's friend, and had carried Brown's opinions very far. Just before April 1, 1858, while pursued by United States troops, he turned and put them to flight, firing upon them and killing two dragoons, — the first and last time that the national soldiers were fired upon by the Free-State men in Kansas. These troubles in southern Kansas were mainly over when Brown wrote the following letter to his family, just a year before his execution : — John Brown to his Children in Ohio. OsAWATOMiE, Kansas, Dpo. 2, 1858. Dear Children, — I have a moment to write you, and I hasten to imprrtvc it. My liealth is some improved since I wrote you last, but still I get a shake now and then. Otlier friends are middling well, I believe. In some of the border counties south, there is the worst feeling at this time, which affords but little prospect of quiet. Other portions of the Territory are comparatively undisturbed. The winter may be supposed to have fairly set in, which may compel parties to defer hostilities at least. I want you to write my family to inquire particuhirly whether they are so circumstanced as to be able to get through the winter without suffering, so that I may hear from 1859.] THROUGH KANSAS TO CANADA. 481 them when I know where to have you direct to me. I have but this moment returned from the south, and expect to go back at once. Your affectionate friend- P. S. Am still preparing for my other journey. Yours. P. S. I want you, sortie of you, for the present, to write John, saying all about the condition of your different families, and whether you are suffering for anything, or are likely to be, and for what, that I may get the information by-and-by, through him, when there is any chance. You may depend on my doing all in my power to make you comfortable. To God and his infinite grace I commend you all. By his "other journey," Brown meant his Virginia expe- dition ; but he was then preparing also for his raid into Missouri, to rescue slaves from one or two plantations there. He has told the story of this raid in his own inimitable manner, summing up in a short letter the his- tory of the whole year 1858 in southern Kansas. It was addressed to the " New York Tribune," and published both there and in the Lawrence " Republican " : — JOHN brown's parallels. Trading Post, Kansas, January, 1859. Gentlemen, — You will greatly oblige a humble friend by allow- ing the use of your columns while I brietly state two parallels, in my poor way. Not one year ago eleven quiet citizens of this neighborhood, — William Robertson, William Colpetzer, Amos Hall, Austin Hall, John Campbell, Asa Snyder, Thomas Stilwell, William Hairgrove, Asa Hairgrove, Patrick Ross, and B. L. Reed, — were gathered up from their work and their homes by an armed force under one Hamil- ton, and without trial or opportunity to speak in their own defence were formed into line, and all but one shot, — five killed and five wounded. One fell unharmed, pretending to be dead. All were left for dead. The only crime charged against tliem was that of being Free- State men. Now, I inquire what action has ever, since the occurrence in May last, been taken by either the President of the United States, the Governor of Missouri, the Governor of Kansas, or any of their tools, or by any proslavery or Administration man, to ferret out and punish the perpetrators of this crime ? 81 482 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. Now for the other parallel.^ On Sunday, December 19, a negro man called Jim came over to the Osage settlement, from Missouri, and stated that he, together with his wife, two children, and another negro man, was to be sold within a day or two, and begged for help to get away. On Monday (the following) night, two small com- panies were made up to go to Missouri and forcibly liberate the five slaves, together with other slaves. One of these companies I assumed to direct. We proceeded to the place, surrounded the buildings, lib- erated the slaves, and also took certain property supposed to belong to the estate. We however learned before leaving tliat a portion of the articles we had taken belonged to a man living on the plan- tation as a tenant, and wlio was supposed to have no interest in the estate. We promptly returned to him all we had taken. We then went to another plantation, where we found five more slaves, took some property and two white men. We moved all slowly away into the Territory for some distance, and then sent the white men back, telling them to follow us as soon as they chose to do so. The other company freed one female slave, took some property, and, as I am informed, killed one white man (the master), who fought against the liberation. Now for a comparison. Eleven persons are forcibly restored to their natural and inalienable rights, with but one man killed, and all "hell is stirred from beneath." It is currently reported that the 1 On the back of the original draft of " Old Brown's Parallels," in Brown's handwriting, is the following indoisement bv him in pencil of stations on the " Underground Railroad" through Kansas : — Raynard, Holton. Nemaha City. Dr. Fuller, six miles. On River Road, Martin Stowell, Mount Vei- Smith, Walnut Creek, fifteen. non. Milts and Graham (attorneys), Albany, Dr. Whitenger and Sibley. Nebraska City, twenty-five. Mr. Vincent, Ira Reed, Mr. Gardner. Besides these entries appear the following : — Teamsters, Dr. To cash each, §1.00 S2.00 Linsley, Dr. at Smith's 1.00 On the other end of the same page, — Cash received by J. Brown on his private account, of J. H. Painter on note SlOO 00 Cash received by J. Brown on his private account, of J H. Painter for saddle 10.00 Ca.'sh received by J. Brown on his private account, of J. H. Painter for wagon 38. lo "J. Brown paid for company : For 0. Oil], ,$.5.70 ; to Pearce, $39.00 ; to Painter, $8.00 ; to Townsend for shoe.s, $1.65 ; to Pearce, .$3.00 ; to Car- penter, $10.00 ; to Kagi, .$8.00 ; to Carpenter for making shirts, $2.00." These are part of the cost of the journey, no doubt. 1859.] THROUGH KANSAS TO CANADA. 483 Governor of Missouri has made a requisition upon the Governor of Kansas for the delivery of all such as vi^ere concerned in the last- named " dreadful outrage." Tlie Marshal of Kansas is said to be collecting a x>osse of Missouri (not Kansas) men at West Point, in Missouri, a little town about ten miles distant, to " enforce the laws." All proslavery, conservative, Free-State, and dough-face men and Administration tools are filled with holy horror. Consider the two cases, and the action of the Administration party. Respectfully yours, John Brown. When Brown was about to set forth from Osawatomie with his freedmeu, Gerrit Smith, who had heard of his foray in Missouri, and rejoiced at it, sent me this letter : — Peterboro', Jan. 22, 1859. My dear Sir, — I have yours of the 19th. I am happy to learn that the Underground Railroad is so prosperous in Kansas. I cannot help it now, in the midst of the numberless calls upon me. But I send you twenty-five dollars, which I wish you to send to our noble friend John Brown. Perhaps you can get some other contributions to send along with it. He is doubtless in great need of all he can get. The topography of Missouri is unfavorable. Would tJiat a spur of the Alleghany extended from the east to the west borders of the State! ]Mr. Morton has not yet returned. We hope he may come to-night. In haste, your friend, Gerrit Smith. p. S. Dear Theodore Parker ! May Heaven preserve him to us ! It was not far from January 20 when Brown started northwal-d with his freedmen from the neighborhood of the Pottawatomie, where he had sheltered them. The follow- ing letter was received by Brown while tarrying a day at Major J. B. Abbott's house on the "Wakarusa, near Lawrence, with the eleven fugitives, — the same brave Abbott who rescued Branson three years before. It was written in reply to one sent from Brown by messenger to Judge Conway ; upon the back of it is a pencil memorandum in the hand- writing of Brown, apparently giving the names of safe stopping-places on the route northward, as follows : " Sheri- dan's, Hill, Holton, Fuller's, Smith's, Plymouth, Indians, Little Nemeha, Dr. Blanchard's, Tabor." 484 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. Judge Conway to John Brown. Lawrence, K. T., Jan. 23, 1859. Dear Sir, — I have been able to see Whitman but once since I got your previous letter, and then he promised to come and see me about it ; but he has not done so. I am of opinion that you will not be able to get any funds from him. He expressed himself to me since his return from the East as dissatisfied at your proceedings in Lawrence when you were here before. He has always complaints to make about his pecuniary sufferings in connection with the Na- tional Kansas Committee. Still, it may be as well for you to look after liiui at this time. Anything I can do for you I will do ; but I am extremely pinched for money, and am unable to do anything in that way. If, however, you can suggest anything within my power by which I may aid you, I am at your service. You know Mr. Whitman is living out of town. He does not come in very often. I shall keep '^ entirely dark," of course. Very truly your friend, M. F. Conway. The retreat from southern Kansas with his freedmen, and particularly the first stage of his journey from Osawa- tomie to Lawrence, was one of the boldest adventures of Brown. With a price on his head, with but one white .companion, himself an outlaw, with twelve fugitives who had been advertised the world over, and wath their prop- erty loaded into an odd-looking wagon and drawn by the cattle taken from the slave-owner in Missouri, Brown pushed forward, in the dead of winter, regardless of warnings and threats, but relying on the mercy of God and on his own stout heart. His next and most dangerous stage was from Holton in Jackson County, thirty miles north of Topeka, to the Nebraska border. At Holton he occupied the cabin of Albert Fuller, and went forth from there with his Topeka reinforcements, to win " the battle of the spurs." It was at this encounter that he made that capture of his pursuers concerning which Brown's biographers have romanced a lit- tle, saying, among other things, that he forced his prisoners to pray or be shot. The truth of that matter is better nar- rated thus : — " One of the party captured was Dr. Hereford, a young physician from Atchison, — a wild, rattling, devil-may-care kind of fellow, 1859.] THROUGH KANSAS TO CANADA. 485 always ready for au adventure, but who really had nothing very bad in his composition. Brown took him under his especial care. One evening he called upon the doctor to offer prayer. > " ' By God ! ' said the doctor, ' I can't pray.' " ' Did your mother never teach you to pray ? ' " ' Oh, yes; but that was a long thne ago.' " ' But you still remember the prayer she taught you,' said Brown. " ' Yes.' " ' Well, for lack of a better one, say that.' And the doctor re- peated before black and white comrades of the camp that night the rhyme, ' Now I lay me down to sleep,' etc., to the amusement of his fellow-prisoners and (jthers. " On his return home he related this, and said with an oath that John Brown was the best man he had ever met, and knew more about religion than any man. When asked whether Brown had ever treated them badly, or used hai'sli language while they were with him, he said, 'No/ — that they were all treated like gentlemen ; had the same fare as the others ; but it did go a little against the grain to eat with and be guarded by * damned niggers.' " ^ Brown appears to have made no written report of his retreat with the freedmen through Kansas, Nebraska, Iowa, Illinois, and Michigan to Canada ; but I find copious accounts of it by others. He reached Lawrence January 24, 1859, and travelled northward slowly. About thirty miles from Topeka he found shelter in a vacant log-cabin, belonging to Dr. Fuller. "Our party," says a comrade, ''consisted only of the captain, myself, and a man known by the name of Whipple in Kansas, but afterward as Stephens at Harper's Ferry. Kagi and Tidd had stayed at Topeka to procure provisions, and our teamster had been sent back to bring them along. While waiting for them, we found ourselves surrounded by a band of human bloodhounds, headed by the notfirious deputy-marshal of the United States, Wood. I afterward learned 1 The prisoners all cursed terribly at their ill luck in being captured. Brown said to them : " Gentlemen, you do very wrong to thus take the name of God in vain. Besides, it is very foolish ; for if there is a God you can gain nothing by such profanity ; and if there is no God, how fool- ish it is to ask God's curses on anything ! " The men saw their folly, ceased swearing, and joined willingly in the morning and evening prayers of the party during the five days they were held prisoners. 486 LIFE AND LETTEKS OF JOHN BKOWN. [ISSQ. that he was put on our track by a traitor from New Hampshire, iianieti Hussey. Whipple lived alone iu a small empty cabin near the one we occupied. There had been heavy rains, which produced a freshet ; and one day as he walked a short distance from the cabin to see whether the waters had subsided, eight of the marshal's men came uj)on him suddenly, and asked him if he had seen any negroes thereabout. He told them if they would come with him he would show them some, and conducted them to his cabin where he had left his riile. He came back immediately and pointed his I'ifle at the leader, commanding him to surrender, which he did at once. The other men put spurs to their horses, and rode oflf as fast as possible. From that time I was the sole bodyguard of Captain Brown, the _^eleven fugitives, and the prisoner who had surrendered, — Whii)ple keeping a sharp lookout as our sentry. We were detained at this place about three tlays. At last our provisions arrived, and we were joined by a band of Topeka boys who had walked down in the night to aid us. We then started on our journey. A short distance from our road was Muddy Creek, where the marshal, supposing our party must pass that M'ay, stationed himself on the opposite side of the creek, with eighty armed men, for he had made careful preparations, well knowing that it was no joke to attack old Brown. Captain Brown had with him only twenty-three white men, all told. He placed them in double file, in front of the emigrant wagons, and said, ' Now go straight at 'em, boys ! They '11 be sure to run.' In obe- dience to this order, we marched towards the creek, but scarcely had the foremost entered the water when the valiant marshal mounted his horse, and rode off in haste. His men followed as fast as possible, but they were not all so lucky as he was in untying their horses from the stumps and bushes. The scene was ridiculous beyond descrip- tion ; some horses were hastily mounted by two men. One man grabbed tight hold of the tail of a horse, trying to leap on from be- hind, while the rider was putting the spurs into his sides ; so he went flying through the air, his feet touching the ground now and then. Those of our men who had horses followed them about six miles, and brought back with them four prisoners and five horses. Mean- while Captain Brown and the rest of his company succeeded in draw- ing the emigrant wagons through the creek by means of long ropes. This battle of Muddy Creek was known ever after in Kansas as ' The Battle of the Spurs.' When we resumed our journey, the captain did not think it prudent to allow the five prisoners to mount their horses lest they should escape and bring a fresh party to attack us. So he told them they must walk ; but as he meant them no unkindncss, he would walk with them. They went on together, he tallung with thoui all the way concerning the wickedness of slavery, and the meanness of 1859.] THROUGH KAXSAS TO CANADA. 487 slavehunting. He kept them with us all night ; in the morning he told tliem that they might make the best of their way back on foot. Their horses were retained from prudential motives, as it was ob- viously not for the safety of our colored emigrants to have these men return very speedily. The horses captui-ed from Marshal Wood's posse were given to the brave Topeka boys who had walked so far to help us." Another comrade, Jacob Willetts, of Topeka, says : — "I lived on a farm a short distance from Topeka at the time Brown was last in Kansas. When he came up north he stopped wdth my near neighbor, Mr. Sheridan, and sent for me. When I got there he wanted me to go to town on business for him. I came down that night with him to cross the river, and on the way he told me he had some colored people with him, who were in need, and asked me if I could do anything to help them. They had no shoes, and but little to eat. I went out among the houses and into several stores and got a number of pairs of shoes and some little money for the good cause. As we were going down to the river, I noticed Brown shivering, and that his legs trembled a good deal. I suspected something, and as I sat beside him on my horse I reached down and felt of his panta- loons, and found they were of cotton, thin and suited to summer, not to the cold weather we had then. I asked him : ' Mr. Brown, have you no drawers ? ' He said he had not. * Well,' I said, ' there is no time to go to the store now ; but I have on a pair that were new to- day, and if you will take them you can have them and welcome.' After a few words he agreed to it. We got down beside the wagons on the boat ; I took the drawers off, and he put them on. I don't re- member what day this was ; but one Sunday morning, not a great while after, we got word that Brown was surrounded near Holton. J could not go just then, but got started during the day, and when we got to Holton we found that the way had been cleared and Brown had gone on." Another writer continues the narrative thus : — " The trip after leaving Holton was accompanied with great hard- ships. By pressing through rapidly, despite extremely cold weather and drifted roads, the crossing of the Missouri was made at Nebraska City before a force could be gathered to intercept them. At Tabor Brown had formerly been received with great hospitality and treated in the friendliest manner; but the very people who had formerly con- tributed to his wants so liberally now felt called upon to assemble and resolve that Brown's conduct in crossing into a slave State and. forcing 488 l-IFE AND LETl'ERS OF JOHN BROWN. [IS59. uoijToos away was im-ousisttMit witli tlic t("ai'liiiii;-8 of tho Hiblo and with I'hristiaiiity. This was vory lUsaiiivoahlo to Brown, who suji- posoil tho trooil nion of Tabor woiv tho fiiomls of fugitives. Hut tho Tabin" poopU\ though good Kt>{nibHoan voters, were alarmed, and doelared such fugitives otnitrabaud. A pubUc mooting was eaUed for Monday morning, and announced in the ehnrelios of tliat wlu>h' region on the t>undaY preoeding. Tho peopU> tioekcd in. and a Missouri shive- hoUlor was there as well as John Brown and iiis lieutenant John lieury Ka^ji, who was killed at Harper's Ferry. The meeting was addressed by "a deacon, who had hitherto beeu reckoned an Abolitionist, but uow called ou his fellow-Cluistians to declare that tho forcible rescue of slaves was robbery and might load to murder, and that tho citizens of Tabor liad nt) sympathy with John Brown in his late acts.^ When tho di'acon liad offered his resolution and made his speech, another resolution was otlerod as a substitute by Jauios Vincent, but drawn up by Kagi, to this otiect : — ♦ Whereas, John Brown and his associates have been guilty of robbery and nuutler in the State of Missouri, ' Htm^lroi, That we, the eiti/ens of Tabor, ivjmdiate his conduct and tlieii-s, aiul will hereupon take thcni into custody, and hold tlunu to await the action of the Missouri authorities.' '* The meeting evaded this caustic tost of its sineority, but went on dentnincing Brown and his acts. In tho midst of these natural but disirraceful proceedings, John Brown arose, aud left the meetiug, in aggrieved tiilence." He uever returned to Tabor, but from Springilale, a week or two later, he wrote to a friend in Tabor as follows : — RECEPTION OF BKOWX AXO TARTY AT GKIXXELL, IOWA, COM- PARED WITH PKOCEEDIXGS AT TABOR. SVRINGDALE, lowA, Feb. 25, 1S59. 1 . Whole party and teams kept for two days free of cost. '2. Sundry articles of clothing given to the captives. 3. Bread, meat, cakes, pies. olc. pivpared for our journey. 4. Full houses for two nights in succession, at which meetings Brown and Kagi spoke, and wove loudly cheered and fully indorsed. 1 Here is the resolution adopted by the citizens of Tabor. Feb. 7, 1S59 : Resi^hyd, Tli.it white we symvatliizo with the i^ppiv-ssed. and will do all that we eon- soieutiously Cim to help them in their effort.* for freedom, nevertheless we have no syiniv Chicago, and eflected it. 5. Contributions in cash amounting to S2G.50. 6. Last, but not least, public thanksgiving to Almighty God of- fered up by Mr. Grinnell in the behalf of the whole company for His great mercy and protecting care, with prayers for a continuance of those blessings. As the action of Tab(jr friends has been published in the newspa- pers by some of her people (as I suppose), would not friend Gaston or some other friend give publicity to all the above ? Respectfully your friend, John Browx. P. S. Our reception among the Quaker friends here has been most cordial. Yours truly, J. B. To quiet the scruples of some persons in the North, Brown made these notes for a speech : — "vindication of the invasion, etc. "The Denver truce was broken; and (1) It was in accordance with my settled policy; (2) It was intended as a discriminating blow at .slavery ; (3) It was calculated to lessen the value of slaves ; (4) It was (over and above all other motives) right. " Duty of all perscms in regard to this matter. " Criminality of neglect in this matter. " Suppose a case. "Ask for further support." The family letters at this period are few, but I find some. The first was written while in southern Kansas with his fugitives, waiting for a favorable time to take them to Can- ada ; but he did not trust the tidings of what he had done or exactly where he was to a letter, which might be taken from the mails in Missouri. To his Family. OsAWATOMiE, Kansas, Jan. 11, 1859. Dear Children, all, — I have but a moment in which to tell you that I am in middling health ; but have not been able to tell you 490 LIFE AND LETTERS OE JOHN BROWN. [1859. as yet where to write me. This I hope will be different soon. 1 suppose you get Kansas news generally through the papers.^ May God ever bless you all ! Your affectionate father, John Brown. Tabok, Iowa, Feb. 10, 1859. Dear Wife and Children, all, — I am once more in Iowa, tlmmgh tlie great mercy of God. Those with me, and other friends, are well. I hope soon to be at a point where I can learn of yt)ur welfare, and perhaps send you something besides my good wishes. I suppose you get the common news. May the God of my fathers be your God ! SpRiNonALE, Cedar County, Iowa, March 2, 1859. Dear Wife and Children, all, — I write to let you know that all is yet well with me, except that I am not very strong. I have something of the ague yet hanging about me. I confidently expect to be able to send you some help about team, etc., in a very few days. However, if I should be delayed about it longer than I could wish, do not be discouraged. I was nmch relieved to find on coming here that you had got the draft sent by Mr. Painter. He has been helping me a little in advance of its being due, since I got on. Do not be in haste to buy a team until you can have time to get further word from me. I shall do as fast as I can ; and may God bless and keep you all ! Your affectionate husband and father. Iowa City is not far from Springdale, and it may have been the proslavery postmaster there concerning whom this anecdote is told : In the midst of a crowd on the street- corner a quiet old countryman was seen listening to a cham- pion of slavery, who was denouncing Brown as a reckless, bloody outlaw, — a man who never dared to fight fair, but skulked, and robbed, and murdered in the dai'k ; adding, 1 They would thus learn that he had made his foray, and that both Governor Jb'dary of Kansas and President Buchanan had set a price on liis head. Cliarles Robinson's account of this foray (published twenty years later in the " Topeka Commonwealth") is characteristic : "Brown and his heroes went over the line into Missouri, killed an old peaceable citi- zen, and robbed him of all tlie personal elFects they could drive or carry away. Such proceedings caused the Free-State men to organize to drive him from the Territory ; and he went to Harper's Ferry, where he dis- played his wonderftil generalship in committing suicide." 1859.] THROUGH KANSAS TO CANADA. 491 " If I could get sight of liim I would shoot him on the spot ; I would never give him a chance to steal any more slaves." " My friend," said the countryman in his modest way, " you talk very brave ; and as you will never have a better oppor- tunity to shoot Old Brown than right here and now, you can have a chance." Then, drawing two revolvers from his pockets he offered one to the braggart, requesting him to take it and shoot as quick as he pleased. The mob orator slunk away, and Brown returned his pistols to his pocket. When this affair happened, Brown's expedition from Kan- sas back to Canada was nearly over. On the 12tli of March, 1859, he saw his twelve freedmen (among them a neAV- born infant) safely ferried across from Detroit to Windsor, where " the paw of the Lion " protected them.^ After Brown's capture in Virginia, public attention was directed to them ; and their condition was described by several friends who visited them. When they heard Brown's speech in court read to them they burst into tears and sobs, declaring that they wished they could die instead of their liberator ; and one woman said, " If the Bible is true, he will have his reward in heaven, for he followed the Bible in this world." His action, however, like that of earlier Christians, brought much reproach upon himself at first. Even his stanch friend Dr. Howe, who as a young man had taken part in the Greek revolution, the French revolu- tion of July, and the Polish revolution of 1831, was dis- tressed, on his return from Cuba in the spring of 1859, to find that Brown had actually been taking the property of slaveholders to give their escaping slaves an outfit, — and for a time withdrew his support. ISTor did he evej sustain Brown's Virginia scheme again so heartily as he had done before this visit to Cuba and Carolina.^ Meanwhile, the 1 When he parted from them Brown said : "Lord, permit Thy servant to die in peace ; for mine eyes have seen Thy salvation ! I could not brook the thought that any ill should befall yon, — least of all, that you should be taken back to slavery. The arm of Jehovah protected us." ^ Dr. Howe, returning from Cuba (whither he accompnnied Theodore Parker in February, 1859), journeyed through the Caroliiias, and there ac- cepted the hospitality of Wade Hampton and other rich planters ; and it shocked him to tliink that he might be iostrupiental in giving up to fire 492 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. secret committee were not idle. The fifty dollars sent to Brown in Kansas, Aug. 25, 1858, and acknowledged by him September 13, came from Gerrit Smith, who first and last gave him more than a thousand dollars.^ The long letters frojn Kansas were sent by me to Higginson, Oct. 13, 1858, with this comment : — '* I received the enclosed letter from our friend a M'eek or two since. You see he is anxious about future operations. Can you do anything for him before next March ; and if so, what ? The partners in Boston have talked the matter over, but have not yet come to any definite proposal. I send you also an older letter, which should have been sent to you, but by some fault ot others was not." Higginson expressed the hope that the enterprise would not be deferred longer than the spring of 1859, and made some contribution to the fund ; as did , also Parker and the other members of the secret committee. No active movement to raise money was undertaken, however, until the next spring. On the 19th of January, 1859, three weeks after Brown's incursion into Missouri, I wrote to Higginson : — "I have had no private advices from J. B. since I wrote you. He has begun the work in earnest, I fancy, and will find enougli to do where he is, for the present. I earnestly hope he may not fall into the hands of the United States or Missouri. If he does not, I think we may look for great results from this spark of fire. If Forbes is a traitor, he will now show his hand, and we can pin him in some way." and pillage their noble mansions. But the Civil War did that five or six years later, with Howe's full consent. 1 Most of the smaller sums which Bvovra received during the years 1858 and 1859, I suppose, passed through my hands ; while the larger sums were paid to him directly by Mr. Stearns or other contributors. Most of the correspondence on this Virginia business also went through my hands ; it being Brown's custom to write one letter, to be read by the half-dozen persons with whom he desired to communicate ; and this letter generally (by no means always) coming to me in the first instance. My custom was to show it to Mr. Parker and Dr. Howe, when they were at home, then to send it to Mr. Stearns, who sometimes forwarded it to Higginson or some more distant correspondent, and sometimes returned it to mo. 1859.] THROUGH KANSAS TO CANADA. 493 I also wrote later, as follows : — March 4. " Brown was at Tabor on the 10th of February, with his stock in fine condition, as he says in a letter to G. Smith. He also says he is ready with some new men to set his mill in operation, and seems to be coming East for that purpose. Mr. Smith proposes to raise one thousand dollars for him, and to contribute one hundred dollars himself. I think a larger sum ought to be raised ; but can we raise so much as this? Brown says he thinks any one of us who talked with him might raise the sum if we should set about it; perhaps this is so, but I doubt. As a reward for what he has done, perhaps money might be raised for him. At any rate, he means to do the work, and I expect to hear of him in New York within a few weeks. Dr. Howe thinks John Forbes and some others not of our party would help the project if they knew of it." ^ Following up this last suggestion, I sounded several anti- slavery men of wealth and influence in the spring of 1859, and did obtain subscriptions from persons who were willing to givd to a brave man forcibly interfering with slavery, without inquiring very closely what he would do next. But Parker (who never returned to Boston, but died in Florence soon after Brown's execution) contributed nothing after 1858 ; nor did Higginson give so much, or interest himself so warmly in the enterprise after its first postpone- ment. All this would have made it more difdcult to raise the money which Brown needed, had it not been for the munifi- cence of Mr. Stearns, who at each emergency came forward with his indispensable gifts. After placing about twelve hundred dollars in Brown's hands in the spring and sum- mer of 1859, he still continued to aid him, in one way and 1 Dr. Howe gave me the following letter at New York, Feb. 5, 1859: — John M. Foebes, Esq. Dear Sir. — If you would like to hear an honest, keen, and veteran backwoodsman disclose some plans for deliverin.n- our land from the curse of slavery, the hearer will do so. I think I know him well. He is of the Puritan militant order. He is an enthusi- ast, ypt cool, keen, and cautions. He has a martyr's spirit. He will a.sk nothing of you but the pledge that you keep to yourself wliat he may say. Faithfully yours, S. G, Howe. I never used this letter, but personally introduced Brown to Mr. Forbes in May, 1859, at his house in Milton, near Boston. 494 LIFE AND LET'l'ERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. another, until almost the day of the attack at Harper's Ferry. Gerrit Smith, also, was better than his word, and gave Brown more than seven hundred dollars between his return to Canada in March and his interview with Frederick Douglass in September, 1859. From Canada Brown went to Ohio, where he publicly sold the horses he had captured in Kansas, warning the purchasers of a possible defect in the title. ^ He then reported for counsel and encouragement at North Elba, at Peterboro', and finally, in May, 1859, at Concord and Boston. 1 A Vermont judge refused to recognize a slave as property, until his owner could bring before the court "a bill of sale from the Almighty." Brown fancied he held these horses by such a title. Note. — John Brown, Jr., says : "In the winter of 1857-58 I brought the arms from the railroad at Conneaut to Cherry Valley, stored them in the furniture warerooms of the King Brothers, and covered the boxes with a lot of ready-made coffins. In the following spring I was made slightly anxious one day by a visit from the township assessor, who in the line of his duty went up into the room where they were stored and took tlie number of the coffins in a somewhat hurried way, but fortunately without examining what was beneath them. On receipt of the letter from father, of May 11, 1858, I moved the arms (two wagon-loads) bj' night to the western part of the next township of Wa3'ne, and stored them in the barn of a farmer named William Coleman, who helped me by night to build a little store-room under his hay-mow. There they remained per- fectly secreted (his wife, even, did not know it) until I took them, again by niglit, to the canal at Hartstown, Penn., early in the summer of 1859, and shipped them as hardware to Chambersburg." This refers to the rifles, etc., afterward captured at the Kennedy farm. 1859.1 JOHN BROWN AND HIS FRIENDS 495 CHAPTEE XIV. JOHN BROWN AND HIS FRIENDS. TN the broad and permanent sense of that comforting -*- word " friendship," John Brown had innumerable friends. When Wordsworth, in the flush of the noble pantheism which breathes through his earlier verse, ad- dressed the fallen Toussaint L'Ouverture in his French dungeon, he described the state of John Brown, and every generous champion of God's cause : — " Live, and take comfort ! Thou hast left behind Powers that will woik for thee, — air, earth, and skies. There 's not a breathing of the common wind That will forget thee ; thou hast great allies : Thy friends are exultations, agonies, And Love, and man's uncon(iuerable Mind." In the same sense, but more definitely, Emerson said at Salem five weeks after Brown's execution,^ — " I am not a little surprised at the easy effrontery with which politi- cal gentlemen, in and out of Congress, take it upon them to say that there are not a thousand men in the North who sympathize with John Brown. It would be far safer and nearer the truth to say that all people, in proportion to their sensibility and self-respect, sym- pathize with him. For it is impossible to see courage and di'sin- terestedness and the love that casts out fear, without sympathy. All women are drawn to him by their predominance of sentiment. All gentlemen, of course, are on his side. I do not mean by ' gen- tlemen ' people of scented hair and perfumed handkerchiefs, but men of gentle blood and generosity, ' fulfilled with all nobleness.' who, like the Cid, give the outcast leper a share of their bed ; like the dying Sidney, pass the cup of cold water to the wounded soldier who 1 Emerson's "Miscellanies" (Boston, 18S4)' pp. 262, 263. 496 LLFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BEOWN. [1839. needs it more. For what is the oath of gentle blood and knight- hood ? What but to protect the weak and k)wly against the strong oppressor! Nothing is more absurd than to complain of this sym- pathy, or to complain of a party of men united in opposition to slav- ery. As well complain of gravity or tlie ebb of tlie tide. Who makes the Abolitionist f The slaveholder. The senthnent of mercy is the natural recoil which the laws of the universe provide to protect man- kind from destruction by savage passions. And our blind statesmen go up and down, with committees of vigilance and safety, hunting for the origin of this new heresy. They will need a very vigilant committee, indeed, to find its birthplace, and a very strong force to root it up. For the arch- Abolitionist, older than Bi-own, and older than the Shenandoah Mountains, is Love, whose other name is Jus- tice, — which was before Alfred, before Lycurgus, before slavery, and will be after it." But in the narrower meaning of men and women who knew the purposes of John Brown, and gave him aid and comfort while he most needed them, he had but few friends, and some of those fell away from him when the hour of trial came. In Lis own family he was always understood, and had no cause to feel the full bitterness of that Scripture, "A man's foes shall be they of his own household." But beyond that family the number of persons who at any time both understood and sympathized with him in his main purpose was very small, — so that he valued and cherished disproportionately, perhaps, those who accepted his mission and helped it forward even by words and friendly listening, i There may have been a thousand men who knew that he meant to harass the slaveholders in some part of the South, with an armed force ; but of those who knew with any ful- ness the details of his Virginia enterprise, I suppose the number never at any one time exceeded a hundred, — and these were scattered over the whole country from Boston to Kansas, from Maryland to Canada. The earliest, most devoted, most patient, and noblest friend of Brown in this enterprise was his second wife, of whom too little has hitherto been known. Now that death has ^ "It is some relief to a poor body," says Izaak Walton, speaking of George Herbert, "to be but heard with patience ;" and it was not every one who did Brown that justice. 1816.1 JOHN BROWN AND HIS FRIENDS. 497 released her from her long bereavement, and her modest reserve can no more be wounded by the public mention of her virtues, it is due to her silent and tender constancy that the tale of her life should be told. Mary Anne Brown (the daughter of Charles Day, a blacksmith of New England an- cestry, but settled in New York until about 1825) was born in Granville, N. Y., April 15, 1816. Her only school educa- tion was acquired before the age of ten, when she removed with her father and his younger children to a farm near Meadville, Penn., not far from the Delamaters (with whom she was connected) and from John BroAvn's tannery in Ran- dolph.^ Early in life she became a member of the Congre- gational Church, and continued in its communion until her death. When but sixteen years of age she became the wife of John Brown, and assumed the care of his five children, the eldest of whom was near her own age. She brought to the task good health, a strong, well-balanced mind, and an earnest desire to discharge every duty conscientiously. She became the mother of thirteen children, seven of whom died in childhood, — three of them in one week. She once remarked, " That was the time in my life when all my reli- gion, all my philosophy, and all my faith in God's goodness were put to the test.. My husband was away from home, prostrated by sickness ; I was helpless from illness ; in one week three of my little ones died of dysentery, — this but three months before the birth of another child. Three years after this sad time another little one, eighteen months old, was burned to death. Yet even in these trials God upheld me." She was of a large and firm mould, like a Roman mother, but with all the susceptible and yearning affection which the milder types of constancy display. She labored with her hands, and taught all her children to do the same ; she was trained to endure long absences from her husband and her sons, and that in periods of great anxiety, and when they were ill-spoken of among her neighbors. She soon became separated from her own kindred, and, like Ruth in the Scrip- ^ The Delamaters are of Huguenot descent, and had intermarried with the Days, as well as with wealthier families of New. York. 32 498 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1882. tures, she silently said to her much-wandering husband : " Whither thou goest, I will go ; and where thou lodgest, I will lodge ; thy people shall be my people, and thy God my God ; the Lord do so to me, and more also, if aught but death part thee and me." But in his perilous campaigns, and with his scanty means, she could not accompany him save in prayers and wishes ; she was even denied that facility in writing letters which so often beguiles the weariness of absence.^ This modern Penelope had her loom and spindle, like the fabled one, but her labors were real, and supported her household. During all the time her husband was in Kansas she re- mained at North Elba with her three young daughters, and sometimes with no son to till her rocky farm. When the struggle at Harper's Ferry was terminated, and she knew that her husband's life-work was ended, she visited him and received his last messages ; her warrior was brought home to her and buried by her door. After all was over, she re- mained in her lonely home until 1863 ; and in the following year, in company with her son Salmon and her daughters, made the long journey across the plains to California. For six 3'ears their home was at Red Bluff, and then in the town of Eohnerville for ten years. About 1880, with two daughters, she removed to Saratoga, Santa Clara County, which was her home until death. She had long felt a desire to return to the East, to visit scenes with which she had been familiar, and to greet friends from whom she liad long been separated ; but the narrowness of her fortunes had pre- . vented this. She was not even able to revisit the grave of her husband, to which thousands of strangers resorted. In 1882, as she told me when I met her at North Elba, the way was providentially opened for the accomplishment of this desire, and she accepted the opportunity. Her journey was pleasant and mournful. In course of it she was per- mitted to recover the remains of her son Watson, and to see him buried, with the praise of friends and neighbors, beside his father on the Adirondac hillside. Public receptions were 1 Heaven first tauglit letters for some wretch's aid, Some banished lover, or some caj)tive maid. — Pope. 1883. JOHN BROWN AND HIS FRIENDS. 499 tendered to her at Chicago, Boston, Springfield, and at the ca})ital of Kansas ; she visited the battle-grounds of her family there, and saw for the first time the dark waters of the IMarais des Cygnes and the Ottawa.^ Keturning to California, the fatigues of her journey and the strain upon her deep sensibilities, little perceived at the time (such was her silent fortitude), began to tell upon her robust constitution. During a visit to her son Salmon among the sheep-walks of northern California she was attacked with a lingering disease, from which she never recovered. The last two months of her life were spent in San Francisco for medical treatment, carefully watched over by her daughter Sarah, to whom she had been sister as well as mother, so strong was the bond of sympathy between them. The wife of John Brown was of a type more common in our age than is the austere Puritanic order to which he belonged, but by no means frequent, — resembling those mothers in Israel, diligent and God-fearing, of whom her Bible told her. She was far from the culture of modern life, but keenly alive to great ideas, and of a broad catholi- city in spirit, which embraced slaveholders and murderers in its love, and never sought vengeance as justice. She read the Bible daily, and with humble attention. A true Chris- tian of the antique pattern, she gladly recognized as brethren all whom she believed to be God's children, wherever she found them, or by whatever name they were called. Nar- rowness in religion she could not understand, nor ever sought to confine God to the purlieus of her own church. Upon so firm a basis rested the domestic happiness of John Brown ; and his children, though he sometimes chided 1 Mr. Dwight Tbacher, of Topeka, writes me (March 30, 1885) : "When the widow of John Brown made her first and only visit to Kan- sas, in November, 1882, she was for several days my gnest. Eeilected in her bearing, her words, her style of thought and expression, I fancied I could see unmistakable evidences of the lofty and rugged plane of life upon which the whole family had lived. She was the soul of truthfulness, of candor, — and had an unworldly air, as of one who had dwelt among high and eternal verities. John Brown's gravity and devotion to duty were admiriibly retlectcd in his widow." 500 LIFE AND LETl^ERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1856. their religious dissent, were worthy of such parents. His quiver was full of those arrows which the wise king praises, and he drew from it the means of attack upon wrong. But for his sons, how different might have been his own fate ! They stood about him as guards and recruits, and died for him as bravely as he would have died for them. Not often in the divergent and estranging paths of modern life have we seen a family so patriarchal in habit and in action. Outside of his household the friends of John Brown were found in every rank and condition of life, and those whom he once attached were seldom estranged from him, though they might not keep pace with him in his methods or pur- poses. Perhaps the best exemplification of this was given by that generous and right-minded man, John A. Andrew, afterward Governor of Massachusetts, and one of the most helpful patriots in the Civil War. In the tumult of pub- lic opinion which followed Brown's foray in Virginia, Mr. Andrew, then a leading lawyer and Republican politician in Boston, said manfully, "Whatever may be thought of John Brown's acts, John Brown himself was rights Foremost among the friends of John Brown in New Eng- land must be named Emerson, the poet-sage of Concord. In 1856 he had taken the same view of things in Kansas which Mr. Andrew and Josiah Quincy expressed, — but he knew how to utter his thought in more trenchant words. At a Kansas aid meeting in Cambridge (Sept. 10, 1856), he said : — " In tliis country for the last few years the Government has been the chief obstruction to the common weal. Who doubts that Kansas wouUl have been very well settled if the United States had let it alone? The Government armed and led the ruffians against the poor farmers. ... In the free States we give a snivelling support to slavery. The judges give cowardly interpretations to the law, in direct opposition to the known foundation of all law, — that every immoral statute is void. And here, of Kansas, the President says, ' Let the complain- ants go to the coui-ts ; ' ihoiii;h lie knows that when the poor jdundered farmer comes to the court, Jie finds the ri»<)lea(1er rvho has robbed him dismoHntmg from his own horse, and uiibiickhng his knife to sit as his judge." ^ ^ Emerson's " Miscellanies," pp. 244-246. 1857.1 JOHN BROWN AND HIS FRIENDS. 501 Mr. Emerson's Diary for March, 1857, says : — *' Captain John Brown gave a good account of himself in the Town Hall last night to a meeting of citizens. One of his good points was the folly of the peace party in Kansas, who believed that their strength lay in the greatness of their wrongs, and so discoun- tenanced resistance. He wished to know if their wrong was greater than the negro's, and what kind of strength that gave to the negro ? He believes, on his own experience, that one good, believing, strong- minded man is worth a hundred — nay, twenty thousand — men with- out character, for a settler in a new country, and that the right men will give a permanent direction to the fortunes of a State. For one of these bullying, drinking rowdies, he seemed to think cholera, small- pox, and consumption were as valuable recruits. The first man wlio went into Kansas from Missouri to interfere in the elections, he thought, * had a perfect right to be shot.' He gave a circumstantial account of the battle of Black Jack, where twenty-three Missouriaus surrendered to nine Abolitionists. He had three thousand sheep in Ohio, and would instantly detect a strange sheep in his llock. A cow can tell its calf by secret signals, he thinks, by the eye, to run away, to lie down, and hide itself. He always makes friends with his horse or mule (or with the deer that visit his Ohio farm) ; and when he sleeps on his horse, as he does as readily as on his bed, his horse does not start or endanger him. Brown described the expensiveness of war in a country where everything that is to be eaten or worn by man or beast must be dragged a long distance on wheels. ' God protects us in winter,' he said ; ' no Missourian can be seen in the country until the grass comes up again.'" Thus far the first Diary, as it now stands. But from time to time, as he saw Brown again, or heard of him from friends or from the newspapers, Emerson made other notes, which he has thus edited : — " For himself, Brown is so transparent that all men see him through. He is a man to make friends wherever on earth courage and integrity are e,§teemed, — the rarest of heroes, a pure idealist, with no by-ends of his own. Many of us have seen him, and every one who has heard him speak has been impressed alike by his simide, artless goodness and his sublime courage. He joins that perfect Puritan faith which brought his ancestor to Plymouth Rock, with his grandfather's ardor in the Revolutitm. He believes in two articles — two instruments, shall I say ? — the Golden Rule and the Declara- tion of Independence ; and he used this expression in a conversation 502 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. here concerning them : ' Better that a whole generation of men, wo- men, and children should pass away by a violent death, than that one word of either should be vi< dated in this country.' There is a Union- ist, there is a strict constructionist for you ! He believes in the Union of the States, and he conceives that the only obstruction to the Union is slavery; and for that reason, as a patriot, he works for its abolition. " He grew up a religious and manly person, in severe poverty ; a fair specimen of the best stock of New England, having that force of thought and that sense of right which are the warp and woof of great- ness. Our farmers were Orthodox Calvinists, mighty in the Scrip- tures: had learned that life was a preparation, a ' probation,' to use their word, for a higher world, and was to be spent in loving and serving mankind. Thus was formed a romantic character, absolutely without any vulgar trait; living to ideal ends, without any mixture of self-indulgence or compromise, such as lowers the value of Itenevo- lent and tlioughtful men we know; abstemious, refusing luxuries, not sourly and reproachfully, but simply as unfit for his habit ; quiet and gentle as a child, in the house. And as happens usually to men of romantic character, his fortunes were romantic. Walter Scott would have delighted to di-aw his picture and trace his adventurous career. A shepherd and herdsman, he learned the manners of animals, and knew the secret signals by wliich animals communicate. He made his hard bed on the mountains with them; he learned to drive his flock through thickets all but impassable; he had all the skill of a sheplicrd lerate henceforth in the slave States. The hundred dollars given by Mr. Smith April 14, added to the two hundred named in this letter, and the note of E. B. Whitman, of Kansas, which Bixiwn re- ceived from Mr. Smith, make up five hundred and eighty-five dollars, or more than one-fifth of the two thousand dollars which he told Bnnvn he would help his "Eastern friends" raise. Tlio.se friends were Stearns, Howe, Higginsc^n, and Sanlwrn, — for Parker was tlien in Europe, and vmable to contribute. 1859. THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 525 the balance of two thousand dollars ; Mr. S being a man who, " having put his hand to the plow, turneth not back." Brown left Boston for Springfield and New York on Wednesday morning at 8.30, and Mr. Stearns has probably gone to New York to-day, to make final arrangements for him. Brown means to be on the ground as soon as he can, perhaps so as to begin by the 4th of July. He could not say where he should be for a few weeks, but letters are addressed to him, under cover to his son John, Jr., at West Audover, Ohio. This point is not far froni where Brown will begin, and his son will communicate with him. Two of his sons will go with him. He is desirous of getting some one to go to Canada, and collect recruits for him among the fugitives, — with Harriet Tubman or alone, as the case may be. This letter shows I had then no thought that the attack ■would be made at Harper's Ferry ; nor had Mr. Stearns, to whom I was in the habit of talking or writing about this matter every few days. I have no doubt he knew as much as I did about the general plan, while Mr. Smith knew more. On the 6th of October — ten days before the attack was made — I wrote to Higginson, " The three hundred dollars desired has been made up and received. Four or five men will be on the ground next week, from these regions and elsewhere." These facts were all known to Mr. Stearns, who within a fortnight of the outbreak was in consultation with Mr. Lewds Hayden, and other colored men of Boston, about forwarding recruits to Brown. I think he paid some of the expenses of these recruits, as Merriam certainly did. As Brown was setting forth for Virginia, he wrote thus : — John Broicn to his Family. United States Hotel, Boston, May 13, 1859. Dear Wife and Children, all, — I wrote you from Troy last week, saying I had sent on the balance of articles I intended to buy, and that it might be well to call on James A. Allen, Westport, for them soon. I would now say, if you are not in a strait for tliem it may be as well to defer sending for a little, as I expect soon to be at home again, and may in that case be able to save considerable expense. They are all directed to John Brown at Westport. I feel now very confident of ultimate success, but have to be patient, and I 626 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. have the ague to hinder me some lately. May God be the portion of you all ! Your affectionate husband and father, John Brown. Boston, Mass., May 19, 1859. Dear Wife and Children, all, — I intend to be with you again next week ; but as I may fail to bring it about, I now write to say to Watson and Oliver that I think it quite certain that I sliall very soon be off for the soutliwest, so that they may (I tliink safely) calculate their business accordingly. I shall be glad to have my summer clothing put in order, so far as it can be done comfortably ; I have had no shake now for five days, and am getting quite smart again, and my hearing improves. You all may as well be still about ray movements. God bless you all ! Your affectionate husband and father, John Brown. Akron, Ohio, June 23, 1859. Dear Wife and Children, all, — My best wish for you all is that you may truly love God and his commandments. We found all well at West Andover, and all middling well here. I have the ague some yet. I sent a calf-skin from Troy by express, directed to Watson Brown, North Elba, to go by stage from Westport.. I now enclose five dollars to help you further about getting up a good loom. We start for the Ohio River to-day. Write me under cover to John at West Andover, for the present. The frost has been far more destructive in Western New York and in Ohio than it was in Essex County. Farmers here are mowing the finest-looking wheat I ever saw, for fodder only. Jason has been quite a sufferer. May God abundantly bless and keep you all ! Your affectionate husband and father, John Brown. John Brown to J. H. Kagi. Chambersburg, Penn., June 30, 1859. John Henrie, Esq. Dear Sir, — We leave here to-day for Harper's Ferry, via Hagerstown. When you get there you had best look on the hotel register for I. Smith & Sons, without making much inquiry. We shall be looking for cheap lands near the railroad'in all probability. You can write I. Smith & Sons, at Harper's Ferry, should you need to do so. Yours, in truth, L Smith [John Brown]. 185).] THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 527 The " three Smiths and Anderson," mentioned by Brown in his diary for June 27, were himself (" Isaac Smith "), his two sons, Owen ('* Watson Smith "), and Oliver (" Oliver Smith "), and his henchman, Jerry Anderson, who all ap- peared at Hagerstown June 30, and spent that night at a tavern there. July 3, these four were at Harper's Ferry, where Brown's lieutenant Cook had been living for some months ; and on the 4th they strolled up the river road on the Maryland side toward the house of J. C. Unseld, a Maryland slaveliolder, living on a mountain path a mile northwest of the Ferry. Early that forenoon Unseld riding down to the Ferry met them strolling along the edge of the mountain which here overlooks the Potomac. " Well, gen- tlemen," said the planter, " I suppose you are out hunting minerals, — gold and silver, perhaps ? " " iSTo," said Brown, " we want to buy land ; we have a little money, and want to make it go as far as we can. How much is land worth an acre here ? " Being told that it ranged from fifteen to thirty dollars in that neighborhood, he said, " That is high ; I thought 1 could buy for a dollar or two an acre." " No," said the Mary lander, '^ not here ; if you expect to get land for that price, you '11 have to go farther west, — to Kansas, or some of those Territories where there is Congress land. Where are you from ? " " The northern part of New York State." " What have you followed there ? " " Farming," said Brown ; but the frost had been so heavy of late years it had cut off their crops, they could not make anything there, so he had sold out, and thought they would come farther south and try it awhile. Having thus satisfied a natural curiosity, Unseld rode on ; but returning some hours afterward, he again met Smith and his young men not far from the same place. " I have been looking round your country up here," said he, " and it is a very fine country, — a pleasant place, a fine view. The land is much better than I expected to find it : your crops are pretty good." As he said this he pointed to where the men had -ijeen cutting grain, — some white men and some negroes at work in the fields, as the custom is there ; for in Washington County there were few slaves even then, and most of the field work was done by whites or free-colored 528 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. men. Brown then asked if any farm in the neighborhood was for sale. " Yes, there is a farm four miles up the road here, toward Boonsborough, owned by the heirs of Dr. Booth Kennedy ; you can buy that." " Can I rent it ? " said Brown ; then turning to his companions he said : " I think we had better rent awhile, until we get better acquainted, so that they cannot take advantage of us in the purcliase of land." To this they appeared to assent, and Mr. Unseld then said : " Perhaps you can rent the Kennedy farm ; it is for sale I know." Brown then turned to his sons and said : " Boys, as you are not very well, you had better go back and tell the landlord at Sandy Hook that Oliver and I shall not be there to dinner, but will go on up and see the Kennedy place. However, you can do as you please." Watson Brown looked at Anderson, and then said, " We will go with you." " Well," said the friendly Marylauder, " if you will go on with me up to my house, I can then point you the road ex- actly." Arrived there he invited them to take dinner, for by this time it was nearly noon. They thanked him, but declined ; nor would they accept an invitation to " drink something." "Well," said Unseld, " if you must go on, just follow up this road along the foot of the mountain ; it is shady and pleasant, and you will come out at a church up here about three miles. Then you can see the Kennedy house by looking from that church up the road that leads to Boonsborough, or you can go right across and get into the county road, and follow that up." Brown sat and talked with Unseld for a while, who asked him " what he expected to follow, up yonder at Kennedy's ? " adding that Brown '' could not more than make a living there." " Well," said Brown, "■ my business has been buying up fat cattle and driving them on to the State of New York, and we expect to engage in that again." Three days later, Unseld, again jogging to or from the Ferry, again met the gray-bearded rustic, who said : " I think that place will suit me ; now just give me a description where I can find the widow Ken- nedy and the administrator," wliich Unseld did. A few days after, he once more met the new-comer, and found Mr. Smith had rented the two houses on the Kennedy farm. — the farm-house, about three hundred yards from the public 1859.] THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 529 road on the west side, where, as Unseld thought, " it makes a very pretty show for a small house," and " the cabin," which stood about as far from the road on the east side, " hidden by shrubbery in the summer season, pretty mucli."^ For the two houses, pasture for a cow and horse, and lire- wood, from July till March, Brown paid thirty -five dollars, as he took pains to tell Unseld, showing him the receipt of the widow Kennedy. How was it possible to mistrust a plain Yankee farmer and cattle-drover who talked in that way, and had no con- cealments, no tricks, and no airs ? Evidently the IMary- lander did not once mistrust him, though he rode up to the Kennedy farm nearly every week from the middle of July till the first of October. " I just went up to talk to the old man," said he; "but sometimes, at the request of others, on business about selling him some horses or cows. He was in my yard frequently, — perhaps four or five times. I would always ask him in, but he would never go in, and of course I would not go in his house. He often invited me in ; indeed, nearly every time I went there he asked me to go in, and remarked to me frequently, ' We have no chairs for you to sit on, but we have trunks and boxes.' I declined going in, but sat on my horse and chatted with him." Be- fore the 20th of July he saw there " two females," who were Martha, the wife of Oliver Brown, and Anne, the eldest un- married sister of Oliver, then a girl of not quite sixteen years. " Twice I went there," says Unseld, " and found none of the men, but the two ladies ; and I sat there on my YioTse, — there was a high porch on the house, and I could sit there and chat with them ; and then I rode olf and left them. They told me there were none of the men at home, but did not tell me where they were. One time I went there and inquired for them, and one of the females an- swered me, ' They are across there at the cabin ; you had better ride over and see them.' I replied it did not make 1 It was at this cabin (since torn down) that Brown kept his boxes of rifles and pistols, after thej' reached him from Ohio. The pikes from Connecticut, a thousand in number, were stored in the loft or attic of the farm-house, where Brown and his family lived. 34 530 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. anj'" difference ; I would not bother them ; and I rode back home." ^ John Bi'own to his Family. Chambersburg, Penn., July 22, 1859. Dear Friends, all, — Oliver, Martha, and Anne all got on safe on Saturday of the week they set out. If W. and D. set out' in ten days or a week after getting this, they will be quite in time. All well. When you write, direct to I. Smith & Sons, Chambersburg, Penu. Your friend, Isaac Smith. Chambersburg, Penn., July 27, 1859. Dear Wife and Children, all, — I write to say that we are all well, and that I think Watson and D. had not best set out until we write again, and not until sufficient hay has been secured to win- ter all the stock well. To be buying hay in the spring or last of the winter is ruinous, and there is no prospect 6f our getting our freight on so as to be ready to go to work under some time yet. We will give you timely notice. When you write, enclose first in a small enve- lope, put a stamp on it, seal it, and direct it to I. Smith & Sons, Harper's Ferry, Va. ; then enclose it under a stamped envelope, which direct to John Henrie, Chambersburg, Penn. I need not say, do all your directing and sealing at home, and not at the post-office. Your affectionate husband and father, I. Smith. Chambersburg, Penn., Aug. 2, 1859. Dear Wife and Children, all, — If Watson and D. should set out soon after getting this, it may be well. They will avoid say- ing anything on the road about North Elba. It will be quite as well to say they are from Essex County ; and need not say anything about it unless they are questioned, when they had better say as alxive. Persons who do not talk much are seldom questioned much. They should buy through tickets at Troy or at New York for Baltimore, ^ Tliis gossip pictures, as no description could, the quiet and drowsiness of this woodland, primitive, easy-going, hard-living population, auiid the hills and mountains of Maryland, where John Brown spent the last three months of his free life, and gathered his forces for the battle in wliieh he fell. It is a region of home-keeping, honest, dull country people ; and so completely did Brown make himself one of its denizens, that he was accepted as part and parcel of it, even when plotting his most audacious strokes. 1859.] THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 531 where they will get tickets for Harper's Ferry ; and there, by inquir- ing of Mr. Michael Ault, who keeps the toll-bridge over which they have to pass, they can find I. Smith on the Kennedy farm. Watson M'ill be a son and D. his brother-in-law Thompson, if any inquiry is made at the bridge or elsewhere. They had better not bring trunks- We are all well. May God abundantly bless and keep you all ! Your affectionate husband and father. Brown had not been living at the Kennedy farm many- weeks when a touching incident occurred, which is thus related by his daughter Anne, who was then his housekeeper : " One day, a short time after I went down there, father was sitting at the table writing, I was near by sewing (he and I being alone in the room), when two little wrens that had a nest under the porch came flying in at the door, fluttering and twittering ; then flew back to their nest and again to us several times, seemingly trying to attract our attention. Tliey appeared to be in great distress. I asked father what he thought was the matter witli the little birds. He asked if I had ever seen them act so before ; I told him no. ' Then let us go and see,' he said. We went out and found that a snake had crawled up the post and was just ready to devour the little ones in the nest. Father killed the snake ; and then the old birds sat on the railing and sang as if they would burst. It seemed as if they were trying to express their joy and gratitude to him for saving their little ones. After we went back into the room, he said he tliought it very strange the way the birds asked him to help them, and asked if I thought it an omen of his success. He seemed very much im- pressed with that idea. I do not think he was superstitious ; but you know he always tliought and felt that God called him to that work ; and seemed to place himself, or rather to imagine liimself, in the po- sition of the figiu'e in the old seal of Virginia, with the tyrant under her foot." Chambersburg, Penn., Aug. 16, 1859. Dear Wife axd Children, all, — I left all well at home yes- terday but Martha, who was complaining a little. Am in hopes notliing serious is the matter. I will only now say I am getting along as well, perhaps, all things considered, as I ouglit to expect. We all want to hear from you ; but we do not want you all to write, and you need only say all is well, or otherwise, as the case ma/ be. When you write, enclose in a small envelope such as I now send, seal it, and write on it no other directions than I. Smith & Sons. 532 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. Enclose that in a stamped envelope and direct it to John Henrie, Esq., of Chambersburg, Franklin County, Penn., who will send it to us. Affectionately yours, I. S. Chambersburg, Pa., Sept. 8, 1859. Dear Wife and Children, all, — I write to say that we are all well, and are getting along as well as we could reasonably expect. It now appears likely that Martha and Anne will be on their way home in the course of this month, but they may be detained to a little later period. I do not know what to advise about fattening the old spotted cow, as much will depend on what you have to feed her with ; whether your heifers will come in or not next spring ; also upon her present condition. You must exercise the best judgment you have in the matter, as I know but little about your crops. I should like to know more as soon as I can. I am now in hopes of being able to send you something in the way of help before long. May God abun- dantly bless you all ! Ellen, I want you to be very good. Your affectionate husband and father, I. S- Sept. 9. Bell's letter of 80th August to Watson is received. Sept. 20, 1859. All well. Girls will probably start for home soon. Yours ever, T. S. Chambersburg, Pa., Oct. 8, 1859. Dear Wife and Children, all, — Oliver returned safe on Wednesday of this week. I want Bell and Martha both to feel that they may have a home with you until we return. We shall do all in our power to provide for the wants of the whole as one family till that time. If Martlia and Anne have any money left after getting home, I wish it to be used to make all as comfortable as may be for tlie present. All are in usually good liealth. I expect John will •send you some assistance soon. Write him all you want to say to us. God bless you all ! Your affectionate husband and father. From his rustic retreat Brown thus wrote to his comrades and his son : — To Kagi, at Cham^hersJiurg. (About July 12, 1859.) " Look for letters directed to John Henrie at Chambersburg. In- quire for letters at Chambersburg for I. Smith & Sons, and write them at Harper's Ferry as soon as any does come.^ See Mr. Henry 1 See the Diary for July 12. 1859.] THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 533 Watson at Chambersburg, and find out if the ' Tribune ' comes on. Have Mr. Watson and his reliable friends get ready to receive com- pany. Get Mr. Watson to make you acquainted with his reliable friends, but do not appear to be any wise thick with them, and do not often be seen with any such man. Get Mr. Watson, if he can, to find out a trusty man or men to stop with at Hagerstown (if any such there be), as Mr. Thomas Henry has gone from there. Write Tidd to come to Chambersburg, by Pittsburg and Harrisburg, at once. He can stop off the Pittsburg road at Hudson, and go to Jason's for his trunk. Write Carpenter and Hazlett that we are all well, right, and ready as soon as we can get our boarding-house fixed, when we will write them to come on, and by what route. I will pay Hazlett the money he advanced to Anderson for expenses travelling. Find yourself a comfortable, cheap boarding-house at once. Write I. Smith & Sons, at Harper's Ferry. Inquire after your four Cleveland friends, and have them come on to Chambers- burg if they are on the way ; if not on the road, have them wait till we are better prepared. Be careful what you write to all persons. Do not send or bring any more persons here until we advise you of our readiness to board them." At this time Kagi was stationed at Chambersburg to re- ceive and forward letters, arms, men, etc.. He replied to the above letter, and to other messages of Brown, on Mon- day, July 18, and again July 22, enclosing letters from Charles Blair and from John Brown, Jr., who forwarded the rifles, etc., from West Andover, Ohio, on the 22d, 2oth, and 27th of July, to "Isaac Smith & Sons," at Chambersburg. Kagi writes thus : — July 18. I wrote to Tidd one week ago to-day, several days before receiving your letter directing me to do so, and enclosing letter to H. Lindsley, which I forwarded by first mail. None of your things have yet ar- rived. The railroad from Harrisburg here does no freight business itself, that all being done by a number of forwarding houses, which run private freight cars. I have requested each of these (there are six or eight of them) to give me notice of the arrival of anything for you. Chambersburg, Friday, July 22. I received the within, and another for Oliver, to-day. I thought best not to send the other ; it is from his wife. There are other reasons, which I need not name now. Have here no other letters from any one. J- Henrie. 534^ LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. " The within " was this note from John Brown, Jr., writ- ing under the name of "John Smith," whose father was " Isaac " or " Squire " Smith : — Ashtabula, Ashtabula County, Ohio, Monday, July 18, 1859. Dear Father, — Yours, dated at Chaiiibersburg, Pennsylvania, July 5, and mailed at Troy, New York, July 7, and also yours of the 8th, with enclosed drafts i\)r one hundred dollars, I received in due season ; am .here to-day to get drafts cashed. Have now got all my business so ajrauged that I can devote my time, for the present, en- tirely to any business you may see fit to intrust me ; shall immedi- ately ship your freight, as you directed, most probably by canal, from Hartstown (formerly Hart's Cross Roads, Crawford County), to the river at Rochester, Pennsylvania (formerly Beaver), thence by rail- road ida Pittsburg, etc., as you directed. Shall hold myself in readi- ness to go north on any business you choose to direct or confide in my hands. All well; have two or three letters from N. E., which I wiU forward to J. H. [Kagi]. In haste, your affectionate son, John Smith. "N. E." was New England, and the letters were from our secret committee, or some members of it. In a note to John Brown, written August 27. Kagi says : " I to-day received the enclosed letter and check [fifty dol- lars]." This was the money sent on by Dr. Howe about August 25, and the letter was this : — Dear Friend, — I begin the investment with fifty dollars, and will try to do more through friends. Our friend from Concord called with your note. Doctor. I was the " friend from Concord," and on the 27th-30th August I wrote to Brown from Springfield, thus : — Dear Friend, — Yours of the 18th has been received and com- municated. S. G. Howe has sent you fifty dollars in a draft on New York, and I am expecting to get more from other sources (perhaps some here), and will make up to you the three hundred dollars, if I can, as soon as I can ; but I can give nothing myself just now, being already in debt. I hear with great pleasure what you say of the success of the business, and hope nothing will occur to thwart it. Your son Jolm was in Boston a week or two since. I tried to find 1859.1 THE FOKAY EN VIRGINIA. 635 him, but did not ; and being away from Concord, he did not come to see me. He saw S. G. Howe, George L. Stearns, Wendell Phil- lips, Francis Jackson, etc. ; and everybody liked him. I am very sorry I could not see him. All your Boston friends are well. The- odore Parker is in Switzerland, much better, it is thought, than when he left home. Henry Sterns, of Springfield, is dead. July 28. I reached here yesterday and have seen few people as yet. Here I expect letters from those to whom I have written. I conclude that your operations will not be delayed if the money reaches you in course of the next fortnight, if you are sure of having it then. I cannot certainly promise that you will, but I think so. Harriet Tubman is probably in New Bedford, sick. She has stayed here in N. E. a long time, and been a kind of missionary. Your friends in C. are all well ; I go back there in a week. God prosper you in all your works ! I shall write again soon. Yours ever, F. Springfield, August 30, 1859. Dear Friend, — I enclose you a draft for fifty dollars on New York, bought with money sent by Mrs. Russell. Dr. Howe has already sent you fifty dollars, and G. S., of P.,^ writes me has sent, or will send, one hundred dollars. The remainder will perhaps come more slowly ; but I think it will come. I have sent your letter to Gerrit Smith. Please acknowledge the receipt of these sums. Yours ever, F. John Broivn to his son John. Chambersburg, Pa., August, ]859. Dear Friend, — I forgot to say yesterday that your shipments of freight are received all in apparent safety ; but the bills are very high, and I begin to be apprehensive of getting into a tight spot for want of a little more funds, notwithstanding my anxiety to make my money hold out. As it will cost no more expense for you to solicit for me a little more assistance while attending to your other business, say two or three hundred dollars in New York, — drafts payable to the order of I. Smith & Sons, — will you not sound my Eastern or Western friends in regard to it ? It was impossible for me to foresee the exact amount I should be obliged to pay out for everything. Now that arrangements are so nearly completed, I begin to feel almost cer- tain that I can squeeze through with that amount. All my accounts 1 Gerrit Smith, of Peterlioro'. 536 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. are squared up to the present time ; but how I can keep iny little wheels in motion for a few days more I am beginning to feel at a loss. It is terribly humiliating to me to begin soliciting of friends again; but as the harvest opens before me with increasing encourage- ments, I may not allow a feeling of delicacy to deter me from asking the little further aid I expect to need. What I must have to carry me through I shall need within a very few days, if I am obliged to call direct for further help ; so you will please expect something quite definite very soon. I have endeavored to economize in every possible way; and I will not ask for a dollar imtil I am driven to do so. I have a trifle over one hundred and eighty dollars on hand, but am afraid I cannot possible make it reach. I am highly gratified with all our arrangements up to the present time, and feel certain that no time has yet been lost. One freight is principally here, but will have to go a little further. Our hands, so far, are coming forward promptly, and better tlian I expected, as we have called on them. We have to move with all caution. As will appear by the next series of letters, John Brown, Jr., undertook to organize forces in Canada after forwarding to his father the arms stored in Ohio : — Syiiacuse, N. Y., Thursday, Aug. 11, 1859. Friend J. Henrie, — Day before yesterday I reached Rochester. Found our Rochester friend' absent at Niagara Falls. Yesterday he returned, and I spent remainder of day and evening with him and Mr. E. Morton, with whom friend Isaac [John Brown] is acquainted. The friend at Rochester will set out to make you a visit in a few days. He will be accompanied by that "other young man," and also, if it can be brouglit around, by the woman ^ that the Syracuse friend could tell me of. The son will probably remain back for awhile. I gave '' Fred'k " ^ twenty-two dollars to defray expenses. If alive and well, you will see him ere long. I found him in rather low spirits ; left him in high. Accidentally met at Rochester Mr. E. Morton. He was much pleased to hear from you ; was anxious for a copy of that letter of instructions to show our friend at " Pr." ^ [Pf^terboro'], who, Mr. M. says, has his whole soul absorbed in this matter. I have just made him a copy and mailed him at R., where he expects to be for two or three weeks. He wished me to say to you that he had 1 F. Douglass. The " woman " spoken of was Harriet Tubman, a Mary- land Deborah. "Fred'k" is also Douglass. "Our friend at Pr." was Geirit Smith, in whose family, it will he remembered, Edwin Morton was living ; but he happened then to be visiting in Rochester. 1859.] THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 537 reliable information that a certain noted colonel, whose name you are all acquainted with, is now in Italy. By the way, the impression prevails generally that a certain acquaintance of ours headed the party that visited St. J. in Missouri lately. Of course I don't try to deny that which bears such earmarks. Came on here this morning. Found Loguen gone to Boston, Mass., and also said woman. As T. does not know personally those persons in Canada to whom it is necessary to have letters of introduction, he thinks I had better get him to go with me there. I have made up my mind, notwithstand- ing the extra expense, to go on to Boston. Loguen is expecting to visit Canada soon, anyway, and his wife thinks would contrive to go immediately. I think for other reasons, also, I had better go on to B(jston. Morton says our particular friend Mr. Sanborn, in that city, is especially anxious to hear from you ; has his heart and hand both engaged in the cause. Shall try and find him. Our Rochester friend thinks the woman whom I shall see in Boston, " whose ser- vices might prove invaluable," had better be helped on. I leave this evening on the 11.35 train from here; shall return as soon as possible to make my visit at Chatham. Will write you often. So far, all is well. Keep me advised as far as consistent. Fraternally yours, John Smith. Syracuse, N. Y., Thursday, Aug. 18, 1859. Friend Henrie, — I am here to-day, so far on my way back from Boston, whither I went on Friday last. Found our Syracuse friend tliere, but his engagements were such that he could not pos- sibly leave until yesterday morning. We reached here about twelve o'clock last night. While in Boston I improved the time in making the acquaintance of those stanch friends of our friend Isaac. First called on Dr. Howe, who, though I had no letter of introduction, received me most cordially. He gave me a letter to the friend wlio does business on Milk Street [Mr. Stearns]. Went with him to his home in Medford, and took dinner. The last word he said to me was, " Tell friend Isaac that we have the fullest confidence in his endeavor, whatever may be the result." I have met no man on whom I think more implicit reliance may be placed. He views mat- ters from the standpoints of reason and principle, and I think his firmness is unshakable. The friend at Concord [F. B. Sanborn] I did not see ; he was absent from home. The others here will, how- ever, communicate with him. They were all, in short, very much gratified, and have had their faith and hopes much strengthened. Found a number of earnest and warm friends, whose sympathies and theories do not exactly harmonize; but in spite of themselves their 538 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. hearts will lead their heads. Our Bostou friends thought it better that our old friend from Syracuse [J. W. Loguen] should accompany me in my journey northward. I shall leave in an hour or two for Rochester, where I will finish this letter. I am very glail I went to Boston, as all the friends were of the opinion that our friend Isaac was in another part of the world, if not in another sphere. Our cause is their cause, in the fullest sense of the word. Going on to Eochester, the home of Douglass, John Brown, Jr., writes from there, Aug. 17, 1859, to Kagi, saying : — " On my way up to our friend's [F. Douglass's] house, T met his son Lewis, who informs me that his father left here on Tuesday, August 16, via New York and Philadelphia, to make you a visit." The exact date of Douglass's visit to Brown at Chamhers- burg seems to have been Friday, Saturday, and Sunday, August 19-21. He was at Mrs. Gloucester's in Brooklyn August 18, and carried to Brown from her the following letter : — BnooKLYN, Aug. 18, 1859. Esteemed Friend, — I gladly avail myself of the opportunity afforded by our friend ]\Ir. F. Douglass, who has just called upon us previous to his visit to you, to enclose to you for the cause in which you are such a zealous laborer a small amount, which please accept with my most ardent wishes for its and your benefit. The visit of our mutual friend Douglass has somewhat revived my rather drooping spirits in the cause; but seeing such ambition and enterprise in him, I am again encouraged. With best wishes for your welfare and prosperity, and the good of your cause, I subscribe myself Your sincere friend, Mrs. E. A. Gloucester. What took place during the stay of Douglass and Brown in Chambersburg has thus been narrated by Douglass, omitting some particulars not essential to the story : — JOHN BROWN IN CONFERENCE WITH DOUGLASS. " At my house John Brown had made the acquaintance of a col- ored man, who called himself by different names, — sometimes ' Emperor,' at other times ' Shields Green,' — a fugitive slave 1859.] THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 539 who had made his escape from Charleston, S. C. He was a man of few words (and his language was singularly broken), but of courage" and self-respect. Brown saw at once what stuff Green was made of, and confided to him his plans and purposes. Green easily- believed in Brown, and promised to go with him whenever he should be ready to move. About nine weeks before the raid on Harper's Ferry, Brown wrote to me that a beginning would soon be made, and that before going forward he wanted to see me ; he appointed an old stone-quarry near Chambersburg as our place of meetiug. Mr. Kagi, his secretary, would be there, and they wished me to bring any money I could command and Shields Green along with me. He said that his ' mining-tools ' and stores were then at Chambersburg, and that he would be there to remove them. I obeyed the summons, taking Shields ; we passed through New York, where we called upon the Eev. James Gloucester and his wife, and told them where we were going, and that our old friend needed money. Mrs. Gloucester gave me teu dcdlars for John Brown, with her best wishes. When I reached Chambersburg surprise was expressed that I should come there unannounced ; and I was pressed to make a speech, which I readily did. Meanwhile I called upon Mr. Henry Watson, a simple- minded and warm-hearted man, to whom Brown had imparted the secret of my visit, to show me the appointed rendezvous. Watson was busy in his barber's-shop, but he dropped all and put me on the riijht track. I approached the old quarry cautiously, for Brown was generally well armed and regarded strangers with suspicion. He was under the ban of the Government, and heavy rewards were offered for his arrest. He was passing under the name of Isaac Smith. As I came near, he regarded me suspiciously ; but he soon recognized me, and received me cordially. He had in his hand a fishing-tackle, with wdiich he had apparently been fishing in a stream hard by ; but I saw no fish . fishing was simply a disguise, and certainly a good one. He looked every way like a man of the neighborhood, and as much at home as any of the farmers around there. His hat was old and storm-beaten, and his clothing about the color of the stone-quarry itself. His fece wore an anxious ex- pression, and he was nmch worn by thought and exposure. I felt that I was on a dangerous mission, and was as little desirous of dis- covery as himself. " Captain Brown, Kagi, Shields Green, and myself sat down among the rocks, and talked over the enterprise about to be under- taken. The taking of Harper's Ferry, of which Brown had merely hinted before, was now declared his settled purpose, and he wanted to know what I thought of it. I at once opposed it with all the arguments at my command. To me, such a measure would be fatal 540 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. to runuiug oflf slaves (the original plan), and fatal to all engaged. It would be an attack on the Federal Government, and would array the whole country against us. Captain Brown did most t)f the talking on the other side. He did not at all object to rousing the nation ; it seemed to him that something startling was needed. He had com- pletely renounced his old plan, and thonght that the capture of Har- per's Ferry wonld serve as notice to the slaves that their friends had come, and as a trumpet to rally them to his standard. I was no match for him in such matters, but I told him that all his arguments, and all his descriptions of the place convinced me that he was going into a perfect steel-trap, and that once in, he would never get out alive ; he would be surrounded at once, and escape would be impossible. He was not to be shaken, but treated my views respectfully, replying that even if surrounded, he would find means to cut his way out. But that wonld not be forced upon him ; he should have the best citizens of the neighborhood as prisoners at the start, and holding them as hostages should be able to dictate terms of egress from the town. I told him that Virginia would blow him and his host- ages sky-high rather than that he should h(dd Harper's Ferry an hour. Our talk was long and earnest ; we spent the most of Satur- day and a part of Sunday in this debate, — Brown for Harper's Ferry, and I against it ; he for striking a bk>w which should instantly rouse the country, and I for the policy of gradually and unaccountably drawing off the slaves to the mountains, as at first suggested and proposed by him. When I found that he had fully made up his mind and could not be dissuaded, I turned to Green and told him he heard wliat C.iptain Brown had said ; his old plan was changed, and I should return home, — if he wished to go with me he could do so. Captain Brown urged us both to go with him. In parting, he put his arms around me in a manner more than friendly, and said, ' Crovide for his family ; Mitchell to lay his crops by ; and all make such excuses, until I am disgusted with myself and the whole negro set. If you were here your influence would do something ; but the moment you are gone all my sjieaking don't amount to anything. I will speak to Smith to-day. I knew that Mitchell had n't got the money, and I tried to sell my farm and everything else to raise money, but liave not rai.sed a cent yet. Charlie Langston fays " it is too bad," but wliat he will do, if any- thing, I don't know. I wish you would write to him, for I believe he can do more good than I. Please write to him immediately, and I will give up this thing to him. I think, however, nothing will inspire their confidence unless you come. I will do all I can. 542 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1839. almost willing to temporarily abandon the undertaking.' I r(']>lit'd, ' We have gone too far for that, — we must go ahead.' In the course of our talk he said to me, as he had many times to his men before, ' We have here only one life to live, and once to die; and if we lose our lives it will perhaps do more for the cause than our lives could be worth in any other way.' I agreed with him in this. As we found no exjjress packages at Chambersburg, he remained there with Kasri, and I went back alone. In a day or two both returned to the Kennedy farm, and the next morning he called all his men together in the chamber of the Kennedy house, and said to them, ' I am not so strenuous about carrying out any of my particular plans as to do knowingly that which might probably result in an injury to the cause for which we are struggling ; ' and in the course of his remarks he repeated what he had said to me about our losing our lives. He then added, ' As you are all opposed to the plan of attacking here, I will resign ; we will choose another leader, and I will faithfully obey, reserving to myself the privilege of giving ccnmsel and advice where I think a better course could be adopted.' He did then resign. I first replied that I did not know of any one to choose as a leader in preference to him. In a short time, probably within five minutes, he was again chosen as the leader, and though we were not satisfied with the reasons he gave for making our first attack there, all controversy and opposition to the plan from that time was ended." It must have been about the time of this journey of the father and son that Watson Brown wrote thus to his wife : — Sept. 8, 1859. Dear Belle, — You can guess how I long to see you only by knowing how you wish to see me. I think of you all day, and dream of you at night. I would gladly come home and stay with yon always but for the cause which brought me here, — a desire to do something for others, and not live wholly for my own happiness. I am at home, five miles north of H. F., in an old house on the Ken- nedy farm, where we keep some things, and four of us sleep here. I came here to be alone ; Oliver has just come in and disturbed me. I was at Chambersburg a few days ago, and wrote you a line from there. The reason I did not write sooner was that there are ten of us here, and all who know tliem think they are with fiither, and have an idea wliat he is at; so you see if each and every one writes, all his friends will know where we all are ; if one writes (except on business) then all will have a right to. It is now dark, and I am in this old house all alone; but I have some good company, for I have 1859.] THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 543 just received your letter of August 30, and you may as well think I aui glad to hear from you. You may kiss the baby a great many times a day for me ; I am thinking of you and him all the time. Two events in no way connected with this visit of Doiig- lass, but happening about that time, may be mentioned. The anonymous warning to the Government, from Cincin- nati, that Brown was to strike at Harper's Ferry, was dated the Saturday that Douglass met Brown in Chambersburg, and mailed three days later. This was followed Avithin a week by Gerrit Smith's letter to the colored men of Syra- cuse, in which he predicted almost exactly what happened at Harper's Ferry. The Cincinnati letter was as follows : Cincinnati, August 20. Sir, — I have lately received information of a movement of so great importance, that I feel it my duty to impart it to you without delay. I have discovered the existence of a secret association, having for its object the liberation of the slaves at the South by a general insurrection. The leailer of the movement is "old John Brown," late of Kansas. He has been in Canada during tlie winter, drilling the negroes there, and they are only waiting liis word to start for the South to assist the slaves. They have one of their leading men (a white man) In an armory in Maryland, — where it is situated I have not been able to learn. As soon as everything is ready, those of their numl)er who are in the Northern States and Canada are to come in small companies to their rendezvous, which is in the mountains in Virginia. They will pass down througli Pennsylvania and Mary- land, and enter Virginia at Harper's Ferry. Brown left the Nortli about three or four weeks ago, and will arm the negroes and strike the blow in a few weeks ; so that whatever is done must be done at once. They have a large quantity of arms at their rendezvous, and are probably distributing them already. As I am not fully in their confidence, this is all the information I can give you. I dare not sign my name to this, but trust that you will not disregard the warn- ing on that account.^ 1 The envelope is directed, "Hon. Mr. Floyd, Secretary of War, Wnsh- ington," marked " private," and postmarked Cincinnati, August 2-3, 1859. Although the information sent to Floyd was very exact, and one would have supposed a Virginian specially se»isitive to such intelligence, it does not appear that he gave the matter more th;ni a passing thought. He received the letter at a Virginian watering-place, but did not read it twice, 544 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. This letter was not heeded; nor was the more public warning given by Gerrit Smith, who, writing August 27, said, among other things : — " It is, perhaps, too late to bring slavery to an end by peaceable means, — too late to vote it down. For many years I have feared, and published my fears, that it must go out in blood. These fears luive grown into belief. So debauched are the white people by slav- ery that tliere is not virtue enough left in them to put it down. If I do not misinterpret the words and looks of the most intelligent and noble of the black men who fall in my way, they have come to despair of the accomplisliment of this work by the wiiite people. The feeling among the blacks that they must deliver themselves gains strength with fearful rapidity. No wonder, then, is it that intelligent black men in the States and in Canada should see no hope for their race in the practice and policy of white men. . . . Whoever he may be that foretells the horrible end of American slav- ery is held both at the North and the South to be a lying prophet, — another Cassandra. The South would not respect her own Jeffer- son's prediction of servile insurrection ; how then can it be hoped that she will respect another's? . . . And is it entirely certain that these insurrections will be put down promptly, and before they can have spread far? Will telegraphs and railroads be too swift for even the swiftest insurrections ? Remember that telegraphs and railroads can be rendered useless in an hour. Remember too that many who would be glad to face the insurgents would be busy in transporting their wives and daughters to places where they would be safe from that worst fate which husbands and fathers can imagine for their wives and daughters. I admit that but for this embarrassment Southern men would laugh at the idea of an insurrection, and would quickly dispose of one. "But trembling as they would for beloved ones, I know of no part of the world where, so much as in the South, men would be like, in a formidable insurrection, to lose the most important time, and be distracted and panic-stricken." although he laid it away at first as a paper of some moment. It has never been ascertained who wrote it, but perhaps a young man then connected with a Cincinnati newspaper. This person had become acquainted with a Hungarian refugee, formerly in the suite of Kossuth, then living in Kan- sas, and who had fought on the side of the North, possibly under Blown, and had learned in some detail the plan of tlie Virginia campaign. This it is believed he communicated in an unguarded monient to the Cincinnati reporter, who could not contain the secret, but sat down at once and wrote to the Secretary of War. It is possible that the infomiation came indi- rectly from Cook, who talked too freely. See p. 471. 1859.] THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 545 ' Gerrit Smith's prediction passed unnoticed, although, as his biographer says, " this Cassandra spoke from certainty." He knew what Brown's purpose was ;^ and his last contribu- tion of money to Brown's camp-chest was sent about the time this Syracuse letter was written. Whether he also knew that Harper's Ferry was to be attacked is uncertain ; for this was communicated only to a few persons except those actually under arms. Yet it was known by the Cin- cinnati correspondent of Secretary Floyd. Late in Septem- ber Jeremiah Anderson, one of Brown's men who was killed at the side of his captain in the engine-house at Harper's Ferry, wrote to his brother in Iowa, — " Oui' mining company will consist of between twenty-five and thiiljr well equipped witli tools. You can tell Uncle Dan it will be im])os- sible for ine to visit hiin before next spring. If my life is spared, I M'ill be tired of work by that time, and I shall visit my relatives and friends in Iowa, if I can get leave of absence. At present, I am bound by all that is honorable to continue in the course. We go in to win, at all hazards. So if you should hear of a failure, it will be after a desperate struggle, and loss of capital on both sides. But that is the last of our thoughts. Everything seems to work to our hands, and victory will surely perch upou our banner. The old man has had this operation in view for twenty years, and last winter was just a hint and trial of what could be done. This is not a large place,* but a precious one to Uncle Sam, as he has a great many tools here. I expect (when I start again travelling) to start at this place and go thrt>ugh the State of Virginia and on south, just as circumstances require ; mining and prospecting, and carrying the ore with us. I suppose this is the last letter I shall write before there is something in the wind. Whether I shall have a chance of sending letters then I do not know, but when I have an opportunity, I shall improve it. But if you don't get any from uie, don't take it for granted that I am gone up till you know it to be so. I consider my life about as safe in one place as another." 1 This must also have been known to a writer in the "Anglo- African," a magazine for colored men, who said, in August, 1859 : — " So profoundly are we o]iposed to tlie favorite doctrine of the Puritans and their co-workers tlie colonizationists, — Ubi Libertas, ibi Patria, — that we could almost beseech Divine Providence to reverse some past events, and to fling back into the heart of Virginia and Maryland their Sam Wards, Highland Garnets, J. W. Penningtons, Frederick Douglasses, and the twenty thousand toho now shout hosannas in Canada, — and we would soon see some stirring in the direction of Ubi Patria, ibi Libertas." '^ Harper's Ferry. 35 546 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. This letter shows the smallness of the force with which Brown undertook his campaign. A few of those who were expected to join him did not arrive, and his actual force when he began was but twenty-two besides himself, per- haps only twenty-one, for there is some doubt concerning the presence of John Anderson, the person last-numbered in this list of Brown's band : — 1. John Brown, commander-in-chief; 2. John Henry Kagi, adju- tant; 3. Aaron C Stephens, captain; 4. Watson Brown, captain; 5. Oliver Brown, captain ; G. John E. Cook, captain ; 7. Charles Pluinmer Tidd,* cajjtain ; 8. WilUam H. Leenian, lieutenant; 9. Albert Hazlett, lieutenant; 10. Owen Brown,* cajitain; U. Jere- miah G. Anderson, lieutenant; 12. Edwin Coppoc, lieutenant : 13. William Thompson, lieutenant ; 14. Daupliin Thomj^son, lieuten- ant ; 15. Shields Green ;^ 16. Bangerfiehl Neichy ; 17. John A. Copeland; 18. Oshorn P. Anderson ; * 19. Lewis Leary ; 20. Stew- art Taylor; 21. Barclay Coppoc ;* 22. Francis Jackson Merriam ; * 23. John Anderson.* It will be seen that this company was but the skeleton of an organization which it was intended to till up with recruits gathered from among the slaves and at the North; hence the great disproportion of officers to privates. Accord- ing to the general orders by Brown, dated at Harper's Ferry, Oct. 10, 1859, his forces were to be divided into battalions of four companies, which would contain, when full, seventy- two officers and men in each company, or two hundred and eighty-eight in the battalion. Provision was made for offi- cering and arming the four companies of the first battalion, which in the event of Brown's success would have been filled up as quickly as possible. Each company was to be divided into bands of seven men under a corporal, and every two bands made a section of sixteen men, under a sergeant. Until the companies were filled up, the commissioned offi- cers were intended to act as corporals and sergeants in these bands and sections, and they did so during the operations in Maryland and Virginia. Brown's youngest son wrote thus : — 1 Those in italics were coloicd men ; those marked (*) escaped, but all save Owen Brown are now dead. He was treasurer as well as captain. 1859] THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 647 Oliver Brown to his Family. PAuns Unknown, Sept. 9, 1859. Dear Mother, Brother, and Sisters, — Knowing that you all fi'il deeply interested in persons and matters here, I feel a wish to write all I can that is encouraging, feeling that we all need all the encour- agement we can get while we are travelling on through eternity, of which every day is a part. I can only say that we are all well, and that our work is going on very slowly, but we think satisfactorily. I would here say that I think there is no good reason why any of us should he discouraged ; for if we have done but one good act, life is not a failure. I shall probably start home with Martha and Anna about tlie last of this month. Salmon, you may make any use of the sugar things you can next year. I hope you will all keep a stiflf lip, a sound pluck, and believe that all will come out right in the end. Nell, I have not forgotten you, and I want you sh(.>uld remem- ber 7ne. Please, all write. Direct to John Henrie, Chambersburg, Pennsylvania. Believe me your affectionate son and brother, Oliver Smith. How fully the Brown family were apprised of the details of the Virginia campaign it is hardly possible to infer from the letters extant ; but so cautious was John Brown, and so irregular in his correspondence, that many points came late or not at all to the knowledge of individual members of the family. Thus John Brown, Jr., wrote to Kagi five wrecks before the attack : — West Andover, Sept. 8, 1859. Friend Henrie, — I yesterday evening received yours of Sep- tember 2, and I not only hasten to reply, but to lay its contents before those who are interested. . . . Through those associations which I formed in Canada, I am able to reach each individual mem- ber at the shortest notice by letter. I am devoting my whole time to our company business. Shall immediately go out organizing and raising funds. From what I even had understood, 1 had siqjposed you u-oidd not think it best to commence opening the coal hanks before spring, unless circmnstances should make it imperative. However, I suppose the reasons are satisfactory to you, and if so, those who own smaller shares ought not to object. I hope we shall be able to get on in season some of those old miners of whom I wrote you. Shall strain every n»;rve to accomydish this. You may be assured 548 LIFE AND LETTERS OE JOHN BKOWN. [1859. that what you say to me will reach those who may be benefited thereby, and those who would take stock, in the shortest possible thne ; so don't fail to keep me posted. There is a general dearth of news in tliis region. By the way, I notice, through the "Cleveland Leader," that "Old Brown" is again figuring in Kansas. Well, every dog must have his day, and he will no doubt find the end of his tether. Did you ever know of such a liigh-handed piece of business ? However, it is just like him. The Black Republicans, some of them, uuiy wink at such things ; but I tell you, friend Henrie, he is too salt a dose for many of them to swallow, and I can already see symptoms of division in their ranks. We are bound to roll up a good stiff majority for our side this fall. I will send you herewith the item referred to, which I clii)p('d from the " Leader." Give regards to all, and believe me faithfully yours, John. Other correspondence followed this, but little that need he cited. The five weeks intervening between this letter and the attack were busy ones ; and, as usual, Brown was embarrassed for lack of money. I sent him through Kagi a draft for hfty dollars, August 30, and made a further remit- tance in September, amounting to one hundred and live dollars ; this completed the sum I had agreed to raise, — nearly one third of which was given by Gerrit Smith. The last contribution which Brown received was about six hun- dred dollars in gold, carried to him by Francis Merriam * 1 Young Merriam was a gi-andson and namesake of Francis Jackson, the Boston Abolitionist (well known as the friend of Garrison, Philli]>.s, Parker, Qiiincy, and the otlier extreme Antislavery men), who had lieard from Red- istil and Hiuton of Bi'own'.sgeneial pari)Ose, and in December, 18.")S, wrote to Brown, otFering to join bin) "in any cafKieity you wish to place me, as far as my .small capaeities go." He bad been in Kansas in 1857-58, with a letter from Wendell Phillips, but did not find Brown. In the spring of 1859, while Redpath and Merriam were in Hayti, Kagi had written to Hin- ton, asking the three to meet him in Boston ; but this meeting never took place. In September, 18J9, Merriam learned the details of the Virginia plan from Lewis Hayden, a Kentucky freedman, long resident in Boston, and came to me to renew the offer of liis services. 'His father was dead, and he had inherited a small property whicli .he was eagiM' to devote to some practical enterprise for freeing the slaves. He was at this time twenty-two years old, enthusiastic and resolute, but with little judgment, and in feeble health. 1859.J THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 549 from Boston the week before the attack was made at Har- per's Ferry. Kagi's diary (October 10-15) records Merriam's arrival and movements : — " Monday, October 10. — Mr. Merriain came ; went down with ine to M . " Tuesday. — Diinas returned to Mrs. Ritner's. Wrote J. B., Jr. Saw Watson, and appointed meeting for Thursday eve. Saw Car- lisle about purchases. " Wednesday. — Wrote William Still. Wrote to S. Jones, send- ing men off. Leary and Copeland arrived. " Thursday. — lleceived letter fnjin Merriam, dated Baltimore. "Friday, October 15. — Sent telegram to Merriam at Baltimore." " Watson " was one of Brown's sons, from whose letters to his young wife during September and October a few sen- tences may be quoted : — We have only two black men with us now ; one of these has a wife and seven children in slavery. I sometimes feel as though I could not make the sacrifice i but what would I want others to do, were I in their place? . . . Oh, Bell, I do want to see you and the little fellow [the young babe born,in the father's absence] very much, but I must wait. There was a slave near here whose wife was sold off South the other day, and he was found in Thomas Kennedy's or- chard, dead, the next morning. Cannot come home so long as such things are done here. ... I sometimes think perhaps we shall not meet again. If we should not, you have an object to live for, — to be a mother to our little Fred. He is not quite a reality to me yet. We leave here this aftenioon or to-morrow for the last time. You will probably hear from us very soon after getting this, if not before. We are all eager for the work, and confident of success. There was another murder committed near our place the otlicr day, making in all five murders and one suicide within five miles of our place since we have lived there ; they were all slaves, too. . . . Give my re- gards to all the friends, and keep up good courage : there is a better day a-coming. I can but commend you to yourself and your friends if I sliould never see you again. Believe nie yours wholly and forever in love. Your husband, Watson Brown. ^ 1 Watson was just twenty-four, and had been married for three years to Isabel Thompson, whose brothers William and Dauphin Thompson, like her husband and bvother-in-law, were killed at Harper's Ferry. 550 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. Brown himself wrote thus to his family : — Chambeksburg, Penn., Oct. 1, 1859. Dear Wife and Children, all, — I parted with Martha aud Aune at Harrisburg, yesterday, in company with Oliver, on their way liome. I trust before this reaches you the women will have ar- rived safe. I have encouragement of having fifty dollars or more sent you soon, to help you to get through the winter; and I shall cer- tainly do all iu my power for you, and try to commend you always to the God of my fathers. Perhaps you can keep your animals in good condition thmngh the winter on potatoes mostly, much cheaper than on any other feed. I think that would certainly be the case if the crop is good, and is secured well and in time. I sent along four pairs blankets, with directions for Martha to have the first choice, and for Bell, Abbie, and Anne to cast lots for a choice in the three other pairs. My reason is that I think Martha fairly entitled to phrticular notice.^ To my other daughters I can only send my blessing just now. Anne, I want you, first of all, to become a sincere, humble, earnest, and consistent Christian ; and then acquire good and efficient business habits. Save this letter to remember your father by, Anne. You must all send to John hereafter anything you want sliould get to us ; and you may lie sure we shall all be very anxious to learn everything about your welfare. Read the " Tribune " carefully. It may not "always be certainly true, however. Begin early to take good care of all your animals, and pinch them at the close of the winter, if you must at all. God Almighty bless and save you all ! Your affectionate husband and father. Harper's Ferry was named for Kobert Harper, an English millwright, who obtained a grant of it in 1748 from Lord Fairfax, the friend of Washington. The first survey of this tract was made by W^ashington, who is said to have selected the Ferry, in 1794, as the site of a national armory. The scenery has been described by Jefferson in his " Notes on Virginia," written shortly before the death of Robert Har- per in 1782, aud presenting the view from Jefferson's rock, 1 Martha was the wife of Oliver, and was to be confined in Jlarch. Bell was the wife of Watson, and the sister of William and Daupliin Thompson ; Abbie was the wife of Salmon Brown, who stayed at home with his mother. 1859.] THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 551 above the village. " You stand on a very high point of laml ; on your right comes up the Shenandoah, having ranged along the foot of the mo"untain a hundred miles to find a vent ; on your left approaches the Potomac, in quest of a passage also. In the moment of their junction they rush together against the mountain, rend it asunder, and pass off to the sea. The scene is worth a voyage across the Atlantic ; . . . these monuments of a war between rivers and mountains which must have shaken the earth itself to its centre." Around this junction of the two rivers had grown up a village of three or four thousand inhabitants, isorth of the Potomac rise the iMarylaud Heights almost perpendicular to the river's bank, thirteen hundred feet above it. The Loudon Heights, across the Shenandoah, are lower, but both ridges overtop the hill between them, and make it untenable for an army, while this hill itself com- mands all below it, and makes the town indefensible against a force there. Therefore, when Brown captured Harper's Ferry, he placed himself in a trap where he was sure to be taken, unless he should quickly leave it. His first mistake (and he made many in this choice of his point of attack and his method of warfare) was to cross the Potomac at a place so near Washington and Baltimore, which are distant but sixty and eighty miles respectively from the bridge over which he marched his men. This bridge is used both by the Baltimore and Ohio railroad and by the travellers along the public highway ; and the only approach to it from the Maryland side is by a narrow road under the steep cliff, or by the railroad itself. On the Virginia side there are roads leading up from the Shenandoah valley, and both up and down the Potomac. Harper's Ferry is indeed the Ther- mopylae of Virginia. General Lee, the Hector of the South- ern Troy, came here with soldiers of the national army to capture Brown in 1859 ; he came again and repeatedly as commander of the Southern armies during the next live years. His soldiers and their opponents of the Union army cannonaded, burned, pillaged, and abandoned the town, which has not yet recovered from the ruin of the war. Before Brown's foray, one of his captains (Cook) had visited the house of Colonel Lewis Washington (great- 552 LIFE AND LETTEKS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. grandson of George Washington's brother), and learned where to put his hand upon the sword of Frederick the Great and the pistols of Lafayette, presented by them to Washington, and by him to his brother's descendants. With that sense of historical association which led Brown to make his first attack upon slavery in Virginia and amid the scenes of Washington's early life, this liberator of the slaves had determined to appear at their head wielding Washington's own sword, and followed by freedmen who had owed service in the Washington family. He therefore assigned to Stephens and to Cook, as their first duty after Harper's Ferry should be taken, to proceed to Colonel Wash- ington's plantation of Bellair, about four miles south of the Ferry, seize him, with his arms, set free his slaves, and bring him as a hostage to the captured town ; and he even directed that Osborn Anderson, a free black, should receive from Washington the historical weapons.* Cook in his confession said : — " There were some six or seven in Brown's party who did not know anything of our Constitution, and wore also ignorant of the plan of operations until Sunday morning, October 16. Among this number were Edwin and Barehiy Coppoc, Merriam, Shields Green, Copeland, and Leary. The Constitution was read to them by Ste- phens, and the oath afterward administered by Captain Brown. On Sunday evening Captain Brown made his final arrangements for the capture of Harper's Ferry, and gave to his men their orders. In closing, he said : ' And now, gentlemen, let me press this one' thing on your minds. You all know how dear life is to you, and how dear your lives are to your friends; and in remembering that, consider that the lives of others are as dear to them as yours are to you. Do not, therefore, take the life of any one if you can possibly avoid it ; but if it is necessary to take life in order to save your own, then make sure work of it.' " At the Kennedy farm-house, about eight o'clock on the evening of Sunday, — a cold and dark night, ending in rain, — Brown mustered his eighteen followers, saying, "Men, ^ The Puritanic Quixotism and the prophetic symbolism of Brown's character united in this act, which will he rcnieajheri'd longer than many of his exploits that were more inij»ortant in their results. 1859.] THE FOE AY IN VIRGINIA. 553 get on your arms ; we will proceed to the Ferry." His horse and wagon were brought to the door of the farmhouse, and some pikes, a sledge-hammer, and a crowbar were placed in the wagon. Brown " put on his old Kansas cap," mounted the wagon, and said, " Come, boys ! " at the same time driv- ing his horse down the rude lane into the main road. His men followed him on foot, two and two, Charles Plummer Tidd, a Maine farmer who had joined him in Kansas, and John E. Cook taking the lead. At a proper time they were sent forward in adv^auce of the wagon to tear down the tel- egraph wires on the Maryland side of the Potomac. The other couples walked at some distance apart and in silence, making no display of arms. Now and then some of them rode beside Brown. When overtaken by any one, the rear couple were to detain the stranger until the party had passed on or concealed themselves, and the same order was given if they were met by any one. The road was unfrequented that night, and they passed down through the woods to the bridge across the Potomac without delay or adventure. Upon entering the covered bridge they halted and fastened their cartridge-boxes, with forty rounds of ammunition, out- side their coats, and brought their rifles into view. As they approached the Virginia side, the watchman who patrolled the bridge met them and was arrested by Kagi and Ste- phens, who took him to the armory gate, leaving Watson Brown and Stewart Taylor to guard the bridge. The rest of the company proceeded with Brown, in his wagon or on foot, to the armory gate, which was but a few rods from the Virginia end of the bridge. There they halted at about half past ten o'clock, broke open the gate with the crowbar in the wagon, rushed inside the armory yard, and seized one of the two watchmen on duty. Brown himself with two men then mounted guard at the armory gate, and the other fourteen men were sent to different parts of the village. Oliver Brown and William Thompson occupied the bridge over the Shenandoah, and there arrested a few prisoners. Kagi, with John Copeland, went up the Shenandoah a half- mile or more to that part of the armory called " the rifle works," where he captured the Avatchmen, sent them to Brown, and occupied the buildings. Edwin Coppoc and 554 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. Albert Hazlett went across the street from the armory gate and occupied the arsenal, which was not in the armory in- closure. All this was done quietly and without the snapping of a gun ; and before midnight the whole village was in the possession of Brown and his men. He then dispatched Stephens, Cook, and others, six in all, on the turnpike toward Charlestowa to bring in Colonel Washington and some of his neighbors, with their slaves.^ This was done before four in the morning ; and then some of the same party went across into Maryland and brought in Terence Byrne, a small slaveholder, at whose house they had expected to find slaves, but did not. In the mean time, at 1.30 a. m., the railroad train from the west had come in, and a negro porter, who was crossing the bridge to find the missing watchman, was stopped by Watson Brown's guard. Turn- 1 The interview between Brown and Colonel Washington (who was one of the military staff of the Governor of Virginia, and thence derived his title) is thns described by Washington : " We drove to the armory gate. The person on the front seat of tlie carriage said : ' All 's well ; ' and the reply came from the sentinel at the gate, ' All 's well.' Then the gates were opened, and I was driven in and was received by Old Brown. He did not address me by name, but said : ' You will ftnd a fire in here, sir ; it is rather *cool this morning.' Afterwards he came and said : ' I presume you are Mr. Washington. It is too dark to see to write at this time ; but when it shall have cleared off a little and become ligliter, if you have not pen and ink I will furnish them, and shall require you to write to some of your friends to send a stout, able-bodied negro. I think, after a while, possibly I shall be able to release you ; but only on condition of getting your friends to send in a negro man as a ransom. I shall be very atten- tive to you, sir ; for I may get the worst of it in my first encounter, and if so, your life is worth as much as mine. My particular reason for taking you first was, that as an aid to the Governor of Virginia I knew you would endeavor to perform your duty ; and apart from that, I wanted you particularly for the moral effect it would give our cause having one of your name as a prisoner.' I supposed at that time, from his actions, that his force was a large one, — that he was very strong. Shortly after reaching the armory I found the sword of General Washington in Old Brown's hand. He said, ' I will take especial care of it, and shall en- deavor to return it to you after you are released.' Brown carried it in his hand all day Monday ; when the attacking party came on, Tuesday morning, he laid it on the fire-engine, and after the I'escue I got it." Colonel Washington survived the Civil War, in which he took no part. His widow has sold this sword, with other mementos of Washington, to the State df New York. 1859. THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 555 ing to run back and refusing to halt, he was shot and mor- tally wounded by one of the bridge guard, which was now increased to three. This was the first shot fired on either side, and was three hours after the entrance of Brown into the village. Shots were fired in return by some of the rail- road men, and then no more firing took place until after sunrise. Before sunrise the train had been allowed to go forward, Brown and one of his men walking across the bridge with the conductor of the train to satisfy him that all was safe, and that the bridge was not broken down. The work of gathering up prisoners as hostages had also been pushed vigorously, and before noon Brown had more than twice the number of his own force imprisoned in the armory yard. None of his own men were killed or captured until ten or eleven o'clock on Monday morning, when Dangerfield Newby, the Virginia fugitive, was shot near the armory gate. Shortly afterward Stephens was wounded and cap- tured, Watson Brown wounded, and William Thompson captured. For from nine o'clock (when the terrified citizens of Harper's Ferry found a few arms and mustered courage enough to use them) until night, the Virginians, armed and officered, had been surrounding Brown's position, and before noon had cut off his retreat into Maryland. During the four or five hours after daybreak when he might have es- caped from the town, he was urged to do so by Kagi, by Stephens, and by others ; but delayed until it was too late. For twelve hours he held the town at his mercy ; after that he was firmly caught in the trap he had entered, and the de- fpfit of his foray was only the question of a few hours' time. He drew back his shattered forces into the engine-house near the armory gate, soon after noon ; but neither his men at the rifle works, nor those at the arsenal across the street, nor his son Owen, on the Maryland side of the Potomac, could join him. He fought bravely, and so did Kagi and his few men on the bank of the Shenandoah; but the latter were all killed or captured before the middle of the after- noon ; and at evening, when Colonel Lee arrived from Wash- ington with a company of United States marines, nothing was left of Brown's band except himself and six men, two of them wounded, in his weak fortress, and two unharmed 556 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. and undiscovered men, Hazlett and Osborn Anderson, in the arsenal not far off. His enterprise had failed, and through his own fault. Why, then, did Brown attack Harper's Ferry, or, having captured it, why did he not leave it at once and push on into the mountains of Virginia, according to his original plan ? His explanation is characteristic : it was foreor- dained to be so. " All our actions," he said, •' even all the follies that led to this disaster, were decreed to happen ages before the world was made." He declared that had he be- taken himself to the mountains he could never have been captured, " for he and his men had studied the country carefully, and knew it a hundred times better than any of the inhabitants." He ascribed his ruin to his weakness in listening to the entreaties of his prisoners and delaying his departure from the captured town. "It was the first time," somebody reports him as saying, "that I ever lost command of myself; and now I am punished for it." But he soon began to see that this mistake was leading him to his most glorious success, — a victory such as he might never have won in his own way. Among many accounts of the final scenes of tragedy at Harper's Ferry, one of the best is that of Captain Danger- field, who at the time was a clerk in the armory, and was made prisoner early in the morning of October 17. He says : ^ — " I walked tdwarrls my office, then just within the armory inclosure, and not more than a hundred yards from my honse. As I proceeded, I saw a man come out of an alley, then another and another, all coinini? towards me. I inquired what all tliis meant; they said, ' Nothins;, only they had taken possession of tlie Government works.' I told them they talked like crazy men. They answered, ' Not so crazy as you think, as you will soon see,' Up to this time I had not seen any arms. Presently, however, the men threw hack the short cloaks they wore, and disclosed Sharp's rifles, pistols, and knives. Seeing these, and fearing something serious was going on, I told the men I believed I would return home. They at once cocked 1 See the "Century Magazine" for June, 1885. I have abridged the narrative here and there. 1859.] THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 557 their guns, and told ine I was a prisoner. This surprised me, but I could do nothing, being unarmed. I talked M'ith them some little time longer, and again essayed to go home ; but one of the men stepped before me, presented his gun, and told me if I moved I would be shot down. I then asked what they intended to do with me. They said I was in no personal danger ; they only wanted to carry me to their captain, John Smith. I asked them where Captain Sujith was. They answered at the guard house, inside of the armory iu- closure. I told them I would go there ; that was the point for which J first started. (My office was there, and I felt uneasy lest the vault had been broken open.) •' Upon reaching the gate, I saw what indeed looked like war, — negroes armed with pikes, and sentinels with muskets all around. T was turned over to ' Captain Smith,' who called me by name, and asked if I knew Colonel Washington and others, mentioning familiar names. I said I did ; and he then said, ' Sir, you will hnd them tliere,' motioning me towards the engine-room. We were not kept closely confined, but were allowed to converse with him. I asked him what his object -was. He replied, ' To free the negroes of Virginia.' He added that he was prepared to do it, and by twelve o'clock would have fifteen hundred men with him, ready armed. Up to this time the citizens had hardly begun to move about, and knew nothing of the raid. When they learned what was going on, some came out with old shotguns, and were themselves shot by concealed men. All the stores, as well as the arsenal, were in the hands of Brown's men, and it was impossible to get either arms or ammunition, there being hardly any private weapons. At last, however, a few arms were obtained, and a body of citizens crossed the I'iver and advanced from the Maryland side. They made a vigorous attack, and in a few minutes caused all the invaders who were not killed to retreat to Brown inside of the armory gate. Then he entered the engine-house, carrying his prisoners along, or rather part of them, for he made selections. After getting into the etigine- house, he made this speech : - ' Gentlemen, perhaps you wonder why I have selected you from the others. It is because I believe you to be more influential ; and I have only to say now, that you will have to share precisely the same fate that your friends extend to my men.' He began at once to bar the doors and windows, and to cut portholes through the brick wall. "Then commenced a terrible firing from without, at every point from which the windows could be seen, and in a few minutes every window was shattered, and hundreds of balls came through the doors. These shots were answered fi-om witliin whenever the attacking party could be seen. This was kept up most of the day, and, strange to 558 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. say, not a prisoner was hurt, though thousands of balls were im- hedded in the walls, and holes shot in the doors almost large enough for a man to creep through. At night the firing ceased, for we were in total darkness, and notliing cf)uld be seen in the engine-house. During the day and night I talked much with Brown. I found him as brave as a man could be, and sensible upijn all subjects except slavery. He believed it was his duty to free the slaves, even if in doing so he lost his own life. During a sharp fight one of Brown's sons was killed. He fell ; then trying to raise himself, he said, ' It is all over with me,' and died instantly. Brown did not leave his post at the porthole ; but when the fighting was over he walked to his son's body, straightened out his limbs, took oflF his trappings, and then, turning to me, said, ' This is the third son I have lost in this cause.' Another son had been shot in the morning, and was then dying, having been brought in from the street. Often during the aflair in the engine-house, when his men would want to fire upon some one who might be seen passing. Brown would stop them, say- ing, ' Don't shoot ; that man is unarmed.' The firing was kept up by our men all day and until late at night, and during that time several of his men were killed, but none of the prisoners were hurt, though in great danger. During the day and uiglit many proposi- tions, pro and con, were made, looking to Brown's surrender and the release of the prisoners, but without result. " When Colonel Lee came with the Government troops in the night, he at once sent a flag of truce by his aid, J. E. B. Stuart, to notify Brown of his arrival, and in the name of the United States to demand his surrender, advising him to throw himself on the clemency of the Government. Brown declined to accept Colonel Lee's terms, and determined to await the attack. When Stuart was admitted and a light brought, he exclaimed, ' Wliy, are n't you old Osawa- tomie Brown of Kansas, whom I once had there as my prisoner ? ' ' Yes,' was the answer, ' but you did not keep me.' This was the •first intimation we had of Brown's real name. When Colonel Lee advised Brown to trust to the clemency of the Government, Brown responded that he knew what that meant, — a rope for his men and himself; adding, 'I prefer to die just here.' Stuart told him he would return at early morning for his final reply, and left him. When he had gone. Brown at once-proceeded to barricade the doors, wind(tws, etc., endeavoring to make the jjlace as strong as possilde. All this time no one of Brown's men showed the slightest fear, but calmly awaited the attack, selecting the best situations to fire from, and arranging their guns and pistols so that a fresh (me could be taken up as soon as one was discharged. During the night I had a long talk with Brown, and told him tliat he and his men were com- 1859.] THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 559 mitting treason against the State and the United States. Two of Lis men, hearing the conversation, said to their leader, ' Are we commit- ting treason against our country by being here "! ' Brown answered, ' Certainly.' Both said, ' If that is so, we don't want to fight any more ; we thought we came to liberate the slaves, and did not know that was committing treason.' Both of these men were afterwards killed in the attack on the engine-house. When Lieutenant Stuart came in the nifirning for the final reply to the demand to surrender, I got up and went to Brown's side to hear his answer. Stuart asked, 'Are you ready to surrender, and trust to the mercy of the Govern- ment ? ' Brown answered, ' No, I prefer to die here.' His manner did not betray the least alarm. Stuart stepped aside and made a signal for the attack, which was instantly begun with sledge-ham- mers to break down the door. Finding it would not yield, the soldiers seized a long ladder for a battering-ram, and commenced beating the door with that, the party within firing incessantly. I had assisted in the barricading, fixing the fastenings so that I could remove them on the first efi'ort to get in. But I was not at the door when the battering began, and could not get to the fastenings till the ladder was used. I then quickly removed the fastenings ; and, after two or three strokes of the ladder, the engine rolled partially back, making a small aperture, through which Lieutenant Green of the marines forced his way, jumped on top of the engine, and stood a second, amidst a shovA'er of balls, hxdiing for John Brown. When he saw Brown he sprang about twelve feet at him. giving an under thrust of his sword, striking Brown ab(jut midway the body, and raising him completely from the ground. Brown fell forward, with his head between his knees, while Green struck him several times over the head, and, as I then supjiosed, split his skull at every stroke. I was not two feet from Brown at that time. Of course I got out of the building as soon as possible, and did not know till some time later that Brown was not killed. It seems that Green's sword, in making the thrust, struck Brown's belt and did not pene- trate the body. The sword was bent double. The reason that Brown was not killed when struck on the head was, that Green was holding his sword in the middle, striking with the hilt, and making only scalp wounds. " When Governor Wise came and was examining Brown, I heard the questions and answers, and no lawyer could have used more care- ful reserve, while at the same time he showed no disrespect. Gov- ernor Wise was astonished at the answers he received from Brown. After some controversy between the United States and the State of Virginia, as to which had jurisdiction over the prisoners. Brown was carried -to the Charlestovvu jail, and after a fair trial was hanged. Of 560 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. course I was a witness at the trial ; and I must say that I have never seen any man display more courage and fortitude than John Brown showed under the trying circumstances in M'hinh he was placed. I could not go to see him hanged. He had made me a prisoner, but liad spared my life and that of other gentlemen in his power ; and wlien his sons were shot down beside him, almost any other man similarly placed would at least have exacted life for life." This Colonel Lee was tlie same officer who as General of the Confederate Army afterwards maintained so bravely the lost cause of slavery, and surrendered to General Grant and the Army of the Potomac in April, 1865. He was in 1859 in high command, under General Scott, in the United States Army, and then, as afterwards, a defender of slav- ery and slaveholding Virginia.^ Both he and his subordi- nate, Major Russell, treated Brown, who was supposed to be dying, with consideration. After his capture the crowd gathered round Brown, who told them not to maltreat him, — that he was dj'ing, and would soon be beyond all injury. Major Russell had him conveyed into a room, and kindly ordered all attention to be paid him. Brown, recognizing Russell, said, "You entered first. I could have killed you, but I spared you." In reply to which the Major bowed and said, " I thank you." Brown said : — '' My name is John Brown ; I have been well known as Old Brown of Kansas. Two of my sous were killed here to-day, and I'm dying too. I came here to liberate slaves, and was to receive no reward. I have acted from a sense of duty, and am content to await my fate ; but I think the crowd have treated me badly. I am an old man. Yesterday I could have killed whom I chose; but I had no desire to kill any person, and would not have killed a man had they not tried to kill me and my men. I could have sacked and 1 A year before General Lee's death lie said to John Leyburn, at Balti- more, that he had never been an advocate of slavery, had emaneipated most of liis slaves before the war, arid rejoiced that slavery was abolished ; adding: " I would cheerfully have lost all 1 have lost by the wnr, and have suffered all I have suffered, to have this object attained." I print this in justice to a brave soldier ; but his warfare was as much in defence of slavery as Hector's in defence of Helen, though the great Trojan did not approve of Paris as against Menelaus. General Lee's " One best omen was Virgiida's cause." 1859. THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 561 burned the town, but did not ; I have treated the persons whom I took as hostages kindly, and I appeal to thein for the truth of what I say. If I had succeeded in running oif slaves this time, I could have raised twenty times as many men as 1 have now, for a similar expedition. But I have failed." To the master of the armory, while a prisoner, Brown had said : — " We are Abolitionists from the North, come to take and release your slaves ; our organization is large, and must succeed. I suffered much in Kansas, and expect to sutier here, in the cause of human freedom. Slaveholders I regard as robbers and murderers; and I have sworn to abolish slavery and liberate my fellow-men." To a reporter he said : — " A lenient feeling towards the citizens led me into a parley with them as to compromise ; and by prevarication on their part I was delayed until attacked, and then iu self-defence was forced to in- trench myself." While Brown was thus undergoing questions from offi- cers, reporters, citizens, and others, Colonel Lee said that he would exclude all visitors from the room if the wounded men w^ere annoyed by them. Brown said that on the con- trary he was glad to be able to make himself and his motives clearly understood. He conversed freely, fluently, and cheerfully, without fear or uneasiness, weighing well his words. The " New York Herald " correspondent says : ^ — 1 In a paper printed in the " Atlantic Monthly," July, 1874, I used tliis expression : " It was the everlasting reporter of tlie ' New York Herald ' who then and there [at Harper's Ferry, in October, 1859] noted down the undyins; words that rai " W'lu'u I iinlvnl ill lliK iiiiin>n ni ||iir|ii'i'h Knvry, Hlimlly iilln IWM !>'< Imlt III llio allriihiiMi mI ()i|ol.ri !'>, |l|Mt\ii w ,i'< il ir,V Hriuilm' MilHiiii, uliii li hi \\\:A iiiilviil luMii Ilin irhliliniri' 111 \V liioltt'tilt ormi.'ri. ^VHlt^*t' Miinott ('(III N>'ii I'll II' \\\\'> iiiiiii >ii< .1 iiinii. \ i.>i \Miii 0\|Mll If Ji>hH Hn>li'» i till III 'Ik'iI iiix'I oI II iiiu.ii'H, ll in li.v my iiwii i"ll\ ill ii I liiivii ItiMtii liil.iMi I i.iiilil i'iihily lutvii hiiM'il iiiyia|i|l liiMii II, liiiil I «(\tii'oiHt')l my uwii In lln Jiiil^mtiiit vnihor ilttiii yiclilnl in my iVcliii^N, ri1/iM(U(. Villi miijiii it' \i>ii Ihiil rhi'ii|MMl imimiiliali>ly Y livmoh, N" I liiiil ilii- iiiriiiiii III iii.ilni mynrir tJinMiro wiili.uii iniy iU.-» Int llirli ntilrly, Ollil I till Ini' lliolll, |l|thiilt loiiin ul' iIiuhii will) lii'llrvoil wo oniiio lirtii In luini iiml Kill I'm llm irnMHi I tllln\\i illlil |il"|< fily, iinr iitiy I'm'lili^tt nl liiimiiiiil\ ,V(|,|||(M». Mill ynll KIIIimI hniiu' |ir..|i|(i |i||h,iill^ (ilnii!; lliii mIu'cIi »|iiit'lly. fUoUH \\ rll, nil, ll lIllMO \>'lt,1 itliyllllll^ III llllll Klllil iliUlii, 11 W IIH willtnttl tiiy Kiin\> IciIm'' Ymit dwtt t'iliiitMlH w lin vviMii my |ii irinin'ift will li'll ynll llllll ovny jmnMililo mi^llllloll iin iimnnitil piM'nniiH, IT I oniilil lii'l)i il I'Ikn will lill ynil tllitl We illlnvviil nili-.i'l\t'M In l>0 liliil Mn in ili.i|iiiiii m ontitin- iliot llto it)|inrl nl yniU' nWii iir-iijIilini'M wlit,* \vterhaps fatal ; and should you escape death from these causes, you must submit to a trial which may involve death. Your confessions justify the presumption that you will be found guilty ; and even now you are committing a felony under the laws of Virginia, by uttering sentiments like these. It is better you should turn your attention to your eternal future than be dealing in denunciations which can only injure you." Brown replied, "Governor, I have from all appearances not mof»e than fifteen or twenty years the start of you in the journey to that eternity of which you kindly warn me ; and whether my time here shall be fifteen months, or fifteen days, or fifteen hours, I am equally pre- pared to go. There is an eternity behind and an eternity before ; and this little speck in the centre, however long, is but comparatively a minute. The difference between your tenure and mine is trifling, and I therefore tell you to be prepared. I am prepared. You all have a heavy respon- sibility, and it behooves you to prepare more than it does me." In speaking of this conversation,^ Wise said publicly : " They are mistaken who take Brown to be a madman. He is a liundle of the best nerves I ever saw : cut and thrust and bleeding, and in bonds. He is a man of clear head, of courage, fortitude, and 1 A Virginian gives me this addition to Brown's conversation with Wise : — Jaiter. I see in the papers that you told Governor Wise you had promises of aid from Virginia, Tennessee, and the Carohnas. Is tliat true, or did you make it up to " rile " the old Governor? Brown. No ; I did not tell Wise that. Jailer. What did you tell him that could have made that impression on his mind ? Brnwn. Wise said something about fanaticism, and intimated that no man in full possession of his senses could have expected to overcome a State with such a handful 572 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. simple ingenuousness. He is cool, collected, and indomitable, and it is but just to bim to say tbat he was humane to his prisoners, and he inspired me with great trust in his integrity as a man of truth. He is a fanatic, vain and garrulous, but firm, truthful, and intelligent. He professes to be a Christian in communion with the Congregational Cliurch of the North, and openly preaches his pur- pose of universal emancipation; and the negroes themselves were to be the agents, by means of arms, led on by white commanders. . . . Colonel Washington says that he was the cooUest and firmest man he ever saw in defying danger and death. With one son dead by his side, and another shot through, he felt the pulse of his dying son with one hand, held his rifie with the other, and com- manded his men with the utmost composure, encouraging them to be firm, and to sell their lives as dearly as they could." brown's speeches at his teial. On the first day of his trial under indictment (October 25), in the coitrt-house at Charlesi;own not far from Har- per's Ferry, Brown and Coppoc were brought in manacled together. ]3rown appeared weak, haggard, and with eyes swollen from the effects of the wound in his head. The prisoners were severally charged with treason and murder. The Court asked if they had counsel, when Brown spoke as follows : — "I did not ask for any quarter at the time I was taken; I did not ask to have my life spared. The Governor of the State of Virginia tendered me assurances that I should have a fair trial ; but under no of men as I had, backed only by stnif^gling negroes ; and I replied that I had prom- ises of ample assistance, and would li.ive received it too if I conld only have put the ball in motion. He then asked suddenly and in a harsh voice, as you 've seen lawyers snap up a witness : "Assistance ! Fmin what State, sir?" I was not thrown off my guard, and replied : " From more than you 'd believe if I should name them all ; but I expected more from Virginia, Tennessee, and the Carolinas than from any others." Jailer. You " expected " it. You did not say it was promised from the States named ? Brown. No ; I knew, of course, that the negroes would rally to my standard. If I had only got the thing fairly started, you Virginians would have seen sights that would have opened your eyes ; and I tell you if I was free this moment, and had five hundred negroes around me, I would put these irons on \V9e liiraself l>efore Sat.uniay niglit Jailer. Then it was ti-ue about aid being promised ? What States i)romised it ? Brown {with a laugh). Well, you are about as smart a man as Wise, and I '11 give you the same answer I gave him. So far as the language goes, this i.s |ierhaps not very correctly reported, being from memory and at second hand. 1859.] THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 573 circumstances whatever shall I be able to have a fair trial. If you seek my blood, you can have it at any moment, without this mockery of a trial. I have had no counsel. I have not been able to advise with auy one. I know nothing about the feelings of my fellow- prisoners, and am utterly uuable to attend in any way to my own defence. My memory does n't serve me ; my healtli is insufficient although improving. There are mitigating circumstanc'es that I would urge in our favor, if a fair trial is to be had; but if we are to be forced with a mere form, a trial for execution, you might spare yourselves that trouble. I am ready for my fate. I beg for no mockery of a trial, no insult, — nothing but that which conscience gives or cowardice drives you to practise. I ask again to be excused from the mockery of a trial. I do not even know wliat the special design of this examination is ; I do not know what is to be the benefit of it to the Commonwealth. I have now little further to ask, other than that I may not be foolishly insulted, only as cowardly barbarians insult those who fall into their power." As the trial went on, Brown again rose from the pallet on which he lay wounded, and said : — " I do not intend to detain the Court, but barely wish to say, as I have been promised a fair trial, that I am not now in circumstances that enable me to attend to a trial, owing to the state of iny health. I have a severe wound in the back, or rather in one kidney, whicli enfeebles me very much. But I am doing well, and I only ask for a short delay of my trial, and I think I may get able to listen to it ; and I merely ask this, that, as the saying is, ' the devil may have his dues,' — no more. I wish to say, further, that my hearing is impaired and rendered indistinct, in consequence of Wounds I have about my head. I cannot hear distinctly at all. I could not hear what the Court said this morning. I would be glad to hear what is said on my trial, and I am now doing better than I could expect to be under the circumstances. A very short delay would be all I would ask. I do not presume to ask more than a very short delay, so that I may in some degree recover, and be able at least to listen to my trial, and hear what questions are asked of the citizens, and what their answers are. If that could be allowed me, I should feel very much obliged." The Court refused his requests, and a jury having been sworn, directed that the prisoner might forego the form of standing while arraigned, if he desired it. He therefore continued to lie prostrate on his cot-bed while the long 574 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. indictment was read, — for conspiring witli negroes to pro- duce insurrection ; for treason to the Commonwealth, and for murder. In the course of the first day's proceedings, Brown rose, evidently excited, and standing on his feet said : — " May it please the Court, — I discover that, notwithstanding all the assertions I have received of a fair trial, nothing hlie a fair trial is to be given me, as it would seem. I gave the names, as soon as I could get at theui, of tlie persons I wished to have called as witnesses, and was assured that they would be subpoenaed. I wrote down a memorandum to that effect, saying where those parties were, but it appears that they have not been subpoenaed, so far as I can learn. And now I ask if I am to have anything at all deserving the name and shadow of a fair trial, thU this proceeding be deferred until to-mor- row morning ; for I have no counsel, as I have before stated, in whom I feel that I can rely, hut I am in hopes counsel may arrive who will see that I get the witnesses necessary for my defence. I am myself unable to attend to it. I have given all the attention I possibly could to it, but am unable to see or know about them, and can't even find out their names ; and I have nobody to do any errand, for my money was all taken from me when I was hacked and stabbed, and I have not a dime. I had two hundred and fifty or sixty dollars in gold and silver taken from *ny pocket, and now I have no possible means of getting anybody to go any errands for me, and I have not had all the witnesses subpoenaed. They are not within reach, and are not here. T ask at least until to-morrow morning to have some- thing done, jl anything is designed. If not, I am ready for anything that may come up." Brown then lay down again, drew his blanket over him, closed his eyes, and appeared to sink in tranquil slumber. The day after, when insanity was pleaded in his defence, he desired his counsel to say that he did not put in the plea of insanity. This movement was made without his approbation or concurrence, and Avas unknown to him till then. He then raised himself up in bed, and said : — " I will add, if the Court will allow me, that I look upon it as a miserable artifice and pretext of those wlio ouijht to take a different course in regard to me, if they took any at all, and I view it with contempt more than otherwise. As I remarked to Mr. Green, insane prisoners, so far as my experience goes, have but little ability to judge of their own sanity ; and if I am insane, of course I should 1859.1 THE FORAY IN VIRGINIA. 575 think I knew more than all the rest of the world. But I do not think so. I am perfectly unconscious of insanity, and I reject, so far as I am capable, any attempts to interfere in my behalf on that score." Brown was ably defended, among others, by a young IVIassachusetts attorney, George H. Hoyt, but of course was convicted. The prosecutor was Andrew Hunter, of Charlestown, who in his argument " Contended that the code of Virginia defines citizens of Virginia as ' all those white persons born in any other State of this Union, who may become residents here ; ' and that evidence shows without a shadow of a question that when Brown went to Virginia, and planted his feet at Harper's Ferry, he came there to reside, and to hold the place permanently. True, he occupied a farm four or five miles off in Maryland, but not for the legitimate purpose of establishing his domicil there ; no, for the nefarious and liellish purpose of rallying forces into this Commonwealth, and establishing himself at Harper's Ferry, as the starting-point for a new government. Whatever it was, whetlier tragical, or farcial and ridiculous, as Brown's counsel had presented it, his conduct showed, if his declarations were insufficient, that it was not alone for the purpose of carrying oft' slaves that he came there. His ' Provisional Government ' was a real thing and no debating society, as his counsel would have us believe; and in holding office under it and exercising its functions, he was clearly guilty of treason. As to conspiring with slaves and rebels, the law says the prisoners are equally guilty, whether insurrection is made or not. Advice may be given by actions as well as wor^. When you put pikes in the hands of slaves, and have their master captive, that is advice to slaves to rebel, and is punishable with death." During most of the arguments Brown lay on his back, with his eyes closed. When the verdict was read, '^ Guilty of treason, and of conspiring and advising with slaves and others to rebel, and of murder in the first degree," not the slightest sound was heard in the crowd present, who a moment before, outside the court, had joined in threats and imprecations. Brown himself said not a word, but as on any previous day tifrned to adjust his pallet, and then composedly stretched himself upon it. A motion for an arrest of judgment was put in, but counsel on both sides being too much exhausted to go on, Brown was removed unsentenced to prison. 576 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. CHAPTER XVI. JOHN BROWN IN PRISON. OF all the work done by this hero in behalf of the slave throughout a life almost wholly devoted to emancipa- tion, none was so wonderful as that wrought by him in prison and on the scaffold. History seeks in vain for par- allels to this achievement, — a defeated, dying old man, who had been praying and fighting, pleading and toiling, for years, to persuade a great people that their national life was all wrong, suddenly converting millions to his cause by the silent magnanimity or the spoken wisdom of his last days as a fettered prisoner. For Brown was not figuratively and rhetorically in chains during that period of frenzied ter- ror which lay between his capture of Harper's Ferry, Octo- ber 16, and his death at Charlestown, Dec. 2, 1859. He was loaded with chains, hand and foot ; he was fastened to the floor of his cell, and watched day and night by armed men, whose instructions were to kill him if he should have any, the most remote, chance of escape. He was forced to rise from what was feared to be his dying bed, to hear the ferocious indictment against him recited ; and during the most of his trial he lay on a pallet in the court-room. But that Divine Wisdom which he adored, and whose purposes he alone, of living or dying men, could best fulfil, was his guide and his guard ; from the hand which had armed him with sword and rifle he now received that sword of the Spirit, heavenly in temper and in^Dower, which won for him his final victory. " For in all things, L(ird ! Thon didst mngnify Thy servant, and glorify him ; neither didst Thon lightly regard him, but didst assist him in c'""" time and place. When nnrighteoiis men tlionght 1859.] JOHN BROWN IN PRISON. 577 to oppress this righteous one in prison, they themselves, the pris- oners of darkness, and fettered with the bonds of a long night, lay there exiled from the Eternal Providence. Yea, the tasting of death touched the righteous also ; but then the blameless man made haste, and stood forth to defend them ; and bringing the shield of his proper ministry, even prayer and propitiation, set himself against the wrath, and brcjught the calamity to an end. Declaring himself Thy servant, he overcame the destroyer, not with the strength of body or the force of arms ; but with a word subdued he him that punished, alleging the oaths and covenants made with the fathers. •' This was he whom we had sometime in derision and a proverb of reproach ; we, fools, accounted his life madness, and his end to be without honor. But how is he numbered among the children of God ! His lot is among the saints. In the sight of the unwise he seemed to die ; and his departure was taken for misery, his going from us to be utter destruction. But he is in peace. Though he be punished in the sight of men, yet is his hope full of immortality ; and having been a little chastised, he shall be greatly rewarded. " God proved him and found him worthy of Himself; he shall judge the nations, and have dominion over the people ; and his Lord shall reign forever." These words of an old Scripture, long disregarded, were found true of John Brown, — literally and exactly fulfilled, like the computations of the astronomer. And who shall doubt that there is an astronomy for the period of great souls, as for the stars in their courses, — a lore which the devout may learn, if they will but obey ? Tk> this John Brown had meekly schooled his imperious will ; and no- where in history do we find a more punctual submission to the Divine purpose, a more perfect resignation and com- posure, than this headstrong old warrior now displayed. Then appeared, what had before been but little regarded, the strange power and pathos of his unschooled words. His speech to the Court was the first great example of this, although his replies to Mason and Wise of Virginia had already taught the world to listen for every sentence he uttered. "What avail -all your scholarly accomplishments and learning, compared with wisdom and manhood ? " said Thoreau, speaking of John Brown. "To omit his other be- havior, see what a work this comparatively unread and unlet- tered man wrote within six weeks ! He wrote in prison, not 37 578 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. a ' History of the World,' like Kaleigh, but an American book which I think will live longer than that. What a va- riety of themes he touched on in that short space ! " It is the virtue of such writings that they continue to influence mankind forever, so long as they continue to be read ; and we may predict for these prison letters as long a life as for the " Apology " of Socrates and the dying address to his disciples. But what a work they have accomplished al- ready, in the few brief years since John Brown was borne from the scaffold in Charlestown to his resting-place beside the great rock at North Elba, where the grave became his stronghold, while " his soul went marching on ! " Those who mourned his death, now finding him risen and trium- phant, may exclaim with Milton's Hebrews, after that "last victory of Samson" which Brown had foretold for himself : — " All is best, though we oft doubt What the unsearchable dispose Of highest wisdom brings about, And ever best found in the close. Oft He seems to hide His face, But unexpectedly returns, And to His faithful champion hath in place Borne witness gloriously ; whence Gaza mourns, And all that band them to resist His uncontrollable intent. IJis servants He, with new acquist Of true experience from this great event, With peace and consolation hath dismissed. And calm of mind, all passion spent." PRISON LETTERS AND SPEECHES. Letter to Judge RiisseU, of Boston.^ Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Oct. 21, 1859. Hon. Thomas Russell. Dear Sir, — I am here a prisoner, with several sabre-cuts iu my head and bayonet-stabs in my body. j\ly object in writing to you is to obtain able and faithful counsel for myself aud fellow-prisoners 1 A copy of this letter was also sent to Reuben A. Chapman, of Sining- field, Mass., and a third to Daniel R. Tild'-n, of Ohio. 1859.1 JOHN BROWN IN PRISON. 579 (five in all), as we have the faith of Virginia pledged through her Governor and numerous other prominent citizens to give us a fair trial. Without we can obtain such counsel from without the slave States, neither the facts in our case can come before the world, nor can we have the benefit of such facts as miglit be considered miti- gating in the view of others upon our trial. I have money in hand here to the amount of two hundred and fifty dollars, and personal property sufficient to pay a most liberal fee to yourself, or to any suitable man who will undertake our defence, if I can be allowed the benefit of said property. Can you or some other good man come on inunediately, for the sake of the young men prisoners at least? My wounds are doing well. Do not send an ultra Abolitionist. Very respectfully yours, John Brown. Indorsed, " The trial is set for Wednesday next, the 25th inst. — J. W. Campbell, Sheriff of Jefferson County y To his Family. Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Oct. 31, 1859. My dear Wife and Children, every one, — I suppose you have learned before this by the newspapers that two weeks ago to- day we were fighting for our lives at Harper's Ferry; that during the fight Watson was mortally wounded, Oliver killed, William Thompson killed, and Dauphin slightly wounded ; that on the fol- lowing day I was taken prisoner, inuTiediately after which I received several sabre-cuts on my head and bayonet-stabs in my body. As nearly as I can learn, Watson died of his wound on Wednesday, the second — or on Thursday, the third — day after I w^as taken. Dauphin was killed when I was taken, and Anderson I suppose also. I have since been tried, and found guilty of treason, etc., and of murder in the first degree. I have not yet received my sentence. No others of the company with whom you were acquainted were, so fiir as T can learn, either killed or taken. Under all these terrible calamities, I feel quite cheerful in the assurance that God reigns and will overrule all for his ghjry and the best possible good. I feel no consciousness of guilt in the matter, nor even mortification on account of my im- prisonment and irons; and I feel perfectly sure that very soon no member of my family will feel any possible disposition to " blush on my account." Already dear friends at a distance, with kindest sym- pathy, are cheering me with the assurance that posterity, at least, will do me justice. I shall commend you all together, with my be- loved but bereaved daughters-in-law, to their sympathies, which I 680 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. do not doubt will soon reach you. I also commend you all to Him "whose mercy endureth forever," — to the God of my fathers, "whose I am, and whom I serve." " He will never leave you nor forsake you," unless you forsake Him. Finally, my dearly beloved, be of good comfort. Be sure to remember and follow my advice, and my example too, so far as it has been consistent with the holy religion of Jesus Christ, — in which I remain a most firm and humble be- liever. Never forget the poor, nor think anything you bestow on them to be lost to you, even though they may be black as Ebedme- lech, the Ethiopian eunuch, who cared for Jeremiah in the pit of the dungeon ; or as black as the one to whom Philip preached Christ- Be sure to entertain strangers, for thereby some have — " Remem- ber them that are in bonds as bound with them." I am in charge of a jailer like the one who took charge of Paul and Silas ; and you may rest assured that both kind hearts and kind faces are more or less about me, while thousands are thirsting for my blood. " These light afflictions, which are but for a moment, shall work out for us a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory." I hope to be able to write you again. Copy this, lluth, and send it to your sorrow-stricken brothers to comfort thein. "Write me a few words in regard to the welfare of all. God Almighty bless you all, and make you "joyful in the midst of all your tribulations ! " Write to John Brown. Charlestown, Jeiferson County, Va., care of Captain John Avis. Your affectionate husband and father, John Brown. Nov. 3, 1859. P. S. Yesterday, November 2, I was sentenced to be hanged on December 2 next. Do not grieve on my account. I am still quite cheerful. God bless you ! Yours ever, John Brown. To Mrs. Child. October 31. Mrs. L. Maria Child. My dear Friend, — such you prove to be, though a stranger, — Your most kind letter has reached me, with the kind offer to come here and take care of me. Allow me to express my gratitude for your great sympathy, and at the same time to propose to you a dif- ferent course, together with my reasons for wishing it. I should certainly be greatly pleased to become i>ersonally acquainted with one so gifted and so kind ; but I cannot avoid seeing some objections to it under present circumstances. First, I am in charge f>f a most 1859.] JOHN BROWN IN PRISON. 581 humane gentleman, who with his family have rendered me every possible attention I have desired or that could be of the least advan- tage ; and I am so far recovered from my wounds as no longer to re- quire nursing. Then, again, it would subject you to great personal inconvenience and heavy expense, without doing me any good. Al- low me to name to you another channel through which you may reach me with your sympathies much more effectually. I have at home a wife and three young daughters, the youngest but little over five years old, the oldest nearly sixteen. T have also two daughters- in-law, whose husbands have both fallen near me here. There is also another widow, Mrs. Thompson, whose husband feU here. Whether she is a mother or not I cannot say. All these, my wife included, live at North Elba, Essex County, N. Y. I have a middle- aged son, who has been in some degree a cripple from his childhood, who would have as much as he could well do to earn a living. He was a most dreadful sufferer in Kansas, and lost all he had laid up. He has iTot enough to clothe himself for the winter comfortably. I have no living son or son-in-law who did not suffer terribly in Kansas. Now, dear friend, would you not as soon contribute fifty cents now, and a like sum yearly, for the relief of those very poor and deeply afflicted persons, to enable them to su))ply themselves and their chil- dren with bread and very plain clothing, and to enable the children to receive a common English education ? Will you also devote your own energies to induce others to join you in giving' a like amount, to constitute a little fund for the purpose named ? I cannot see how your coming here can do me the least good ; and I am quite certain you can do me immense good where you are. I am quite cheerful under all my afflicting circumstances and prospects; having, as I humbly trust, "the peace of God, which passeth all understanding," to rule in my heart. You may make such use of this as you see fit. God Almighty bless and reward you a thousand- fold ! Yours in sincerity and truth, John Brown. Letter from a Quaker Lady to John Brown. Newport, R. I., Tenth Month, 27th, '59. Captain John Brown. Dear Friend, — Since thy arrest I have often thought of thee, and have wished that, like Elizabeth Fry toward her {)rison friends, so I might console thee in thy confinement. But that can never be ; and so I can only write thee a few lines which, if they contain any comfort, may come to thee like some little ray of light. 582 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. You can never know how very many dear Friends love thee with all their hearts for thy brave efforts in hehalf of the poor oppressed ; and though we, who are non-resistants, and religiously believe it better to reform by moral and not by carnal weapons, could not ap- prove of bloodshed, yet we know thee was animated by the most generous and philanthropic motives. Very many thousands openly approve thy intentions, though most Friends would not think it right to take up arms. Thousands pray for thee every day ; and oh, I do pray that God will be with thy soul. Posterity will do thee justice. If Moses led out the thousands of Jewish slaves from their bondage, and God destroyed the Egyptians in the sea because they went after the Israelites to bring them back to slavery, then surely, by the same reasoning, we may judge thee a deliverer who wished to release mil- lions from a more cruel oppression. If the American people honor Washington for resisting with bloodshed for seven years an unjust tax, how much more ought thou to be honored for seeking to free the poor slaves. Oh, I wish I could plead for thee as some of the other sex can plead, how I would seek to defend thee ! If I had now the eloquence of Portia, how I would turn the scale in thy favor ! But I can only pray "God bless thee!" God pardon thee, and through our Re- deemer give thee safety and happiness now and always ! From thy friend, E. B. John Broivji^s Reply. Charlestowx, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 1, 1859. My dear Friend E. B. of R. I., — Your most cheering letter of the 27th of October is received ; and may the Lord reward you a thousandfold for the kind feeling you express toward me ; but more especially for your fidelity to the " poor that cry, and those that have no help." For this I am a prisoner in bonds. It is solely my own fault, in a military point of view, that we met with our disaster. T mean that I mingled with our prisoners and so far sympathized with them and their families that I neglected my duty in other respects. But God's will, not mine, be done. You know that Christ once armed Peter. So also in Tny case I think he put a sword into my hand, and there continued it so long as he saw best, and then kindly took it from me. I mean when I first went to Kansas. I wish you could know with what cheerfulness I am now wielding the " sword of the Spirit" on the right hand and on the left. I bless God that it proves " mighty to the pulling down of strongholds." I always loved my Quaker friends, and I conunend 1859.] JOHN BROWN IN PRISON. 683 to their kind regard my poor bereaved widowed wife and my daugh- ters and daughters-in-law, whose husbands fell at my side. One is a mother and the other likely to become so soon. They, as well as my own sorrow-stricken daughters, are left very poor, and have much greater need of sympathy than I, who, through Infinite Grace and the kindness of strangers, am "joyful in all my tribulations." Dear sister, write them at North Elba. Essex County, N. Y., to comfort their sad hearts. Direct to Mary A. Brown, wife of John Brown. There is also another — a widow, wife of Thompson, who fell with my poor boys in the affair at Harper's Ferry — at the same place. I do not feel conscious of guilt in taking up arms ; and had it been in behalf of the rich and powerful, the intelligent, the great (as men count greatness), or those who fonri enactments to suit themselves and corrupt others, or some of their friends, that I interfered, suffered, sacrificed, and fell, it would have been doing very well. But enough of this. These light afflictions, which endure for a moment, shall but work for me " a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory." I would be very grateful for another letter from you. My wounds are healing. Farewell. God will surely attend to his own cause in the best possible way and time, and he will not forget the work of his own hands. Your friend, John Brown. An Appeal. Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 1, 1859. To MY Friends in New England and elsewhere, — Aaron D. Stephens, one of the prisoners now in confinement with me in this place, is desirous of obtaining the assistance of George Sennott, Esq., of Boston, Mass., in defending him on his trial to come off before the United States Court. Anything you can do toward securing the services of Mr. Seunott for the prisoner will add to the many obligations of your humble servants. John Brown. The above contains the expression of my own wishes. A. D. Stephens. When brought into court, the day after his conviction, to receive his sentence, Brown was taken by surprise at being called on to say why sentence of death should not be pronounced. He had expected some further delay, and was unprepared at the moment. He rose, however, and in a singularly mild and gentle manner made his famous plea. 684 LITE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. in which we may recognize some of the phrases he had used in his letters : — JOHN^ brown's last SPEECH (nOV. 2). " I have, may it please the Court, a few words to say. " In the first place, I deuy everything hut what I have all along admitted, — the design on my part to free tiie slaves. I intended cer- tainly to have made a clean tiling of that matter, as I did last winter, when I went into Missouri and there took slaves without the snap- ping of a gun on either side, moved them through the country, and finally left thera in Canada. I designed to have done the same thing again, on a larger scale.^ That was all I intended. I never did intend murder, or treason, or the destruction of property, or to excite or incite slaves to rebellion, or to make insurrection. " I have anotlier objection : and that is, it is unjust that I should suffer such a penalty. Had I interfered in the manner which I ad- mit, and which I admit has been fairly proved (for I admire the truth- fulness and candor of the greater portion of the witnesses who have testified in this case), — had I so interfered in behalf of the rich, the powerful, the intelligent, the so-called great, or in behalf of any of their friends, — either father, mother, brother, sister, wife, or chil- dren, or any of that class, — and suffered and sacrificed what I have in this interference, it would liave been all right ; and every man in this court would have deemed it an act worthy of reward rather than punishment. 1 In explanation of this passage, Brown three weeks afterward handed to Mr. Hunter this letter :• — Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va. , Nov. 22, 1S.59. Dear Sir, — I have just had my attention called to a seeming confliction between the statement I at first made to Governor Wise and that wliioh I made at the time 1 received my sentence, regarding my intentions respecting the slaves we tool< about the Ferry. There need be no such confliction, and a few words of explanation will, I think, be quite sufficient. I had given Governor Wise a full and particular account of that; and when called in court to say whether I had anything further to urge, I was taken wholly by surprise, as I did not expect my sentence before the others. In the hurry of the moment I forgot much that I had b:-fore intended to say, and did not con- sider the full bearing of what I then said. I intended to convey this idea, — that it was my object to place the slaves in a condition to defend their liberties, if they would, with- out any bloodshed ; but not that I intended to run them out of the slave States. I was not aware of any such apparent confliction until my attention was called to it, and I do not suppose that a man in my then circumstances should be superhuman in respect to the exact purport of every word he might utter. What I said to Governor Wise was spo- ken with all the deliberation I was master of, and was intended for truth ; and what I said in court was equally intended for truth, but required a more full exjjlanation than I then gave. Please make such use of this as you thinlc calculated to correct any wrong impressions I may have given. Very respectfully yours, John Bbown. Andrew Hunter, Esq., Present. 1859.] JOHN BROWN IN PRISON. 585 " This court acknowledges, as I suppose, the validity of the law of God. I see a book kissed here which I suppose to be the Bible, or at least the New Testament. Tliat teaches me that all things whatsoever I would that men should do to me, I should do even so to them. It teaches me, further, to ' remember them that are in bonds, as bound with them.' I endeavored to act up to that instruc- tion. I say, I am yet too young to understand that God is any re- specter of persons. I believe that to have interfered as I have done — as I have always freely admitted I have done — in behalf of His despised poor, was not wrong, but right. Now, if it is deemed uecessary that I should forfeit my life for the furtherance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood further with the blood of niy children and with the blood of millions in this slave country whose rights are disregarded by wicked, cruel, and unjust enactments, — I submit ; so let it be done ! " Let me say one word further. " I feel entirely satisfied with the treatment I have received on my trial. Considering all the circumstances, it has been more generous than I expected. But I feel no consciousness of guilt. I have stated from the first what was my intention, and what was not. I never had any design against the life of any person, nor any disposition to commit treason, or excite slaves to rebel, or make any general insur- rection. I never encouraged any man to do so, but always discour- aged any idea of that kind. " Let me say, also, a word in regard to the statements made by some of those connected with me. I hear it has been stated by some of them that I have induced them to join me. But the contrary is true. I do not say this to injure them, but as regretting their weak- ness. There is not one of them but joined me of his own accord, and the greater part of them at their own expense. A number of them I never saw, and never had a word of c(mversation with, till the day tliey came to me ; and that was for the purpose I have stated. " Now I have done." Brown was then taken from the court-room back to his prison, where he continued to recover from his wounds, but did not write many letters until a week after his conviction. He then wrote first to his family, as follows : — Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 8, 1859. Dear Wife and Children, every one, —I will begin by say- ing that I have in some degree recovered from my wounds, but that I am quite weak in my back and sore about my left kidney. My 58G LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. appetite has been quite good for most of the time since I was hurt. I am supplied with almost everything I could desire to make me comfortable, and the little I do lack (some articles of clothing which I lost) I may perhaps soon get again. I am, besides, quite cheerful, having (as I trust) "the peace of God, which passeth all under- standing," to " rule in my heart," and the testimony (in some degree) of a good conscience that I have not lived altogether in vain. I can trust God with both the time and the manner of my death, believing, as I now do, that for me at this time to seal my testimony for God and humanity with my blood will do vastly more toward advancing the cause I have earnestly endeavored to promote, than all I have done in my life before. I beg of you all meekly and quietly to sub- mit to this, not feeling youi-selves in the least degraded on that account. Remember, dear wife and children all, that Jesus of Naza- reth suffered a most excruciating death on the cross as a felon, under the most aggravating circumstances. Think also of the prophets and apostles and Christians of former days, who went through greater tribulations than you or I, and try to be reconciled. May God Almighty comfort all your hearts, and soon wipe away all tears from your eyes! To him be endless praise! Think, too, of the crushed millions who " have no comforter." I charge you all never in your trials to forget the griefs " of the poor that cry, and of those that have none to help them." I wrote most earnestly to my dear and afflicted wife not to come on for the present, at any rate. I will now give her my reasons for doing so. First, it would use up all the scanty means she has, or is at all likely to have, to make herself and children comfortable hereafter. For let me tell you that the sym- pathy that is now aroused in your behalf may not always ftdlow you. There is but little more of the romantic about helping poor widows and their children than there is about trying to relieve poor " nig- gers." Again, the little comfort it might afford us to meet again would be dearly bought by the pains of a final separation. We must part ; and I feel assured for us to meet under such dreadful circum- stances would only add to our distress. If she comes on here, she must be only a gazing-stock throughout the whole journey, to be re- marked upon in every look, word, and action, and by all sorts of creatures, and by all sorts of papers, throughout the whole country. Again, it is my most decided judgment that in quietly and submis- sively staying at home vastly more of generous sympathy will reach her, without such dreadful sacrifice of feeling as she must ])Ut up with if she comes on. The visits of one or two female friends that have come on here have produced great excitement, which is very annoying ; and they cannot oossibly do me any good. Oh, Mary ! do not come, but patiently wait for the meeting of those who love 1859.] JOHN BROWX IX PRISON. 587 God aud their fellow-ineu, where no separation must follow. " They shall go no more out forever." I greatly long to hear from some one of you, and to learu anything that in any way afi'ects your wel- fare. I sent you ten dollars the oiher day ; did you get it ? I have also endeavored to stir up Christian friends to visit and write to you in your deep afHiction. I have uo douht that some of them, at least, will heed the call. Write to me, care of Captain John Avis, Charlestowu, Jefferson County, Virginia. ''Finally, my heloved, be of good comfort." May all your names he " written in the Lamb's book of life ! " — may you all have the purifying and sustaining influence of the Christian religion ! — is the earnest prayer of Your affectionate husband and father, John Brown. Nov. 9. P. S. I cannot remember a night so dark as to have hindered the coming day, nor a storm so furious or dreadful as to prevent the re- turn of warm sunshine and a cloudless sky. But, beloved ones, do remember that this is not your rest, — that in this world you have no abiding place or continuing city. To God and his infinite mercy I always commend you. J. B. To Mrs. Spring} Charlestown, Jeffehson County, Va., Nov. 8, 1859. Mrs. Rebecca B. Spuing. My dear Friend, — When you get home, please enclose this to Mrs. John Brown, North Elba, Essex County, N. Y. It will com- fort her broken heart to know that I received it. Captain Avis will kindly let you see what I have written her. May tlie God of my fathers bless and reward you a thousandfold ; and may all yours be partakers of his infinite grace ! Yours ever, John Brown. Nov. 9. P. S. Will try to write you at your home. I forgot to acknowl- edge the receipt of your bounty. It is hard for me to write, on account of my lameness. Yours in truth, J. B. 1 " Written by John Brown on the back of a note sent by him to Mrs. Marcus Spring. This note and indorsement is now in my possession." — James freemcin Clarke, January, 1883, 588 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. (1859. To his Brother, Jeremiah Brown. Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 12, 1859. Dear brother Jeremiah, — Your kind letter of the 9th inst. is received, and also one from Mr. Tilden ; for both of which I am greatly obliged. You inquire, " Can I do anything for you or your fatnily ? " I would answer that my sons, as well as my wife and daughters, are all very poor ; and that anything that may hereafter be due me fra will not, tliere- fore, feel surprised when I tell you that I am "joyful in all my trib- ulations ; " that I do not feel cxmdemned of Him whose judgment is just, nor of my own conscience. Nor do I feel degraded by my im- prisonment, my chains, or prospect of the gallows. I have not only been (though utterly unworthy) permitted to '' suffer affliction with God's people," but have also had a great many rare oppor- tunities for " preaching righteousness in the great congregation." I trust it will not all be lost. Tlie jailer (in whose charge I am) and his family and assistants have all been most kind ; and notwith- standing he was one of the bravest of all who fought me, he is now being abused for his humanity. So far as my observation goes, none but brave men are likely to be humane to a fallen foe. " Cowards 590 LIFE AN13 LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. prove their courage by their ferocity." It may be clone iu that way with but little risk. I wish I could write you about a few only of the interesting times I here experience with different classes of men, clergymen among others. Christ, the great captain of liberty as well as of salvation, and who began his .mission, as foretold of him, by proclaiming it, saw fit to take from me a sword of steel after I had carried it for a time ; but he has put another in my hand (" the sword of the Spirit"), and I pray God to make me a faithful soldier, wherever he may send me, not less on the scaffold than when surrounded by my warmest sympathizers. My dear old friend, I do assure you I have not fcn-gotten our last meeting, nor our retrospective look over the route by which God had then led us ; and I bless his name that he has again enabled me to hear your words of cheering and comfort at a time when I, at least, am on the " brink of Jordan." (See Bunyan's "Pilgrim.") God in infinite rnercy grant us soon another meeting on the opposite shore. I have often passed under the rod of him whom I call my Father, — and certainly no son ever needed it oftener ; and yet I have enjoyed much of life, as I was enabled to discover the secret of this somewhat early. It has been in making the prosperity and happiness of others my own ; so that really 1 have had a great deal of prosperity. I am very prosperous still; and looking forward to a time when " peace on earth and good-will to men " shall everywhere prevail, I have no murmuring thoughts or envious feelings t(j fret my mind. " I '11 praise my Maker with my breath." I am an unworthy nephew (jf Deacon John, and I loved him much ; and in view of the many choice friends I have had here, I am led the more earnestly to pray, " gather not my soul with the unrighteous." Your assurance of the earnest sympathy of the friends in my native land is very grateful to my feelings; and allow me to say a word of comfort to them. As I believe most firmly that God reigns, I cannot believe that anything I have done, suffered, or may yet suffer will be lost to the cause of God or of humanity. And before I began my work at Har- per's Ferry, I felt assured that in the worst event it would certainly pay. I often expressed that belief; and I can now see no possible cause to alter my mind. I am not as yet, in the main, at all disap- pointed. I have been a good deal disappointed as it regards myself in not keeping up to my own plans; but I now feel entirely recon- ciled to that, even, — for God's plan was infinitely better, no doubt, or I should have kept to my own. Had Samson kept to his determina- tion of not telling Delilah wherein his great strengtli lay, he would probably have never overturned the house. I did not tell Delilah, 1859.] JOHN BROWN IN PRISON. 591 but I was induced to act very contrary to my better judgment ; and I have lost my two noble boys, and other friends, if not my two eyes. But " God's will, not mine, be done." I feel a comfortable hope that, like that erring servant of whom I have just been writing, even 1 may (through infinite mercy in Christ Jesus) yet " die in faith." As to both the time and manner of my death, — I have but very little trouble on that score, and am able to be (as you exhort) " of good cheer." I send, through you, my best wishes to Mrs. W. ^ and her son George, and to all dear friends. IMay the God of the poor and oppressed be the God and Savior of you all ! Farewell, till we meet again. Your friend in truth, John Brown. To his Wife. Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 16, 1859. My dear Wife, — I wi'ite you in answer to a most kind letter of November 13 from dear Mrs. Spring. I owe her ten thousand thanks for her kindness to you particularly, and more especially than for what she has done and is doing in a more direct way for me per- sonally. Although I feel grateful for every expression of kindness or sympathy towards me, yet nothing can so effectually minister to my comfort as acts of kindness done to relieve the wants or miti- gate the sufferings of my poor distressed family. May God Almighty and their own consciences be their eternal rewarders ! I am ex- ceedingly rejoiced to have you make the acquaintance and be surrounded by such choice friends, as I have long known by reputation some of those to be with whom you are staying. I 1 The Rev. Leonard WooLsey Bacon, then of Litchfield, Conn., who first printed this letter, said in 1859 : " My aged fiiend, the Rev. H. L. Vaill, of this place, remembers John Brown as having been under his instruction in the year 1817, at Morris Academy. He was a godly youth, laboring to recover from his disadvantages of early education, in the hope of entering the ministry of the Gospel. Since then the teacher and pupil have met but once. But a short time since, Mr. Vaill wrote to Brown, in his prison, a letter of Christian friendship, to which he has received this heroic and sublime reply. I have copied it faithfully from the autograph that lies before me, without the change or omission of a word, except to omit the full name of the friends to whom he sends his message. The handwriting is clear and firm, but toward the end of the sheet seems to show that the sick old man's hand was growing weary. The very characters make an appeal to us for our sympathy and prayers. ' His salutation with his own hand. Remember his bonds.' " 592 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [issg. am most glad to have you meet vAith one of a family (or I would rather say of two families) most beloved and never to be forgotten by me. I mean dear gentle . Many and many a time have she, her father, mother, brother, sisters, uncle, and aunt, like angels of mercy, ministered to the wants of myself and of my poor sons, both in sickness and health. Only last year I lay sick for quite a number of weeks with them, and was cared for by all as though I had been a most affectionate brother or father. Tell her that I ask G(.>d to bless and reward them all forever. "I was a stranger, and they took me in." It may possibly be that would like to copy this letter, and send it to her home. If so, by all means let her do so. I would write them if I had the power. Now let me say a word about the effoi-t to educate our daughters. I am no longer able to provide means to help towards that object, and it therefore becomes me not to dictate in the matter. I shall gratefully submit the direction of the whole thing to those whose gen- erosity may lead them to undertake in their behalf, while I give anew a little expression of my own choice respecting it. You, my wife, per- fectly well know that I have always expressed a decided preference for a very plain but perfectly practical education for both sons and daughters. I do not mean an education so very miserable as that you and I received in early life ; nor as some of our cliildren enjoyed. When I say j)lain but practical, I mean enough of the learning of the schools to enable them to transact the common business of life com- fortably and respectably, together with that thorough training to good business habits which best prepares both men and women to be useful though poor, and to meet the stern realities of life with a good grace. You well know that I always claimed that the music of the broom, wash-tub, needle, spindle, loom, axe, scythe, hoe, flail, etc., should first be learned at all events, and that of the piano, etc., afterwards. I put them in that order as most condu- cive to health of body and mind ; and for the obvious reason, that after a life of some experience and of much observation, I have found ten women as well as ten men who have made their mark in life right, whose early training was of that plain, practical kind, to one who had a more popular and fashionable early training. But enough of that. Now, in regard to your coming here. If you feel sure that you can endure the trials and the shock which will be unavoidable (if you come), I sliould be most glad to see you once more ; but when I think of your being insulted on the road, and perhaps while here, and of only seeing your wretchedness made complete, I shrink from it. Your composure and fortitude of mind may be quite equal to it aU ; but I am in dreadful doubt of it. If you do come, defer your 1859.] JOHN BROWN IN PRISON. 593 journey till about the 27th or 28th of this month. The scenes which you will have to pass through on coming here will be anything but those you now pass, with tender, kiud-liearted friends, and kind faces to meet you everywhere. Do consider the matter well before you make the plunge. I think I had better say no more on this most pain- ful subject. My health improves a little ; my mind is very tranquil, I may say joyous, and I continue to receive every kind attention that I have any possible need of. I wish you to send copies of all my let- ters to all our poor children. What I write to one must answer for all, till I have more strength. I get numerous kind letters from friends in almost all directions, to encourage me to "be of good cheer," and I still have, as I trust, " the peace of God to rule in my heart." May God, for Christ's sake, ever make his face to shine on you all ! Your affectionate husband, John Brown. To Thomas B. Mtisgrave} Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 17, 1859. T. B. MusGRAVE, Esq. My dear young Friend, — I have just received your most kind and welcome letter of the 15th inst., but did not get any other from you. I am under many obligations to you and to your father for all the kindnesses you have shown me, especially since my disaster. May God and your own consciousness ever be your rewarders. Tell your father that I am quite cheerful ; that I do not feel myself in the least degraded by my imprisonment, my chains, or the near prospect of the gallows. Men cannot imprison, or chain, or hang the soul. I go joyfully in behalf of millions that " have no rights " that this great and glorious, this Christian Republic " is bound to respect." Strange change in morals, political as well as Christian, since 1776! I look forward to otlier changes to take place in God's good time, fully believing that "the fashion of tliis world passeth away." I am unable now to tell you where my friend is, that you inquire after. Perhaps my wife, who I suppose is still with Mrs. Si)ring, may have some information of him. I think it quite un- certain, however. Farewell. May God abundantly bless you all ! Your friend, John Brown. 1 The father of this gentleman was Mr. Musgi-ave, the English manufac- turer at Northampton, mentioned in Chapter III. 38 594 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. To his Cousin, ReiK Mr. Humphrey. Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 19, 1859. Rev. Luther Humphrey. My dear Friend, — Your kind letter of the 12th instcant is now before me. So far as my knowledge goes as to our mutual kindred, I suppose T am the first since the landing of Peter Brown from tlie "Mayflower" that has either been sentenced to imprisonment or to the gallows. But, my dear old friend, let not that fact alone grieve you. You cannot have forgotten how and where our grandfather fell in 1776, and that he, too, might have perished on the scaffold had cir- cumstances been but a very little different. The fact that a man dies under the hand of an executioner (or otherwise) has but little to do with his true character, as I suppose. John Rogers perished at the stake, a great and good man, as I suppose ; but his doing so does not prove that any other man who has died in the same way was good or otherwise. Whether I have any reason to " be of good cheer" or not in view of my end, I can assure you that I feel so; and I am totally blinded if I do not really experience that strengthening and consolation you so faithfully implore in my behalf: the God of our fathers reward your fidelity ! I neither feel mortified, degraded, nor in the least ashamed of my imprisonment, my chains, or near prospect of death by hanging. I feel assured "that not one hair shall fall from my head without the will of my Heavenly Father." I also feel that I have long been endeavoring to h(dd exactly " such a fast as God has chosen." (See the passage in Isaiah which you have quoted.^) No part of my life has been more happily spent than that I have spent here ; and I humbly trust that no part has been spent to better pur- pose. I would not say this boastiugly, but thanks be unto God, who giveth us the victory through infinite grace. 1 The reference here is to the familiar text in the fifty-eighth chapter of the prophet, who may be said to have foretold Brown as clearly as he predicted any event in Hebrew history : " Is not this the fast tliat I have chosen, — to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the opi)ressed go free, and that ye break every yoke ? Is it not to deal thy bread to the hungry, and that thou bring the poor that are cast out to thy house ? when thou seest the naked, that thou cover him : and that thou hide not thyself from thine own flesh ? . . . Then shalt thou call, and the Lord shall answer ; thou shalt cry, and he shall say, Here I am. . . . Thou shalt raise up the foundations of many generations ; and thou shalt be called the Repairer of the breach, the Restorer of i)aths to dwell in." 1859.1 JOHN BROWN IN PRISON. 595 I should be sixty years old were I to live to May 9, 1860. I have enjoyed much of life as it is, and have been remarkably prosperous, liaving early learned to regard the welfare and prosperity of others as my own. I have never, since I can remember, required a great amount of sleep; so that I conclude that I have already enjoyed full an average number of working hours with those who reach their threescore years and ten. I have not yet been driven to the use of glasses, but can see to read and write quite comfortably. But more than that, I have generally enjoyed remarkably good health. I might go on to recount unnumbered and unmerited blessings, among which would be some very severe afflictions, and those the most needed blessings of all. And now, when I think how easily I might be left to spoil all I have done or suffered in the cause of freedom, I hardly dare M'ish another voyage, even if I had the opportunity. It is a long time since we met ; but we shall come together in our Father's house, I trust. Let us hold fc\st that Ave already have, re- membering we shall reap in due time if we faint not. Thanks be unto God, who giveth us the victory through Jesus Christ our Lord. And now, my old, warm-hearted friend, good- by. Your affectionate cousin, John Biy5WN. To his Wife. Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 21, 1859. My dear Wife, — Your most welcome letter of the 13th instant I got yesterday. I am very glad to learn from yourself that you feel so much resigned to your circumstances, so much confidence in a wise and good Providence, and such composure of mind in the midst of all your deep afflictions. This is just as it should be; and let me still say, " Be of good cheer," for we shall so(jn " come out of all our great tribulations ; " and very soon, if we trust in him, "God shall wipe away all tears from our eyes." Soon " we shall be satisfied when we are awake in His likeness." There is now here a source of much disquietude to me, —namely, the fires which are almost of daily and nightly occurrence in this immediate neighborhood. While I well know^that no one of them is the work of our friends, I know at the same time that by more or less of the inhabitants we shall be charged with them, — the same as with the ominous and threatening letters to Governor Wise. In tlie existing state of public feeling I can easily see a further objection to your coming here at present ; but I did not intend sayinc: another word to you on tliat subject. Wliy will you not say to me wliether you had any crops mature this secison °? If so, what ones ? Althougli I may nevermore inter- 596 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. meddle with your worldly affairs, 1 have not yet lost all interest iu thein. A little history of your success or of your failures I should vci-y much prize ; and I would gratify you and other frieuds some way were it in my power. I am still quite cheerful, and by no means cast down. I " remember that the time is short." Tlie little trunk and all its contents, so far as I can judge, reached me safe. May God reward all the contributors ! I wrote you under cover to our excellent friend Mrs. Spring on the 16th instant. I presume you have it before now. When you return, it is most likely the lake will not be open ; so y(»u must get your ticket at Tnty for Moreau Station or Glens Falls (for Glens Falls, if you can get one), or get one for Vergennes in Vermont, and take your chance of crossing over on the ice to Westport. If you go soon, tlie route by Glens Falls to Eliza- bethtown will probably be the best. I have just learned that our poor Watson lingered until Wednesday about noon of the 19th of October. Oliver died near my side in a few moments after he was shot. Dauphin died the next morning after Oliver and William were killed, — namely, Monday. He died almost instantly; was by my side. William was shot by several persons. Anderson was killtnl with Dauphin. Kef'p this letter to refer to. God Almighty bless and keep you all! Your aflfectionate husband, John Brown. Dear j\Irs. Spring, — I send this to your care, because I am at a loss where it will reach my wife. Your friend iu truth, John Brown. To his younger Children. Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 22, 1859. Dear Children, all, — I address this letter to you, supi>osing that your mother is not yet with you. She has not yet come Iiere, as I have requested her not to do at present, if at all. She may think it best fnr her not to come at all. She lias (or will), I presume, writ- ten you before this. Annie's letter to ns botli, of the Dth, has but just reached me. I am very glad to get it, and to learn that you are in any measure cheerful. This is the greatest eonifml I can hare, ex- cept that it would be t(^ know that y<'U aiT> all Christians. God in mercy grant yoii all n^ay be so ! That is what you all will certainly need. When and in what form death may come is but of smjijl mo- ment. I feel just as content to die for God's eternal truth and for suffering humanity on the scaffold as in any other way j and I do 1859.] JOHN BROWN IN PRISON. 597 not say this from any disposition to "brave it out." No ; I would readily own iny wrong were I in the least convinced of it. I have now been confined over a month, with a good opportunity to look the whole thing as "fair in the face" as I am capable of doing; and I now feel it most grateful that 1 am counted in the least possible de- gree wortiiy to sutler for the truth. I want you all to " be of good cheer." This life is intended as a season of training, chastisement, temptation, affliction, and trial; and the "righteous shall come out of" it all. Oh, my dear cliildreu, let me agaiu entreat you all to "forsake the foolish, and live." What can you possibly lose by such a course f " Godliuess with contentment is great gain, having the promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to couie." " Trust in the Lord and do good, so shall thou dwell in the land ; and verily thou shalt be fed." I have enjoyed life nmch ; why should I com- plain on leaving it ? I want some of you to write me a little more particularly about all that concerns your welfare. I intend to write you as often as I can. " To God and the word of his grace I com- mend you all." Your affectionate father, John Brown. •I To his older Children. Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 22, 1859. Dear Children, — Your most welcome letters of the 16th inst. I have just received, and I bless God that he has enabled you to bear the heavy tidings of our disaster with so much seeming resignati(m and composure of mind. That is exactly the thing I have wislied you all to do for me, — to be cheerful and perfectly resigned to the holy will of a wise and good God. I bless his most holy name that I am, I trust, in some good measure able to do the same. I am even "joy- ful in all my tribulations " ever since my confinement, and I humbly trust that " I know in whom I have trusted." A calm peace, per- haps like that which your own dear mother felt in view of her last change, seems to fill my mind by day and by night. Of this neither the powers of " earth or hell " can deprive me. Do not, my dear children, any of you grieve for a single moment on my account. As I trust my life has not been thrown away, so I also humbly trust tliat my death will not be in vain. God can make it to be a thousand times more valuable to his own cause than all the miserable service (at best) that I have rendered it during my life. When I was first taken, I was too feeble to write much ; so I wrote what I could to North Elba, requesting Ruth and Anne to send you copies of all my letters to them. I hope they have done so, and that you, Ellen, ^ will ^ Mrs. Jason Brown. 598 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. do the same with what I may send to you, a.s it is still quite a labor for me to write all that I need to. I want your brothers to know what I write, if you know where to reach them. I wrote Jeremiah a few days since to supply a trifling assistance, fifteen dollars, to such of you as might be most destitute. I got his letter, but do not know as he o-ot mine. I hope to get another letter from him soon. I also asked him to show you my letter. I know of nothing you can any of you now do for me, unless it is to comfort your own hearts, and cheer and encourage each other to trust in God and Jesus Christ whom he hath sent. If you will keep his sayings, you shall certainly "know of his doctrine, whether it be of God or no." Nothing can be more grate- ful to me than your earnest sympathy, except it be to know that you are fully persuaded to be Christians." And now, dear children, fare- well for this time. I hope to be able to write you again. The God of my fathers take you for his children. Your aflPectiouate father, John Brown. To the Rev. McFarland. Jail, Charlestown, Wednesday, Nov. 2.3, 1859. The Rev. McFarland. Dear Friend, — Although you write to me as a stranger, the spirit you show towards me and the cause for which I am in bonds makes me feel towards you as a dear friend. I would be glad to have you or any of my liberty-loving ministerial friends here, to talk and pray with me. I am not a strangt^r to the way of salvation by Christ. From my youth I have studied much on that subject, and at one time hoped to be a minister myself; but God had another work for me to do. To me it is ijivcn, in behalf of Christ, not only to believe on him. but also to suffer for his sake. But while I trust that I have some experimental and saving knowledge of religion, it would be a great pleasure to me to have some one better qualified than myself to lead my mind in prayer and meditation, now that my time is so near a close. You may wonder, are there no ministers <.f the gospel here ? I answer, no. There are no ministers of Clirist here. These minis- ters who profess to be Christian, and hold slaves or advocate slavery, I cannot abide them. My knees will not bend in prayer with them, while their hands are stained with the blood of souls. The subject you mention as having been preaching on the day before you wrote to me is (.ne which I have often thought of since my imprisonment. I thinlv I feel as happy as Paul did when he lay in prison. He knew if they killed him, it would greatly advance the cause of Christ ; that was the reason he rejoiced so. On tliat same ground " I do rejoice. 1859.] JOHN BROWN IN PRISON. 599 yea, and will rejoice." Let them liatig me ; I forgive them, and may God forgive them, for they know not wliat they do. I have no regret for the transaction for which I am condemned. I went against the laws of men, it is true, but " whether it be right to obey God or men, judge ye." Christ told me to remember them that were in bonds as bound with them, to do towards them as I would wish tlieiii to do towards me in similar circumstances. My conscience bade me do that. I tried to do it, but failed. Therefore I have no regret on that score. I have no sorrow either as to the result, only for my poor wife and children. They have suffered much, and it is hard to leave them uncared for. But God will be a husband to the widow and a father to the fatlierless. I have frequently been in Wooster, and if any of my old friends from about Akron are tliere, you can show them this letter. I liave but a few more days, and I feel anxious to be away " where the wicked cease from troubling, and the weary are at rest." Farewell. Your friend, and the friend of all friends of liberty, John Brown. To Mrs. MarcxiS Spring. Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 24, 1859. My dear Mrs. Spring, — Your ever welcome letter of the IDth inst., together with the one now enclosed, were received by me last night too late for any reply. I am always grateful for anything you either do or write. I would most gladly express Tuy gratitude to you and yours by something more than words ; but it has come to that, I now have but little else to deal in, and sometimes they are not so kind as they should be. You have laid me and my family under many and great obligations. I hope they may not soon be forgotten. The same is also true of a vast many others, that I shall never be able even to thank. I feel disposed to leave the education of my dear childnm to their mother, and to those dear friends who bear the bur- den of it; only expressing my earnest hope that they may all be- come strong, intelligent, expert, industrious. Christian housekeepers. I would wish that, together with other studies, they Tnay thorouglily study Dr. Franklin's " Poor Richard." I want them to become matter-of-fact women. Perhaps I have said too much about this already ; I would not allude to this subject now but for tlie fact that you had most kindly expressed your generous feelings with regard to it. * I sent the letter to my wife to your care, because the address she sent me from Philadelphia was not sufficiently plain, and left me quite at a loss. I am still in the same predicament, and were I not 600 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BKOWN, [1859. ashamed to trouble you further, would ask you either to send this to her or a copy of it, in order that she may see souietliing from me often. I have very many interesting visits fi'oin proslavery persr>ns ahnost daily, and I endeavor to improve them faithfully, plainly, and kindly. I do ni>t think that I ever enjoyed life better than since my confine- ment here. For this I am indebted to Infinite Grace, and the kind letters of friends from different quarters. I wish I could only know that all my poor family were as much composed and as happy as I. I think that nothing but the Christian religion can ever make any one so much composed. " My willing soul would stay In such a frame as this." There are objections to my writing many things while here that I might be disposed to write were I under diii'ereut circumstances. I do not know that my wife yet understands that prison rules require that all I write or receive should first be examined by the sheriff or State's attorney, and that all company 1 see should be attended by the jailer or some of his assistants. Yet such is the case ; and did she know this, it might influence her mind somewhat abcnit the op}>ortunity she would have on ct)ming here. We cannot expect the jailer to devote very much time to us, as he has now a very hard task on his hands. I have just learned how to send letters to my wife near Philadelphia. I have a son at Akron, Ohio, that I greatly desire to have loca^ted in such a neighborhood as yours; and you will pardon me for giving you some account of him, making all needful allowance for the source the account comes from. His name is Jason; he is abf)ut thirty-six years old; has a vrife and one little boy. He is a very la- borious, ingenious, temperate, honest, and trutliful inan. He is very expert as a gardener, vine-dresser, and manasjer of fruit-trees, but does not piide himself on account of his skill in anything ; always has underrated himself; is bashful and retiring in his habits; is not (like his father) too much inclined to assume and dictate ; is too con- scientious in his dealings and too tender o^ people's feelings to get from them his just deserts, and is very poor. He suffered almost everything on the way to and while in Kansas but death, and re- turned to Ohio not a spoiled but next to a ruined man. He never quarrels, and yet I know that he is both morally and physically brave. He will not deny his principles to save his life, and he *' turned not back in the day of battle." At the battle of Osa- watomie he fought by my side. He is a most tender, K)ving, and steadfast friend, and on the right side of tilings in general, a practical Samaritan (if not Christiau); and could I k\iow that he was located 1859] JOHN BROWN IN PRISON. 601 with a population who were disposed to encourage hiin, without ex- pecting hiin to pay too dearly in the end for it, I should feci greatly relieved. His wife is a very neat, industrious, prudent woman, who has undergone a severe trial in " the school of afflicticjn." You make one request of me that I shall not be able to comply with. Am sorry that I cannot at least explain. Your own account of my plans is very well. The son I mentioned has now a small stock of choice vines and fruit-trees, and in them consists his worldly store mostly. I would give you some account of others, but I sup- pose my wife may have done so. Your friend, John Brown. To his Counsel. Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 24, 1859. George H. Hoyt, Esq. Dear Sir, — Your kind letter of the 22d instant is received. I exceedingly regret my inability to make you some other aclinowledg- ment for all your efforts in my behalf than that which consists merely in words ; but so it is. May God and a good conscience be your continual reward. I really do not see what you can do for me any further. I commend my poor family to the kind remembrance of all friends, but I well understand that they are not the only poor in our world. I ought to begin to leave off saying " our world." I have but very little idea of the charges made against Mr. Griswold, as I get to see but little of what is afloat. I am very sorry for any wrong that may be done him, but I have no means of contradicting any thing that may be said, not knowing what is said. I cannot see how" it should be any more dishonorable for him to receive some compensation for his expenses and service than for Mr. Cliilton, and I am not aware that any blame is attached to him on that score. I am getting more letters constantly than I well know how to answer. My kind friends appear to have very wrong ideas of my condition, as regards replying to all the kind communications I receive. Your friend in truth, John Brown. In contrast with the letter of the good Quaker woman of Khode Island, and as a key to the answer made by John Brown, I print next the expostulatory, not to say Phari- saical, letter of his aged cousin, the Rev. Dr. Heman Hum- phrey, of western Massachusetts, addressed to the martyr in his Virginia prison. 602 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. Br. Humphrei) to Captain Brown. PiTT.sFiELD, Mass., Nov. 20, 1859. Mr. John Brown. My poor wounded and doomed Kinsman, — I should have written you before now if I had known what to say. That we all deeply feel for you in your present extraordinary circumstances you will not doubt. Most gladly would we Hy to your relief, if the sen- tence under which you lie had not put you entirely beyond the reach of hope. All we can do is to pray for you. This we can do ; and I am sure that prayer is offered without ceasing for you, that you may be prepared for that death from which I am persuaded nothing short of a miracle would save you. Oh, that we had known the amazing infatuation which was urging you on to certain destruction before it was too late ! We should have felt bound to have laid hold upon and retained you by violence, if nothing short would have availed. You will not allow us to interpose the plea of insanity in your be- half; you insist that you were never more sane in your life, — and indeed, there was so much "method in your madness," that such a plea would be of no avail. I do not intend to use the word madness reproachfully. I am bound to believe that you were as conscientious as Saul of Tarsus was in going to Damascus; and I am sure it was in an infinitely better cause. But what you intended was an impossi- bility; and all your friends are amazed that you did not see it. They can never believe that if you had been John Brown of better days, — if you had been in your right mind, — you would ever have plunged headlong, as yoii did, into the lion's den, where you were certain to be devoured. Oh, that you would have been held back ! But, alas! these are unavailing regrets ; it is too late ; it is done. The sentence is passed. You have come almost to the foot of the scaffold, and I presume you have no hope of escape. All that remains is to prcjiare for the closing scene of the awful tragedy. Are you prepared? You have long been a professor of religicni. I take it for granted that you will now anxiously examine yourself whether you are in the faith ; whether you are a true child of God, and prepared to die and go to the judg- ment. I do not believe you had murder in your heart. Your object, as you say, was to liberate the slaves. You wanted to do it without killing anybody. It is astonishing you did not consider that it could not be done without wading in blood. The time has not come. It is not the right way, and never will be. It is right to pray, " Lord, how long?" but not to run bc^fore and take the avenging sword into our own hands. You have nothing more to do in this world. You have done with the Border Ruffians, who hunted for 1859.1 > JOHN BROWN IN PRISON. 603 your precious life. It becomes you prayerfully to inquire how far you will be answerable at the bar of God for the blood which was shed at Harper's Ferry, and for the fate of those who are to die with you I iu.lge you not ; but there is One that judgeth, with whom is mercy and plentiful forgiveness to all who truly repent and savingly believe on him whose blood cleanseth from all sin. There is a great deal more danger that we shall think too little of our sins than too much The time is now so short that it becomes you to spend it mostly in prayer and meditation over your Bible. Oh, how precious is every hour ! I am sure you will welcome any pious friend who may visit you in prison; and I hcpe there is some godly minister who may come to you with his warmest sympathies and prayers. May God sustain you, my dying friend ! Vain is the help of man. Christ can stand by you and carry you through. Other help there i. n..ne. Oh, that there was a possibility that your hfe might be spared ' But, no ! there is nothing to hang a hope on. Farewell, m^y wounded and condemned friend. We shall not meet again in thi. world. Should I outlive you, it will not be long. I have passed my fourscore years. We trust that many of our kindred have gone to heaven. Oh, may we be prepared to meet, and to meet them there, washed in the Redeemer's blood ! From your aflectionate and deeply affected kinsman, H. Humphrey. Captain Brown to Rev.. Dr. Humphrey. Charlestown, Jeffekson County, Va., Nov. 25, 1859. Rev. Heman Humphrey, D.D. r ^ -, • j My dear and honored Kinsman, - Your very sorrowful, kind, and faithful letter of the 20th instant is now before me. T ^^<';Pt it with all kindness. I have honestly endeavored to profit by tlie faith- ful advice it contains. Indeed, such advice could never come amiss You will allow me to say that I deeply sympathize M-ith you and al my sorrowing friends in their grief and terrible mortihcation. 1 teel ten times more afflicted on their account than on account of my own circumstances. But I must say that I am neither conscious of be- ing '' infatuated " nor " mad." You will doubtless agree with me m this —that neither imprisonment, irons, nor the gallows falling to one's lot are of themselves evidence of either guilt, "infatuation, or madness." I discover that you labor under a mistaken impression as to some important facts, which my peculiar circumstances will in all proba- bility prevent the possibility of my removing; and I do ii<'t propo^ to take up any argument ti> prove that any motion or act ot my lite 604 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. is right. But I will here stcate that I know it to be wholly my own fault as a leader that caused our disaster. Of this you have no jjroper means of judging, ut»t being on the ground, or a practical soldier. I will only add, that it was in yielding to my feelings of humanity (if 1 ever exercised such a feeling), in leaving my proper jdace and mingling with my prisoners to quiet their fears, that occasioned our being caught. I firmly believe that God reigns, and that he over- rules all things in the best possible manner; and in that view of the subject I try to be in some degree reconciled to my own weaknesses and follies even. If you were here on the spot, and could be with me by day and by night, and know the facts and how my time is spent here, I think you would find much to reconcile your own mind to the ignominious death I am about to sxitfer, and to mitigate your sorrow. I am, to say the least, quite cheerful. ** He shall begin to deliver Israel out of the hand of the Philistines." This was said of a poor erring ser- vant many years ago ; and for many years I have felt a strong im- pression that God had given me powers and faculties, unwortliy as I was, that he intended to use for a similar purpose. Tliis most unmerited honor He has seen fit to bestow; and whether, like the same pottr frail man to whom I allude, my death may not be of vastly more value than my life is, I think quite beyond all human foresight. I really have strong hopes that notwithstanding all my many sius, I too may yet die "in faith." If you do not believe I had a murderous intention (while I know I had not), VA'hy grieve so terribly on my account? The scaflold has but few terrt)rs for me. God has often covered my head in the day of battle, and granted me many times deliverances that were almost so miraculous that I can scarce realize their truth ; and now, when it seems quite certain that he intends to use me in a diti'erent way, shall I not most clieerfully go? I may be deceived, but I humbly trust that he will not forsake me "till I have showed liis favor to this generation and his strength to every one that is to come." Your letter is most faithfully and kindly written, and I mean to profit by it. I am certainly quite grateful for it. I feel that a great responsi- bility rests upon me as regards the lives of those who have fallen and may yet fall. I must in that view cast myself on the care of Him " whose mercy eudnreth forever." If the cause in which I engaged in any possible degree aj)proximated to bo "infinitely better" than the one wliich Saul of Tarsus undertook, I have no reason to be ashamed of it ; and indeed I cannot now, after more than a mouth for reflection, find in my licart (before God in whose presence I expect to stand within anotlier week) any cause for shame. 1839.] JOHN BROWN IN PRISON. 605 I got a long and most kind letter from your pure-heartea brother Luther, to which T replied at some length. The statement that seems to be going around in tlie newspapers that I told Governor Wise that I came on here to seek revenge for the wn)ngs of either myself or my family, is utterly false. I never intended to convey such an idea, and I I)less God that I am able even now to say that I have never yet harbored such a feeling. See testimony of witnesses who were with me while I had one son lying dead by my side, and another mortally wounded and dying on my other side. I do not believe that Governor Wise so understood, and I think he ought to correct that impression. The impression that we intended a general insurrection is equally untrue. Now, my much behjved and much resjiected kinsman, farewell. May the God of our fathers save and abundantly bless you and yours ! John Brown. The following is an extract from the last letter received by Mrs. Brown before she started to go to Charlestown, bearing date Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 26, 1859, in which, after referring to his wife's being under Mrs. Mott's roof, he proceeds to say : — ... I remember tlie faithful old lady well, but presume she has no recollection of me. I once set myself to oppose a mob at Boston, where she was. After I interfered, the police immediately took up the matter, and soon put a stop to mob proceedings. The meeting was, I think, in Marlboro Street Church, or Hotel, perhaps. I am glad to have you make the acquaintance of such old pioneers in the cause. I have just received from Mr. John Jay, of New York, a draft for fifty dollars for the benefit of my family, and will enclose it made payable to your order. I have also fifteen dollars to send to our crippled and destitute unmarried son. When I can 1 intend to send you, by express, two or three little articles to carry home. Should you happen to meet with Mr. Jay, say to him that you fully appreciate his great kindness both to me and my family. God bless all such friends ! It is out of my power to reply to all the kind and encouraging letters I get r I wish I could do so. I have been so mucli relieved from my lameness for the last three or four days as to be able to sit up to read and write pretty much all day, as well as part of the night ; and 1 do assure you and all other friends that I am quite busy, and none the less happy on that account. The time passes quite pleasantly, and the near approach of my great change is not the occasion of any particular dread. < 606 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. I trust that God, who has sustained me so long, will not forsake me when 1 most feel my need of Fatherly aid and support. Should he hide his face, my spirit w\\\ droop and die ; hut not titherwise, he assured. My only anxiety is to be properly assured of my fitness for the company of those who are " washed from all filthiness," and for the presence of Him who is infinitely pure. I certainly think I do have some " hunger and thirst after righteousness." If it be only genuine, I make no doubt I " shall be filled." Please let all our friends read my letters when you can ; and ask them to accept of it as in part for them. I am inclined to think you will not be likely to succeed well about getting away the bodies of your family ; but should that be so, do not let that grieve you. It can make but little difference what is done with them. You can well remember the changes you have passed through. Life is made up of a series of changes, and let us try to meet them in the best manner possible. You will not wish to make yourself and children any more burdensome to friends than you are really cotnpelled to do. I would not. I will close this by saying that if you now feel that you are equal to the undertaking, do exactly as you feel disposed to do about com- ing to see me before I suffer. I am entirely willing. Your affectionate husband, John Brown. Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 27, 1859. Thaddel's Hyatt, Esq. My dear Sir, — Your very acceptable letter of the 24th instant has just been handed to me. I am certainly most obliged to you for it, and for all your efforts in behalf of my family and myself. I can form no idea of the objections to your mode of operating in their be- half, to which my friend Dr. Webb refers ; and I suppose it is now too late for any explanations from him that would enlighten me. It (your effort) at any rate takes from my mind the greatest burden I have felt since my imprisonment, — to feel assured that in some way my shattered and broken-hearted wife and children would be so far relieved as to save them from great physical suffering. Others may have devised a better way of doing it. I had no advice in regard to it, and felt very grateful to know, while I was yet living, of almost any active measure being taken. I hope no offence is taken at your- self or me in the matter. I am beginning to familiarize my mind with new and very different scenes. Am very cheerful. Farewell, my friend. A John 1'>k(>\vn. 1859.] JOHN BROWN IN PRISON. 607 To Miss Sterns, of Springfield. Charlestowx, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 27, 1859. My dear Miss Sterns, — Your most kind and cheering letter of the 18th instant is received. Although I have not been at all low- spirited or cast down in feeling since being imprisoned and under sentence (which I am fully aware is soon to be carried out), it is ex- ceedingly gratifying to learn from friends that there are not wanting in this generation some to sympathize with me and appreciate my motive, even now that I am whipped. Success is in general the standard of all merit. I have passed my time here quite cheerfully ; still trusting that neither my life nor my death will prove a total loss. As regards both, however, I am liable to mistake. It affords mo some satisftiction to feel conscious of having at least tried to better the condition of those who are always on the under-hill side, and am in hopes of being able to meet the consequences without a murmur. I am endeavoring to get ready for auotlier field of action, wliere no defeat befalls the truly brave. That " God reigns," and most wisely, and controls all events, might, it would seem, reccmcile those who believe it to much that appeai-s to be very disastrous. I am one who has tried to believe that, and still keep trying. Those who die for the truth may prove to be courageous at last; so I continue " hoping on," till I shall find that the truth must finally prevail. I do not feel in the least degree despondent or degraded by my cir- cumstances ; and I entreat my friends not to grieve on my account. You will please excuse a very poor and short letter, as I get more than I can possibly answer. I send my best wishes to your kind mother, and to all the family, and to all the true friends of humanity. And now, dear friends, God be with you all, and ever guide and bless you ! Your friend, John Brown. To his sisters Mary and Martha. Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 27, 1859 (Sabbath). My dearly beloved sisters Mary A. and Martha, — I am obliged to occupy a part of what is probably my last Sabbath on earth in answering the very kind and comforting letters of sister Hand and son of the 23d inst., or I must fail to do so at all. I do not think it any violation of the day that God made for man. Nothing could be more grateful to my feelings than to learn that you do not feel dreadfully mortified, and even disgraced, on account of your relation to one who is to die on the scaftold. . I have really. 608 Lli^E AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859 suffered more, by tenfold, since my confinement here, on account of what I feared would be the terrible feelings of my kindred on my account, than from all other causes. I am most glad to learn from you that my fears on your own account were ill founded. I was afraid that a little seeming present prosperity miglit have carried you away from realities, so that " the honor that cometh from men " might lead you in some measure to undervalue that which "cometh from God." I bless God, who has most abundantly supported and comforted me all along, to find you are not ensnared. Dr. Heman Humphrey has just sent me a most doleful lamentation over my ''infatuation and madness" (very kindly expressed), in which, I cannot doubt, he has given expression to the extreme grief of others of our kindred. I have endeavored to answer him kindly also, and at the same tiaie to deal faithfully with my old friend. I think I will send you liis letter ; and if you deem it worth the trouble, you can probably get my reply, or a copy of it. Suffice it for me to say, "None of these things move me." Luther Humphrey wrote me a very comforting letter. There are things, dear sisters, that God hides even from the wise and prudent. 1 feel astonished tliat one so exceedingly vile and un- wortliy as I am should even be suflVred to have a place anyhow or anywhere among the very least of all who, when they come to die (as all must), were permitted to pay the debt of nature in defence of the right and of God's eternal and immutable truth. Oh, my dear friends, can you believe it possible that the scaffold has no terrors for your own poor old unworthy brother f I thank God, through Jesus Christ my Lord, it is even so. I am now shedding tears, but they are no longer tears of grief or sorrow ; I trust I have nearly done with those. I am weeping for joy and gratitude that I can in no other way express. I get many very kind and comforting letters that I cannot possibly reply to ; wish I had time and strength to answer all. I am obliged to ask those to whom I do write to let friends read what I send as much as they well can. Do write my deeply afflicted and affectionate wife. It will greatly comfort her to have you write her freely. Slie has borne up manfully under accumu- lated griefs. She will be most glad to know that she has not been entirely forgotten by my kiitdred. Say to all my friends that I am waiting cheerfully and patiently the days of my appointed time ; fully believing that for me now to die will be to me an infinite gain and of untold benefit to the cause we love. Wherefore, " be of good cheer," and "■ let not your hearts be troubled." " To him that over- cometh will I grant to sit with me in my throne, even as I also over- came and am set down with my Father in his throne." I wish my friends could know but a little of the rare opportunities I now get for 1859.] JOHN BROWN IN PRISON. 609 kind and faithful labor ia God's cause. I hope they have not been entirely lost. Now, dear friends, I have done. May the God of peace bring us all again from the dead ! Your aflfectionate brother, John Brov^^. Charlestowx, Jefferson County, Va., Monday, Nov, 28, 1859. Hon. D. R. Tilden. My dear Sir, — Your most kind and comforting letter of the 23d iust. is received. I have no language to express the feelings of grat- itude and obligation I am under for your kind interest in my behalf ever since my disaster. The grea^^ bulk of mankind estimate each other's actions and motives by the measure of success or otherwise that attends them through life. By that rule, I have been one of the worst and one ot the best of men. I do not claim to have been one of the latter, and I leave it to an impartial tribunal to decide whetlier the world has been the worse or the better for my living and dying in it. My present great anxiety is to get as near in readi- ness for a different field of action as I well can, since being in a godd measure relieved from the fear that my poor broken-hearted wife and children would come to immediate want. May God reward a thousandfold all the kind efforts made in their behalf! I have en- joyed remarkable cheerfulness and composure of mind ever since my confinement ; and it is a great comfort to feel assured that T am per- mitted to die for a cause, — not merely to pay the debt of nature, as all must. I feel myself to be most unwttrthy of so great distinction. The particular manner of dying assigned to me gives me but very little uneasiness. I wish I had the time and the ability to give you, my dear friend, some little idea of what is daily, and I might almost say hourly, passing within my prison walls ,: and could my friends but witness only a few of these scenes, just as they occur, I think they would feel very well reconciled to my being here, just what I am, and just as I am. My whole life before had not afforded me one half the opportunity to plead for the right. In this, also, I iind much to reconcile me to both my present condition and my immediate prospect. I may be very insane ; and I am so, if insane at all. But if that be so, insanity is like a very pleasant dream to me. I am not in the least degree conscious of my ravings, of my fears, or of any terrible visions whatever ; but fancy myself entirely composed, and that my sleep, in particular, is as sweet as that of a healthy, joyous little infant. I pray God that he will grant me a continuance ot the same calm but delightful dream, until I come to know of those 39 GIG LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. realities which eyes have not seen and which ears have not heard. I have scarce realized that I am in prison or in irons at all. I cer- tainly tliink I was never more cheerful in my life. I intend to take the liberty of sending by express to your care some trifling articles for those of my family who may be in Ohio, which you can hand to my brother Jeremiah when you may see him, together with fifteen dollars I have asked him to advance to them. Please excuse me so often troubling you with my letters or any of my matters. Please also remember me most kindly to Mr. Griswold, and to all others who love their neighbors. I write Jeremiah to your care. Your friend in truth, John Brown. To Various Friends. Charlkstown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 29, 18.59. My dear Covenanter [Rev. A. M. MiUigan], — Notwithstand- ing I now get daily more than three times the number of kind letters I can possibly answer, I cannot deny myself the satisfaction of say- ing a few words to a stranger, whose feelings and whose judgment so nearly coincide with my own. No letter, of a great number I have got to. cheer, encourage, and advise me, has given more heart- warming satisfaction ur better counsel than your own. I hope to profit by it ; and I am greatly obliged for this your visit to my prison. It really seemed to impart new strength to my soul, notwith- standing I was very cheerful before. I trust, dear brother, that God, in infinite grace and mercy for Christ's sake, will neither leave me nor forsake me till I " have showed His power to this generation, and his strength to every one tliat is to come." I would most gladly commune further as we journey on ; but I am so near the close of mine that I must Iireak off, however reluctant. Farewell, my faithful brother in Christ Jesus ! Farewell ! Your friend, John Brown. Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 29, 1859. Mrs. Georoe L. Stearns, Boston, Mass. My dear Friend, — No letter I have received since my imprison- ment here has given me more satisfaction or comfort than yours of the 8th instant. I am quite cheerful, and was never more happy. Have only time to write a word. May God forever reward you and all yours ! My love to all who love their neighbors. I have asked to be spared from having any weak or hypocritical prayers made over me when I am publicly murdered, and that my only religious 1S59.] JOHN BEOWN IN PRISON. 611 attendants be poor little dirty, ragged, bareheaded, and barefooted slave boys and girls, led by some old gray-headed slave mother. Farevi^eil ! Farewell ! Your friend, JOHN Brown. This is the copy of a letter that Mrs. Brown brought from Virginia, and sent to Mrs. Stearns, in a Bible. Charlestown, Jefferson County Prison, Va., Nov. 29, 1859. J. Q. Anderson, Esq. My dear Sir, — Your letter of the 23d instant is received ; but notwithstanding it would afford me the utmost pleasure to answer it at length, it is not in my power to write you but a few words. Jeremiah G. Anderson was( tighting bravely by my side at Harper's Ferry up to the moment when I fell wounded, and I took no further notice of what passed for a little time.^ I have since been told that 1 At this point may be introduced the letter of an eye-witness of what happened during this "little time," when the hero had swooned from loss of blood and ])ain, and was believed to be dead. Mr. Tayleure, a South Carolinian, wrote thus to John Brown, Jr., six years ago : — ' 864 Broapway, New York, June 15, 1S79. Dear Sir, — Duty took me to Harper's Ferry at the time of the raid in lSo9 (I was then connected with the Baltimore Press), and by chance I was brought into close per- sonal contact with both your father and your brother Watson. After the assault I assisted your father to rise, as he stumbled forward out of the historic engine-house ; and was able to administer to your brother, just liefore he died, some physical comfort, which won me his thanks. Subsequent to the capture of the party, I accompanied Captain J. E. B. Stuart and the battalion he commanded to the Kennedy farm ; and there, by another strange chance, I came into possession of a number of papers belong- ing to your father. These I afterwards delivered to Governor Wise, upon his requisition ; but there yet remains in my possession an old manifold letter-writer which belonged to your father. In this are several letters, m his handwriting, entitled "Sambo's Mis- takes," written, apparently, for publication, and addressed " To the Editor of the ' Ramshorn.' " They contain a satirical summing up, related in the first person, of the mistakes and weaknesses common to the colored people. This book, together with a eonmion carpet-bag, a red and white check blanket, a rifle, i>istol, and pike,— all of which I found at the Kennedy house, — I kept, and yet have, I think, as mementos of that tragic affair. Two or three years ago I read in one of the magazines Owen Brown's relation of his escape from the Ferry, and was minded to supplement it with my narra- tive of the capture and its incidents, but the many demands upon my time prevented my doing so. I am a South Carolinian, and at the time of the raid was very deeply imbued with the political prejudices of my State ; but the serenity, calm courage, and devotion to duty which your father and his followers then manifested impressed me very pro- foundly. It is impossible not to feel respect for men who offer up their lives in support of their convictions ; and the earnestness of my respect I put upon record in a Balti- more paper the day succeeding the event. I gave your brother a cup of water to quench his thirst (this was at about 7.30 on the morning of the capture), and improvised a couch for him out of a bench, with a pair of overalls for a pillow. I remember how he looked, — singularly handsome, even through the grime of his all-day struggles, and the 612 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. he was mortally wounded at the same momout, and died in a short time afterwards. I believe this information is correct ; but I have no means of knowing from any acquaintances, not being allowed in- tercourse with otlier prisoners, except one. The same is true as to the death of one of my own sons. I have no doubt but both are dead. Your friend, John Brown. Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 29, 1859. S. E. Sewall, Esq., Boston. My DEAR Sir, — Your most kind letter of the 24th instant is re- ceived. It does indee-d give me " pleasure " and the greatest encour- agement to know of any efforts that have been made in behalf of my poor and deeply afflicted fiimily. It takes from my mind tlie greatest cause of sadness I liave experienced during my imprisonment here. I feel quite cheerful, and ready to die. 1 can only say, for want of time, May the God of the oppressed and the poor in gi-eat mercy remember all those to whom we are so deeply indebted ! Farewell ! Your friend, John Brown. Charlestown, Va., Nov. 30, |859. Dr. Thos. H. Webb, Boston .^ My dear Sir, — I would most gladly comply with your request most kindly nuule in your letter of the 26th inst., but it came too late. It is out of my power. Farewell : God bless yon ! Your friend, John Brown. intense suffering which he must have endured. He was very calm, and of a tone and look very gentle. The look wltli wliich he searched my very heart I can never forget. One sentence of our conversation will give you the key-note to the whole. I asked him, " What brought you here ? " He replied, very patiently, " Duty, sir. " After a jxiuse, I again asked : " Is it then your idea of duty to shoot men down upon their own hearth- stones for defending their rights? " He answered : " I an-, dying ; I cannot discuss the question ; I did my duty, as I saw it." This conversation occurred in the comiiartment of the engine-house adjoining that in which the defence had been made, and was lis- tened to by young Coppoo with perfect equanimity, and by Shields Green with uncon- trollable terror. I met at Pittsburg, some years ago, Mr. Richard Rcalf (if that is the name ; he was connected with the " Commercial " of that city) ; and on relating my experience, he not only expressed much interest in it, but said he thought the surviving members of John Brown's family would be gratified to hear what I had to tell. 'T is in reniembraT\ce of Colonel Realf that I obey the impul.-icuous for its heroism, — yet not cowardlv." 1859.] DEATH AND CHARACTER OF JOHN BROWN. (323 approved of their killing." He expressed pleasure that his body was ordered by Governor Wise to be delivered to his wife for burial at North Elba, and requested his jailer to assist Mrs. Brown, not only in this, but in getting together the remains of his sons and the other farmers of North Elba who had been slain at Harper's Ferry, for burial with him, — expressing the wish that their bodies should be burned, and the bones and ashes conveyed to his Adirondac hf)me.i In regard to his own rescue from prison he had previously said : " I doubt if I ought to encourage any attempt to save my life. I may be wrong, but I think that my great object will be nearer its accomplishment by my death than by my life. I must give some thought to this." Having reflected on it, he said a few days before his death : '' I am sure my sons cannot look forward to my fate with- out some effort to rescue me ; but this only in case I am allowed to remain in prison for some time with no more than ordinary precautions against escape. ISTo such attempt will be made in view of the large military force now upon guard." In fact, he had intimated to his friends that he did not wish to be rescued,^ and it soon became evident to all, as it was directly revealed to Brown, that his death, like Samson's, was to be his last and greatest victory. 1 He did not make this suggestion in regard to his own remains, but only of those who had then been dead six weeks ; nor did he suggest it to Mrs. Brown at all, as she told me in 1882. She added that the published account of her interview with her husband the day before his death was incorrect. 2 I was in daily communication with Brown's friends during November, and learned this with certainty. Mr. Emerson proposed that some gentle- men from the North should visit Governor Wise, and urge upon him the reprieve of Brown, and Mr. Alcott offered to go on this errand. On the 10th of November I answered Mr. Emerson's suggestion thus : — " There is hope in every effort to save Brown, but not much, as it would seem, in the representations of a private gentleman to Governor Wise, who is in this matter the servant of others. It is the Bellua viidtorum capil.um of Virginia that will execute the sentence if it is done ; and that is perhaps implacable. Escape, difficult as it seems, is probably Brown's best chance for life. If a reprieve, or an arrest of judgment for another month were possible, a rescue would not be so hard to manage. Brown's heroic char- acter is having its influence on his keepers, as we learn; but at present he doe.'i not v}ish to escape." 624 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. *' Living or dying, thou hast fulfilled The work for which thou wast foretold To Israel, and now liest victorious Among thy slain, self-killed, — Not willingly, but tangled in the fold Of dire necessity ; whose law in death conjoined Thee with thy slaughtered foes, in number more Than all thy life had slain before." It was perhaps through the Russells, of Boston, the first of his personal friends to visit him, tliat we learned his in- tuition concerning a rescue. Judge Russell and his wife hastened from Boston as soon as it seemed expedient for any of his Antislavery associates to attempt the difficult task of an interview with Brown, — the former going to counsel with him as a lawyer in his defence, and Mrs. Rus- sell, with a woman's instinct, joining in this journey. She took her needle with her, mended his torn and cut gar- ments, sent the guard out of the room for a clothes-brush, and exchanged a few words privately with the martyr. Of this visit Judge Russell says : — " I was just in time to hear the sentence of death pronounced on Brown, and to hear that magnificent S]>eech in which, instead of as- suming tliat his hearere were Christians, and arguing on that basis, he said : ' I see a book kissed here vvliich I suppose to be the Bible, or at least the New Testament,' from which he iufen-ed that Chris- tianity was not quite unknown. I then went with Mrs. Russell to see him in the jail, and found him in the best of spirits. He said: ' I have no fault to find with the manner of my death ; the disgrace of hanging does not trouble me in the least. Indeed, I know that the very errors by whicli rny scheme was marred were decreed be- fore the world was made. I had no more to do with the course I pursued than a shot leaving a cannon has to do with the spot where it shall fall.' He was satisfied with what he had done." I pass over the farewell between Brown and his Avife the day before his death ; it was simple and heroic, in keeping with the character of both. They supped with the jailer in his own apartment; and thus, perhaps for the first time, the condemned man was allowed to leave his cell, after sen- tence and before the day of execution. Upon that morn- ing, Dec. 2, 1859, he was led from his cell to say farewell 1859.] DEATH AND CHARACTER OF JOHN BROWN. 625 to his companions. Copeland and Shields Green were con- fined together ; Cook and Coppoc were in another cell, and Stephens by himself. To the two faithful colored men Brown said : " Stand up like men, and do not betray your friends ! " To Cook, who had made a confession, Brown said : " You have made false statements, — that I sent you to Harper's Ferry : you knew I protested against your com- ing." Cook demurred, but dropped his head, and replied at last, "Captain Brown, you and I remember differently." To Coppoc, Brown said : " You also made false statements, but I am glad to hear you have contradicted them. Stand up like a man ! " He shook the hands of all, and gave to each a small silver coin for remembrance. With Stephens his interview was more intimate ; for he had greatly relied on this stout soldier. " Good by, Captain," said Stephens ; " I know you are going to a better land." '' I know I am," was the reply ; " bear up, as you have done, and never be- tray your friends." Brown would not visit the sixth pris- oner, Hazlett, — always persisting that he did not know such a man.^ Meantime the soldiers of 'Virginia, more than two thou- sand in number, were mustered in the field where the gal- lows had been erected, with cannon and cavalry, and all the pomp of war. At eleven o'clock Brown came forth from his prison, walking firmly and cheerfully, and mounted the wagon which was to carry him to the scaffold. He sat be- side his jailer, and cast his eyes over the town, the soldiery, the near fields, and the distant hills, behind which rose the mountains of the Blue Kidge. He glanced at the sun and sky, taking his leave of earth, and said to his companions : " This is a beautiful country ; I have not cast my eyes over it before, — that is, in this direction." Reaching the scaf- fold, he ascended the steps, and was the first to stand upon it, — erect and calm, and with a "smile on his face. With his pinioned hands he took off his hat, cast it on the scaf- fold beside him, and thanked his jailer again for his kindness, 1 One of Brown's prison guards says : " He was a brave man, and had the utmost contemj)t for a coward. He did not seem to care what became of him after the capture, but his whole mind seemed to be bent on savin" the men who were taken with him ; and he pretended not to know them." 40 626 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. submitting quietly to be closer pinioned and to have the cap drawn over his eyes and the rope adjusted to his neck. " I can't see, gentlemen," said he ; " you must lead me ; " and he was placed on the drop of the gallows. '' I am ready at any time, — do not keep me waiting," were his last re- ported words. No dying speech was permitted to him, nor were the citizens allowed to approach the scaffold, which was surrounded only by militia.-' He desired to make no speech, but only to endure his fate with dignity and in silence. The ceremonies of his public murder were duly performed ; and when his body had swung for nearly an hour on the gibbet, in sight of earth and heaven, for a witness against our nation, it was lowered to its coffin and delivered to his widow, who received and accompanied it through shud- dering cities to the forest hillside where it lies buried. The most eloquent lips in America pronounced his funeral eulogy beside this grave ; while in hundreds of cities and villages his death was sadly commemorated. The Civil War followed hard upon his execution ; and the place of his capture and death became the frequent battle-ground of the fratricidal armies. Not until freedom was declared, and the slaves liberated as Brown had planned, — by force, — was victory assured to the cause of the country. I knew John Brown well. He was what all his speeches, letters, and actions avouch him, — a simple, brave, heroic person, incapable of anything selfish or base. But above and beyond these personal qualities, he was what we may best term a historic character ; that is, he had, like Cromwell, a certain predestined relation to the political crisis of his time, for which his character fitted him, and which, had he striven against it, he could not avoid. Like Cromwell and all the great Calvinists, he was an unquestioning believer in God's fore-ordination and the divine guidance of human 1 Among the Vii-pjinia militia, pompously parading, who siirronnded the scaffold, was John Wilkes Booth (after\^ai'd the assassin of Aliraham \a\\- coln), wlio was then an actor at Riclnnond. and left liis theatre to join Com- pany F from that city. This fact is given by the Virginia correspondent of the "New York Tribune," Nov. 28, 1859. Booth assisted, therefore, at the two chief murders of his time^ — " Washington slaying Spartacus," as Victor Hugo said, and Sicarius slaying the second Washington. 1859.] DEATH AND CHARACTER OF JOHN BROWN. 627 affairs. Of course, he could not rank with Cromwell or with many inferior men in leadership ; but in this God-appointed, inflexible devotion to his object in life he was inferior to no man ; and he rose in fame far above more gifted persons be- cause of this very fixedness and simplicity of character. His renown is secure. A few words may be given to the personal traits of this hero. When I first saw him, he was in his flfty-seventh year, and though touched with age and its infirmities, was still vigorous and active, and of an aspect which would have made him distinguished anywhere among men who know how to recognize courage and greatness of mind. At that time he was close shaven, and no flowing beard, as in later years, softened the expression of his firm wide mouth and positive chin. That beard, long and gray, which nearly all his portraits now show, added a picturesque finish to a face that was in all its features severe aiid masculine, yet with a latent tenderness. His eyes were those of an eagle, — piercing blue-gray in color, not very large, looking out from under brows "Of dauntless courage and considerate pride," and were alternately flashing with energy, or drooping and hooded like the eyes of an eagle. His hair was dark-brown, sprinkled with gray, short and bristling, and shooting back from a forehead of middle height and breadth ; his nose was aquiline ; his ears large ; his frame angular ; his voice deep and metallic ; his walk positive and intrepid, though com- monly slow. His manner was modest, and in a large com- pany diffident ; he was by no means fluent of speech, but his words were always to the point, and his observations original, direct, and shrewd. His mien was serious and patient rather than cheerfiU ; it betokened the " sad wise valor " which Herbert praises ; but though earnest and often anxious, it was never depressed. In short, he was then, to the eye of insight, what he afterward seemed to the world, — a brave and resolved man, conscious of a work laid upon him, and confident that he should accomplish it. His figure was tall, slender, and commanding; his bearing military ; and his garb showed a singular blending of the 628 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. soldier and the deacon. He had laid aside in Chicago the torn and faded summer garments which he wore throughout his Kansas campaign, and I saw him at one of those rare periods in his life when his clothes were new. He wore a complete suit of brown broadcloth or ker- seymere, cut in the fashion of a dozen years before, and giving him the air of a respectable deacon in a rural parish. But instead of a collar he had on a high stock of patent leather, such as soldiers used to wear, a gray military over- coat with a cape, and a fur cap. He was, in fact, a Puritan soldier, such as were common in Cromwell's day, though not often seen since. Yet his heart was averse to bloodshed, gentle, tender, and devout. Mr. Leonard, already quoted, who knew him at the age of fifty, says : — "It is almost impossible to convey by writing his appearance. I can see it plainly, — that firm, decided set of the mouth, a certain nervous twitch of the head ; but the flasli of his eye, who can de- scribe it f It spoke the soul of the man, and carried conviction to every one that lie was in tliorough earnest. In Red[iath's ' Life ' there is a good engraving of tlie old man, when he liad drawn him- self up into liis lofty look, which he sometimes did ; but generally he carried his head pitched forward and a little down, and shoved his right shoulder forward in walking. And he could look pleasant, — as I have witnessed many a time, when I have been bantering hiin about something." Frederick Douglass says : — " In person he was lean, strong, and sinewy ; of the best New England mould, built for times of trouble, fitted to grapple with the flintiest hardships. Clad in plain American woollen, shod in boots of cowhide leather, and weai'ing a cravat of the same substantial mate- rial ; under six feet high, less than a hundred and fifty pounds in weight, aged about fifty, — he presented a figure straight and sym- metrical as a mountain pine. His bearing was singularly impres- sive. His head was not large, but compact and high. His hair was coarse, strong, slightly gray, and closely trimmed, and grew low on his forehead. His face was smoothly shaved, and revealed a strong square mouth, supported by a broad and prominent chin. His eyes were bluish gray, and in conversation they were full of light and fire. When on the street, he moved with a long, springing, rac<^- 1859.] DEATH AND CHARACTER OF JOHN BROWN. 629 horse step, absorbed by his own reflections, neither seeking nor shunning observation." Such were his outward traits and belongings. The in- ward man was of singular faith and constancy. Of his last few months in life Mr. Wilder speaks thus : — " Think of the slow movement to the Kennedy farm, the mystery, the anxiety about money, the oj^position of Douglass, the resignation of his leadership by Brown, bad health, — in that most dispiriting of all diseases, the ague, — and yet the man goes forward ! What courage, what faith ! Common men live for years in despair, with only ordinary bad luck to contend with ; but here is a man abso- lutely alone, exiled from family, among hostile strangers, where bar- barism is made popular by law and by fishion, — yet never in de- spair. Why this contrast ? He believed in God and justice, and in nothing else ; we believe in everything else, but not in God." It is easy now to perceive the true mission of Brown, and to measure the force of the avalanche set in motion by him. But to the vision of genius and the illuminated moral sense this was equally perceptible in 1859-60 ; and it was declared, in words already cited, by Emerson, Alcott, and Thoreau. 'No less clearly and prophetically was it declared by Victor Hugo, and by the saintly pastor of Way land, Edmond Sears. On the day of Brown's execution, and in the midst of the funeral services we were holding at Concord, Mr. Sears, who had made the opening prayer, wrote these lines in the Town Hall,i where Brown had twice addressed the sons of those yeomen who fought at Concord Bridge : — " Not any spot six feet by two Will hold a man like thee ; John Brown will tramp the shaking earth From Blue Ridge to the sea, Till the strong angel come at last And opes each dungeon door, And God's Great Charter liolds and waves O'er all his humble, poor. 1 Mr. Alcott's Diary (Dec;. 2, 1859) says : "Ellen Emerson sends me her fair copy of the Martyr Service. At 2 p. m. we meet at the Town Hall, our own townspeople present mostly, and many from the adjoining towns. Simon Brown is chairman ; the readings are by Thoreau, Emerson, C. Bowers, and Alcott ; and Sanborn's ' Dirge ' is sung by the company, 630 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. 11859. "And then the humble poor will come In that far- distant day, And from the felon's nameless grave They '11 bni.sh the leaves away ; And gray old men will point the spot Beneath the pine-tree shade, As children ask with streaming eyes Where Old John Brown is laid." On the same day, from his place of exile in Guernsey, Victor Hugo thus addressed the American republic : — " At the thought of the United States of America, a majestic form rises iu the mind, — Washington. In this country of Washington what is now taking place f There are slaves iu the South ; and this most monstrous of inconsistencies offends the logical conscience of the North. To free these black slaves, John Brown, a white man, a free man, began the work of their deliverance in Virginia. A Puri- tan, austerely religious, inspired by the evangel, ' Christ liath set us free,' he raised the cry of emancipation. But the slaves, unmanned by servitude, made no response; for slavery stops the ears of the soul. John Brown, thus left alone, began the contest. Witli a hand- ful of heroic men he kept up the fight ; riddled with bullets, his two youngest sons, sacred martyrs, falling at his side, he was at last captured. His trial ? It took place, not in Turkey, but in America. Such things are not done with impunity under the eyes of the civil- ized world. The conscience of mankind is an open eye ; let the court at Charlestown understand — Hunter and Parker, the slave- holding jurymen, the whole population of Virginia — that they are watched. This has not been done in a corner. John Brown, con- demned to death, is to be hanged to-day. His hangman is not the attorney Hunter, nor the judge Parker, nor Governor Wise, nor the little State of Virginia, — his hangman (we shudder to think it and say it !) is the whole American republic. . . . Politically speaking, the murder of Brown will be an irrevocable mistake. It will deal the Union a concealed wound, which will finally sunder the States. Let America know and consider that there is one thing more shock- ing than Cain killing Abel, — it is Washington killing Spartacus." standing. The bells are not rung. I think not more than one or two of Brown's friends wished them to be ; I did not. It was more fitting to signify our sorrow in the subdued waj', and silently, than by any clamor of steeples or the awakening of angry feelings or any conflict, as needless as unamiable, between neighbors. The services are affecting and impres- sive, distinguished by modesty, simplicity, and earnestness, — worthy alike of the occasion and of the man." 1859.] DEATH AND CHARACTER OF JOHN BROWN. 631 A few months later (March 30, 1860) Victor Hugo wrote again : — " Slavery in all its fomis will disappear. What the South slew last December was not John Brown, but Slavery. Henceforth, no matter what President Buchanan may say in his shameful message, the American Union must be considered dissolved. Between the North and the South stands the gallows of Brown. Union is no longer possible : such a crime cannot be shared." Again, upon the triumph of Garibaldi in Sicily, Victor Hugo said (June 18, I860): — " Grand are the liberators of mankind ! Let them hear the grate- ful applause of the nations, whatever their fortune ! Yesterday we gave our tears; to-day our hosannas are heard. Providence deals in these compensations. John Brown failed in America, but Garibaldi has triumphed in Europe. Mankind, shuddering at the infamous gallows of Charlestown, takes courage once more at the flashing sword of Catalafimi." ^ Although the course of events in America did not follow the exact line anticipated by the French republican, the general result was what he had foreseen, — that the achieve- ment and death of John Brown made future compromises between slavery and freedom impossible. What he did in Kansas for a single State, he did in Virginia for the whole nation, — nay, for the whole world. It has been sometimes asked in what way Brown per- formed this great work for the world, since he won no bat- tle, headed no party, repealed no law, and could not even save his own life from an ignominious penalty. In this respect he resembled Socrates, whose position in the world's history is yet fairly established ; and the parallel runs even closer. When Brown's friends urged upon him the des- perate possibilities of a rescue, he gave no final answer, ^ Victor Hugo's " Actes et Paroles pendant I'Exil " (1859-60). In the Edition Definitive of his complete works, wliicli was still going through the press at his death, in 1885, the antlior added this note to the passages cited above : "Victor Hugo avait, a propos de John Brown, pre'dit la guerre civile a V Anierique, et, a jinjpos dc Garibaldi, piedit I'unite ^ I'ltalie. Ces deux predictions se realiserent." He had a right to claim this. 632 LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. [1859. until at last came this reply, — that he " would not walk out of the prison if the door was left open." He added, as a personal reason for this choice, that his relations with Captain Avis, his jailer, were such that he should hold it a breach of trust to be rescued. There is an example even higher than that of Socrates, which history will not fail to- hold up, — that Person of whom his slayers said: "He saved others ; himself he cannot save." Here is touched the secret of Brown's character, — abso- lute reliance on the Divine, entire disregard of the present, in view of the promised future. " For best belViiMuled of the God He who in evil times, Warned by an inward voice, Heeds not the darkness and the dread, Biding by his rule and choice ; Feeling only the iiery thread Leading over heroic ground (Walled with mortal terror round) To the aim which him allures, — And the sweet heaven his deed secures." Note. — In Chapter XV., pp. 537 and .548, John Brown, Jr., speaks of an all'air at "St. J.," in Missouri, which was ascribed to his father. John Brown had nothing to do with this gallant action of his old friend Abbott, who had rescued Branson in 1855. Briefly, the facts were these : "Dr. John Doy, imprisonetl in St. Joseph, Mo., for abducting slaves from that State, was released July 23, 1859, by Kansas men, led by Major James B. Abbott, now living at De Soto, Johnson County. They entered the jail at night, under pretence of wishing to conline a horse-thief. The rescue was admirably managed, and its moral influence throughout Mis- souri and the whole South was very great." In Chapter XVI., p. 576, the expression, "He was forced to rise from what was feared to be his dying bed," does not refer to his attitude while the indictment was read, but to his presence in the court-room. INDEX. ^BBOTT, Major James B., rescues Branson, 207, 212; purcliases rifles, 214; rescues Dr. Doy 032. Adair, Rev. S. L., 188, 252, 270 ; shel- ters the Browns, 275 ; opinion of Brown, 327 ; letters from, 322, 415. Adams, Cyrus, Border Ruffianism de- scTibed,'327-328. Adams, .John Q., Journal quoted, 118. Adams, Henry J., 225. Adirondacs, the, grave of Capt. John Brown, 3; visit of Jolin Brown, 44; pioneer Vie of Brown, 97; descrip- tion of, 90; R. H. Dana's impres- sions of, 102. Akron, Ohio, imprisonment of«John Blown at, 55, 00, 88. .Aicott, A. Bronson, 91; record of i^rown, 504; Diary quoted, 029. ' Aliini^ham's " Touciistone," iv. Anderson, Jeremiah, letter from, 545. Anderson, Osborne, 550, 611. Andrew, Gov. John A., quoted, 327, 500. Arago, Etienne, 120. Arms furnished for Kansas, 212-215, 342, 349, 350, 351, 494. Arny, W. F. M., 352 : letter to Brown, 302; testimony of, 421. Articles of Enlistment of Kansas reg- ulars, 287. Assing, Miss Ottilia, 432. Ati-hison, David II., advice to Missou- rians, 164; speeches of, 105, 234; appeals to Missourians. 309; leads aitaclv upon Lawrence, 235. Atlantic Mcmthly, quoted, 561. Austin, "old Kill Devil," 271; adven- tures of, 285, 286. Avis, Captain John, 587, 619. gAGEHOT, Mr., quoted, 470. Baker, Mr., threatened with death, 254. Baldwin City, 292. Baldwin, Mr., testifies to Brown's integritv, 87. Baptisteville, 276, 301, 309. Barber, Mr., murder of, 218; his body, 243.- "Beecher Bibles," 212. Benjamin, Jacob, 230, 254, 271, 288. "Black Jack," 244, 291; battle of, 291, 303. Blair, Ciiarles, contracts to deliver spears, 377; letter from, 378. Blanc, Louis, 120. Blessing, John F., receives a Bible from Brown, 619. Bondi, August, 230, 254 ; story of the Pottawatomie executions, 271 ; re- ports of, 292, 293. Booth, J. Wilkes, at Brown's execu- tion, 026. Border Ruffians, watchword, 172 ; treatment of judges of election, 173, 175: aspect of, 181. 182; brutalities, 206. 225, 2o8; anger, 274; activity, 312 ; burn house of Ottawa Jones, 323 ; met by Brown and Montgomery, 480. Brackett, the sculptor, visit to Brown in prison, 510; makes bust of Brown, 517. Branson, Jacob, rescue of, 207; tells story of, 210. Brown, Anne, story told by, 531. Brown, Ellen, 43, 387. Brown, Frederick, removes to Kansas, 202, 255; shot, 317; death, 325. Brown, Jason, 35, 41 ; story of oath, 138; death of son, 189; arrested, 238; G34 INDEX. sufferings in Kansas, 238-242; ad- ventures and capture, 275, 276, 277, 278; anecdotes of campaign, 320; of burnaig of Ottawa Jones's iiouse, 322; mentioned by his father, GOO, 616. Brown, John, 1st, weaver and citizen of Duxbury, ]. Brown, John, 2d, of Windsor, birth, 2; marriage and children, 3. Brown, John, marriage of, 2. Brown, Captain John, birtli, 3; death, 3 ; tomb, 3 ; tombstone at North Elba, 11 4, 375. Brown, John, parentage, 3, 12; hatred of slavery an inheritance, 10, 11 ; his own account of childhood and 3'outh, 12-17 ; becomes converted, 15, 31; tenacity of purpose, IG; a tanner and currier, IG, 32; marries Dianthe Liisk, 17, 33 ; visits Boston, 17; guest of ilr. George L. Steams, 17; writes sketch of earl}- life, 17; scanty education, 19; relations to his father, Owen, 19, 20, 21, 22; studies surve^'ing, 32; shelters fugi- tive slaves, 35; children by first marriage, 35; death of wife, 36; kindness to colored servants, 37 ; testimony of family, 38, 91; favorite books, 38; makes a compact with his sons to labor for emancipation, 39; condiu^t in family, 40; devises schemes for educating the Negro, 40, 41; in Randolph as tanner, second marriage, 42; children b}' second marriage, 43; loss of infants, 43; de- votion to children, 44, 45; growing toleration in old age, 53; a true Yankee, 54; indorses for friend and loses farm, 55; in jail at Akron, 55; a bankrupt, 56; business integrity, 50; a shepherd at Richfield. 58; ad- vice to wile, 61 ; becomes wool-grow- er and dealer, 61, 63; returns to New England, 03; at Springfield, 63; an agent, 64; visited by Doug- lass, 6G; loses four children, 69; breeds race-horses at Franklin, 69; visits Europe, 67-70; delicacy of touch in handling wool, 70; opin- ions of England and of German farming, 71; of N'apoleon, 71; visits the Continent, 73 ; returns home, 73; views on early rising, 76; busi- ness troubles, 78, 83; on "knock- ing" spirits, 78; law-suits, 82, 83, 84, 87 ; the Boston trial, 79, 83 ; again a shepherd, 85 ; advice to son, 85; probity of life, 86; fam- ily government, 91 ; devotion to his father, 94 ; introduces himself to Gerrit Smith, 97 ; life at North Elba, 97-100 ; interest in colored people there, 101, 104; love for the region, 105 ; carries tombstone of his grandfather to North Elba, 114; the task of his life, 116; method for emancipation, 119 ; a Bible worshipper, 121; creed, 122; ad- vice to League of Gileadites, 124; points of resemblance to Franklin, 131 ; concern for f iigiti\ e slaves, 131 ; opinion of the Negro's capacity, 137; Si)artan mode of life, 67, 137, 138; home life, 139, 146; in the school of the Prophets, 147; a far- mer, 152; a disciple of Jefferson, 171; journey to Kansas, 199, 200, 202; his first campaign, 217; w^ill not pay illegal taxes, 228 ; visits pro- slavery camp as surveyor, 229; tells story of destruction of Lawrence, 236-238 ; of events in Kansas, 242- 244; his Pottawatomie executions, 251, 258, 259, 264; his reasons given, 270; results of the deed. 279, 280; in retreat, 294; meeting with Red- path, 294, 295; victory at B];i