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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO 
 
 THE MULATTO IN THE 
 UNITED STATES 
 
 INCLUDING A STUDY OF THE 
 ROLE OF MIXED-BLOOD RACES 
 THROUGHOUT THE WORLD 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 Submitted to the Faculty 
 
 of the Graduate School of Arts and Literature 
 
 in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 
 
 Department of Sociology 
 
 BY 
 
 EDWARD BYRON REUTER 
 
 
 BOSTON 
 
 RICHARD G. BADGER 
 
 THE GORHAM PRESS 
 1918 
 
Copyright, 1918, by Richard G. Bad 
 All Rights Reserved 
 
 GER 
 
 ant 
 
 University 
 
 DtQ I iSif 
 
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 E_ \%5 
 
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 Made in the United States of America 
 
 The Gorham Press, Boston, U. S. A. 
 
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PREFACE 
 
 / ~\F the social problems before the American people for 
 ^^ solution, there is none perhaps of more fundamental 
 importance than that created by the presence of some ten 
 million persons of a race and color different from that of 
 the major part of the country's population. The future of 
 ' the nation is in a degree conditioned by the treatment which 
 I this race problem receives. Is the amalgamation of the 
 I races in contact to be regarded as an ideal? If so, there 
 remains the problem of working out a technique by means 
 of which some degree of harmony and good will can be 
 established between the racial groups during the period that 
 mongrelization is in progress. Or would the infusion of ten 
 per cent of Negro blood so materially lower the ideals and 
 the intellectual and cultural capacity of the population as 
 to cause the country to drop out of the group of culture 
 nations? If so, there is the problem of checking the fusion 
 already in progress, as well as the problem of establishing 
 some sort of harmonious working relations between the races 
 while they separately work out their racial destiny. In 
 regard to the fundamental question there is as yet no con- 
 census of scholarly opinion; the problem has scarcely been 
 attacked in a scholarly way. The more immediately prac- 
 tical problem has as yet received little intellectual consider- 
 ation : for the most part it still arouses emotion rather than 
 thought. 
 
 At the same time that the social problem created by the 
 presence of the race in America challenges the careful study 
 of scientific men and taxes the ingenuity of the statesman 
 and the administrator, the racial group itself presents the 
 richest field for study of a people in evolution of any group 
 
 5 
 
 / 
 
6 Preface 
 
 in the modern world. Every stage in the social evolutioi ' 
 and in the intellectual and moral development of a peoph 
 is present in the American Negro group. Yet the study ol 
 the Negro and his American environment — his reaction anc 
 responses to that environment and the effect of that reactior 
 and response on his intellectual growth and social develop- 
 ment, as well as the influence which his presence and peculiar 
 racial traits have had in modifying or determining th<| 
 direction and the degree of development of American cus-j 
 toins and institutions — has received but a trifling amount; 
 of attention from scholars. Discussion of the Negro and 
 the American race problem has for the most part been left! 
 to the doctrinaire and the demagogue, neither of whom has 
 accomplished much toward the discovery of truth, even 
 toward the discovery of those relatively simple truths which 
 must be known and acknowledged before any rational pro- 
 gram looking toward a more harmonious relation between 
 the races can be advanced. 
 
 The following study is not a brief in behalf of, nor in 
 opposition to, racial amalgamation ; yet it presents certain 
 of the facts which must be known before any pronouncement 
 of scientific value can be made upon that subject. Neither 
 is it a study of the race problem, in the narrow sense in 
 which that phrase is popularly understood, yet it presents 
 certain facts which must be taken into account in any intel- 
 ligent dealing with that problem. The book is an attempt 
 to state one sociological problem arising when two races, 
 divergent as to culture and distinct as to physical appear- 
 ance, are brought into contact under the conditions of mod- 
 ern life and produce a hybrid offspring whose characteristic 
 physical appearance prevents them from passing as either 
 the one or the other. Under such conditions physical 
 appearance becomes the basis for class and caste distinc- 
 
Preface *7 
 
 tions ; a biological phenomenon gives rise to a sociological 
 problem. It is with the sociological consequences of race 
 intermixture, not with the biological problems of the inter- 
 mixture itself, that the present study has to do. The 
 investigation proceeds throughout on the assumption that 
 no permanent good can accrue to the Negro people as a 
 whole and that unfortunate and avoidable discord in inter- 
 racial relations is promoted by the concealment of truth and 
 the denial of fact. 
 
 The writer takes this opportunity to acknowledge his 
 indebtedness to Dr. Robert E. Park, at whose suggestion the 
 work was begun and to whose friendly encouragement and 
 generous criticism during the progress of the investigation 
 much of the merit of the study is due. In no respect, how- 
 ever, is Dr. Park to be considered responsible for any errors 
 of fact or interpretation which may appear in the text. To 
 Dr. William I. Thomas the writer is indebted — to mention 
 but one way — for mediation in publication, always a difficult' 
 matter where a study deviates either in method or content 
 from the strictly conventional. 
 
 It was through the courtesy of Editor R. S. Abbott and 
 the other members of the staff of the Chicago Defender that 
 the writer had placed at his disposal, during; the entire 
 period of investigation, some sixty odd of the best and best 
 known Negro newspapers. He here acknowledges his in- 
 debtedness and expresses his appreciation. Finally to ^a. 
 large number of other prominent Negroes, who may not here 
 be mentioned by name, the writer is indebted for information 
 on many matters of race sentiment and attitude and 
 especially for information concerning the racial ancestry of 
 members of their race. E. B. R. 
 
 Palo Alto, California 
 February, 1918. 
 
m 
 
 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 ?HAPTEB PAGE 
 
 I. Introduction 11 
 
 II. Mixed-blood Races 21 
 
 In Primitive Times 21 
 
 In Spain 23 
 
 The Eurasians 26 
 
 The Eskimos 31 
 
 In Spanish America 33 
 
 In the Philippines 51 
 
 III. Mixed-blood Races (concluded) ,55 
 
 In Cuba, Porto Rico and Santo Domingo .... 55 
 
 In Haiti . 61 
 
 In Jamaica .65 
 
 In South Africa 71 
 
 North American Indians 77 
 
 IV. The Mulatto: The Key to the Race Problem ... 86 
 
 V. The Amount of Race Intermixture in the United States 105 
 
 VI. Nature of Race Intermixture in the United States 127 
 
 Intermarriage 127 
 
 The Concubinage of Colored Women by White Men . 139 
 
 Unlawful Polygamy 144 
 
 Intermarriage with Indians 155 
 
 Intermixture During Slavery and at Present . . . .158 
 
 VII. The Growth of the Mulatto Class 166 
 
 VIII. Leading Men of the. Negro Race 183 
 
 IX. The History and Biography of the Negro . . . .216 
 
 X. The Negro and the Mulatto in Professional and 
 
 Artistic Pursuits 246 
 
 XI. The Negro and the Mulatto in Business and Industry 293 
 
 XII. The Role of the Mulatto in the Inter-Racial Situation 315 
 
 XIII. The Role of the Mulatto in the United States . . 338 
 
 XIV. Summary: Present Tendencies 375 
 
 Index to Names of Men Whose Ethnic Ancestry is An- 
 alyzed • 399 
 
 General Index * 41S 
 
THE MULATTO IN THE 
 UNITED STATES 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 THE mulatto, as the term is used in this study, includes 
 all those members of the Negro race with a visible ad- 
 mixture of white blood. 1 Thus used, the word is a general 
 term to include all Negroes of mixed ancestry regardless of 
 the degree of intermixture. It includes all persons who are 
 recognized, in the communities in which they live, as being 
 of mixed blood. It is in this sense that the word is most 
 widely used and best understood in this country. 2 
 
 x The United States Census Office has not been consistent in its defini- 
 tion of the term. ". . . the fact that the definition of the term 'mulatto* 
 adopted at different censuses has not been entirely uniform may affect 
 the comparability of the figures in some degree." In 1870 and 1910, 
 however, the term was applied to all persons having any perceptible trace 
 of Negro blood, excepting, of course, Negroes of pure blood. In 1850 
 and 1860 the term seems not to have been defined. In the returns for 
 1890 the Negroes of mixed-blood were classified into mulattoes, quad- 
 roons and octoroons. U. S. Census Report 1910: Population, Vol. 1, p. 
 129. 
 
 a "The offspring, ... of a negress by a white man, or of a white 
 woman by a negro; in a more general sense, a person of mixed Caucasian 
 and negro blood, or Indian and negro blood." Webster, International 
 Dictionary. 
 
 "Loosely used for any half-breed resembling a mulatto." Murray, 
 Dictionary. 
 
 11 
 
12 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 Strictly defined, the word designates the first generation 
 of hybridization between the Negro and the Caucasian 
 races. 3 The hybrid may be the offspring of a white father 
 and a Negro mother or the child of a Negro father and a 
 white mother. Both ancestral elements, however, must be 
 of racially pure lineage else the offspring resulting from the 
 union will not be a first generation hybrid and hence not a 
 mulatto in the biological sense. 4 The word thus delimited 
 becomes a biological concept unavailable for use except in a 
 technical, biological sense. It designates a particular and 
 scientifically interesting but relatively infrequent type of hu- 
 man hybrid. It is, in this usage, coordinate with the words 
 mango, sambo, quadroon, octoroon, mustifee and the like 5 
 
 8 In its derivation the word is from the Spanish mulato, the diminutive/ 
 of mulo, a mule. So mulato is literally a young mule — so called because 
 of hybrid origin. Century Dictionary. 
 
 *The first cross, for example, between the Negroes and the North 
 European races gives a mulatto in the true and accurate biological senst . 
 The offspring shows definite predicable physical characteristics. This is 
 not true in the case of crossings between the Mediterranean peoples and 
 the Negro. The offspring here may show in the first generation the 
 variability that appears in the second generation cross of North Euro- 
 pean and Negro. The ancient intermixture of black blood in the South 
 European peoples makes the effect of their crossing with the Negro that 
 of the crossing of a pure and a hybrid race. 
 
 "Olmsted, writing about 1854, states that the French of the Southern 
 States classify the colored people, according to the greater or less pre- 
 ponderance of Negro blood, as follows: 
 
 Sacatra griffe and negress 
 
 Griffe Negro and mulatto 
 
 Marabon mulatto and griffe 
 
 Mulatto .white and Negro 
 
 Quadroon white and mulatto 
 
 Metif white and Quadroon 
 
 Meamelouc »white and metif 
 
 Quarteron s white and meamelouc 
 
 Sang-mele white and quarteron 
 
 Frederick Law Olmsted, A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States, p. 583 
 
Introduction 18 
 
 each of which connotes a specific type of racial cross. 6 
 
 But for purposes of sociological study it is the mixed 
 group as a whole, not the degree of hybridization nor the 
 particular types of hybrid, that is of prime importance. So 
 
 Davenport gives the following classification: 
 
 Mulatto Negro and white 
 
 Quadroon mulatto and white 
 
 Octoroon quadroon and white 
 
 Cascos .mulatto and mulatto 
 
 Sambo .mulatto and Negro 
 
 Mango sambo and Negro 
 
 Mustifee octoroon and white 
 
 Mustifino mustifee and white 
 
 C. B. Davenport, Heredity of Skin Color in Negro-White Crosses, p. 27. 
 
 fl The mulatto, of course, differs in certain marked ways from other 
 types of intermixture. He is the product of the cross between pure races 
 and, like all first generation hybrids, shows an unvarying uniformity and 
 a universal instability of physical type. The Negro characters are al- 
 ways dominant and appear prominently; the Caucasian characters are 
 recessive and for the most part remain concealed. It is possible to pre- 
 dict with scientific certainty the characters that will appear in the first 
 generation hybrid. 
 
 In the second and subsequent generations the Caucasian and Negroid 
 characters combined in the mulatto, i.e., the first generation hybrid, seg- 
 regate in almost infinitely variable ways. Individuals appear with the 
 typical characters— skin color, hair color, hair length, eye color, body 
 pj^pj: and the like — redistributed in endless new combinations. Indi- 
 viduals appear with light skin and tufted hair, black skin and blue eyes, 
 with dark skin and lank hair, with fair skin and light but curly hair, 
 with the skin coloration and hair formation of the white man and the 
 body odor of the Negro; so with hundreds, perhaps thousands, of other 
 human characters. The uniformity of the first generation hybrid be- 
 comes an almost infinite variety as further generations appear. 
 
 But however wide tfie variations, however numerous the varieties, the 
 mixed race can never become, biologically, either Negro or white. Inter- 
 breeding or further crossing produces new hybrids. No amount of inter- 
 breeding or of crossing can ever produce a white man or a Negro from 
 a hybrid ancestry. The hybrid individual is a biologically unstable type 
 and he and his descendants remain hybrid and physically unstable to 
 the extermination of the group. 
 
14 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 if the biological terminology be adhered to, it becomes neces- 
 sary to adopt some other term to include all individuals of 
 mixed ancestry. No term more satisfactory than mulatto 
 has been suggested. The word coloured is used in this sense 
 in the English publications, but, as this word is widely used 
 in the United States as synonymous with Negro, it is no! 
 available here. The term mulatto will therefore be used in 
 the following pages in its more general and popular sense 
 as defined above. When it is used in the more restricted 
 sense to designate the first generation offspring of a Negro- 
 white cross, the fact will be so indicated. 
 
 The mulatto, then, is a man of mixed blood. But it is not 
 that alone that makes the mulatto a matter of sociological 
 importance. Mixture of blood is a characteristic of all 
 races. 7 
 
 Man always has been a restless animal moving to and fro 
 in search of food or adventure, to escape his enemies or 
 merely in response to a nomadic impulse. Ratzel, 8 speaking 
 of the "innumerable wanderings" of certain Pacific primitive 
 peoples, says that this should not be considered as an excep- 
 tion but rather as the rule, "for none of these races was ever 
 at rest." Again he says 9 that "It would hardly be possible 
 
 7 The term "race" is to be understood in its popular rather than in its 
 ethnological sense. Ethnologically it means a human group which owes 
 its distinctive traits to the selective forces of nature acting upon biologi- 
 cal mutation and which invariably breeds true to type. As used here it 
 refers to peoples rather than to biological races. Practically all the 
 present day races are the products of intermixture in varying degrees 
 of previously more or less well established types, and the adaptation of 
 the hybridized stock to the special environment. For the purpose in 
 hand we are not concerned with race as a physical concept but with race 
 as a social unity which arises by and through social development. 
 
 8 Friedrich Ratzel, The History of Mankind, English Translation by 
 A. J. Butler, Vol. I, p. 174. 
 
 • Ibid., Vol. I, p. 446. Speaking here of the Malays. 
 
Introduction 15 
 
 to name a race, however small, the traditions of which are 
 not based upon a migration." 
 
 Migrations brought contacts with new and strange peo- 
 ples resulting, in some cases, in an intermingling of blood, 
 which, combined with environmental adaptation, produced 
 modified racial types. Johnston 10 summarizes the early mix- 
 ture of races in these words : 
 
 . . . Ever since the existing human species diverged 
 into its four or five existing varieties or sub-species, 
 there has been a constant opposite movement at work 
 to unify the type. Whites have returned southwards 
 and mingled with Australoids, Australoids have united 
 with Negroids, and produced Melanesians, and Papu- 
 ans, and these, again, have mixed with proto-Cauca- 
 sians or with Mongols to form the Polynesian. The 
 earliest types of White man have mingled with the prim- 
 itive Mongol, or directly with the primitive Negro. 
 There is an ancient Negroid strain underlying the pop- 
 ulations of Southern and Western France, Italy, Sicily, 
 Corsica, Sardinia, Spain, Portugal, Ireland, Wales and 
 Scotland. Evidences of the former existence of these 
 negroid people are not only to be found in the features 
 of their mixed descendants at the present day, but the 
 fact is attested by skulls, skeletons, and works of art 
 of more or less great antiquity in France, Italy, etc., 
 .... There are few Negro peoples at the present day 
 — perhaps only the Bushmen, the Congo-Pigmies, and 
 a few tribes of forest Negroes — which can be said to 
 be without more or less trace of ancient White inter- 
 mixture. 
 
 Old races have been constantly broken up and new ones 
 formed from the fragments. 11 Powerful groups have con- 
 quered smaller groups or imposed themselves as a ruling 
 
 10 Sir Harry H. Johnston, "Racial Problems and the Congress of 
 Races," Contemporary Review, Vol. 100, pp. 159-60. 
 u Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 129. 
 
16 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 class on weaker but more numerous peoples and absorbed or 
 been absorbed by the conquered group. No primitive group 
 has remained long in the form peculiar to it ; all were being 
 constantly modified by the fusion with other types. 12 
 
 Reinsch 13 shows that in modern times the intermixture of 
 races has been greatly increased as a result of the great 
 advance in the safety and rapidity of communication which 
 made possible the contact in large numbers of races hereto- 
 fore far distant from each other. At the present time there 
 are no pure races in Europe 14 and few of any consequence 
 elsewhere in the world. 15 
 
 If the attention be turned from races to the composition 
 of nationalities the mixture of blood is even more apparent. 
 European nations, without exception, are a medley of im- 
 perfectly blended types. 
 
 . . . The modern Italian, Frenchman, and German is 
 a composite of the broken fragments of several differ- 
 ent racial groups. Interbreeding has broken up the 
 ancient stocks, and interaction and imitation have cre- 
 ated new national types which exhibit definite uniformi- 
 ties in language, manners and formal behavior. 16 
 
 Mayo-Smith 17 says that "There has never been a state 
 whose population was not made up of heterogeneous ethnical 
 
 "Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 395. 
 
 "Paul S. Reinsch, "The Negro Race and European Civilization," 
 American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 11, p. 145. 
 
 "William Z. Ripley, The Races of Europe, pp. 109-10, 597 ff. 
 Edward Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, pp. 282 f. 
 
 "The mixtures are, of course, generally of nearly allied races. They 
 are rather mixtures within a single race, as the different groups of the 
 white race or different tribes of the Negro race, than between races. 
 
 18 R. E. Park, "Racial Assimilation in Secondary Groups," Publications 
 of the Sociological Society, Vol. 8, p. 66. 
 
 17 Richmond Mayo-Smith, "Theories of Mixture of Races and Nation? 
 alities," Yah Review, Vol. 3, p. 175. 
 
Introduction 17 
 
 elements," while Luschan would even have it that the ad- 
 vance of civilization is dependent upon this process of racial 
 intermixture. He says : 18 
 
 We all know that a certain admixture of blood has 
 always been of great advantage to a nation. Eng- 
 land, France, and Germany are equally distinguished 
 for the great variety of their racial elements. In the 
 case of Italy we know that in ancient times and at the 
 Renaissance Northern "Barbarians" were the leaven 
 in the great advance of art and civilisation ; and even 
 Slavonic immigration has certainly not been without 
 effect on this movement. The marvellous ancient civil- 
 isation of Crete, again, seems to have been not quite 
 autochthonous. We know also that the ancient Baby- 
 lonian civilisation sprang from a mixture of two quite 
 different national and racial elements, and we find a 
 nearly homogeneous population in most parts of Rus- 
 sia, and in the interior of China associated with a some- 
 what low stage of evolution. 
 
 Normally the intermixture of the diverse racial elements 
 of a population, especially in a cosmopolitan situation, goes 
 on without arousing comment or opposition. Except in a 
 pathological situation, it does not become a social problem. 
 Rather, it tends toward the elimination of any problem that 
 the presence of the unassimilated alien element may have 
 created. Any distinguishing racial marks which the parents 
 may have borne are partly effaced in their mixed offspring. 
 Superficially at least, the mixed-blood individuals are like 
 all other members of the community in that they generally 
 bear no obvious marks of their origin. 
 
 It is not, then, the mere fact of a mixed ancestry that 
 makes the mulatto a problem in the community and an ob- 
 
 18 Felix von Luschan, "Anthropological View of Race," Inter-Racial 
 Problems, pp. 22-3. 
 
 L 
 
18 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 
 ject of sociological interest. But when the crossing of races 
 produces an offspring readily distinguishable from both the 
 parent races of which it is a mixture, the situation may be- 
 come the basis for class distinctions ; the bi-racial ancestry 
 of the individual may determine his status in the community. 
 
 This would seem to be true especially in those cases where 
 there already exists a condition of racial ill-will, of jealousy 
 or hatred between the groups in contact; where the two 
 groups are on different cultural levels, and where the dis- 
 tinctive appearance of the lower 19 race gives a hold around 
 which prejudice may crystallize. 20 
 
 This race problem, that is, the problem of arriving at and 
 maintaining mutually satisfactory working relations be- 
 tween the members of two non-assimilable groups which oc- 
 cupy the same territory, is primarily a matter of difference 
 of physical appearance. 21 The color, or other racial marks, 
 of one race may come to be a symbol of its inferior culture 
 and so come to stand, in the thinking of the culturally supe- 
 rior group, for poverty, disease, dirt, ignorance, and all the 
 undesirable concomitants of a backward race. It is this 
 that makes it impossible for individuals to escape the status 
 of the lower group. Any person bearing the physical marks 
 of the lower group is assumed to embody the traits that are 
 supposed to be typical of the lower race. The individual 
 cannot pass -in the opposite group on his merits as an indi- 
 
 18 The terms "lower," "backward," etc., do not assume anything and do 
 not prejudice anything biological or fundamental. They are purely 
 cultural designations. A backward race is one backward in culture. 
 "Race as such has nothing to do with the possession of civilization." 
 Yet, "It would be silly to deny that in our time the highest civilization 
 has been in the hands of the Caucasian, or white race." Ratzel, History 
 of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 20. 
 
 30 Mayo-Smith, Yale Review, Vol. 3, p. 185. 
 
 * Compare, T. P. Bailey, Race Orthodoxy in the South, pp. 40 ff 
 
Introduction 19 
 
 vidual, but must pass as a member of the opposite race. 
 
 The half-castes who appear in such a situation are an 
 easily distinguishable physical variety. This characteristic 
 physical appearance classifies them ; it separates them from 
 both groups and makes them alien in both. It makes it im- 
 possible for them to escape the stigma which attaches itself 
 to a tainted ancestry. The half-caste individual cannot, 
 therefore, be a mere individual ; he is inevitably the represen- 
 tative of a type. He is not merely a biological product ; he 
 is a sociological phenomenon. 
 
 Under such conditions, the half-castes tend to develop 
 peculiar mental traits and attitudes which are not racial but 
 are determined by the social situation in which they find 
 themselves. To the extent that this takes place, the differ- 
 ences that normally exist between individuals are suppressed 
 and the mental and moral characteristics of the group ap- 
 proach uniformity. In a word, they tend to form a distinct 
 class or caste in the community and one based fundamentally 
 on physical appearance. 
 
 The problem of the mulatto, then, is not something unique 
 and local: it is the problem of the mixed-blood wherever 
 blood has been made the basis of caste. It seems desirable, 
 therefore, before coming to the specific and detailed study 
 of the mulatto in the United States and as a preliminary 
 to that study, to pass in review the chief mixed-blood races 
 that have appeared in other countries as a result of the con- 
 tact of advanced and backward races and have constituted 
 distinct types and distinct problems in other situations. It 
 is actually to determine to what extent they have arisen 
 under similar social situations, or what the situations are 
 under which they have arisen ; to determine to what extent 
 they have developed the same type of mind in different 
 groups, or what the types of mind are if they differ ; and to 
 
SO The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 
 see what are the reactions they have made to the different 
 social and racial environments ; what accommodation they 
 have made or caused to be made in the different social situ- 
 ations in which they have been placed, that a summary of the 
 origin and development, the psychological condition and the 
 social status of the chief of these mixed-blood races is here 
 given. Such a survey will furnish a necessary background 
 to an understanding of the mulatto situation in the United 
 States. It will serve to put in proper perspective what 
 might otherwise appear to be a detached and an isolated 
 phenomenon. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 MIXED-BLOOD RACES 
 
 In Primitive Times 
 
 A MONG primitive peoples, a mixed-blood race as a 
 /\ separate caste or class in the community seems no- 
 where to have existed. Primitive peoples, especially those 
 near enough together geographically to come into contact 
 with each other, did not differ very widely. The various 
 culture stages were not markedly different and the ethno- 
 logical contrasts were not generally such as distinguish one 
 group sharply from another. Where exogamy existed, it 
 was between related groups. Moreover, where two races 
 were on sufficiently friendly terms for intermarriage to take 
 place between them, there seems to be little reason to sup- 
 pose that the appearance of mixed-blood offspring would 
 cause a social problem. Strange groups were mutually 
 exclusive groups with a state of potential warfare always 
 existing among them. Where there was intermixture it was 
 the blending of a conquering with a conquered group to pro- 
 
 | duce a single mixed-blood group. 1 
 
 In numberless instances, the ruling classes were of an 
 origin different from that of their subjects. But the con- 
 quering and the conquered groups very soon became bound 
 
 ) together by ties of interest. 2 Pride of race was but a feeble 
 'See Franz Oppenheimer, The State; Its History and Development 
 
 I Viewed Sociologically. Translation by J. M. Gitterman, pp. 60 ff. 
 2 See F. Stuart Chapin, Social Evolution, pp. 201 ff. 
 Friedrich Ratzel, The History of Mankind, Vol. 2, pp. 165-66, 
 
 21 
 
22 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 sentiment, if indeed, it existed at all. The prestige of the 
 ruling class attracted the maidens of the conquered race, 
 and the choicest of these became the auxiliary wives of the 
 conquerors. But the mixed-bloods produced, did not form a 
 separate caste. The primitive state nowhere possessed the 
 cohesive strength to withstand for long the disorganizing 
 force of a mixed-blood caste. It would lead quickly to a 
 dissolution of the group though there seems no adequate 
 ground for assuming that the incessant decay and reorgani- 
 zation of primitive tribes was anywhere due to this cause. 
 The mixed-bloods were seldom an outstanding physical type. 
 Their appearance in the situation tended to bind yet more 
 intimately together the conquerors and their subjects. 
 Their production was the first step toward a new racial 
 homogeneity. 3 
 
 In the ancient world, contacts seem nowhere to have re- 
 sulted in the production of a mixed-blood race with a dis- 
 tinct social and psychological status. 4 The Phoenicians, 
 interested above all else in material prosperity, sacrificed 
 every national and racial trait that interfered with their 
 commercial prosperity. Their colonies very soon lost their 
 national character through a fusing with their ethnic en- 
 vironment. 5 The Greeks with a stronger sense of nationality 
 than the Phoenicians, better maintained their national iden- 
 tity. Their colonists felt strongly the distinctions between 
 themselves and the barbarians, and so kept themselves free 
 from any large-scale miscegenation with the natives. "The 
 
 3 In Africa there are, in general, two regions of pure Negro and two 
 regions of Caucasian-Negro mixed-blood races. See Ratzel, The His- 
 tory of Mankind, Vol. 2, pp. 215 ff., 257. A map showing the mixed- 
 blood races of North and East Africa is given in Vol. 2, pp. 336-37. 
 
 4 See G. Elliot Smith, "The Influence of Racial Admixture in Egypt," 
 Eugenics Review, Vol. 7, pp. 163-83. 
 
 5 A. G. Keller, Colonization, p. 35. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 23 
 
 barbarians became Greek less through contact with Greek 
 settlements than through the dissemination of the Greek 
 tongue and culture — they became Greek by adoption, not 
 by the infusion of Greek blood." 6 The Romans mixed, no 
 doubt, with their subject peoples, but there was on the part 
 of these peoples, no very clearly defined sentiment of race 
 diversity. The Romans were not looked upon as enemies 
 of the race. There was no sentiment of nationality ; as for 
 the state, it simply did not exist. All was disorder and 
 continual struggle between petty groups. There existed no 
 very marked outstanding external differences that would 
 serve as a basis for race separation and discrimination. 7 
 Keller 8 speaking of the Gauls remarks upon "the absence 
 of wide racial diversity in these ancient times." He adds: 9 
 
 ". . . The superiorities of Roman ideas and systems 
 were self-evident because the grades of civilization 
 were not so distant one from another as to prevent 
 easy passage from the lower to the higher. This was 
 particularly noteworthy in respect to Gaul, but not 
 untrue in the case of other lands." 
 
 In Spain 
 
 In Spain there has always been much intermixture of the 
 blood of different ethnic stocks but no purely racial problem 
 or distinctive half-caste population. The Phoenicians fused 
 with the Iberians who were already modified by intermixture 
 
 •Ibid., p. 48. 
 
 7 ". . . The contrast between the culture represented by the modern 
 white and that of primitive man is far more fundamental than that 
 between the ancients and the peoples with whom they came in contact. 
 . . ." Franz Boaz, The Mind of Primitive Man, p. 12. 
 
 8 Colonization, p. 59. 
 
 *Ibid., pp. 59-60. 
 
24 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 
 with the Celts. 10 Following the Phoenicians, the peninsula 
 was overrun successively by the Carthaginians, the Romans, 
 the Visigoths, the Vandals and finally by the Arabs and the 
 Moors. 11 In addition to these there was a large infusion of 
 Jewish blood and, with the Moors, came some admixture of 
 the Negroid. 12 In spite, however, of this extensive mixing 
 of blood, there was little alteration in the original type. 13 
 Most of the invaders, like the original stock, were dolichoce- 
 phalic, short of stature and dark of skin and hair and e3 r es. 
 The stages of culture were not widely contrasted. Class 
 distinction between noble and not-noble, between town and 
 countryman were everywhere rigidly drawn. There was 
 little to create a permanent racial problem and there was 
 no emergence of a half-caste group. The persecution of 
 the Moris coes after the fall of the Moorish Empire was not 
 primarily, nor even largely, racial. During the flourishing 
 period of the Moorish Empire, the line of demarcation be- 
 tween the races was but faintly drawn. 14 "Openly, at least, 
 they did not consider each other as enemies." 15 Intermar- 
 riages were frequent especially those of Spanish women 16 
 with the men of the dominant group. Intermarriage was, 
 however, contrary to the policy of Islam and such alliances 
 
 
 10 Appleton's Encyclopedia: Spain. 
 
 11 New International Encyclopaedia: Spain. 
 
 12 
 
 Sir Harry H. Johnston, "The World-Position of the Negro and 
 Negroid," Inter-Racial Problems, p. 330. The Moors of course are mem- 
 bers of the white race though much mixed. They have "more Arab 
 than Berber blood." Encyclopaedia Britannica: Moors. 
 
 18 Neio International Encyclopaedia: Spain. 
 
 14 S. P. Scott, History of the Moorish Empire in Europe, Vol. 3, p. 197. 
 
 18 Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 197. 
 
 16 ". . . The harems of the Moslems were filled with Christian maidens 
 who had, without hesitancy or compensation, renounced the faith of their 
 fathers." Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 200. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 25 
 
 were discouraged 17 although no stigma attached to either 
 party of such union. It was, however, this attitude on the 
 part of the Arabs that was chiefly responsible in prevent- 
 ing a complete amalgamation of the races. With the de- 
 cline of the Moorish Empire and more especially with the 
 rise of the Castilian power in Spain, an antipathy grew up 
 between the races. The latent or repressed feeling gradu- 
 ally grew into an open hostility. The prejudice was sedu- 
 lously nourished until the Spanish came to consider the 
 Moors as their hereditary 18 and implacable enemy. They 
 asserted the superiority of their race and considered their 
 enemies as barbarians in spite of the wide and obvious supe- 
 riority of the latter in knowledge and culture. The smallest 
 drop of Moorish blood became a taint that nothing could" 
 remove. 19 But behind this hostile attitude, was the Church 
 and the impoverished condition of the national treasury. In 
 the sixteenth century, Spain subordinated everything to the 
 Church ; 20 she sacrificed everything to the idea of religious 
 unity. Moreover, the Moriscoes were industrious and fru- 
 gal ; they were prosperous and wealthy. The Castilian sub- 
 sisted by rapine. The wealth of the Moriscoes attracted the 
 cupidity of the authorities. 21 Like the Jews of a previous 
 period, their wealth brought upon them the suspicion of 
 heresy. 22 The institution of the Inquisition was put into 
 operation against the inoffensive and prosperous class, 2; 
 
 "Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 212. 
 "Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 199. 
 
 19 "A taint of Moorish blood was sufficient to prevent the holding of 
 any public office, even in the smallest municipality." Chambers' Ency- 
 clopaedia: Spain. See, also, Scott, History of the Moorish Empire, Vol. 
 3, p. 224. 
 
 20 Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 304. 
 81 Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 245. 
 22 Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 226. 
 28 Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 260. 
 
26 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 and the persecution ended only with their final expulsion. 
 The persecution, however, was a religious festival; it was 
 only incidentally racial. 
 
 The Etirasians 
 
 The mixture of races is by no means a modern phenome- 
 non, but it is only within recent centuries that the half- 
 breed appears as a psychological type and as a social prob- 
 lem. Keller, placing the emphasis on the more tolerant 
 attitude of the culture races and the absence of wide cultural 
 or ethnical differences of the races in contact, summarizes 
 the situation as follows : 24 
 
 For similar reasons the "native policy" of ancient 
 times was constructed to subserve the purposes of ex- 
 change, or was directed simply toward the maintenance 
 of such subordination and order as a wider administra- 
 tive experience had proved to be socially beneficial, if 
 not indispensable. There was no idea of "culture-mis- 
 sion" or the like, and consequently no dogma, ... of 
 "assimilation." No moral or religious crusades were 
 carried on through the colonies ; diversity of customs 
 and morals was regarded as natural and a matter of 
 course, — though both customs and religions were na- 
 tionally less differentiated than they have come to be 
 in the eyes of later ages. The predominant commer- 
 cial motive, and the imperial policy as well, counseled 
 respect for the social forms of an alien people; . . . 
 between the races that were brought into contact, es- 
 pecially around the borders of the Mediterranean, there 
 existed few contrasts of any significance. The like was 
 true in the case of the Chinese and their ethnic envi- 
 ronment. There was no obvious ethnological differ- 
 ences such as distinguish one race sharply from an- 
 other, and the various stages of culture were separated 
 24 Colonization, pp. 76-77. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 87 
 
 by no impassable or discouraging chasms. . . . Even 
 slavery was an institution totally different from that 
 with which later ages have made us familiar: there was 
 no "color-line"; the system was one of "domestic sla- 
 very" in the main; and the passage from freedom to 
 servitude was easy. . . . Hence that eternally vex- 
 atious and unsolved question of the treatment of a 
 "lower race" was but faintly represented. . . . [With 
 these colonies] instead of native wars and annihilation, 
 an auspicious large-scale miscegenation, mainly of 
 closely allied races, took place, ... no such barriers 
 to intermarriage existed as appeared in later times, 
 when racial distinctions were more marked. . . . 
 
 It was the mass meeting of the cultured and primitive 
 peoples, brought about as a result of the period of the dis- 
 coveries, that gave rise to the mixed-blood races with a 
 status different in some respects from that of either of the 
 parent races ; and so gave rise, in some cases at least, to 
 special social and racial problems. 
 
 Chief among these mixed-blood races are the "Eurasians," 
 a mixture of Hindu and European living in the port cities 
 of India ; the mixed-blood race of Eskimo-Dane living off 
 the West Coast of Greenland; the so-called "coloured peo- 
 ples" of South Africa, a mixed-blood race of complicated 
 ancestry ; the metis of Brazil, a mixture of Portuguese with 
 Amerindian and Negro ; the mestizo, a mixture with varying 
 proportions of Spanish and Indian blood found in most 
 parts of South and Central America ; the Spanish mulatto 
 in Cuba and Porto Rico ; the "coloured people" and "whites 
 by law" in Jamaica ; the Spanish mestizo and the Chinese 
 mestizo in the Philippines; and the mulatto in the United 
 States. In lesser numbers, are the English-Eskimo mix- 
 tures on the Newfoundland Coast ; the European and Ori- 
 ental mixtures in the port cities of China and Japan; half- 
 
28 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 caste Arabs in East Central Africa; various mixtures of 
 Indian-White, Indian-Negro and Indian-Negro-White in 
 the United States; French-Indian mixtures in Canada; and 
 a great variety of other mixtures in various regions but in 
 lesser numbers or forming less acute problems. 
 
 The Eurasians or Indo-Europeans are a people of mixed 
 European and Asiatic blood born and raised in Asia. This 
 population had its origin in the miscegenation of Hindu 
 women with the early Portuguese traders and resident Por- 
 tuguese. There was never any considerable immigration of 
 Portuguese women into India and illicit relations with the 
 native women were common. 25 The Portuguese, accustomed 
 to such mixed unions in their home country, had no racial 
 repugnance to overcome. 26 The policy was fostered by the 
 Portuguese governors ; Albuquerque himself was the father 
 of a mulatto son. 27 But the effort to build up a half-caste 
 group was only partially successful. The mongrel type, in 
 the absence of a regular infusion of Portuguese blood, failed 
 to hold its own. It has now pretty thoroughly reverted to 
 the native type. 28 Perhaps a half million of the population 
 show traces of this early hybridization, but they are dis- 
 tinguishable from the natives mainty by virtue of a distinc- 
 tive dress. 29 
 
 With the coming of the English into India, there was a 
 new intermixture of European and Indian blood. Concubin- 
 
 28 Keller, Colonization, p. 122. 
 
 *lbid., p. 104. 
 
 27 Ibid., p. 122. 
 
 28 ". . . The Portuguese have left behind a monument of their Indiar 
 dominion in a very numerous race of half-breeds, . . . They enter largel) 
 into domestic service and in Bombay all the best cooks and waiters an 
 of Portuguese extraction. Nor will you find, in the whole of India, anj 
 better servants than these, . . ." Herbert Compton, Indian Life in Tom 
 and Country, pp. 208-10. 
 
 w £lisee Reclus, Asia, Vol. 3, pp. 389-90. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 29 
 
 age with the native women was the usual and manly thing. 30 
 The new body of half-breeds number in all somewhat over 
 one hundred thousand and are confined almost exclusively 
 to the large port cities where the foreign trade of India is 
 largely concentrated. 31 It is, for the most part, these Eng- 
 lish Hindu hybrids alone who are responsible for the so- 
 called Eurasian question. 
 
 Physically the Eurasians are slight and weak. 32 Their 
 personal appearance is subject to the greatest variations. 
 In skin color, for example, they are often darker even than 
 the Asiatic parent. 33 They are naturally indolent and will 
 enter into no employment requiring exertion or labor. This 
 lack of energy is correlated with an incapacity for organiza- 
 tion. 34 They will not assume burdensome responsibilities, 
 but they make passable clerks where only routine labor is 
 required. 
 
 The native woman is inordinately proud of her half-caste 
 offspring. In infancy he is nursed, and in youth pampered 
 by his native servants upon whom he is dependent. "As a 
 consequence, all the stronger traits of manhood are feebly 
 
 80 Recently the anti-nauteh movement has resulted in forcing this rela- 
 tionship into the dark. "Concubinage, which was esteemed as rather a 
 manly fashion twenty years ago, has largely disappeared among the more 
 enlightened classes; and even among the less enlightened it is regarded 
 as a thing rather to be ashamed than to be proud of." "The Indian 
 Social Reformer." Quoted by J. P. Jones, 'Conditions in India," Jour- 
 nal of Race Development, Vol. 2, p. 201. 
 
 "Madras 26,000; Bengal 20,000; Burma, Bombay and the United 
 Provinces 8,000 to 11,000; total 100,451. This is an increase of 15 per 
 cent since 1901. The increase seems partly due to "the growing ten- 
 dency amongst certain classes of Indian Christians to pass themselves 
 off as Anglo-Indians." Census of India 1911, Vol. 1, Part 1, p. 140. 
 
 "Mary Helen Lee, The Eurasian: A Social Problem, p. 13. See, also, 
 Ellsworth Huntington, "Geographical Environment and Japanese Char- 
 acter," Journal of Race Development, Vol. 2, pp. 158-59. 
 
 " Compton, Indian Life, p. 208. 
 
 "Lee, The Eurasian, pp. 11, 13. 
 
30 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 developed in him." 35 In manhood he is wily, untrustworthy 3a 
 and untruthful. 37 Pie is lacking in independence and is for- 
 ever begging for special favors. Yet supersensitiveness is 
 a characteristic of the whole Eurasian community. They 
 recklessly "resign from any and every post when, for some 
 reason or without reason, their feelings are hurt." 38 The 
 girls, in some cases at least, are sold into prostitution. 39 The 
 men are employed for the most part by the government in 
 subordinate clerical positions. 
 
 Socially the Eurasians are outcaste. They are despised 
 by the ruling whites and hated by the natives. 40 In the 
 words of one of their class : "To the European we are half- 
 caste, among ourselves we are no caste, and to the Indians 
 we are outcaste." 41 They are extremely sensitive on tht 
 point of color. 42 They object to the term nigger; it is ever, 
 necessary to avoid the term Eurasian in their presence. 42 ' 
 
 "Lee, The Eurasian, pp. 12, 17. See, also, Ethel Hunter, The Y.W.C.A 
 in India, Burma and Ceylon, 1911. 
 
 88 
 
 "Industrially a Christian native is preferred to an Eurasian, for ht 
 is more trustworthy." Lee, The Eurasian, p. 10. 
 
 » T Reclus, Asia, Vol. 3, pp. 389-90. 
 
 a8 "They frequently appeal to ministers especially and to all charitablj 
 disposed people. Lord Curzon . . . gave their memorials special atten 
 tion, and as a result delivered a reply of the most searching kind anc 
 urged the people of the community to carve out something worthy them 
 selves, instead of being continually memoralizing for special favors 
 and refused to aid in the special class regulations. The delegates retired 
 'thanking His Excellency for his sarcastic remarks.' " J. Smith, Te\ 
 Years in Burma, p. 117. 
 
 89 See J. S. Dennis, Christian Missions and Social Progress, Vol. 2 
 p. 273. 
 
 «°Reclus, Asia, Vol. 3, pp. 389-90. 
 
 41 Quoted by Lee, The Eurasian, p. 10. 
 
 " "Especially if very dark the Eurasian is overmuch pained that he ha 
 not a white skin." Ibid., p. 13. 
 
 "Catering to this idiosyncrasy the British government has change< 
 their official designation to "Indo-Europeans." 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 31 
 
 They wish to be called Europeans. 44 
 
 They have no part in the racial situation. They aspire 
 to be English, but they do nothing to consolidate British 
 rule, as neither the Indian nor the white man considers them 
 as Englishmen. They have equally little standing with the 
 [ndian. They stand between two civilizations but are a part 
 [>f neither. They are miserable, helpless, despised and 
 aeglected. 
 
 The Eskimos 
 
 In Greenland, the half-breed Eskimos date their origin 
 from the establishment of the Danish missionary settlements 
 an the West Coast in 1721. The European interest always 
 has been trade and missions. The number of Scandinavians 
 has at no time been large, and the colony is composed al- 
 most exclusively of men. In the early days, it was used 
 as a penal colony, and from time to time, there was a com- 
 pulsory immigration of orphan boys to recruit the teaching 
 force and the inferior clergy. The present white population 
 is about two hundred and never has exceeded that number 
 very greatly. At first there were no white women in the 
 colony; even now the number is very small. The relations 
 between the races always have been friendly in spite of the 
 missionary interference with the native customs, and in spite 
 of the feeling of superiority of the Europeans over the 
 natives. 
 
 Miscegenation went on from the first and so extensively 
 that the native Eskimo is practically extinct in the territory 
 
 44 u 
 
 . . . Some special enquiries made in certain towns . . . showed 
 three-tenths of the persons returned as Europeans were in reality Anglo- 
 Indians." "The number of Eurasians who returned themselves as Euro- 
 peans is perhaps somewhat less than at former censuses owing to the 
 use of the term 'Anglo-Indian.' . . ." Census of India 1911, Vol. 1, 
 Part 1, pp. 139, 140. 
 
32 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 
 under the influence of European civilization. A hundred 
 years after the settlement, the half-breeds composed four- 
 teen per cent of the population. In 1885 the proportion 
 had increased to thirty per cent. At present the intermix- 
 ture has gone so far that the various mixed types are no 
 longer distinguishable but blend into one another in almost 
 imperceptible degrees from the pure Dane, on the one ex- 
 treme, to the pure Eskimo, on the other. This intermix- 
 ture, for the most part, has been extra-matrimonial, though 
 
 ;re have been some unions of a semi-regular sort. The 
 lid interference of the missionaries with the fundamental 
 .lative customs brought about a disorganization of the na- 
 tive habits which, in the presence of their severe climate, 
 proved destructive to the native population. In the pres- 
 ence of a declining pure-blood population, the Danish gov- 
 ernment has favored the policy of intermixture and requires 
 the Danish official on his return to Denmark on pension to 
 leave his native wife and children in the colony. 45 
 
 In comparison with the native Eskimo the mixed-bloods 
 are in reality superior men. 46 They are an improvement, 
 especially in physical appearance, over the native stock. 47 
 Socially the status of the mixed-blood man is superior to 
 that of the native, but the social distinctions are not so much 
 dependent upon the presence or absence of white intermix- 
 ture as they are upon the amount of that intermixture. 
 "The native women prefer the worst Dane to the best Green- 
 lander, and the half-breeds are the more eligible for their 
 
 45 At present there are from thirty to forty Danes so married to 
 native women. Encyclopaedia Britannica: Greenland. 
 
 49 Handbook of the American Indians, Bureau of American Ethnology, 
 Bull. 30, Part 1, p. 913. 
 
 47 Keller, however, says : "The mongrels resulting from these mixed 
 unions appear to form no very great improvement on the native stock.'* 
 Colonization, p. 515. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 38 
 
 train of white blood ; illicit relations with white men are 
 ather a glory than a disgrace." 48 The young native woman, 
 ays Nansen, "positively glories" in illicit relations with 
 fhite men and gains a considerable prestige among her fe- 
 lale friends as a result of having been so honored. 49 
 
 In Spanish America 
 
 From the first coming of the Portuguese to Brazil, there 
 ras a wholesale miscegenation with the Indian women. The 
 Ytestizo group soon became a numerically important ele- 
 ment in the population. Later, there were introduced large 
 lumbers of black slaves from the West Coast of Africa. 
 Jnions between the Portuguese and the black women began 
 nth the first introduction of the Negroes. As a result, the 
 nulattoes presently appeared as a second mixed-blood race 
 n the population. Moreover, the Negroes mixed readily 
 nth the Indians, giving rise to a race of Negro-Indian hy- 
 >rids — the zambos. There were thus six distinct racial 
 groups in the population each with a clearly defined status. 
 Crosses between these various hybrids and between the hy- 
 >rids and the pure races took place with even more readi- 
 less than between the pure stocks. The mixed-blood groups 
 gradually blended into one another to form a single mixed- 
 >lood race, the relative ethnic composition of which is en- 
 irely indeterminable. 
 
 It was this triangular mixture in unknown proportions 
 f the blood of Portuguese, Indian, and Negro that produced 
 he so-called metis, 50 who compose somewhat above one-third 
 
 I "Ibid., p. 515. 
 
 49 F. Nansen, Eskimo Life, pp. 12, 20, 163-5. See, also, A. N. Gil- 
 ertson, Some Ethical Phases of Eskimo Culture, p. 73. He quotes 
 rebitsch as expressing an opposite opinion. 
 
 50 The metis differ from the mestizos of other parts of South America 
 
34 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 of the present population of Brazil. 51 Of the fifteen million 
 whites, a considerable number are so by law rather than be- 
 cause of an entire absence of Indian or Negro blood. 52 
 
 Biologically the metis are an unstable type. 53 Their phys- 
 ical traits vary with each new crossing sometimes toward 
 one and sometimes toward the other parent though there is 
 a general tendency toward the white type. 54 They are not 
 muscular, and have little power to resist disease. 
 
 Tuberculosis is common among them. 55 Some of the 
 women are graceful and well proportioned, but they arc 
 
 principally in that there is a considerable amount of Negro blood in 
 their ethnic composition. It would seem to be an error, however, to sa* 
 that this term is a synonym for mulatto. See W. E. B. DuBois, Thi 
 Negro, p. 166. 
 
 " P. F. Martin, Through Five Republics of South America, p. 15£ 
 gives the population as follows: 
 
 15,000,000 total 
 
 3,500,000 Negroes 
 
 6,000,000 mixed 
 
 1,300,000 Indians 
 
 900,000 Portuguese 
 
 520,000 Germans 
 
 1,800,000 Italians 
 
 James Bryce, South America; Observations and Impressions, pp. 433 
 34, 564-65, estimates the Negro and Negro mixture to be about 8,000,00< 
 or two-fifths of the total population. The number of zambos he put; 
 at 300,000. 
 
 M Martin, Through Five Republics, p. 155. Bryce, South America 
 pp. 564-65. 
 
 ■""Their physical characteristics are not fixed." Jean Baptiste d 
 Lacerda, "The Metis, or Half-breeds, of Brazil," Inter-Racial Problem 
 p. 378. 
 
 ""Continuous infusions of Portuguese blood, due to an immigra 
 tion . . . have gradually overcome the native strain of what was i. 
 largely mongrel population, and a fortunate reversion toward the mor 
 developed ethnic component, with its happier adaptation to modern con 
 ditions, has ensued." Keller, Colonization, p. 164. 
 
 "Lacerda, Inter-Racial Problems, p. 380. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 35 
 
 in no sense a beautiful people. In color they vary from 
 i dark yellow to a dull white. Their hair is usually dark 
 and nearly always curly. Their eyes are chestnut, brown, 
 Dr greenish. Their lips are thick. Their teeth are irregu- 
 lar, though less protruding than the Negroes'. On the whole 
 they seem to be an improvement upon both the Negro and 
 the Indian elements of their ancestry, 56 though the evidence 
 on this point is by no means uniform. 57 As agricultural 
 laborers, they are inferior to the blacks and they show no 
 capacity for commercial or industrial life. 58 Lacerda 59 
 asserts that they are ostentatious, unpractical, talkative, 
 intemperate, and lacking in veracity and loyalty but admits 
 that they are intelligent, have some literary ability and show 
 great cleverness as politicians. 
 
 In Brazil the metis form a sort of middle-class between the 
 white aristocracy, on the one hand, and the Negro and the 
 Indian, on the other. The Indians are passive and, so far 
 as political affairs are concerned, are outside the nation. 
 The black Negroes are inferior in education 60 and enter- 
 
 88 ". . . if these half-breeds are not able to compete in other quali- 
 ties with the stronger races of the Aryan stock, ... it is none the less 
 certain that we cannot place the metis at the level of the really inferior 
 races. They are physically and intellectually well above the level of the 
 blacks, who were an ethnical element in their production." Ibid., p. 
 381. 
 
 5T "In Brazil ... his [the Indian's] successor is a decidedly inferior 
 being. . . ." Martin, Through Five Republics, p. 1. 
 
 68 Lacerda, Inter-Racial Problems, p. 380. 
 
 89 Ibid., p. 380. Compare the Chileans. E. A. Ross, South of Panama, 
 pp. 113, 213-14, 219, 221. 
 
 80 Eighty per cent of the total population is illiterate. The ratio 
 among the blacks is far higher. See Martin, Through Five Republics, 
 p. 155. Of recent attempts to provide education adapted to the needs 
 of the situation, see H. E. Everly, "Vocational Education in Brazil," 
 Manual Training Magazine, June, 1915. 
 
36 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 prise to the Negro of the Southern States of America. 81 
 They take life very easy, exerting themselves just sufficiently 
 to provide the few necessities of life in a tropical climate. 62 
 The whites are the ruling class, 63 though for political and 
 social purposes, the upper grade of the metis and the whites 
 are practically one class. 
 
 At the founding of the republic, the numerical preponder- 
 ance of the mixed-blood race enabled them to secure an equal 
 share in the governmental affairs of the country. Many of 
 them secured political offices, and they exert a considerable 
 influence on the government of the country. 64 Many of the 
 mixed-blood race are men of property 65 and are influential 
 in the affairs of the community. 
 
 In social affairs, the color line between the whites and the 
 mixed-blood race is neither hard nor fast. 66 Many of the 
 so-called whites are tinged with Negro or Indian blood. 67 
 Intermarriage is forbidden neither by law nor by custom, 
 and mixed unions are not uncommon. To the Portuguese, 
 the idea of personal contact with an Indian or a Negro 
 excites little feeling of physical repulsion. The aristocracy 
 here, as elsewhere in South America, are pure white; and 
 marriages between them and the pure Indians or Negroes do 
 
 61 Bryce, South America, pp. 479-80. 
 
 62 Ibid., pp. 404-05. 
 
 63 Ibid., p. 565. 
 
 w Lacerda, Inter-Racial Problems, pp. 381-82. 
 
 85 Not so many as is sometimes asserted. "Bahia . . . has a population 
 of 250,000 and is rapidly growing. Most of the population are real 
 Negroes. . . . The city is so prosperous that there are 10,000 Negroes 
 who are millionaires. . . ." The Chicago Defender, A Negro Paper, 
 1-15-1916. 
 
 88 It seems to be the observation of this fact that has led certain super- 
 ficial observers to announce an entire absence of color prejudice in 
 Brazil. See The Chicago Defender, 12-11-1915, 1-22-1916. 
 
 87 Bryce, South America, p. 565. 
 
 I 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 
 
 not occur. 68 "The Brazilian lower class intermarries freely 
 with the black people; the Brazilian middle class 69 inter- 
 marries with the mulattoes and the quadroons." 70 
 
 The color line — so far as there is a color line — is drawn 
 with the Negro and the Indian on the one side and the white 
 man and the metis on the other. 71 The mixed-blood man is 
 as contemptuous of the native and the Negro, as is the white 
 man. 72 The aspiration of the half-breed is to be like the 
 white man. 73 He calls himself white, consciously models him- 
 self on the white man, tries to think and act as a white man 
 and, if possessed of education and property, is so treated. 74 
 He is free to intermarry with the whites and his ambition 
 is to do so. With each such crossing, the offspring approx- 
 imate more and more to the pure white type. Aside from 
 reversions, they are sometimes able to pass as white in their 
 Portuguese community by the third generation. Lacerda 75 
 sums up the racial situation in these words : 
 
 f 
 
 The mulatto himself endeavours, by marriage, to 
 bring back his descendants to the pure white type. 
 
 68 See Theodore Roosevelt, "Brazil and the Negro," Outlook, Vol. 106, 
 pp. 409-11. 
 
 69 Largely mixed. Officially white. See Bryce, South America, p. 492; 
 South American Year Book, 1915, p. 216. 
 
 70 Bryce, South America, pp. 479-80. Bryce counts as white all indi- 
 viduals having three-fourths or more white blood. 
 
 71 In southern Brazil in the expanding German, Swiss and white Por- 
 tuguese settlements the color line is drawn separating the whites from 
 the colored and the mixed. See Sir Harry H. Johnston, The Negro in 
 the New World. See, also, D. P. Kidder and J. C. Fletcher, Brazil 
 and the Brazilians, pp. 132-33. 
 
 " Bryce, South America, p. 565. 
 
 7a Lacerda, Inter-Racial Problems, p. 382. Bryce, South America, pp. 
 460-6T. 
 
 "The same thing is theoretically true of the Indian and the Negro. 
 See Roosevelt, The Outlook, Vol. 106, pp. 409-11. 
 
 75 Inter-Racial Problems, p. 382. 
 
38 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 
 Children of metis have been found, in the third genera- 
 tion, to present all the physical characters of the white 
 race, although some of them retain a few traces of 
 their black ancestry through the influence of atavism. 
 The influence of sexual selection, however, tends to neu- 
 tralise that of atavism, and removes from the descend- 
 ants of the metis all the characteristic features of the 
 black race. In virtue of this process of ethnic reduc- 
 tion, it is logical to expect that in the course of another 
 century the metis will have disappeared from Brazil. 
 This will coincide with the parallel extinction of the 
 black race in our midst. When slavery was abolished, 
 the black, left to himself, began to abandon the cen- 
 tres of civilisation. Exposed to all kinds of destruc- 
 tive agencies, and without sufficient resources to main- 
 tain themselves, the negroes are scattered over the 
 thinly populated districts, and tend to disappear from 
 our territory. 
 
 Aside from Brazil, most of Central and South America 
 was colonized by the Spanish. The early immigration was 
 of a poor quality, being composed chiefly of clergy and of 
 adventurers who came with an intention of acquiring a com- 
 petence if possible and then returning to Spain. Another 
 large group of immigrants were convicts, sentenced to death 
 or mutilation, whose sentences were commuted on condition 
 that they emigrate to the colonies. The objects of the early 
 colonists were adventure and trade rather than settlement. 76 
 Consequently there were few women of good character 
 though, unlike the Portuguese, the Spanish government 
 never foisted their objectionable women upon the colonists. 
 There was, therefore, a dearth of Spanish women either mar- 
 ried or marriageable. 
 
 The Spanish interest was centered in the mines and for 
 
 78 
 
 See James Bryce, "Migrations of the Races of Men," Contemporary 
 Review, Vol. 62, p. 134. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 39 
 
 three centuries the plantations and agriculture in general 
 was a failure in Spanish America. 77 The healthful and 
 wealth-producing regions of the tropics were the interior 
 highlands, and it was there alone that a considerable popu- 
 lation grew up. But even there, it was made up mostly of 
 useless individuals, adventurers, and functionaries but not 
 of workers, as is shown by the fact that it was almost ex- 
 clusively a town population. 
 
 The Indians and the Spanish were not so temperamentally 
 constituted as to be able to come to any mutually satisfac- 
 tory working relations. They never reached anything re- 
 motely approaching kindly feeling and unity of purpose. 
 The Indians were not adapted to slavery; the Spanish had 
 an exaggerated idea of their own superiority. The situ- 
 ation worked itself out on the single and simple principle of 
 relative power. 78 The attitude of the Spanish was ruthless 
 and savage. They seized the public and private wealth of 
 the natives, appropriated their women, and finally levied 
 upon their vital force. To develop the mines, they needed a 
 large labor supply ; to get the labor supply, they drove the 
 natives in crowds to the mountains, where the unwonted labor 
 and the scanty nourishment combined with the effects of the 
 climatic change and the broken family life, to bring about 
 a rapid decline in the population. 79 To supply the place of 
 the decreasing native labor, African slaves were introduced 
 and grew rapidly in numbers. 80 
 
 Intermixture with the natives began with the first landing 
 of the Spanish explorers on American soil. 81 and so exten- 
 
 77 Keller, Colonization, p. 223. 
 18 Ibid., p. 259. 
 
 79 Ibid., pp. 256 ff . 
 
 80 Ibid., pp. 280-82. 
 
 81 Syphilis, which spread like a plague over the whole of Europe during 
 the sixteenth century, dates its origin as a disease of civilized man from 
 
40 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 sive was this mixture of races that it has been characterized 
 as the "prime phenomenon in the contact of races in Spanish 
 America." 82 After the introduction of the Negro, there 
 grew up several new varieties of half-breeds and each of the 
 races and half-races came to have a more or less clearly 
 and definitely defined status in the community life. 
 
 The main constituents, taken as ethnic and social types, 
 were six in number. 83 The Peninsular Spaniards, those from 
 Europe, were of course the aristocracy ; next in order came 
 the white Creoles, descendants of Europeans settled in Amer- 
 ica ; a third class was the mestizos, mongrels resulting from 
 the association of Europeans with the native women ; a little 
 later in time and lower in status, came the mulattoes ; next 
 in the social rank came the Negroes, and last of all, the 
 natives. 
 
 Between these main groups were many other mixtures 
 approximating one or the other of the main groups, or form- 
 ing separate groups apart. The mestizos multiplied with 
 such rapidity that they came to form and still form a very 
 considerable portion of the population of Spanish America. 
 
 The association of these various ethnic groups was marked 
 by hatred, bitterness and strife. 84 The Spanish officials held 
 
 the return of the first Columbian expedition from America. It was the 
 red man's one contribution to civilization. See Iwan Bloch, The Sexual 
 Life of Our Time, M. Eden Paul's Translation, pp. 351-56. 
 
 83 Keller, Colonization, p. 295. 
 
 88 Perhaps seven or even more. See H. C. Morris, The History of 
 Colonization, Vol. 1, pp. 252-53. 
 
 84 "The different shades were classified with minute attention, not only 
 by the force of custom but also by the law. When there was only a sixth 
 of negro or Indian blood in the veins of a colonist, the law granted him 
 the title of white: que se tenga por bianco. Each caste was full of 
 envy for those above and of contempt for those below." Leroy-Beau- 
 lieu, i, II; cf. Roscher, The Spanish Colonial System, pp. 149-50. Keller, 
 Colonization, p. 220, f. n. 
 
lviwucu-Diuuu xiuces ~x l 
 
 in contempt the Creoles and, especially, the mestizos who 
 formed the industrial elements of the Colonies.^ The mixed- 
 blood races felt superior to the native and the Negro stock 
 from which they had sprung. 85 The Negroes had an im- 
 placable hatred for the natives and, secure in their greater 
 physical strength and the approval of their masters, mis- 
 treated the natives at every opportunity. The natives in 
 their pitiable condition hated all their oppressors in varying 
 degrees. 
 
 Time and further mixed breeding reduced the various mon- 
 grel types to a relative uniformity in physical appearance 
 and mental characteristics. Immigration being restricted 
 for a long time, the number of incoming Spaniards was small 
 and this, together with the scarcity of Spanish women, 
 kept the natural increase of the white race very limited. 
 Consequently the native element was the determining factor 
 in the biological situation. The very fact of relative num- 
 bers made it inevitable that the mixed-blood race should tend 
 toward the Indian type. The caste feeling was not suffi- 
 cient to preserve them from this fate and, in spite of a larger 
 later immigration from Europe, the reversion has partly 
 
 taken place. 86 
 
 88 "The aversion between mulattoes and negroes was as great as that 
 between whites and negroes. The civil position of each class depended 
 mainly and naturally upon the greater or less whiteness of their com- 
 plexion. 'Todo bianco es caballero.'" Roscher, The Spanish Colonial 
 System, p. 21. Keller, Colonization, p. 220 f. n. 
 
 86 Earl Finch states that it is the American Indian who declines in 
 the process of miscegenation of the Negroes, Spanish, Portuguese and 
 Indians. See "The Effects of Racial Miscegenation," Inter-Racial Prob- 
 lems, p. 109. This is true in the sense that the introduction of foreign 
 blood into a population tends to diffuse in a culturally downward direc- 
 tion, and the lower strata of the population tend to become contaminated 
 by traces of it. But the decline in numbers of a pure-blood native race 
 is due to disease and the failure or inability of the primitive folk to ac- 
 commodate themselves to civilized habits and manners of life. In an 
 
» 
 
 42 77*£ Mulatto in the United States 
 
 Such is the racial background for the latter day situation 
 in the various Spanish-American Republics. 
 
 There are no general censuses of the Spanish-American 
 countries, and consequently no accurate numerical knowl- 
 edge of the various racial groups in the different republics. 
 Bryce estimates the total population at 45,000,000, of whom 
 approximately one-fifth are pure Indians, one-third mestizos, 
 one-third white with much Indian blood and the remainder 
 Negroes, mulattoes and zambos. 81 Of the 15,000,000 whites, 
 more than half are in the Republics of Argentine and Uru- 
 guay, which republics contain no native or Negro elements, 88 
 and in the southern part of Brazil which is also free from the 
 colored races. The Negroes and their various intermixtures 
 with the white and Indian races are chiefly in northern and 
 eastern Brazil, though there are a goodly number in Guinea 
 and some in Venezuela. 8!> In insignificant numbers, they are 
 found in the cities of the other South American countries. 
 The population of Paraguay is nearly all Indian: the white 
 and mixed elements are so small as to be negligible. Colom- 
 bia is approximately fifty per cent so-called white. The 
 
 inter-racial situation in which there is intermarriage between the races 
 the result is determined exclusively by the relative members of the two 
 groups. In a caste situation, Finch is right: there the lower groups 
 receive a continual admixture of blood from the castes above them while 
 the superior caste receives no blood from the inferior groups. 
 
 87 
 
 Whites 
 
 15,000,000 
 
 Whites 
 
 15,000,000 
 
 Indians 
 
 8,000,000 
 
 Indians 
 
 8,000,000 
 
 Negroes 
 
 3,000,000 
 
 Negroes 
 
 3,000,000 
 
 Mestizos 
 
 13,000,000 
 
 Mixed 
 
 19,000,000 
 
 Mulattoes 
 
 5,700,000 
 
 
 
 Zambos 
 
 300,000 
 
 
 
 South America, pp. 564-65. 
 
 88 There is a substratum of Indian mestizos in North Argentine but no 
 country in the western hemisphere with the single exception of Canada is 
 so nearly racially white. See E. A. Ross, South of Panama, pp. 119-20. 
 
 89 White 10 per cent; mestizo 70 per cent; Indian and Negro 20 per 
 cent. South American Year Book, 1915, p. 742. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 43 
 
 actual whites form a much smaller per cent. 90 Equador is 
 approximately ten per cent white. 91 Peru has ten per cent 
 or less of white and near-white, thirty-five per cent mixed, 
 and fifty-five per cent Indian. 92 Bolivia has a somewhat 
 larger percentage of pure Indian stock. 93 Chile has a small 
 white aristocracy and a very few Indians ; the population 
 is nearly all mixed though they claim to be white and the 
 tendency is to so classify them. 94 The Central American 
 states are about fifteen per cent white or what passes for 
 white in the Spanish-American states. 95 The Mexican cen- 
 sus of 1900 returned nineteen per cent of the total popula- 
 tion as "white or nearly white," forty-three per cent as 
 Indian and white intermixture and thirty-eight per cent as 
 Indian out of a total population of 13,607,259. 96 
 
 90 Ibid., 1915, p. 503. 
 
 91 Ibid., p. 562. 
 
 62 Ibid., p. 638. The Lima Geographical Society, 1896, estimated the 
 population of Peru as white 20 per cent, Indian 57 per cent and mixed 
 23 per cent. Quoted by P. F. Martin, Peru of the Twentieth Century, 
 p. 42. Biyce estimates that the pure whites of Peru do not number as 
 much as 5 per cent. See South America, p. 66. Ross, South of Panama, 
 pp. 39-40, 260, gives the population as 2,000,000 Indians, 1,500,000 mes- 
 tizos and 500,000 white or near-white. 
 
 63 Bryce gives the population of Peru and Bolivia as follows: 
 
 6,000,000 total 
 3,500,000 Indian 
 1,500,000 mestizo 
 
 1,000,000 Spaniards, more or less pure. 
 South America, pp. 458-59. 
 94 Ibid., p. 232. • 
 
 86 Martin, Through Five Republics, p. 237. N. O. Winter, Guatemala 
 and Her People of To-day, p. 109. 
 89 Bryce is disposed to materially modify these proportions. He gives : 
 
 Total 15,000,000 
 
 Indian 8,000,000 
 
 Mixed 6,000,000 
 
 Spaniards 1,000,000 
 South America, p. 459. 
 
%% 1 he Mulatto %n the United states 
 
 These numbers are at best only a rough approximation. 
 There are no data available which justify any close esti- 
 mation either of the total population or of the various racial 
 elements of which it is composed. Moreover, it is not pos- 
 sible to make any accurate distribution of the population 
 into racial categories because color is a badge of inferiority 
 and is always denied or if too obvious to be denied, the 
 amount is understated. Further there is no agreement as 
 to what proportion of Negro or Indian blood must be pres- 
 ent to rule an individual out of the white class to which 
 every one strives to belong. Bryce, for example, in his 
 estimates counts as "white" all whose racial ancestry is as 
 much as three-fourths white. 97 The tendency of the official 
 statistics is to count as white all educated mestizos?* 
 
 Despite the fact that they constitute but a small per- 
 centage of the total population in most of the Spanish- 
 American republics, the whites are in all cases the ruling 
 class." They form the social aristocracy, they practically 
 control the political and governmental situation, 100 and they 
 comprise the educated class so far as such a class exists. 101 
 
 The census of 1910 gave a total population of 15,160,369 distributed 
 as follows: 
 
 15,160,369 total 
 15,043,842 Mexican birth 
 
 116,527 foreign birth of whom 29,541 were Spanish 
 * 7 Bryce, South America, p. 565. 
 M Ibid., p. 460. 
 
 " Bolivia, for example. "Politics is left to the few whites and Mes- 
 tizos in four or five towns. Politically the Bolivian nation shrinks from 
 two million to some thousands." Ibid., p. 529. See, also, Ross, South 
 of Panama, pp. 331 ff. 
 
 ™ South American Year Book, 1914, pp. 501-62. 
 101 Ibid., p. 503. 
 
 Speaking in particular of the women: "So far as the northern repub- 
 lics of dusky and mixed races are concerned, one can only deal with the 
 few white women of each republic, since all the rest may, for the pur- 
 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 45 
 
 In the southern and more progressive republics, the white 
 element has been reinforced continuously by a considerable 
 immigration from western Europe. This is especially true 
 of Argentine and Uruguay and to a somewhat lesser extent 
 of Chile and of south and central Brazil, 102 where the whites 
 are numerically the dominant group. In the northern re- 
 publics, however, it is only a small white aristocracy that is 
 comparable with the general population of Argentine and 
 the other white states of the south. 103 As a consequence, 
 the whites have been able to maintain a republican form of 
 government in the southern republics ; in the north, it is only 
 by compromising with the mixed elements that they have 
 been able to maintain any government at all. 104 
 
 Everj'where throughout Spanish America, the Indians 
 form the lowest strata of the population and but seldom 
 rise out of their degraded position. 105 In the remoter cen- 
 tral regions and in the mountains, the race is still relatively 
 
 poses of generalization, really and truly be placed in one category — 
 that of the completely unintellectual." W. H. Koebel, The South Ameri- 
 cans, p. 31. See, also, pp. 13, 16. 
 
 102 Argentine, for example, has received an immigration in excess of 
 four million during the past fifty years. Ibid., p. 17. There is much 
 Germanic blood in the upper classes of Chile and this fact is said to be 
 reflected in the political life. Ross, South of Panama, pp. 109, 110. 
 
 103 "To the North of these countries [Argentine, Chile, Uruguay, South 
 Brazil and Central Brazil] ... we get for the most part territories 
 where a small white and educated aristocracy governs of necessity the 
 population of Indians, Mestizos, or even Negroes; and thus we enter 
 into a new and different phase which does not permit of comparison 
 with European circumstances." Koebel, The South Americans, p. 13. 
 
 104 Venezuela, for example, with her 10 per cent of white and near- 
 white and her 90 pef cent of Negroes, Indians and mestizos has never 
 in her whole history had a president who attained office through a legally 
 conducted election. South American Year Book, 1915, p. 742. 
 
 106 Bryce, South America, pp. 478-79. He is speaking here of th« 
 northern republics. 
 
; 
 
 46 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 unmixed. There are no European settlers and even the in- 
 filtration of Negro blood has been small. 106 The Negro 
 aside from Brazil and the northern tropic regions, has not 
 persisted. 107 The Indians in general perform all the lower 
 forms of work and come but little into contact with the 
 white people, except in the capacity of servants and em- 
 ployees. They are in general wholly illiterate, 108 and so- 
 cially and otherwise form a group apart — within the nation 
 but not of it. "By the constitution they are, in many states, 
 citizens and have votes. But they never think of voting, 
 having, although free, no more to do with the government 
 than the slaves had in the Southern United States before the 
 Civil War." 109 
 
 Between the small white upper class and the illiterate and 
 largely uncivilized natives, stands the mestizo who is, taking 
 Spanish America as a whole, the numerically dominant group. 
 While the status of the mestizos varies within rather wide 
 limits in different states and even within the same state, 
 they form, in general, a sort of middle class in the popula- 
 tion. Exception must here be made of the white Republics 
 of Argentine and Uruguay, the native Republic of Paraguay 
 and of Brazil, the southern parts of which are white, and the 
 northern parts largely Negro and mulatto. 110 The upper 
 class mestizos are in many cases small property owners and 
 compose most of the small shop-keeping class ; from the 
 
 loa ". . . the distinctions which undoubtedly exist, and are often sup- 
 posed to be of race, are in fact only between Indians who are Catholic 
 and speak Spanish and Indians, who are grouped by the other Indians, 
 'as savages' . . ." Sir Charles W. Dilke, "Forced and Indentured Labor 
 in South America," Nationalities and Subject Races, p. 101. 
 
 107 Koebel, The South Americans, p. 92. 
 
 108 The same might be said of most of the mixed and a good per cent 
 of the white population. Eighty per cent of South America is illiterate. 
 
 Bryce, South America, p. 529. Ross, South of Panama, p. 331. 
 Ibid., p. 492. 
 
 
 109 
 110 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 47 
 
 lower grades of the mestizo come the artisan and the ser- 
 vant classes. 111 
 
 But the ethnological distinctions seldom are clearly drawn. 
 A certain per cent of the white race have preserved their 
 racial integrity intact 112 and these everywhere form the so- 
 cial and intellectual aristocracy. But the bulk of the so- 
 called whites are tinged with a greater or less amount of 
 Indian blood. 113 The upper class mestizos, in manners and 
 customs and habits of life, often compare not unfavorably 
 with their white neighbors. They are, to the extent of their 
 ability, Spaniards. In education, they are Spanish; in re- 
 ligion, they are Christians ; and in their ideas and habits of 
 thinking, they are faithful imitations of the white aris- 
 tocracy. 114 
 
 Between the white man and the educated mestizo there is 
 no color line in the sense in which that term is understood in 
 the United States. For social and political purposes they 
 form virtually one class. All mestizos, and increasingly so 
 as their color decreases and their education increases, claim 
 to be white men, and in general they are so treated. 115 It 
 is, in fact, by compromising thus with the mixed element that 
 the white has been able to maintain some semblance of or- 
 derly government in many of the Latin American republics. 
 But the mestizos are not all educated, and by no means all 
 
 m South American Year Book, 1915, p. 503. 
 
 112 Ibid., pp. 638, 503, 569. 
 
 113 ". . . ethnologically there is no dividing line to be drawn in South 
 America between the white, the Indian, and the Savage. The so-called 
 whites are largely Indian, the Indians are largely negro, and the savages 
 are partly Indian, partly negro and partly an amalgam of races older 
 in the country than the principal Indian tribes." Dilke, Nationalities 
 and Subject Races, p. 103. 
 
 114 Bryce, South America, p. 433. Ross, South of Panama, p. 168. 
 
 us «E ver y one wishes to be reckoned as a white man. . . ." Bryce, 
 South America, p. 460. See, also, pp. 478-79, 473-74, 232, 472-73. 
 
48 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 
 are able, even in a South American community, to pass as 
 white men. It is frequently as difficult to determine who 
 should be deemed an Indian and who a mestizo, as it is at the 
 other end of the scale to say who is to be deemed a white 
 man and who a man of mixed-blood. 116 Between the lower 
 class mestizo and the Indian, there is little intellectual or 
 social distinction. 117 
 
 While there are thus mixed-blood men in both the white 
 and the Indian groups, it is not to be understood that the 
 mestizo forms, in any other than a physiological sense, a 
 connecting link between the races. He is, rather, a member 
 of one or the other group depending upon his color, educa- 
 tion, and economic status. The break between the upper- 
 class mestizo and the Indian group is frequently a sharp one. 
 They sometimes differ as widely as do the native and the 
 white with the additional consideration that the mestizo con- 
 stantly emphasizes the fact of his white blood by his hatred 
 of and contempt for the native. 118 "The Indians," says 
 Bryce, "have nothing, except the worship of the saints and 
 a fondness for liquor, in common with the class above 
 them." 119 I 
 
 There is nothing in law or custom to prevent the intermar- 
 riage of the races. The educated mestizo endeavors to marry 
 a white woman and is successful in proportion to his economic 
 status in the community. The lower-class mestizos intermix 
 readily with the Indians. 120 Between the whites and the near- 
 
 "• Bryce, South America, p. 458. 
 
 117 "The Indians . . . absorb or are absorbed by the Mestizo." South 
 American Year Book, 1915, p. 503. 
 
 118 [He] "has repeatedly shown himself to be very cruel toward the 
 Indians, whom he despises much more than the better class man would 
 do." Ibid., p. 7. 
 
 ■" South America, p. 474. See, also, pp. 438, 185-86. 
 ,ao The mixed-blood women in Peru bear a goodly number of children 
 to the Chinese coolies. See Ross, South of Panama, pp. 39-40. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 49 
 
 i whites, on the one hand, and the Indian and the lower-class 
 'mestizo, on the other, there is no intermarriage; but this 
 ifact seems to be due more to social than to racial causes. It 
 lis class separation rather than a racial antipathy. 121 Says 
 Bryce: 122 
 
 To understand the social relations of the white and 
 Indian races one must begin by remembering that there 
 is in Spanish and Portuguese countries no such sharp 
 colour line as exists where men of Teutonic stock are 
 settled in countries outside of Europe. As this is true 
 of the negro, it is even more true of the Indian. He 
 may be despised as a weakling, he may be ignored as a 
 citizen, he may be, as he was at one time, abominably 
 oppressed and ill treated, but he excites no personal 
 repulsion. It is not his race that is against him, but 
 his debased condition. Whatever he suffers, is suffered 
 because he is ignorant or timid or helpless, not because 
 he is of a different blood and colour. . . . The distinc- 
 tion between the races is in Spanish America a distinc- 
 tion of rank or class rather than of colour. Against 
 intermarriage there is, therefore, no more feeling than 
 that which exists against any union palpably below a 
 man's or woman's own rank in life. If it is rare for a 
 pure white to espouse a pure Indian, that is because 
 they are of different ranks, just as it is rare for a 
 well-born Englishman to marry a peasant girl. There 
 is nothing in the law to oppose such a union, and 
 though whites seldom marry pure Indians, because the 
 classes come little into contact, the presence of an un- 
 mistakable Indian strain in a mestizo makes no dif- 
 ference to his acceptability to a white woman of the 
 same class. . . . 
 
 m However, Meredith Townsend states that the years "during which 
 Spaniards and Indians have dwelt together in South America have not 
 softened their mutual antipathies; . . ." Asia, and Europe, pp. 217-18. 
 
 "'SotUh America, pp. 470-71. 
 
 
50 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 The state of almost entire absence of racial or color prej- 
 udice thus pictured seems, at times, — between revolutions 
 and race wars — to approach realization in some of the South 
 American countries. In how far this racial harmony is real 
 and in how far it is merely a temporary accommodation to 
 the exigencies of the situation, is still a matter of some doubt. 
 
 But wherever the Negroes and mulattoes are found even 
 in small numbers, there is also found an unmistakable race 
 question. In Guiana, for example, there is a marked an- 
 tipathy toward and avoidance of the black man by every 
 other race and color in the community. There was formerly 
 some intermarriage between the Portuguese immigrants and 
 the blacks and mulattoes, but there is now an avoidance of 
 association even of the low-class Europeans and the Negroes. . 
 There is still some intermarriage between the Portuguese and 
 the near-white mulattoes. 123 The Negroes have a wholesome 
 fear of the Chinese, and the latter freely and without hesi- 
 tation use the mulatto and Negro women as concubines 
 though the relation is hardly one of marriage. 124 The East 
 Indians intermix to some extent with the mulattoes, but they 
 have the greatest antipathy for the blacks and refuse to 
 cohabit with them. 125 The American Indian detests and 
 despises the Negro. 126 The whites, even where they show 
 no particular prejudice against the presence of Indian blood, 
 have an entirely different attitude toward the Negro and the 
 
 128 Johnston, The Negro in the New World, pp. 333-34. 
 
 124 
 
 Ibid., p. 332. The Negroes are "entirely 'unmoral' in their sexual 
 relations" and have no repugnance toward intermixture with any of the 
 other races. Ibid., p. 334. 
 
 va «A n Indian kuli would ordinarily prefer to live unmarried sooner 
 than cohabit with a negress: they are not perhaps so squeamish about 
 marriage with mulattoes." Ibid., p. 334. See, also, p. 332. They inter- 
 marry with the Amerindians. 
 
 Ibid,, p. 332. Bryce, South America, pp. 473 f. n., 566-67, 
 
 128 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 51 
 
 mulatto. The greatest antipathy, however, is that existing 
 between the near-white mulattoes on the one hand and the 
 Negroes and mulattoes of darker hue on the other. 127 
 
 In the Philippines 
 
 In the Philippine Islands at the present time, there are two 
 mixed-blood races in considerable numbers and of different 
 race parentage — the Chinese mestizo and the Spanish 
 viestizo. The former is the product of the intercrossing of 
 the Chinese and the Malay ; the latter is the offspring of 
 the Peninsular Spaniard or the Spanish creole with the na- 
 tive Malay woman. A great variety of other mongrels is 
 found, but not in numbers sufficient to assume the propor- 
 tions of a problem. 
 
 When the Spanish entered the Islands in 1521, they found 
 the productive valleys occupied .by a race of uncivilized 
 Moros. They subjugated this race, and undertook the busi- 
 ness of conversion. To the Spaniards, the Islands were 
 always rather a mission than a colony. There were no mines 
 to be worked and no plantations calling for a large body of 
 servile labor. There was no decline in the native population 
 as was elsewhere true of the Spanish colonies 128 and there 
 was no introduction of a substitute labor supply. The 
 Islands were too far away and offered too little in the way 
 of immediate and large returns to attract the Spanish mer- 
 
 137 "There is a slight 'color question' in Guiana, but the sensitiveness 
 lies rather between the 'near-whites' of pale ivory complexion and the 
 darker tinted mulattoes or negroes. There is now practically no inter- 
 marriage between whites and blacks; on the other hand, numerous unions 
 < take place between whites, especially Portuguese, and the lighter- 
 skinned negroids, many of whom would almost sooner perish in celi- 
 bacy than intermarry with the negro or mulatto." Johnston, The Negro 
 in the New World, p. 337. 
 128 Keller, Colonization, p. 350. 
 
 I 
 
52 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 
 chant. The number of Spaniards on the Islands was always 
 small and consisted almost exclusively of the military and 
 priestly classes. 129 Other foreigners were excluded. 
 
 During the four centuries of the Spanish occupancy of 
 the Islands, there grew up a Spanish mestizo mixture that 
 numbers at present about two per cent of the population. 
 A small per cent of this mixed-blood race is the product of 
 intermarriage between the Spanish Creoles, who now number 
 about three hundredths of one per cent of the population, 
 and the native women of mixed parentage. The bulk of the 
 mixed-blood race, however, owe their origin to less conven- 
 tional and less permanent unions. Another considerable 
 number of the mixed-blood race trace their ancestry back to 
 a priestly origin. Officials and other Spaniards usually 
 formed no permanent unions with the native girls. 
 
 The second mixed-blood race, the Chinese mestizos, num- 
 ber about two per cent of the population. They are more 
 often, perhaps generally, the offspring of a fairly perma- 
 nent union. 
 
 The civil and social status of the various races and half- 
 races follows for the most part the lines of race and color. 
 Color prejudice and class hatred are everywhere a factor 
 in the situation. At one extreme of the social scale are the 
 foreign white and the white Creoles. Below them in the social 
 scale, come the Spanish half-breeds, envious of the classes 
 above them, contemptuous of those below. Every mixture 
 of foreign blood has tended to raise them above the native. 
 Now, as during the last two centuries of Spanish rule, they 
 are the dominant class in the native affairs. The prominent 
 
 120 In 1820 there was one white to 1,600 natives. The whites were 
 mostly in Manila. In 1864 there was a total of 4,050 Spaniards in the 
 Islands. Of these 3,280 were government officials, 500 were clergy, 200 
 were landed proprietors and 70 were merchants. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 53 
 
 Filipinos are probably without exception from this mixed- 
 )lood class. 130 "No Filipino ever has become known in 
 America, either through his attainments or his political 
 prominence, who was more than a few generations removed 
 rom a foreign ancestor." 131 It is from this class that most 
 )f the higher Filipino officials come. They are the discon- 
 ented and troublesome element in the population. 132 "They 
 ire always hoping for recognition as equals by the foreign- 
 ers with whom they are brought into contact and to whom 
 ;hey may be related." 133 They despise the native element 
 ind ignore the ties by which they are bound to them. The 
 iresent administrative problem in the Islands is to prevent 
 ;he half-breed official from oppressing the despised Malay. 134 
 The vigorous, thrifty, enterprising Chinese share with the 
 Chinese half-breeds the monopoly of the trade in the Islands. 
 The Chinese are despised by all the races, even by the Chinese 
 I lalf-breed and the Filipino, as bitterly as by the Creoles and 
 
 U0 "Rizal, the most famous man — and one might say the only famous 
 nan — produced by the islands was the direct descendant of a Chinese 
 rader, and his mother was of Filipino-Chinese-Spanish descent with a 
 ittle Japanese blood." Carl Crow, "What About the Filipinos?" World's 
 Work, Vol. 26, p. 519. See, also, J. A. Robertson, "Notes from the 
 Philippines," Journal of Race Development, Vol. 3, p. 470, and Keller, 
 Colonization, p. 350 f. n. The best discussion of Rizal's personality is 
 
 ! )y Ferdinand Blumentritt, Internationales Archiv fur Ethnographie, 
 3d. X, Heft 2. There is a brief abstract of this article in Pop. Sci. 
 Wo., July, 1902. An inaccurate and laudatory appreciation by his per- 
 sonal friend, Sir Hugh Clifford, appeared in Blackwood's Magazine, 
 
 Vol. 172, pp. 620-38. Rizal married a white woman of English birth. 
 
 see James A. LeRoy, The Americans in the Philippines, p. 117 f. n. 
 
 Sergio Osmena, former speaker of the Philippine Assembly, was a 
 
 , Chinese mestizo. Crow, World's Work, Vol. 26, p. 523. 
 131 Ibid,, Vol. 26, p. 519. 
 
 183 LeRoy, The Americans in the Philippines, p. 76. 
 138 Crow, World's Work, Vol. 26, p. 519. 
 
 184 Charles E. Woodruff, "Some Laws of Racial and Intellectual De- 
 velopment," Journal of Race Development, Vol. 3, p. 175. 
 
54 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 foreign whites, and this is a situation of long standing. 13 * 
 The quiet, industrious Chinese half-breed is perhaps the 
 best man on the Islands. 136 He is classed with and despised 
 as a Chinaman by the races above him, while, in his turn, he 
 shares with the white the white man's bitter hatred for the 
 Chinese and contempt for the Filipino. At the bottom of th< 
 social scale, comes the Filipino who is economically inefficienl 
 and despised by every one, while he in turn hates in varying 
 degrees the various classes above him. 
 
 135 ". . . It is also noteworthy that the Filipinos and even the Chines* 
 half-breeds (mestizos de sangley) exhibited this hatred in as bitter s 
 form as did the Spanish themselves." Keller, Colonization, p. 355. Le 
 Roy, The Americans in the Philippines, p. 279, speaks of the "tra 
 ditional hostility between the Filipinos and Chinese." 
 
 130 ". . . During the latter days of my residence in the Islands in 190ii 
 Governor-General Wright one day told me that he had recently person 
 ally received from one of the most distinguished Filipinos of the time 
 and a member of the Insular Civil Commission, the statement 'thai 
 there was not a single prominent and dominant family among the chris- 
 tianized Filipinos which did not possess Chinese blood.' The voice anc 
 the will of the Filipinos to-day is the voice and the will of these brainy 
 industrious, rapidly developing men whose judgment in time the world 
 is bound to respect. . . ." A. E. Jenks, "Assimilation in the Philippines 
 as Interpreted in Terms of Assimilation in America," American Jour- 
 nal Sociology, Vol. 19, p. 783. Ratzel, The History of Mankind, Vol. 1 
 p. 397, says that the Chinese half-breed in the Philippines is superioj 
 to the European half-breed. See, also, LeRoy, The Americans in tht 
 Philippines, p. 76. 
 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 MIXED-BLOOD RACES ( CONCLUDED) 
 
 In Cuba, Porto Rico, and Santo Domingo 
 
 THE Islands of the West Indies were colonized by Spain 
 during the first quarter of the sixteenth century. Dur- 
 ing this period Spain was at the height of her national power, 
 and the Islands were the centers of trade and commercial 
 activity. 
 
 The Spaniards found the Islands inhabited by a numerous 
 population of peaceful Indian tribes whom they conquered, 
 enslaved, converted, and worked to death on the plantations 
 and in the mines on the mainland. So disastrous to the 
 natives was the Spanish policy of slavery, concubinage, and 
 Catholicism that, with the exception of some infusion of 
 Indian blood in the Spanish part of Santo Domingo and 
 in Cuba, the native element is totally extinct. 1 
 
 It was to save the native element from total extinction that 
 
 1 The population of Santo Domingo decreased two-thirds in the first 
 three years of Spanish occupancy. The population was estimated as 
 follows : 
 
 1492 3,000,000 
 
 1508 60,000 
 
 1510 46,000 
 
 1572 20,000 
 
 1574 14,000 
 
 1648 under 500 
 
 A similar fate befell all of the other Islands. See A. G. Keller, Colo- 
 ! nization, p. 226. 
 
 55 
 
56 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 the introduction of Negroes was first recommended. Th< 
 Spaniards had intermixed freely with the natives during th< 
 two centuries that their extermination was in process. Wit} 
 the Negroes they intermixed with almost equal readiness. 2 
 A mulatto race soon sprang up and increased rapidly ii 
 numbers. In Porto Rico, at the time of its cession to tin 
 United States in 1898, approximately one-third of the pop- 
 ulation was returned as colored. 3 The colored element in- 
 cluded a few Chinese and the Negro-white mixture as wel 
 as the pure Negroes. Of the total returned as colorec 
 eighty-four per cent were of mixed-blood. In Cuba the pel 
 cent of mixed-bloods in the Negro population is yet largei 
 as is to be expected from the fact that the ratio of Negroe 
 to the white population is much smaller. 4 From the other 
 Islands, the Spanish were expelled before the mixture hac 
 gone so far. 
 
 Cuba, Porto Rico and Santo Domingo, Spanish until 1898 
 and in spirit and civilization Spanish still, have the race 
 problem in much the same form as it is found on the main- 
 land of South America. The mixed-blood race is of Spanish. 
 Negro, and Indian blood. On the mainland, the Indian blood 
 is vastly in excess of the Negro; on the Islands, it is the 
 Negro blood that predominates ; the Indian blood is but a 
 
 2 Johnston attributes the fact that the Spanish have never shown the 
 same repugnance as have the Northern nations of Europe to sexual 
 intercourse with Negroes, to the ancient strain of Negro blood in their 
 ethnic composition. Sir Harry H. Johnston, "The World-position of 
 the Negro and Negroid," Inter-Racial Problems, pp. 359-30. 
 
 8 Total 953,243 
 
 White 589,462 
 
 Colored 363,817 
 
 4 White 1,067,354 or 67.9 per cent; Colored 505,443 or 32.1 per cent. 
 The few Chinese are here counted as white as has been the Spanish cus- 
 tom in all previous censuses. United States War Department Census of 
 Cuba, 1899, p. 97. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 57 
 
 trace. 
 
 In Cuba the opportunities and personal privileges of the 
 Negro people have been somewhat greater than in most 
 other parts of the West Indies. They are and always have 
 been sufficiently below the whites in numbers effectually to 
 prevent any wide-spread reversion to their ancestral Afri- 
 can customs. During the slave period, though cases of bar- 
 barous mistreatment were not infrequent, the Spanish laws 
 were highly favorable to the slave. It was easy for him to 
 purchase his freedom and there were a large number of free 
 Negroes throughout the slavery period. 5 After the aboli- 
 tion of slavery in 1880, the rights of the black man were 
 of course much greater and his status much higher, the 
 Spanish government giving the same consideration to the 
 colored as to the white Cuban. The rebellions of 1868-78 
 and of 1895-98 and the threatened uprising in 1906 all 
 operated to raise the status of the Negro. At present all 
 civil, military and ecclesiastical positions and honors are 
 open to members of the race. 6 
 
 The mulattos have responded to these conditions in a way 
 that differentiates them from the Negroes elsewhere. Though 
 the race is behind the whites in education, morals, and eco- 
 nomic advancement, many individuals have made advances 
 along these lines. They are found in all professions and 
 
 Slaves 
 59.0 
 54.4 
 63.3 
 72.9 
 74.1 
 62.9 
 44.3 
 
 Ibid., p. 98. See, also, H. C. Morris, The History of Colonization, 
 Vol. I, p. 278. 
 
 • U. S. War Dept. Census of Cuba, 1899, p. 69. 
 
 Census Year 
 
 Free Colored 
 
 1775 
 
 41.0 
 
 1792 
 
 45.6 
 
 1817 
 
 36.7 
 
 1827 
 
 27.1 
 
 1841 
 
 25.9 
 
 1861 
 
 37.4 
 
 1877 
 
 55.7 
 
58 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 in all trades. Bullard says : 7 "Though found in more pro- 
 fessions than in America, they are less industrious than here. 
 They show disposition but no aptness for commerce, and 
 their inclination in this direction must perhaps be looked 
 upon more as a desire to avoid the hard labor of the fields 
 than as any serious effort to try fortune in trade." How- 
 ever this may be, a few have distinguished themselves 8 and 
 a goodly number have made a reasonable success ; they show 
 more self-respect and self-possession than is found elsewhere 
 among Negro people. Speaking of this self-respecting atti- 
 tude Bullard says : 9 
 
 . . . Everj'where — in public, in the streets, in the the- 
 atres, on steamers and cars — our man of negro blood 
 carries himself with confidence and self-possession. It 
 is his marked characteristic in Cuba. Looking at him, 
 one cannot but be impressed with his great gain in 
 dignity in consequence. He feels himself a worthier 
 man. In rural guard, police and other official posi- 
 tions occupied by him, he conducts himself with steadi- 
 ness and dignity. Placing him in such offices seems 
 not in Cuba, as in America, to make him foolish and 
 giddy. These are noteworthy things for Cuba and 
 the negro race. 
 
 During the slavery period the black and mulatto females 
 sought the white and disdained the black men as fathers of 
 their children. So extensive and lonsj continued has been 
 this intercrossing that it is now impossible to draw any clear 
 distinction between the races. At either extreme the colors 
 are unmixed. The aristocracy and the middle-class towns- 
 
 7 Lieutenant-Colonel R. L. Bullard, U. S. A., "The Cuban Negro," 
 North American Review, Vol. 184, p. 629. 
 
 8 Antonio Maceo of the Cuban Army, 1895-98, was a mulatto. See 
 U. S. War Dept. Census of Cuba, 1899, p. 69. 
 
 9 North American Review, Vol. 184, p. 626. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 59 
 
 folk are quite free from Negro intermixture ; some blacks, 
 especially the rural folk of the interior, are still of unmixed 
 African blood. But between the extremes is an unbroken 
 gradation through all the tints from the swarthy complexion 
 of the Spaniard to the glossy black of the West African 
 Negro. Yet few of those who pass as Negroes are without 
 some admixture of the white man's blood. "Few of the Ne- 
 groes are black; some of the blackest have the regular feat- 
 ures of the Caucasian ; and racial mixtures are everywhere 
 evidenced by color of skin and by physiognomy." 10 
 
 There is no hard and fast color line separating the col- ' 
 ored and white races of the Cuban population. In politics, 
 the Negro is the equal of the white man. In resorts, in 
 places of amusement, and in public conveyances, there is no 
 separation of the races. Negroes have held some minor 
 political offices and members of some of the higher govern- 
 mental bodies have been tinged with Negro blood. In social 
 affairs there is little ostensible inequality but only in the 
 army, if anywhere, has there been recognized any condition 
 of real social equality. 11 Socially and politically, however, 
 the Negro is constantly losing ground as the white race 
 increases in numbers. 12 Nowhere else in the West Indies 
 is there so much tenderness on the point of color. Bullard 
 says on this point: 13 
 
 10 Encyclopaedia Britannic a: Cuba. See, also, Sir Harry H. Johnston, 
 The Negro in the New World, p. 59, and William Z. Ripley, "Race 
 Problems in Cuba," Publications of the American Statistical Associa- 
 tion, Vol. 7, pp. 85-89. 
 
 11 U. S. War Dept., Census of Cuba, 1899, p. 69. 
 
 12 "Yet the negro is losing ground, politically and socially, and unless 
 he is content with his present status of farmer, labourer, petty trades- 
 man, minor employe, and domestic servant, there will arise a 'colour' 
 question here as in the United States." Johnston, The Negro in the New 
 World, p. 60. 
 
 13 North American Review, Vol. 184, p. 628. 
 
60 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 . . . The earliest negroes brought to Cuba had a sad, 
 faint little belief that after death they should be born 
 again into another land, white men. "Negro" and even 
 "mulatto" must be softened into "gente de color" . . . 
 and "pardo" . . . while the house-maid becomes 
 "Sefiorita" . . . and the cook "Sefiora." . . . These, 
 and the tendency, in the face of manifest aversion, to 
 push themselves as equals upon another race, are dis- 
 couraging signs of weakness, showing a lack of that 
 genuine independence, self-respect and pride that indi- 
 cate strength and real worth. 
 
 
 It is, however, between the blacks and the mixed-bloods 
 that the lines of social demarcation are most clearly drawn. 
 The mixed-blood man desires to be white, and imitates the 
 white man's virtues and the white man's faults. Bullard 14 
 points out the difference in the social life of the blacks and! 
 the mixed-bloods and illustrates the difference by a descrip- 
 tion of the two dances which are more or less peculiar to the 
 Negroes of the Island : 
 
 There are two dances, the "Congo" and the "Creole," 
 both protracted perhaps through many nights. The 
 first is a memory or tradition of Africa. In it, men 
 and women, black, real negroes, sing the songs and 
 dance the dances of Africa to the sound of rattles and 
 rude drums, genuine savage instruments. The dance is 
 always significant. It takes many forms of war, love, 
 tradition and con jury, yet it is most addressed to the 
 sexual passions and can but lead to their indulgence. 
 The "Congo" may be seen to-day in any country town 
 in the cane regions. 
 
 The "Creole" aspires to be very different. It is a 
 modified waltz by the more mixed generation, far less 
 interesting, more modern, but not more moral than 
 the "Congo." One needs but to see it to be impressed 
 with its sensuality. 
 
 1 North American Review, Vol. 184, pp. 625-26. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 61 
 
 In Haiti 
 
 After some two centuries of occupancy Spain lost Haiti 
 to the French. It remained a French province for nearly a 
 hundred years, during which time the mulattoes came to be 
 a distinct caste and to occupy a separate status in the com- 
 munity. On the one hand they were generally free from 
 bondage; on the other they were excluded from citizenship. 
 When, at the time of the French Revolution, the slaves were 
 liberated, the mutual antipathies of the whites, blacks, and 
 mulattoes blossomed into a triangular warfare, the final 
 result of which was the massacre of the entire European pop- 
 ulation. 15 After several costly and unsuccessful attempts 
 on the part of the French and later of the English to restore 
 orderly government, the Island was abandoned, became a 
 black, independent state, and has been for a century free to 
 work out its salvation without interference. 
 
 The abandonment of the Island by the civilized powers 
 so soon after the emancipation of the blacks was fatal to 
 Haitian prosperity. The civil wars had destroyed property 
 and capital of every description and left labor in a hope- 
 lessly demoralized state. The effect was as disastrous polit- 
 ically as it was economically : the political history of the 
 hundred years is simply a narrative of revolutions. The 
 country, nominally a republic, has in practice alternated 
 between anarchy and military despotism. The actual power 
 has been in the hands of the president who almost always 
 rode into office as the momentary favorite of the major divi- 
 sion of the army. 16 Below the forms of civilized government 
 
 16 J. A. Froude, The English in the West Indies, pp. 182-83. 
 
 18 ". . . Scarcely a President in the history of Haiti has not been a 
 military man, and the favorite leader for the time being, of the major 
 portion of the army. . . ." Johnston, The Negro in the New World, 
 p. 19T. 
 
62 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 there always has existed in every department of the official 
 life every conceivable form of political corruption, official 
 dishonesty, and judicial murder. "Justice is venal and the 
 police brutal and inefficient." 17 The Roman Catholic relig- 
 ion has degenerated into a thin disguise for the practice of 
 the rites of Voodooism in which cannibalism and the sacri- 
 fice of children in the Serpent's honor has, at least at times, 
 played an important part. 18 The forms of marriage are 
 disregarded or forgotten. 10 Polygamy prevails in the in- 
 terior and the frequent orgiastic dances are accompanied by 
 promiscuous sexual debaucher}^ 20 On the whole, the Island, 
 during the century of independence and self-government, has 
 made no progress along any line, has retrogressed in some 
 
 
 17 Encyclopedia Britannica: Haiti. 
 
 "See H. V. H. Prichard, Where Black Rules White; a Journey 
 Across and About Hayti, Chapter IV. For a more apologetic account 
 see General Legitime, "Some General Considerations of the People and 
 Government of Haiti," Inter-Racial Problems, pp. 183-84. 
 
 19 "In most of the country districts polygamy is openly practiced. 
 The rite of marriage — civil and religious — is probably confined to about 
 an eighth of the total adult population. . . ." Johnston, The Negro 
 in the New World, p. 194. 
 
 20 "The 2,500,000 Haitian peasants are passionately fond of dancing, 
 will even sometimes dance almost or quite naked. And following on 
 this choregraphic exercise is much immorality. . . ." Johnston, The 
 Negro in the New World, p. 194. It is interesting to compare this state- 
 ment with his description of the dance of the Brazilian Negro. "The 
 dances to which negro slaves were trained . . . usually began with a 
 slow movement of two persons, who approached each other with a shy 
 and diffident air, and then receded bashful and embarrassed. By de- 
 grees, the time of the music increased, the diffidence wore off, and the 
 dance concluded with 'indecencies not fit to be seen nor described.' 
 Sometimes it was of a different character, attended by jumping, shout- 
 ing, and throwing their arms over each other's heads, and assuming the 
 most fierce and stern aspects. The indecent display was a 'dance of 
 love,' but the shouting dance was a mimicry of war." Ibid., p. 93. As 
 a further stage in the evolution of the race and the dance compare the 
 American Negro's "cake-walk." 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 63 
 
 lines and in others the "republic has gone back to the lowest 
 type of African barbarism." 21 
 
 No census ever has been taken, and consequently there are 
 no accurate figures as to the population. The population, 
 however, is made up almost entirely of Negroes, about nine- 
 tenths of whom are full-blood Africans. The ten per cent 
 of mulattoes is said to be a rapidly diminishing class. 22 The 
 number of whites is very small and of negligible influence in 
 the affairs of the country. They are, by a provision of the 
 constitution, prohibited from holding real estate. 23 
 
 There is a sharp contrast between the black and the mu- 
 latto inhabitants. The blacks, who form the peasantry of 
 the country, are peaceable, kindly, and hospitable people. 
 They are constitutionally lazy, 24 almost entirely unedu- 
 cated 25 and they preserve their ancient snake worship and 
 cannibalistic rites under the forms of Roman Catholicism. 2 ' 
 Their sex relations are of a frankly natural sort. "Mar- 
 
 21 Chambers' Encyclopedia: Hayti. See, also, Encyclopedia Britan- 
 nica: Haiti, and New International Encyclopaedia: Haiti. 
 
 22 Encyclopedia Britannica: Haiti. For a contrary opinion see Earl 
 Finch, "The Effects of Racial Miscegenation," Inter-Racial Problems, 
 pp. 109-10. 
 
 23 Johnson's Cyclopedia: Haiti. 
 
 21 "The island is one of the most fertile in the world, and if it had an 
 enlightened and stable government, an energetic people, and a little capi- 
 tal, its agricultural possibilities would be boundless." Encyclopedia 
 
 Britannica: Haiti. 
 
 25 "The plain fact remains that something like 2,500,000 out of the 
 3,000,000 of Haitians cannot read or write, and are as ignorant as un- 
 reclaimed natives of Africa." Johnston, The Negro in the New World, 
 
 p. 18T. 
 
 "But what use is it talking of the 'country' doing this or willing that 
 when no more than 200,000 out of 3,000,000 Haitians have the slightest 
 approach to education? . . ." Ibid., p. 204. 
 
 26 "At least two out of the three millions of Haitian negroes are only 
 Christians in the loose statistics of geographers. They are still African 
 pagans, . . ." Ibid., p. 193. 
 
64 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 riage is neither frequent nor legally prescribed." 27 Polyg- 
 amy is openly practiced and the African dances lead to a 
 more or less wholesale and promiscuous sexual indulgence. 
 They speak a patois of French origin which is known locally 
 as creole. The one man of first-class ability produced by 
 the black group was the insurgent chief, Francois Domi- 
 nique Toussaint. 28 
 
 The mulattoes are economically, socially, and intellectu- 
 ally far in advance of the black Negroes. They compose the 
 professional classes and own most of the property. They 
 are frequently educated in Paris and many do not materially 
 differ in education from Europeans of the same class. 29 In 
 regard to the educational system, Johnston says : 30 
 
 . . . Unhappily, the weak point in all this superior 
 education of the Haitians is its utterly unpractical 
 relation to a useful and profitable existence in the 
 West Indies. . . . But the education which she gives 
 to the youth of Haiti is perversely useless in its na- 
 ture. It is apparently only adapted to life in Paris 
 or in a French provincial town, and the adepts thus 
 trained show a singular tendency on returning to Haiti 
 to cast off their European learning. Young doctors, 
 sent to France for education in medical science, come 
 back and discard any modern aseptic or antiseptic the- 
 ories in their practice, in fact almost revert to the po- 
 sition of negro charlatans. Lawyers can think of noth- 
 ing but the meticulous intricacies of the Code Napoleon, 
 
 77 Encyclopedia Britannica: Haiti. 
 
 "In middle life Toussaint acquired the nickname L'Ouverture be- 
 cause, having lost the most of his front teeth, there was a marked open- 
 ing in his mouth when he spoke. See Johnston, The Negro in the New 
 World, p. 157. Toussaint was a leader of the Negroes and is generally 
 considered to be a full-blood Negro. That this is the case, however, 
 is at least doubtful. 
 
 New International Encyclopaedia: Haiti. 
 "Negro in the New World, p. 188. 
 
 10 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 65 
 
 and seem incapable of devising a simple civil and crim- 
 inal jurisprudence applicable to the essentially Afri- 
 can race which inhabits Haiti. . . . 
 
 In dress, manners, and habits of life, they imitate the French 
 and exaggerate upon their models. 31 Though comparatively 
 few in numbers, they occupy most of the prominent positions 
 in the political and governmental affairs of the Island and 
 generally manage to control the political situation. The ma- 
 jority of Haiti's score or more of Presidents, and all of the 
 better ones, have been mulattoes. 82 They form the more en- 
 lightened and less brutal class of the population. 
 
 Between the two groups there exists and has existed 
 throughout the entire history of the Republic the bitterest 
 type of race hatred. The hatred of the Negro for the mu- 
 latto is equaled only by the mulatto's contempt for the 
 Negro. 33 The mulattoes hate and despise the black man 
 with all the bitterness of a superior caste which lacks the 
 power, but not the desire, to reduce the black man to the 
 status of a slave. 34 
 
 In Jamaica 
 
 Jamaica became an English province in 1658. The cen- 
 tury and a half of Spanish occupancy, except for the anni- 
 hilation of the native Arawak Indians, had no permanent 
 
 81 "As to the dress of the two hundred thousand educated people, 
 though less exotic than it was, it is still, as in Liberia — a worship of 
 the tall hat and frock-coat. In the streets of Port-au-Prince, as of 
 Monrovia, in a temperature 95 degrees in the shade and something under 
 boiling-point in the sun, you may see Haitian statesmen cavorting about 
 in black silk hats of portentous height and glossiness, with frock-coats 
 down to their knees, and wearing lemon kid gloves. . . ." Ibid., p. 190. 
 
 32 Prichard, Where Black Rules White, p. 82. 
 
 83 Johnston, The Negro in the New World, p. 159. See, also, Ency~ 
 clopcedia Britannica: Haiti. 
 
 "Johnston, The Negro in the New World, p. 159. 
 
66 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 effect upon the Island. When taken by the British, the 
 total population, slave and free, did not number above three 
 thousand. After the formation of the Royal African Com- 
 pany in 1672, with a monopoly on the slave trade, Jamaica 
 became one of the great slave marts of the world. The Eng 4 - 
 lish emancipation act was passed in 1834 and, subject to a 
 short apprenticeship, the slaves were free. 
 
 The present total population of Jamaica is approximately 
 830,000. Of these, 15,000, in round numbers, are pure 
 white, 17,000 are East Indian coolies, and about 2,000 are 
 Chinese; a total of some 34,000 non-African people. The 
 remaining 796,000 are Negro and Negro mixtures. 35 The 
 mixed-bloods number about one-fifth of the total number of 
 the race. 
 
 The various classes in the population seem to correspond 
 exactly to the race and color lines. Needham 36 says that 
 
 . . . The inhabitants are divided into three classes 
 which are comparable, except as to numbers, to the 
 three classes existing in England. The pure whites 
 correspond to the aristocracy ; the "coloured" . . . 
 are in a social sense relatively like the English middle 
 class ; the darks or blacks — meaning those who have 
 no evidence of white ancestry — are the laboring or 
 peasant class. These three mingle freely in many of 
 
 88 Races 
 
 White 
 Colored 
 Black 
 
 East Indians 
 Chinese 
 Not specified 
 Total 
 Census of Jamaica, 1911. 
 
 88 Charles K. Needham, "A Comparison of Some Conditions in Jamaica 
 with those in the United States," Journal of Race Development, Vol. 
 4, p. 190. 
 
 Numbers 
 
 Percentage 
 
 15,605 
 
 1.88 
 
 163,201 
 
 19.63 
 
 630,181 
 
 75.80 
 
 17,380 
 
 2.09 
 
 2,111 
 
 0.25 
 
 2,905 
 
 0.35 
 
 831,383 
 
 100.00 
 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 67 
 
 the affairs of life, but in certain other matters there is 
 a distinction well recognized by an individual when 
 coming in contact with one who is his social supe- 
 rior. . . . 
 
 There is a hard and fast color line between the whites and 
 the Negroes and mulattoes. 
 
 The blacks are the laboring class. There has been some 
 effort to settle them as independent peasant proprietors but 
 the effort has not been a marked success. The conditions 
 of life are such as to require but little work in order to 
 live; the Negroes do the little that is required. 37 They are 
 without education or the desire for education. 38 They have 
 little part in the government and in general show little de- 
 sire to participate. 39 The relations of the sexes are of the 
 most elastic sort, well over half of the births being illegiti- 
 mate. 40 
 
 87 It was the impossibility of getting the Negroes to do any regular 
 work that led to the importation of the Chinese and the Indian coolies. 
 Fronde, The English in the West Indies, pp. 50, 73 ff. 
 
 88 "At the present day only about one-quarter of the total colored 
 population of Jamaica can read and write." The fact that there is 
 little agricultural or industrial education suited to the race offered in 
 the schools perhaps accounts in part for their indifference to education. 
 Though free and liberally supported by the government, the education 
 is not suited to the needs of the race. See Johnston, The Negro in the 
 New World, p. 270. 
 
 38 "The black does not want representative government; he prefers to 
 rely on the impartial, despotic rule of trained officials, . . ." "The blacks 
 . . . always prefer a white man. . ." William Thorp, "How Jamaica 
 Solves the Negro Problem," World's Work, Vol. 8, p. 4910. 
 
 40 ". . . No negress could bear the idea of growing to old age without 
 being a mother; she would deem herself slighted. Therefore the negro 
 and mulatto men are much run after; the marriage rate is not only low, 
 but tends to decrease (it is just now about 3.8 per 1000 persons), and 
 with its decrease rises the percentage of illegitimate births, which now 
 [1906] stands at the figure of sixty-five children out of every hundred." 
 Johnston, The Negro in the New World, p. 275. 
 
t 
 
 68 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 The mulattoes are officially separated from the blacks by 
 applying- to them the special racial designation coloured. 
 This class includes the majority of those engaged in the 
 trades and professions and they fill most of the minor gov- 
 ernmental positions and some of the higher positions in the 
 public service. 41 The press of the country, though owned 
 by white men, is, for the most part, run by mulattoes. 
 Johnston 42 states that 
 
 The negroid in this island enters into all the profes- 
 sions and careers and fills nine-tenths of the posts un- 
 der Government. The coloured population, besides 
 residing as cultivators in the country, frequents the 
 towns and earns a living as doctors, dentists, minis- 
 ters of religion, teachers, waiters, tradesmen, skilled ar- 
 tisans, clerks, musicians, postal employes,. press report- 
 ers, the superior servants of the State railways, over- 
 seers of plantations, hotel-keepers. . . . The pure Ne- 
 gro in Jamaica is mainly a peasant and a countryman. 
 
 Between the blacks and the mulattoes, there is a sharp 
 social as well as official distinction. 43 The social position 
 of a member of the race is conditioned by the lightness of 
 his skin and the absence of other racial marks. 44 The mu- 
 
 41 lit 
 
 'On the Legislative Council of to-day only four of the elected 
 members are of unmixed Nordic-European descent; four are of well- 
 known Jamaican- Jewish families descended from the Spanish and Por- 
 tuguese Jews of Guiana and Brazil; one member is an absolute negro 
 (of Bahaman birth), and the remainder (five) are octoroons and mu- 
 lattoes of Jamaican birth." Johnston, The Negro in the New World, 
 p. 268. 
 
 "Ibid., p. 280. 
 
 43 ". . . I am told that in the West Indies the 'coloured' man despises 
 the 'nigger' and feels himself immeasurably his social superior." Wil- 
 liam Archer, Thro A fro- America, p. 273. See, however, Froude, The 
 English in the West Indies, p. 155, for the attitude of the blacks toward 
 the mixed-bloods. 
 
 44 See Needham, Journal of Race Development, Vol, 4, pp. 193-94. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 69 
 
 lattoes refuse to intermarry with the blacks 45 except in 
 cases where the black individual is possessed of large fortune 
 or holds a high government position ; even in this case the 
 children of the union will be barred, because of their color 
 and features, from the upper class mulatto society. 46 
 
 The same views on the subject of intermarriage of the 
 races are held by the white people of Jamaica as are held 
 by the white people of the Southern United States. Mixed 
 marriages are approved by the ambitious mulattoes and by 
 the "whites by law." The exceptionally light-colored girls 
 of this latter class are occasionally able to secure white 
 husbands from the immigrants to the Island, whom they 
 have deluded into the belief that they are really white. 47 A 
 few other pretty, well-educated and wealthy girls of this 
 class are able to marry white because of their wealth and 
 of the scarcity of white girls on the Island. 4S The number, 
 however, is very small, and sexual association between the 
 white men and the mulatto girls goes on without the for- 
 
 45 The same thing is true of the East Indian coolies. "They are proud, 
 however, and will not intermarry with the Africans. . . . The black 
 women look with envy at the straight hair of Asia, and twist 
 their unhappy wool into knots and ropes in the vain hope of being mis- 
 taken for the purer race. But this is all. The African and the Asiatic 
 will not mix. . . ." Froude, The English in the West Indies, pp. 73-74. 
 
 46 ". . . When such a child [a mulatto with Negro features] appears 
 in the Jamaican upper class— let the skin be ever so irreproachable in 
 color— that individual is almost doomed to step down when he or she 
 settles under a roof separate from the parents. Of course all such ob- 
 stables are sometimes counterbalanced when an abundant dowry is pro- 
 vided; but we are now considering only general rules." Needham, Jour- 
 nal of Race Development, Vol. 4, p. 192. 
 
 47 Thorp, World's Work, Vol. 8, p. 4912. 
 
 48 ". . . Out in the country it is not uncommon to find a white man 
 married to a woman of mixed ancestry, for the same reason that white 
 men go to Oklahoma and marry squaws or half-breed girls. . . ." Need- 
 ham, Journal of Race Development, Vol. 4, p. 195. 
 
70 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 mality of a legal marriage. 49 Marriages between mulatto 
 or "white by law" males and white women almost never occur. 
 The few on record are those of light-colored men of wealth 
 who have gone to England and married white women there, 
 where a man is lionized not in spite of his color but because 
 of it, or where the fact of his Negro blood is not known. 50 
 The native families on the Island never marry outside their 
 race; any British officer or official would ruin his career by 
 taking a colored wife. 
 
 Racial feeling is everywhere present in Jamaica though 
 the insignificant number of the whites and the political recog- 
 nition of the mulattoes have, in general, kept it from assum- 
 ing the proportions of a problem. 51 The blacks are socially, 
 economically, and intellectually inferior and contentedly ac- 
 cept the inferior status assigned them. 52 Except in the 
 
 *° Needhara, Journal of Race Development, Vol. 4, p. 195. Some stu- 
 dents at least recognize this as a desirable phenomenon. ". . . There is 
 no such reason against the begetting of children by white men in coun- 
 tries where, if they are to breed at all, it must be with women of col- 
 oured or mixed race. The offspring of such breeding, whether legitimate 
 or illegitimate, is, from the point of view of efficiency, an acquisition to 
 the community, and, under favourable conditions, an advance on the 
 pure-bred African. . . ." Sir Sidney Olivier, White Capital and Col- 
 oured Labour, p. 38. 
 
 60 Thorp, World's Work, Vol. 8, p. 4913. See, also, W. P. Livingstone, 
 "The West-Indian and American Negro: A Contrast," North American 
 Review, Vol. 185, p. 647. 
 
 51 "... I am convinced that this class [mulatto] as it at present exists 
 is a valuable and indispensable part of any West Indian community, and 
 that a colony of black, coloured, and whites has far more organic effi- 
 ciency and far more promise in it than a colony of black and white alone. 
 . . . The graded mixed class in Jamaica helps to make an organic 
 whole of the community and saves it from this distinct cleavage." 
 Olivier, White Capital and Coloured Labour, pp. 38-39. See, also, 
 Livingstone, North American Review, Vol. 185, p. 647. 
 
 a "The whites regard the negro as a primitive being, incapable as yet 
 of standing alone, and adopt the attitude of trainers and teachers: the 
 negroes are conscious of their inferiority and willingly fall into the po- 
 
 . 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 71 
 
 capacity of employees they come little or not at all into 
 contact with the whites. 
 
 In South Africa 
 
 In South Africa the native population is everywhere far 
 more numerous than the Europeans ; the mixed element is 
 generally small. It is, speaking generally, only in Cape 
 Colony that a very considerable half-caste population is 
 found. 53 
 
 The half-breed race is of very complicated ancestry. In 
 the early days, the Dutch mixed to some extent with the 
 Hottentot women of the Cape, giving rise to the so-called 
 Bastaards. 54 Later, as they withdrew into the interior, they 
 came into contact with the Abantus, who at that time were 
 migrating from the Northwest, and produced a second type 
 of hybrid. 55 In 1658 came the first introduction of Negro 
 
 sition of learners." Livingstone, North American Review, Vol. 185, p. 
 647. See, also, Johnston, The Negro in the New World, p. 279. So uni- 
 versal is this feeling of inferiority on the part of the blacks and mu- 
 lattoes that it is claimed that white women can go about unprotected in 
 perfect safety. 
 
 63 "In British South Africa the colored races are nearly five times as 
 numerous as the whites." Encyclopaedia Britannica: South Africa. In 
 1904 the white population was 1,149,336 and the colored 7,111,329. In 
 1911 the white population was 1,305,531 and the colored 6,890,693. By 
 colonies H. E. S. Fremantle, The New Nation; A Survey of the Condi- 
 tions and Prospects of South Africa, p. 179, gives the following: 
 
 Colonies 
 
 European 
 
 Colored 
 
 Total 
 
 Cape Colony 
 
 579,741 
 
 1,830,063 
 
 2,409,804 
 
 Orange R. Colony 
 
 142,679 
 
 244,636 
 
 387,315 
 
 Transvaal 
 
 297,277 
 
 972,674 
 
 1,269,951 
 
 Natal 
 
 97,109 
 
 1,011,645 
 
 1,108,754 
 
 Total 
 
 1,116,806 
 
 4,059,018 
 
 5,175,824 
 
 See, also, Encyclopcedia Britannica Year Book, 1913, pp. 702-12. 
 "Keller, Colonization, p. 444. 
 The Bushmen appear to have been the original South Africans. The 
 
 65 
 
7£ The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 slaves from the West African Coast; 50 shortly afterwards 
 began the importation of Asiatic convicts from the East 
 Indian Archipelago. These Mohammedan Malays mixed 
 with the slave women from the Guinea Coast as well as with 
 the native Hottentot women. There were also slaves from 
 Mozambique and natives from Madagascar, the injection 
 of whose blood further complicated the ethnic mix. 57 Speak- 
 ing of the present-day conditions in Cape Town and Colony 
 as a result of an incomplete fusing of these divergent ethnic 
 types, Evans says : 58 
 
 . . . Equally, to a Natal resident visiting Cape Town 
 the mixed colored population of that city and neigh- 
 borhood is a feature that deeply impresses him. He 
 sees a mixture of races to which he is quite unaccus- 
 tomed. Hottentot, Bushman, Mozambique black, Ma- 
 lay, and other peoples from the Far East, liberated 
 slaves from West and East, Abantu, and European all 
 fused, in varying proportions, to make the colored 
 Cape people of to-day. At one end of the scale he 
 sees men and women almost white, well educated, well 
 spoken, well dressed, courteous and restrained in man- 
 ner, and at the other end of this color scale some whom 
 he considers inferior to the ordinary native or Indian 
 coolie of his home. . . . 
 
 These mixed-blood people are at the present time the in- 
 tellectual class among the blacks. The blacks are on their 
 native soil and never have had the advantage of a period of 
 
 Hottentots were the dominant race at the time of the settlemnt. The 
 Kafir (Bantu) is a conqueror in South Africa. These people have never 
 been enslaved and are keenly conscious of that fact; they have the in- 
 stincts of a race with a proud history. Fremantle, The New Nation, 
 pp. 181-83. 
 
 00 James Bryce, Impressions of South Africa, p. 104.. 
 
 "Encyclopedia Britannica: South Africa. 
 
 cs Maurice S. Evans, Black and White in South East Africa; A Study 
 in Sociology, p. 296. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 73 
 
 industrial training such as the Negroes in the New World 
 received during the slave regime. They are practically all 
 heathen and handicapped by the lack of a culture language. 
 In point of natural ability, the Abantus probably are con- 
 siderably superior to West African Negroes who made up 
 the bulk of the importations to the Americas. 59 Moreover, 
 the blacks are such an overwhelming majority in South 
 Africa that they have little opportunity to acquire, or to 
 have thrust upon them, the white man's culture ; their nu- 
 merical preponderance operates to their serious disadvan- 
 tage. The mixed-bloods form separate groups apart from 
 the native and from the white, and live a life similar to their 
 European neighbors. In general their aims and ideals are 
 white, though they grade off by almost imperceptible de- 
 grees into the native groups who form the great mass of the 
 population. Freemantle considers them as doubtfully su- 
 perior to the Abantus. He says : 60 
 
 The half-castes, or coloured people, as they are gen- 
 erally called, have more civilization though not more 
 character. They are showing good capacity as arti- 
 sans, and although their position as the lower class in 
 the towns, the dubious origin of their race, and the 
 absence of such primitive but effective discipline as 
 controls the Kafirs in their tribal state do not conduce 
 to high standards of life, it cannot be said that they 
 have proved that they are essentially lacking in the 
 moral qualities which distinguish strong and virile peo- 
 ples. . . . 
 
 Mr. Finot, however, has asserted that the Bastaards are 
 in no sense inferior to the pure whites, 01 but this seems not 
 
 59 Bryce, Impressions of South Africa, pp. 378-79. 
 
 60 The New Nation, p. 182. 
 
 Finch, Inter-Racial Problems, p. 109, says that they have "multiplied 
 and prospered while the pure Hottentots have rapidly decreased." 
 
 61 "The Griquas [Bastaards], mixed products of Hottentots and Dutch, 
 
74 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 to be the opinion of those with most knowledge of the actual 
 facts. Evans, for example, says : G2 
 
 ... It is utterly contrary to fact to say they 
 [Griquas] are equal to Europeans; either physically, 
 mentally, morally, as a whole, neither are they equal 
 in any single character of value. . . . The Griquas are 
 a degenerate, dissolute, demoralized people, weak and 
 unstable, lazy and thriftless. They appear to be con- 
 stitutionally immoral, far more so than either the Euro- 
 pean or Bantu people among whom they live. The 
 branch of these people with whom I am best acquainted 
 live in Griqualand East, just south of the Natal bor- 
 der. They came to this land, then unoccupied owing 
 to native wars and thus called No Man's Land, under 
 Adam Kok their chief, some half century ago. It is 
 one of the best parts of South Africa, well grassed 
 and w r ell watered, with fertile arable land, a glorious 
 climate, with good rainfall, and healthy for all kinds 
 of live-stock. This goodly land was parcelled out to 
 the Griqua families in farms of from 2000 to 3000 acres. 
 Never had a people a better start in life. To-day the 
 land has passed from them and they live miserably as 
 squatters, as herds for Europeans, or without definite 
 employment, and the farms they once held are owned 
 and occupied by Europeans, who are prosperous and 
 thriving, and constantly advancing in the amenities of 
 life. The Griquas were not dispossessed by force; ex- 
 cepting for one short-lived outbreak the country has 
 been in peace. They are simply constitutionally unable 
 to hold ; gin, immorality, laziness, debt, the lack of 
 foresight and inability to forego present gratification 
 
 or the Cafusos, are quite equal to pure whites, just as the cross breeds 
 of Indian and Spanish are at least as good as the Spaniards themselves." 
 Finot, Race Prejudice. Quoted by Maurice S. Evans, Black and White 
 in the Southern States, pp. 25-26. 
 
 62 Black and White in the Southern States, pp. 26-27. See, also, Fried- 
 rich Ratzel, The History of Mankind, Vol. 2, p. 295, and £lisee Reclus, 
 Africa, Vol. 4, p. 149. 
 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 75 
 
 for future well-being, are the reasons for their race 
 failure. The methods of the incoming European were 
 sometimes not justifiable, but the hopeless weakness of 
 the Griqua was his undoing. 
 
 Between the races in South Africa there is a complete 
 separation on the basis of color. The white inhabitants 
 recognize no difference between the various shades of Ne- 
 groes, but draw an impassable color line with the whites on 
 one side and all grades of the colored population on the 
 other. 63 No colored man ever enters the house of a white 
 man except it be as a servant. Intermarriage, though per- 
 mitted in the English colonies, does not occur in South 
 Africa, and illicit relations between the races are pretty 
 effectually tabooed by an intolerant public opinion. 64 "Each 
 race goes its own way and lives its own life." 65 Black chil- 
 dren are not admitted to the schools attended by white chil- 
 dren, 66 with the exception of a very few mission schools to 
 which a few families of the poorer whites send their children 
 because of the low fees. 67 The superiority of the white man 
 must be maintained even at the expense of his sense of hu- 
 mor. 68 
 
 63 
 
 Bryce, Impressions of South Africa, p. 368. 
 
 M "I suppose, in the opinion of the average South African, the admix- 
 ture in blood of the races is the worst thing that can happen, at least 
 for the white race, and possibly for both ... he can see the degrada- 
 tion of the white man, the ambiguous position of the children, often 
 the resentment of the native in cases of miscegenation; . . ." Evans, 
 Black and White in South East Africa, p. 223. See, also, Freraantle, 
 The New Nation, pp. 217-18. 
 
 85 Bryce, Impressions of South Africa, p. 375. 
 
 60 Evans, Black and White in South East Africa, p. 299. 
 
 67 Bryce, Impressions of South Africa, p. 378. 
 
 68 "Sometimes the usual relations of employer and employed are re- 
 versed, and a white man enters the service of a prosperous Kaffir. This 
 makes no difference as respects their social intercourse, and I remember 
 
76 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 The attitude of the white man is one of aversion towards 
 colored people. He dislikes and despises the black. The 
 attitude of contempt is to be found in all classes though 
 strongest in the rougher elements. The Dutch are more 
 bitter than the English, and more disposed to treat the na- 
 tive harshly. There is no community of ideas and no sym- 
 pathy between the races. 69 "The black man accepts the 
 superiority of the white man as a part of the order of na- 
 ture." 70 He submits patiently to the stronger race. 
 
 But there is no serious friction between the white and the 
 black people of South Africa. The native is too far re- 
 moved from the white man to appreciate or resent the white 
 man's attitude. 71 The mixed-bloods, here as everywhere, 
 chafe against the social ostracism from the white group with 
 which it is their ambition to be identified, and resent the atti- 
 tude of the white group which identifies them with the native 
 side of their ancestry which they are anxious to conceal and 
 forget. Speaking of the half-castes Fremantle says : 72 
 
 ... In varying degrees he possesses white blood. He 
 is permanently conscious of the fact that the infusion 
 of that blood differentiates him completely from the 
 natives who surround him. He feels that he has a right 
 to a definite place in the social structure of South 
 Africa, and he is embittered by finding that no such 
 place is accorded to him. He has a definite place in 
 each Colony but, as has already been stated, he is sub- 
 jected to different rules in the different Colonies. 
 South Africa, as such, does not recognize him. And he, 
 
 to have been told of a ease in which the white workman stipulated that 
 his employer should address him as 'Boss.' " Bryce, Impressions of 
 South Africa, p. 367. 
 "Ibid., pp. 3G5-68. 
 
 70 Ibid., p. 375. 
 
 71 Ibid., p. 375. 
 
 72 The New Nation, pp. 319-20. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 77 
 
 who ought to be a permanent support to the influence 
 of white rule, is tempted to turn his face backwards 
 to a more sympathetic understanding with that native 
 population from which he is, in so large a part, de- 
 rived. 
 
 North American Indians 
 
 The contact of the North European races with the North 
 American Indians more often resulted in the extermination 
 of the Indian by slaughter or disease, than in an amalgama- 
 tion of the races. During the period of settlement and colo- 
 nization, there generally existed a state of potential if not 
 of actual warfare between the races. The Indian was dis- 
 possessed and driven farther and farther into the interior, 
 rather than absorbed into the new life of the country. 
 
 However, there was from the first some intermingling of 
 the blood of the races which has continued to the present 
 day. The French mingled freely with the Algonquian tribes 
 both on the coast and in the interior. They furnished 
 fathers for the great group of present-day French-Cana- 
 dians. The Catholic missionaries, especially in the interior, 
 favored these unions and they took place to such an extent 
 that to-day few French families in the Missouri-Illinois 
 region are entirely free from any trace of Indian blood. 
 Of the fifteen thousand persons of French-Canadian descent 
 in Michigan, few are without some trace of Indian inter- 
 mixture. 73 In Manitoba at the time of its admission to the 
 Dominion, there were some ten thousand mixed-bloods, the 
 result of the Hudson Bay Company's activities in the Cana- 
 dian Northwest. A considerable per cent of the mixed- 
 bloods of the Northwest are the descendants of English and 
 Scotch fathers. The Iroquois are largely mixed with both 
 
 73 Bureau of American Ethnology, Handbook of the American Indians. 
 Part I, p. 913. 
 
78 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 French and English blood, an appreciable amount of which 
 came from the captives in the wars of the seventeenth and 
 eighteenth centuries and from their tribal institution of 
 adoption. In the Apache, Comanche, and other warlike 
 tribes of the Southwest, is also some admixture of captive 
 white blood. In such cases the offspring are, in a larger 
 percentage of cases than is elsewhere true, the children of 
 white mothers and Indian fathers. 74 
 
 In the early days, the unions of the whites and Indians 
 were usually temporary alliances formed and broken at the 
 pleasure of the conquering white man. Almost exclusively 
 they were unions between white men and Indian women. Oc- 
 casionally, and much more frequently during the past half 
 century, there have been alliances of a different sort. Edu- 
 cated individuals of some Indian blood and whites occasion- 
 ally have intermarried ; some of these unions have been 
 between white women and men of Indian blood. In how far 
 these mixed marriages have been dictated by economic mo- 
 tives, it is of course not possible to say. 75 
 
 At the present time the Indian population of the United 
 States is about forty per cent mixed-bloods, and consider- 
 ably over nine-tenths of the mixed-bloods are Indian-white 
 crosses. The actual numbers and percentages are as fol- 
 lows : 76 
 
 Indian Population, Continental United States, 1910 
 
 Per cent 
 Racial Ancestry Number of Total 
 
 Full blood 150,053 56.5 
 
 74 See Handbook of the American Indians, Part I, pp. 913-14: 
 
 75 Charles Alexander Eastman, "The North American Indian," Inter- 
 Racial Problems, pp. 367-76. 
 
 79 Indian Population in the United States and Alaska, United States 
 Census 1910, Supplement 1915, p. 31. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 79 
 
 
 
 
 Per 
 
 Cent 
 
 Racial Ancestry 
 
 Number 
 
 of Total 
 
 Mixed blood 
 
 93,423 
 
 35.2 
 
 
 'White and Indian a 
 
 88,030 
 
 33.1 " 
 
 
 
 Negro and Indian 
 
 2,255 
 
 0.8 
 
 
 ■4 
 
 White, Negro and Indian 
 
 1,793 
 
 0.7 
 
 - 
 
 
 Other mixtures 
 
 80 
 
 0.1 
 
 
 
 Unknown 
 
 1,265 
 
 0.5 
 
 
 Not reported 
 
 22,207 
 
 8.3 
 
 Total 
 
 265,683 
 
 100.0 
 
 a Includes Mexican and Indian. 
 
 More than four-fifths of those in the "not reported" group 
 are scattered through the white population and the great 
 majority are probably individuals of mixed blood. 77 More- 
 over, the degree of the intermixture is appreciably greater 
 than appears on the face of the table. Of the total number 
 of mixed white and Indian blood about twenty per cent are 
 less than half white, nearly twenty-eight per cent are one- 
 half Indian and one-half white, while approximately one-half 
 of all the mixed-bloods are more than one-half white. About 
 four-fifths of the total number of mixed-bloods are at least 
 one-half white. 78 
 
 Degree of Mixture Number Per cent 
 
 Less than one-half white 18,169 20.6 
 
 One-half white, one-half Indian 24,353 27.7 
 
 More than one-half white 43,937 49.9 
 
 In regard to the geographical distribution of the mixed- 
 bloods, the report gives the following table : 79 
 
 "Ibid., p. 31. 
 ™Ibid., p. 35. 
 19 Ibid., p. 32. 
 
 
80 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 
 
 
 Per cent 
 
 State 
 
 Full-blood 
 
 Mixed-blood 
 
 mixed 
 
 Arizona 
 
 27,087 
 
 414 
 
 1.4 
 
 Oklahoma 
 
 25,887 
 
 44,288 
 
 62.6 
 
 New Mexico 
 
 20,085 
 
 175 
 
 0.9 
 
 South Dakota 
 
 13,247 
 
 5,408 
 
 28.7 
 
 California 
 
 10,493 
 
 4,217 
 
 28.1 
 
 Montana 
 
 6,204 
 
 3,895 
 
 37.5 
 
 Washington 
 
 6,770 
 
 3,019 
 
 30.6 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 5,249 
 
 4,330 
 
 45.1 
 
 Nevada 
 
 4,287 
 
 508 
 
 10.3 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 3,859 
 
 4,886 
 
 55.8 
 
 Michigan 
 
 3,528 
 
 3,218 
 
 47.6 
 
 Oregon 
 
 2,901 
 
 1,668 
 
 36.4 
 
 Utah 
 
 2,900 
 
 105 
 
 3.4 
 
 Idaho 
 
 . 2,864 
 
 514 
 
 15.0 
 
 New York 
 
 2,850 
 
 2,028 
 
 38.9 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 2,294 
 
 939 
 
 28.4 
 
 North Dakota 
 
 2,499 
 
 3,561 
 
 57.7 
 
 Wyoming 
 
 1,174 
 
 284 
 
 19.5 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 1,394 
 
 5,855 
 
 80.3 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 1,077 
 
 90 
 
 7.7 
 
 Colorado 
 
 718 
 
 50 
 
 6.5 
 
 Kansas 
 
 516 
 
 889 
 
 62.9 
 
 It is of importance to note that the proportion of mixed- 
 bloods is high in the regions where the total Indian popula- 
 tion is small as compared to the whites, or where it is scat- 
 tered through the white population ; and that the proportion 
 of full-bloods is high in the regions with a large total Indian 
 population, or where the Indian tribes live in relative isola- 
 tion. 
 
 The Hopi Indians of Arizona, for example, are 99.9 per 
 cent pure, while the Croatan Indians of North Carolina are 
 7.8 per cent pure. The former is an isolated group of some 
 2,009 ; they are but little in contact with the whites. They 
 
 1 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 81 
 
 live in a region sparsely populated by the whites. The 
 Croatans, a small group of composite origin, have been in 
 contact with the whites and Negroes since the colonial days, 
 in a region of relatively dense white population. 
 
 The St. Regis, a tribe of mixed Iroquoian origin living 
 in the state of New York, are the second most mixed 
 group. 80 Out of a total of 1219, there are 1140 mixed- 
 bloods. The Navajo, a large nomadic tribe of New Mexico 
 and Arizona, is next to the Hopi in the purity of their blood. 
 Out of a total of 22,304, there are but 99 mixed-bloods. 81 
 
 Oklahoma is the only notable exception to the rule that 
 the number of mixed-bloods is inversely proportional to the 
 number of full-bloods in the region. With a large number 
 of Indians, it also has a small proportion of full-bloods. In 
 explanation of this anomaly the report says : 82 
 
 . . . This low proportion in Oklahoma is no doubt 
 due in part to the fact that the possession of valuable 
 lands by the Indians encourages intermarriages be- 
 tween whites and Indians, and that persons with very 
 little Indian blood are anxious to establish their 
 claims as members of the Indian tribes, in order that 
 they may be entitled to participate in the distribution 
 of lands and moneys belonging to the Five Civilized 
 Tribes in Oklahoma. 
 
 It should also be noted that some, at least, of the Okla- 
 homa tribes were enormously mixed before being settled in 
 their present home; also that the number of white people 
 is relatively large in the Oklahoma region. 
 
 80 Indian Population in the United States and Alaska, United States 
 Census 1910, Supplement 1915, p. 84. 
 
 81 Ibid., p. 78. 
 
 82 Ibid., p. 32. 
 
82 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 The Negroes and the Indians of most tribes have freely 
 intermixed. There never has been any legal barrier to their 
 intermarriage and positively there exists some fundamental 
 grounds of sympathy between them. In the early days, they 
 were frequently slaves together associating on terms of so- 
 cial equality. In these cases, the Indians eventually dis- 
 appeared by absorption into the larger body of blacks, and 
 were counted with the Negro slaves. Throughout the slave 
 period, there is occasional mention made of slaves of mixed 
 Indian and Negro blood. Many of the broken coast tribes 
 have been completely absorbed into the Negro race. 83 All 
 these mixtures, however, now appear in the American mu- 
 latto rather than in the American Indian groups. 
 
 In certain of the tribes, notably those who formerly lived 
 in the Gulf States and on the Atlantic seaboard, there is 
 a large admixture of Negro blood. The five civilized 
 tribes 84 were large slave holders and, at the close of the 
 Civil War, they were required to free their Negro slaves and 
 admit them to equal Indian citizenship. There were over 
 twenty thousand of these adopted Negro citizens in the five 
 tribes in addition to those of various degrees of intermix- 
 ture. 
 
 The number of Indians who reported Negro blood was 
 doubtless far less than the actual number. 85 The degree of 
 Negro blood in those reporting is relatively very much less 
 than the amount of white blood in the Indian-white crosses. 
 
 83 Handbook of the American Indians, Part I, p. 914. 
 • 84 "The Seminoles at this time, 1834, owned perhaps 200 slaves, their 
 people had intermarried with the maroons, . . ." Minnie Moore-Will- 
 son, The Seminoles of Florida, p. 14. 
 
 65 "The number of Negro and Indian mixed-bloods reported, 9,255, is 
 probably an understatement, owing to disinclination to admit Negro 
 blood." Indian Pojmlation in the United States and Alaska, United 
 States Census 1910, Supplement 1915, p. 38. 
 
 1 
 

 Per cent 
 
 Number 
 
 of total 
 
 717 
 
 31.8 
 
 729 
 
 32.3 
 
 780 
 
 34.6 
 
 29 
 
 1.3 
 
 Mixed-Blood Races 83 
 
 Amount of Negro Blood in the Indian-Negro Crosses 86 
 
 Degree of Mixture 
 
 Less than one-half Negro 
 One-half Negro, one-half Indian 
 More than one-half Negro 
 Unknown proportions 
 
 In all cases the fertility of the mixed unions is higher 
 than the unions of the full-blood Indians. The greatest 
 amount of sterility is found in the marriages between the 
 full-bloods ; in cases of miscegenation it is considerably less 
 common. The per cent of issueless marriages decreases di- 
 rectly with the decrease in the amount of Indian blood in the 
 married couple. In cases of fertile marriages the number of 
 children is also less in the Indian marriages than in those 
 that were mixed. The marriages between mixed-blood Ne- 
 groes and Indians show the highest degree of fertility. 87 
 
 Such study as has been made of the Indian-white mixtures 
 in America, shows the mixed-blood race to be physically 
 superior to the Indian type. Boaz 88 in a study of the 
 French-Indian mixtures, found the offspring to exceed both 
 parents in height, to be more variable than the Indian par- 
 ents and also to be more fertile. "We observe in the mixed- 
 blood race that the fertility and the laws of growth are 
 affected, that the variability of the race is increased, and 
 that the resultant stature of the mixed-blood race exceeds 
 that of both parents." 89 In other respects, notably in 
 the color of skin, texture of the hair and the facial features, 
 
 88 Ibid., p. 38. 
 
 87 Ibid., pp. 15T-58. 
 
 88 Franz Boaz, "The Half-Breed Indian," Popular Science Monthly, 
 Vol. 45, pp. 761-70. See, also, Eugen Fischer, Die Rehobother Bastards 
 und das Bastardierungsproblem beim Menschen, 
 Ibid., p. 766. 
 
 89 
 
84 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 the mixed-blood race is much nearer to the Indian than to 
 the white ancestry. In the case of the Negro intermixture, 
 the offspring incline much more to the Indian than to the 
 Negro type. 90 
 
 In general, the mixture of other blood with the Indian 
 has not given rise to a special racial problem. The in- 
 creasing amount of white blood in the Indian race simply 
 has decreased the gap between the races, not by the cre- 
 ation of an intermediate caste, but by a modification of 
 the temperament and appearance of the Indian group. 91 
 The mixed-blood Indian, dressed in the clothes of civilized 
 man, loses most of his distinctive Indian characteristics. 
 Moreover, a trace of Indian blood is not considered a taint 
 which it is necessary to conceal and of which the individual 
 need feel ashamed. As a consequence, the man of mixed 
 Indian-white ancestry who desires to do so, may escape 
 from the Indian group and identify himself with and become 
 lost in the culture group. 
 
 Most frequently, however, the half-breeds have elected to 
 remain with the mother race and to become the leaders of 
 the race. The Five Civilized Tribes are to-day far more 
 Anglo-Saxon than they are Indian. The Wyandots have 
 not a single full-blood. For over a century, to take a single 
 example to illustrate the status of the half-breed, every 
 leading man of the Cherokee Nation has had more white than 
 
 80 Handbook of the American Indians, Part I, p. 365. 
 
 01 Possibly also by causing his intellectual advance. At any rate "The 
 families that have made Cherokee history were nearly all of this mixed 
 descent. The Doughertys, Galpins, and Adairs were from Ireland; the 
 Rosses, Vanns, and Mclntoshes, like the McGillivrays and Graysons 
 among the Creeks, were of Scottish origin; the Waffords and others were 
 Americans from Carolina or Georgia, and the father of Sequoya was a 
 [Pennsylvania?] German. . . ." See James Mooney, "Myths of the 
 Cherokee," 19th Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part 1, 
 p. 83. 
 
Mixed-Blood Races 85 
 
 Indian blood. John Ross, their most noted man, was one- 
 eighth Indian and seven-eighths white. 92 
 
 Where a race problem has appeared, it has been due in 
 most cases to an antipathy toward the Negro and Negro 
 mixtures, or to an effort on the part of these mixtures to 
 escape classification with the Negro race. The Croatan 
 Indians of North Carolina, a mixed-blood race of Negro and 
 white around an Indian nucleus whose identity has been 
 completely lost, were for years classed with the free Ne- 
 groes. They persistently refused to accept the classifica- 
 tion or to attend the Negro schools or churches, claiming 
 special privileges on the ground that they were descended 
 from native tribes and early settlers. In 1885, they were 
 given separate legal existence on the baseless theory that 
 they were descended from Raleigh's lost colony of Croatan, 
 and separate school provision was made for them. 93 In some 
 of the more distinctly Indian tribes, notably the Cherokee 
 and Osage, there is a bitter rivalry between the mixed- 
 bloods and the full-bloods, and they have formed rival fac- 
 tions. The Cherokees, too, draw a color line against their 
 Negro citizens and refuse to intermarry with them. 
 
 63 Handbook of the American Indians, Part I, p. 914. 
 
 93 They are a mixture of wasted Indian tribes, forest rovers, runaway- 
 slaves and other Negroes. There are a number of other similar groups, 
 the "Redbones" of South Carolina, the "Melungeons" of West Virginia 
 and East Tennessee and the "Moors" of Delaware, but like the "Cro- 
 atan Indians" they are rather mulatto than Indian mixtures. See Ibid., 
 p. 365. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE MULATTO : THE KEY TO THE RACE PROBLEM 
 
 THE foregoing summary review of the origin and status 
 of the chief half-caste races has necessarily been brief 
 and more or less unsatisfactory. It does not include a 
 sketch of all such groups, and makes no pretense of being 
 an adequate treatment of any. 
 
 Little more can be done, however, in the present state of 
 knowledge concerning these peoples. Of the score or more 
 of mixed-blood races scarcely one has been made the sub- 
 ject of objective scientific study. 1 The whole work on this 
 important subject remains to be done. Any wide observa- 
 tion or comparison, or any thoroughgoing analysis of a 
 single situation, has not been made. 
 
 The little that is known concerning most of these racial 
 groups comes from the reports of travelers and officials who 
 
 1 Dr. Eugen Fischer's Die Behobother Bastards und das Ba-stardie- 
 rungs problem beim Menschen is the only adequate, objective, scientific 
 study that has been made of the amalgamation of two diverse racial 
 groups. Fischer's general conclusion is to the effect that the interbreed- 
 ing of the first generation of bastards and their crossing with the pure 
 parent races have given rise to a group in which the physical charac- 
 ters of the pure-blood parent races reappear in endless new combinations 
 and that no new race with approximately uniform characters has arisen. 
 On the mental side the bastards show an intellectual capacity and varia- 
 bility superior to that of the Negro side of their ancestry but are as 
 lacking in the mental energy and fixedness of the European as is the 
 full-blood primitive group. Fischer's general position would seem to be 
 that two diverse races cannot amalgamate to a new ethnic unity. See 
 note 6, p. 13 above. 
 
 86 
 
The Mulatto: the Key to the Race Problem 87 
 
 are dealing primarily with other matters. These observers 
 frequently disagree concerning even the most obvious objec- 
 tive facts. Their opportunity to observe generally is limited ; 
 they see one phase of a situation, seldom the whole. More- 
 over, individual interest determines what the non-scientific 
 observer of a social situation will see. His preconceptions 
 lead him to see the things for which he is looking. His prej- 
 udice may prevent him from giving an unbiased report of 
 what he observes if, indeed, it does not actually prevent him 
 from seeing certain facts of first-rate importance. Sweep- 
 ing generalizations are made on the basis of the most par- 
 tial and inadequate observation. Seldom is any account 
 taken of the part played by different factors at work in 
 the situation. The amental influences behind the observed 
 conditions are never gotten at and there is seldom a con- 
 sciousness on the part of the writers that such influences 
 exist. 
 
 On the basis of such data as are available, the object has 
 been to give in brief space as accurate a statement as pos- 
 sible concerning the main facts of the miscegenation of the 
 advanced and backward races for the light that such a com- 
 parison w T ould throw on the mulatto type and problem ex- 
 isting in the United States. Incomplete as are the data, and 
 tentative as the conclusions must consequently be, enough 
 has been said to reveal the fact that the mulatto is the key 
 to the racial situation. Any scientific study of a race prob- 
 lem that fails to take account of the man of mixed ancestry 
 and the special and important part he plays, falls short of 
 a complete anatysis of the situation. Any program of ra- 
 cial adjustment that does not recognize and provide for this 
 special factor fails at the most vital point. Broadly speak- 
 ing, the review seems to bear out the conclusion that in its 
 acute and troublesome form, the "race problem" is the prob- 
 
The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 lein of the mulatto. 
 
 It remains for this section to summarize in general terms 
 certain facts in regard to the origin, growth, and status of 
 the mixed-blood races ; to point out certain similarities in 
 the psychological type developed, and to show the sociologi- 
 cal problem that the type creates. 
 
 In every case the half-caste races have arisen as the 
 result of illicit relations between the men of the superior 
 and the women of the inferior race. 2 In India it was the 
 Portuguese and later the English men who mixed with the 
 native women ; in Greenland it was the Danish men and the 
 native women ; on the Labrador coast it was the English 
 fishermen and the native women ; in Brazil it was the Portu- 
 guese immigrant men with the native and later with the 
 Negro women; in other parts of South America and the 
 Spanish West Indies, it was the Spanish males with the 
 native and later with the Negro females; in Haiti it was 
 the French settlers with the Negro women, and so it has 
 been in all other cases. There is no mixed-blood race which 
 is the result of intermarriage between culturally unequal 
 races and none w T here the mothers of the half-castes are not 
 of the culturally inferior race. 
 
 While all the advanced races have, under certain condi- 
 tions, mixed with the women of the lower races they have 
 not done so with anything like equal readiness. Of the 
 white races, the Spanish and the Portuguese have mixed 
 most easily and in largest numbers. They have mixed, 
 moreover, with almost equal readiness with the Malay, the 
 American Indian, and the African Negress; and with less 
 repugnance than any other people with whom these lower 
 races have come in contact. "They had never acquired, or 
 
 2 Sir Harry H. Johnston, "Racial Problems and the Congress of Races, 
 Contemporary Review, Vol. 100, p. 159. 
 
 
 
The Mulatto: the Key to the Race Problem 89 
 
 had lost as the result of experience, any aversion to race 
 mixture." 3 The French mixed readily with the American 
 Indians but in contact with the Negroes in Haiti they 
 mixed relatively little. The English have crossed with all 
 the lower races, but much more slowly than have the Latin 
 peoples. Moreover, the English mix less readily with the 
 Negroes than with the Indians, and more slowly with these 
 than with certain of the brown races. 4 Bryce summarizes 
 the situation in these words : 5 
 
 . . . Roughly speaking ... we may say that while 
 all the races of the same, or a similar, colour inter- 
 marry freely, those of one colour intermarry very 
 little with those of another. This is most marked as 
 between the white and the black races. The various 
 white races are, however, by no means equally averse 
 to such unions. Among the Arabs and Turks the 
 sense of repulsion from negroes is weakest, . . . The 
 South European races, though disinclined to such un- 
 
 8 A. G. Keller, Colonization, pp. 104, 216, 219. See, also, H. C. Morris, 
 The History of Colonization, Vol. 1, p. 249. 
 
 4 B. L. Putnam Weale [Weale is the pseudonym of Mr. B. L. Simp- 
 son], "The Conflict of Color," World's Work, Vol. 19, p. 12,328, points out 
 the same preference on the part of the Chinese. They mate readily 
 with "many varieties of brown maidens" but avoid the black. See, also, 
 U. G. Weatherly, "A World Wide Color Line," Popular Science Monthly, 
 Vol. 79, p. 480. 
 
 6 James Bryce, Relations of Advanced and Backward Races, pp. 18- 
 19. See, also, Bryce, "Migrations of the Races of Men," Contemporary 
 Review, Vol. 62, p. 130. ". . . Whether in each case of dispersion 
 the migrating population becomes fused with that which it finds, depends 
 chiefly on the difference between the level of civilization of the two 
 races." Luis Cabrera, "The Mexican Revolution — Its Causes, Purposes 
 and Results," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social 
 Science, Supplement, Jan. 1917, p. 5, states the order of ease with which 
 civilized races fuse with the Mexican mixed-blood race as follows: 1. 
 Spanish and Italian, 2. German, 3. French, and 4. American and Eng- 
 lish. The first two races "nearly always" blend; the last two "hardly 
 
 ever." 
 
90 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 ions, do not wholly eschew them. ... In modern times 
 the Spanish settlers in the Antilles and South America, 
 and the Portuguese in Brazil, as well as on the East 
 and West coasts of Africa, have formed many unions 
 with negro women, as the Spaniards have done with 
 the Malayan Tagals in the Philippines, and the Por- 
 tuguese with the Hindus in Malabar. There is to-day 
 a negro strain in many of the whites of Cuba, and a 
 still stronger one in the whites of Brazil. The aver- 
 sion to color reaches its maximum among the Teutons. 
 The English in North America and the West Indies 
 did, indeed, during the days of slavery, become the 
 parents of a tolerably large mixed population, as did 
 the Dutch in South Africa. But they scarcely ever 
 intermarried with the free coloured people: ... So 
 the English in India have felt a like aversion to mar- 
 riages with native women, and even such illicit con- 
 nections as were not rare a century ago are now sel- 
 dom found. 
 
 Where a white race comes into contact with the so- 
 called "red" or "yellow" race . . . the sense of re- 
 pulsion is much less pronounced. The English settlers 
 intermarry, though less frequently than the French 
 did, with the aborigines of America. . . . The Span- 
 iards have been still less fastidious. All over Central 
 and South America they have become commingled with 
 the aborigines, especially, as was natural, with the 
 more advanced tribes. . . . 
 
 Another element that conditions the amount of miscegena- 
 tion that takes place between the members of two divergent 
 races is the class of the superior race that comes into con- 
 tact with the native race. In most of the early contacts of 
 the white race with the darker races, the white race has been 
 represented by its adventurer and outcast classes. In Cen- 
 
 8 "Most race crossing has occurred on the outskirts of civilization, . . ." 
 Earl Finch, "The Effects of Racial Miscegenation," Inter-Racial Prob- 
 
The Mulatto: the Key to the Race Problem 91 
 
 tral and South America, the adventurers and the clergy 
 were reinforced by convicts sentenced to death or mutila- 
 tion who had their sentences commuted on condition that 
 they emigrate to the colonies. Greenland was practically 
 a Danish penal colony with a forced immigration of orphan 
 boys to recruit the teaching force and the inferior clergy. 
 South Africa was made the dumping ground for Asiatic 
 convicts. Portugal unloaded on her Brazilian colony not 
 only her convicts but her prostitutes as well. Aside from 
 the criminal and the vicious, however, the military and the 
 adventurer classes are hardly more typical of the moral 
 sense of a community, but they usually have been the first 
 representatives of the superior race with whom the nature 
 peoples have come in contact. 
 
 Of more importance, perhaps, than either race or class 
 considerations is the matter of the presence or the absence 
 of women of the higher race. In the absence of their own 
 women, men of all divisions of the white race have inter- 
 mixed, though not with equal readiness, with the women of 
 the lower races. Where women have been present some in- 
 termixture has still gone on, but never in the wholesale way 
 that characterizes the trading, as distinguished from the 
 settlement, colony. It is to this fact — the presence or ab- 
 sence of women of the culture race — that Keller seems in- 
 clined to attribute the differences in the amount of inter- 
 mixture with the native races in the North American and 
 the South American colonies. White women were present 
 in the former ; and few in number, or entirely absent, in the 
 latter. 7 
 
 Urns, p. 111. See, also, Felix von Luschan, "Anthropological View of 
 Race," Inter-Racial Problems, p. 23. 
 
 7 Colonization, p. 14. See, also, E. A. Ross, South of Panama, pp. 
 109 ff. 
 
92 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 : 
 
 Comparison is likewise challenged in respect to mar- 
 riage and the family. The fundamental factors which 
 rendered the conditions of the tropical colonies so dif- 
 ferent from those, say, of the New England settle- 
 ments, were the great preponderance of males, and the 
 feeble economic efficiency of such females as were pres- 
 ent. The former factor led to formal celibacy, inter- 
 mixture of races, and aberrations all but unknown in 
 societies of the other type, — all this amounting to 
 a negation of matrimony in the sense characteristic of 
 the temperate colony. The other factor, economic in- 
 efficiency, minimized the importance of woman's status ; 
 the materfamilias had no such independent and influ- 
 ential position in the tropics as in the cooler regions. 
 And where woman was absent or of little significance, 
 there could be little of the family life and solidarity 
 characteristic of many settlement colonies. . . . 
 
 With the increase of women and the consequent equalizing 
 of the sexes of the white race, the miscegenation with the 
 native women everywhere has tended to decrease. But the 
 coming of women, usually as the members of immigrating 
 families, has meant, also, a change in the class of men who 
 were immigrating to the colony. It has indicated that the 
 settler and the home seeker was displacing the adventurer 
 so that a difference in the sexual relations of the races is 
 to be expected quite apart from whatever influence the pres- 
 ence of women might have. 
 
 It is sometimes held that the institution of slavery was 
 responsible for the origin of the mixed-blood races through 
 the compulsory concubinage of the slave women by the mas- 
 ter class. But mixed-blood races have arisen where the in- 
 stitution of slavery has not prevailed. The North American 
 Indians were never successfully enslaved, yet they have in- 
 termixed with ever} 7 other race with whom they have come 
 in contact. The same fact is to be noted in other regions 
 
The Mulatto: the Key to the Race Problem 93 
 
 Slavery did not exist in Greenland, nor in the Philippines, 
 nor in India or elsewhere in Asia. The simple fact of the 
 case seems to be that the women of the lower races every- 
 where seek sex relations with the men of the superior race 
 or caste. Ratzel 8 comments upon "the ease with which 
 Malay women form transitory alliances with foreigners," 
 and adds that "nearly all the so-called Chinese women in 
 Banca are half-breeds from Malayan mothers." Keller 9 
 says of the Eskimo women that "illicit relations with white 
 men are rather a glory than a disgrace." Of the Indian 
 women, Lee 10 says "she is the seducer and it is the proudest 
 moment of her life when she has allied herself with a man 
 of a superior race," while Crooke 11 points out the fact 
 that a failure on the part of girls of certain castes to at- 
 tract the attention and have sex relations with men of 
 a higher class ruins their chances to secure husbands in 
 their own group, and that for a girl to claim such an honor 
 falsely is legal grounds for divorce on the part of the out- 
 raged husband. 12 It seems to be the usual situation every- 
 where that the women of the lower races or the lower castes 
 desire, seek, feel honored by the attention of the higher class 
 men, and are enormously proud of their light-skinned, half- 
 caste children. The effect of slavery, so far as any effect 
 can be shown, seems to be to lessen the amount of inter- 
 mixture by separating and restraining the vicious elements, 
 and so preventing an indiscriminate sexual relation. 
 
 Once started, the half-caste races everywhere increase 
 
 8 Friedrich Ratzel, The History of Mankind, Vol. 1, p. 438. 
 
 9 Colonization, p. 515. 
 
 10 Mary Helen Lee, The Eurasian: A Social Problem, p. 5. 
 
 11 W. Crooke, "The Stability of Caste and Tribal Groups in India," 
 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. 44, pp. 270-81. 
 
 12 Edward Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, pp. 65-67, 
 76-77, 81. 
 
94< The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 rapidly in numbers and always at the expense of the back- 
 ward race. Illicit relations between the half-breed women 
 and the men of the superior race are the normal situation 
 after the mixed-blood race has become sufficiently large to 
 allow the forces of sexual selection to operate. The half- 
 breed men in their turn prey upon the women of the pure- 
 blood native race. Both result in additions to the mulatto 
 group. Moreover, the marriage of the mixed-blood indi- 
 viduals is in nearly every case with their own or a lighter 
 color, hence the natural, legitimate increase is normal or 
 nearly so. 13 
 
 In some cases, especially after the earlier crosses have 
 produced a somewhat choicer type of female, there has come 
 to be some intermarriage. A small number of Danes form 
 temporary marriage unions with the mixed-blood Eskimo 
 women in Greenland, though the women and children are de- 
 serted when the man retires from official life. The unions 
 of the Chinese with the native women in the Philippines is 
 a form of marriage very similar to that practiced by the 
 Danes and Eskimo women of Greenland. There is some 
 intermarriage between the middle-class or low-class w T hites 
 and the mixed-breed races of Latin America. In Brazil the 
 wealthy and near-white mulattoes and metis sometimes 
 marry immigrant and other white women. Occasionally 
 among the Indian tribes in the United States, are to be 
 
 13 
 
 It would be quite normal except for the illegitimate children that 
 the women of the mixed-blood race bear to white men. These, how- 
 ever, cannot all be counted as substitutes for children of a mixed-blood 
 father. They are usually born before the girl forms a regular sexual 
 union with one of her own class and are in general to be looked upon as 
 extra-matrimonial additions to the class. Such relations seem generally 
 not to be a bar to the girl forming a regular matrimonial alliance with 
 one of her own class and in some cases at least gives her a decided 
 prestige. 
 
The Mulatto: the Key to the Race Problem 95 
 
 found white men and women married to wealthy Indians and 
 half-breeds. 
 
 In most of these situations if not in all, intermarriage is 
 the exception and not the rule. Where it takes place, the 
 compelling motive is to be looked for in the economic status 
 of the colored man or woman, in the scarcity of women of 
 the advanced race, or in a combination of the two. In all 
 other situations, mixed marriages are very rare though iso- 
 lated cases occur in all countries. All in all, the number 
 of mixed marriages that occur in any country with an ad- 
 vanced race and a backward race in the population, is very 
 trivial as compared to the amount of amalgamation that 
 takes place between the races outside the marriage bond. 
 
 In general, the half-breed children are disowned by their 
 fathers though this is not always the case. Where the 
 unions take the form of a fairly permanent marriage, as 
 with some of the Danish-Eskimo and many of the Chinese- 
 Malay unions, the offspring are acknowledged and cared 
 for. The Chinaman is even said to be inordinately proud 
 of his half-breed progeny. In the colonial days, the Span- 
 ish and the Portuguese in South America in some cases 
 acknowledged their mixed-blood offspring by the Negro and 
 native women, and provided for their education and train- 
 ing. In general, however, the child followed the status of 
 the mother. 14 The French in Canada in the colonial days 
 often showed much fondness for their offspring by the In- 
 dian women. In Haiti their unions with the Negro women 
 were of a casual sort ; the fathers showed little concern for 
 their mulatto progeny. The British never have acknowl- 
 
 14 
 
 "The amalgamation of the negroes by the Mohammedans is facili- 
 tated particularly by the institution of polygamy, the conquerors taking 
 native wives, and raising their children as members of their own fam- 
 ily." Franz Boaz, The Mind of Primitive Man, p. 15. 
 
96 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 edged their offspring by a lower race. In India and the 
 sea-port cities of Asia, the offspring in many cases are the 
 result of a casual meeting; the father may not know his 
 offspring or even know of their existence. In general it may 
 be said that individual fathers, more frequently in some 
 places than in others, have acknowledged and cared for 
 their half-caste children but that this has at no time or 
 place been the rule. 
 
 The status of the mixed-blood race tends to differ from 
 that of either of the parent races. It is not everywhere the 
 same, however, and the status of a single group is not the 
 same at different times. The operation of the two prime 
 factors — the racial differences and the cultural differences 
 of the pure-blood groups — is modified by historical factors 
 and by the prevailing social situation. 
 
 There are almost infinite gradations of both color and 
 culture. There are, however, four different combinations 
 in which these factors may appear. The two races in con- 
 tact in a given geographical situation may be practically 
 alike both as to color and as to culture. There may be an 
 essential equality of culture, but a wide diversity in color 
 or other physical characteristics. They may be widely 
 different as to cultural development, yet essentially alike as 
 to color and other ethnic characters. Finally they may di- 
 verge both in cultural and in racial characteristics. The 
 inter-racial situation differs in each case and the status of 
 the half-caste race likewise differs. The first situation ordi- 
 narily docs not give rise to a lasting racial problem. The 
 third case may or may not do so. In the second, a char- 
 acteristic form of the race problem appears. It is in the 
 fourth, however, that the problem emerges in its most 
 characteristic present day form and presents the most 
 troublesome social situation. Each of the phases will be 
 
The Mulatto: the Key to the Race Problem 97 
 
 noted in turn. 
 
 Of the innumerable bastard races produced by the com- 
 mingling of primitive groups, none seems to have acquired 
 a distinct status in the community life. Where there ex- 
 ist no fundamental differences in culture and no wide ethnic 
 divergence, there soon comes to be an intermingling of the 
 cultures of the two groups in contact, or a cultural assim- 
 ilation of the one by the other. As friendly intercourse 
 increases, the original separation on race lines gives way 
 little by little to a class division. The individuals of mixed 
 ancestry who practically always appear are a help in this 
 direction. They serve as a tie between the originally hostile 
 groups and their lack of a distinctive appearance militates 
 against their being made into a special class in the com- 
 munity. In the process of racial amalgamation, the group 
 of lesser numerical strength presently loses itself within the 
 larger — becomes an integral part of the community — with- 
 out greatly altering the ethnic type of the larger group. 
 Where the numerical strength of the two groups is more 
 nearly equal, the intermixture of the two races leads to the 
 formation of a homogeneous hybrid race in which the dis- 
 tinctive features of the parent races blend and disappear. 
 Between closely related ethnic groups, as different branches 
 of the same race, intermarriage is governed by much the 
 same rules as govern the marriage of individuals within 
 the same branch. It is a question of association and of 
 sufficient time to allow of mutual understanding and appre- 
 ciation. 
 
 Oppenheimer, 15 discussing the formation of the primitive 
 state through the subjugation of one group by another 
 and their gradual reduction to an ethnic and cultural unity, 
 
 "Franz Oppenheimer, The State; Its History and Development 
 Viewed Sociologically , pp. 80-81. 
 
98 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 says: 
 
 . . . The two groups, separated to begin with, and 
 then united on one territory, are at first merely laid 
 along side one another like a mechanical mixture, as 
 the term is used in chemistry, until gradually they 
 become more and more of a "chemical combination." 
 They intermingle, unite, amalgamate to unity, in cus- 
 toms and habits, in sjjeech and worship. Soon the 
 bonds of relationship unite the upper and the lower 
 strata. In nearly all cases the master class picks the 
 handsomest virgins from the subject races for its con- 
 cubines. A race of bastards thus develops, sometimes 
 taken into the ruling class, sometimes rejected, and 
 then because of the blood of the masters in their veins, 
 becoming the born leaders of the subject race. In form 
 and content the primitive state is completed. 
 
 Where each of the two races in contact possesses a cul- 
 ture and a civilization, yet differ markedly in physical ap- 
 pearance, the mixed-blood race tends to become an outcast 
 group. A distinctive physical appearance makes it impos- 
 sible for the hybrids to pass as individuals of either race. 
 They cannot rise, as a group, superior to either of the par- 
 ent races. Both races despise and reject them. 
 
 This appears to be the status of the Eurasian of India 
 and of the various European-Asiatic half-castes. The Ori- 
 entals, as the East Indians, have a civilization in which they 
 believe, and a pride of race that is often more intolerant 
 than that of the Caucasian. They do not consciously ad- 
 mit the superiority of European culture. The civilizations 
 are not serially arranged ; one is not so much higher than 
 the other as that they are different civilizations. In this 
 situation there is no place for the half-castes. They are 
 neither Asiatic nor European. They are accepted by 
 neither race and they can rise superior to neither. 
 
The Mulatto: the Key to the Race Problem 99 
 
 Where the two peoples, essentially alike as to ethnic char- 
 acters but different as to cultural development are brought 
 into close contact and association, a permanent race prob- 
 lem may or may not arise. Even though color and other 
 physical features are not sufficiently divergent to create, 
 or serve as a basis for, an antipathy ; the peoples may be 
 so tempermentally constituted as to make it impossible for 
 them to arrive at any mutually satisfactory working rela- 
 tions. Their interests may so clash as to keep them even 
 from approaching anything like kindly feeling and unity 
 of purpose. Their political ideas may diverge. Their re- 
 ligious beliefs may differ. Their distinctive manners, cus- 
 toms, and habits of life may be at variance. The differ- 
 ences raay be so marked that toleration may be impossible 
 and accommodation come about only by the elimination of 
 the one or the other or a more or less complete separation 
 along racial lines. The established customs and the habits 
 of thought and action, differences in speech, dress, religion, 
 and the like that set them off as a distinct people, may be 
 nursed and deified and every effort made to prevent assimi- 
 lation of the one by the other. This, however, is the prob- 
 lem of the immigrant ; it is the problem of nationalities. It, 
 for the most part, falls outside the present discussion. The 
 half-races that appear, differ too slightly from either of 
 the parent races for them to be easily distinguishable. In- 
 dividuals may therefore pass in either group and be judged 
 according to their personal ability and worth. They do 
 not represent a type. Individual initiative and opportunity 
 are the things required to raise the individual to a higher 
 class. 
 
 When color differences coincide with differences in culture 
 levels, then color becomes symbolic and each individual is 
 automatically classified by the racial uniform he wears. 
 
100 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 If the proportions of the two groups be such that the racial 
 purity and cultural traits of one group are potentially 
 threatened, the initial conflict may settle down into a 
 chronic state of racial contempt or hatred. The more 
 widely the races differ in appearance, culture, language, re- 
 ligion, anything that serves to distinguish them, the more 
 bitter will be the feeling existing between them. The more 
 unalterable the differences, the more permanent will be their 
 mutually hostile attitude. The greater the danger the back- 
 ward group is felt to be to civilized standards, the greater 
 will be the intolerance of the culture group. 16 
 
 Where the two groups in a racial situation thus have 
 differed widely both in culture and in color, they everywhere 
 have tended toward an adjustment on the basis of superi- 
 ority and subordination. The Portuguese and the Spanish 
 enslaved or exterminated the natives of the West Indies and 
 on the mainland of South America. In the Philippines, the 
 Spanish subjugated the native Moros. The Danes reduced 
 the Eskimos to a dependent status. The settlers of North 
 America exterminated the Indians or drove them into the 
 interior as did the English settlers in Australia. The Negro 
 has been reduced to the status of a slave by every people 
 with whom the race has come in contact. 
 
 Where the status of one race is absolutely inferior to that 
 of the other and the social separation complete, the adjust- 
 ment of the races is frequently a harmonious one. The ac- 
 commodation of the races under a slave regime, for exam- 
 ple, is in general marked by a singular lack of racial fric- 
 tion. Under the condition of freedom with its consequent 
 greater differentiation within the ranks of the backward 
 group, the racial superiority and inferiority become less 
 
 19 See Bryce, Relations of Advanced and Backward Races. See, also, 
 AVeatherly, Popular Science Monthly, pp. 478-79. 
 
The Mulatto: the Key to the Race Problem 101 
 
 absolute and the social separation less complete. Friction 
 arises and prejudice becomes active when, and to the ex- 
 tent that, the unlike races come into association and com- 
 petition. 
 
 Where there has been this absolute separation of supe- 
 rior and inferior groups, the half-castes, as a class, have 
 tended to acquire a distinct status in the life of the com- 
 munity. This status is, in general, above that of the col- 
 ored race, and inferior to the position occupied by the dom- 
 inant race. They everywhere tended to become a middle 
 class between the races and a connecting link between the 
 extremes of the population. In the Philippines, the Spanish 
 mestizo stood midway, socially, between the parent ele- 
 ments. 17 The Chinese-Moro half-breed was superior to the 
 Moro and not markedly inferior to the Chinese. The same 
 midway position was reached by the mulatto races of the 
 English possessions, 18 the metis of Brazil, 19 the mixed-blood 
 race of South Africa 20 and the various Indian-white mix- 
 tures in Mexico and in Central and South America. 21 
 
 This tendency of the mixed-blood group to rise superior 
 to their racial status generally has been modified by the cir- 
 cumstances of the social situation. In South Africa, be- 
 cause of their numerical insignificance and because of the 
 racial intolerance of the small white group, 22 the tendency 
 
 "Carl Crow, "What About the Filipinos?", World's Work, Vol. 26, 
 p. 519. 
 
 18 W. P. Livingstone, "The West-Indian and American Negro," North 
 American Review, Vol. 185, p. 646. 
 
 19 Jean Baptiste de Lacerda, "The Metis, or Half Breeds, of Brazil," 
 Inter-Racial Problems, p. 381. 
 
 30 Maurice S. Evans, Black and White in South East Africa; A Study 
 in Sociology, pp. 298 ff. 
 
 21 James Bryce, South America; Observations and Impressions, pp. 
 481, 492. Ross, South of Panama, pp. 29-30, 40-41, 92, 111. 
 
 M This intolerant attitude finds its explanation in the fact that the 
 
102 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 was to thrust them back upon the lower race. In Brazil and 
 in general throughout Spanish America, the numerical 
 strength of the mixed-blood group, in the presence of a 
 relatively weak sense of either race or national pride on the 
 part of the ruling group, has enabled them to claim social 
 recognition from the whites. In some cases, they appar- 
 ently have risen to the upper class standards ; in other 
 cases, they have debased the higher standards to Ahe level 
 of the mongrel group. In Jamaica the insignificant number 
 of the ruling race has counseled the "divide and rule" policy. 
 The natural tendency of the mulatto to rise above the blacks 
 has been fostered, while a rigid separation from the whites 
 has been maintained. Thus they occupy a distinct middle- 
 class status in the community life. 23 
 
 Psychologically, the mulatto is an unstable type. 
 
 In the thinking of the white race, the mulattoes generally 
 are grouped with the backward race and share with them 
 the contempt and dislike of the dominant group. Nowhere 
 are they accepted as social equals. The discrimination va- 
 ries all the way from the more or less successfully concealed 
 contempt of the Brazilian white for the socially ambitious 
 
 whites were a small, isolated group in the presence of an overwhelming 
 number of primitive peoples. "That cry, which unceasingly for genera- 
 tions has rung out from the Boer woman's elbow-chair, 'My children, 
 never forget that you are white men! Do always as you have seen 
 your father and mother do !' was no cry of weak conservatism, fearful of 
 change; it was the embodiment of the passionate determination of a 
 great, little people, not to lose the little it possessed and so sink in the 
 scale of being. To laugh at the conservatism of the Boer is to laugh 
 at the man who, floating above a whirlpool, clings fiercely with one hand 
 to the only outstretching rock he can reach, and who will not relax his 
 hold on it by one finger, till he has found something firmer to grasp." 
 Olive Schrcincr, "The African Boer," Cosmopolitan, Vol. 29, p. 602. 
 
 23 Their caste feeling of superiority tends to keep them a separate type. 
 See Finch, Inter-Racial Problems, p. 110. 
 
The Mulatto: the Key to the Race Problem 103 
 
 metis, to the open and bitter hatred of the South African 
 for the "coloured man" and the Native boy, but it seems to 
 be present everywhere. The origin of the half-castes was 
 everywhere an irregular one; this is a point about which 
 prejudice can always center. Their nearer approach in 
 physical appearance to the white type is simply taken as 
 evidence of additional irregularities in ancestry. The two 
 things — the lower ancestry and the presumption of a du- 
 bious origin — are the focal points about which the white 
 man's contempt for the mixed-blood group centers. 
 
 By the native race, the mixed-blood group is generally 
 accepted as superior. The possession of white blood is an 
 evidence of superiority. The ancestral blot excites no prej- 
 udice. The mulattoes are envied because of their color and 
 enioy a prestige among the darker group because of it. 
 
 >Between these two groups, one admiring and the other 
 despising, stand the mixed-bloods. In their own estimation, 
 they are neither the one nor the other. They despise the 
 lower race with a bitterness born of their degrading asso- 
 ciation with it, and which is all the more galling because it 
 needs must be concealed. They everywhere endeavor to es- 
 cape it and to conceal and forget their relationship to it. 
 They are uncertain of their own worth ; conscious of their 
 superiority to the native they are nowhere sure of their 
 equality with the superior group. They envy the white, 
 aspire to equalit}^ with them, and are embittered when the 
 realization of such ambition is denied them. They are a 
 dissatisfied and an unhappy group. 
 
 It is this discontented and psychologically unstable group 
 which gives rise to the acute phases of the so-called race 
 problem. The members of the primitive group, recognizing 
 the hopelessness of measuring up to the standards of the 
 white race, are generally content and satisfied with their 
 
104 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 lower status and happy among their own race. It is the 
 mixed-blood man who is dissatisfied and ambitious. The 
 real race problem before each country whose population 
 is divided into an advanced and a backward group, is to 
 determine the policy to be pursued toward the backward 
 group. The acute phase of this is to determine the policy 
 to be adopted toward the mixed-bloods. To reject the 
 claims and to deny the ambition of the mulattos may cause 
 them to turn back upon the lower race. In this case, they 
 may become the intellectual leaven to raise the race to a 
 higher cultural level, or they may become the agitators who 
 create discord and strife between the pure-blood races. To 
 form them into a separate caste between the races, is to 
 lessen the clash between the extreme types and, at the same 
 time, to deprive the members of the lower race of their chance 
 to advance in culture by depriving them of their natural, 
 intellectual leaders. To admit the ambition of the mulattoes 
 to be white and to accept them into the white race on terms 
 of individual merit, means ultimately a mongrelization of 
 y vthe population and a cultural level somewhere between that 
 represented by the standards of the two groups. 
 
 The actual policy that has been adopted towards the 
 mixed-blood race in different countries and the consequent 
 role that the mulatto plays in different situations will be 
 made the subject of a later chapter. 24 
 
 The tentative conclusions here reached by a review of 
 the mixed-blood races outside the American mulatto group, 
 will be further verified or modified by a closer investigation 
 into the origin, growth, status, and role of the mulatto in 
 the United States. 
 
 
 U4 
 
 Chapter 12. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 THE AMOUNT OF RACE INTERMIXTURE IN THE UNITED STATES 
 
 IN Negro-white crosses, the characteristic negroid feat- 
 ures persist with noticeably greater relative tenacity 
 than do the characteristic Caucasian features. 1 In the 
 mixed-blood population, therefore, the great majority of 
 those individuals in whom Negro blood predominates pass as 
 Negroes of pure blood, while in crosses where the white blood 
 largely predominates, the Negro characteristics are still 
 quite noticeable. 2 As a result, that part of the population 
 commonly classed as mulatto contains far more white than 
 Negro blood, and the actual number of mixed-bloods is 
 
 1 Boaz, in studying Indian-white crosses, found similar results. "We 
 find . . . the remarkable fact that the Indian type has a stronger in- 
 fluence upon the offspring than the white type. The same fact is ex- 
 pressed in the great frequency of dark hair and of dark eyes among 
 the half-breeds." Franz Boaz, "The Half-Breed Indian," Popular Sci- 
 ence Monthly, Vol. 45, p. 768. See, also, The Mind of Primitive Man, 
 pp. 78 ff; and "Zur Anthropologic der nordamerikanischen Indianer." 
 Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fur Anthropologic, Ethnologie 
 und Urgeschichte. 27:366 ff.; and F. von Luschan, "Die Tachtadschy u. 
 andere Ueberreste der alten Bevolkerung Lykiens," Archiv fur An- 
 thropologic, 19:31 ff., who points out the same fact as regards the mixed 
 population of Southern Asia Minor. See James Oliver, "The Hereditary 
 Tendency to Twinning," Eugenics Review, Vol. 4, p. 40. 
 
 2 H. Gregoire estimated that five generations with no Negro blood after 
 the original cross were necessary to make it possible for a Negro to 
 pass as a white man. Literature of Negroes, p. 29. "Where the pro- 
 portion is less than one-eighth of African blood the distinction of class 
 begins to be obscured, . . ." The Compendium of the Seventh Census of 
 the United States, 1850, p. 62. 
 
 105 
 
106 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 likely to be greater than a set of census figures shows. 3 The 
 desire, too, of the Negroes themselves to claim as full-blood 
 all dark mulattoes of prominence tends further to obscure 
 the facts. 
 
 Moreover, the actual statistics of race intermixture in 
 the United States 4 are of the most meager sort, and those 
 available are not always wholly dependable. 5 This is more 
 especially the case as investigation is pushed toward the 
 beginning of the group. The only general statistics are 
 those of the Federal Censuses of 1850, 1860, 1870, 1890 
 and 1910. No other general census made a distinction in 
 the returns between the full-blood and the mixed-blood Ne- 
 groes. Prior to 1850, that is for four-fifths of the period 
 that the Negro has been in America, there are only occa- 
 sional estimates and partial statistical reports of sections, 
 states, or cities made for special purposes. 
 
 The institution of slavery is indigenous to Africa, and 
 the slave trade has been carried on there since time imme- 
 morial. At the time of the American colonization and de- 
 velopment, the traffic in African slaves, captured on the 
 West Coast, or purchased from the native African slave 
 
 3 C. K. Needham, "A Comparison of Some Conditions in Jamaica with 
 those in the United States," Journal of Face Development, Vol. 4, p. 
 192, calls attention to the fact that in Jamaica the samhos — individuals 
 ahout three-fourths Negro hlood — usually do not return themselves as 
 mixed bloods. It is notorious that in this country many brown Negroes 
 call themselves full bloods and so pass in their group. It is the excep- 
 tional Negro, of course, who knows what his ancestry was for more than a 
 generation. See, for example, William Pickens, The Heir of Slaves, p. 4. 
 
 4 In South America and Central America and Mexico the statistics are 
 wholly unreliable as the tendency is • for every one to call himself white 
 if he has any trace of white blood. See p. 47 above. 
 
 6 "The censuses of mulattoes, as distinguished from full-blooded ne- 
 groes, taken in 1850, 18G0, 1870 and 1890, though subject to a far greater 
 and wholly indeterminate probable error, have shown a general agree- 
 ment of results." United States Census, 1890, Population, Vol. I, Part 
 1, p. 185. 
 
Amount of Race Intermixture in United States 107 
 
 dealers, was an important and profitable business carried 
 on with the sanction of the more important nations of 
 Europe. American colonization opened a new market for 
 the slave dealers and slavery was introduced into most of 
 the colonies almost as soon as they were founded. 6 Georgia 
 was the only exception. This colony started with ordi- 
 nances against the institution, but political pressure from 
 the mother country, combined with business competition 
 and social pressure at home, overcame the first intention so 
 that slavery was introduced into the colony and legalized 
 seventeen years after its founding. 
 
 For a century there was a very slow increase in the 
 number of Negroes in the colonies. 7 Increased importa- 
 tions began after about the middle of the eighteenth cen- 
 tury, and the number of Negro slaves grew rapidly. For 
 three-quarters of a century, the natural increase was being 
 constantly added to by an ever and ever greater importa- 
 tion. The actual number of importations, as well as the 
 actual number of slaves, can only be estimated. 8 
 
 8 Virginia IG19; Massachusetts before 1633; Connecticut from the first 
 settlement of the colony; Maryland 1634 or earlier; Delaware probably 
 in 1636; Georgia 1749; Rhode Island and each of the remaining colonies 
 had slaves from their founding. 
 
 7 The Compendium of the Seventh Census of the United States, 1850, 
 p. 83, quotes from Mr. Carey's work on the Slave Trade as follows: 
 ". . . the trade in negro slaves to the American colonies was too small 
 before 1753 to attract attention." 
 
 8 Carey's estimate of slave importations: 
 
 Prior to 1715 30,000 
 
 1715—1750 90,000 
 
 1751—1760 35,000 
 
 1761—1770 74,000 
 
 1771—1790 34,000 
 
 1791—1808 70,000 
 
 Total 333,000 
 
 "It is claimed, however, that this total is too small, and that a closer 
 
108 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 The number of the Negroes was very different in the dif- 
 ferent colonies, though there was an increase in number in 
 all sections of the country until at least the middle of the 
 century. "At the beginning of the eighteenth century, 
 negro slavery was considered by the settlers of the colonies 
 as a usual and routine matter, and in the New England 
 and Middle Colonies, as well as in the South, the possession 
 of slaves was generally accepted as an evidence of wealth 
 and importance in the community." 9 By the middle of the 
 century it existed by legal sanction in each of the colonies. 10 
 
 estimate would bring the number to 370,000 or even 400,000." "Mr. 
 Carey's figures indicate that the average annual importation was about 
 2,500 between 1715 and 1750, and 3,500 for the period between 1751 
 and 1760. The following decade was the period of greatest activity, the 
 importations reaching an average of 7,400 a year. For the 20 years from 
 1771 to 1790 the average fell to 1,700, but for the period immediately 
 preceding the legal abolition of the slave traffic in the United States 
 it was more than double that number." A Century of Population 
 Growth, United States Census, 1890, p. 36. 
 • Ibid., p. 37. 
 
 10 Slave population : 
 
 
 
 
 Colonies 
 
 1715 a 
 
 1775 a 
 
 1790 b 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 1,500 
 
 5,000 
 
 2,648 
 
 Delaware 
 
 • • • 
 
 9,000 
 
 8,887 
 
 Georgia 
 
 • • • 
 
 16,000 
 
 29,264 
 
 Maryland 
 
 9,500 
 
 80,000 
 
 103,036 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 150 
 
 629 
 
 157 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 1,500 
 
 7,600 
 
 11,423 
 
 New York 
 
 4,000 
 
 15,000 
 
 21,193 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 3,700 
 
 75,000 
 
 100,783 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 2,500 c 
 
 10,000 
 
 3,707 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 500 
 
 4,373 
 
 958 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 10,500 
 
 110,000 
 
 107,094 
 
 Virginia 
 
 23,000 
 
 165,000 
 
 292,627 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 2,000 
 
 3,500 
 
 • • • 
 
 aG. W. Williams, History of the Negro Race in America, Vol. 1, p. 
 325. 
 
 h A Century of Population Growth, p. 132. 
 c Includes Delaware. 
 
Amount of Race Intermixture in United States 109 
 
 The crossing of the races began from the very first in- 
 troduction of the Negroes into the country. The first law 
 in regard to slavery was an act not to establish, or even 
 to provide a legal basis for, the institution but to "fix a 
 rule by which the status of mulatto children could be de- 
 termined." 11 This was in 1662, forty-three years after 
 the Dutch traders had sold to the planters of Jamestown 
 the first African Negroes brought to America. The total 
 population at the time probably did not exceed one thou- 
 sand. 12 
 
 In Maryland the first statute concerning slavery was in 
 1663. 13 It had for its object the deterring of English 
 women from marrying with slaves and had to do with the 
 offspring of Negro slaves who had intermarried, or in the 
 future should intermarry, with white women. 14 This was 
 twenty years after the first introduction of slavery into the 
 colony. 
 
 Massachusetts already was requiring military service of 
 certain classes of her free Negroes and mulattoes by 1707, 
 though the total number of Negroes at the time scarcely 
 exceeded half a thousand, most of whom had come in dur- 
 ing the quarter of a century just preceding. 15 Intermix- 
 
 ii 
 
 J. H. Russell, The Free Negro in Virginia, p. 19. 
 
 "In 1648 the number was about 300; in 1670 it was given as 2,000. 
 See Chambers, American Colonies, Vol. 2, p. 7. 
 
 13 Slavery seems to have been mentioned incidentally in a law pro- 
 posed in 1638. See J. W. Cromwell, The Negro in American History, 
 p. 3. 
 
 "Williams, History of the Negro Race in America, Vol. 1, p. 240. 
 
 16 In 16T6 there were said to be some two hundred Negroes, chiefly 
 from Guinea and Madagascar in the colony. Four years later Governor 
 Bradstreet estimated that ". . . there may be within our Government 
 about one hundred or one hundred and twenty . . . there are very few 
 blacks borne here. . . ." In 1708 Governor Dudley estimated the num- 
 ber at 550. G. H. Moore, Notes on the History of Slavery in Massa- 
 
110 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 ture must have begun early in order that there could be 
 a body of mixed-bloods at this time sufficiently numerous 
 to be made the object of legislative enactment. Eleven 
 years later, another act was passed having for its object 
 the fixing of the status of mulatto slaves and mulattoes 
 who were servants for a term of years. 
 
 In Pennsylvania intermixture was already going on be- 
 fore the colony was ceded to William Penn in 1681. A white 
 servant was indicted in 1677 for having sexual intercourse 
 with a Negro. 10 A settlement in Sussex County bore the 
 name of "Mulatto Hall." 17 In 1698 the County Court of 
 Chester County forbade the mixture of races. 18 Again in 
 1722, a woman was punished for "abetting a clandestine 
 marriage between a white woman and a negro." 19 The 
 same year the Assembly received a petition praying for re- 
 lief from the "wicked and scandalous practice of Negroes 
 cohabiting with white people. 20 A general law of 1725-26 
 forbade the mixture of the races. By the close of the colo- 
 nial period, one hundred years after the colony was ceded 
 to William Penn, — 1681 — the mulattoes constituted twenty 
 per cent of the slave population of Chester County. Nearly 
 half the Negroes in Pennsylvania were free at that time. 21 
 The percentage of mulattoes was doubtless greater among 
 them than among the total Negro population or among 
 the slaves. 
 
 What was true in this respect in regard to Virginia, Mary- 
 land, and Pennsylvania was equally true of the other colo- 
 
 chusetts, pp. 49 ff. See, also, Williams, History of the Negro Ra.ce in 
 America, Vol. 1, pp. 183, 184. 
 
 18 E. R. Turner, The Negro in Pennsylvania, p. 29. 
 
 17 Ibid., p. 30. » Ibid., p. 30. lu Ibid., p. 30. 
 
 20 Ibid., p. 30. 
 
 21 In 1790 the slaves numbered 3,707 and the free Negroes 6,531. A 
 Century of Population Growth, pp. 222-23. 
 
 I 
 
Amount of Race Intermixture in United States 111 
 
 nies. In New York, in 1706, twenty-two years after the 
 first introduction of Negroes, mulattoes were sufficiently 
 numerous to be made the subject of legislative enactment. 
 Connecticut began her black code in 1690 by passing a 
 series of measures in which mulattoes were enumerated with 
 Negroes and Indians. 22 The first act of Rhode Island was 
 one recognizing the manumitting or setting free of mulatto 
 and Negro slaves. 23 New Hampshire never legally estab- 
 lished slavery, but as early as 1714 passed several laws 
 regulating the conduct of "Indian, Negro and mulatto ser- 
 vants or slaves." 24 The first legislation of Delaware in 
 1721 mentions mulattoes. 25 North Carolina was settled 
 from Virginia and as some of the settlers brought slaves 
 with them into the new territory, there were probably mu- 
 lattoes in the colony as soon as there were Negroes. The 
 first statutory recognition of slavery was in an act against 
 intermarriage passed in 171 5. 26 South Carolina's first posi- 
 tive slave act, 1712, mentions 27 mestizos as well as mulat- 
 toes, Negroes, and Indians, and implies that there were 
 members of these classes who were free as well as members 
 who were slaves. In New Jersey the usual formula in- 
 cluding Negro, Indian, and mulatto slaves appears in the 
 legislation at least as early as 1714. 28 
 
 22 B. C. Steiner, A History of Slavery in Connecticut, pp. 12-13. Wil- 
 liams, History of the Negro Race in America, Vol. 1, p. 254. 
 
 23 Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 262-63. 
 2i Ibid., p. 310. 
 
 28 Ibid., p. 250. 
 
 2fl J. S. Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Caro- 
 lina, p. 15. 
 
 "Williams, History of the Negro Race in America, Vol. 1, p. 290. 
 
 28 H. S. Cooley, A Study of Slavery in New Jersey, p. 39. "In 1704 
 'An Act for regulating negroe, Indian and mulatto slaves within the 
 province of New Jersey,' was introduced, but was tabled and disal- 
 lowed." Williams, History of the Negro Race in America, Vol. 1, p. 285. 
 
112 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 While it is thus clearly evident that the mixture of the 
 races went on in all the colonies from a very early date, no 
 definite information exists as to the number of mulattoes 
 at any time during the colonial period. 29 There is every 
 reason to believe that it was relatively more rapid than 
 during the period that slavery existed as a national insti- 
 tution 30 and this seems to be borne out by the few statis- 
 tics available. 
 
 A census of Maryland in 1755 returned eight per cent 
 of the Negroes as mulattoes. Out of a total Negro popu- 
 lation of 42,764, the mixed-bloods numbered 3,592. 31 At 
 that time, Maryland had about one-sixth of the total Negro 
 population of the country. 32 On the assumption that Mary- 
 land was a typical average of the colonies so far as racial 
 intermixture was concerned — and this would seem to be a 
 fairly reasonable assumption — there would have been 21,552 
 mulattoes in the country at that time. Allowing twenty- 
 five years for the mulatto population to double 33 by nat- 
 ural increase, that is, by interbreeding and intermarriage 
 with the blacks, they would have numbered approximately 
 sixty thousand by 1790. Assuming that intermixture went 
 on during the years between 1755 and 1790 as it had dur- 
 ing the preceding decades, and allowing for the enormously 
 greater number of both the white and the black population, 
 the number would easily double the above figure by the be- 
 ginning of the national period. 
 
 The statistics of free Negroes throw no light upon the 
 subject. Of the 3,608 mixed-bloods in Maryland in 1755, 
 
 39 See A Century of Population Growth, p. 91. 
 30 See pp. 128, 147 ff., 158 f., 163 below. 
 81 A Century of Population Growth, p. 6. See, also, p. 185. 
 83 The total Negro population of the English Colonies in 1754 was 
 260,000. That of Maryland in 1755 was 42,764. 
 
 88 This has been the approximate rate of increase since 1860. 
 
 
Amount of Race Intermixture in United States 113 
 
 1,460 were free Negroes and 2,148 were slaves. 34 The per- 
 centage of mulattoes among the free Negroes was appar- 
 ently higher everywhere than it was among the slaves, but 
 there were mulattoes in considerable numbers among the 
 slaves and by no means all of the free Negroes were mu- 
 lattoes. 35 The situation differed greatly in different re- 
 gions. In 1860 in the South, 10 per cent, roughly, of the 
 slaves and 40 per cent of the free Negroes were mulattoes. 36 
 In Richmond, there were more free blacks than free mu- 
 lattoes, while in Charleston the great bulk of the free Ne- 
 groes were mulatto. 37 The growth of the free Negro class 
 was constant and rapid throughout the period that slavery 
 existed as a national institution. 38 
 
 Concerning the distribution of the mulatto population 
 at any time before the census of 1850, not much can be 
 stated definitely. The relative number of mulattoes was 
 greatest in the Northern colonies especially during the lat- 
 ter colonial period and during the entire national period. 
 
 34 
 
 A Century of Population Growth, p. 185. In 1752, Baltimore 
 County had 116 mulatto slaves and 196 free mulattoes, 4,027 Negro 
 slaves and 8 free Negroes. See, J. R. Brackett, The Negro in Mary- 
 land, pp. 175-76. 
 
 85 Free Negroes 1850: 
 
 Black 275,400 
 
 Mulatto 159,095 
 
 Total 434,495 
 
 The Compendium of the Seventh Census of the United States, 1850, 
 p. 52. 
 
 36 See p. 116 below, notes, 45, 47. 
 
 87 Free black 891 
 
 Free mulatto 4,587 
 
 88 1790 59,557 1830 319,599 
 1800 108,435 1840 386,293 
 1810 186,446 1850 434,495 
 1820 233,634 1860 488,070 
 
 A Century of Population Growth, p. 80. 
 
114 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 The ratio of Negroes to the white race was less there than 
 in the Southern colonies ; the relative number of free Ne- 
 groes was greater. As a result of these two conditions, 
 there was always a relatively greater admixture of white 
 blood to the Negro group in the Northern states than in 
 other sections of the country. 39 The later and heavy im- 
 portation of slaves was into the Southern colonies, hence 
 the newer and darker Negroes were in the South as against 
 a relatively larger ratio of the older importations in the 
 North. The determination of the Northern colonies late in 
 the eighteenth century to free the slaves, further increased 
 the difference. The percentage of blacks among the slaves 
 sold South when these laws began to go into effect, was 
 greater than their percentage in the general Negro popu- 
 lation of the North. The free Negroes, who had a larger 
 percentage of mixed-bloods, were not effected by the eman- 
 cipation laws and so remained behind and became, relatively, 
 a more important part of the Negro population. Of the 
 actual numbers North and South, however, no definite facts 
 are ascertainable. 
 
 As between the urban and the rural situation, the mu- 
 lattoes were largely a city product. Not only did the inter- 
 mixture go on chiefly in the towns, but the free Negroes, 
 always with a large percentage of mulattoes, tended to drift 
 to the urban centers. For example, the slave register of 
 Chester County, Pennsylvania, in 1780 showed twenty per 
 cent of the slaves to be mulattoes — a percentage reached by 
 the whole country only after one hundred and thirty years 
 of further intermixture. There were probably between four 
 
 89 At the time of the first census the ratio of slaves to the white popu- 
 lation in the, then, Southern States was fifty-three to one hundred; in 
 New England less than one to one hundred, and five to one hundred in 
 the Middle States. A Century of Population Growth, pp. 139-40. 
 
Amount of Race Intermixture in United States 115 
 
 and five thousand Negroes in the state in the year men- 
 tioned. 40 This preponderance of mulattoes in the city as 
 against the rural districts was especially the case in the 
 South, but the difference was marked in all sections of the 
 country. 41 
 
 40 Turner, The Negro in Pennsylvania, p. 197. Russell, The Free Ne- 
 gro in Virginia, pp. 14-15, points out the larger per cent of free 
 Negroes in the urban population in colonial days and during the whole 
 period of slavery. 
 
 " Per cent of mulattoes in total Negro population of a chief city and 
 of the rest of the state of typical Southern, Border and Northern 
 States in 1860. 
 
 Area 
 
 1860 
 
 
 
 Georgia 
 
 
 
 
 Savannah City 
 
 18.1 
 
 
 
 Rest of State 
 
 8.2 
 
 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 
 
 
 New Orleans City 
 
 48.9 
 
 
 
 Rest of State 
 
 11.0 
 
 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 Charleston City 
 
 25.2 
 
 
 
 Rest of State 
 
 5.5 
 
 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 
 
 
 Jefferson Co. (Louisville) 
 
 21.8 
 
 
 
 Rest of State 
 
 20.0 
 
 
 
 Missouri 
 
 
 
 
 St. Louis County (St. Louis) 
 
 32.7 
 
 
 
 Rest of State 
 
 19.2 
 
 
 
 Virginia 
 
 
 
 
 Richmond City 
 
 21.4 
 
 
 
 Rest of State 
 
 16.9 
 
 
 
 New York 
 
 
 
 
 King's County (Brooklyn) 
 
 19.5 
 
 (N. Y. City 3.3) 
 
 Rest of State 
 
 20.3 
 
 
 
 Illinois 
 
 
 
 
 Cook County (Chicago) 
 
 49.3 
 
 
 
 Rest of State 
 
 46.8 
 
 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 
 
 
 Suffolk Co. (Boston) 
 
 38.3 
 
 
 
 Rest of State 
 
 29.9 
 
 
 
 United States Census, 1890, Population, Vol. 1, Part 1, p. 191. 
 
116 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 The first Federal Census to make separate returns of 
 the mixed-bloods was that of 1850. At that time, they con- 
 stituted something over eleven per cent of the Negro pop- 
 ulation of the country. 42 Of the total mulatto population 
 approximately forty per cent were free and the remaining 
 sixty per cent slaves. 43 Of the free mulattoes approximately 
 two-thirds were in the slave states. 44 Of the total slave 
 population about eight per cent were mixed-bloods 45 while 
 about thirty-seven per cent of the free Negro population 
 were mulattoes. 46 Among the free Negroes, the per cent 
 of mulattoes was considerably higher in the slave than in 
 the free states. 47 But as the whole Negro population of 
 
 "Blacks 3,233,057; Mulattoes 405,751. United States Census, 1910, 
 Population, Vol. 1, Part 1, p. 129. 
 
 43 Free 159,095 
 
 Slave 246,656 
 
 The Compendium of the Seventh Census of the United Stales, 1850, 
 pp. 64, 82. 
 
 " Free mulatto 
 
 Slave states 105,945 
 
 Free states 53,150 
 
 Ibid., p. 83. 
 
 45 
 
 Ibid., p. 82. 
 
 48 
 
 Ibid., p. 62. 
 
 47 
 
 Ibid., p. 83. 
 
 Slave population 3,204,313 
 
 Black 2,957,657 
 
 Mulatto 246,656 
 
 Free Negroes 434,495 
 
 Black 275,400 
 
 Mulatto 159,095 
 
 Free Negroes 
 Slave States 
 
 Black 151,076 
 
 Mulatto 105,945 
 Free States 
 
 Black 124,334 
 
 Mulatto 53,150 
 
 
Amount of Race Intermixture in United States 117 
 
 the North was free at this time, the only comparison with 
 any j^oint is that between the total Negro population of 
 the two regions. Nearly one-half the Negroes of the North- 
 ern States were mixed-bloods, as against about one-ninth 
 of those in the slave-holding states. In summarizing the 
 distribution in different regions, the Census Report of 1850 
 says : * 8 
 
 The mulattoes in the United States are about one- 
 eighth as numerous as the blacks — the free mulattoes 
 are more than half the number of the free blacks, 
 whilst the slave mulattoes are only about one-twelfth 
 of the slave blacks. Between the states the ratios are 
 very remarkable. Whilst nearly half of the colored in 
 the non-slaveholding states are mulatto, only about 
 one-ninth in the slaveholding states are mulatto, ex- 
 cluding New Jersey. In Ohio and the Territories there 
 are more mulattoes than blacks. In nearly all of the 
 slave states, except Kentucky, Arkansas and Missouri, 
 etc., the free mulattoes greatly preponderate over the 
 free blacks. Kentucky, Arkansas, Missouri and Texas 
 have the largest portion of slave mulattoes, and in the 
 District of Columbia they are about one-fourth of the 
 whole. 
 
 Since the emancipation of the slaves, the census figures 
 show an immensely more rapid increase among the mu- 
 lattoes than among the darker members of the race. The 
 returns for the United States as a whole for the five census 
 periods for which there was a separate enumeration of the 
 mulattoes is as follows : 49 
 
 48 The Co7npendinm of the Seventh Census of the United States, 1850, 
 p. 82. 
 
 49 United States Census, 1910, Population, Vol. 1, Part 1, p. 129. There 
 is a constant effort on the part of the mulattoes to make the proportion 
 appear larger. "The figures as to mulattoes have been taken from time 
 to time and are officially acknowledged to be understatements. Prob- 
 
118 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 Census 
 Year 
 
 1850 
 1860 
 1870 
 1890 
 1910 
 * Includes 
 
 Continental United States 
 Negro Population 
 
 Total 
 
 Negro 
 
 3,638,808 
 4,441,830 
 4,880,009 
 *7,488,676 
 9,827,763 
 
 Black 
 
 3,233,057 
 3,853,467 
 4,295,960 
 6,337,980 
 
 7,777,077 
 
 Per cent 
 Mulatto Mulatto 
 
 405,751 11.2 
 
 588,363 13.2 
 
 584,049 12.0 
 
 1,132,060 15.2 
 
 2,050,686 20.9 
 
 18,636 Negroes enumerated in Indian Territory not dis- 
 
 tinguished as black or mulatto. 
 
 Doubtless these figures contain inaccuracies, but there 
 seems to be no reason for the opinion often expressed that 
 they are fundamentally misleading. 50 The Census itself 
 
 ably one-third of the Negroes of the United States have distinct traces 
 of white blood." W. E. B. DuBois, The Negro, pp. 184-85. He adds: 
 "There is also a large amount of Negro blood in the white population." 
 See, also, Inter-Racial Problems, p. 350. Fortune's statement is even 
 more absurd: "The blood of all the ethnic types that go to make up 
 American citizenship flows in the veins of the Afro-American people 
 so that of the ten million of them in this country, accounted for by 
 the Federal census, not more than four million are of pure negroid 
 descent, while some four million of them, not accounted for by the 
 Federal census, have escaped into the ranks of the white race, and are 
 reenforced very largely by such escapements every year." T. T. For- 
 tune, "Place in American Life." In Booker T. Washington, The Negro 
 Problem, pp. 214-15. 
 
 60 Question as to the accuracy of these Census figures is frequently 
 raised. A good deal of this popular skepticism seems to have had its 
 origin in a widely read book by Mr. Ray Stannard Baker. Mr. Baker 
 says: "In the last census (1900) the government gave up the attempt 
 in discouragement of trying to enumerate the mulattoes at all, and 
 counted all persons as Negroes who were so classed in the communities 
 where they resided. The census of 1870 showed that one-eighth (roughly) 
 of the Negro population was mulatto, that of 1890 showed that the 
 proportion had increased to more than one-seventh, but these statistics 
 are confessedly inaccurate; the census report itself says: 'The figures 
 are of little value. Indeed as an indication of the extent to which 
 
Amount of Race Intermixture in United States 119 
 
 says: 
 
 . . . The only available test of the trustworthiness of 
 the results reached in 1850, 1860, 1870 and 1890 would 
 be the degree to which they corroborated and confirmed 
 one another. 
 
 And again : 51 
 
 . . . the censuses of mulattoes, as distinguished from 
 full-blood negroes, . . . though subject to a greater 
 [i. e., greater than the returns of the Negro] and 
 wholly indeterminate probable error, have shown a 
 general agreement of results. 
 
 This increase in the mulatto population has been general 
 throughout all sections of the country; each division has 
 shown a marked increase from census to census. Not only 
 have numbers increased, but the percentage of mulattoes 
 to full-blood Negroes has increased everywhere except in 
 the Mountain, Pacific and East North Central divisions. 
 While the number of mulattoes has of course been far 
 
 the races have mingled, they are misleading.' " Following the Color Line, 
 p. 153. 
 
 Mr. E. B. DuBois, "The Negro Race in the United States of Amer- 
 ica," Inter-Racial Problems, p. 350, and elsewhere, apparently following 
 Mr. Baker, reiterates the same error. 
 
 The Census Report (Eleventh Census of the United States, 1890, 
 Vol. 1, Part I, p. xciii. See, also, United States Census, 1900, Popu- 
 lation, Vol. 1, Part 1, p. cxi.) does use the words quoted by Mr. Baker 
 but in a context which wholly changes their significance. The census 
 of 1890 undertook to divide the Negroes into Negroes, mulattoes, quad- 
 roons, and octoroons. Regarding the results of this last inquiry the 
 census report used the words quoted by Mr. Baker. To acknowledge 
 that the attempt to make a minute subdivision of the race into Negroes, 
 mulattoes, quadroons and octoroons was not considered successful is 
 quite a different matter from asserting that the enumeration of mu- 
 lattoes as distinct from the blacks is "of doubtful validity and officially 
 acknowledged to be misleading." 
 
 61 U. S. Census, 1890. Population, Vol. 1, Part 1, p. 185. 
 
120 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 greater in the Southern sections of the country at all periods 
 covered by the census returns, the percentage of mulattoes 
 always has been greater in the Northern sections. The 
 following tabulation shows both the numerical and percent- 
 ual increase in the different divisions thus allowing a com- 
 parison between different sections of the country. 
 
 NUMBER OF MULATTOES AND THE PERCENTAGE THEY FORMED OF THE 
 
 TOTAL NEGRO POPULATION 
 
 
 
 1870 1890 
 
 1910 5 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 1870 
 
 
 1890 
 
 
 1910 
 
 
 ' DIVISIONS 
 
 Total 
 
 Per cent 
 
 Total 
 
 Per cent 
 
 Total 
 
 Per cei 
 
 New England 
 
 9 080 
 
 28.6 
 
 14 579 
 
 32.7 
 
 22 150 
 
 33.4 
 
 Middle Atlantic 
 
 21 989 
 
 14.9 
 
 48 152 
 
 21.4 
 
 81 969 
 
 19.6 
 
 E. N. Central 
 
 38 125 
 
 29.2 
 
 76 999 
 
 37.2 
 
 99 809 
 
 33.2 
 
 W. N. Central 
 
 24 880 
 
 16.0 
 
 56 782 
 
 25.2 
 
 69 631 
 
 28.7 
 
 South Atlantic 
 
 230 721 
 
 10.4 
 
 438 785 
 
 13.4 
 
 855 819 
 
 20.8 
 
 E. S. Central 
 
 162 228 
 
 11.1 
 
 289 035 
 
 13.6 
 
 507 055 
 
 19.1 
 
 W. S. Central 
 
 96 755 
 
 13.1 
 
 197 124 
 
 14.5 
 
 397 986 
 
 20.1 
 
 Mountain 
 
 473 
 
 30.0 
 
 4 637 
 
 35.7 
 
 6 135 
 
 28.6 
 
 Pacific 
 
 1 798 
 
 37.0 
 
 5 967 
 
 42.3 
 
 10 132 
 
 34.7 
 
 Total U. S. 
 
 584 049 
 
 12.0 1 
 
 132 060 
 
 15.2 
 
 2 050 686 
 
 20.9 
 
 While there has thus been a general and a decided in- 
 crease in all sections of the country since the emancipation 
 of the slaves, the actual increase, of course, has been 
 greatest in the former slave states. The percentage of mu- 
 lattoes to blacks has also increased more rapidly in the 
 Southern states. Many of the Northern states show a de- 
 crease in the mulatto percentages during the half-century 
 of freedom. 53 The following tabulation shows the num- 
 
 62 Negroes in the United States, United States Census Bulletin 129, 
 1915, p. GO. 
 
 63 The decrease in the percentage of mulattoes in certain of the North- 
 ern States seems to be indicative of nothing except a migratory move- 
 ment of the Negro population. The movement of the Northern Negroes, 
 who have a high percentage of mixed-bloods, tends to increase the mu- 
 latto percentage of the Southern states, while the migration of the 
 southern Negroes, with a smaller percentage of mixed-bloods, tends 
 to decrease the mulatto percentages in the North. Owing to the great 
 number of the race in the Southern States the effect of the movment is 
 scarcly noticeable there but in the states where the actual number of 
 
 
Amount of Race Intermixture in United States 121 
 
 ber of mulattoes and their percentage of the total Negro 
 population of the state as enumerated in I860 and 1910. 
 
 Number and Percentage of Mulattoes in Different 
 
 States 
 
 
 1860 and 1910 
 
 
 
 
 1860 
 
 5i 
 
 1910 
 
 55 
 
 
 Number of 
 
 
 Number of 
 
 
 
 Mulattoes 
 
 Per cent 
 
 Mulattoes Per cent 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 14,136 
 
 12.7 
 
 81,371 
 
 18.4 
 
 Alabama 
 
 36,428 
 
 8.3 
 
 151,410 
 
 16.7 
 
 S. Carolina 
 
 28,314 
 
 6.9 
 
 134,381 
 
 16.1 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 1,901 
 
 22.0 
 
 3,746 
 
 24.7 
 
 N. Carolina 
 
 44,798 
 
 12.4 
 
 144,123 
 
 20.7 
 
 California 
 
 1,526 
 
 37.7 
 
 7,858 
 
 36.3 
 
 D. of C. 
 
 5,433 
 
 28.0 
 
 32,952 
 
 34.9 
 
 Delaware 
 
 2,979 
 
 13.8 
 
 3,706 
 
 11.9 
 
 Florida 
 
 5,896 
 
 9.4 
 
 49,511 
 
 16.0 
 
 Georgia 
 
 38,904 
 
 8.4 
 
 204,205 
 
 17.3 
 
 Illinois 
 
 3,587 
 
 47.1 
 
 36,828 
 
 33.8 
 
 Indiana 
 
 5,447 
 
 47.7 
 
 14,553 
 
 24.1 
 
 Iowa 
 
 568 
 
 53.1 
 
 3,644 
 
 24.3 
 
 Kansas 
 
 268 
 
 42.7 
 
 16,141 
 
 29.9 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 47,359 
 
 20.1 
 
 65,943 
 
 25.2 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 47,781 
 
 13.6 
 
 152,577 
 
 21.4 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 3,071 
 
 32.0 
 
 13,955 
 
 36.7 
 
 Maryland 
 
 24,913 
 
 14.6 
 
 43,152 
 
 18.6 
 
 Missouri 
 
 23,588 
 
 19.9 
 
 44,690 
 
 28.4 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 169 
 
 65.3 
 
 2,616 
 
 36.9 
 
 Maine 
 
 634 
 
 47.8 
 
 626 
 
 45.9 
 
 Negroes is very small the immigration or emigration of a few families 
 is sufficient to change the percentage of the colors. It is just those states 
 with a small Negro population where the effect of migrations would 
 most quickly show in statistical tables which show a decreased percentage 
 of mulattoes to Negroes. 
 
 United States Census, 1860, Population, pp. 598-99. 
 
 Negroes in the United Slates, United States Census, Bulletin 129, 
 1915, p. 60. 
 
 61 
 
 65 
 
122 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 
 Number of 
 
 
 Number of 
 
 
 
 Mulattoes Per cent 
 
 Mulattoes Per cent 
 
 Michigan 
 
 3,375 
 
 49.6 
 
 8,036 
 
 47.0 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 37,219 
 
 8.5 
 
 171,005 
 
 16.9 
 
 New York 
 
 7,781 
 
 15.9 
 
 30,608 
 
 22.8 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 3,462 
 
 13.7 
 
 14,207 
 
 15.8 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 253 
 
 51.2 
 
 208 
 
 36.9 
 
 Oregon 
 
 62 
 
 48.4 
 
 434 
 
 29.1 
 
 Ohio 
 
 16,691 
 
 45.5 
 
 39,249 
 
 35.2 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 19,142 
 
 33.6 
 
 37,154 
 
 19.2 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 997 
 
 25.2 
 
 3,179 
 
 33.4 
 
 Texas 
 
 25,260 
 
 13.8 
 
 124,695 
 
 18.1 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 41,878 
 
 14.8 
 
 118,697 
 
 25.1 
 
 Vermont 
 
 192 
 
 27.1 
 
 436 
 
 26.9 
 
 Virginia 
 
 93,464 
 
 17.0 
 
 222,910 
 
 33.2 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 737 
 
 62.9 
 
 1,143 
 
 39.4 
 
 The distribution of the mulatto population, at all times 
 for which the facts are known, has been in general accord 
 with the ratio of the races. Where the proportion of whites 
 in the total population is highest, the mulatto population, 
 as a rule, is highest ; and where the proportion of Negroes 
 in the general population is highest, there as a rule, the 
 percentage of mulattoes is lowest. The minor divisions 
 ranked in the order of increasing per cent of mulattoes in 
 the Negro population is seen in the tabulation (p. 123) 
 from the census returns of 1890 to parallel, in general, the 
 decreasing per cent of Negroes in the general population. 
 
 The tabulation shows that the per cent of mulattoes in- 
 creases as the proportion of Negroes decreases. From the 
 great black belt of the South to the Northern States, there 
 is a decreasing proportion of Negroes in the general pop- 
 ulation and an increasing percentage of mulattoes in the 
 Negro population. "The general conclusion seems war- 
 ranted that the proportion of mulattoes to total negroes 
 
Amount of Race Intermixture in United States 123 
 
 Rank of Minor Divisions in Order of Increasing Per 
 Cent Mulatto to Negro Population 
 
 Minor divisions having at 
 
 Rank in 
 
 order of 
 
 increasing per 
 
 Per cent ne 
 
 least 1000 negroes 
 
 cent mulatto in total 
 
 negro 
 
 gro in to 
 
 in 1850 
 
 
 population 
 
 
 tal popu 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 lation 
 
 
 1890 
 
 1870 
 
 1860 
 
 1850 
 
 
 Southern S. Atlantic 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 45.5 
 
 Eastern S. Central 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 33.0 
 
 Western S. Central 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 29.1 
 
 Northern S. Atlantic 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 25.6 
 
 Southern N. Atlantic 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 1.8 
 
 Western N. Atlantic 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 2.5 
 
 New England 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 0.9 
 
 Eastern N. Central 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 1.6 
 
 Pacific 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 0.8 
 
 was found by the enumerators to be high or low, according 
 as the proportion of whites to negroes is high or low." 56 
 The figures of the separate states bear out this conclusion 
 in some detail. 57 
 
 Commenting upon this distribution of mulattoes Stone 
 
 68 United States Census, 1890, Population, Vol. 1, Part 1, pp. 190, 191. 
 Also, "The figures also indicate that this admixture was found to be 
 most prevalent in sections where the proportions of negroes to whites 
 was smallest, and least prevalent where the proportion of negroes to 
 whites was largest." Ibid., p. 190. And again, "The table seems to 
 show that as a rule the states with the largest proportion of negroes to 
 total population have the smallest reported proportion of mulattoes to 
 total negroes. To this general rule Louisiana is a notable exception, that 
 being third in order of proportion of negroes to population, but ranging 
 from eighth to sixteenth in order of proportion of mulattoes to ne- 
 groes." Ibid., p. 190. The exception in the case of Louisiana is to be 
 accounted for by the fact of the early French and Spanish occupation, 
 by the fact of it being an older settlement and by the fact that the 
 transfer of the territory to the United States created a large population 
 of free Negroes. 
 
 57 See table p. 122. Compare pp. 79 ff. 
 
124 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 says: 58 
 
 ... A separate enumeration of mulattoes has been 
 made four times, in the censuses of 1850, 1860, 1870, 
 and 1890. The results disclosed the fact that where 
 the proportion of Negroes to whites was lowest, the 
 proportion of mulattoes to total Negroes was highest. 
 For example: in 1890, in the South Central States of 
 Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, 
 Arkansas, Oklahoma, and Texas, the mulattoes were 
 but 14 per cent of the total Negro population. On the 
 other hand, they were 32.7 per cent in the New Eng- 
 land group. Expressed differently, of all the so-called 
 "Negroes" whom a white man would see in Mississippi, 
 only 11.5 per cent would be of the mulatto type, while 
 of all those observed in Massachusetts 36.3 were mu- 
 lattoes. In Maine 57.4 per cent were mulattoes, and 
 in Michigan they were 53.8 per cent; while in Georgia 
 and South Carolina they were respectively 9.9 per cent 
 and 9.7 per cent. . . . 
 
 The proportion of mulattoes is higher in the cities than 
 in the rural districts. This is especially the case in the 
 Southern States. In the cities of the Border States the 
 percentage of mulattoes is still noticeably higher than it 
 is in the general population of the states though the dif- 
 ference is not so marked as in the distinctly Southern 
 States. In the Northern group of states the per cent of 
 mulattoes is enormously higher in both the cities and the 
 general population of the states, and the difference between 
 the two is less noticeable though the difference still exists. 59 
 
 The data available seem to show that intermixture of 
 the races began with the first coming of the Negro to the 
 
 68 A. F. Stone, Studies in the American Race Problem, pp. 40-41. 
 
 60 Unfortunately there seems to be no figures upon which a quantita- 
 tive statement can be based. The census gives the proportion of mu- 
 lattoes to Negroes in the cities of over 5,000 inhabitants. It also gives 
 
 
Amount of Race Intermixture in United States 125 
 
 English colonies. It seems to have been a phenomenon in 
 no way characteristic of any particular section of the coun- 
 try. Mulattoes appeared in all of the colonies and the in- 
 crease seems to have been rapid during the greater part of 
 the colonial period. With the decline of the slave system 
 in the North and the consequent freeing of large numbers 
 of Negroes, the mulatto population correspondingly in- 
 creased and its growth has continued to be rapid. With 
 the firmer establishment of the slave system in the South, 
 the relative amount of racial intermixture probably de- 
 
 the proportion of mulattoes in the general population of the states. For 
 example: 
 
 State and city Per cent of mulatto 
 
 Georgia 17.3 
 
 Atlanta 32.4 
 
 Louisiana 21.4 
 
 New Orleans 34.1 
 
 South Carolina 16.1 
 
 Charleston 23.6 
 
 Kentucky 25.2 
 
 Louisville 36.6 
 
 Missouri 28.4 
 
 St. Louis 34.0 
 
 Virginia 33.2 
 
 Richmond 39.9 
 
 New York 22.8 
 
 New York City 24.9 
 
 Illinois 33.8 
 
 Chicago 41.6 
 
 Massachusetts 36.7 
 
 Boston 34.3 
 
 This is a comparison of the chief city in the state with the Negro 
 population of the state as a whole. Were it possible to separate the 
 urban from the rural regions the differences shown here would be enor- 
 mously increased. It would probably be found that the mulatto popu- 
 lation is exclusively or almost exclusively urban and that the rural popu- 
 lation with rare exceptions is black. United States Census, 1910, Pop- 
 ulation, Vol. 1, Part 1, pp. 159, 230. 
 
126 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 creased greatly. Since the emancipation of the slaves, the 
 number of mulattoes, especially in the former slave states, 
 has increased rapidly. The decades from 1890 to 1910 show 
 an enormous increase in the number of mixed-blood individ- 
 uals. The ratio of mulattoes to Negroes has been greater 
 in the North than in the South, at all periods for which the 
 facts are known. The present forces operating tend to de- 
 crease this difference. At all periods, the mulatto formed 
 a larger per cent of the Negro population of the towns and 
 cities than of the rural population. This is particularly 
 the case at the present time in the southern section of the 
 country but is not untrue of any region. If the facts could 
 be known the mulatto would probably be found to be al- 
 most an exclusively urban phenomenon. 
 
 The nature of the racial intermixture and 'the forces oper- 
 ating to produce the observed conditions are considered in 
 the following chapter. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 NATURE OF RACE INTERMIXTURE IN THE UNITED STATES 
 
 Intermarriage 
 
 IN many of the Negroes brought as slaves to America, 
 there was already some infiltration of Caucasian blood. 
 The great majority, well above fifty per cent, came from the 
 West Coast. A few came from the Congo and other re- 
 gions toward the interior; a few were Hottentots and Bush- 
 men from the southern part of Africa. These latter, how- 
 ever, like the Pygmies of the interior, were mostly of a 
 physical type too low to serve the purposes of slave labor. 
 In general the higher Negroes were not taken. 1 It has been 
 estimated that possibly one per cent of the Negroes im- 
 ported were able to speak an Arabic dialect. Possibly fifty 
 per cent had some trace of a previous intermixture with a 
 white race. But of all the Negroes brought the Guinea 
 Negroes were the purest and they constituted above half 
 of the total importations. 
 
 1 Edward Wilmot Blyden, one of the ablest men of the Negro race, 
 maintains the thesis that white intermixture "has been the salvation of 
 the Negro in the New World, for the black man who was weak enough 
 to be caught and shipped away as a slave was naturally inferior in mind 
 and body to the black man who possessed ingenuity enough to escape 
 from the toils of slavery and remain at home as a slave hunter." Quoted 
 from The Crisis, Sept. '13, pp. 229-30. See, also, G. W. Williams, His- 
 tory of the Negro Race in America, Vol. 2, pp. 544-45, for a variation 
 of Blyden's thesis. 
 
 127 
 
128 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 Further crossing began as soon as the Negroes landed on 
 American soil, if, indeed, it did not begin before the Negroes 
 were landed. 2 The race never has shown any hesitancy 
 about crossing with other races in any time or country. 
 Their women have mixed with every race and peoj)le with 
 whom they have come in contact in the ancient, as in the 
 modern world. The scarcity of white women all through 
 the Colonial period doubtless was an immense factor tend- 
 ing to overcome any hesitancy the whites may have had to- 
 ward sexual association with the members of a strange race. 3 
 This mixture, as we have seen, has increased as the race has 
 gained the rudiments of civilization and come to a better 
 appreciation of Western culture. 
 
 While the crossing of the Negro and the white races in 
 America has for the most part not been within the bounds 
 of conventional marriage, some small part of the actual 
 intermixture has received the sanction of law and social tol- 
 erance. 
 
 In the colonies, the marriage of Negroes with white per- 
 sons was considered highly undesirable and from an early 
 date was usually prohibited by severe laws. 4 The public 
 disapproval seems generally to have got itself enacted into 
 legal prohibitions as a result of the first unions of the kind 
 
 2 "Indeed, in those early da) r s many a negress was landed upon our 
 shores by her captors already pregnant by one of the demoniac crew 
 that made up the company of the slave ship that brought her over." 
 R. W. Shufeldt, The Negro: A Menace to American Civilization, p. 80. 
 
 "The first mulatto children were born off the coast of Africa, and 
 their fathers were the first white men the black princesses of that coun- 
 try ever saw. . . ." Anonymous, The Independent, Vol. 54, p. 2226. 
 
 8 J. H. Van Evrie, White Supremacy and Negro Subordination, p. 153. 
 
 4 "In the French, English and Dutch colonies, the laws, or public opin- 
 ion, so prevents marriages between individuals of different colors, that 
 those who would contract them, would be considered as degraded by 
 their alliance, . . ." H. Gregoire, Literature of Negroes, p. 66. 
 
 f 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture in United States 129 
 
 that took place. 5 The first act of Maryland establishing 
 slavery, passed in 1663, forbade the practice of intermar- 
 riage and, from its wording, seems to show that such mar- 
 riages had already taken place. 6 North Carolina in 1715 
 passed an act carrying a heavy penalty on any white man 
 or woman who should marry a Negro, mulatto, or Indian 
 and also provided a heavy penalty on any minister who 
 should officiate at such a marriage. 7 Within two years of 
 the passing of the act, two persons were indicted for per- 
 forming such a marriage ceremony. 8 A further law in 1723 
 recites that certain free Negroes, mulattoes, and other per- 
 sons of mixed blood had moved into the colony and, in de- 
 fiance of the laws to the contrary, several of them had in- 
 termarried with the white inhabitants. 9 Pennsylvania 
 passed a similar law in 1725-1726, partly the result, ap- 
 parently, of a clandestine marriage between a Negro and 
 a white woman. 10 
 
 Similar laws in the other colonies were passed at an early 
 date usually as a reaction and a protest against some mixed 
 marriage. How many such marriages there were, we have 
 no way of knowing ; but that they were anywhere more than 
 
 5 The law of Maryland, 1681, for example, seems to have been called 
 forth by the marriage of "Irish Nell," a servant of the Lord Proprietor, 
 who had married a slave. It was to determine the status of her mu- 
 latto children. J. R. Brackett, The Negro in Maryland, p. 34, f. n. 
 
 "And be it further enacted, that all issues of English, or other free 
 born women, that have already married negroes, shall serve the master 
 . . ." Sec. III. Act of 1663. Quoted by Williams, History of the 
 Negro Race in America, Vol. 1, p. 240. See, also, Brackett, The Negro 
 in Maryland, pp. 32-34. 
 
 7 J. S. Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina, 
 pp. 58-59. 
 
 8 Ibid., p. 58. 
 
 9 Ibid., pp. 68-69. 
 
 30 E. R. Turner, The Negro in Pennsylvania, pp. 29-31. 
 
130 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 the rarest exception there is no reason to believe. 11 Then, 
 as now, such mixed unions roused an indignant protest from 
 the decent members of the communit}'. 12 
 
 Such intermarriages as did take place in these early days, 
 seem to have been invariably with the meanest classes of 
 the whites. 13 The marriages were contrary to law and to 
 public sentiment, and were entered into at the price of social 
 ostracism and legal punishment. Williams, 14 speaking of 
 the first statute establishing slavery in Maryland, says: 
 
 Section two was called into being on account of 
 the intermarriage of white women and slaves. Many 
 of these women had been indentured as servants to pay 
 their passage to this country, some had been sent as 
 convicts, while still others had been apprenticed for ai 
 term of years. Some of them, however, were very wor- 
 thy persons. . . . 
 
 Brackett 15 also speaks of marriages between these Eng- 
 lish serving-women and the slaves or free Negroes. Tur- 
 ner 16 speaks of two mixed marriages in Pittsburgh in 1788. 
 In one case, the couple was said to occupy a respectable 
 
 11 E. R. Turner, The Negro in Pennsylvania, pp. 194-95. Bassett, 
 Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina, pp. 69, 58-59. 
 
 " See, for e.g., Turner, The Negro in Pennsylvania, pp. 195-96. Also, 
 E. I. McCormac, White Servitude in Maryland, p. 67. 
 
 13 In North Carolina in 1727 "a white woman was indicted in the Gen- 
 eral Court because she had left her husband and was cohabiting with a 
 Negro slave." Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North 
 Carolina, p. 58. "Among the servants imported into the colony, there 
 were often women of a very low type, who during their term of servitude 
 intermarried with negro slaves." McCormac, White Servitude in Mary- 
 land, p. 67. 
 
 14 History of the Negro Race in America,, Voh 1, p. 24Q. 
 
 1B The Negro in Maryland, p. 196. 
 
 19 The Negro in Pennsylvania, p. 194. 
 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture in United States 131 
 
 position. 17 Branagan 18 declares that such marriages were 
 common in Philadelphia after the repeal in 1780 of the laws 
 applying to the Negro. The grandmother of Benjamin 
 Banneker 19 was an English felon transported to the colony 
 of Delaware. 20 There seems to be absolutely no evidence 
 of any marriages of a mixed sort in which the white con- 
 tracting party was not of the lowest and usually of a vicious 
 class. 
 
 But whatever little intermarriage may have taken place 
 between the Negroes and the servant class of whites in early 
 colonial times, it decreased to an almost absolute zero as 
 the status of the Negro became fixed and better understood. 
 The spirit of fellowship that at first existed between the 
 slaves and the indentured servants, imported criminals, pau- 
 pers, and prostitutes gradually gave place to the feeling 
 of bitter hatred that, throughout the days of slavery, char- 
 acterized the relations of the "poor whites" and the Ne- 
 
 17 "Cette famille est line des plus respectables de eette ville." Brissat 
 de Warville, Nouveau Voyage, pp. 33, 34. Quoted by Turner, The Negro 
 in Pennsylvania, p. 195, f. n. 
 
 1S "I solemnly declare, I have seen more white women married to, and 
 deluded through the arts of seduction by negroes in one year in Phila- 
 delphia, than for the eight years I was visiting. [In the West Indies and 
 the Southern States.]" "There are many, very many blacks, who . . . 
 begin to feel themselves consequential, . . . will not be satisfied unless 
 they get white women for wives, and are likewise exceedingly imperti- 
 nent to white persons in low circumstances." "I know a black man who 
 seduced a young white girl . . . who soon after married him, and died 
 with a broken heart ; on her death he said he would not disgrace himself 
 to have a negro wife, and acted accordingly, for he soon after married 
 another white woman." "There are perhaps hundreds of white women 
 thus fascinated by black men in this city, and there are thousands of 
 black children by them at present." Branagan, Serious Remonstrances, 
 pp. 70-71, 73, 74, 75. Quoted by Turner, The Negro in Pennsylvania, 
 p. 195, f. n. 
 
 See page 190 below. 
 
 J. W. Cromwell, The Negro in American History, pp. 86-97. 
 
 19 
 20 
 
132 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 grocs. In the slave states, there was no intermarriage, ex- 
 cept rarely among the Creoles of Louisiana. 21 In the North, 
 there was very little. Where such marriages were not for- 
 bidden by law, they were forbidden by the decent elements 
 of the white community. Turner's summary of the situa- 
 tion in Pennsylvania is, in general, characteristic of the en- 
 tire non-slave holding parts of the country. He says : 22 
 
 After a while a strong feeling was aroused, so that 
 in 1821 a petition was sent to the Legislature, asking 
 that mixed marriages be declared void, and that it be 
 made a penal act for a negro to marry a white man's 
 daughter. In 1834 such a marriage provoked a riot 
 at Columbia; while in 1838 the subject caused a vehe- 
 ment outburst in the Constitutional Convention then 
 assembled. Three years later a bill to prevent inter- 
 marriage was passed in the House, but lost in the Sen- 
 ate. From time to time thereafter petitions were sent 
 to the Legislature, but no action was taken ; the ob- 
 noxious marriages continuing to be reported, and even 
 being encouraged by some extreme advocates of race 
 equality. Nevertheless what the law left undone was 
 largely accomplished by public sentiment and private 
 action. As time went on marriages of white people 
 with negroes came to be considered increasingly odious, 
 and so became far less frequent. When a case occurred, 
 it was usually followed by swift action and dire ven- 
 geance. The fact that a white man was living with a 
 negro wife was one of the causes of the terrible riot in 
 Philadelphia in 1849. 
 
 In the period just preceding the Civil War, the emotional 
 tension in the North and the preaching of amalgamation of 
 
 21 
 
 F. L. Olmsted, A Journey in (he Seaboard Slave States, p. 636, 
 quotes a resident as saying that ". . . White men, sometimes, married a 
 rich colored girl; but he never knew of a black man to marry a white 
 girl." Olmsted adds: "I subsequently heard of one such case." 
 
 The Negro in Pennsylvania, pp. 195-96, 
 
 22 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture in United States 133 
 
 the races by Phillips and others brought about a few inter- 
 marriages. One of the wives 23 of Frederick Douglass, for 
 example, was a white woman. But the total number of such 
 unions was so small as to be negligible. 
 
 In the period since the Civil War, mixed marriages have 
 been very infrequent. Baker 24 gives one hundred and sev- 
 enty-one as the number of mixed marriages in Boston for 
 the six-year period ending in 1905. This is about the same 
 average that has obtained for half a century. 20 Hoffman 26 
 found sixty-five such marriages to have taken place in 
 Connecticut in the eleven-year period ending in 1893. For 
 the same period fifty-eight such marriages were reported 
 from Rhode Island. In Michigan, for the twenty-year period 
 ending in 1893, he found a total of one hundred and eleven 
 mixed marriages. 27 In Bermuda for the twelve-year period 
 
 23 The second. 
 
 24 Ray Stannarcl Baker, Following the Color Line, p. 172. 
 
 23 The following table gives the number of mixed marriages by five 
 year periods from 1855 to 1887. 
 
 Total Average per year 
 
 1855—59 50 10 
 
 1862—66 45 9 
 
 1867—71 88 17.6 
 
 1873—77 172 34.4 
 
 1878—82 121 24.2 
 
 1883—87 124 24.8 
 
 1890 24 24 
 
 26 F. L. Hoffman, Race Traits and Tendencies, pp. 199 ff. 
 
 27 Hoffman seems to have included in his figures cases of open con- 
 cubinage as well as conventional and lawful unions. According to the 
 statement presented to the Michigan Legislature in 1915 less than 40 
 mixed marriages have been legalized in the state in the past 30 years. 
 The committee however were endeavoring to make a case against the 
 proposed law to prohibit intermarriage and gave expression to a num- 
 ber of errors of fact. Hoffman is probably the better authority. Re- 
 port of Committee on Equitable Legislation, "Treatise on Proposed 
 Changes in the Law of Marriage." 
 
134 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 from 1872 to 1883, there were one hundred and nine mixed 
 marriages; for the following twelve-year period from 1884 
 to 1895, there were but fifty-eight. 
 
 In twenty-eight states the intermarriage of the races is 
 forbidden by law, 28 in most cases under severe penalty. 29 
 In other states, the sentiment against such unions is suffi- 
 ciently strong to make the question a regular subject of 
 legislative debate. 30 That they are not forbidden in all the 
 states is not that they are approved, but that the number 
 of Negroes is so small and the number of such unions so 
 few, that they constitute no menace sufficient to force pro- 
 tective legislative enactment. The Massachusetts attitude 
 as described by Stone, is fairly typical of the more northern 
 states where the Negro is not a grave and immediate prob- 
 lem. 31 
 
 For a period of 138 years Massachusetts prohibited 
 intermarriage between whites and Negroes or mulat- 
 toes. The statute of Queen Anne of 1705 may be said 
 originally to have been tinctured by the religious ob- 
 jection to a union between Christians and pagans. But 
 it was several times reenacted long after such influences 
 had ceased to exist. It was finally repealed in 1843. 
 By such action Massachusetts did not by any means 
 intend to declare in favour of racial intermarriage. 
 The real significance of the repeal was that, whether 
 consciously or unconsciously, the numerical insignifi- 
 cance of the Negro population had finally brought pos- 
 sibly a majority of the whites to a point from which 
 they were able to view with entire indifference any pos- 
 
 28 The constitutions of six of the states prohibit such marriages. 
 39 E. A. Jenks, "The Legal Status of Negro-White Amalgamation in 
 the United States." American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 21, pp. 666-78. 
 
 80 In 1913 bills aimed at prohibiting Negro-white intermarriages were 
 introduced in ten of the twenty states then permitting such unions. 
 Jenks, American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 21, p. 666. 
 
 81 A. F. Stone, Studies in the American Race Problem, pp. 60-61. 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture in United States 135 
 
 sible consequences of a formal reversal of the ancient 
 policy of the state. 
 
 The large majority of the mixed marriages are of Negro 
 or mulatto men and white women. In one hundred and fifty- 
 eight of the one hundred and seventy-one cases reported by 
 Baker, the groom was a Negro and the woman white. 32 In 
 thirteen cases the groom was a white man. Of the fifty- 
 eight mixed marriages in Rhode Island fifty-one were white 
 females and seven were white males. Of the one hundred and 
 eleven cases in Michigan ninety-three were white women and 
 eighteen were white men. 33 34 Stone 35 comments on the 
 Boston situation as follows: 
 
 ... As a matter of fact, for the past five years, of 
 all the Negro marriages in Massachusetts, an average 
 of about 10 per cent have been mixed. Moreover, in 
 these cases the white party is a woman, very infre- 
 quently a man. Of the 52 mixed marriages in 37 towns 
 and cities of the state in 1900, 43 were between white 
 women and Negro men. . . . 
 
 During the five years from 1900 to 1901 there were 
 143 marriages between Negroes and whites in the city 
 
 Groom Negro Groom white Total mixed 
 
 82 Year Bride white Bride Negro marriages 
 
 1900 32 3 35 
 
 1901 30 1 31 
 
 1902 25 4 29 
 
 1903 27 2 29 
 
 1904 27 1 28 
 
 1905 17 2 19 
 Baker, Following the Color Line, p. 172. 
 
 33 Hoffman, Race Traits and Tendencies, p. 119. 
 
 84 It is interesting in this connection to note that of the 18 white men 
 married to Negroes 6 married black females and 12 mulatto females; 
 of the 93 white women married to Negroes 47 were married to black 
 males and 46 to mulatto males. 
 
 35 Stone, Studies in the American Race Problem, pp. 62-63. 
 
136 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 of Boston, and 907 in which both parties were Negroes. 
 In other words, with a Negro population of 11,591 
 there were 1,050 marriages. Of these, 143, or 13.6 
 per cent, if my calculation is correct, married white 
 persons. Of these mixed marriages 133 were cases of 
 white women marrying Negro men, while only 10 white 
 men married Negro women. With the white women 
 in this instance representing 93 per cent of her race's 
 participation in such alliances, it is safe to dogmatize 
 as to the processes of race intermixture. And my in- 
 vestigations thus far lead me to believe that the same 
 conditions exist in Chicago, Philadelphia, and New 
 York. 
 
 The mixed marriages as a rule are of the lower classes 
 of the whites. The woman in most of the unions are recent 
 immigrants and often, no doubt, contract the alliances with- 
 out realizing the social consequences. 38 Hoffman made a 
 careful investigation of thirty-seven such mixed unions. 37 
 Eight were of white men living with Negro women, twenty- 
 nine of white women living with Negro men. 
 
 Of the eight white men, four were legally married and 
 four were not. Three of the number were criminals or crim- 
 inal suspects. The others were outcasts : one was a saloon 
 keeper, one had deserted a white wife and family, two others 
 were of good families but were themselves of bad reputa- 
 tion. 
 
 Of the twenty-nine white women, nineteen were lawfully 
 married to their Negro husbands, while ten were living in 
 
 88 ". . . The few white women who have given hirth to mulattoes have 
 always been regarded as monsters; and without exception, they have 
 belonged to the most impoverished and degraded caste of whites, by whom 
 they are scrupulously avoided as creatures who have sunk to the level of 
 the beasts of the field." P. A. Bruce, The Plantation Negro as a Free- 
 man, p. 55. 
 
 87 Hoffman, Bace Traits and Tendencies, pp. 204-06. 
 
 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture in United States 137 
 
 open concubinage. Five of these latter were of foreign 
 birth. Eight of the number were prostitutes, 3S one was in- 
 sane, and one was the daughter of respectable parents. Of 
 the nineteen who were lawfully married, four were prosti- 
 tutes, two were guilty of bigamy, four were either divorced 
 or had deserted husbands, five were apparently of respect- 
 able parentage and contented with their husbands. Of the 
 four others, Hoffman was able to obtain no information. 
 
 Of the twenty-nine Negro men, one was an industrious 
 barber of good character, five were of fair repute, nine 
 were idlers, loafers, or drunkards, and eleven were, proved 
 criminal. The character of the remaining three was not 
 determined. 
 
 Hoffman concludes this phase of his study as follows : 39 
 
 Comment on these cases is hardly necessary. They 
 tend to prove that as a rule neither good white men 
 nor good white women marry colored persons, and that 
 good colored men and women do not marry white per- 
 sons. The number of cases is so small, however, that 
 a definite conclusion as to the character of persons 
 intermarr} T ing is hardly warranted. However, it would 
 seem that if such marriages were a success, even to a 
 limited extent, some evidence would be found in a col- 
 lection of thirty-six cases. It is my own opinion, 
 based on personal observation in the cities of the South, 
 that the individuals of both races who intermarry or 
 live in concubinage are vastly inferior to the average 
 types of the white and colored races in the United 
 States ; also, that the class of white men who have in- 
 tercourse with colored women are, as a rule, of an in- 
 ferior type. 
 
 38 
 
 It is perhaps not generally understood to what extent sexually sa- 
 tiated prostitutes seek Negro men in their search for new stimulation, 
 The same thing is true of many debauched white men. 
 39 Race Traits and Tendencies, p. 206. 
 
138 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 The great majority of the mixed marriages occur in the 
 larger cities. Of the fifty-eight reported from Rhode Island, 
 for example, fifty-two were from Providence. 40 
 
 These mixed marriages are very frequently marriages of 
 mulattoes, usually very light-colored mulattoes, with the 
 poorer and lower class of white women. Not infrequently, 
 it would seem these unions take place without the girl real- 
 izing that she is marrying a Negro. Cases where such facts 
 are made the grounds for divorce proceedings, appear from 
 time to time in the daily press. So uniform is it that the 
 groom is of some importance and the bride a woman of the 
 lower class, that some predict a final solution of the prob- 
 lem of the Negro in America by a fusion of the upper class 
 Negroes with the lower class whites. 41 
 
 For this reason the idea, unpopular, to be sure, but 
 still indicated by the facts, that the races in America 
 are amalgamating is not unwelcome to many thinkers. 
 
 • • • 
 
 That simply goes to show that we are now part way 
 along in the process, which I do not hesitate to say 
 will be accomplished in time. The black race is to be 
 absorbed. 
 
 In fact, the thing will not be so repellant in a few 
 hundred years as it is now. As it is, those who say the 
 relation between whites and blacks is a symptom of 
 mental defect on the part of the whites fail entirely 
 to consider that times without number the scions of our 
 best southern families have shown signs of such degen- 
 eracy. 
 
 Is it not more reasonable to expect that as time 
 goes on the more cultured blacks will more or less nat- 
 urally intermingle with the least cultured whites in the 
 
 40 Hoffman, Race Traits and Tendencies, p. 199. 
 
 41 G. B. Foster, as quoted in the daily press. See, for e.g., the Chicago 
 Tribune, 11-9-1914. See, also, DuBois, note 134, p. 164 below. 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture in United States 139 
 
 south until eventually the whole process will have been 
 completed and our race will have absorbed the other? 
 Surely, there is every reason to believe that that condi- 
 tion will result. 
 
 However this may be, it is evident that the origin of the 
 mulatto group and its subsequent growth have been brought 
 about, only in a very minor degree, through the conven- 
 tional marriage relation. Such marriages as do take place 
 are almost exclusively Northern Negroes, frequently light- 
 colored mulattoes, with women of the lower classes and espe- 
 cially with European immigrant girls. 42 The desire of the 
 Negro in this respect is, when he becomes wealthy, fre- 
 quently taken advantage of by white adventuresses of ques- 
 tionable virtue. A certain prize fighter of national reputa- 
 tion is a case in point. 43 
 
 The Concubinage of Colored Women by White Men 
 
 Another source of the increase of the mulatto group has 
 been the concubinage of colored women by white men. This 
 form of sex relation was fairly common in certain sections 
 during the period of slavery. The relation, where it existed, 
 approached often more nearly a form of polygamy than 
 that of an indiscriminate sex relation. To what extent the 
 relationship existed during the slavery days or even at the 
 present time, it is not possible to say. The custom varied 
 in different sections and in the same section at different 
 
 42 ". . . In the majority of intermarriages the white women belong to 
 the lower walks of life. They are German, Irish, or other foreign women, 
 respectable, but ignorant. . . ." Baker, Following the Color Line, p. 172. 
 
 43 There is here no intention to put in question the sincere devotion and 
 pure romantic love that doubtless led to the marriage unions between 
 such men as Frederick Douglass, President Scarborough of Wilberforce, 
 Ira Aldridge, the actor, and other prominent mulattoes and their white 
 wives. See note 4, p. 316. 
 
140 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 times. No doubt there were isolated instances of the sort 
 everywhere, throughout the whole period that the Negro 
 has been in the country. That it was a uniform custom of 
 the slave-owning class, there is no reason to believe: that it 
 was common in certain regions, there is no reason to 
 doubt. 44 
 
 The form of this sex relation was exclusively of white men 
 and Negro women. In general, it seems not to have been a 
 promiscuous relation between the master class and the fe- 
 male slaves, but a relation between some favorite slave girl 
 and a young man of the family. 45 It was not in any sense 
 a forced relation on the part of the Negress ; on the con- 
 trary, it was a relation to which the girl of the upper classes 
 of the Negroes aspired as the highest honor and privilege 
 which she could attain. To the girl it was, in the great ma- 
 jority of cases, a matter of being honored by a white man. 46 
 
 When a child or children resulted from the association, 
 they not infrequently received their freedom — generally 
 along with that of the mother — and occasionally, at least, 
 received an education and a start in life. To escape the 
 restrictions placed upon the free Negro yi many of the 
 Southern States, these natural children, and other faithful 
 slaves whom the master might wish to free, were frequently 
 taken into free territory and there given their freedom. 47 
 
 44 See pages 92-93 above. 
 
 45 See note 25, p. 176 below. 
 48 J. S. Bassett quotes a physician whom he considers trustworthy and 
 
 who was raised on a rice plantation near Wilmington, North Carolina, 
 as saying that ". . . Among themselves the slaves were immoral, but, 
 generally speaking, there were no illicit relations between them and the 
 white men. The white boys were sometimes intimate with the house- 
 maids. . . ." Slavery in the State of North Carolina, p. 86. 
 
 47 "At this time [about 1850] says Mr. Brown: 'Cincinnati was full 
 of women, without husbands, and their children. These were sent by 
 the planters of Louisiana, Mississippi, and some from Tennessee, who 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture in United States 141 
 
 The highest development of the system of concubinage 
 seems not to have been between the slave-holding families 
 and their slaves, but between the free mulatto women and 
 the non-slave-holding men. In its fullest development, the 
 system flourished where there were the largest number of 
 free Negro women of mixed ancestry and of some degree 
 of culture and refinement. In Charleston, in Mobile, and 
 especially in New Orleans, the system reached a stage little 
 short of a socially sanctioned institution. Olmsted's de- 
 scription of the system in New Orleans shortly before the 
 war gives a picture of concubinage at its point of highest. 
 development. 48 
 
 I refer to a class composed of the illegitimate off- 
 spring of white men and colored women (mulattos or 
 quadroons), who, from habits of early life, the advan- 
 tages of education, and the use of wealth, are too much 
 superior to the negroes, in general, to associate with 
 them, and are not allowed by law, or the popular prej- 
 udice, to marry white people. The girls are frequently 
 sent to Paris to be educated, and are very accomplished. 
 They are generally pretty, and often handsome. I 
 have rarely, if ever, met more beautiful women, than 
 one or two of them, that I saw by chance, in the streets. 
 
 had got fortunes and had found that white women could live in those 
 states, and in consequence, they had sent their slave wives and children 
 to Cincinnati and set them free.'" Booker T. Washington, The Story 
 of the Negro, Vol. 1, p. 227. The Mr. Brown quoted was a free Negro 
 or mulatto. This would seem to indicate that the scarcity of white women 
 was the determining factor in the intermixture. Wilberforce, Ohio, is 
 said to have a settlement of this sort. "The thing that gives a peculiar 
 and interesting character to many of these ante-bellum Negro settle- 
 ments is that they were made by Southern slave-holders who desired to 
 free their slaves and were not able to do so under the restrictions that 
 were imposed upon emancipation in the Southern states. Many of the 
 colored people in these settlements were the natural children of their 
 master. . . ." Ibid,, Vol. 1, pp. 234-35. 
 48 A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States, pp. 594-97. 
 
142 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 They are much better formed, and have a much more 
 graceful and elegant carriage than Americans in gen- 
 eral, while they seem to have commonly inherited or 
 acquired much of the taste and skill, in the selection 
 and arrangement, and the way of wearing dresses and 
 ornaments, that is the especial distinction of the women 
 of Paris. Their beauty and attractiveness being their 
 fortune, they cultivate and cherish with diligence every 
 charm or accomplishment they are possessed of. 
 
 Of course, men are attracted by them, associate with 
 them, are captivated, and become attached to them, 
 and, not being able to marry them legally, and with 
 the usual forms and securities for constancy, make 
 such arrangements "as can be agreed upon." When a 
 man makes a declaration of love to a girl of this class, 
 she will admit or deny, as the case may be, her happi- 
 ness in receiving it ; but, supposing she is favorably 
 disposed, she will usually refer the applicant to her 
 mother. The mother inquires, like a Countess of Kew, 
 into the circumstances of the suitor ; ascertains 
 whether he is able to maintain a family, and, if satis- 
 fied with him, in these and other respects, requires from 
 him security that he will support her daughter in a 
 style suitable to the habits she has been bred to, and 
 that, if he should ever leave her, he will give her a cer- 
 tain sum for her future support, and a certain addi 
 tional sum for each of the children she shall then have. 
 
 The wealth, thus secured, will, of course, vary — 
 as in society with higher assumptions of morality — 
 with the value of the lady in the market; that is, with 
 her attractiveness, and the number and value of other 
 suitors she may have, or may reasonably expect. Of 
 course, I do not mean that love has nothing at all to 
 do with it ; but love is sedulously restrained, and held 
 firmly in hand, until the road of competency is seen to 
 be clear, with less humbug than our English custom 
 requires about it. Everything being satisfactorily ar- 
 ranged, a tenement in a certain quarter of the town is 
 usually hired, and the couple move into it and go to 
 
 : 
 
 1 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture in United States 143 
 
 housekeeping — living as if they were married. The 
 woman is not, of course, to be wholly deprived of the 
 society of others — her former acquaintances are con- 
 tinued, and she sustains her relations as daughter, sis- 
 ter, and friend. Of course, too, her husband (she calls 
 him so — why shouldn't she?) will be likely to continue, 
 also, more or less in, and form a part of, this kind of 
 society. There are parties and balls — bals masques — 
 and all the movements and customs of other fashionable 
 society, which they can enjoy in it, if they wish. The 
 women of this sort are represented to be exceedingly af- 
 fectionate in disposition, and constant beyond re- 
 proach. 
 
 During all the time a man sustains this relation, he 
 will commonly be moving, also, in reputable society on 
 the other side of the town ; not improbably, eventually 
 he marries, and has a family establishment elsewhere. 
 Before doing this, he may separate from his placee (so 
 she is termed). If so, he pays her according to agree- 
 ment, and as much more, perhaps, as his affection for 
 her, or his sense of the cruelty of the proceeding, may 
 lead him to; and she has the world before her again, 
 in the position of a widow. Many men continue, for 
 a long time, to support both establishments — partic- 
 ularly, if their legal marriage is one de convenance. 
 But many others form so strong attachments, that the 
 relation is never discontinued, but becomes, indeed, that 
 of marriage, except that it is not legalized or solem- 
 nized. These men leave their estate, at death, to their 
 children, to whom they may have previously given every 
 advantage of education they could command. What 
 becomes of the boys, I am not informed; the girls, 
 sometimes, are removed to other countries, where their 
 color does not prevent their living reputable lives ; but, 
 of course, mainly continue in the same society and are 
 fated to a life similar to that of their mothers. 
 
 The extent to which concubinage prevails at the present 
 time, it is not possible to determine. There is no unanimity 
 
144 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 in the opinions expressed and no wide investigation on the 
 basis of which an estimate can be made. The relation shocks 
 the conventional, middle-class sex ethics of the community 
 and the pronouncements so frequently met with on the sub- 
 ject are seldom anything more than an offhand expression of 
 passion and prejudice. That the relative importance of 
 this particular form of race intermixture is generally 
 grossly exaggerated seems certain, but how numerous the 
 cases of concubinage actually are, it is wholly impossible 
 to say. 
 
 Unlawful Polygamy 
 
 Aside from a very little lawful intermarriage and a 
 larger, but wholly indeterminable, amount of unlawful, sub- 
 surface polygamy ; there is, and seems always to have been, 
 a much larger number of sexual irregularities between the 
 races which are wholly casual in their nature. 49 It is this 
 casual meeting and temporary association of individuals, a 
 relation which approaches more nearly a form of prostitu- 
 tion than a form of polygamy, that is now, and seems al- 
 ways to have been, the characteristic form of intermixture 
 that has existed between the races in America. It is not 
 confined to any one section of the country 50 nor to any one 
 
 * fl It is this third and numerically more important element that is 
 overlooked by Mr. DuBois when he asserts that the mulatto is the product 
 of "a system of concubinage of colored women in slavery days, together 
 with some intermarriage." See The Negro American Family, p. 47. 
 Also, see the article in Inter-Racial Problems, The Negro and elsewhere. 
 
 w The Independent, Vol. 55, p. 454, says, speaking editorially: "None 
 of the intermixture is the fruit of marriage. It has been nearly all 
 produced in the South, and is all the fruit of white fathers and darker 
 mothers." Here is exaggeration almost to the point of misstatement. 
 It is not "all the fruit of white fathers and darker mothers:" some of 
 it is the fruit of marriage. It has been "nearly all produced in the 
 South" only in the sense that nearly all of the race has been in the 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture in United States 145 
 
 social class in the community. 51 It goes on everywhere 
 where class differences exist and where the vicious elements 
 have an opportunity to associate. 
 
 Russell 52 studying the free Negroes in Virginia concludes 
 that they were in large measure the result of illicit relations 
 between the masters and the slave women. Turner 53 con- 
 cludes his study of the matter in Pennsylvania by freeing 
 the master class from the charge of debauching the slave 
 women. Bassett seems to doubt that the master class was 
 an important element in production of the bastard race. 
 Speaking of the laws enacted in regard to bastardy in 1715 
 and 1741 which provided extra terms of service for the ser- 
 vant who became a mother of a bastard child, he says : 54 
 
 It is also evident that the sin of the servant would 
 be an advantage to the master, since he would thereby 
 
 South. Relatively the intermixture of the races has been greater in 
 the Northern and Border States than in the South. 
 
 51 The New York Age, the best of the Negro papers, in an unmannerly 
 editorial replying to a coarse but on the whole truthful and accurate 
 statement concerning the morals of Negro women, asserts that it is 
 "the Southern Aristocrat" who is responsible for the mulattoes. Issue 
 9-2-1915. 
 
 62 ". . . Illegal marriages and of associations of whites with free ne- 
 groes was so disreputable and disgraceful that they were entered into by 
 the vilest white persons at the price of chastisement by privately or- 
 ganized bands of white persons supported by community sentiment. The 
 free mulatto class . . . was of course the result of illegal relations of 
 white persons with negroes; but excepting those born of mulatto parents, 
 most persons of the class were not born of free negro or free white 
 mothers, but of slave mothers and were set free because of their kinship 
 to their master and owner." J. H. Russell, The Free Negro in Vir- 
 ginia, p. 127. 
 
 83 "It must be said that the stigma of illicit intercourse in Pennsylvania 
 would not generally seem to rest upon the masters, but rather upon 
 servants, outcasts, and the lowlier class of whites." The Negro in Penn- 
 sylvania, p. 31. 
 
 Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina, pp. 83-84, 
 
 54 a: 
 
146 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 secure her services for a longer period. We have not 
 the least evidence that such a thing did happen, yet it 
 is possible that a master might for that reason have 
 compassed the sin of his serving-woman. 
 
 Whatever may have been the extent to which the master- 
 class was involved — and there is no doubt that some portion 
 of the bastard race was the offspring of temporary associ- 
 ations of white masters and slave women — there seems to be 
 no evidence of a reliable sort to indicate that all, or even 
 the major part of the mulatto group, was of this origin. 55 
 Concubinage certainly involved economically prosperous in- 
 dividuals of the white race and the choicer individuals from 
 among the darker groups ; the casual intermixture was char- 
 acteristic of the undeniably common people of both races. 
 
 In the colonial days, one group of the mulatto population 
 owed its origin to illicit intercourse between slave women 
 and white servants. 
 
 The first introduction of the white indentured servants 
 into the colonies is not known, 56 but by 1619, when the first 
 Negroes came, they constituted a distinct class in the com- 
 munity life. The system was a colonial modification of the 
 
 88 There is, of course, no scientific credence to be given to the stories 
 of so many mixed-bloods that they are descendants of some prominent 
 man. The making of genealogies is not confined exclusively to the newly- 
 rich class of the whites. It is not meant to question, however, that cer- 
 tain eminent men may have been fathers of mulattoes. Benjamin Frank- 
 lin was openly accused of keeping Negro paramours and seems to have 
 made no attempt to deny it. "What is sauce for the goose is sauce for 
 the gander." (1764.) "An humble attempt at scurrility." (1765), etc. 
 Franklin, however, was not a member of the aristocratic class. His 
 actions are rather an evidence of the part that the middle and lower 
 class had to do with the production of the mulattoes. Thomas Jefferson 
 has also been accused of being the father of mulatto children and he 
 certainly was of the aristocratic class. 
 
 J. C. Ballagh, White Servitude in the Colony of Virginia, p. 27, f. n. 
 
 E8 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture in United States 147 
 
 European apprenticeship system then in vogue. 57 In gen- 
 eral, this indentured servant class may be divided into three 
 divisions on the basis of the cause of their immigration to 
 America. 58 Many were free, poor people, anxious to go to 
 America but unable to pay their way, who pledged their 
 service for a term of years to gain passage. There were 
 also a goodly number of persons, generally children, kid- 
 napped in the streets of English cities and sold into servi- 
 tude in the colonies. The third class were transported fel- 
 ons, dissolute individuals, vagabonds, prisoners of war and 
 various others whom the government was anxious to get 
 out of the country. 59 So many of this latter class were 
 sent, that in 1663, they were present in sufficient numbers 
 to imperil the government. 60 The importation was stopped 
 in 1671, England diverting the stream for a time to the 
 West Indies ; but it was begun again in 1717 and continued, 
 in spite of protests, to the time of the Revolution. It was 
 not effectively stopped before 1788. 61 From 1664 to 1671, 
 the average importation into Virginia alone was fifteen hun- 
 dred a year. 62 It is estimated that from 1717 to the Revo- 
 lution there were some fifty thousand criminals sent to the 
 colonies. 63 
 
 This white indentured servitude was just reaching its 
 height in Virginia at the time the first Negroes were brought 
 into the colony. 64 The number of Negroes increased slowly 
 
 87 McCormac, White Servitude in Maryland, Chapter 1. 
 
 88 Ballagh, White Servitude in the Colony of Virginia, p. 33. Bassett, 
 Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina, pp. 75-77. 
 
 88 Ibid., p. 30. 
 
 90 Ballagh, White Servitude in the Colony of Virginia, pp. 36-37. 
 
 n Ibid., pp. 37-38. 
 
 e3 Ibid., p. 41. 
 
 83 H. P. Fairbanks, Immigration, p. 48. See, also, McCormac, White 
 Servitude in Maryland, pp. 93 ff. 
 
 84 Ballagh, White Servitude in the Colony of Virginia, p. 91, 
 
148 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 at first, 65 there being only thirty in the colony in 1650. In 
 1671 there were about two thousand slaves and six thousand 
 white servants in Virginia. Twelve years later, the latter 
 had nearly doubled, while the blacks had increased to about 
 three thousand. The Negroes, however, proved their supe- 
 riority as a servile labor class and from about 1685 on 
 white servitude began to give way to black slavery. In 
 Maryland, the white servants were numerous 66 and of the 
 same general type as those of Virginia. Brackett 67 states 
 that the English jails were in part emptied into the colonies 
 and adds that many of the indentured class were adventurers 
 and good-for-nothings. Elsewhere the situation was simi- 
 lar, 68 though in the other colonies the white servants did 
 not form so high a percentage of the total population. 69 
 
 It was these servants with whom the Negroes came into 
 closest contact. Many of them, of course, were highly re- 
 spectable persons, 70 but among them were "disorderly per- 
 sons," 71 deported convicts, prostitutes, and the like, in 
 great numbers. They courted the Negroes as agreeable 
 companions. 72 The social condition of the black and white 
 
 65 See p. 107 f. above. 
 
 69 See McCormac, White Servitude in Maryland, Chapter 3, "Number 
 and Economic Importance." 
 
 97 Brackett, The Negro in Maryland, p. 118. 
 
 88 Ballagh, White Servitude in the Colony of Virginia, pp. 92-93. 
 
 69 Maryland, Pennsylvania and Virginia were the three chief colonies 
 importing white servants. 
 
 70 ". . . In many instances they were people of much worth who had 
 met with misfortune, or who having been poor in the first place had 
 taken advantage of this opportunity to make their fortunes in the New 
 World. . . ." Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North 
 Carolina, p. 80. 
 
 " Williams, History of the Negro Race in America, Vol. 1, p. 121. 
 
 72 See Bassett, Slavery in the State of North Carolina, p. 22, for illu- 
 minating side-light on the consequences of the association of the Negroes 
 and the low-class whites- 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture in United States 149 
 
 servants was at first much the same; they "were bound to- 
 gether b} r a fellowship of toil." 73 The relatively great num- 
 ber of the vicious whites in certain regions 7i made it in- 
 evitable that there should be much illicit relations between 
 the races. The first case of intermixture of which there is 
 any record is that of a white servant and a Negro woman. 75 
 "During the first half to three-quarters of a century there 
 was an indiscriminate mingling and marrying." 76 Wil- 
 liams adds : 77 
 
 The contact of these two elements — of slaves and 
 convicts — was neither prudent nor healthy. The half- 
 breed population increased and so did the free negroes. 
 The negroes suffered from the touch of moral conta- 
 gion of this effete matter driven out of European so- 
 ciety. 
 
 There was a provision in the Maryland law of 1692 that 
 any white man who married with or had a child by a Negro 
 
 78 Williams, History of the Negro Race in America, Vol. 1, p. 121. 
 
 74 The population of the present territory of Baltimore and Hartford 
 in 1752 was given as follows: 
 
 Free whites over 11,000 
 
 White servants nearly 1,000 
 
 Convicts 5,000 to 6,000 
 
 Mulatto slaves 116 
 
 Negro slaves 4,027 
 
 Free mulattoes 196 
 
 Free Negroes 8 
 
 Brackett, The Negro in Maryland, pp. 175-76. 
 
 75 This was the case of Hugh Davis. He was publicly flogged Sep- 
 tember 17, 1630, "before an assembly of negroes and others" for "defil- 
 ing himself with a negro." "It was required that he confess as much 
 the following Sabbath." Williams, History of the Negro, Vol. 1, p. 121, 
 quoting Henning. See, also, Ballagh, White Servitude in the Colony 
 of Virginia, pp. 72-73. 
 
 78 Brackett, The Negro in Maryland, p. 121. 
 History of the Negro Race in America, Vol. 1, p. 247. 
 
 T7 
 
150 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 woman should be put to service for a period of seven 
 years. 78 In Pennsylvania, a white servant was indicted for 
 sexual offence with a Negress in 1677. 79 In 1722, the As- 
 sembly was petitioned for relief from the practice of white 
 people cohabiting with Negroes. A whole tract of land in 
 Sussex County was known as "Mulatto Hall." The mu- 
 lattoes, who were numerous, were the offspring of Negroes 
 and low-class whites. 80 
 
 In the earlier days, the association between the Negro 
 slaves and the bonded servants was close, and this sym- 
 pathetic relation held in some cases as between the free 
 Negroes and the freed white servants. The poor whites 
 in many cases tried to screen the fugitive slaves, 81 and the 
 free Negro was not always improved by freedom. 82 "It 
 was thought that a rather large proportion of the free 
 colored females, particularly free mulattoes, were un- 
 chaste." 83 In Maryland, there was a special legal enact- 
 ment to cover the case of free Negro women having chil- 
 dren of white men. 84 Bassett 85 says of the early Negro 
 slaves that "They were in the lowest moral condition . . . 
 
 78 
 
 Brackett, The Negro in Maryland, p. 33. 
 
 "Turner, The Negro in Pennsylvania, pp. 29-30. 
 
 w Ibid., pp. 30-31. 
 
 81 Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina, 
 p. 34. 
 
 81 "The women grew unchaste, the men dishonest, until in many minds 
 the term 'free negro' became a synonym of all that was worthless and 
 despicable." David Dodge [O. W. Blacknall], "The Free Negroes of 
 North Carolina." Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 57, p. 26. 
 
 "Russell, The Free Negro in Virginia, p. 137. He adds: "However 
 this may have been, there is ample documentary evidence to show that 
 in the 19th century there was a large class of the free colored population 
 the members of which were respectable and observant of decency and 
 regularity in their family relation." 
 
 Brackett, The Negro in Maryland, pp. 33, 195. 
 
 Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina, p. 30. 
 
 84 
 85 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture in United States 151 
 
 They were bestial, given to the worst venereal diseases and 
 they had little or no regard for the marriage bond." Brick- 
 well, who was a physician, says that the white men of the 
 colony suffered a great deal from a malignant kind of 
 venereal disease which they took from the slaves. 86 The 
 looseness of the marriage tie among the free blacks was 
 notorious. 87 Strenuous measures were necessary to main- 
 tain order among the assemblages of the blacks and whites. 88 
 
 As the Negroes increased in numbers, however, distinc- 
 tions were made between the blacks and the whites. The 
 heavier work was put upon the Negroes "and the servant 
 class as more intelligent was reserved for the lighter 
 tasks." 89 The Negresses were frequently employed in the 
 field work with the men. Many of the servants were taken 
 into the master's house. "Women-servants were com- 
 monly employed as domestics." 90 
 
 The servants, as a class, came quickly to exaggerate the 
 difference. They worked with the Negro but did not live 
 with him. The feeling of fellowship that at first existed 
 between the white servants and the black slaves gradually 
 gave place to social estrangement. 91 "Yet, in spite of the 
 strong social antipathies, there was some illicit relations 
 
 86 Ibid., pp. 30, 59. It is probable that they contracted this disease 
 from the Indian rather than from the Negro slaves. If from the Ne- 
 groes, they had received it from the Indians. 
 
 87 Brackett, The Negro in Maryland, p. 189. 
 
 ■""... Friends were still troubled by the racing of horses and the 
 meeting of negroes . . . Great crowds of idle whites and blacks, they 
 said, drank and behaved riotously there— until, in 1747, horse racing 
 was forbidden, also, and the constables of the neighborhood ordered to 
 disperse all crowds of slaves, at the time of the yearly meetings, if nec- 
 essary by whipping and by the assistance of a posse." Ibid., p. 102. 
 
 89 Ballagh, White Servitude in the Colony of Virginia, p. 69. 
 
 89 Ibid., p. 69. 
 
 81 Russell, The Free Negro in Virginia, pp. 124-27. 
 
152 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 between shameless white persons and Negroes." 92 Wil- 
 liams, 93 speaking of Maryland, says that the Negro slaves 
 who were at first courted by the convicts and other lowly 
 whites, at length came to be treated worse by them than 
 by the opulent and intelligent slave dealers. 
 
 This attitude of superiority and the disposition to keep 
 free from all association with the Negro, which was at all 
 times true of many individuals and which later came to be 
 a marked characteristic of the whole poor white class, is 
 thus stated by Ballagh: 94 
 
 The natural pride of the free man sustained this 
 feeling, together with the strong race prejudice that 
 has ever separated the Englishman from an inferior 
 and dependent race. . . . These sentiments were ef- 
 fective with the better class of servants in keeping them 
 aloof from association with such inferiors. With con- 
 victs and the lower classes, where such considerations 
 were not always sufficient, the law. . . . Freemen and 
 servants alike were subjected to severe penalties for 
 intercourse with negroes, mulattoes and Indians, and 
 intermarriage with them or with infidels was prohibited 
 by many statutes prescribing the punishment both for 
 the offender and the minister who performed the cere- 
 mony. The limitation of the servants, marriages upon 
 the master's consent was a sufficient safe-guard in their 
 case, and but little responsibility may be regarded as 
 attaching to them for the growth of the mulatto class. 
 As was natural between two dependent classes whose 
 conditions were different and widely in favor of one 
 class, race prejudice and pride were at their strongest 
 and developed jealousies which did not exist between 
 master and his dependent or the freedman and the slave. 
 A disposition on the part of the servants to keep them- 
 
 92 Russell, The Free Negro in Virginia, p. 124. 
 
 93 History of the Negro Race in America, Vol. 1, p. 247. 
 
 94 White Servitude in the Colony of Virginia, pp. 71-73. 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture in United States 153 
 
 selves free from all association with negroes was per- 
 ceptible. 
 
 Another body of the mulattoes were children of white 
 servant women by slave and free Negro men. There seems 
 to have been a considerable number of these mulattoes in 
 Virginia toward the end of the seventeenth century. 95 By 
 the law of Virginia, these children were bound out by the 
 church wardens until the age of thirty. The master was 
 required to provide some degree of education for the ap- 
 prentices. 96 The servant woman guilty of having a mu- 
 latto child was sold for five years as a punishment. 97 These 
 mulatto children of white women account, in small part, for 
 the large number of free mulattoes in Virginia in the middle 
 and latter part of the seventeenth century. 98 
 
 In Mar viand from 1692, there were penalties for white 
 women allowing themselves to be with child by colored per- 
 sons and for colored men guilty of the act. 99 The same 
 penalty was provided for slaves and free colored persons. 100 
 Says McCormac : 101 
 
 While this law [1681] very effectually protected the 
 servant from evil designs of an avaricious master, it 
 did not prevent lewd conduct on the part of the ser- 
 vant. Mingling of the races continued during the 18th 
 
 95 Ibid., pp. 72-74. 
 
 66 Russell, The Free Negro in Virginia, pp. 40 ff., 138. 
 ""Where the offence occurred, then, it was more likely to do so in 
 the case of a free person than of a servant, . . ." Ballagh, White Servi- 
 tude in the Colony of Virginia, p. 73. 
 
 W. H. Thomas, The American Negro, p. 6. 
 Brackett, The Negro in Maryland, p. 196. 
 
 °Ibid., p. 191. "There were not a few cases of such offspring." In 
 1790 there is a case of a sale of a white woman and her mulatto child 
 as servants. There are other cases in 1793 and 1794. See, also, p. 
 
 140 f. n. 
 101 McCormac, White Servitude in Maryland, pp. 69-70. 
 
 98 
 99 
 10O 
 
154 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 century, in spite of all laws against it. Preventing 
 the marriage of white servants with slaves only led to 
 a greater social evil, which caused a reaction of public 
 sentiment against the servant. Masters and society in 
 general were burdened with the care of illegitimate mu- 
 latto children. . . . 
 
 In Pennsylvania, especially in the neighborhood of Phil- 
 adelphia, a mulatto population grew up, some of which 
 were slave and some were free, according to the condition 
 of the mother. Says Turner: 102 
 
 . . . The child of a slave was not necessarily a slave 
 if one of the parents was free. The line of servile 
 descent lay through the mother. Accordingly the child 
 of a slave mother and a free father was a slave, of a 
 free mother and a slave father a servant for a term of 
 years only. The result of the application of this doc- 
 trine to the offspring of a negro and a white person 
 was that the mulattoes were divided into two classes. 
 Some were servants for a term of years ; the others 
 formed a third class of slaves. 
 
 The act of 1725-1726 recognized this. The law enumer- 
 ated four classes of Negro servants. "Fourthly, all mu- 
 latto children who were not slaves for life, were to be bound 
 out until they were thirty-one years of age." 103 Bassett, 104 
 in enumerating the sources of the free Negro population, 
 says : 
 
 Another [source] was the children of white women 
 by negro men. There is evidence that not a few such 
 people were in the government. Taken all together, 
 there was a considerable number of free negroes among 
 the people by the close of the Colonial period. 
 
 103 The Negro in Pennsylvania, pp. 24-25. 
 ™Ibid., pp. 91-92. 
 
 104 Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina, p. 67. 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture in United States 155 
 
 Delaware in 1721 passed an act punishing adultery and 
 fornication. It provided that in case of children of a white 
 woman by a slave, the County Court bound them out until 
 they were thirty-one years of age. 105 The number of mu- 
 lattoes born to white women was nowhere large but that 
 the number was considerable there is no reason to doubt. 
 
 There appears also to have been some intermixture be- 
 tween the low-class white women and the Indian men. 106 
 The Indians were never under the social ban to the same 
 extent as the Negro. The distinction between mulattoes, 
 mustees, and half-breed Indians was not always clearly 
 made; the term mulatto was frequently used to include all 
 three. 107 It may well be that in some of the cases men- 
 tioned of white women having mulatto children, the off- 
 spring were really half-breed Indians. 
 
 Intermarriage with Indians 
 
 The Negro has everywhere and at all times mixed freely 
 with the Indian. The barriers to social equality were less 
 between them than between either and the white. There was 
 some ground of sympathy between them and there were 
 no laws forbidding intermixture. 108 In many of the colo- 
 nies, the first slaves were Indians. 109 The captives in battle 
 
 105 
 106 
 
 Williams, History of the Negro Race in America, Vol. 1, p. 250. 
 
 Brackett, The Negro in Maryland, p. 117, mentions such a case. 
 ". . . At about the same time, a Pocomok Indian was imprisoned for 
 rape of an English woman. ... As it was found that the woman had 
 willingly erred, the Indian was merely whipped, according to English 
 law, and advised by the court to be more circumspect." 
 
 107 Russell, The Free Negro in Virginia, p. 130. See, also, Bassett, 
 Slavery in the State of North Carolina, p. 90. He here quotes a cor- 
 respondent as saying that "many of them [mulattoes] were descended 
 from Indian and . . ." 
 
 108 Russell, The Free Negro in Virginia, pp. 41, 127 If. 
 
 W9 Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina, 
 
156 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 were enslaved, 110 and not a few were kidnapped along the 
 unsettled coasts and sold into slavery among the more set- 
 tled colonies. 111 How many Indian slaves there were, it 
 is impossible to say ; they w r ere classed with the blacks and 
 no difference was made between them and other slaves. 112 
 They were not particularly adapted to slavery, 113 and as 
 the Negroes increased, they gradually disappeared. 114 They 
 were thrown into close association with the Negroes, inter- 
 married readily with them, and were gradually absorbed by 
 and disappeared into the growing body of blacks. 115 
 
 pp. 71-74. B. C. Steiner, A History of Slavery in Connecticut, pp. 9 ff. 
 "Indian Slavery." 
 
 110 Massachusetts sold the captives in King William's war into slavery. 
 Virginia made slaves for life of those Indians taken in war but hesi- 
 tated to do so with those offered for sale by other Indians. Steiner, 
 A History of Slavery in Connecticut, p. 9. Brackett, The Negro in 
 Maryland, p. 19. Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North 
 Carolina, pp. 72 ff. 
 
 111 The first slaves in North Carolina were of this sort. Ibid., p. 71. 
 
 112 H. S. Cooley, A Study of Slavery in New Jersey, pp. 11-13. 
 
 113 "At first some masters enslaved Indian women to increase their 
 slave-progeny. This cross was not adapted to slavery, because those of 
 Indian blood knew the country and were better able to escape. Conse- 
 quently a law was passed in most states forbidding the enslavement of 
 the children of Indian mothers. For this reason many Negro men took 
 Indian wives so that their children might be born free. . . ." J. F. 
 Gould, "The Negro Finding Himself," Speech before the Boston Business 
 League, A Negro Organization. Quoted in the Boston Reliance, a Negro 
 newspaper. It is not meant for humor. 
 
 114 Massachusetts in 1712 and Connecticut in 1716 forbade the impor- 
 tation of Indian siaves on the ground that they were fierce and caused 
 trouble. Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Caro- 
 lina, p. 73. 
 
 U5 Ibid., p. 72. Dodge, Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 57, pp. 29-30. 
 many, if not the larger part of the free negroes whose freedom dates 
 further back than this century show traits in mind and body that are 
 unmistakably Indian. . . ." The Indians seem to have been more used 
 as concubines than were the Negresses and consequently more of them 
 set free because they had borne half-breed children. This was especially 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture m United States 157 
 
 The reservations set apart in the seventeenth and eight- 
 eenth centuries in many cases became the common home for 
 Indians and free Negroes. 116 117 As the Negroes frequently 
 outnumbered the Indians, these settlements generally lost 
 all but a tradition of Indian ancestry. 118 Runaway slaves 
 frequently sought refuge among the Indians. In some 
 cases, they were harbored 119 and taken into the tribe. In 
 
 true of the French settlements. Both the French and the English feel 
 less repugnance toward the Indian than toward the Negro. H. A. 
 Trexler, Slavey in Missouri, p. 80. See, also, note 118, p. 157 below. 
 
 118 John Fisk, The Discovery of America, Vol. 2, pp. 427 ff., has an 
 excellent brief description of Indian slavery. 
 
 117 A petition in 1843 in regard to the Pamunkey reservation in King 
 Williams County stated "that all but a small remnant of the old Indian 
 tribe was extinct, and that in its place were free mulattoes, . . . 'They 
 are so mingled with the negro race as to have obliterated all striking 
 features of Indian extraction. It is the general resort of free negroes 
 from all parts of the country.' " Russell, The Free Negro in Virginia, 
 p. 129. White persons in the vicinity of the reservation of the Notta- 
 ways and kindred tribes affirmed, in 1821, that the wives and husbands 
 of the Indians were free Negroes and "that they had neither prudence 
 nor economy." Ibid., p. 129. Of the inhabitants of the Gingaskin res- 
 ervation it was said in 1787 "that those who were not entirely black 
 had 'at least half black blood in them.' The place was called Indian 
 Town, but many of the squaws had negroes for husbands, and the Indian 
 braves lived with black wives." Ibid., p. 128. 
 
 118 Bureau of American Ethnology. Handbook of the American In- 
 dians, Part 1, p. 914. "There is no doubt that many of the broken coast 
 tribes have been completely absorbed into the negro race." See, also, 
 p. 81 above. 
 
 119 "In treaties made with the governor of Maryland with various 
 Indians, in 1661 and 1663, there is the stipulation that the Indians are 
 to return any runaway 'Englishmen.' Later the neighboring Indians 
 were encouraged to seize runaways by the reward of a blanket or its 
 value. Treaties with them forbade their harboring servants and slaves, 
 who were to be given over to the nearest English plantation. The back- 
 woods offered a near retreat for runaways. As a certain tribe of Indians 
 had evidently been regardless of the rights of the good people of Mary- 
 land in their servants and slaves, the Governor and Council decided, in 
 
158 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 other cases, they simply became the slaves of the Indians 
 among whom they sought refuge. 120 The Cherokees and 
 the Creeks were large slave holders and for the most part 
 mixed on terms of equality with their black slaves. The 
 Seminoles at a later date owned large numbers of slaves 
 with whom they had intermixed. There seem also to have 
 been in their tribe many runaways who were not classed as 
 slaves. 
 
 Intermixture During Slavery and at Present 
 
 The illicit relations between the Negroes and the low- 
 class whites, which in some regions at least characterized the 
 racial situation during a considerable portion of the colo- 
 nial period, very greatly decreased as the institution of 
 slavery developed. On the one hand, the general and bit- 
 ter hatred that existeci everywhere in the slave states be- 
 tween the "poor white class" and the slaves tended to keep 
 the races apart and to keep intermixture at a minimum. 121 
 
 1722, to send to these a messenger with a treaty of peace and friend- 
 ship, and the promise of a reward of two blankets and a gun to every 
 Indian who should return a slave. These allurements were evidently 
 unavailing, for three years later it was decided to send again, to invite 
 the chiefs to Annapolis. . . ." Brackett, The Negro in Maryland, pp. 
 74-75. 
 
 120 Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina, 
 p. 57, quotes Brikell, Natural History of North Carolina, p. 273, as say- 
 ing that "The Indians . . . had a natural and irreconcilable hatred for 
 the negroes and delighted in torturing them. When they would meet 
 runaways in the woods they would attack them vigorously, either killing 
 them or driving them back to the whites." 
 
 121 This was by no means always the case between the free Negroes and 
 the poor whites. See Bassett, Slavery in the State of North Carolina, 
 p. 43. Dodge, Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 59, p. 29, says: ". . . Hardly a 
 neighborhood was free from low white women who married or co- 
 habited with free negroes. Well can I recollect the many times when, 
 with the inconsiderate curiosity of a child, I hurriedly climbed the front 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture in United States 159 
 
 On the other hand, whatever may have been the extent of 
 the irregular relationships between the slave-holding class 
 and their female slaves, the slave system as a working and 
 developed institution regulated strictly the conduct of the 
 slaves and thereby restricted, in a measure, irregular rela- 
 tions between them and the general white population. 122 
 Miss Frances A. Kemble, who spent some time in Georgia 
 about 1850, naively testifies to this fact. 123 
 
 I observed, among the numerous groups that we 
 passed or met, a much larger proportion of mulattoes 
 
 than at the rice-island : upon asking Mr why this 
 
 was so, he said that there no white person could land 
 without his or the overseer's permission, whereas on St. 
 Simon's which is a large island containing several plan- 
 tations belonging to different owners, of course the 
 number of whites, both residing on and visiting the 
 place, was much greater, and the opportunity for in- 
 tercourse between the blacks and whites much more 
 frequent. 124 
 
 gate-post to get a good look at a shriveled old woman trudging down 
 the lane, who, when young, I was told, had had her free-negro lover 
 bled, and drank some of his blood, so that she might swear she had 
 Negro blood in her." 
 
 133 Bruce, The Plantation Negro as a Freeman, p. 17, gives a good 
 statement of the restraining effects of slavery on the Negro. 
 
 123 Residence on a Georgian Plantation, p. 162. 
 
 124 In another place, speaking of a certain mulatto woman, Miss Kem- 
 ble says: "This woman was a mulatto daughter of a slave called Sophy, 
 by a white man of the name of Walker, who visited the plantation," p. 
 190. Of another mulatto she says: "The woman's father had been a 
 white man who was employed for some purpose on the estate," p. 194. 
 It was of course to the master's interest to prevent intermixture so far 
 as he was able to do so. "If a woman had children she was rendered 
 less desirable as a slave. . . ." Frequently slave women were offered 
 for sale for no other reason than that they had children. Cooley, 
 A Study of Slavery in New Jersey, p. 55. However, this was not al- 
 ways the case. Brickell, Natural History of North Carolina, p. 272, 
 
160 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 In the cities and towns of the South, however, there was 
 no such degree of restraint exercised over the slaves as was 
 the case on the plantations. Opportunities for association 
 with others than the master class were greatly increased. A 
 much larger per cent of the slaves were house servants. The 
 number of free Negroes and free mulattoes was larger. The 
 better opportunity for association resulted in a greatly in- 
 creased amount of intermixture in the cities. 125 Here there 
 was a casual mixture totally different in kind from the more 
 or less permanent or regular association that frequently 
 existed between the slave owner and a favorite Negress. 
 It was in general the vicious elements of the whites which 
 were responsible for the mulattoes in the cities ; on the plan- 
 tations, generally speaking, the Negro woman was screened 
 as far as possible from association with this class of whites. 
 The disorganization resulting from the breakdown of the 
 master and slave relationship, brought with it an enormous 
 increase of racial intermixture. The restraint under which 
 the slaves had been held shielded them from general asso- 
 ciation with the vicious whites. As they realized the fact 
 of their freedom, they wandered in great numbers to the 
 towns and cities 126 where they gave themselves up to a pro- 
 says that "a fruitful woman amongst them being very much valued by 
 the planters and a numerous issue esteemed the greatest riches in the 
 country." Quoted by Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of 
 North Carolina, pp. 57-58. 
 
 126 "The slave-holders of the Southern states . . . are benevolently do- 
 ing their best, in one way at least, to raise and improve the degraded 
 race, and the bastard population which forms so ominous an element 
 in the social safety of their cities . . ." Kemble, Residence on a Geor- 
 gian Plantation, p. 14. That it was essentially a city phenomenon in 
 the South is correct: that it was the slave-holding class which was re- 
 sponsible, wholly or chiefly, is notoriously undemonstrable. 
 
 "" Steiner, A History of Slavery in Connecticut, p. 80, comments upon 
 this tendency of the manumitted slaves of Connecticut and attributes 
 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture in United States 161* 
 
 longed celebration which was frequently characterized by a 
 more or less promiscuous sexual intercourse among the Ne- 
 groes themselves and between their women and the vicious 
 white elements of the cities. 127 
 
 Wherever the Union armies went in the South, they were 
 besieged by an army of Negro women. Says Thomas, a 
 severe and unsympathetic but on the whole a frank and 
 accurate critic of his own race : 128 
 
 ... It may have been the outcroppings of grati- 
 tude to Federal victors, or reckless abandon to lust, 
 but the inciting cause is immaterial, so long as the 
 shameful fact is true, that, wherever our armies were 
 quartered in the South the negro women flocked to 
 their camps for infamous riot with the white soldiery. 
 All occupied cities, suburban rendezvous, and rural 
 bivouacs, bore witness to the mad havoc daily wrought 
 in black womanhood by our citizen soldiery. We have 
 personal knowledge of many Federal officers of high 
 station, and some of strong prejudices against the 
 race, who openly kept negro mistresses in their army 
 quarters ; nor do we doubt that the present lax mo- 
 rality everywhere observable among negro womenkind is 
 largely due to the licentious freedom which the war 
 engendered among them. Slavery had its blighting evils, 
 but also its wholesome restraints. 129 
 
 At the present time, the intermixture of the races seems 
 to be going on more rapidly than at any time in the past. 130 
 
 it to "their gregarious tendencies." See, also, J. R. Brackett, Notes on 
 
 the Progress of the Colored People Since the War, p. 25. 
 
 127 F. A. Bancroft, The Negro in Politics, pp. 14 ff. 
 
 128 The American Negro, p. 14. 
 
 no It is a significant fact that venereal diseases were practically un- 
 known in the South outside of a few cities before the War and the Ne- 
 groes were generally free from them. Following the wake of the Union 
 armies they rapidly spread throughout the whole black population of the 
 South. See, however, p. 151 above. 
 
 **° Sir Harry H. Johnston, The Negro in the New World, p. 98, points 
 
162 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 As has been previously pointed out, some of this increase is 
 due to legal intermarriage between the races, and some to 
 a more or less ordered but unlawful concubinage of mu- 
 latto and Negro girls by white men. Relations of a more 
 vicious sort, however, are responsible for the large per 
 cent; 131 and these take two forms. On the one hand, there 
 is a debauching by white men of the lighter-colored mu- 
 latto girls whom they, of course, do not marry. In their 
 turn, the mulatto men debauch, but refuse to marry, the 
 black girls. 132 
 
 It is necessary to remember that the amount of inter- 
 mixture is, in general, proportional to the opportunity for 
 contact. Granting numerous individual exceptions, the gen- 
 eral statement holds true that the women of a lower race 
 everywhere are honored by the attention of the men of a 
 superior caste. It is not only true of the Negro, but is 
 true of every race or class within a race, which is culturally 
 inferior and recognizes itself as inferior. 
 
 In summarizing, we may say that the intermixture of the 
 races everywhere has gone on to the extent of the white 
 man's wishes. The Negro woman never has objected to, 
 
 out a similar fact in regard to Brazil. "After emancipation the move- 
 ment toward a fusion of the races between the ex-slave and the de- 
 scendants of his Luso-Brazilian masters went on more rapidly even than 
 during the three centuries of mild servitude." 
 
 m The great majority of the mixed-blood race is of course the result 
 of marriage between the mulattoes themselves. 
 
 133 Said a Negro Y. M. C. A. Secretary, speaking before a mixed audi- 
 ence at the Frederick Douglass Center in Chicago: ". . . No colored* 
 girl who comes to Chicago has been in the city forty-eight hours with- 
 out being besieged by the colored men and boys of the city whose one 
 effort and desire is to work her downfall. We talk of the way in which 
 the white men wrong our girls but it is our men and boys who least 
 respect and honor them." The black girl is nattered by these attentions, 
 especially when they come from mulatto men just as the mulatto girl 
 is flattered by the attention of white men. 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture m United States 163 
 
 and has generally courted, the relationship. It was never 
 at any time a matter of compulsion ; on the contrary it was 
 a matter of being honored by a man of a superior race. 
 Speaking generally, the amount of intermixture is limited 
 only by the self-respect of the white man and the com- 
 pelling strength of the community sentiment. 
 
 Intermixture went on rapidly during the colonial days 
 especially where the Negro was in contact with the inden- 
 tured servant class, and in regions where there was a scar- 
 city of white women. There was a large intermixture be- 
 tween the Indians and the Negroes wherever these two races 
 were in contact. Occasionally the Negro men found white 
 wives or formed extra-matrimonial alliances with the white 
 women of the servant class. As the status of the slave be- 
 came better defined and a social difference was made, the 
 friendly relation between the Negroes and the white servants 
 gave place to a feeling of hatred between the Negro and the 
 poor white class. This, together with the more strict dis- 
 cipline over the slaves, generally prevented much inter- 
 mixture of these classes during the period that slavery ex- 
 isted as a national institution. 
 
 Mixture of the races probably went on more slowly dur- 
 ing the period that slavery existed as a national institu- 
 tion, than in the period before or the period since. Such 
 relations as existed between the master class and the slave 
 women were generally a kind of sub-surface polygamy and 
 were rather a process of further whitening the mixed-blood 
 race than a mixture of the whites and blacks. This was dur- 
 ing the slavery period, and the same thing is true to-day 
 where concubinage exists, the relation being generally one 
 between a mulatto woman and a white man; seldom a rela- 
 tion between a white man and a Negro woman. 133 
 
 m W. Laird Clowes, Black America, pp. 142-43, points out that "the 
 
164 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 The amount of racial intermixture, being conditioned by 
 the opportunity for association of the races and especially 
 for association of the lower classes, has, in general, been 
 greatest where the Negro has been least numerous as com- 
 pared to the white race. Consequently the intermixture al- 
 ways has been greater in the cities and towns than in the 
 rural districts, and relatively greater in the North than 
 in the South. Since the freedom of the Negroes and their 
 immigration to the towns and cities, intermixture of the 
 races in the South has increased. It is in the urban situa- 
 tion that the Negro girls and women come into contact most 
 frequently with dissolute white men. It is there, too, that 
 the opportunity to conceal the relationship makes the con- 
 trol of the situation by the prevailing public sentiment less 
 effective than in the rural situation. 
 
 Finally, such intermixture of the races as now goes on, 
 outside a very little intermarriage, is, for the most part, 
 between the vicious elements of both races. Under the slave 
 regime, especially as it took place outside the cities, it was 
 often a relation between a better class of white men than 
 is now usually the case and the choicest and usually the 
 lightest-colored Negro girls. At the present time, there is 
 a disposition on the part of the better-class whites and a 
 growing sentiment among the Negro middle-class to avoid 
 such relationships. There is, however, much intermixture 
 between certain classes of whites and mulatto girls 134 and 
 between mulatto men and Negro girls. It seems to be on 
 
 chief sinners — if sinners they can be called in such connection — are the 
 coloured, as distinct from the pure negro, women of the South." 
 
 134 Mr. DuBois has pointed out that the process of intermixture goes 
 on between the mulatto girls and the lower grade of whites. ". . . in 
 many an instance a prudent negro mother finds it wise to send her 
 good-looking yellow daughter to some institution to save her from the 
 temptation of association with the lowest grade of white boys in the 
 
Nature of Race Intermixture in United States 165 
 
 the whole, though not exclusively, a casual association of 
 the lower classes of the whites and frequently the lower 
 classes of both races. 
 
 neighborhood/' Quoted by Raymond Patterson, The Negro and His 
 Needs, p. 35. 
 
 It is interesting to compare this with the situation in Chile where, it 
 is said, that "very few prostitutes can make a living" because the half- 
 breed girls "are so easy." E. A. Ross, South of Panama, pp. 222-26. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 THE GROWTH OF THE MULATTO CLASS 
 
 THE first Negroes introduced into the English Colonies 
 in America were probably not introduced as slaves. 1 
 White servitude was the rule before the Negro came. He 
 was brought into more or less intimate contact with these 
 white indentured servants, and probably little difference 
 was at first made between his status and theirs. It was the 
 first contact in any appreciable numbers of the North Euro- 
 pean peoples with the African races. Aside from what- 
 ever natural antipathy may have existed between people so 
 widely different in physical appearance, there was no sen- 
 timent of hostility toward the black man, no traditional 
 prejudice, and no customary caste feeling of superiority. 2 
 Such feeling as did exist was probably not so much a mat- 
 ter of race as it was a matter of religion. 3 The Negroes 
 were "heathen" and the distinction was between Christians 
 and Barbarians rather than between people of white and 
 
 1 "Beyond all question the first negroes brought in were not introduced 
 as freemen. The only question is whether, upon entering the colony, 
 they became servants or slaves. . . ." J. H. Russell, The Free Negro 
 in Virginia, p. 23. See, also, p. 19. 
 
 'Ibid., p. 137. 
 
 H. S. Cooley, A Study of Slavery in New Jersey, p. 57. 
 
 Edward Ingle, The Negro in the District of Columbia, p. 43. 
 
 David Dodge, "The Free Negroes of North Carolina," Atlantic 
 Monthly, Vol. 57, p. 24, gives 1830 as the date, and reaction against abo- 
 litionism the cause, of change in race prejudice. 
 
 8 J. R. Brackett, The Negro in Maryland, pp. 30 ff. 
 
 166 
 
The Growth of the Mulatto Class 167 
 
 people of black skin. 
 
 The early colonial conception of slavery was very dif- 
 ferent from that which came to prevail at a later time. The 
 system was new, imperfect, immature ; there existed no crys- 
 tallized body of doctrine as to the slaves' condition or sta- 
 tus. Nor was there any strong body of sentiment opposed 
 to the institution. The seventeenth century idea of a slave 
 was that of a servant for life. It was for the most part 
 a domestic institution as opposed to an industrial one. The 
 slaves were recognized as persons not, as in the later con- 
 ception, things. In most cases, they lived in close relation 
 to the family of the master and neither in law nor in cus- 
 tom were they regarded in any way as very different from 
 other servants and apprentices. They were laborers and 
 probably not considered, nor treated very differently from 
 other laborers. The very strangeness of the Africans and 
 their physical, cultural, and temperamental differences 
 from the settlers may have given them a status unlike tha£ 
 of other persons in the colonies. Their number was very 
 small, however, and it was, in general, a generation after 
 their first introduction before black slavery was recognized 
 by law. It had existed as a well-established and well-under- 
 stood custom long before it anywhere received legal sanc- 
 tion. 
 
 But gradually the Negroes acquired or were assigned a 
 separate and inferior status. From the status of servants, 
 they acquired the status of servants for life, or slaves, and 
 finally that of servants in perpetuity. As white servitude 
 declined, the status of servant or slave came to be asso- 
 ciated with color; and slavery became the presumptive sta- 
 tus of all Negroes. Moreover, the early conception of a 
 slave as a person serving for life, gave place to the concep- 
 tion of a slave as a thing rather than as a person. "Grad- 
 
168 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 ually," says Turner, 4 "the very best negroes had come to 
 be regarded as of an alien race, and as an outcast and de- 
 graded people with whom no intimate association was pos- 
 sible." Color prejudice grew up as the characteristics of 
 the Negroes became better known and increased in strength 
 with the increase in numbers of the blacks. Where the 
 numbers remained small, the prejudice remained very largely 
 a simple, organic, repulsive reaction against the strange 
 and the ugly. As long as the numbers remained so small 
 as to constitute no immediate menace, the outward ex- 
 pression of the race prejudice remained in abeyance. Where 
 the slaves were more numerous and better known, the sen- 
 timents and attitudes were more definitely organized and 
 the Negro, as such, was assigned a separate and lower eco- 
 nomic and social status as the only conceivable working 
 relation that could exist between two groups at the oppo- 
 site extremes of human culture. 
 
 This race, ever more and more separated from the white 
 group by the action of the whites, was in no sense a homo- 
 geneous group. 6 Its members were much alike as to color 
 and other physical characteristics, but in temperament 7 
 and in talent they differed much as other men differ. As 
 their domestication progressed, they rapidly became a less 
 
 4 E. R. Turner, The Negro in Pennsylvania, p. 199. 
 
 5 Ibid., p. 143. See, also, J. C. Ballagh, White Servitude in the Colony 
 of Virginia, pp. 97 ff. ; and G. W. Williams, History of the Negro Race 
 in America, Vol. 1, p. 142. 
 
 e There were among the slaves, representatives of many African 
 tribes as well as Australian Blacks, natives of Oceania and New 
 Guinea. Well over one-half of the slaves, however, were Negroes from 
 the West African Coast. See C. H. Otken, Ills of the South, pp. 203 if. 
 for an attempt to identify and evaluate the different tribal elements. 
 
 T The very considerable number of Indians and later of Indian-Negro 
 intermixtures among the slaves did much to increase the temperamental 
 differences. 
 
The Growth of the Mulatto Class 169 
 
 and less homogeneous group. This natural differentiation 
 within the group, due to the different rate at which indi- 
 viduals were able to accommodate themselves to civilized 
 manners and customs, was being constantly increased by 
 the addition of new arrivals from Africa. 8 
 
 But aside from differences in native talent and the length 
 of the period of domestication of the Negroes brought to 
 America, there were other forces at work tending to bring 
 about a differentiation within the Negro group. Such 
 things as climate, occupations, types of people in the dif- 
 ferent regions or colonies, afforded the black man unequal 
 opportunities for assimilating the white man's culture. Di- 
 versity in customs, sentiments, racial heredity, and religious 
 belief made differences in his treatment. The differences in 
 climate and consequently in occupations in various sections 
 of the country, made a difference in his work. The wide 
 variety of conditions naturally produced a great difference 
 in the rate at which the Negroes acquired the outward 
 forms of English culture. 
 
 The relative numbers of the Negroes and whites varied 
 widely in various sections of the country. In most of the 
 northern sections the proportionate number of Negroes was. 
 never large. 9 As a result, they came more into contact 
 with the white people and consequently their opportunity 
 to assimilate the white man's culture was superior to the 
 opportunity of those Negroes whose lot fell in sections of 
 the country where the proportion of Negroes to whites was 
 greater. The negative side of the proposition is of equal 
 importance. Where the number of Negroes was small, they 
 
 8 J. S. Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Caro- 
 lina, pp. 56-57. 
 
 9 "For the most part, only one or two negroes were owned by any 
 person." B. C. Steiner, A History of Slavery in Connecticut, p. 21. 
 
170 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 had not the same opportunity to associate with one another 
 and so did not have the opportunity to develop and per- 
 petuate their African traditions and culture. The Negroes 
 more rapidly in some sections than in others, therefore, 
 simply because of differences in numbers, threw off the lan- 
 guage and traditions of Africa and took on the language 
 and customs of their masters. 
 
 Another differentiating factor among the slaves, was the 
 lack of uniformity among the slaveholders themselves. 
 While as a class the slaveholders represented the educa- 
 tional, moral, economic, intellectual, and social aristocracy; 
 and stood for all that was best in American life, they were 
 by no means all of the same high type. The slave in the 
 household of a wealthy, educated, and refined gentleman 
 had a vastly better opportunity than did the slave in the 
 household of the ignorant and the vicious. 10 In some cases, 
 at least, the slaves were given some education, taught the 
 religion of their masters and had some opportunity for as- 
 sociation with the white people. 11 In other cases they were 
 denied these things or had no opportunity to secure them. 
 
 Again, some slaves early received their freedom. This 
 was the case in all parts of the country. At a later period, 
 it was especially the case in the North where slavery was 
 not the profitable economic institution that it proved to be 
 in other parts of the country. The actual number freed 
 
 10 Frances A. Kemble, Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Planta- 
 tion, p. 24. Ballagh, White Servitude in the Colony of Virginia, pp. 
 97 ff. 
 
 11 Susan D. Smedes, A Southern Planter, p. 40. Speaking of Lunsford 
 Lane, J. S. Bassett, The Anti-Slavery Leaders in North Carolina, pp. 
 61-62, says that "His parents . . . had been kept in the town for family 
 service, and thus their offspring had opportunities beyond the other 
 negroes. Lunsford early learned to read and write . . . Many men of 
 political prominence visited his master's house, and from waiting on 
 these he acquired much general information. . . ." 
 
The Growth of the Mulatto Class 171 
 
 was, of course, greater in the South. There grew up, there- 
 fore, a body of free Negroes who, though their condition 
 on the whole seems often not to have been superior to that 
 of the slaves, 12 were free to follow their own inclinations as 
 to employment, the accumulation of property, associations, 
 and the like. 
 
 A still more profound difference was that between the 
 condition of the town and plantation slaves. In the for- 
 mer situation, they were brought into continual contact 
 and association with various members of the opposite race. 13 
 The plantation Negroes, on the other hand, were isolated 
 
 rt(t . . . Except for natural procreation, the principal additions or 
 recruits to this class [free Negroes] throughout this period were the 
 result of illegitimacy. There was no tendency to attribute to a few 
 negroes and mulattoes of such low origin any higher social standing than 
 that occupied by more than 99 per cent of their race and color. . . ." 
 Russell, The Free Negro in Virginia, p. 126. However, ". . . before 
 the time of the active propagation of the antislavery doctrines, there 
 existed little if any prejudice against the education of free colored 
 persons." Ibid., p. 137. See, also, pp. 51, 76. 
 
 ". . . before 1780 a negro even if free was far from being as free 
 as a white man. . . ." Turner, The Negro in Pennsylvania, p. 113. 
 See, also, p. 127. 
 
 ". . . Free negroes were despised rather than hated, . . . and though 
 some gained and held a place of comparative comfort and security, the 
 mass came under the obloquy attached to slavery without participation 
 in the benefits enjoyed by the average bondsman." E. Ingle, Southern 
 Sidelights, p. 285. See, also, p. 279. See, also, Williams, History of 
 the Negro Race in America, Vol. 1, pp. 315, 286; Cooley, A Study of 
 Slavery in New Jersey, pp. 45 ff. ; Steiner, A History of Slavery in 
 Connecticut, p. 23, f. n. ; J. S. Bassett, Slavery in the State of North 
 Carolina, pp. 34 ff. ; Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of 
 North Carolina, pp. 66 ff. 
 
 13 These slaves "who thus came under the religious influence of their 
 masters and mistresses" were most likely the ones first converted to Chris- 
 tianity. See Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North 
 Carolina, pp. 48-50. See, also, E. Ingle, The Negro in the District of 
 Columbia, p. 19. 
 
172 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 from the cultured race and in continual association with 
 other Negroes. They did not get into touch with the whites. 
 They retained, therefore, the language, the customs, and 
 the traditions of their African home, for years and gener- 
 ations after the more fortunately situated Negroes had cast 
 them off. 
 
 . . . The house servants in Charleston or Savan- 
 nah, in close personal and confidential touch with the 
 master and mistress, and with opportunities to acquire 
 a certain degree of book-learning, and much more val- 
 uable culture in morality and refinement, were quite 
 different from the workers in the rice-fields or among 
 the canes, many of whom were steeped in the supersti- 
 tion of barbarism and clung to African gibberish fifty 
 years after they had passed from the decks of the 
 slaver. 14 
 
 In the back country the contact was more intimate than 
 on the larger plantations and, while not so varied, was fre- 
 quently more effective even than the city life. 
 
 In North Carolina, and elsewhere, no doubt, it was 
 noticeable that slavery, . . . was of a milder type in 
 the western counties. Here the farms were small. 
 Slave-owners had but few slaves. With these they 
 mingled freely. They worked with them in the fields, 
 plowing side by side. The slave cabins were in the 
 same yard with the master's humble home. Slave chil- 
 dren and, indeed, slave families were directly under the 
 eye of the master, and better still, of the mis- 
 
 LI to N » • • • 
 
 Finally, and possibly of greatest importance, was the 
 occupational differentiation among the members of the Ne- 
 
 14 Ingle, Southern Sidelights, p. 264. See, also, P. A. Bruce, The Plan- 
 tation Negro as a Freeman, p. 74. 
 
 15 Bassett, Slavery in the State of North Carolina, p. 8. See, also, 
 Dodge, Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 57, p. 21. 
 
The Growth of the Mulatto Class 173 
 
 gro group. Some were house and body servants, some 
 were mechanics, some were laborers and field hands. The 
 first had the opportunity of intimate daily association with 
 the master's family. 16 
 
 The second had not only that association, but the educa- 
 tion and training necessary to make of them efficient work- 
 men. 
 
 . . . But the superior slave class, and the one that 
 represented all that was best in Negro development, 
 was the mechanics who were in most cases conspicuous 
 for their ability and achievements, for slavery included 
 among its mechanical industries every form of handi- 
 craft, and as the ability to acquire a mechanical art 
 carries with it a fair degree of intelligence, it is not 
 surprising that negro artisans, who were carefully se- 
 lected for their special lines of work, should have de- 
 veloped characters superior to their less fortunate fel- 
 lows. 17 
 
 The third class came little into contact with the whites. 18 
 On the plantation, they might never see the master and 
 seldom any white man from one year's end to another. On 
 the larger plantations and in Jamaica, it was even possible 
 for the slaves to see little more of the white man than did 
 their ancestors in Africa. On these larger plantations, the 
 institution was a more strictly economic one in contrast to 
 the more patriarchal type it assumed in the back country 
 and on the smaller plantations. 
 
 " "I should tell you that Aleck's parents and kindred have always 
 been about the house of the overseer, and in daily habits of intercourse 
 with him and his wife; and wherever this is the case the effect of in- 
 voluntary education is evident in the improved intelligence of the de- 
 graded race." Kemble, Residence on a Georgian Plantation, p. 24. See, 
 also, W. H. Thomas, The American Negro, p. 15. 
 
 "Ibid., pp. 15-16. See, also, p. 67. 
 
 w Ibid., p. 15. 
 
superior natural talent, superior advantages, superior ed- 
 ucation and training, because of their freedom — there was 
 a separation within the Negro group that dates from the 
 beginning of the Negroes' American life. Some of the 
 classes thus formed were isolated geographically and so- 
 cially and found their chief or only associations with others 
 of their kind. Other more fortunate classes had the 
 advantage of association and contact with the cultured 
 race. 
 
 In the ranks of the favored classes, there was a pre- 
 ponderance of mulattoes. From their first appearance, and 
 increasingly as the system developed and the control of eco- 
 nomic forces allowed a body of trained house servants to 
 grow, the mulattoes formed the house and body servants. 
 When not all could be employed in house work, they were 
 most frequently the ones chosen to learn the trades. They 
 were the ones employed in skilled work. In any case, they 
 came into more close, constant, and intimate association 
 with the white people. This was more especially the case 
 as the institution became older and the number of slaves 
 increased to where a more complete division of labor was 
 possible. There are a number of circumstances each suf- 
 ficient to account in part for the excess of mulattoes in the 
 favored classes. 
 
 In the first place, it was generally believed throughout the 
 slavery period that the mulattoes were superior in intelli- 
 gence to the black slaves. 19 In spite of their inferior bodily 
 strength, they commanded a higher price in the slave mar- 
 ket. 20 Because of this belief — the truth or falsity of the 
 belief is not here in question — they were most often chosen 
 
 19 Kemble, Residence on a Georgian Plantation, p. 240. 
 
 20 Ray Stannard Baker, Following the Color Line, p. 164. 
 
 
; ior the tasks that required an exercise ot skill and mtelli- 
 ' gence. 21 Thomas 22 says that "the Negroes coarse in 
 I speech and crude in action were assigned to labor in the 
 
 fields and forest. . . ." After speaking of the class of 
 
 domestic servants he adds : 
 
 . . . Another equally intelligent, but more self-reliant 
 class, was the slaves employed in portage in commer- 
 cial centers, together with many others engaged in 
 occupations which required little supervision, but a 
 fair degree of personal intelligence and practical judg- 
 ment to perform rightly. 
 
 Because of the presumption of the mulattoes' superior in- 
 telligence the industrial as opposed to the common labor 
 classes were, so far as the number of mulattoes allowed a 
 choice to be made, mulatto classes. 
 
 "In the early days some few, at least, of the mulattoes 
 were children of white women. 23 Where this was the case 
 the child had the advantage of a white mother's care and 
 training and this, even of the type of white woman who 
 gave birth to a mulatto child, was doubtless superior to 
 the training that could be given a child by the Negro 
 mother. Consequently the child, other things equal, would 
 be somewhat superior to the child of a black mother. More- 
 
 n "The fact that the majority of those entrusted with responsibility 
 and of those who succeeded best in acquiring knowledge, both of letters 
 and of industrial arts, during slavery were mulattoes, and the fact that 
 the majority of those of the present who have made creditable attain- 
 ments are of mixed blood, go to prove that a mixture of white blood 
 has had much to do in the matter of higher ambition, mental force, and 
 efficiency of the talented few. . . ." C. H. McCord, The American Negro 
 as a Defective, Dependent and Delinquent, p. 50. 
 
 23 The American Negro, pp. 15, 16. 
 
 23 See pp. 152 ff. above. 
 
176 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 over, as the status of the child followed that of the mother, I 
 it would, in most cases, ultimately become a free man or I 
 woman with whatever advantages went with the status. I 
 Such ancestry, consequently, tended to increase the percent- 
 age of mulattoes in the free Negro group. 
 
 In some cases, there existed a paternal or other blood 
 relationship between the mulatto slave and the master. 
 How numerous such cases were, it is wholly impossible to 
 say ; 24 but where such relationships existed, the individual 
 was doubtless favored over other individuals of the servile 
 class. 25 He was likely to receive his freedom, generally with 
 that of his mother and often with some property for a start 
 in life. 26 But whether or not such individuals went to swell 
 the ranks of the free Negro group, they were, by heredity 27 
 
 24 See p. 139 above. 
 
 25 "Indeed it was notorious that freemen sold their own mulatto chil- 
 dren born in Virginia." J. P. Dunn, Indiana, p. 223. This was prob- 
 ably more notorious than accurate. There were doubtless such cases 
 but the stories that the slave-owning class made this a practice are no 
 longer a part of the mental furnishings of any one of standard de- 
 velopment. ". . . Everywhere there were usually a number of prosperous 
 free negroes. Most of them were mulattoes, not a few of them were 
 set free by their fathers and thus they fell easily into the life around 
 them. This mulatto class was partly due to the easy sexual relations be- 
 tween the races. A white man who kept a negro mistress ordinarily 
 lost no standing in society on account of it. The habit, though not com- 
 mon, was not unusual. Often the mistress was a slave, and thus there 
 were frequent emancipations either by gift or by purchase of liberty, 
 till the stricter spirit of the laws after 1831 checked it." Bassett, Slavery 
 in the State of North Carolina, pp. 45-46. 
 
 29 See Booker T. Washington, Story of the Negro, Vol. 1, pp. 227 if. 
 
 27 So far as a sex relation exists anywhere between a master and a 
 subject race it is always the choicest females who are so honored. The 
 statement in the text, therefore, refers to the colored side of the mu- 
 lattoes' ancestry. There is no implication of or denial of fundamental 
 racial superiority. Their mothers were the choicest individuals of their 
 race. 
 
The Growth of the Mulatto Class 177 
 
 and training, the best specimens of the race and raised the 
 percentage of mulattoes in the favored classes. 
 
 But the most important reason that the mulatto was 
 chosen in preference to the Negro for any employment that 
 brought him into association with the master family was 
 the fact that he was a better looking animal. 28 He made 
 a better appearance. 29 For this reason he was selected as 
 the house and body servant. This favored class of domes- 
 tic servants "were usually bright and intelligent negroes 
 who, through contact and sympathetic supervision, acquired 
 in many instances a training in manners and methods of 
 incomparable grace and efficiency." 30 
 
 The Negroes everywhere made distinctions among them- 
 selves. 31 The free Negroes recognized the difference between 
 themselves and the slaves. The town Negroes considered 
 themselves superior to the country Negroes. In the same 
 way, the house servants held themselves superior to the field 
 hands. The basis on which the distinctions were most usu- 
 ally made was that of color. The free Negroes were very 
 frequently mulattoes. 32 The house servants also were fre- 
 
 28 Sir Harry H. Johnston, "Racial Problems and the Congress of 
 Races," Contemporary Review, Vol. 100, p. 154. 
 
 29 "She was quite indifferent to the public opinion that required only 
 fine-looking, thoroughly trained servants about the establishment of a 
 gentleman." Smedes, A Southern Planter, p. 65. 
 
 30 Thomas, The American Negro, p. 15. ". . . The mulattoes were em- 
 ployed in towns. ... I have seen great plantations with not one of them 
 — all black." Bassett, Slavery in the State of North Carolina, p. 90, 
 quoting a correspondent, apparently with approval. 
 
 31 The various opprobrious epithets applied to members of the race, 
 and to the opposite race as well, have always been most widely used 
 by the Negroes themselves. "Crackers," "twisters," "niggers," "burr- 
 heads," "mule-niggers," "polka dots" and the like, if not invented by 
 Negroes were and are more often used by them than by the opposite race. 
 See The Chicago Defender, Editorial "So Say We," 10-9-1915. 
 
 32 In 1860, for e.g., 2,554s of the 3,441 free Negroes were mulattoes. 
 
J 
 
 178 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 quently of mixed-blood and the same was true to a greater i> 
 extent of the town Negroes than of the plantation Negroes " 
 and lower-class slaves. The mulatto slaves held themselves 
 superior to the black slaves and claimed privileges on ac- 
 count of color. The white man considered the mulatto 
 superior to the black man and the mulatto, taking over the 
 white man's way of thinking, claimed membership in the 
 superior ranks on account of his relative absence of color. 
 
 The mulatto woman, Sally, accosted me again to- 
 day and begged that she might be put to some other 
 than field labor. Supposing she felt herself unequal 
 to it, I asked her some questions, but the principal 
 reason she urged for her promotion to some less labor- 
 ious kind of work was, that hoeing in the field was so 
 hard to her on "account of her color" and she therefore 
 petitions to be allowed to learn a trade. I was much 
 puzzled at this reason for her petition, but was pres- 
 ently made to understand that, being a mulatto, she 
 considered field labor a degradation ; her white bas- 
 tardy appearing to her a title to consideration in my 
 eyes. The degradation of these people is very complete, 
 for they have accepted the contempt of their masters 
 to that degree that they profess, and really seem to 
 feel it for themselves, and the faintest admixture of 
 white blood in their black veins appears at once, by 
 common consent of their own race, to raise them in 
 the scale of humanity. I had not much sympathy for 
 this petition. 83 
 
 While the distinctions among the members of the race on 
 the basis of color were everywhere made, the "color line" 
 was most carefully and rigidly drawn where there existed 
 
 In New Orleans 7,357 of the 9,084 free Negroes were mixed-bloods. 
 Elsewhere the proportion was usually not so high but was everywhere 
 marked. See notes 46, 47, p. 116 above. 
 
 " Kemble, Residence on a Georgian Plantation, p. 194. 
 
The Growth of the Mulatto Class 179 
 
 the largest body of free Negroes. Evans says : 34 
 
 I was told by an intelligent light-coloured woman 
 whom I met in Alabama, who was married to a well-to- 
 do mulatto there, and who came from Charleston, 
 South Carolina, that in her early days in that city she 
 had no black associates, and that between the light- 
 coloured and black there was a gulf fixed similar to 
 that separating the former from the whites. Later in 
 life when she moved into Alabama she found there no 
 such class distinctions between black and coloured. 
 Her ancestors on both sides had been freed men for 
 two generations, the family owned property, and had 
 a recognized position in Charleston. 
 
 Fannie Jackson, a mulatto who is said to have been the 
 first Negro woman to graduate from a reputable college, 
 testifies to this spirit of superiority on the part of the mu- 
 lattoes. 35 
 
 So I went out to service. Oh, the hue and cry there 
 was, when I went out to live! Even my aunt spoke of 
 it; she had a home to offer me; but the "slavish" ele- 
 ment was so strong in me that / make myself a servant. 
 Ah, how those things cut me then! But I knew I was 
 right, and I kept straight on. 
 
 Frederick Douglass testifies to the same fact 36 as does 
 Mr. DuBois, 37 Edward Blyden 38 and, naively or otherwise, 
 
 34 Maurice S. Evans, Black and White in the Southern States, p. 93. 
 See, also, Ray Stannard Baker, "The Tragedy of the Mulatto," The 
 American Magazine, Vol. 65, p. 588. 
 
 35 J. W. Cromwell, The Negro in American History, p. 213. 
 ze Life and Times, p. 458. 
 
 37 ". . . The thing that makes the mulatto especially useful is that, 
 with the white man, he shares the pride of his white blood and is less 
 likely than the black to submit to artificial distinctions of race where 
 nature has bridged them. . ." Crisis, Editorial, 9-1913. 
 
 88 E. W. Blyden, Christianity, Islam and the Negro Race, p. 18. 
 
180 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 most of the other Negroes who have become articulate. 39 
 The white man always has considered the mulatto superior 
 to the black Negro ; and the mulatto, taking over the white 
 man's way of thinking, considered himself superior and at- 
 tributed the superiority to the fact of his mixed blood. He 
 formed exclusive organizations and claimed superiority on 
 the basis of color. 
 
 The Negroes in general accepted the assumption of supe- 
 riority on the part of the mulattoes and, like the mulatto 
 and the white man, attributed the observed superiority to 
 the admixture of white blood. 40 Speaking of the boat songs 
 of a certain river plantation group, Miss Kemble says : 41 
 
 One of their songs displeased me not a little, for it 
 embodied the opinion that "twenty-six black girls not 
 make mulatto yellow girl"; and I told them I did not 
 like it they have omitted it since. This desperate ten- 
 dency to despise and undervalue their own race and 
 color, which is one of the very worst results of their 
 abject condition, is intolerable to me. 
 
 f.The ideal of the Negro was thus the light-colored man. 
 He envied him his color 42 and his superiority. Often he 
 
 89 Thomas, The American Negro, pp. 186, 408, 407. 
 T. T. Fortune, "Place in American Life," in Washington, The Negro 
 Problem, dd. 227, 226. 
 
 The Boston Reliance, 3-13-1915. 
 
 The Kansas City Herald, 2-13-1915. 
 
 The Kentucky {Louisville) Reporter, 1-23-1915. 
 
 The Washington Sun, 4-9-1915. 
 
 40 Patience Pennington, A Woman Rice Planter, p. 235. 
 
 41 Residence on a Georgian Plantation, p. 219. See, also, Pennington, 
 A Woman Rice Planter, p. 387; and Blyden as quoted in the Crisis, 
 9-1913, pp. 229-30. 
 
 43 Thomas, Hie American Negro, p. 67. 
 
 Blyden, Christianity, Islam and the Negro Race, pp. 24-25, 89. 
 
 Baker, American Magazine, Vol. 65, p. 589. 
 
The Growth of the Mulatto Class 181 
 
 hated him for his ambition to escape from the race and 
 align himself with the whites. 43 
 
 •^Once started, the mulatto class tended to perpetuate it- 
 self. However much the Negro hated the exclusive mulatto, 
 every black man was anxious to gain admission to the mu- 
 latto class. Admission, in the absence of mixed-blood, was 
 most readily obtained by marriage into- the group. Con- 
 sequently, it was the almost universal desire of the Negro 
 to marry light-colored women 44 and, to the extent of their 
 importance, they were successful in doing so. 45 A roll of 
 the Negroes who have married white women or light-col- 
 ored mulattoes would include the great majority of the 
 men who have gained any distinction either within or with- 
 out the race. 
 
 >£Thus by association, education, and tradition, the mu- 
 lattoes came to be superior men. They had white blood 
 and because of their white blood they had superior advan- 
 tages. The white man considered them superior and, as a 
 consequence of this, they considered themselves superior. 46 
 This gave them a confidence in themselves that the black 
 Negroes did not have. They felt more important. Among 
 the Negro group they enjoyed a prestige because of their 
 
 43 "The same feeling [caste feeling of white superiority] is frequently 
 met with among sober-minded blacks, who, much to one's surprise some- 
 times, are found to resent the ambitious attempts of their fellows, gen- 
 
 , erally mulattoes, to rise above their own race and align themselves with 
 the whites." B. W. Smith, The Color Line, pp. 173-74. See, also, Mon- 
 roe Work, "The Passing Tradition and the African Civilization," The 
 Journal of Negro History, Vol. 1, Number 1, p. 35. 
 
 44 Baker, The American Magazine, Vol. 65, p. 589. 
 
 45 Bruce, The Plantation Negro as a Freeman, pp. 143-44. 
 
 48 "In discussions of the race problem there is one factor of supreme 
 importance which has been so far disregarded ... to wit, the opinion 
 or idea which a race has of itself and the influence exerted by this 
 idea." A. Fouill6e, "Race from the Sociological Standpoint," Inter- 
 Racial Problems, pp. 24 ff. 
 
182 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 mixed blood, and this reacted to further innate the mu- 
 lattoes' idea of themselves. 47 So, entirely aside from any 
 question of racial superiority, the mulatto is and always has 
 been the superior man. 48 
 
 47 See Raymond Patterson, The Negro and His Needs, p. 40. 
 18 See, E. B. Renter, "The Superiority of the Mulatto," American Jour- 
 nal of Sociology, Vol. 23, pp. 83-106. 
 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 THE LEADING MEN OF THE NEGRO RACE 
 
 IT has been pointed out frequently both by the friends 
 and the critics of the race, that the Negro in America 
 has not as yet produced an individual entitled to rank 
 among the world's geniuses. Kelly Miller x has said that, 
 judged by European standards, the race has produced no 
 man of even secondary rank. Mr. DuBois would seem to 
 agree that this is a fair statement of fact. 2 Indeed, it 
 seems to be claimed nowhere by serious students that the 
 race has produced any man whose achievements have not 
 been surpassed by scores of men of a different racial ex- 
 traction. 
 
 Whatever may be the amount of truth in this generally 
 accepted belief — and there is no intention here to prove or 
 disprove it, nor to affirm nor deny it — it is certainly true 
 that the race has differentiated during its life in America. 
 The difference separating the extremes within the race has 
 become very great. Some individuals have, perhaps, not 
 greatly advanced beyond the standards of life of their Af- 
 rican ancestors ; others have in all essential respects meas- 
 ured up to the best standards of modern civilized life. It 
 is with these latter individuals, quite regardless of the de- 
 gree of their absolute native ability, with whom we are here 
 concerned. It is not a question of genius or even of emi- 
 
 1 Race Adjustment, p. 188. 
 
 •W. E. B. DuBois, "The Advance Guard of the Race," The Book- 
 lover's Magazine, Vol. 2, p. 3. 
 
 183 
 
184 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 nence; it is a question of relative superiority and of lead- 
 ership. It is relative and not absolute superiority that de- 
 termines the value of the individual in a social situation. 
 
 Quite aside, then, from all question of genius, the Negro 
 race in America has produced a number of individuals who 
 in spite of, or because of, their black blood have reached a 
 level of achievement well above the average of either race. 
 Judged by any fair standard there have been and are to-day 
 Negroes who deserve to be ranked as exceptional men in 
 that their accomplishments are well above the level of the 
 accomplishments of other individuals of their group. 3 It 
 is true that the number is not great. Compared with the 
 great number of the race it must even be admitted that the 
 number is pitifully small. But that there are successful 
 men, men of ability and of talent, among the race is not to 
 be denied. They are to be found in greater or lesser num- 
 bers in all the various lines of human endeavor: in indus- 
 trial and commercial pursuits ; in the learned professions ; 
 in literature, art, and music; wherever, in short, are to be 
 found the men of other races. 
 
 When the existence of such prominent men is pointed out 
 it is frequently asserted that they are not Negroes but mu- 
 lattoes. "Although," says Ingalls, 4 "more than two hun- 
 dred thousand enlisted in the Union armies, no full-blood 
 negro holds a commission in the army or navy and in the 
 militia their organization is distinct." "We . . . find," 
 says Stone, 5 "that where the Negro participates to any ex- 
 tent in the administration of affairs . . . the race is almost 
 invariably represented solely by its mulatto type." "Appar- 
 ently, the mulatto as a whole is superior to the pure African 
 
 3 DuBois, Booklover's Magazine, Vol. 2, p. 4. 
 
 4 John J. Ingalls, "Always a Problem," Chicago Tribune, 5-28-1893. 
 3 A. F. Stone, Studies in the American Race Problem, p. 27. 
 
The Leading Men of the Negro Race 185 
 
 Negro," says Chancellor David Starr Jordan. 6 "Ninety 
 per cent of all the leaders of the race are the offspring of the 
 Caucasian," says Holm. 7 Belin says that "The so-called 
 'negroes,' who have in any way distinguished themselves 
 above their fellows, are not full-blood negroes, but half- 
 breeds." 8 "The recognized leaders of the race are almost 
 invariably persons of mixed blood, and the qualities which 
 have made them leaders are derived certainly in part and 
 perhaps mainly from their white ancestry." 9 
 
 Shufeldt 10 quotes Keane as saying that "No full-blood 
 Negro ever has been distinguished as a man of science, a 
 poet, or an artist, and the fundamental equality claimed for 
 him by ignorant philanthropists is belied by the whole his- 
 tory of the race throughout the historic period." To the 
 same point Dr. Carl Vogt n says that : 
 
 As a proof in favor of the artistic and scientific ca- 
 pacity of the Negro, we find cited in nearly all the 
 works the instance of Mr. Lille Geoffray of Marti- 
 nique, an engineer and mathematician and correspond- 
 ing member of the French Academy. The fact is that 
 the mathematical performances of the above gentleman 
 were of such a nature that, had he been born in Ger- 
 many of white parents, he might, perhaps, have quali- 
 fied as a mathematical teacher in a middle-class school, 
 or engineer at a railway ; but having been born in Mar- 
 
 8 
 
 "Biological Effects of Race Movements," Popular Science Monthly, 
 Vol. 87, pp. 267-70. 
 
 7 J. J. Holm, Race Assimilation or the Fading of the Leopard's Spots, 
 p. 279. 
 
 8 H. E. Belin, "A Southern View of Slavery," American Journal of 
 Sociology, Vol. 13, p. 518. 
 
 9 Encyclopedia Britannica: Negro. 
 
 10 R. W. Shufeldt, The Negro: A Menace to American Civilization- 
 p. 43. 
 
 11 Lectures on Man, pp. 192-93. 
 
The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 tinique of colored parents, he shone like a one-eyed man 
 among the totally blind. M. Lille Geoffray, besides, 
 was not a pure Negro, but a mulatto. 
 
 
 By other writers, all this is flatly contradicted. The 
 equality of races is stoutly asserted and the superiority of 
 the mulatto to the full-blooded Negro as stoutly denied. 
 Mr. Washington on a number of occasions stated his belief 
 in the equality of the Negro to the mulatto. The A. M. E. 
 Church Review 12 says editorially that ". . . we colored 
 people can never subscribe to the doctrine of the superi- 
 ority of the mulatto over the black element in brain power." 
 But of all those who have expressed their opinion, Mr. Du- 
 Bois seems to be the most emphatic and the most extreme 
 in his assertions on this subject. "If we study cases of 
 ability and goodness and talent among the American Ne- 
 groes, we shall," he says, "have difficulty in laying down 
 any clear thesis as to effect of amalgamation. As a mat- 
 ter of historic fact the colored people of America have pro- 
 duced as many remarkable black men as mulattoes." 13 
 
 The purpose here is not to evaluate the work done by 
 these remarkable men. It is not intended to determine what 
 place they do or should occupy as compared with success- 
 ful white men in similar lines of endeavor. It is not even 
 intended to show in how far they have risen above the aver- 
 age of their fellows. The purpose is merely to determine, 
 on the basis of the most complete and representative lists 
 of exceptional Negroes that have been compiled, in how far 
 they are black men and in how far they are men of mixed 
 blood. lb is the assumption and the assertion that there 
 are as many black men as mulattoes among the exceptional 
 men of the race that we propose to submit to the test of 
 
 "October 1915, p. 133. 
 
 13 DuBois, Booklovefs Magazine, Vol. 2, p. 15. 
 
The Leading Men of the Negro Race 187 
 
 cases that Mr. DuBois suggests. 14 
 
 In all other countries where a mulatto group exists along- 
 side of a group of unmixed blood, there seems to be a pre- 
 ponderance of mulattoes among the gifted individuals of 
 the race. In Jamaica the educated and professional classes 
 of the race are mulattoes. 15 In Haiti the ten per cent of 
 mixed-bloods have constituted the ruling and professional 
 classes since the massacre of the French. 16 In South Af- 
 rica the mulattoes are "the intellectual aristocracy of the 
 dark-skinned population." 1T In Brazil it is the mixed- 
 bloods who have attained to a degree of civilization, while 
 the purer-blooded natives and Negroes seem to have cast 
 off, partially at least, the degree of civilization acquired un- 
 der the regime of slavery. 18 Elsewhere, the same thing 
 seems to be true. 19 The mixed-bloods in every racial situa- 
 
 14 There is, of course, no intention of "proving" by such a method any 
 "thesis as to the effect of amalgamation." The effect of amalgamation 
 is a biological problem with which we are not here concerned. More- 
 over it is not susceptible of demonstration by the means that Mr. Du- 
 Bois suggests. It is the final assertion, that among the exceptional men 
 of the Negro race there are as many black as mulatto men, that we 
 propose to examine. 
 
 "William Thorp, "How Jamaica Solves the Negro Problem," World's 
 Work, Vol. 8, pp. 4908-13. 
 
 W. P. Livingstone, "The West Indian and American Negro," North 
 American Review, Vol. 185, p. 647. 
 
 Stone, Sfaidies in the American Race Problem, p. 27. 
 
 19 H. V. H. Prichard, Where Black Rules White, pp. 80 ff. 
 
 Earl Finch, "The Effects of Racial Miscegenation," Inter-Racial Prob- 
 lems, p. 110. 
 
 17 H. E. S. Freemantle, The New Nation, pp. 217-18. See, also, M. S. 
 Evans, Black and White in South East Africa, pp. 289-90. £lis£e 
 Rectus, Africa, Vol. 4, p. 149. 
 
 18 Jean Baptiste de Lacerda, "The Metis or Half-Breeds of Brazil," 
 Inter-Racial Problems, pp. 380-82. 
 
 "Charles E. Woodruff, "Some Laws of Racial and Intellectual Devel- 
 opment," Journal of Race Development, Vol. 3, p. 175. 
 
 Friedrich Ratzel, The History of Mankind, Vol. 1, p. 397. 
 
188 The Mulatto m the United States 
 
 tion seem to have risen, as a group, above the status of their 
 darker kin, while the individuals of talent who have appeared 
 — the individuals who have made some conspicuous success 
 in life — are, with rare exception, men of mixed blood. 
 
 Historically the same thing seems to hold true. Of the 
 names of Negroes coming down to us from the past, there 
 is a preponderating majority of men of mixed blood and a 
 scarcity, almost an entire absence, of men of unmixed Ne- 
 gro ancestry. Alexandre Dumas, by all odds the most 
 gifted individual whom history shows to have possessed Ne- 
 gro blood, was probably a quadroon. 20 Alexander Pushkin, 
 the Russian poet, had a trace of Negro blood. 21 It is some- 
 times said that Robert Browning had a trace of Negro 
 blood, but there seems to be absolutely no basis for this 
 tradition. 22 About the close of the eighteenth century, 
 Abbe Gregoire published a volume 23 to prove the equality 
 of the Negro intellect. This volume contained the biogra- 
 phies of fifteen Negroes 24 each one of whom, according to 
 
 30 One grandmother was a Negress of San Domingo but whether of 
 full-blood is not known. See Encyclopedia Britannica. Burr, The 
 Autobiography, p. 155, speaking of Dumas' Memoirs, says: "His own 
 figure is painted therein in crude, staring colors, as bright as life . . . 
 a figure out of Balzac and the Comedie Humaine. Part Napoleonic sol- 
 dier, part San Dominican negro, ... ye gods of the drama, what an 
 heredity! ... he seems to us a savage tale-teller, seated at the camp- 
 fire, holding his companions breathless. Alternately lazy and energetic, 
 sensual and shrewd, he has all the undiluted primitive forces of huge 
 vitality and huge laughter." 
 
 21 One-sixteenth or less Negro blood. His maternal great-grandfather 
 was a Negro but whether of full-blood is not certain. 
 
 M ". . . There is no ground for the statement that the family was 
 partly of Jewish Origin." Encyclopedia Britannica. 
 
 28 H. Gregoire, An Enquiry Concerning the Intellectual and Moral Fac- 
 ulties, and Literature of Negroes; followed with an account of the Life 
 and Works of Fifteen Negroes and Mulattoes, distinguished in Science, 
 Literature and Arts. Translated by D. B. Warden, 1810. 
 
 w Higiemonde or Higiemondo: an Indian painter "commonly named 
 
1 The Leading Men of the Negro Race 189 
 
 Van Evrie, was a man of mixed blood. 25 Francois Domi- 
 nique Toussaint, the guerilla chief of the Negro insurrec- 
 tionists in Haiti, seems not to have been a full-blooded Ne- 
 gro. 26 Mr. Lille Geoffray of Martinique, engineer, mathe- 
 matician and corresponding member of the French acad- 
 
 the negro," p. 171. Gregoire seems not certain that there was such a 
 man or if there was that he was a Negro. 
 
 Annibal: an officer in the Russian artillery at the time of Peter the 
 Great. 
 
 The Son of Annibal: a mulatto. 
 
 Anthony William Amo: born in Guinea, educated in England. 
 
 L'Islet Geoffray: a mulatto. 
 
 James Durham: mulatto slave, practiced medicine in New Orleans. 
 
 Thomas Fuller: mathematical prodigy. Apparently a Negro. 
 
 Othello: published "An Essay Against the Slavery of Negroes." 
 "Othello" was a pseudonym. The race of the writer is not known. There 
 seems to be no reason for calling him a Negro. 
 
 Benjamin Banneker: a mulatto. 
 
 Ottobah Cugoano: published his reflections of the slave trade and the 
 slavery of Negroes. 
 
 James Eliza John Capitein: educated in Holland. Wrote some Latin 
 verses. 
 
 William Francis: Jamaican Negro of the eighteenth century. Edu- 
 cated in England. Taught Latin and mathematics in Jamaica. 
 
 Olandad, or Gustavus Vassa: brought to England as a child; wrote 
 memoirs. 
 
 Ignatius Sancho: an English butler. An edition of his letters was 
 printed after his death. 
 
 Phyllis Wheatley Peters: apparently black. 
 
 25 White Supremacy and Negro Subordination, p. 163. Van Evrie 
 would seem to be in error here. Tradition has it that both Thomas 
 Fuller and Mrs. Peters were full-blood Negroes. See p. 190 below. 
 
 29 ". . . Judging from his pictures, you cannot but form the opinion 
 that Toussaint was not a pure-blooded negro: the features, the shape 
 of the head, the setting of the eyes are all so many strong reasons 
 against such a supposition." Prichard, Where Black Rules White, p. 
 278. For a contrary opinion see the Negro Year Book, 1914-15, p. 75. 
 C. V. Roman, American Civilization and the Negro, opposite p. 8, gives 
 a picture of Toussaint and calls him a "full-blood." Either the picture 
 or the caption is in error: the picture is not that of a full-blood Negro. 
 
190 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 emy, was a mulatto. 27 
 
 In America, even at an early date, a number of members 
 of the race had risen to some prominence. The most noted 
 of these was, perhaps, Phyllis Wheatley Peters. Born in 
 Africa, about 1T50, she was presumably a full-blooded Ne- 
 gri* though there is absolutely nothing known concerning 
 her ancestry. She was sold into slavery and in 1761 she 
 was brought to America where she served in the household 
 of Mrs. John Wheatley of Boston and from whom she re- 
 ceived some slight instruction in English and Latin. She 
 went to London with the son of her mistress. While there 
 she published a small volume of poems upon which rests her 
 claim to fame. She certainly was not a poet, 28 but her ef- 
 forts were an evidence of the race's capacity for intellec- 
 tual improvement. 
 
 Thomas Fuller, 29 a mathematical prodigy of the same 
 period, seems also to have been a black man. He enjoyed 
 considerable local fame because of his power to perform 
 complicated mathematical calculations. He was unable to 
 read or write and, as is usual with prodigies of this sort, 
 seems to have been a mental defective. 
 
 Benjamin Banneker seems to have a decidedly better 
 claim to prominence than either of the preceding. He is 
 said to have constructed the first clock made in America ; 
 later he published an almanac. 30 Banneker was a free mu- 
 latto 31 of Maryland. He was a neighbor and friend of 
 
 M Vogt, Lectures on Man, pp. 192-93. 
 
 28 B. G. Brawley, The Negro in Literature and Art, p. 13. 
 C. G. Woodson, History of Negro Education, p. 90. 
 
 29 G. B. Williams, History of the Negro Race in America, Vol. 1, 
 p. 399. 
 
 Woodson, History of Negro Education, pp. 87-88. 
 80 Woodson, History of Negro Education, pp. 90-91, 62-63. 
 "Williams, History of the Negro Race in America, Vol. 1, pp. 385, 
 390. See p. 131 above. 
 
The Leading Men of the Negro Race 191 
 
 Ellicott who acted for him in the capacity of a press agent. 
 He seems to have received assistance from Ellicott, but the 
 extent of his indebtedness is uncertain. 
 
 James Durham 32 of Philadelphia and later of New Or- 
 leans was born a slave in 1767. From his master, who was 
 a physician, he learned to read and write and to compound 
 simple medicines. When freed by his master, he built up a 
 successful medical practice among the mulatto Creoles in 
 New Orleans. Durham was a mulatto. 
 
 Most of the prominent Negroes of the time were preachers. 
 George Leile, 33 who preached in Georgia and later founded 
 the first Negro Baptist colony in Jamaica, was a mulatto. 
 
 Andrew Bryan, the founder of the African Baptist 
 church, was a man of mixed blood, as was John Chavis, 34 
 an itinerant preacher of the Methodist church. John Glouce- 
 ster of Tennessee, founder of the African Presbyterian 
 church in Philadelphia, was probably a black man. Henry 
 Evans, an itinerant preacher of the Presbyterian church, 
 seems also to have been a Negro of pure blood. 35 Lemuel 
 Haynes, the first Negro Congregational minister, was a 
 mulatto, as was Richard Allen, the founder of the Negro 
 Methodist Church. 
 
 In the decade preceding the Civil War, owing to the fact 
 that the emotional attitude of the people of the North mag- 
 nified out of all focus the doings of any black man, it is 
 
 83 Negro Year Book 1914-1915, p. 334. 
 
 J. A. Kenney, The Negro in Medicine, p. 6. 
 
 Woodson, History of Negro Education, pp. 88-89. 
 
 83 Also known as George Sharp. 
 
 84 J. S. Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Caro- 
 lina, p. 73, says Chavis was a full-blood Negro. This seems to be an 
 error. See, also, the same writer's article in the American Journal of 
 Sociology, Vol. 13, p. 826. 
 
 8B Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the State of North Carolina, p. 57. 
 
 
192 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 somewhat surprising that there did not appear a group of 
 prominent men of the race. The only one, however, who 
 succeeded in rising above mediocrity was Frederick Doug- 
 lass, an anti-slavery agitator and journalist. His father 
 was a white man 36 and his mother a slave of unknown color, 
 but with sufficient Indian intermixture to show prominently 
 in the features as well as in the disposition of her noted 
 son. 37 
 
 During the entire period that slavery existed as a na- 
 tional institution, individuals frequently escaped from the 
 border states into free territory. Especially during the 
 latter years of the slave regime, there were a considerable 
 number of these runaway slaves. An organized and elaborate 
 system of criminal procedure grew up toward the end of the 
 slave period and became known as the Underground Rail- 
 road. As was to be expected, the free Negroes and escaped 
 slaves took some part in this outlawry. The Year Book 38 
 names the most notorious of these Negroes and gives 
 sketches of their careers. 39 Of the fifteen, Harriet Tubman 
 
 89 New International Encyclopaedia: Frederick Douglass. 
 
 87 Booker T. Washington, The Story of the Negro, Vol. 1, p. 132. 
 
 88 Negro Year Book, 1914-1915, pp. 102-06. 
 
 89 
 
 William Wells Brown 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Frederick Douglass 
 
 mulatto 
 
 James Forten 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mifflin Wistar Gibbs 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mrs. F. E. W. Harper 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Lewis Hayden 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Lunsford Lane 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Robert Purvis 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Charles Lenox Remond 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. B. Russwurm 
 
 mulatto 
 
 William Still 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Sojourner Truth 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Harriet Tubman 
 
 black 
 
 David Walker 
 
 mulatto 
 
 William Whipper 
 
 mulatto 
 
The Leading Men of the Negro Race 19S 
 
 seems to have been a black woman ; the other fourteen were 
 mulattoes. 40 
 
 Since the Civil War, all lines of endeavor in America 
 have been open to the Negro. In some cases he has met 
 with prejudice and discrimination; in other cases his color 
 has given him a prestige not enjoyed by his white com- 
 petitor. 41 At the present time, there is no insuperable, ex- 
 ternal obstacle to the Negro's entrance to, and success in, 
 any of the ordinary lines of human endeavor, as is evidenced 
 by the fact that Negroes have entered all of them and that 
 individuals of the race have achieved some degree of success 
 in each of the different lines. 
 
 There have been compiled and published, from time to 
 time, lists of these Negroes who have risen to prominence. 
 It may be that these lists do not contain the names of all 
 the successful Negroes. It may also be true that many of 
 the names which appear are those of men who have shown 
 no great talent or achieved no great renown. But it may 
 be fairly assumed that they are, in most cases at least, men? 
 of some importance and prominence in their community and 
 that they are leaders in a larger or smaller way within their 
 racial group. If this be so, a determination of the ancestry 
 of these men should be a fair index as to the percentage of 
 mulattoes and full-blooded Negroes among the leaders and 
 other prominent men of the race. 
 
 Mr. DuBois has compiled such a list, 42 illustrated by full 
 page photographs of ten living 43 Negroes who represent 
 
 40 J. S. Bassett, Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina, p. 321, says 
 Lane's parents were "of pure African descent." This is emphatically 
 denied by Negroes who knew him personally. 
 
 41 B. W. Smith, The Color Line: A Brief in Behalf of the Unborn, 
 pp. 43-44. 
 
 43 DuBois, Booklover's Magazine, Vol. 2, pp. 2-14. 
 "July, 1903, 
 
194 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 
 the "Advance Guard of the Race." 44 To the list, the ed- 
 itors add a similar sketch and a similar photograph of Mr. 
 DuBois. These men "measured by any fair standard of 
 human accomplishment . . . are distinctly men of mark." 45 
 Regarding the racial ancestry of these men Mr. DuBois 
 says : 46 
 
 ... Of the men I have named, three are black, two 
 are brown, two are half-white, and three are three- 
 fourths white. ... If we choose among these men the 
 two of keenest intellect, one is black and the other 
 brown ; if we choose the three of strongest character, 
 two are yellow and one is black. If we choose three 
 according to their esthetic sensibility, one is black, 
 one is yellow, and one three-fourths white. 
 
 Seven of the ten are admittedly mulatto, so may be 
 passed without comment. Three are said to be "black." But 
 by this term, it cannot be meant to assert that they are 
 full-blood Negroes. The only three men in the list who 
 could possibly be called "black" are Dunbar, the poet; 
 Miller, the mathematician ; and Woods, the electrician. Of 
 these men Dunbar, according to all accounts, was a real 
 Negro. Kelly Miller is a brown mulatto. 47 Granville T. 
 
 "Charles W. Chestnutt 
 
 Paul Laurence Dunbar 
 
 Francis J. Grimke 
 
 Kelly Miller 
 
 Edward H. Morris 
 
 Henry O. Tanner 
 W. L. Taylor 
 
 Booker T. Washington 
 
 Daniel H. Williams 
 
 Granville T. Woods 
 45 Booklover's Magazine, Vol. !~, r . ~. 
 "Ibid., p. 15. 
 
 * T W. T. Thomas, "Race Psychology," American Journal of Sociology, 
 Vol. 17, p. 746, speaks of Miller as a "full-blooded black," The At- 
 
 Novelist 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Poet 
 
 black 
 
 Clergyman 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mathematician 
 
 black 
 
 Lawyer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Artist 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Business man 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Politician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Surgeon 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Electrician 
 n 8. 
 
 Australian-Malay 
 
The Leading Men of the Negro Race 195 
 
 Woods seems to have no drop of African blood. He is an 
 Australian by birth 48 and by ancestry a mixture of Malay 
 [ndian and Australian Black. 49 Of these ten names, then, 
 3ne is that of a Negro, one that of an Australian of mixed 
 ancestry, and the remaining eight are mulattoes. If Mr. 
 DuBois be included in the list, the count then stands one 
 Negro to ten men of mixed blood. 
 
 In 1903, the Pott Publishing Company issued a small 
 volume of essays by Negroes discussing different phases of 
 bhe Negro problem in America. 50 Seven writers contributed 
 to the volume. 51 Of these men, one was a black Negro and 
 six were mulattoes. Of the six, two were men of about 
 equal parts of white and black; while the other four were 
 from three-fourths to fifteen-sixteenths white. 
 
 In one of the essays in the volume, Mr. DuBois again 
 treats the subject of the Negro leaders under the caption 
 
 lantic Advocate calls him a "full-blooded colored man." He seems 
 to consider himself a Negro and is generally so claimed by the race. 
 As we are concerned here with social and not with biological facts we 
 have placed Professor Miller in the full-blood group in spite of his 
 mixed ancestry. See note 44, p. 194 above. 
 
 48 Miller, Race Adjustment, p. 197, says that Woods was born in 
 Ohio. 
 
 49 "His mother's father was a Malay Indian, and his other grand- 
 parents were by birth full-blooded savage Australian aborigines born 
 in the wilds back of Melbourne. ... At the age of 16, Woods was 
 brought by his parents to America. . . ." S. W. Balch, "Electrical Mo- 
 tor Regulation," Cosmopolitan, Vol. 18, p. 762. 
 
 50 The Negro Problem: A Series of Articles by Representative Amer- 
 ican Negroes of To-day. 
 
 61 C. W. Chestnutt mulatto 
 
 W. E. B. DuBois mulatto 
 
 Paul L. Dunbar black 
 
 T. Thomas Fortune mulatto 
 
 H. T. Kealing mulatto 
 
 Wilford H. Smith mulatto 
 
 Booker T. Washington mulatto 
 
196 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 "The Talented Tenth" and finds twenty-one men and two 
 Tomcn worthy of this title. Supplying the initials, supple- 
 menting the list with an indication of the ground on which 
 their claim to greatness rests and an indication of their 
 ancestry, we have: 
 
 Ira Aldridge 
 
 Negro actor 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Benjamin Banneker 
 
 Invented clock; published alma- 
 
 
 
 nac 
 
 mulatto 
 
 B. K. Bruce 
 
 Reconstruction politician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Alexander Crummell 
 
 Preacher 
 
 black 
 
 Paul Cuffe 
 
 In charge of the first load of 
 
 mulatto 
 
 
 Negroes sent to Liberia 
 
 and Indian 
 
 Frederick Douglass 
 
 Runaway slave; anti-slavery agi- 
 
 mulatto 
 
 
 tator; politician 
 
 and Indian 
 
 James Durham 
 
 Practiced medicine 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. B. Elliott 
 
 Reconstruction politician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 H. H. Garnett 
 
 Preacher 
 
 mulatto ■ 
 
 R. T. Greener 
 
 Reconstruction politician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Lemuel Haynes 
 
 Early Negro preacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 John M. Langston 
 
 Reconstruction politician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 D. A. Payne 
 
 Bishop of the African Methodist 
 
 
 
 Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. W. C. Pennington 
 
 Underground Railroad operator 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Phyllis Wheatley Peters 
 
 Slave of John Wheatley; writer 
 
 
 
 of verse 
 
 black 
 
 Robert Purvis 
 
 Agitator; Underground Rail- 
 
 
 
 road operator 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Charles L. Remond 
 
 Agitator; Underground Rail- 
 
 
 
 road operator 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. B. Russwurm 
 
 A governor of Liberia 
 
 mulatto 
 
 McCune Smith 
 
 Physician and druggist 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Sojourner Truth 
 
 Underground Railroad agent 
 
 mulatto 
 
 David Walker 
 
 Agitator 
 
 mulatto 
 
 B. T. Washington 
 
 Principal Tuskegee Institute 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Bert Williams 
 
 Comedian 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Of the women named one was a mulatto and one was a 
 black Negro. Of the twenty-one men, all were mulattoes. 
 
 Sometimes mistakenly classed as a full-blood Negro. 
 
 B3 
 
The Leading Men of the Negro Race 197 
 
 Two of these men, Garnett and Crummell, are sometimes 
 classed as full-blooded Negroes; but this seems to be con- 
 trary to the facts. Both men were the offspring of a mixed 
 ancestry. The father of Crummell is said to have been an 
 African chief. He married a free Negro woman of mixed 
 blood. The son, however, is very dark in color and passes 
 as a Negro of full-blood. He is accordingly listed with 
 the full-bloods here. 
 
 The Negro Star Publishing Company 53 advertises for 
 sale the pictures of "all the great men of the race." 54 Their 
 complete list comprises the pictures of twelve persons. The 
 single woman whose picture is included in the collection was 
 a mulatto. Of the eleven photographs remaining, one is 
 that of a black man — Dunbar, — one is that of a man — 
 Toussaint — concerning whose racial ancestry there may be 
 a reasonable doubt, 55 and nine are photographs of men who 
 are obviously and admittedly mulattoes. 56 
 
 Kelly Miller in a chapter on "Eminent Negroes" 57 names 
 sixteen individuals. Presumably these persons are, in the 
 
 88 Greenwood, Mississippi. 
 
 "See any issue of the Negro Star, for e.g., 1-14-1916. Letter from 
 
 the General Manager under date of 1-25-1916. 
 See p. 189 above. 
 
 Crispus Attucks mulatto 
 
 W. E. B. DuBois mulatto 
 
 Frederick Douglass mulatto 
 
 Alexandre Dumas mulatto 
 
 Paul Laurence Dunbar black 
 
 Richard T. Greener mulatto 
 
 John Mercer Langston mulatto 
 
 S. Coleridge Taylor mulatto 
 
 Henry O. Tanner mulatto 
 
 Francois Dominique Toussaint mulatto 
 
 Sojourner Truth mulatto 
 
 Booker T. Washington mulatto 
 Race Adjustment, pp. 186-98. 
 
 65 
 Bfl 
 
198 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 opinion of Mr. Miller, the best that the race in America has 
 produced. "The names here presented," he says 58 "are at 
 least respectable when measured by European standards. 
 It is true that no one of them reaches the first, or even the 
 second degree of luster in the galaxy of the world's great- 
 ness." But they are all individuals in whose accomplish- 
 ments the race may well take pride. Of the names pre- 
 sented, one is that of a black woman, one that of a black 
 man, and the remaining fourteen are names of men of mixed 
 blood. The complete list follows: 
 
 Ira Aldridge Actor 
 
 Benjamin Banneker Inventor 
 
 Charles W. Chestnutt Novelist 
 
 Frederick Douglass Politician 
 
 W. E. B. DuBois Writer 
 
 Paul Laurence Dunbar Poet 
 
 Lemuel Haynes Minister 
 
 Elijah T. McCoy Inventor 
 
 .Phyllis Wheatley Peters Poet 
 
 W. S. Scarborough Teacher 
 
 B. T. Tanner Bishop 
 
 Henry O. Tanner Artist 
 
 B. T. Washington Educator 
 
 Daniel H. Williams Physician 
 
 George H. Williams Writer 
 
 Granville T. Woods Inventor 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto** 
 
 Cromwell 60 presents a slightly variant list. His intention, 
 as stated in the preface to his volume, is the publication of 
 a book which will give "the salient points in the history of 
 the American Negro, the story of their most eminent men 
 and women . . ." The twenty persons selected include 
 
 58 Race Adjustment, p. 188. 
 
 59 See note 49, p. 195 above. 
 
 60 
 
 J. W. Cromwell, The Negro in American History. 
 
The Leading Men of the Negro Race 
 
 199 
 
 three women and seventeen men. One of the women and 
 three of the men were black. The sixteen remaining are 
 names of mixed-blood individuals. His selection of the 
 "most eminent men and women" of the race is as follows : 
 
 Benjamin Banneker 
 Edward W. Blyden 
 Blanche Kelso Bruce 
 George F. T. Cook 
 John F. Cook, Jr. 
 John F. Cook, Sr. 
 Fanny M. Jackson Coppin 
 Alexander Crummell 
 Paul Cuffe 
 Frederick Douglass 
 Paul Laurence Dunbar 
 Robert Brown Elliott 
 Henry Highland Garnett 
 John Mercer Langston 
 Daniel Alexander Payne 
 Phyllis Wheatley Peters 
 Joseph Charles Price 
 Henry Osawa Tanner 
 Sojourner Truth 
 Booker T. Washington 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 61 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 82 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 83 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 black M 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 The California Eagle 65 advertises for sale the pictures 
 of "the most Famous Men of the Colored Race, living and 
 dead." Their picture features eight men, one of whom, — 
 Dunbar — was black. The remaining seven are names of men 
 
 01 Cromwell calls Blyden a full-blood Negro but this seems not to 
 have been the case. He was a dark man of mixed ancestry. 
 
 62 See p. 197 above. 
 
 63 See note 52, p. 196 above. 
 
 "Cromwell calls Price a full-blood Negro. He was probably not a 
 man of unmixed Negro blood. He passed, however, as a full-blood 
 Negro and the race took great pride in claiming him as such. A good 
 photograph appears on p. 212 of Cromwell's book. 
 
 66 A Negro newspaper of Los Angeles, California. 
 
200 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 of mixed blood. 66 
 
 The Colored American Review^ 1 offers a similar list 
 which is, in the opinion of the editors, "the largest and 
 finest collection of 'Famous Negroes,' both past and present, 
 in America and abroad." 68 Thirty-two names appear in 
 the printed list. Of these, five are names of women, and 
 twenty-seven are names of men. Of -the five women, one is 
 a pure-blooded Negress, and the remaining four are mu- 
 lattoes. Of the twenty-seven names of men, three are of 
 full-blooded Negroes and twenty-four are of mulattoes. 
 The complete list and descriptions to which is here added 
 an indication as to the purity of blood, is as follows : 
 
 Hon. Harry Boss 
 
 William Stanley Braithwaite 
 
 Rev. W. W. Brown 
 
 Harry T. Burleigh 
 
 Anita Bush 
 
 Bob Cole 
 
 Hon. James Curtis 
 
 Frederick Douglass 
 
 Howard P. Drew 
 
 W. E. B. DuBois 
 
 Alexandre Dumas 
 
 Paul Laurence Dunbar 
 
 James Reese Europe 
 
 Mathews Henson 
 
 Ernest Hogan 
 
 J. Rosamond Johnson 
 
 Lawyer and Legislator mulatto 
 
 Poet and Critic mulatto 
 
 Eminent Baptist Divine mulatto 
 
 Singer and Composer mulatto 
 
 Actress mulatto 
 
 Actor and Comedian mulatto 
 
 Lawyer, Minister to Liberia mulatto 
 
 Statesman mulatto 
 
 Athlete, Runner mulatto 
 
 Educator and Author mulatto 
 
 Author mulatto 
 
 Poet black 
 
 Musician and Composer mulatto 
 
 Explorer mulatto 
 
 Comedian mulatto 
 
 Composer mulatto 
 
 60 
 
 67 
 
 Crispus Attucks mulatto 
 
 Frederick Douglass mulatto 
 
 W. E. B. DuBois mulatto 
 
 Alexandre Dumas mulatto 
 
 Paul Laurence Dunbar black 
 
 H. O. Tanner mulatto 
 
 Coleridge Taylor mulatto 
 
 Booker T. Washington mulatto 
 
 A semi-monthly magazine, published in New York City. 
 
 See, for e.g., the issue of March, 1916, p. 187. 
 
The Leading Men of the Negro Race 
 
 201 
 
 Ex-U. S. Consul and Author mulatto 
 
 Singer mulatto " 
 
 Ex-U. S. Ass't. Dist. Atty. mulatto 
 
 The Original Uncle Tom mulatto 
 
 Philosopher and Author black 70 
 
 Educator black 
 
 Famous Poet black 
 
 Eminent Baptist Divine mulatto 
 
 Artist mulatto 
 
 Musician and Composer mulatto 
 
 Champion Bicycle Rider mulatto T1 
 
 Actress and Dancer mulatto 
 
 Hair Culturist, Lecturer mulatto 
 
 Actor and Composer mulatto 
 
 Educator mulatto 
 
 Comedian mulatto 
 
 James W. Johnson 
 Mine. Jones (Black Patti) 
 Hon. Wm. H. Lewis 
 Sam Lucas 
 Kelly Miller 
 Robert Russa Moton 
 Phyllis Wheatley Peters 
 Rev. Clayton Powell 
 Henry Tanner 
 Coleridge Taylor 
 Major Taylor 
 Aida Walker 
 Mme. C. J. Walker 
 George Walker 
 Booker T. Washington 
 Bert Williams 
 
 All the present Bishops of the A. M. E. Z. Church 
 All the present Bishops of the A. M. E. Church 
 
 The Reverend J. A. Duncan, Pastor of the Ebenezer Af- 
 rican Methodist Episcopalian Church of Stockton, Califor- 
 nia, in an article in The California Eagle, a Negro news- 
 paper, under the title "Our Famous Colored Women," names 
 fourteen women. One name is that of a full-blooded Ne- 
 gress. The thirteen names remaining are of women of mixed 
 ancestry. The compilation is as follows : 
 
 72 
 
 Mrs. Ida Wells-Barnet 
 Madam Flora B. Bergen 
 Miss Hallie Quinn Brown 
 Henrietta Vinton Davis 
 Frances E. Harper 
 Sissieretta Jones 
 Edmonia Lewis 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 78 
 
 mulatto 
 
 * Classed by some correspondents as a full-blood Negress. 
 70 See note 47, p. 194 above. 
 
 "One correspondent called Taylor black. The consensus of opinion, 
 however, was that he was a brown mulatto. 
 ™ See pages 276 ff. for an analysis of these groups. 
 78 See note 70, p. 201. 
 
 
202 
 
 The Mulatto in the 
 
 United 
 
 States 
 
 Phyllis Wheatley Peters 
 
 
 black 
 
 Madam Selika 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mrs. Amanda Smith 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Fannie Church Terrell 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Sojourner Truth 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Ada Overton Walker 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mrs. Booker T. Washington 
 
 mulatto 74 
 
 At the beginning of the year 1916, Mr. DuBois issued a 
 Who's Who in Colored America. 75 This publication con- 
 tained the names of 139 individuals who, in the opinion of 
 the editor, were the real intellectual and social aristocracy 
 of the American Negro. The Who's Who contained the 
 names of one hundred and thirty-one men and eight women. 
 The list recorded the names of four men whom the Negroes 
 themselves claim as "black" and for social purposes may 
 be so considered, though two, and possibly three, of the 
 four have been modified by an earlier admixture of white 
 blood. Concerning three of the men, no information was 
 obtained. They seem not to be well-known to the members 
 of their race. 76 The remaining one hundred and twenty- 
 four men are mulattoes. The eight women are all mulat- 
 toes. Of the one hundred and thirty-two mulattoes two are 
 dark, 77 while about one-half approximate the white race in 
 features, head-form, and skin coloration. Taking the list 
 as a whole, there is present somewhat over four times as 
 much white as Negro blood. The complete list follows : 78 
 
 74 The third wife of Booker T. Washington. 
 "The Crisis Calendar for 1916. 
 
 76 See note 82, p. 207 below. 
 
 77 That is, they are less than one-half white. One is three-fourths 
 black. The exact amount of Negro blood in the other is not known, 
 but is approximately three-fourths. 
 
 78 The poetic designations are the work of the compiler; the present 
 writer adds the ethnic information. The initials, wrongly given in a 
 few cases, have been corrected. 
 
 It has been asserted that the list contains the names of fifteen full- 
 
The Leading Men of the Negro Race 
 
 203 
 
 WHO'S WHO IN COLORED AMERICA 78 
 
 Charles W. Anderson 
 
 C. E. Bentley 
 
 H. C. Bishop 
 
 J. W. E. Bowen 
 
 R. H. Boyd 
 
 W. Stanley Braithwaite 
 
 B. G. Brawley 
 Miss H. Q. Brown 
 Mrs. B. K. Bruce 
 John E. Bruce 
 Roscoe C. Bruce 
 I. T. Bryant 
 
 W. H. Bulkley 
 
 Harry T. Burleigh 
 
 Miss Nannie H. Burroughs 
 
 William H. Bush 
 
 J. S. Caldwell 
 
 James L. Carr 
 
 W. J. Carter 
 
 C. W. Chestnutt 
 George W. Cook 
 Will Marion Cook 
 L. J. Coppin 
 
 W. H. Crogman 
 
 Harry S. Cummings 
 
 A. M. Curtis 
 
 James L. Curtis 
 
 J. C. Dancey 
 
 Franklin Dennison 
 
 R. N. Dett 
 
 J. H. Douglass 
 
 W. E. Burghardt DuBois 
 
 James Reese Europe 
 
 Worthy Public Official 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Pioneer in Dental Reform 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Religious Organizer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Lecturer and Teacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Captain of Industry 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Poet and Interpreter of Lit- 
 
 
 erature 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Author 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Elocutionist 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Astute and Gracious Leader 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Popular Writer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Educational Leader 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Church Officer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Efficient Educator 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Maker of Songs 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Organizer of Women 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Organist 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Bishop of the Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Able Advocate 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Able Advocate 
 
 
 Man of Letters 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Financier 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Musician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Bishop of the Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Teacher and Kindly Gentle- 
 
 
 man 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Political Leader and Lawyer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Surgeon and Physician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Minister to Liberia 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Public Official 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Lawyer and Leader 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Composer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Violinist 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Editor and Author 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Composer and Organizer of 
 
 
 musicians 
 
 mulatto 
 
 blooded Negroes. Such assertion can be maintained only by adopting a 
 very different definition of the term full-blooded from that used as the 
 basis for this study. See Crisis, 12-1917, p. 77. 
 79 The Crisis Calendar, 1916. 
 
204 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 WHO'S WHO IN COLORED AMERICA— Continued 
 
 9. D. Ferguson 
 
 Venerable Bishop 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. S. Flipper 
 
 Bishop of the Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 T. Thomas Fortune 
 
 Founder of Negro Journal- 
 
 mulatto 
 
 
 ism 
 
 and Indian 
 
 S. C. Fuller 
 
 Pioneer in Psychiatry 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Henry W. Furniss 
 
 Able Diplomatist 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. H. Goler 
 
 Educational Leader 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. M. Gregory 
 
 Veteran Educator 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. T. Greener 
 
 Pioneer Public Servant 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Archibald H. Grimk6 
 
 Publicist and Writer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 F. J. Grimke 
 
 Preacher of the Word of God 
 
 mulatto 
 
 G. C. Hall 
 
 Deft Surgeon 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. H. H. Hart 
 
 Able Advocate and Defender 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. R. Hawkins 
 
 Church Leader 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mason A. Hawkins 
 
 Educational Leader 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. Ashbie Hawkins 
 
 Capable Lawyer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Roland W. Hayes 
 
 Sweet Singer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 L. M. Hershaw 
 
 Civil Servant 
 
 mulatto 
 
 L. H. Holsey 
 
 Church Leader 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. W. Hood 
 
 Venerable Prelate 
 
 mulatto 
 
 John Hope 
 
 Teacher of Youth 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. A. Hunton 
 
 Apostle to Young Men 
 
 mulatto 
 
 John E. Hurst 
 
 Church Leader 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. W T . D. Isaacs 
 
 Preacher and Publisher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. T. Jenifer 
 
 Venerable Preacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Harvey Johnson 
 
 Venerable Preacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 H. L. Johnson 
 
 Public Official 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. A. Johnson 
 
 Apostle to Africa 
 
 mulatto 
 
 James W. Johnson 
 
 Writer and Poet 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Rosamond Johnson 
 
 Composer and Orchestra 
 
 
 
 Leader 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. E. Jones 
 
 Able Editor 
 
 mulatto 
 
 L. G. Jordan 
 
 Missionary 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Ernest E. Just 
 
 Student of Living Things 
 
 mulatto 
 
 H. T. Kealing 
 
 Teacher and Educator 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Lucy Laney 
 
 Protector of Women and 
 
 
 
 Girls 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. Augustus Lawson 
 
 Teacher of Music 
 
 mulatto 
 
 B. F. Lee 
 
 Bishop of the Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 James Lewis 
 
 Public Official 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. H. Lewis 
 
 Lawyer and Public Official 
 
 mulatto 
 
The Leading Men of the Negro Race 
 WHO'S WHO IN COLORED AMERICA— Continued 
 
 205 
 
 W. Logan 
 
 Financial Officer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 John R. Lynch 
 
 Pioneer in Political Service 
 
 mulatto 
 and Indian 
 
 E. McCoy 
 
 Skilled Inventor 
 
 mulatto 
 
 John R. Marshall 
 
 Military Pioneer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Cassius Mason 
 
 Preacher of Righteousness 
 
 
 James C. Matthews 
 
 Political Leader and Jurist 
 
 mulatto 
 
 K. Miller 
 
 Author and Critic 
 
 black 
 
 John Mitchell 
 
 Editor and Business Man 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. E. Mollison 
 
 Banker and Business Man 
 
 mulatto 
 
 I. T. Montgomery 
 
 Founder of a Town 
 
 mulatto 
 
 G. W. Moore 
 
 Religious Leader 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Lewis B. Moore 
 
 Teacher of Teachers 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. E. Mooreland 
 
 Builder of Men's Clubs 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. C. Morris 
 
 Baptist Leader 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. H. Morris 
 
 Chosen Leader 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. R. Morris 
 
 Able Advocate 
 
 mulatto 
 
 N. F. Mossell 
 
 Hospital Founder 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Lucy Moton 
 
 Teacher of Courtesy 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Robert R. Moten 
 
 Organizer 
 
 black 
 
 Daniel Murray 
 
 Bookman 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. C. Napier 
 
 Public Official 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Father Oncles 
 
 Priest of the Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 H. B. Parks 
 
 Bishop of the Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 I. Garland Penn 
 
 Church Official 
 
 mulatto 
 
 C. H. Phillips 
 
 Bishop of the Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Henry L. Phillips 
 
 Practical Apostle 
 
 mulatto 
 
 P. B. S. Pinchback 
 
 Pioneer of Reconstruction 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. C. Ransom 
 
 Orator and Editor 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. B. Reeve 
 
 Honored Preacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 H. A. Rucker 
 
 Efficient Public Official 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mrs. J. St. P. Ruffin 
 
 Pioneer Club Woman 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. S. Scarborough 
 
 Scholar in Letters 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. J. Scott 
 
 Able Secretary 
 
 mulatto 
 
 I. B. Scott 
 
 Bishop of the Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 William E. Scott 
 
 Artist in Colors 
 
 mulatto 
 
 C. T. Shaffer 
 
 Servant of the Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. Smalls 
 
 Hero and Public Servant 
 
 mulatto 
 
 B. S. Smith 
 
 Lawyer and Public Officer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 C. S. Smith 
 
 Bishop of the Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 H. C. Smith 
 
 Veteran Editor 
 
 mulatto 
 
206 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 WHO'S WHO IN COLORED AMERICA— Continued 
 
 T. G. Steward 
 
 Chaplain and Writer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 B. T. Tanner 
 
 Venerable Prelate 
 
 mulatto 
 
 H. O. Tanner 
 
 Artist in Colors 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mrs. Mary Church Terrell 
 
 Lecturer and Leader of 
 
 
 / 
 
 Women 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. H. Terrell 
 
 Judicial Officer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. Monroe Trotter 
 
 Intrepid Agitator 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. V. Tunnell 
 
 Preacher and Teacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 C. H. Turner 
 
 Student of Living Things 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. Tyree 
 
 Bishop of the Church 
 
 black 
 
 G. W. Vass 
 
 Religious Leader 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. T. Vernon 
 
 Public Official 
 
 black 
 
 Maggie B. Walker 
 
 Able Business Woman 
 
 mulatto 
 
 A. Walters 
 
 Bishop and Leader 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Wm. A. Warfield 
 
 Surgeon and Administrator 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Marcus F. Wheatland 
 
 Noted Physician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Clarence C. White 
 
 Musician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Fred White 
 
 Organist 
 
 mulatto 
 
 G. H. White 
 
 Congressman and Banker 
 
 mulatto 
 and Indian 
 
 Bert Williams 
 
 Apostle Of Laughter 
 
 mulatto 
 
 D. H. Williams 
 
 Master of Surgery 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. C. Williams 
 
 Teacher of Youth 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. T. B. Williams 
 
 Social Student 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Carter G. Woodson 
 
 Student of History 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. W. Woodson 
 
 Able Lawj r er 
 
 
 Monroe N. Work 
 
 Social Statistician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. R. Wright 
 
 Noted Educator 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. R. Wright, Jr. 
 
 Editor and Student 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Charles Young 
 
 Military Expert and Brave 
 Soldier 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Such a list, as the compiler himself says, 80 is necessarily 
 largely a matter of personal opinion. In order to eliminate 
 in so far as possible this personal equation, letters were 
 sent to each of the persons in the foregoing list whose ad- 
 dress it was possible to secure, asking each to name the 
 tw T enty-five living Negroes who, in the opinion of the per- 
 
 80 Letter from Mr. DuBois under date of 2-10-1916. 
 
The Leading Men of the Negro Race 207 
 
 son addressed, were the foremost men of the race. The men 
 addressed proved about thirty per cent courteous. Thirty- 
 six lists were received, including in all two hundred and fifty 
 separate names. 81 One hundred and forty-four names ap- 
 peared but a single time in the whole series of lists sub- 
 mitted 82 and, inasmuch as they thus represent the opinion 
 of a single individual, 83 they are dropped from further con- 
 sideration here. 84 One hundred and six names remained. 
 Of these, eight are dark men of Negro features, though 
 probably not in every case full-blooded Negroes. Ninety- 
 eight are admittedly mulattoes. The list of names, the 
 number of times the individual was mentioned in the letters 
 received, the vocation and ethnic composition follows: 
 
 The Foremost American Negroes 
 
 in the opinion of 
 
 Prominent Men of the Race 
 
 81 R. R. Moton Principal Tuskegee Institute black 
 
 30 W. E. B. DuBois Editor and writer mulatto 
 
 26 Kelly Miller Teacher and writer black 
 
 23 William Henry Lewis Lawyer and politician mulatto 
 
 23 Daniel H. Williams Physician and surgeon mulatto 
 
 21 Emmett J. Scott Secretary Tuskegee Institute mulatto 
 
 81 A number of lists contained twenty- four names : a dead-lock, ap- 
 parently, between accuracy and modesty. A few lists contained names 
 in excess of twenty-five. 
 
 83 This is not to be taken as evidence that each man included his own 
 name in the list submitted and got no other mention. In only six of 
 the thirty-six lists submitted did the compiler include himself and in each 
 such case his name appeared in other lists. 
 
 83 One man submitted the Bishops and General Officers of his church 
 as including all the foremost American Negroes. Another included 
 Sam Langford, the prize fighter, among the twenty-five greatest men 
 of the race. A number of other peculiarities of personal preference 
 appeared. 
 
 84 Of these 144 names 7 were of black men, 95 of mulattoes and 42 
 were of individuals whose racial ancestry was not determined. 
 
208 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 The Foremost American Negroes — Continued 
 
 18 
 
 R. H. Terrell 
 
 Justice Municipal Court, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 17 
 
 J. C. Napier 
 
 Former Registrar U. S. Treas. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 17 
 
 Alexander Walters 
 
 Bishop A. M. E. Zion Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 16 
 
 Richard H. Boyd 
 
 Preacher and banker 
 
 mulatto 
 
 15 
 
 Charles W. Anderson 
 
 Former United States Inter- 
 
 
 
 
 nal Revenue Collector 
 
 mulatto 
 
 15 
 
 William S. Braithwaite 
 
 Poet 
 
 mulatto 
 
 15 
 
 W. S. Scarborough 
 
 President Wilberforce Univ. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 13 
 
 John Mitchell, Jr. 
 
 Editor 
 
 mulatto 
 
 13 
 
 William Pickens 
 
 Dean, Morgan College 
 
 Negro and 
 Indian and 
 possibly 
 white 
 
 13 
 
 Henry O. Tanner 
 
 Painter 
 
 mulatto 
 
 13 
 
 Charles E. Young 
 
 Lieut. 9th U. S. Cavalry 
 
 mulatto 
 
 12 
 
 Charles W. Chestnutt 
 
 Novelist 
 
 mulatto 
 
 12 
 
 R. R. Wright, Jr. 
 
 Editor and preacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 11 
 
 J. W. E. Bowen 
 
 Teacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 11 
 
 R. T. Greener 
 
 Teacher and politician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 11 
 
 R. E. Jones 
 
 Editor 
 
 mulatto 
 
 11 
 
 John R. Lynch 
 
 Politician and writer 
 
 mulatto 
 and Indian 
 
 11 
 
 E. C. Morris 
 
 Preacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 10 
 
 Benjamin F. Lee 
 
 Bishop A. M. E. Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 9 
 
 Harry T. Burleigh 
 
 Singer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 9 
 
 Archibald H. Grimke" 
 
 Politician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 9 
 
 J. E. Moorland 
 
 International Secretary 
 
 
 
 
 Y. M. C. A. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 9 
 
 Edward H. Morris 
 
 Lawyer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 8 
 
 John Hope 
 
 President Morehouse College 
 
 mulatto 
 
 8 
 
 James W. Johnson 
 
 Writer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 8 
 
 Isaiah T. Montgomery 
 
 Founder of Negro town 
 
 mulatto 
 
 8 
 
 William H. Trotter 
 
 Editor and agitator 
 
 mulatto 
 
 7 
 
 Charles Banks 
 
 Cashier Negro bank 
 
 black 
 
 7 
 
 Will Marion Cook 
 
 Musician 
 
 mulatto 
 and Indian 
 
 7 
 
 Solomon C. Fuller 
 
 Physician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 7 
 
 T. Thomas Fortune 
 
 Editor 
 
 mulatto 
 and Indian 
 
 7 
 
 Francis J. Grimke* 
 
 Preacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 7 
 
 George C. Hall 
 
 Physician 
 
 mulatto 
 
The Leading Men of the Negro Race 
 
 209 
 
 The Foremost American Negroes — Continued 
 
 7 
 
 I. Garland Penn 
 
 Preacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 7 
 
 W. T. Vernon 
 
 Bishop A. M. E. Church 
 
 black 
 
 7 
 
 C. T. Williams 
 
 Preacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 7 
 
 Bert Williams 
 
 Comedian 
 
 mulatto 
 
 6 
 
 E. E. Just 
 
 Teacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 6 
 
 C. V. Roman 
 
 Physician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 6 
 
 T. G. Steward 
 
 Teacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 5 
 
 Roscoe C. Bruce 
 
 Superintendent Negro schools 
 
 
 
 
 of Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 5 
 
 C. S. Smith 
 
 Bishop A. M. E. Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 4 
 
 Ira T. Bryant 
 
 Secretary A. M. E. S. S. 
 
 
 
 
 Union 
 
 mulatto 
 
 4 
 
 John E. Bush 
 
 Lodge official 
 
 mulatto 
 
 4 
 
 George W. Clinton 
 
 Bishop A. M. E. Zion Church 
 
 black 
 
 4 
 
 William Henry Crogman 
 
 Teacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 4 
 
 J. C. Dancy 
 
 Former United States Re- 
 
 
 
 
 corder of Deeds 
 
 mulatto 
 
 4 
 
 F. A. Dennison 
 
 Lawyer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 4 
 
 John R. Hawkins 
 
 Teacher 
 
 mulatto 
 and Indian 
 
 4 
 
 J. W. Hood 
 
 Bishop A. M. E. Zion Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 4 
 
 George E. Haynes 
 
 Teacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 4 
 
 John Hurst 
 
 Bishop A. M. E. Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 4 
 
 H. T. Kealing 
 
 President Western Reserve 
 
 
 
 
 University 
 
 mulatto 
 
 4 
 
 P. B. S. Pinchback 
 
 Reconstruction politician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 4 
 
 R. L. Smith 
 
 Business man 
 
 mulatto 
 
 4 
 
 C. G. Woodson 
 
 Teacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 3 
 
 C. E. Bentley 
 
 Dentist 
 
 mulatto 
 
 3 
 
 R. E. Church, Jr. 
 
 Memphis, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 3 
 
 Levi J. Coppin 
 
 Preacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 3 
 
 B. J. Davis 
 
 Editor 
 
 mulatto 
 
 3 
 
 B. 0. Davis 
 
 Lieut. 10th U. S. Cavalry 
 
 mulatto 
 
 3 
 
 J. Rosamond Johnson 
 
 Pianist 
 
 mulatto 
 
 3 
 
 L. G. Jordan 
 
 Preacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 3 
 
 W. E. King 
 
 Editor 
 
 mulatto 
 
 3 
 
 Fred R. Moore 
 
 Editor 
 
 mulatto 
 
 3 
 
 N. F. Mossell 
 
 Physician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 3 
 
 H. H. Proctor 
 
 Preacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 3 
 
 R. C. Ransom 
 
 Editor 
 
 mulatto 
 
 3 
 
 E. P. Roberts 
 
 Physician 
 
 mulatto 
 
210 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 The Foremost American Negroes — Continued 
 
 3 I. B. Scott 
 
 3 Charles Henry Turner 
 
 3 Ralph W. Tyler 
 
 2 R. A. Carter 
 
 2 George W. Carver 
 
 2 Nick Chiles 
 
 2 George W. Cook 
 
 2 S. E. Courtney 
 
 2 M. W. Dogan 
 
 2 J. E. Ford 
 
 2 S. W. Green 
 
 2 Sutton E. Griggs 
 
 2 W. J. Hale 
 
 2 Ferdinand Havis 
 
 2 A. F. Herndon 
 
 2 W. A. Hunton 
 
 2 John T. Jenifer 
 
 2 C. F. Johnson 
 
 2 H. T. Johnson 
 
 2 J. Albert Johnson 
 
 2 Scipio H. Jones 
 
 2 Warren Logan 
 2 Christopher Perry 
 2 Benjamin T. Tanner 
 Evans Tyree 
 J. Milton Waldron 
 W. A. Warfield 
 George H. White 
 2 W. T. B. Williams 
 2 Monroe N. Work 
 Nathan B. Young 
 
 2 
 
 Preacher mulatto 
 
 Teacher mulatto 
 
 Former Auditor U. S. Navy mulatto 
 
 Bishop C. M. E. Church mulatto 
 
 Teacher black 
 
 Editor mulatto 
 
 Teacher mulatto 
 
 Physician mulatto 
 
 President Wiley University mulatto 
 
 Preacher mulatto 
 
 Lodge official mulatto 
 
 Preacher mulatto 
 President of Industrial 
 
 School mulatto 
 Grocer mulatto 
 Barber and Insurance Agent mulatto 
 Intern. Sec'y Y. M. C. A. mulatto 
 Preacher mulatto 
 Physician mulatto 
 Editor black 
 Bishop A. M. E. Church mulatto 
 President Ark. Negro Busi- 
 ness League mulatto 
 Treasurer, Tuskegee Institute mulatto 
 Newspaper writer mulatto 
 Bishop A. M. E. Church mulatto 
 Bishop A. M. E. Church black 
 Preacher mulatto 
 Physician mulatto 
 Reconstruction politician mulatto 
 Teacher mulatto 
 Editor, Negro Year Book mulatto 
 President of Industrial 
 
 School mulatto 
 
 It will have been observed that in the foregoing lists 
 there has been a frequent repetition of certain names. The 
 names of Douglass, Washington and H. O. Tanner, for ex- 
 ample, each appears eight times, that of Dunbar seven times, 
 that of Phyllis Wheatley Peters six times and a number of 
 
The Leading Men of the Negro Race 211 
 
 Dther names appear two or more times each. Making cor- 
 rection for these duplications and omitting the list com- 
 piled by Gregoire as having nothing more than an antiqua- 
 rian interest or value there remain the names of two hun- 
 dred and forty-six individuals. Of this total, two hundred 
 and twenty-two are the names of men and twenty-four the 
 names of women. Of the twenty-four women two were black 
 and twenty-two mulattoes. Of the two hundred and twenty- 
 two men, the ancestry of three was not determined. Of the 
 two hundred and nineteen remaining names fourteen are of 
 men who are full-blooded or nearly full-blooded Negroes. 
 Two hundred and five are names of mulattoes. Thus of the 
 total of two hundred and forty-six persons considered, two 
 hundred and twenty-seven are mulattoes, sixteen are black 
 and three are unknown. 
 
 These data thrown into tabular form follow (p. 212) : 
 Of the two hundred and forty-six persons so far consid- 
 ered, the ratio of mulattoes to Negroes of pure blood is 
 slightly more than fourteen to one. Attention has been 
 called to the fact that in a few cases there is a disagreement 
 concerning the mixture of blood. In such cases, the indi- 
 vidual is classed as black or mulatto according as the evi- 
 lence seems to favor the one or the other. Where the 
 weight of the evidence seems equal, the individual is placed 
 n the full-blooded group. The number of questionable 
 cases, however, is so small that error in their classification 
 vould not materially alter the general figures. If all the 
 cases concerning which there is a reasonable doubt were to 
 >e classed as full-blooded Negroes, the ratio of mulattoes 
 ;o full-bloods would still be approximately eleven to one. 
 [f all such questionable cases were thrown into the mulatto 
 rroup, the ratio would be somewhat more seriously affected ; 
 t would then stand at twenty, or perhaps twenty-five, to 
 
212 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
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The Leading Men of the Negro Race 813 
 
 one. 
 
 In the opinion of the Negroes themselves, these lists would 
 seem to include all members of the race — and many others — 
 who have made any success in life which would entitle them, 
 to mention outside purely racial or local circles. It in- 
 cludes some men of first-rate intellectual ability and a few 
 men of exceptional talent ; perhaps, a few men of eminence. 
 But in the first stages, at least, of the evolution of a primi- 
 tive folk, great men, as measured by the standards of a 
 more advanced group, are of less importance and of less 
 worth than is that larger and less conspicuous group of men 
 and women who rise but slightly above the mass of their 
 fellows. The exotic is interesting and important as an in- 
 dication of the latent capacity and possibility of the group ; 
 he is not the power that moves and guides the group in its 
 slow and tedious evolution. It is within the group of men, 
 superior to the great mass yet not so far in advance of 
 them as to form a divergent and hence a racially useless 
 group, that the great majority of the individuals mentioned 
 fall. The number of men, however, considering the method 
 of their selection, is perhaps too small to justify any gen- 
 eral conclusion. By increasing the number of cases, though 
 this necessarily will involve men of a lesser degree of talent 
 and of note, and will thereby tend to raise the proportion 
 of blacks to mulattoes, 85 any errors due to sampling will 
 be overcome. The tentative ratio of fourteen to one will 
 therefore be allowed to stand until the examination of larger 
 groups leads to its modification or verification. 86 
 
 86 
 
 The ratio of blacks to mulattoes in the general population is ap- 
 proximately five to one. 
 
 88 The method of investigation pursued in this and the three follow- 
 ing chapters was first to assemble as inclusive and exhaustive a list 
 as possible of men reputed to be of Negro blood who had in some way 
 distinguished themselves above their fellows. The fact that they were 
 
214> The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 mentioned in compilations of prominent Negro men and women, in books 
 or articles by or about Negroes, in lists specially prepared for this study 
 by Negroes of wide acquaintance among their race, in lists of officials 
 or leaders in Negro organizations, in lists of men or women successful 
 in business, professional or artistic endeavor, or individuals mentioned 
 in the literature as men of importance, was taken as evidence of im- 
 portance in the group. In this way it is believed there has been brought 
 together a list of men and women which includes every person of any 
 real importance whom the race has so far produced, and most, at least, 
 of those who have in any way, even locally and in very minor degree, 
 been important men among their fellows. 
 
 The problem was then to determine which of these persons were 
 pure-blood Negroes and which were of mixed ancestry. This matter 
 of color is perhaps the most tender point in the whole race question. 
 Even in the books and articles that purport to be of a biographical 
 nature the subject is seldom mentioned. Unless the man mentioned 
 is strikingly black or is a blood relation of some prominent white man 
 any reference to ancestry seldom appears. Another group of Negro 
 writers — and the practice is followed by some white "students" of race 
 matters — refers to every individual with a brown skin as a man of un- 
 mixed Negro blood. A certain group among the mulattoes themselves 
 tends to claim as mixed-bloods all those individuals of enviable dis- 
 tinction and refers to others and especially to those of unsavory repu- 
 tation as black Negroes. Unreliable as it generally is, all this refer- 
 ence to ancestry was collected, compared and verified. A second source 
 of information was the printed photographs with which almost every 
 book by a Negro writer is profusely embellished. Where the photo- 
 graphs seemed to be genuine and showed beyond question a man of 
 mixed blood or where the photograph showed a man who was appar- 
 ently a white man yet called Negro in the legend or the text the man 
 was tentatively classed as a mulatto. Further information was secured 
 either directly or by letter from both black and white men acquainted 
 with the men in question. In one or more of these ways the original 
 list was separated into three: those who are pure-blood Negroes or ac- 
 cepted as such, those who are notoriously and admittedly mulattoes, 
 and those individuals whose racial ancestry was unknown or disputed. 
 This third list was sub-divided according to sections of the country and 
 according to occupations and professions. These lists were then sub- 
 mitted to reliable men in the section of the country represented who 
 were engaged in the various occupations and professions. After fur- 
 ther revision the remaining list of names was again submitted to Negro 
 men of wide acquaintance among the race. The response to this final 
 
The Leading Men of the Negro Race 215 
 
 appeal gave little additional information and the letters accompanying 
 the return of the manuscript were in almost every case characterized 
 by such comments as the following quoted verbatim from this series of 
 letters : 
 
 ". . . In most cases I do not consider these men of any real note. 
 You have included many Negroes who have not risen above medi- 
 ocrity. . . ." 
 
 ". . . In looking over your list I find so many of mediocre fame that, 
 I am at a loss to divine to what use you intend to put the informa- 
 tion. . . ." 
 
 "... I am interested in the list of names which you present because 
 among them are hardly any of the best known colored people in the 
 United States or in American history. Perhaps you did not mean to 
 use the best known Negroes as the basis of your inquiry." 
 
 ". . . Your list is altogether beyond my knowledge. Of most of these 
 people I have never heard. I fear that the few about whom I can 
 be certain will be of very little service to you." 
 
 When this stage of the inquiry was reached the couple of hundred 
 names remaining out of the original list of several thousand were, with 
 half a dozen exceptions, dropped from further consideration. They 
 were, in the opinion of the best informed men of the race, names of 
 persons of absolutely no consequence one way or the other. In a few 
 cases the names of these men were retained in order to give in complete 
 form an original compilation. 
 
 The chapters in their final form were submitted in whole or in part 
 to men of widest information on matters of racial interest for final 
 verification. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 THE HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 THREE attempts have been made by Negroes to write 
 histories of the race. x These works differ very widely 
 in method and to some extent deal with different periods. 
 Two volumes b}^ Williams cover the American period from 
 1619 to 1880. Brawley treats of the same period and 
 brings the account down to the present. The volume of 
 DuBois is for the most part an attempt to build a tradi- 
 tion and to supply "history" rather than an attempt to 
 record and interpret facts. One chapter, however, deals 
 with the Negro in America in a semi-historical way. 
 
 In Williams's narrative, mention is made of some one 
 hundred and forty-five different men and women as being 
 of Negro blood. This number includes several white per- 
 sons erroneously classed as Negroes, a list of individuals who 
 were members of the first conference of the African Meth- 
 odist Episcopal church, slaves, Negro sailors, free Negroes, 
 fugitive slaves, Negro criminals, and various other charac- 
 ters with no better claim to distinction. To consider such 
 persons here, not only would cumber the ground with useless 
 timber, but would have a tendency to obscure the essential 
 facts. Where, therefore, it did not appear from the narra- 
 tive or from other sources that these men displayed some 
 degree of native ability, made some contribution to the life 
 
 1 G. W. Williams, History of the Negro Race in America; W. E. B. 
 DuBois, The Neyro; and G. B. Brawley, A Short History of the Amer- 
 ican Negro. 
 
 216 
 
The History and Biography of the Negro £17 
 
 of the period in which they lived, or were persons of note 
 in their own day and circle, they have been eliminated from 
 consideration. 2 After eliminating from the total those per- 
 sons who have little or no better claim to eminence than 
 would an equal number of individuals taken at hazard from 
 the general Negro population, there still remained the names 
 of seventy persons. Of this number, however, the names 
 of sixteen have appeared one or more times in the lists 
 given in the preceding chapter, 3 and so are omitted here. 
 The names remaining are as follows: 
 
 Granville S. Abbott 
 John Adams 
 James Enoch Ambush 
 Duke William Anderson 
 E. D. Basset 
 
 Charlotte Beams 
 Maria Becraft 
 Henry Boyd 
 John M. Brown 
 R. H. Cain 
 Lott Carey 
 Mary A. S. Carey 
 William H. Carney 
 Eliza Ann Cook 
 Alexander Cornish 
 Louisa Parke Costin 
 William Costin 
 
 Preacher. Writer of verse 
 First Negro teacher in D. C. 
 Founded Wesleyan Seminary 
 Baptist minister 
 Former minister to Haiti 
 
 Early teacher of Negroes 
 Early teacher of Negroes 
 Inventor and manufacturer 
 Bishop A. M. E. Church 
 Bishop A. M. E. Church 
 Baptist preacher 
 Teacher and speaker 
 Soldier in Civil War 
 Started school for Negroes 
 Started school for Negroes 
 Started school for Negroes 
 Bank messenger 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 4 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 and Indian 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 6 
 
 black 8 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 7 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 and Indian 
 
 a See, also, note 86, p. 213 above. 
 
 8 Of the sixteen names dropped for this reason one is that of a 
 black man, one that of a black woman and fourteen are those of 
 mulatto men. 
 
 4 One authority called Ambush a mixed-blood. 
 
 6 Several authorities called Cain a mulatto. 
 "Two authorities called Carey a mulatto. 
 
 7 One authority called Carney a full-black. This was obviously an 
 error. 
 
218 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 John Cuffe 
 
 Ann Dandridge 
 John V. DeGrasse 
 Louise DeMortie 
 William F. Dickerson 
 John H. Fleet 
 Miss Charlotte Forten 
 Nicholas Franklin 
 Gabriel 
 
 John P. Green 
 Leonard Grimes 
 Mrs. Anna M. Hall 
 Alexander Hayes 
 Bishop Loguen 
 Benjamin M. McCoy 
 Charles H. Middleton 
 Charles L. Mitchell 
 Lindsay Muse 
 Charles Pierce 
 James Poindexter 
 William Paul Quinn 
 Thomas Wright Roberts 
 James Shorter 
 Benjamin Snow 
 Austin Stewart 
 Marshall W. Taylor 
 
 Alex S. Thomas 
 H. M. Turner 
 Nat Turner 
 Denmark Vesey 
 S. R. Ward 
 T. M. D. Ward 
 A. W. Wayman 
 Nelson Wells 
 Mary Wormley 
 William Wormley 
 Richard Wright 
 
 Free Negro in Mass. mulatto 
 
 and India: 
 
 Mother of W. Costin mulatto 
 
 Physician mulatto 
 
 Started an asylum for Negroes mulatto 
 
 Bishop A. M. E. Church mulatto 8 
 
 Started school for Negroes mulatto 
 Mrs. F. H. Grimke mulatto 
 
 Started school for Negroes mulatto 
 
 Insurrectionist mulatto 
 
 Mass. Legislature 1881 mulatto 
 
 Baptist minister mulatto 
 
 Started school for Negroes mulatto 
 
 Started school for Negroes black 
 
 Writer and preacher mulatto 
 
 Preacher mulatto 
 
 Started school for Negroes mulatto 
 
 Member Legislature of Mass. mulatto 
 
 Started a Sunday School, D. C. mulatto 
 
 Preacher A. M. E. Church mulatto 
 
 Baptist preacher mulatto 
 
 Bishop A. M. E. Church mulatto 9 
 
 Bishop A. M. E. Church mulatto 
 
 Started school for Negroes mulatto 
 
 Cause of the "Snow Riot" 1835 mulatto 
 
 Author mulatto 
 
 Preacher mulatto- 
 Indian 
 
 Photographer mulatto 
 
 Bishop A. M. E. Church mulatto 
 
 Insurrectionist mulatto 
 
 Insurrectionist mulatto 
 
 Author mulatto 
 
 Bishop A. M. E. Church mulatto 10 
 
 'Bishop A. M. E. Church black 
 
 Started school for Negroes mulatto 
 
 Started school for Negroes mulatto 
 
 Started school for Negroes mulatto 
 
 First A. M. E. Conference mulatto 
 
 a r 
 
 10 
 
 One correspondent called Dickerson pure-black. 
 Two correspondents called Quinn a full-blood Negro. 
 Ward is quite dark. He was called full-blood by two authorities. 
 
The History and Biography of the Negro 219 
 
 The fifty-four new names presented in this list are in ten 
 cases names of women — all mulattoes — and in forty-four 
 cases, names of men. Of the men, five are given as full- 
 blooded Negroes. Of the total fifty-four persons, forty- 
 line are names of mixed-bloods, and five are names of black 
 Negroes. 
 
 In the volume by Mr. DuBois, the names of sixteen Amer- 
 ican Negroes are mentioned. Two of these are names of 
 f^omen, and fourteen are names of men. Both the women 
 ind three of the men seem to have been full-blooded Negroes. 
 Eleven of the men are known to have been of mixed blood. 
 Of the total of sixteen, however, thirteen have been men- 
 tioned in one or more of the previous lists and are omitted 
 here. The three names remaining are, in each case, names 
 of mulattoes. They are: 
 
 Fames Barbadoes Anti-slavery agitator mulatto 
 
 J. C. Gibbs Reconstruction Politician mulatto 
 
 William Lambert Underground Railroad agent mulatto 
 
 Brawley mentions one hundred and twenty-four individuals 
 in all of Negro descent. Twenty-four of these have been 
 omitted from consideration as being names of men of very 
 slight importance even in their own time and circle. 11 The 
 names of sixty of these have appeared in preceding lists 
 and so are omitted here. 12 Of the remaining forty names, 
 thirty-one are of men and nine are of women. Of the nine 
 names of women all are mulattoes. Of the men, twenty-six 
 are names of mulattoes and five are of black men. Of the 
 total list of names, thirty-five are of mulattoes and five are 
 of black Negroes. The forty not previously mentioned are 
 
 11 One— Madison Washington— seems to have been merely a literary 
 character. See story by Frederick Douglass. 
 
 "Of the 60 names omitted for this reason, 6 are of black men, 3 of 
 black women, 47 are mulatto men and 4 are mulatto women. 
 
220 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 as follows : 
 
 C. C. Antoine 
 E. M. Bannister 
 Thomas Bethune 
 Nellie Brown 
 Richard L. Brown 
 Eugene Burkins 
 Anthony Burns 
 Cato 
 
 Melville Charlton 
 James D. Corrothers 
 A. K. Davis 
 Robert C. DeLarge 
 Oscar J. Dunn 
 Silas X. Floyd 
 Thomas Garrett 
 Monday Gell 
 Richard H. Gleaves 
 Elizabeth T. Greenfield 
 Mrs. E. A. Hackley 
 Hazel Harrison 
 The Hyer Sisters 
 Elijah Johnson 
 Absolom Jones 
 Thorny Lafon 
 Bertina Lee 
 John McKee 
 J. E. Matzeliger 
 Alice Ruth Moore 
 John Peters 
 W. B. Purvis 
 Joseph H. Rainey 
 A. J. Ransier 
 James T. Rapier 
 Hiram R. Revels 16 
 
 William A. Sinclair 
 
 Reconstruction politician 
 
 Painter 
 
 Musical prodigy 
 
 Singer 
 
 Painter 
 
 Invented rapid-fire gun 
 
 Well-known fugitive slave 
 
 Insurrectionist 
 
 Organist 
 
 Newspaper writer 
 
 Reconstruction politician 
 
 Reconstruction politician 
 
 Reconstruction politician 
 
 Writer of folklore 
 
 Underground Railroad worker 
 
 Insurrectionist 
 
 Reconstruction politician 
 
 Singer 
 
 Singer 
 
 Pianist 
 
 Singers 
 
 Colonist to Liberia 
 
 First Negro Episcopal Rector 
 
 Philanthropist 
 
 Sculptor 
 
 Philanthropist 
 
 Inventor 
 
 Wife of Dunbar 
 
 Married Phyllis Wheatley 
 
 Inventor 
 
 Reconstruction politician 
 
 Reconstruction politician 
 
 Reconstruction politician 
 
 United States Senator 
 
 Writer 
 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 black 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 18 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 black 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulattoes 
 mulatto 
 black » 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 black 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto- 
 Indian 
 black 
 
 14 
 
 13 Two correspondents called Cato black. 
 
 14 One authority called Gleaves black. 
 "Three correspondents considered Jones a mulatto. 
 
 Revels came from the Croatan Indian group. See pp. 81, 85 above. 
 
 ia 
 
The History and Biography of the Negro 281 
 
 \. 0. Stafford 
 
 Principal of Negro Schoo 
 
 1 mulatto 
 
 Roy W. Tibbs 
 
 Pianist 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Vteta Vaux Warrick 
 
 Mrs. Fuller, Sculptor 
 
 mulatto " 
 
 Felix Wier 
 
 Violinist 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Among the books dealing with the Negro in America are 
 a number of volumes of a semi-biographical and personal 
 sort written by Negroes. In and of themselves these vol- 
 umes are, in general, of very slight value or importance. 
 But they do each serve the purpose of bringing together a 
 grroup of men who, in the opinion of the compiler, are among 
 the important men of the race. Here, as elsewhere in the 
 writing of Negroes, there is seldom a reference made to the 
 ethnic composition of the biographer's subject. But as the 
 volumes of the sort generally contain numerous photo- 
 graphic reproductions, it is often possible to form from them 
 a fairly accurate judgment concerning the racial ancestry 
 of the men discussed. A summary of some of these books 
 will throw additional light upon the present problem. 
 
 The volume by Gibson and Crogman 18 contains bio- 
 graphical sketches of a large number of men and women 
 of Negro blood. In nearly one hundred cases, the sketches 
 are accompanied by photographs of the men and women. 19 
 
 17 See W. F. O'Donnell, "Meta Vaux Warrick. Sculptor of Horrors." 
 The World To-day, Vol. 13, pp. 1139-45. Miss Warrick claims to be 
 descended from an African princess. 
 
 18 J. W. Gibson and W. H. Crogman, The Colored American. The 
 fact that a book is referred to is not to be taken as an endorsement 
 of the work. The volume of Gibson and Crogman, for example, is 
 absolutely devoid of any merit. 
 
 19 It is not to be assumed here or elsewhere that a judgment as to 
 a man's ethnic ancestry rests solely upon the interpretation of a printed 
 photograph. Unless the evidence of racial intermixture is so strikingly 
 obvious as to preclude the possibility of error other sources of infor- 
 mation have been resorted to. Where positive evidence could not be 
 obtained or where the evidence obtained was conflicting the man has 
 
222 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 Sixty-four of the photographs are of men, and thirty-three 
 are of women. Of the men, one photograph is that of a 
 black man and four others are of men who are black, though 
 possibly not pure-blooded Negroes. The remaining fifty- 
 nine are photographs of mulattoes. Of the women, two pho- 
 tographs are of dark individuals who for present purposes 
 are classed as black though purity of blood is not a cer- 
 tainty in either case. Thirty-two of the men and sixteen 
 of the women have been previously mentioned, so are dropped 
 from the list. 20 Forty-nine names remain. Of these, thirty- 
 two are of men, three of which are of black men and twenty- 
 nine of mulattoes. Of the seventeen names of women, two 
 are of Negroes and fifteen are of mulattoes. The list of 
 names, omitting those which have appeared previously, is as 
 follows : 
 
 J. W. Adams mulatto 
 
 Rev. W. G. Alexander mulatto 
 
 Dr. J. B. Banks mulatto 
 
 Miss Ella D. Barrier mulatto 
 
 Henry Black mulatto 
 
 Rev. E. R. Carter mulatto 
 
 A. C. Cornell mulatto 
 
 Mrs. W. M. Coshburn mulatto 
 
 Walter M. Coshburn mulatto 
 
 Prof. W. H. Council black 
 
 William Custalo mulatto 
 
 J. H. Darden mulatto 
 
 Mrs. L. A. Davis mulatto 
 
 Louis Earnest black 
 
 Miss Hattie Gibbs mulatto 
 
 Nora A. Gordon mulatto 
 
 been classed as a full-blood Negro or as a mulatto depending upon 
 whether the bulk of the evidence favored the presumption of pure oi| 
 mixed blood. Special attention is called to such cases. 
 
 20 Two of the names dropped for this reason are of black Negroes ; 
 the other names, twenty-eight of men and fourteen of women, are those 
 of persons of mixed blood. 
 
The History and Biography of the Negro 
 
 £23 
 
 E. Hansberry 
 Prof. W. E. Holmes 
 Mrs. Emma T. Hort 
 Hon. S. J. Jenkins 
 James Kelly- 
 Horace King 
 W. W. King 
 M. N. King 
 J. T. King 
 G. H. King 
 M. J. Lehman 
 Rev. W. W. Lucas 
 Rev. Leigh B. Maxwell 
 Prof. J. L. Murray 
 Rev. Cyrus Myers 
 Rev. M. W. D. Norman 
 Miss Ida Piatt 
 Mrs. Mary Rice Phelps 
 B. F. Powell 
 Mrs. M. A. Robinson 
 Rev. D. J. Sanders 
 Dr. B. E. Scruggs 
 Huston Singleton 
 Albretta Moore Smith 
 Charity Still 
 D. A. Straker 
 Lillian J. B. Thomas 
 Mrs. Margaret Washington 
 Rev. W. B. West 
 Miss Emma Rose Williams 
 Mrs. D. H. Williams 
 Mrs. Fannie Barrier Williams 
 Mrs. Sylvanie F. Williams 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 M. W. Gibbs 21 in the preface to his volume 22 says : 
 
 I have aimed to give an added interest to the narra- 
 tive by embellishing its pages with portraits of men 
 who have gained distinction in various fields, . . . 
 
 "Gibbs was a mulatto. 
 32 Shadow and Light. 
 
224 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 He gives in all the photographs of thirty men. Of thes< 
 one is that of a full-blooded Negro. 23 Three are men con 
 cerning whose racial ancestry there may be a reasonabl 
 doubt. 24 The remaining twenty-six are beyond all questio: 
 men with a considerable proportion of white intermixtur 
 and frequently with only a trace of Negro blood. Ninetee: 
 of the names have appeared in preceding groups. 25 Th 
 remaining eleven are as follows : 
 
 Joseph A. Booker black 
 
 William Calvin Chase mulatto 
 
 W. B. Derrick black 
 
 A. Bishop Grant mulatto 
 
 John Green mulatto 
 
 William H. Hunt mulatto 
 
 I. G. Ish mulatto 
 
 Chester W. Keatts mulatto 
 
 James B. Parker mulatto 
 
 William A. Pledger mulatto 
 
 J. P. Robinson black 
 
 Dr. D. W. Culp, a mulatto physician of Palatka, Florids 
 compiled and published in 1902 a volume of essays 26 by on 
 hundred American Negroes. The volume is chiefly notabl 
 for the fact that it contains full page photographs of eac I 
 of the one hundred contributors. Of the book and the writ] 
 ers the compiler himself says : 27 
 
 23 Paul Laurence Dunbar. 
 
 a * Rev. J. A. Booker, Bishop W. B. Derrick and Rev. J. P. Robinsoi 
 The latter may be a man of unmixed Negro blood; the two former ail 
 probably men of mixed blood. All three are dark as to color an« 
 have the characteristic rough features of the African though in n 
 case of an extreme sort. 
 
 28 Of the nineteen names omitted for this reason, one is that of 
 full-blood Negro and eighteen are names of mulattoes. 
 
 28 Twentieth Century Negro Literature or Cyclopedia of Thought b 
 One Hundred of America's Greatest Negroes. 
 
 77 Preface, pp. 6, 10. 
 
 
The History and Biography of the Negro ££5 
 
 This is the only book in which there is such a mag- 
 nificent array of Negro talent. Other books of a bi- 
 ographical character are objected to, by intelligent 
 people who have read them, on the ground that they 
 contain too few sketches of scholarly Negroes, and too 
 many of Negroes of ordinary ability. . . . But it is 
 not to be understood that the one hundred men and 
 women mentioned in this book are the only Negro 
 scholars in this country. So far from this, there are 
 hundreds of other Negroes who are as scholarly, as 
 prominent and as active in the work of uplifting their 
 race as the one hundred herein given. . . . 
 
 The writers of this book are one hundred of the 
 most scholarly and prominent Negroes in America. 
 
 Of the one hundred contributors to the volume, twelve are 
 women and eighty-eight are men. The women are in each case 
 mulattoes. Of the eighty-eight men, seventy-six are clearly 
 and obviously men of mixed blood. Of the twelve remaining, 
 all are "black" men though probably not more than four 
 are men of unmixed Negro blood. Omitting twenty-seven 
 men and three women whose names have appeared in earlier 
 pages, 28 the list is as follows: 
 
 J. H. Anderson 
 g. G. Atkins 
 H. E. Baker 
 J. D. Bibb 
 E. L. Blackshear 
 Mrs. Ariel Bowen 
 Mrs. Rosa D. Bowser 
 E. M. Brawley 
 Geo. F. Braggs, Jr. 
 W. H. Brooks 
 S. N. Brown 
 Henry R. Butler 
 
 Minister, Wilkesbarre, Pa. mulatto 
 
 President Industrial School mulatto 
 
 Clerk in U. S. Patent Office mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Atlanta, Ga. mulatto 
 
 President Industrial School mulatto 
 
 Atlanta, Ga. mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Richmond, Va. mulatto 
 
 Baptist preacher mulatto 
 
 Rector Episcopal Church mulatto 
 
 Baptist preacher mulatto 
 
 Preacher mulatto 
 
 Physician mulatto 
 
 Preacher, A. M. E. Church mulatto 
 
 W. D. Chappelle 
 
 28 Of the SO names omitted for this reason, 5 are of full-blood Ne- 
 groes, 22 of men of mixed blood and 3 of women of mixed blood. 
 
226 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 J. M. Cox 
 
 President of College 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. W. Cromwell 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 D. W. Davis 
 
 Baptist preacher 
 
 black 
 
 I. D. Davis 
 
 Presbyterian preacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mrs. Paul Laurence Dunbar 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 L. B. Ellerson 
 
 Preacher, Jacksonville, Fla. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. R. Francis 
 
 Physician and Surgeon 
 
 mulatto 
 
 A. U. Frierson 
 
 Teacher, Biddle University 
 
 black 
 
 J. W. Gilbert 
 
 Teacher, Paine College 
 
 mulatto 
 
 M. W. Gilbert 
 
 Baptist preacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 G. A. Goodwin 
 
 Teacher, Atlanta Baptist College 
 
 mulatto 
 
 N. W. Harllee 
 
 Teacher, Dallas, Texas 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. H. Heard 
 
 Preacher, Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. T. Hewin 
 
 Lawyer, Richmond, Va. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Andrew F. Hilyer 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 H. A. Hunt 
 
 Teacher, Biddle University 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Miss Lena T. Jackson 
 
 Teacher, Nashville 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. Q. Johnson 
 
 Preacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. W. Johnson 
 
 Teacher, Jacksonville, Fla. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. H. Jones 
 
 Teacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 T. W. Jones 
 
 Business man, Chicago 
 
 mulatto 
 
 D. J. Jordan 
 
 Teacher, Morris Brown College 
 
 black w 
 
 S. Kerr 
 
 Rector Episcopal Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 George L. Knox 
 
 Editor 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. I. Lewis 
 
 Newspaper reporter 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mrs. Warren Logan 
 
 Tuskegee Institute 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. S. Lovinggood 
 
 President of College 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mrs. Lena Mason 
 
 Hannibal, Mo. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 M. C. B. Mason 
 
 Preacher 
 
 black 
 
 G. M. McClellan 
 
 Teacher, Louisville, Ky. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. H. Morgan 
 
 Preacher, Bordentown, N. J. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 G. W. Murray 
 
 Lawyer, Providence, S. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 D. W. Olney 
 
 Dentist, Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. E. Partee 
 
 Preacher, Richmond, Va. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 B. H. Peterson 
 
 Teacher, Tuskegee Institute 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mrs. Pettey 
 
 Newbern, N. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. R. Porter 
 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 I. L. Purcell 
 
 Lawyer, Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 A. St. George Richardson 
 
 President of College 
 
 mulatto 
 
 G. T. Robinson 
 
 Attorney, Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 black 
 
 39 
 
 Opinion is divided as to whether he should be called a Negro or a, 
 mulatto. He is a brown skinned man. 
 
The History and Biography of the Negro 
 
 mi 
 
 R. G. Robinson 
 
 Mrs. M. E. C. Smith 
 
 R. S. Smith 
 
 Prof. J. H. Smythe 
 
 Mrs. Rosetta D. Sprague 
 
 James Storum 
 
 Mary B. Talbert 
 
 T. W. Talley 
 
 R. W. Thompson 
 
 T. de S. Tucker 
 
 W. N. Wallace 
 
 O. M. Waller 
 
 H. L. Walker 
 
 J. W. Whitaker 
 
 J. R. Wilder 
 
 J. B. L. Williams 
 
 R. P. Wyche 
 
 Principal LaGrange Academy mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Jacksonville, Fla. mulatto 
 
 Lawyer, Washington, D. C. mulatto 
 
 President of Reformatory mulatto 
 
 Washington, D. C. mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Washington, D. C. mulatto 
 
 Buffalo, N. Y. mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Tuskegee Institute mulatto 
 
 Editor mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Baltimore, Md. mulatto 
 
 Editor mulatto 
 
 Rector Episcopal Church mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Augusta, Ga. mulatto 
 
 Tuskegee Institute mulatto 
 
 Physician and Surgeon mulatto 
 
 Pastor M. E. Church mulatto 
 
 Pastor Presbyterian Church mulatto 
 
 Of the seventy new names given above, sixty are names of 
 men and ten are names of women. Of the men, five are black 
 and fifty-five mulatto, while of the ten women all are mu- 
 lattoes. 
 
 Mrs. Williams 30 gives a list of sixty of the presumably 
 best known members of the Negro race. Thirty-nine of 
 these are men and twenty-one are women. Six of the men, 
 while possibly not full-blooded Negroes, may be fairly 
 classed as "black." Twenty of the men and eight of the 
 women are clearly mulattoes. The remaining thirteen men 
 and thirteen women, while doubtless mulattoes, have all the 
 characteristic features of the Caucasian race. So of the 
 total list of thirty-nine men, not above six can be said to 
 be real Negro and thirty-three, at least, are mulattoes. Of 
 the twenty-one women, all are clearly mixed-bloods. Omit- 
 ting the names of twenty-two men and fourteen women 
 which have appeared before, 31 the list is as follows : 
 
 30 Fannie Barrier Williams, A New Negro for a New Century. 
 
 81 Of the thirty-six names omitted for this reason twenty-two are of 
 
228 
 
 The Mulatto m the United States 
 
 Dr. A. R. Abbott 
 
 Lieut. John H. Alexander 
 
 Louis B. Anderson 
 
 H. E. Archer 
 
 Mrs. Henrietta M. Archer 
 
 Ferdinand L. Barnett 
 
 Mrs. Anna J. Cooper 
 
 E. J. Cooper 
 
 J. Webb Curtis 
 
 Mrs. S. J. Evans 
 
 John R. Francis 
 
 John B. Frence 
 
 General Maximo Gomez 
 
 Mrs. Hart 
 
 Mary C. Jackson 
 
 Miss Lutie A. Lytle 
 
 William M. Martin 
 
 Alexander Miles 
 
 J. Frank McKinley 
 
 Ida Gray Nelson 
 
 J. F. Wheaton 
 
 Edward Wilson 
 
 N. B. Wood 
 
 James H. Young 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Of the twent3'-four new names in Mrs. Williams's list, 
 seventeen are of men and seven of women. One of the men 
 is black or nearly so. Sixteen of the men and all of the 
 women are mulattoes. Of the twenty-four new names one 
 is that of a black Negro and twenty-three are names of 
 mulattoes. 
 
 Mr. DuBois, in a volume on the Philadelphia Negro, 32 
 mentions seventeen men of Negro blood. Eight of the num- 
 ber, all mulattoes, have appeared in the foregoing lists. Of 
 the remaining nine names, four are of mulattoes. These are : 
 
 men and fourteen of women. Of the twenty-two names of men, five 
 are those of full-blood Negroes and seventeen of mulattoes. All of 
 the fourteen women are mulattoes. 
 
 82 W. E. B. DuBois, The Philadelphia Negro. 
 
The History and Biography of the Negro 
 
 229 
 
 •Robert Adger 
 Peter Augustin 
 Henry Minton 
 Stephen Smith 
 
 Furniture business 
 
 Caterer 
 
 Caterer 
 
 Lumber business 
 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 
 Of the five remaining, there is nothing recorded or even 
 known. 33 Of the whole list of seventeen, then, at least 
 twelve were mulattoes and six were of unknown parentage. 
 In Booker T. Washington's Life of Frederick Douglass, 
 a total of sixty-nine Negroes are mentioned. Seven of 
 these, fugitive slaves and the like, are dropped from con- 
 sideration. 34 Of the sixty-two names remaining, fifty-seven 
 are men and five are women. Of the men, two are black 
 and fifty-five are mulattoes. The five women are all mulat- 
 toes. Thirty-three of these names have been listed previ- 
 ously. 35 The names of those not heretofore mentioned are: 
 
 Grandmother Bailey 
 
 Anthony Barrier 
 
 Amon C. Beaman 
 Hugh M. Browne 
 Anthony Burns 
 Peter H. Clark 
 Thomas Coppin 
 William Crafts 
 Mrs. William Crafts 
 J. Howard Day 
 
 33 Robert Bogle, Henry Jones and Prosser were caterers. Thomas 
 Shirley contributed to start a Negro school. The fifth man, Juan, was 
 a murderer. 
 
 34 Booker T. Washington calls Lucretia Mott a Negro. This seems 
 to be an error. She was apparently a white woman. 
 
 85 Of the total thirty-three names omitted from the list on this ac- 
 count, twenty-nine are names of men and four are names of women. 
 Each of the four women and twenty-eight of the twenty-nine men are 
 of mixed blood. 
 
 "One correspondent called Burns a full-blood Negro. 
 
 Grandmother of 
 
 
 Fred Douglass 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Father of Fannie B. Williams 
 
 mulatto- 
 
 U. G. R. R. agent 
 
 Indian 
 
 Anti-slavery Agitator 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Founded school 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Fugitive slave 
 
 mulatto M 
 
 Teacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Agitator 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Fugitive slave 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Fugitive slave 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Anti-slavery agitator 
 
 mulatto 
 
230 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 Martin R. Delaney 
 Thomas L. Dorsey 
 Charles R. Douglass 
 H. Ford Douglass 
 Lewis H. Douglass 
 George T. Downing 
 Thomas Downing 
 John F. Ganes 
 Primus Hall 
 William Hollowell 
 John Jones 
 Benjamin Lundy 
 William E. Mathews 
 Stephen J. Myres 
 Charles M. Ray 
 William Rich 
 A. W. Ross 
 G. L. Ruffin 
 Theodore S. Wright 
 
 Anti-slavery agitator mulatto 
 
 New York Caterer mulatto 
 
 Son of Fred Douglass mulatto 
 
 Anti-slavery agitator mulatto 
 
 Son of Fred Douglass mulatto 
 
 Delegate to President mulatto 
 
 U. G. R. R. Agent mulatto 
 
 Teacher mulatto 
 
 Ante-bellum teacher mulatto 
 
 Friend of Douglass mulatto 
 
 Delegate to President mulatto 
 
 Anti-slavery agitator mulatto 
 Visited President Johnson mulatto 
 
 U. G. R. R. Agent mulatto 
 
 Anti-slavery agitator mulatto 
 
 U. G. R. R. Agent mulatto 
 
 Delegate to President mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Massachusetts mulatto 
 
 Anti-slavery agitator black 
 
 Of the twenty-nine names here presented, twenty-seven 
 are of men and two of women. Of the men, one is a full- 
 blooded Negro, and twenty-six are mulattoes. The two 
 women named are mulattoes. Of the total twenty-nine 
 names, one is that of a full-blooded Negro and the remain- 
 ing twenty-eight are of mulattoes. 
 
 In Oscar Garrison Villard's Life of John Brown, the 
 names of thirty Negroes are mentioned. 37 Some dozen of 
 these are names of boys, or slaves, or Negro neighbors of 
 Brown who, being mentioned only incidentally in the nar- 
 rative, are here left out of consideration. Of the remain- 
 ing eighteen names, two are of women and sixteen of men. 
 Of the names of men, one is that of a black man and fif- 
 teen are of mulattoes. Of the two names of women, one is 
 that of a black woman and one of a woman of mixed blood. 
 Ten of the individuals have been previously mentioned and 
 
 8T Villard is of course a white man but his volume is included here 
 because of the group of Negroes not elsewhere mentioned. 
 
The History and Biography of the Negro 231 
 
 their names are omitted here. 38 The names of persons not 
 previously mentioned are as follows: 
 
 Osborn Perry Anderson 
 James M. Bell 
 John Anthony Copeland 
 Newby Dangerfield 
 Jim Daniels 
 Shields Green 
 James E. O'Harra 
 Lewis S. Leary 
 
 One of the "Men at Arms" mulatto 8 * 
 
 Friend of John Brown mulatto 
 
 One of the "Men at Arms" mulatto 
 
 One of the "Men at Arms" mulatto 40 
 
 Slave in Kansas mulatto 
 
 One of the "Men at Arms" black 41 
 
 United States Congress mulatto 
 
 One of the "Men at Arms" mulatto 
 
 Of the eight new names here presented, one is that of a 
 black man and seven are names of men of mixed blood. 
 
 In the volume by Carter Godwin Woodson on Negro edu- 
 cation, 42 are mentioned the names of one hundred and fifty 
 individuals as Negroes who had some part either as teachers 
 or as students in the eduation of the Negro before the Civil 
 War. One of these individuals was an East Indian who 
 seems to have had no admixture of Negro blood. 43 He is 
 here dropped from further consideration as are also the 
 names of some half a dozen who are simply mentioned as 
 slaves, and a goodly number of other persons of such minor 
 importance that they were unknown outside their own fam- 
 ily group. After these eliminations one hundred and seven 
 names remained. Of these, eighty-eight were men and nine- 
 teen were women. Of the men, seventy-nine were mulattoes 
 
 88 These ten names include one black woman, one mulatto woman 
 and eight mulatto men. 
 
 "Also known as Perry Anderson Osborn. He had a habit of re- 
 versing his name. 
 
 40 Or perhaps Dangerfield Newby. His father was a white man by 
 the name of Newby. 
 
 41 Of John Brown's "Men at Arms" sixteen were white men and 
 five were Negroes. Green was the only Negro of full blood. 
 
 48 The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861. 
 "William Appo, musician. 
 
232 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 and nine were black men. Eighteen of the women were mu- 
 lattoes and* one seems to have been a woman of pure blood. 
 Sixty of the one hundred and seven names have appeared 
 in preceding lists. 44 The forty-seven not previously men- 
 tioned are listed as follows : 
 
 John C. Anderson 
 
 B. W. Arnett 
 
 A. T. Augusta 
 
 George Bell 
 
 James T. Bradford 
 
 F. L. Cardozo 
 
 T. Morris Chester 
 
 Daniel Coker 
 
 J. C. Corbin 
 
 Martha Costin 
 
 Garrison Draper 
 
 Charles Henry Green 
 
 Robert Harlan 
 
 Josiah Henson 
 
 George Horton 
 
 William L. Jackson 
 
 John Thomas Johnson 
 
 John S'. Leary 
 
 Samuel Lowry 
 
 Martha Martin and sister 
 
 Mary E. Miles 
 
 S. T. Mitchell 
 
 J. Morris 
 
 Robert Morris 
 
 William Nell 
 
 Gowan Pamphlet 
 
 John Prout 
 Charles L. Reason 
 Sarah Redmond 
 
 44 Of the 60 omitted for this reason 52 were men and 8 were women. 
 Of the men 3 were black and 49 were of mixed blood. Of the women, 
 one was black and the remaining 7 were mulattoes. 
 
 "Woodson, Education of the Negro, p. 281. 
 
 Musician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Teacher in Pennsylvania 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Physician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Built Negro school in D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Caterer, Baltimore 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Studied in white school 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Student at Pittsburg 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Teacher in Baltimore 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Teacher in Kentucky 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Teacher in D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Lawyer in Maryland 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Slave who learned to read 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Taught by master's family 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Fugitive slave. Preacher 
 
 black 
 
 Slave. Preacher. Illiterate 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Musician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Pittsburg 
 
 black 
 
 North Carolina Legislature 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Early preacher in Tenn. 
 
 black 
 
 Educated slaves 
 
 mulattoes 
 
 Teacher in Mass. and Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Once President of Wilberforce 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Student in Charleston 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Early Politician, Mass. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 "Embellished Negro History" 4a 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Preacher in Virginia about 
 
 
 1800 
 
 black 
 
 Teacher in D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Teacher of Negroes 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Negro school girl 
 
 mulatto 
 
 
The History and Biography of the Negro 
 
 233 
 
 Fannie Richards 
 
 D. R. Roberts 
 
 B. K. Sampson 
 
 Mary Ann Shadd (Carey) 
 
 Thomas Sidney 
 
 John Baptist Snowden 
 
 T. McCants Stewart 
 
 Mother of Mary C. Terrell 
 
 Father of R. H. Terrell 
 
 Julian Troumontaine 
 
 George B. Vachon 
 
 T. P. White 
 
 W. J. White 
 
 Ann Woodson 
 
 Emma J. Woodson 
 
 James Wormley 
 
 Mary Wormley 
 
 Teacher in Detroit mulatto 
 
 Preacher, Chicago mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Avery College mulatto 
 
 Teacher in Canada mulatto 
 
 Helped build school house black 
 
 Preacher black 
 
 Studied in Charleston mulatto 
 
 Learned French and English mulatto 
 
 Learned to read when a slave mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Savannah mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Avery College mulatto 
 
 Reconstruction politician mulatto 
 
 Taught by white mother mulatto 
 
 Taught by mistress mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Avery College mulatto 
 
 Student in D. C. mulatto 
 
 Teacher, D. C. mulatto 
 
 In Daniels's 46 study of the Boston Negroes 47 are men- 
 tioned some men and women of the Negro race of more or 
 less prominence in and about Boston in the early days. This 
 number is exclusive of some dozen or score of individuals 
 who are simply mentioned as slaves, of children and of ob- 
 scure individuals who do not appear from the text or other 
 sources of information to be persons of any note or prom- 
 inence in the community. Of the one hundred and forty- 
 eight considered, one hundred and twenty-five are names 
 of men and twenty-three are names of women. Of the men, 
 fourteen appear to have been black or at least considered 
 so by people who recall them. One hundred and eleven are 
 known to have been men of mixed blood. Of the women, 
 one was black and twenty-two were mulattoes. Of the one 
 hundred and forty-eight individuals whose ancestry was 
 traced, fifteen were black or nearly so and one hundred and 
 
 "Daniels is a white man but his book is included here because of 
 the large number of New England Negroes whom he mentions. 
 47 John Daniels, In Freedom's Birthplace. 
 
234 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 thirty-three were individuals of mixed blood. Forty of the 
 names appear in preceding lists and are omitted here. 48 
 The names of those individuals who have not been mentioned 
 heretofore are: 
 
 Mrs. Agnes Adams 
 Isaac B. Allen 
 Macon B. Allen 
 
 J. H. Allston 
 
 Philip J. Allston 
 
 E. H. Armistead 
 
 William O. Armstrong 
 Powhattan Bagnall 
 J. B. Bailey 
 Gertrude M. Baker 
 Walden Banks 
 
 Jehial C. Beaman 
 Edgar P. Benjamin 
 Paul C. Brooks 
 
 E. E. Brown 
 
 W. W. Bryant 
 
 Seymour Burr 
 
 Mrs. Olivia Ward Bush 
 
 Jacqueline Carroll 
 
 Julius B. Chappelle 
 
 J. Milton Clark 
 
 Jonas Clark 
 
 Bob Cole 
 
 Robert F. Coursey 
 
 48 Of the 40 omitted, 7 were women and 33 men. Of the women, one 
 was black and six were mulattoes. Of the men, 2 were black and 
 31 were mulattoes. 
 
 49 This is not concurred in by all the authorities. 
 
 60 He and his brother were called "The White Slaves." 
 
 Organizer of Negro women 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Served on Governor's Council 
 
 black *° 
 
 First Negro admitted to the 
 
 
 bar 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Member Common Council, 
 
 
 Boston 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Member Negro Business 
 
 
 League 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Member Common Council, 
 
 
 Boston 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Member of Congress 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Minister 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Taught boxing in Boston 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Teacher in Cambridge 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Member Common Council, 
 
 
 Boston 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Pastor A. M. E. Z. Church 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Lawyer, Boston 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Member Common Council, 
 
 
 Boston 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Deputy Tax Collector, Boston 
 
 mulatto 
 
 First Negro official in Boston 
 
 black 
 
 Soldier in the Revolution 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Negro Club woman, Boston 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Boston 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Member Mass. Legislature 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Member Common Council, 
 
 
 Cambridge 
 
 mulatto M 
 
 Abolitionist, Boston 
 
 black 
 
 Comedian 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Property owner, Boston 
 
 mulatto 
 
The History and Biography of the Negro 235 
 
 W. Alexander Cox 
 
 Joshua Crawford 
 W. E. Crum 
 William Crowdy 
 Thomas Dalton 
 Louise DeMortie 
 Mark DeMortie 
 Theodore Drury 
 Rev. Henry Duckery 
 William Dupree 
 Hosea Easton 
 Joshua Easton 
 Eliza Gardner 
 C. N. Garland 
 Nelson Gaskins 
 
 I Julius B. Goddard 
 
 ■ 
 
 George F. Grant 
 Marjorie Groves 
 Charles H. Hall 
 
 Charles E. Harris 
 
 Gilbert C. Harris 
 William A. Hazel 
 
 Robert Hemmings 
 
 John T. Hilton 
 
 M. Hamilton Hodges 
 
 A. H. Hunt 
 
 Billy Johnson 
 
 W. C. Lane 
 
 George Latimer 
 
 Andrew E. Lattimore 
 
 Joseph Lee 
 
 J. H. Lewis 
 
 Member Negro Business 
 
 League black 
 
 Lawyer. Politician mulatto M 
 
 Minister to Liberia mulatto 
 
 "Prophet" black 
 
 Merchant mulatto 
 
 Teacher, New Orleans mulatto 
 
 Abolitionist mulatto 
 
 Opera Producer mulatto 
 
 Office holder, Boston mulatto 
 
 Federal appointee mulatto 
 
 Abolitionist mulatto 
 
 Mass. anti-slavery society mulatto 
 
 Organizer of Negro women mulatto 
 
 Physician, Boston mulatto 
 Member Common Council, 
 
 Boston mulatto 
 
 Office holder, Washington black B2 
 
 Dentist, Boston mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Boston mulatto 
 Member Common Council, 
 
 Boston mulatto 
 House of Representatives, 
 
 1894-95 mulatto 
 
 Wig manufacturer, Boston mulatto 
 Draftsman and architect, 
 
 Boston mulatto 
 
 Painter in Paris mulatto 
 
 Abolitionist, Boston mulatto 
 
 Singer in Australia mulatto 68 
 
 Physician mulatto 
 
 Comedian mulatto 
 
 Physician. Office holder mulatto 
 
 Fugitive slave mulatto 
 
 House of Representatives mulatto 
 
 Innkeeper, Boston mulatto 
 
 Tailor, Boston mulatto 
 
 51 One correspondent considered Crawford a full-blood Negro. 
 Questioned by one authority. 
 
 Hodges is a dark mulatto, not a full-blood Negro as is frequently 
 asserted. 
 
 52 
 
 SS 
 
236 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 William C. Lovett 
 
 George W. Lowther 
 
 Geo. Reginald Margetson 
 Napoleon B. Marshall 
 John Sella Martin 
 W. Clarence Matthews 
 Cornelius McKane 
 Mrs. Nellie B. Mitchell 
 Clement G. Morgan 
 William G. Nell 
 Osborn A. Newton 
 Dr. Thomas W. Patrick 
 Rev. Thomas Paul 
 "Dr." Peters 
 Don T. Pinheiro 
 Coffin Pitts 
 "Elder" Plummer 
 James W. Pope 
 
 John T. Raymond 
 Theodore H. Raymond 
 William L. Reed 
 Dr. Isaac L. Roberts 
 David R. Robinson 
 
 David Rock 
 Stanley Ruffin 
 
 John E. Scarlett 
 
 Rev. M. A. N. Shaw 
 S. William Simms 
 
 Blanche V. Smith 
 Eleanor A. Smith 
 Mrs. Hannah G. Smith 
 
 Officer Negro Business 
 League 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 1883 
 
 Poet 
 
 Deputy Tax Collector 
 
 Minister, Boston 
 
 Athletic director 
 
 Physician, Boston 
 
 Music teacher 
 
 Lawyer. Alderman 
 
 Father of William C. Nell 
 
 Member Common Council 
 
 Pharmacist, Boston 
 
 Early abolitionist 
 
 Husband of Phyllis Wheatley 
 
 Dentist. West Indian 
 
 Old clothes dealer 
 
 Minister, Boston 
 
 Member Common Council, 
 Boston 
 
 Minister in Boston 
 
 Director Y. M. C. A. 
 
 Deputy tax collector 
 
 Physician, Boston 
 
 Member Common Council, 
 Boston 
 
 Lawyer. Physician 
 
 Member Common Council, 
 Boston 
 
 Member Gen. Colored Associ- 
 ation 
 
 Minister. West Indian 
 
 Janitor. Common Council, 
 Boston 
 
 Teacher in Boston 
 
 Teacher in Boston 
 
 54 
 
 Organizer of Negro women 
 
 One correspondent called Plummer a black man. 
 85 One authority called Roberts a full-blood. 
 Be Called by one authority "pure-Negro." He is a dark 
 but seems to be of mixed ancestry. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto ** 
 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto M 
 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 mulatto M 
 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 
 brown mar 
 
The History and Biography of the Negro £87 
 
 Harriet Smith 
 
 Teacher in Boston 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Joshua B. Smith 
 
 Caterer. Abolitionist 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mary E. Smith 
 
 Teacher in Boston 
 
 mulatto 
 
 William Stevenson 
 
 Member Common Council, 
 
 
 
 Boston 
 
 mulatto 
 
 James Still 
 
 Leader following war 
 
 mulatto 
 
 H. Gordon Street 
 
 Editor, Boston 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Julian Stubbs 
 
 Office holder, Washington, 
 
 
 
 D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Robert T. Teamoh 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 
 
 
 1916 
 
 mulatto 
 
 James M. Trotter 
 
 Father of politician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Dihdwo Twe 
 
 Liberian student in Boston 
 
 black 
 
 Walker 
 
 Comedian 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Edwin G. Walker 
 
 Legislature. Son of David 
 
 
 
 Walker 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Walter F. Walder 
 
 In Liberia 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mrs. S. I. N. Washington 
 
 Daughter of G. T. Downing 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Charles W. M. Williams 
 
 Clerk of Juvenile Court, Bos- 
 
 
 
 ton 
 
 black 
 
 James G. Wolff 
 
 Clerk under district attorney 
 
 mulatto 
 
 James H. Wolff 
 
 Head of Massachusetts 
 
 
 
 G. A. R. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. I. Wright 
 
 Physician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mrs. Minnie T. Wright 
 
 Organizer of Negro women 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Butler R. Wilson 
 Iola D. Yates 
 
 Attorney 
 Teacher 
 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 
 Of the one hundred and eight new names here presented, 
 twelve are names of men who are generally considered to be 
 full-blood Negroes. The remaining ninety-six names are in 
 all cases names of mulattoes. Sixteen of these are of mu- 
 latto women and eighty are names of mulatto men. 
 
 Booker T. Washington prepared a most elaborate com- 
 pilation of the sort that we are considering in this chapter. 
 In the two volumes of the work, 57 are mentioned nearly four 
 hundred individuals who have made a success in life some- 
 what above the average of their fellows. In most cases the 
 
 67 The Story of the Negro. 
 
238 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 success is not great; it can only be called success, in fact, 
 when it is measured by the low level of efficiency that pre- 
 vails generally in the black group. But even the small de- 
 gree of relative success makes these persons exceptional men 
 within the race, and this is the matter of importance here. 
 Dropping from the count some score of individuals, in most 
 cases slaves, criminals, children and the like concerning 
 whom there is absolutely nothing known and who do not ap- 
 pear from the text or from other sources to have been in any 
 way important persons, there remain three hundred and 
 fifty-one individuals. Of these, three hundred and eleven 
 are names of men and forty are of women. Of the men, 
 twenty-nine seem to have been black or nearly so and two 
 hundred and eighty-two are known to have been men of 
 mixed blood. Of the forty women, six passed as black and 
 thirty-four were mulattoes. Of the total three hundred and 
 fifty-one individuals, thirty-five passed as black and three 
 hundred and sixteen were persons of mixed ancestry. Omit- 
 ting the names of persons who have been mentioned in pre- 
 ceding lists 58 we have the following names : 
 
 Lewis Adams 
 
 Teacher, Tuskegee Institute 
 
 mulatto 
 
 A. R. Abbott 
 
 Physician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 William G. Allen 
 
 Published "National Watch- 
 
 
 
 man" 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Ernest Attwell 
 
 Business Agent, Tuskegee 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Joseph S. Attwell 
 
 Preacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 L. K. Attwood 
 
 Bank President, Jackson, Miss. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Maria L. Baldwin 
 
 Teacher, Cambridge, Mass. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 John J. Benson 
 
 Farmer, Alabama 
 
 mulatto 
 
 William E. Benson 
 
 Real Estate dealer, Alabama 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. C. Berry 
 
 Hotel keeper, Athens, Ohio 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Jesse Binga 
 
 Real Estate Dealer, Chicago 
 
 mulatto 
 
 08 One hundred and seventy names are thus omitted — 151 men and 
 19 women. Of the men 14 were black and 137 were mulattoes; of the 
 women one was black and 18 were mulattoes. 
 
The History and Biography of the Negro 239 
 
 1 ames Bond 
 Boyd 
 
 Tack Bowler 
 
 bellow Bragg 
 IA.. M. Brown 
 
 Rev. William W. Brown 
 [Henry E. Brown 
 
 I. H. Bugg 
 
 W. P. Burrell 
 f George L. Burroughs 
 L. L. Burwell 
 Hon. J. E. Bush 
 tBishop J. B. Campbell 
 ) Richard Carroll 
 :Paul Chretien 
 (Elijah Cook 
 t Bishop Elias Cottrell 
 Henry K. Craft 
 Samuel Crowther 
 Boston Crummell 
 
 W. D. Crura 
 
 Bishop Curtis 
 
 Austin Dabney 
 
 Sam Dailey 
 
 William Howard Day 
 
 Jennie Dean 
 George de Baptiste 
 Juan de Valladelid 
 John H. Deveaux 
 
 Rev. Moses Dickson 
 Dr. Sadie Dillon 
 
 C. N. Dorsette 
 
 Berea College trustee mulatto 
 Physician, Nashville mulatto 
 Insurrectionist 1800 black 
 Free Negro tailor, N. C. mulatto 
 Physician, Alabama mulatto 
 Organized True Reformers mulatto 
 Director Y. M. C. A. black 50 
 Physician, Savannah mulatto 
 Secretary of True Reformers mulatto 
 U. G. R. R. Agent, Illinois mulatto 
 Physician, Selma, Alabama mulatto 
 Lodge official mulatto 
 Made donation to Wilberforce mulatto °° 
 Founded home for orphans mulatto 
 Father of free Negro in La. mulatto 
 Undertaker, Montgomery, Ala. black 
 Founded industrial school mulatto 
 Tuskegee Institute mulatto 
 First native Bishop to Africa black 
 Father of Alexander. "Afri- 
 can Prince" black 
 Collector of Customs, Charles- 
 ton mulatto 
 54 Mass. Regiment in Civil 
 
 War mulatto 
 
 Soldier in Revolution mulatto 
 
 Donated land to reform school black 
 Published "The Alienated 
 
 American" mulatto 
 Established industrial school black 91 
 U. G. R. R. Agent, Michigan mulatto 
 Negro Count, Seville, 1474 mulatto 
 Collector of Customs, Savan- 
 nah mulatto 
 Founder of Fraternal Order mulatto 62 
 First woman doctor in Ala- 
 bama mulatto 
 First Doctor in Montgomery mulatto 
 
 69 Disputed by one authority. 
 
 60 One authority called Campbell "a pure Negro." 
 
 91 One correspondent said "dark mulatto." 
 
 83 One authority considered Dickson a pure Negro. 
 
240 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 Vice-President Dossen 
 Charles R. Douglass 
 Dubuclet 
 
 Alexander Dunlop 
 E. F. Eggleston 
 Matilda A. Evans 
 W. R. Fields 
 John S. Gaines 
 G. W. Gibson 
 Henry Gordon 
 Sarah Gordon 
 Rev. William Gray 
 
 Benjamin T. Green 
 William E. Gross 
 George C. Hall 
 Prince Hall 
 R. M. Hall 
 Fenton Harper 
 
 T. N. Harris 
 Jare Haralson 
 T. S. Hawkins 
 Matt Henson 
 E. M. Hewlett 
 L. P. Hill 
 Mrs. L. Hill 
 Richard Holloway 
 J. T. Holly 
 Harry Hosier 
 A. Hubbard 
 
 John Hyman 
 Deal Jackson 
 Jennie Jackson 
 John Jasper 
 Cordelia A. Jennings 
 Mrs. Mary F. Jennings 
 Rev. O. C. Jenkins 
 L. E. Johnson 
 
 63 Or nearly so. 
 
 81 The authorities about equally divided. 
 
 Liberian embassy 
 
 black 
 
 Son of Frederick Douglass 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Physician and musician, France 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Northern political agitator 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Preacher, Baltimore 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Physician, Orangeburg, S. C. 
 
 black " 
 
 Undertaker, Savannah 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Cincinnati 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Ex-President of Liberia 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Donation to Wilberforce 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Wife of Henry Gordon 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Organized Savings and Loan 
 
 
 Co. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mound Bayou 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Caterer, New York 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Physician, Chicago 
 
 mulatto 
 
 "Master" first Masonic Lodge 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Physician, Baltimore 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Married Francis Ellen Wat- 
 
 
 kins 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Physician, Mobile 
 
 mulatto 
 
 United States Congress 
 
 black 
 
 Physician 
 
 mulatto 
 
 With Peary 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Lawyer and politician, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Founded industrial school 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Wife of L. P. Hill 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Free Negro of Charleston 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Bishop of Haiti 
 
 black 
 
 Methodist preacher 
 
 black 
 
 Toronto Board of Trade 
 
 mulatto- 
 
 
 Indian 
 
 United States Congress 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Farmer, Albany, Georgia 
 
 black 
 
 First Jubilee Singer 
 
 black w 
 
 Illiterate preacher, Va. 
 
 black 
 
 Teacher in Philadelphia 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Teacher 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Courtland, Va. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Y. M. C. A., Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
The History and Biograph" of the Negro 841 
 
 tot. G Johnson 
 . G. Jones 
 ^iley Jones 
 . A. Kenney 
 '/ambert family 
 t 5ishop Isaac Lane 
 latthew Leary 
 latthew Leary, Jr. 
 "efferson Long 
 
 1. L. Lugrade 
 J. G. Mason 
 Victoria E. Matthews 
 )wen McCarty 
 
 lam McCord 
 5. H. McKissack 
 
 fohn Merrick 
 
 rhomas H. Miller 
 Ben Montgomery 
 rhornton Montgomery 
 \lbert Morris 
 Freeman Morris 
 Francis J. Moultry 
 jeorge A. Myers 
 Charles E. Nash 
 Dwen T. B. Nickens 
 Peter Ogden 
 £eebe Ossie 
 Foseph E. Otis 
 Dinah Pace 
 
 2. W. Perry 
 
 [. Garland Penn 
 John Peterson 
 Napoleon Pinchback 
 I M. Pollard 
 VI aggie Porter 
 Joseph C. Price 
 Charles B. Purvis 
 Charlotte Ray 
 
 3. C. Redmond 
 
 Editor Savannah "Tribune" black 
 
 Early settler in Chicago mulatto 
 
 Business man, Pine Bluff, Ark. mulatto 
 
 Physician, Tuskegee mulatto 
 
 Seven musicians mulattoes 
 
 Founded Lane College mulatto 
 
 Father of politician mulatto 
 
 Reconstruction politician mulatto 
 
 U. S. Congress from Georgia mulatto 
 
 Stock holder, Boley Bank mulatto 
 
 Physician, Alabama mulatto 
 
 New York mulatto 
 
 Runaway slave, 1773 mulatto 
 
 Farmer in Alabama mulatto 
 Treasurer of Odd Fellows, 
 
 Miss. mulatto 
 Founder Mutual and Provi- 
 dent Association, N. C. mulatto 
 U. S. Congress, S. C. mulatto 
 Slave of Joseph Davis mulatto 
 Slave of Joseph Davis mulatto 
 Free Negro tailor, N. C. mulatto 
 Free Negro tailor, N. C. mulatto 
 Caterer, Yonkers, N. Y. mulatto 
 Barber, Cleveland, Ohio mulatto 
 Politician. Reconstructionist mulatto 
 Teacher in Ohio, 1820 mulatto 
 First Negro Odd Fellow mulatto 
 On last ship load of slaves Mandingo 
 Northern Political Agitator mulatto 
 Founded Industrial School mulatto 
 Business man, Boley, Oklahoma mulatto 
 Physician mulatto 
 Principal first Negro Normal mulatto 
 Brother of P. B. S. Pinchback mulatto 
 Bank director, Savannah mulatto 
 Mrs. Cole, Detroit. Singer black 65 
 President Livingston College black 
 Teacher, Howard University mulatto 
 First Negro woman lawyer mulatto 
 Physician, Jackson, Miss. mulatto 
 
 63 
 
 One correspondent called Mrs. Cole "Pure Negro." 
 
2 1 2 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 i S. Reed 
 Prank Rdd 
 
 ])n\v Reid 
 John S. Rock 
 Mrs. T. A. Ridley 
 II. K. Rischcr 
 \ W. Hoss 
 Darid Ruggles 
 James S. Russell 
 Thomas Rutling 
 Peter Salem 
 
 George M. Sampson 
 Benjamin Sampson 
 James D. Sampson 
 Thomas Sanderson 
 J, If. Sanifer 
 Walter Scott 
 Victor Sejour 
 Pixky Isaka Seme 
 Mrs. Mary K. Shaw 
 Ella Sheppard 
 .Mr. Sheppard 
 W. II. Sheppard 
 Mrs. J. A. Shorter 
 Alfred Smith 
 
 Charles H. Smiley 
 James McCune Smith 
 
 John II. Smythe 
 •'-'lin C, Stanley 
 John Stanley 
 Alexander Stanley 
 Charles Stanley 
 W. K. Sterrs 
 ' rle Steele 
 J . A. Stewart 
 
 Peter still 
 John St. Pierre 
 
 St. Benedict, The Moor 
 
 Organized Union Benefit Assoc, mulatto 
 
 Fanner near Tuskegee mulatto 
 
 Farmer near Tuskegee mulatto 
 
 Lawyer, Boston, about 1865 mulatto 
 
 Brookline, Mass. mulatto 
 
 Baker, Jackson, Miss. mulatto 
 
 Northern political agitator mulatto 
 
 U. G. R. R. Agent mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Lawrenceville, Va. mulatto 
 
 Jubilee Singer mulatto 
 Soldier in battle of Bunker 
 
 Hill mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Tallahassee, Fla. mulatto 
 
 Teacher, Wilber force, Ohio mulatto 
 
 Published The Colored Citizen mulatto 
 
 Associated with Prince Hall mulatto 
 
 Farmer, Alabama mulatto 
 
 Officer Negro Bank, Savannah mulatto 
 
 Writer of verse, Paris mulatto 
 
 Student at Columbia, 1907 Zulu 
 
 Gave money to Tuskegee mulatto 
 
 Mrs. G. W. Moore. Singer mulatto 
 
 Father of singer mulatto 
 
 Missionary to Africa mulatto 
 
 Wife of Bishop Shorter mulatto 
 Successful cotton grower of 
 
 Okla. mulatto 
 
 Early caterer, Chicago mulatto 
 
 Early physician mulatto 
 
 Minister to Liberia mulatto 
 
 "Barber Jack." Free Negro mulatto 
 
 Son of John C. Stanley mulatto 
 
 Son of John C. Stanley mulatto 
 
 Son of John C. Stanley mulatto 
 Physician, Decatur, Alabama -^mulatto 
 Founded orphanage in Atlanta^mulatto 
 
 Physician, Nashville mulatto 
 Fugitive slave. Brother of 
 
 William Still n\ mulatto 
 Father of Mrs. Josephine *^nulatto- 
 
 Ruffin Indian 
 
 Palermo, Sicily mulatto 
 
The History arid Biography of the Negro 
 
 243 
 
 D. C. Suggs 
 
 Teacher in Georgia 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. R. Taylor 
 
 Teacher, Tuskegee 
 
 mulatto 
 
 James C. Thomas 
 
 Undertaker. "Richest Negro 
 
 
 
 In N. Y." 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mrs. Lucy Thurman 
 
 W. C. T. U. Worker 
 
 mulatto 
 
 John S. Trower 
 
 Caterer, Philadephia 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Victor H. Tulane 
 
 Grocer, Philadelphia 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Benjamin S. Turner 
 
 U. S. Congress, Alabama 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Denmark Vesey 
 
 Insurrectionist, 1822 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Josiah T. Wall 
 
 U. S. Congress, Florida 
 
 mulatto 
 
 0. S. B. Wall 
 
 Captain in Civil War 
 
 mulatto 
 
 S. R. Ward 
 
 Editor "Imperial Citizen," 
 
 
 
 1848 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. H. N. Waring 
 
 Teacher, Baltimore 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Westons 
 
 Wealthy family, Charleston, 
 
 
 
 S. C. 
 
 mulattoes 
 
 Heber E. Wharton 
 
 Teacher, Baltimore 
 
 mulatto 
 
 George Washington Williajns 
 
 Minister to Haiti, 1888 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Henry Work 
 
 Father of Monroe Work 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Elizabeth E. Wright 
 
 Founder of Voorhees Ind. 
 
 
 
 School 
 
 black 
 
 Of the one hundred and eighty new names presented in 
 this list, one hundred and fifty-seven are of men and twenty- 
 three are of women. One hundred and forty-two of the men 
 and eighteen of the women are of mixed blood. Fifteen of 
 the men and five of the women are Negroes who seem to be 
 of pure blood. 
 
 The analysis of this semi-biographical and semi-historieal 
 material has given in all the names of six hundred and twen- 
 ty-seven individuals not mentioned in the preceding chap- 
 ter, who have made a more or less conspicuous success in 
 life as measured by the standards of the Negro race. Five 
 hundred and twenty-two of the names are of men and one 
 hundred and five are names of women. Of the five hundred 
 and twenty-two names of men mentioned four hundred and 
 sixty-five are of mulattoes and fifty-seven are names of black 
 Negroes. The names of the one hundred and five women 
 
£44 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 divide into ninety-eight mulattoes and seven black women. Of 
 the total six hundred and twenty-seven names, sixty-four are 
 names of black Negroes and five hundred and sixty-three are 
 nanus of individuals of a mixed ancestry (see p. 245). 
 
 Of the six hundred and twenty-seven persons considered 
 in this chapter, the ratio of mulattoes to Negroes of pure 
 blood is approximately nine to one. In a few cases, there 
 wis not full agreement among men acquainted with the per- 
 son in question as to whether he should be classed as a man 
 of pure or of mixed blood. Attention has been called to 
 these cases as they appeared in the text. The rule followed 
 in such cases was to class the man as a pure-blood Negro 
 unless the evidence to the contrary seemed conclusive. It is 
 believed, therefore, that any errors of classification that 
 may appear tend to make the ratio of mulattoes to Negroes 
 of pure blood appear somewhat smaller than is actually the 
 case. However, any error in classification of a single man 
 or even a dozen or a score out of a list of over six hundred 
 would not materially alter the ratio. Should the twenty 
 odd individuals in the full-blood group concerning whose 
 purity of blood there has been question raised, be placed 
 in the mixed-blood group the ratio of mulattoes to full- 
 bloods would stand slightly over thirteen to one. Should, 
 on the other hand, the dozen individuals in the mulatto 
 group who by some correspondents were called full-blooded 
 be placed in the full-blooded group the ratio of mulattoes 
 to full-bloods would be slightly over eight to one. Any 
 considerable variation from the findings of nine mulattoes 
 to one full-blood Negro in the books analyzed, would imply 
 a shifting from the definition of mulatto accepted for the 
 purpose of this study. 66 
 
 "A Negro with sufficient admixture of white blood to readily distin- 
 guish him from Negroes of pure blood. See p. 11 above. 
 
The History and Biography of the Negro 245 
 
 
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CHAPTER X 
 
 THE NEGRO AND THE MULATTO IN PROFESSIONAL AND 
 
 ARTISTIC PURSUITS 
 
 Tl 1 E various lists given in the preceding chapters prob- 
 ably include the great majority of the Negroes who 
 have shown noteworthy ability, or made any very excep- 
 tional success in life. But as these lists were for the most 
 pari of a general nature, that is, groupings of men and 
 women from various lines of human endeavor, it may be 
 worth while to consider the relative success the black Negro 
 and the mulatto have had in some of the specific lines of en- 
 deavor. For this purpose we will consider: I. the Army 
 and Navy, II. Politics, III. Inventions, IV. Medicine and 
 Dentistry, V. Law, VI. Education, VII. the Ministry, VIII. 
 Literature, IX. Editors and Newspaper men, X. Artists, 
 XI. the Stage, XII. Composers and Musicians, and XIII. 
 Business men. 
 
 The Negroes have played a part, albeit no very conspic- 
 uous one, in every war in which the United States has been 
 involved. In the Revolutionary War, Negroes, both slave 
 and lie.-, were found on both sides. Crispus Attucks, a Bos- 
 ton man of mixed Indian, Negro, and white blood, is said 
 io have been the first man killed in the so-called Boston 
 Massacre. In the second war with Great Britain, and es- 
 peciaUy in the Battle of New Orleans, Negro soldiers were 
 engaged in considerable numbers. 1 In the Civil War, espe- 
 
 1 Xegro Year Book, 1914-1915, pp. 154-55. 
 
 246 
 

 The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 247 
 
 cially during the latter stages, large numbers of Negro sol- 
 diers were enlisted in the Union armies. 2 While the Con- 
 federacy consistently refused to allow slaves to be employed 
 as soldiers and in some cases refused to accept the proffered 
 assistance of free Negroes, 3 the Southern armies neverthe- 
 less employed a considerable number of Negroes, both slave 
 and free, as laborers, and a few free Negroes seem to have 
 been enrolled as soldiers. 4 
 
 The Negro Year Book 5 mentions three men as having 
 gained some distinction in the Civil War: A. T. Augusta, 
 Surgeon in the Seventeenth Regiment United States Volun- 
 teers ; A. W. Abbott, Army Surgeon ; and H. M. Turner, an 
 Army Chaplain. All three men were mulattoes. 
 
 Three Negroes have been graduated from the United 
 States Military Academy at West Point. 6 They were in 
 each case mulattoes. 
 
 In the United States Army, there are eleven Negro offi- 
 cers. 7 They are in every case mulattoes. 
 
 Lt. Col. A. Allensworth, (retired) Chaplain, 24th Infantry mulatto 
 Major W. T. Anderson, (retired) Chaplain, 9th Cavalry mulatto 
 
 2 The soldiers seem to have been about equally divided between Ne- 
 groes and mulattoes. The 55th Regiment of Volunteer Infantry, for 
 example, had a total of 980 enlisted men. Four hundred and thirty 
 were mulattoes and 550 were apparently pure black. The black men 
 were probably two or three times as numerous as the mulattoes in the 
 general population. See Burt G. Wilder, "The Brain of the American 
 Negro," Proceedings of the First National Negro Conference, p. 49. 
 
 8 The color of these free Negroes, according to General Butler, was 
 "about that of Vice-President Hamlin, or the late Mr. Daniel Webster." 
 See J. P. Ficklen, The History of Reconstruction in Louisiana, p. 121. 
 
 4 Negro Year Book, 1914-1915, pp. 157-59. 
 
 6 Ibid., p. 159. 
 
 8 Henry O. Flipper mulatto 
 
 John H. Alexander mulatto 
 
 Charles Young mulatto 
 
 'Ibid., p. 161. 
 
248 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 Lieutenant Louis A. Carter, Chaplain, 10th Cavalry mulatto 
 
 Lieutenant B. O. Davis, 10th Cavalry mulatto 
 
 Lieutenant J. E. Green, 25th Infantry mulatto 
 
 Lieutenant W. W. Gladden, Chaplain, 24th Infantry mulatto 
 
 .Major John R. Lynch, (retired) Paymaster Indian and 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Captain G. W. Prioleau, Chaplain, 9th Cavalry mulatto 
 
 Lieutenant O. J. W. Scott, Chaplain, 25th Infantry mulatto 
 
 Captain T. G. Steward, (retired) Chaplain, 25th Infantry mulatto 
 
 Major Charles Young, nth Cavalry mulatto 
 
 From all other sources of information were obtained facts 
 in regard to twenty-six other men who hold, or have held, 
 military positions of some importance in the regular army 
 or in the National Guard, or have particularly distinguished 
 themselves by deeds of valor. Of these men, three were dark 
 men ; though in no case is it certain that they were Negroes 
 of full blood. The other twenty-three were in all cases 
 mulattoes. 8 
 
 In the military affairs of the nation, it would thus ap- 
 pear that the race, so far at least as offices and honors go, 
 is represented almost exclusively by its lighter-colored mem- 
 bers. Of the forty-four men mentioned in this section, forty- 
 one at least are men of mixed blood. Nine of these men have 
 been previously mentioned in other connections. Thirty-two 
 of the remaining thirty-five men are mulattoes. Throwing 
 into tabular form this information concerning the ethnic 
 ancestry of these members of the race who have distinguished 
 themselves in a military way we have the following: 
 
 8 In military affairs Toussaint is, of course, the one conspicuous ex- 
 ample of military ability among the members of the race so far. He 
 was probably not a full-blood Negro though he was identified with and 
 led the blacks as opposed to the mulatto faction. The National heroes 
 of Cuba— Gomez and Maceo — are said to have both been men of some 
 intermixture of Negro blood. The same thing seems to be true of 
 Panco Villa. None of these men, however, excepting Toussaint, dis- 
 played any particular ability as military leaders. 
 

 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 23 
 
 26 
 
 3 
 
 41 
 
 44 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 249 
 
 I Black Mulatto Total 
 
 Soldiers in the Revolutionary War 
 Soldiers in the Civil War 
 Graduates of West Point 
 Officers of the U. S. Army 
 Other Noted Soldiers 
 
 Totals 
 
 Names Repeated 
 
 Corrected totals 3 3% 35 
 
 In the Navy, so far as officers go, the Negroes are not 
 
 represented. 
 
 The Negro has played no very conspicuous or important 
 part in the political life of America. For the most part, 
 he has been barred from participation in politics. Prior 
 to the Civil War, speaking generally, he took no part in the 
 political life of the country. The emancipation of the Ne- 
 gro and the Reconstruction following, brought into prom- 
 inence a number of Negroes who passed into oblivion with 
 the passing of the Reconstruction regime and the restora- 
 tion of law and order in the southern states. 9 Since this 
 period, politics — except in a very limited and mostly local 
 way — has all but ceased to be a field of endeavor open to 
 men of the race. 
 
 Furthermore, the part that the Negro has taken in the 
 political life of the country has not reflected to his credit. 
 Bruce 10 says: 
 
 9 "In considering who and what are representative Negroes there are 
 circumstances which compel one to question what is a representative 
 man of the colored race. Some men are born great, some achieve great- 
 ness and others lived during the Reconstruction period. . . ." Paul 
 Laurence Dunbar, "Representative American Negroes," The Negro 
 Problem, p. 189. 
 
 10 P. A. Bruce, The Plantation Negro as a Freeman, p. 72. 
 
The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 . . . Those who have obtained seats in the Legisla- 
 ture, have won no special reputation for practical ca- 
 pacity by an intelligent devotion to business; and as 
 they are generally silent members or wandering and 
 irrelevant when they have risen to their feet, they have 
 exercised no marked influence on the enactment of laws, 
 excepi by the votes they have cast. Indeed, the ma- 
 jority have not been at all superior to the mass of their 
 race in force of character or intellect; many, in fact, 
 have been inferior, and their election to a position of 
 so much responsibility can only be explained on the 
 ground of accident. The prominence of the office they 
 occupy only brings out into the broadest contrast their 
 Incompetence to represent the interests of their own 
 people, much less advance the general prosperity of a 
 commonwealth. 
 
 All this is probably true and exactly the same thing is, 
 true of the country's white politicians. 
 
 But we are not here concerned with an evaluation of the 
 Negroes as politicians further than to point out that they 
 are not to be taken as representing in any true sense what 
 Mr. DuBois has called the "Advance Guard of the Race," 1X 
 any more than the white politicians are to be taken as rep- 
 resenting the highest degree of the honesty, intelligence, 
 and public spirit of the white community. The Negro poli- 
 ticians are, however, a conspicuous group and, as such, have 
 n selected here for analysis into their black and mixed 
 elements. 
 
 The race has been represented in the National Senate by 
 two members — Hiram R. Revels and Blanche K. Bruce. The 
 former was a Croatan Indian and the latter a mulatto. 
 
 In the National House of Representatives, there have 
 been twenty members of the Negro race, not more than three 
 
 11 \V. E. B. DuBois, BookloveSs Magazine, Vol. 2, pp. 2-14. 
 

 The Negro and tlie Mulatto in Pursuits 251 
 
 of whom were Negroes of even approximately full blood. 
 The Negro Year Book lists them as follows: 12 
 
 Richard H. Cain S. C. 43rd and 45th Congress . . 4 years black 
 
 H.P.Cheatham N. C. 52nd and 53rd Congress. 4 years mulatto 
 
 R. C. Delarge S. C. 42nd Congress 2 years mulatto 
 
 R. B. Elliott S. C. 42nd Congress 2 years mulatto 
 
 J. Haralson Ala. 44th Congress 2 years black 
 
 John Hyman N. C. 44th Congress 2 years mulatto 
 
 J. M. Langston Va. 51st Congress 2 years mulatto 
 
 Jefferson Long Ga. 41st Congress 2 years mulatto 
 
 John R. Lynch Miss. 42nd, 44th & 47th Cong. 6 years mulatto 
 
 T. H. Miller S. C. 51st Congress 2 years mulatto 
 
 G. W. Murray S. C. 53rd and 54th Congress. 4 years black 18 
 
 Charles E. Nash La. 44th Congress 2 years mulatto 
 
 J. E. O'Harra N. C. 48th and 49th Congress . . 4 years mulatto 
 
 J. H. Rainey S. C. 44th to 48th Congress . . 10 years mulatto 
 
 A. J. Ransier S. C. 43rd Congress 2 years mulatto 
 
 James T. Rapier Ala. 43rd Congress 2 years mulatto 
 
 Robert Smalls S. C. 44th, 45th & 47th Cong . . 6 years mulatto 
 
 B. S. Turner Ala. 42nd Congress 2 years mulatto 
 
 Josiah T. Wall Fla. 42nd, 43rd & 44th Cong. 6 years mulatto 
 
 George H. White N. C. 55th and 56th Congress. 4 years mulatto 
 
 In 1869, Ebenezer Don Carlos Bassett, 14 a man of mixed 
 mulatto and Indian parentage, was appointed Resident Min- 
 ister and Consul General to Haiti. He was the first Negro 
 given an appointment by the Federal government. He held 
 the position for eight years. 
 
 During the Reconstruction regime in the South, several 
 
 13 1914-1915, p. 151. 
 
 "Shufeldt, not always reliable, is authority for the statement that 
 Murray was a black man. Murray had a rather unsavory reputation 
 having divorced his Negro wife and married a white woman. He was 
 later convicted of forgery and sentenced to a three-year term in the 
 penitentiary. "Every line of his cannon-ball head was modeled on 
 African lines. His complexion is that of the ace of spades, and his 
 features are of the pronounced negro type. . . ." R. W. Shufeldt, 
 The Negro a Menace to American Civilization, p. 189. 
 
 "Negro Year Book, 1914-1915, p. 152. 
 
252 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 Negroes attained the position of Lieutenant Governors. 
 These men were as follows : 15 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 C. C. Antoine 
 Oscar J. Dunn 
 P. B. S. Pinchback 
 
 South Carolina 
 R. H. Gleaves 
 Alonzo J. Ransier 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Alexander K. Davis " 
 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 John R. Lynch 17 in a recent volume 18 on the part played 
 bv the Negro in the Reconstruction of the South, mentions 
 nineteen men prominent during the period. Four of these 
 men seem to have been black, and fifteen to have been men 
 of mixed blood. The list follows : 
 
 Son of Ex Senator Bruce mulatto 
 
 Republican Convention of Miss. 1869 black 
 Candidate for office, Miss. 1873 mulatto 
 
 Proposed candidate for Lieut. Gov., 
 
 Miss. 
 Candidate for Lieut. Gov. of Miss. 
 
 1873 
 Politician 
 
 State Senator of Miss. 
 Pres. of Republican Club 
 Candidate for Sec. of State of Miss. 
 Baptist preacher and politician 
 Methodist preacher. Political candi- 
 date 
 Signed bond for J. R. Lynch in 1869 mulatto 
 Boliver Countv, Miss. mulatto 
 
 Roscoe Bruce 
 Rev. Noah Buchanan 
 T. W. Cardoza 
 H. C, Carter 
 
 A. K. Davis 
 
 Frederick Douglass 
 Robert Gleed 
 Sam Henry 
 James Hill 
 Hi P. Jacobs 
 James Lynch 
 
 William McCary 
 I. T. Montgomery 
 
 11 G. W. Williams, History of the Negro Race in America, p. 585. 
 
 10 Davis was a candidate in 1873 but was not elected. Mr. Williams 
 Is not the only Negro who lists him among the Negro Lieutenant Gov- 
 ernors. See B. T. Washington, Frederick Douglass, pp. 279-80 
 
 17 See pages 205, 208 above. 
 
 u The Facts of Reconstruction. 9 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 -A/ 
 
 I 
 
The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 
 
 253 
 
 P. B. S. Pinchback 
 H. R. Revels 
 
 David Singleton 
 T. W. Stringer 
 J. M. P. Williams 
 J. M. Wilson 
 
 'Lieutenant Governor of Miss. 
 United States Senator 
 
 Signed a bond for Lynch in 1869 
 State Senator, Mississippi 
 Baptist preacher. Political candidate 
 Member of Legislature, Mississippi 
 
 mulatto 
 Croatan 
 Indian 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 black 
 black 
 
 The Negro Year Book names four Negroes now holding 
 federal offices. 19 These men are all mulattoes. They are: 
 
 Charles W. Anderson mulatto 
 
 Collector of Internal Revenue, New York City 
 James A. Cobb mulatto 
 
 Assistant District Attorney for the District of Columbia 
 Charles Cottrell mulatto 
 
 Collector of Customs, Honolulu, H. I. 
 Robert H. Terrell mulatto 
 
 Judge of Municipal Court, Washington, D. C. 
 
 The Negro Year Book names two Negroes in the diplo- 
 matic service of the United States. 20 One of these men is 
 a Negro of pure blood and the other is a mulatto. They 
 are: 
 
 George W. Buckner 
 
 Minister Resident and Consul General, Liberia 
 Richard W. Bundy 
 
 Secretary of Legation, Liberia 
 
 mulatto 
 black 
 
 The Negro Year Book names eight Negroes in the con- 
 sular service of the United States. 21 Two of these men are 
 Negroes of pure blood and six are mulattoes. The list is 
 as follows: 
 
 James G. Carter mulatto 
 
 Consul at Tamatave, Madagascar 
 William H. Hunt 
 
 Consul at Saint-fitienne, France 
 
 18 Negro Year Book, 1914-1915, p. 152. 
 *>Ibid., p. 153. 
 21 Ibid., p. 153. 
 
 mulatto 
 
254 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 George H. Jackson . mulatto 
 
 Consul at Cognac, France 
 James W. Johnson mulatto 
 
 Consul at Corinto, Nicaragua 
 I^emuel W. Livington black 
 
 Consul at Cape Haitien, Haiti 
 Christopher H. Payne mulatto 
 
 Consul at St. Thomas, West Indies 
 Herbert R. Wright black 
 
 Consul at Puerto Cabello, Venezuela 
 William J. Yerb mulatto 
 
 Consul at Sierra Leone, West Africa 
 
 The Negro Year Book names the following as the more 
 important political positions held by Negroes during the 
 presidential administration of William Howard Taft: 22 
 
 J. N. W. Alexander mulatto 
 
 Register of Land Office, Montgomery, Alabama 
 G. W. Buckner mulatto 
 
 U. S. Minister and Consul General to Liberia 
 John E. Bush mulatto 
 
 Receiver of Public Moneys, Little Rock, Arkansas 
 Henry W. Furniss mulatto 
 
 Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Port au 
 Prince, Haiti 
 George H. Jackson mulatto 
 
 United States Consul to Cognac, France 
 James W. Johnson mulatto 
 
 United States Consul at CoTinto, Nicaragua 
 Joseph Lee mulatto 
 
 Collector of Internal Revenue for Florida 
 William H. Lewis mulatto 
 
 Assistant Attorney General 
 Whitfield McKinley mulatto 
 
 Collector of Customs, Port of Georgetown, D. C. 
 Fred R. Moore mulatto 
 
 United States Minister and Consul General to Liberia 
 James C. Napier mulatto 
 
 Register of the Treasury 
 
 22 
 
 Negro Yttar Book, 1914-1915, p. 27. 
 
The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 255 
 
 Robert Smalls mulatto 
 
 Collector of Customs at Beaufort, S. C. 
 R. H. Terrell mulatto 
 
 Municipal Court of Washington, D. C. 
 Ralph W. Tyler Indian and mulatto 
 
 Auditor of the Navy 
 
 In addition to the foregoing lists, an additional list of 
 men, not heretofore mentioned, was compiled from all the 
 available sources of information. It included, so far as it 
 was possible to obtain them, the names of all men who are 
 mentioned in the literature as having held elective or ap- 
 pointive offices, or as otherwise having distinguished them- 
 selves by political ability, or gained political prominence. 
 After eliminating from the list thus compiled, the names 
 of all men who have a better claim to distinction than the 
 political one and who were consequently placed in other cate- 
 gories, one hundred and fifty-two names remained. Of these, 
 one hundred and thirty-seven were mulattoes ; and fifteen, 
 so far as the evidence goes, seem to have been full-blooded 
 Negroes. In tabular form, the facts stand as follows: 
 
 Black Mulatto Total 
 
 United States Senators 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 United States Representatives 
 Resident Minister to Haiti 
 
 3 
 
 
 17 
 1 
 
 20 
 1 
 
 Lieutenant Governors 23 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 Reconstructionists 
 
 4 
 
 15 
 
 19 
 
 Federal Officials 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 In Diplomatic Service 
 In Consular Service 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 6 
 
 2 
 8 
 
 Holders of Political Positions 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 14 
 
 Miscellaneous 
 
 15 
 
 137 
 
 152 
 
 Totals 
 
 25 
 
 203 
 
 228 
 
 Names repeated 
 
 3 
 
 48 
 
 51 
 
 Corrected totals 
 
 22 
 
 155 
 
 177 
 
 "See note 16, p. 252 above. 
 
 
 
 
24 
 
 256 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 It would appear from these facts that in the political life 
 of the country — as measured by the relative amount of 
 office holding — that the man of mixed blood is somewhat 
 over seven times as successful as the full-blooded Negro. 
 This, too, is on the principle of classifying as full-bloods, 
 all Negroes where there seems to be any reason to doubt 
 the fact of a mixed ancestry. 
 
 The number of inventions by members of the Negro race 
 is very small. 24 Scarcely half a dozen names are required 
 to enumerate the whole list that the most liberal-minded 
 would class as important. 25 The patent office makes no rec- 
 ord of the race of the patentees, so that it is not possible to 
 know the Negro inventors with any certainty or complete- 
 ness. A list of alleged Negro inventors was furnished to 
 the Paris Exposition in 1900. 26 The list contains two hun- 
 dred and one separate names but in almost every case there 
 is absolutely no information available concerning the men 
 themselves. In all, information was obtained in regard to 
 twenty-seven of the inventors listed. Of these four are said 
 to be black and twenty-three are admittedly mulatto. The 
 men whose ancestry it was possible to trace, with the inven- 
 tion on which they received a patent, follows : 
 
 Harry E. Baker, a mulatto clerk in the United States Patent Office, 
 claims to have verified 800 patents granted to Negroes. He estimates 
 that 400 others, unverified, have been granted. His plan of discovery 
 and verification has been to circularize the patent attorneys, newspapers, 
 "conspicuous citizens of both races," etc., on the subject. "The answers 
 to this inquiry cover a wide range of guess work, many mere rumors 
 and a large number of definite facts. These are all put through the 
 test of comparison with the official record of the patent office. . . ." 
 But even at the highest estimate that Mr. Baker claims for his race the 
 number of inventors is pitifully small. H. E. Baker, The Colored 
 Inventor. 
 
 28 Negro Year Book, 1914-1915, names sixteen, pp. 284 ff. 
 
 M Reprinted in D. W. Culp's Twentieth Century Negro Literature. 
 
The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 257 
 
 L. C. Bailey 
 
 Folding bed 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 L. W. Benjamin 
 
 Broom moistener 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Miss M. E. Benjamin 
 
 Gong and Signal chairs 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 L. Blue 
 
 Hand corn shelling device 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Henry Brown 
 
 Receptacle for storing 
 
 papers 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Eugene Burkins 
 
 Rapid-fire gun 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 M. A. Cherry 
 
 Velocipede 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. S. Coolidge 
 
 Harness attachment 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. R. Davis 
 
 Library table 
 
 
 black 
 
 J. H. Dickinson 
 
 Piano player devices 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 T. H. Edmonds 
 
 Separating screens 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 D. A. Fisher 
 
 Joiner's clamp 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 A. F. Hilyer 
 
 Registers 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 )W. A. Lavalette 
 
 Early printing device, 
 
 about 
 
 
 
 1879 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 F. J. Loudin 
 
 Sash fastener 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. E. Matzeliger 
 
 Machine for attaching 
 
 soles 
 
 
 
 to shoes 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 : E. McCoy 
 
 Lubricators 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 G. W. Murray 
 
 Attachments for agricultural 
 
 
 
 implements 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 L. Nance 
 
 Game apparatus 
 
 
 black 
 
 O'Connor 
 
 Alarm for boilers 
 
 
 black 
 
 W. B. Purvis 
 
 Paper bag machines 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. P. Ray 
 
 Dentist's Chair device 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 H. H. Reynolds 
 
 Safety gate for bridges 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. H Sutton 
 
 Cotton Cultivator 
 
 
 black 
 
 G. T. Woods 
 
 Electrical appliances 
 
 
 Australian" 
 
 James Wormley 
 
 Life saving apparatus 
 
 
 mulatto 
 
 P. B. Williams 
 
 Electrical railway track switch mulatto 
 
 In his pamphlet, 28 Mr. Baker names twelve additional 
 Negro inventors. Concerning four of these, no informa- 
 tion was obtained. The eight remaining, all of whom are 
 mulattoes, are as follows: 
 
 Benjamin Banneker 
 W. Douglass 
 
 Shelby Davidson 
 
 31 See note 49, p. 195. 
 ** The Colored Inventor. 
 
 Clock. Published almanac mulatto 
 Harvesting machine attach- 
 ments mulatto 
 Tabulating device mulatto 
 
I 
 
 258 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 James Doyle A mechanical server mulatto 
 
 James Forton Device for managing sails mulatto 
 
 R. Pelham Tabulating device mulatto 
 
 C. V. Richey Register for telephone calls mulatto 
 
 Lyates Woods Electrical appliances Australian 
 
 The Negro Year Book 29 gives practically the same list. 
 The only additional name is that of a free Negro of Mary- 
 land, Henry Blair, who secured patents for a corn har- 
 vester in 1834 and again in 1836. There is nothing stated 
 and presumably nothing known concerning his color. The 
 fact, however, that he was free at least gives the presump- 
 tion that he was a man of mixed blood. 
 
 During the past eighteen months, the Negro journals and 
 papers have mentioned thirteen additional patents granted 
 to Negroes. 30 Ten of these men are mulattoes, one a man 
 of unmixed blood and two, while probably not full-blood, 
 are very nearly so. 
 
 Of the forty-eight inventors, then, of whom it was pos- 
 sible to secure information — and the number seems to in- 
 clude most of the important as well as most of the recent 
 ones — forty-one are men of mixed blood and seven are either 
 full black or nearly so. Nine of these men, however, have 
 been mentioned in other connections. Of the thirty-nine 
 new names, seven are of black Negroes and thirty-two of 
 mulattoes — a ratio of nearly five to one. 31 The collected 
 information falls into the following tabulation: 
 
 20 1914-1915. See pp. 282 ff. 
 
 30 For the eighteen months ending June, 1916. There may of course 
 have been others that escaped notice. 
 
 81 It is quite probable that if data were available concerning any large 
 number of the Negro inventors of lesser note that this ratio of about 
 one black man to five mulattoes would be maintained or the proportion 
 of black men might even be increased. Minor inventions are very fre- 
 quently if not generally the work of men in daily contact with the ma- 
 chines they use and for which they invent improvements, 
 
Black Mulatto Total 
 
 4 
 
 23 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 13 
 
 7 
 
 41 
 
 48 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 259 
 
 Twentieth Century Negro Literature 
 The Colored Inventor 
 Miscellaneous 
 
 Totals 
 
 Names repeated 
 
 Corrected totals 7 32 39 
 
 The medical profession, more perhaps than any other 
 in which Negroes are found, is made up of trained men. 
 At least a certain minimum of training is required that a 
 man be licensed to practice. The medical degree, even from 
 the least reputable institutions, stands for something in the 
 way of training. It is not an honorary degree, and legal 
 provisions prevent the practice of medicine by men wholly 
 untrained. 
 
 The census of 1910 gave 3,777 as the number of Negro 
 physicians in the United States. Of these a few have at- 
 tained something more than local reputation. The Negro 
 Year Book 32 mentions three of those who have "achieved 
 national reputation" : Daniel H. Williams of Chicago, 
 George C. Hall of Chicago, and A. M. Curtis of Washing- 
 ton, D. C. All of these men are light-colored mulattoes. 
 
 Dr. Kenney gives brief sketches of some sixty-eight Negro 
 physicians. 33 While he distinctly states that there are hun- 
 dreds of others "just as worthy and whose accomplishments 
 are as brilliant as those selected," the list nevertheless con- 
 tains most, at least, of the better-known Negro physicians. 
 The list is as follows: 
 
 A. W. Abbott 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 ,W. G. Alexander 
 32 1914-1915, p. 334. 
 
 Orange, N. J. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 
 
 S3 
 
 John A. Kenney, The Negro in Medicine. 
 
The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 ^UU J. no 
 
 A. T. Augusta 
 
 Virginia 
 
 mulatto 
 
 B. R Bluitt 
 
 Dallas, Texas 
 
 mulatto 84 
 
 Robert F. Boyd 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Roscoe C. Brown 
 
 Richmond, Va. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 L. L. Bur well 
 
 Selma, Ala. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 H. R. Butler 
 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 George E. Cannon 
 
 Jersey City, N. J. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Simeon L. Carson 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Rebecca J. Cole 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 S. E. Courtney 
 
 Boston, Mass. 
 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 
 A. M. Curtis 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 U. G. Dailey 
 
 Chicago, 111. 
 
 John W. Darden 
 
 Opelika, Ala. 
 
 mulatto 36 
 
 John DeGrasse 
 
 New York City 
 
 mulatto 
 
 C. N. Dorsett 
 
 Montgomery, Ala. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 A. W. Dumas 
 
 Natchez, Miss. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Chas. B. Dunbar 
 
 New York and Liberia 
 
 mulatto 
 
 James Durham 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 John C. Ferguson 
 
 Virginia 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Joseph Ferguson 
 
 Richmond, Va. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Joseph J. France 
 
 Portsmouth, Va. 
 
 mulatto 3 " 
 
 S. C. Fuller 
 
 Westborough, Mass. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 H. F. Gamble 
 
 Charleston, W. Va. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 C. N. Garland 
 
 Boston, Mass. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. E. Green 
 
 Macon, Ga. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 George C. Hall 
 
 Chicago, 111. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 John B. Hall 
 
 Boston, Mass. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. T. Hamilton 
 
 Dallas, Texas 
 
 mulatto 
 
 F. S. Hargrave 
 
 Wilson, N. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. H. Higgins 
 
 Providence, R. I. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. Seth Hills 
 
 Jacksonville, Fla. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. C. Howard 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 John E. Hunter 
 
 Lexington, Ky. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 A. B. Jackson 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Peter A. Johnson 
 
 New York City 
 
 black 
 
 A. D. Jones 
 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Miles B. Jones 
 
 Richmond, Va. 
 
 black 
 
 34 Called black by 
 
 one authority. 
 
 
 36 Darden is a dark brown man. One authority considers him a full- 
 
 blood Negro. 
 
 
 
 36 One authority \ 
 
 writes that France is a "dark man 
 
 but probably 
 
 not pure Negro." 
 
 
 
 
The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 261 
 
 John W. Jones 
 
 John A. Kenney 
 
 J. R. Levy 
 
 A. C. McClennon 
 
 David K. McDonough 
 
 A. M. Moore 
 
 N. F. Mossell 
 
 John S. Outlaw 
 
 Loring B. Palmer 
 
 W. F. Penn 
 
 C. B. Purvis 
 
 Rapier 
 
 Peter Williams Ray 
 
 E. P. Roberts 
 C. V. Roman 
 David Rosell 
 Chas. H. Shepard 
 T. H. Slater 
 James McCune Smith 
 Willis E. Sterrs 
 
 F. A. Stewart 
 Tucker. 
 
 A. M. Townsend 
 John W. Walker 
 L. P. Walton 
 W. A. Warfield 
 Daniel H. Williams 
 James H. Wilson 
 A. A. Wych 
 
 Winston Salem, N. C. 
 Tuskegee, Ala. 
 Florence, S. C. 
 Charleston, S. C. 
 New York City 
 Durham, N. C. 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 Los Angeles, Calif. 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 Washington, D. C. 
 Washington, D. C. 
 New York City 
 New York City 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 New York City 
 Durham, N. C. 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 New York City 
 Montgomery, Ala. 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 Washington, D. C. 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 Asheville, N. C. 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 Washington, D. C. 
 Chicago, 111. 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 Charlotte, N. C. 
 
 mulatto 8T 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto ss 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Of the sixty-eight names here presented, four are of full- 
 blooded Negroes. The remaining sixty-four seem in all 
 cases to be men of mixed blood. In five of these cases, the 
 men are dark in color and one correspondent called each of 
 them a full-blooded Negro. This, however, was not con- 
 curred in, in any case, by the other authorities consulted. 
 Consequently, they have been classed as men of mixed blood 
 and attention called to the dissenting opinion. The list 
 
 "Called full-blood by one authority. 
 
 "A dark mulatto, sometimes called full-blood. 
 
 t 
 
262 The Mulatto m the United States 
 
 contains twenty-two names which have been mentioned iiif 
 other connections. Omitting these, the list then stands : four 
 Negroes of full-blood and forty-two mulattoes. Five of the 
 latter number are brown or dark mulattoes. 
 
 Dr. Kenny's list seems to be the most elaborate and ac- 
 curate of any single discussion of the Negro physicians 
 From various other sources, however, a considerably more 
 extensive list was compiled. While it does not, perhaps, 
 contain the names of so many men of first-rate ability and 
 perhaps contains more names of men of second-rate ability; 
 it is nevertheless made up of physicians of sufficient note 
 or promise to gain mention in the literature dealing with the' 
 Negro, or in the publications of the race. The men included 
 seem in all cases to be of some prominence within the pro- 
 fession and, consequently, leaders of some importance among 
 the people. 
 
 This compilation from miscellaneous sources includes the 
 names of two hundred eight physicians not previously men- J 
 tioned. Two hundred of these are men and eight are women.' 
 Of the men eleven are black or nearly so, while one hundred 
 and eight}r-nine are undoubtedly of mixed blood. Of the 
 women, one is classed as black and seven are classed as mu- 
 lattoes. Of the eleven men recorded as black it would not 
 be safe to assert that more than one-half are men of un- 
 mixed Negro blood ; but to all intent and purpose, twelve of 
 the entire list are Negroes of full blood. 
 
 There seems to have been made no special study which 
 brings together a representative list of successful Negro den- 
 tists, and no separate list is here presented. Several of the 
 men discussed in the volume by Dr. Kenney are dentists, or 
 practice dentistry in connection with their medical prac- 
 tice. The same thing is true of many of the men in the list 
 compiled from miscellaneous sources. 
 
 , 
 
 
The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 263 
 
 Omitting names of men which have been previously men- 
 tioned in other connections, there remains a total of two 
 hundred and fifty-four physicians and dentists who, if not 
 in all cases the most prominent men in the professions, are 
 at least representative men and, in all cases, men of some 
 note in the professional circles of the Negro group. Of 
 these men sixteen are either very dark mulattoes or full- 
 blood Negroes, while two hundred and thirty-eight are per- 
 sons of mixed blood. Among the leaders of these profes- 
 sions, then, the ratio of mulattoes to Negroes of full blood 
 appears to be approximately fifteen to one. The lists sum- 
 marize as follows : 
 
 MEN WOMEN 
 
 Black Mul. Total. Black Mul. Total Totals 
 
 68 
 208 
 
 Kenney: N. in Medicine 
 
 4 
 
 64 
 
 68 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Miscellaneous 
 
 11 
 
 189 
 
 200 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 Totals 
 
 15 
 
 253 
 
 268 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 Names repeated 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Corrected totals 
 
 15 
 
 231 
 
 246 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 276 
 
 22 
 
 254 
 
 There seems to have been published no list of the promi- 
 nent Negro law3 r ers. As a practitioner no Negro lawyer 
 has made anything more than a minor and local reputa- 
 tion. The exceptions that might be made to this statement 
 would be in the case of men previously listed among the poli- 
 ticians. Many of these men are lawyers by profession, in 
 some cases by training, but their reputation in few, if any, 
 cases rests upon their legal learning or successful practice. 
 Their prominence is rather due to the conspicuous political 
 offices they have held. 
 
 Reference to the book and magazine literature and an 
 examination of some thousand of Negro newspapers and 
 magazines extending over a period of eighteen months, re- 
 
264 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 
 suited in a compilation of names of Negro lawyers of some u 
 note who have not been mentioned previously. Classing as 
 mulattoes only those who are conspicuously and unmistak- 
 ably so, and as full-bloods, all black men as well as those 
 where there could exist any reasonable doubt concerning 
 the mixture of blood, it was found that the ratio of mu- 
 lattoes to Negroes of pure blood was nine to one. Of the 
 ninety-nine men in the list, ten were classed as black and 
 eighty-nine as mulattoes. Of the latter group, four at 
 least have some Indian as well as white blood in their ethnic 
 composition. 
 
 The teachers, more than any other professional group 
 among the American Negroes, are representative of all that 
 is best and most promising in the race. They are the men, 
 somewhat superior in training and education, who are in inti- 
 mate daily contact with the best minds among the youth of 
 the race and by precept and example, endeavor to improve 
 the intellectual and moral status of the race. The Negro 
 teachers are, in general, persons of importance in the Negro 
 group and enjoy a prestige which, aside from their profes- 
 sional influence, makes them leaders among the people. It 
 is, moreover, comparatively easy to select from the great 
 number of teachers the men and women who are most prom- 
 inent and presumably most influential in matters concerning 
 the welfare of the race. 
 
 Of the fifty-seven educational institutions listed in The 
 Negro Year Book 39 under the head of Universities and Col- 
 leges, twenty-six at least have white men as presidents. Of 
 the remaining thirty-one, the presidents of twenty-six are 
 mulattoes ; the presidents of three are black men. Whether 
 the remaining two have white men, mulattoes, or black men 
 as presidents was not determined. This list of Universi- 
 
 89 1914-1915, pp. 246-47. 
 
The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 265 
 
 ties and Colleges excluding the institutions with white men 
 at their heads is as follows : 
 
 Allen University- 
 
 W. W. Beckett 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Columbia, S. C. 
 
 
 
 Arkansas Baptist College 
 
 Joseph A. Booker 
 
 black 
 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 
 
 
 Bennett College 
 
 J. E. Wallace 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Greensboro, N. C. 
 
 
 
 Biddle University 
 
 H. L. McCrorey 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Charlotte, N. C. 
 
 
 
 Campbell College 
 
 W. T. Vernon 
 
 black 
 
 Jackson, Miss. 
 
 
 
 Central City College 
 
 William E. Holmes 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Macon, Ga. 
 
 
 
 Central Texas College 
 
 J. W. Strong 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Waco, Texas 
 
 
 
 Conroe College 
 
 David Abner 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Conroe, Texas 
 
 
 
 Edward Waters College 
 
 John A. Grigg 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Jacksonville, Fla. 
 
 
 
 Guadaloupe College 
 
 D. J. Hull 
 
 
 Seguin, Texas 
 
 
 
 Houston College 
 
 F. W. Gross 
 
 black 
 
 Houston, Texas 
 
 
 
 Jackson College 
 
 Z. T. Hubert 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Jackson, Miss. 
 
 
 
 Kittrell College 
 
 C. G. O'Kelley 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Kittrell, N. C. 
 
 
 
 Lampton College 
 
 M. M. Ponton 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Alexandria, La. 
 
 
 
 Lane College 
 
 J. F. Lane 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Jackson, Tenn. 
 
 
 
 Livingstone College 
 
 W. H. Goler 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Salisbury, N. C. 
 
 
 
 Miles Memorial College 
 
 G. A. Payne 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Birmingham, Ala. 
 
 
 
 Morehouse College 
 
 John Hope 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 
 
 Morris Brown University 
 
 W. A. Fountain 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 
 
?m 
 
 The Mulatto m the United States 
 
 Payne University 
 
 Selma, Ala. 
 Philander-Smith College 
 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 Roger Williams University 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 Samuel Huston College 
 
 Austin, Texas 
 Selma University 
 
 Selma, Ala. 
 Shorter College 
 
 Argenta, Ark. 
 State University 
 
 Louisville, Ky. 
 Va. Theol. Sem. & College 
 
 Lynchburg, Va. 
 University of West Tenn. 
 
 Memphis, Tenn. 
 Western University 
 
 Quindaro, Kansas 
 Wilber force University 
 
 Wilberforce, Ohio 
 Wiley University 
 
 Marshall, Texas 
 
 A number of these men have been mentioned in previous 
 lists. Omitting these and the two whose ethnic composition 
 is unknown, the new names are in sixteen cases of mulattoes 
 and in one case that of a full-blooded Negro. 
 
 In the sixteen institutions for women, 40 the president or 
 principal in all cases except two seems to be a white man 
 or woman. Miss M. M. Bethune, a dark mulatto, is at the 
 head of the Daytona Training School for Girls at Daytona, 
 Florida. Miss Nannie H. Burroughs, a mulatto woman, is 
 at the head of the National Training School for Women and 
 Girls at Washington, D. C. The former institution enrolls 
 about three hundred pupils ; the latter, about one hundred. 41 
 
 H. E. Archer 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. M. Cox 
 
 mulatto 
 
 A. M. Townsend 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. S. Lovingood 
 
 mulatto 
 
 M. W. Gilbert 
 
 • 
 
 mulatto 
 
 O. L. Moody 
 
 
 W. T. Amiger 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. C. Woods 
 
 mulatto 
 
 M. V. Lynk 
 
 mulatto 
 
 H. T. Kealing 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. S. Scarborough 
 
 mulatto 
 
 M. W. Dogan 
 
 mulatto 
 
 40 Negro Year Book, 1914-1915, p. 248. 
 
 41 Ibid., p. 248. 
 
The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 267 
 
 The various schools of theology are for the most part 
 conducted by white men. So far as known, those not con- 
 ducted by white men are under the direction of mulattoes. 
 In general, these schools of theology are in connection with 
 one of the universities or colleges just listed. 42 
 
 What is true of the theological schools and the institu- 
 tions for women, is equally true of the professional schools 
 of law, 43 medicine, 44 dentistry, 45 and pharmacy. 46 They 
 are generally departments of the universities or colleges 
 and, if not in charge of white men, seem in every case to be 
 under the direction of men of mixed blood. It would seem 
 that in no case is a black man in administrative charge of 
 one of these schools. 
 
 The State Agricultural and Mechanical Colleges, on the 
 other hand, are for the most part under the presidency of 
 men of the Negro race. Of the seventeen such schools listed 
 in The Negro Year Book, 47 one has a white president, 48 
 one a Negro president, and fourteen have mulatto presi- 
 dents. Omitting the institution under the presidency of a 
 white man, the list is as follows: 
 
 Agricultural and Industrial State W. J. Hale mulatto 
 
 Normal School 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 Agr. and Median. College for the James B. Dudley mulatto 
 
 Colored Race 
 
 Greensboro, N. C. 
 Agricultural and Mechanical Col- W. S. Buchanan mulatto 
 
 lege for Negroes 
 Normal, Ala. 
 
 "Ibid., pp. 248-49. 
 
 "Ibid., p. 250. 
 
 44 Ibid., p. 250. 
 
 46 Ibid., p. 250. 
 
 46 Ibid., pp. 250-51. 
 
 "Issue for 1914-1915, pp. 251-52. 
 
 48 Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute, Hampton, Va. 
 
268 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 Alcorn Agr. and Mechanical Col- 
 lege 
 
 Alcorn, Miss. 
 Branch Normal College 
 
 Pine Bluff, Ark. 
 Colored Agricultural and Normal 
 University 
 
 Langston, Okla. 
 Colored Normal, Industrial and 
 Mechanical College 
 Orangeburg, S. C. 
 Fla. Agr. and Mechan. College 
 for Negroes 
 Tallahassee, Fla. 
 Ga. St. Ind. College 
 
 Savannah, Ga. 
 Ky. Normal and Industrial Insti- 
 tute for Colored 
 Frankfort, Ky. 
 La. Agr. and Mechanical Col- 
 lege 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 Lincoln Institute 
 
 Jefferson City, Mo. 
 Md. Normal and Agricultural In- 
 stitute 
 
 Sandy Springs, Md. 
 Prairie View State Normal and 
 Industrial College 
 Prairie View, Texas 
 State College for Colored Stu- 
 dents 
 
 Dover, Del. 
 West. Va. Colored Institute 
 Institute, West Va. 
 
 J. A. Martin 
 
 mulatto 
 
 F. T. Venegar 
 
 black 
 
 Inman E. Page 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. S. Wilkinson 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Nathan B. Young 
 
 Richard R. Wright 
 G. P. Russell 
 
 E. L. Blackshear 
 
 W. C. Jason 
 
 Byrd Prillerman 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mandingo 
 mulatto 
 
 J. S. Clark 
 
 mulatto 
 
 B. F. Allen 
 
 mulatto 
 
 G. H. C. Williams 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Three men in the above list have been previously men- 
 tioned in other connections. Omitting these, there is men- 
 tioned in this group thirteen new names, one of which is that 
 of a pure-blooded Negro and twelve are names of men of 
 mixed blood. 
 
 
The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 269 
 
 It may be objected, however, that, inasmuch as an ad- 
 ministrative position in a college or a university is a politi- 
 cal position, the presidents and principals of schools are 
 not fairly representative of the educational leadership. In 
 a sense, this is true. There exists everywhere among the 
 rank and file of the race and among a large percentage of 
 the more enlightened classes, a prejudice against admitting 
 mulatto superiority and a conscious policy of advancing 
 black men to conspicuous figure-head positions simply be- 
 cause of their color. Consequently, it may be well to look 
 at the intellectual part of the teaching force as represented 
 by the faculty membership. 
 
 Tuskegee Institute, as the largest and best known of the 
 Negro schools, may be taken as an example. The present 
 principal is a black man. 49 The school has a teaching force 
 of approximately two hundred. Of this number, nine, none 
 of whom are in high positions, 50 are Negroes who generally 
 pass as full-bloods. 51 One hundred and eighty-four are per- 
 sons of mixed blood. 52 Of the nine full-blooded Negroes, 
 one is a woman and eight are men. Of the one hundred and 
 
 48 R. R. Moton. 
 
 80 ". . . Indeed, I saw no one in high position at Tuskegee who would 
 not, with a very small lightening of hue, have been taken without ques- 
 tion for a white man. . . ." William Archer, Thro A fro- America, 
 p. 108. 
 61 G. W. Carver, Agriculture 
 John H. Palmer, Registrar 
 J. L. Whiting, Teacher of Mathematics 
 F. L. West, Shoemaking 
 
 R. S. Pompey, Assistant in Dairy Husbandry 
 W. A. Tate, Swine Raising 
 John W. Goiens, Clerk 
 Willie M. Hendley, Matron 
 W. M. Rakestraw, Negro Conference Agent 
 "This analysis is on the basis of the faculty listed in the Annual 
 Catalogue for 1909-1910. 
 
270 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 eighty-four mulattoes, one hundred and sixteen are men and 
 sixty-eight are women. 
 
 From various miscellaneous sources, there was made a 
 compilation of Negro teachers in various schools and col- || 
 leges who are mentioned in the race literature as men of 
 prominence and influence in the affairs of the race. After 
 removing from this compilation the names of individuals 
 included in other lists, there remained two hundred and 
 sixty-three names. Again calling all black who are not ob- 
 viously and noticeably of mixed blood and classifying the 
 remainder as mulattoes there were found to be twenty-two 
 black and two hundred and forty-one persons of mixed 
 blood. Of those classified as black, six are men and six- 
 teen are women. Of those classified as mulattoes one hun- 
 dred and eighty-four are men and fifty-seven are women. 
 
 The thing that is true in respect to the teachers in the 
 schools and colleges, is true also of the student body. Ac- 
 cording to The Negro Year Book, 53 the degree of Doctor of 
 Philosophy has been conferred upon eleven Negroes by repu- 
 table Universities. 54 In all cases, with possibly one excep- 
 tion, the recipients were men of mixed blood. The list is 
 
 as follows : 
 
 Yale 1903 
 Yale 1876 
 Syracuse 1893 
 111. Wesleyan 1906 
 Harvard 1895 
 Columbia 1912 
 Pennsylvania 1896 
 Pennsylvania 1898 
 Chicago 1907 
 Harvard 1912 
 Pennsylvania 1911 
 
 T. Nelson Baker 
 Edward A. Bonchet 
 William L. Bulkley 
 J. R. L. Diggs 
 W. E. B. DuBois 
 George E. Haynes 
 Lewis B. Moore 
 Pezavia O'Connell 
 C. H. Turner 
 C. G. Woodson 
 R. R. Wright, Jr. 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 63 1914-1915, p. 231. 
 
 M E. V. Just, a light mulatto, received the Ph.D. degree from the 
 University of Chicago in 1916. 
 
The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 271 
 
 It has been pointed out already that the college grad- 
 uates are for the most part individuals of mixed blood. Of 
 the one hundred and fifty-seven pictured in certain copies of 
 The Crisis examined, not above one-seventh can be classed 
 as black even when all who are not conspicuously of mixed 
 blood are placed in that category. 
 
 In Chicago, the Negroes for the most part are segregated 
 within the boundaries of one high school district. 55 Conse- 
 quently, most of the Negro high school students in the city 
 attend the one school and constitute about twenty per cent 
 of its total enrollment. Enquiry concerning the relative 
 number of mulattoes and pure-blooded Negroes enrolled, 
 disclosed the startling fact that every Negro student in 
 attendance was of the mixed-blood class. 56 
 
 To obtain further information along this line, letters were 
 addressed to administrative officers or teachers in the prin- 
 cipal Negro schools bearing the name of college or univer- 
 sity. Information was received in regard to twenty-five of 
 the leading schools. Generally the information was accom- 
 panied by the request that the name of the individual fur- 
 nishing the information be not divulged. In most cases, the 
 figures are based on estimation rather than on actual count. 
 A tabulation of the data received gives the following: 
 
 Black and Mulatto Students in Leading Negro Schools 
 
 Enrolled Mulatto Black 
 
 Arkansas Baptist College 
 
 350 
 
 315 
 
 35 
 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 
 
 
 
 Atlanta University 
 
 430 
 
 409 
 
 21 
 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 
 
 
 Benedict College 
 
 700 
 
 694 
 
 6 
 
 Columbia, S. C. 
 
 
 
 
 "Wendell Phillips. 
 
 "The date of this inquiry was 10-3-1916. 
 
272 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 Black and Mulatto Students in Leading Negro Schools 
 
 (Continued) 
 
 Enrolled Mulatto Black 
 
 Chaflin University 
 
 Orangeburg, S. C. 
 Ingleside Seminary 
 
 Burkeville, Va. 
 Knoxville College 
 
 Knoxville, Tenn. 
 Lane College 
 
 Jackson, Tenn. 
 Lincoln University 
 
 Lincoln Univ., Pa. 
 Livingstone College 
 
 Salisbury, N. C. 
 Montgomery Industrial School 
 
 Montgomery, Ala. 
 Morgan College 
 
 Baltimore, Md. 
 National Training School for 
 Women and Girls 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 Paine University 
 
 Augusta, Ga. 
 Rust University 
 
 Holly Springs, Miss. 
 Scotia Seminary 
 
 Concord, N. C. 
 Selma University 
 
 Selma, Ala. 
 Shaw University 
 
 Raleigh, N. C. 
 Spelman Seminary 
 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 Straight University 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 Swift Memorial College 
 
 Rogersville, Tenn. 
 
 413 
 
 241 
 
 172 
 
 126 
 
 93 
 
 35 
 
 400 
 
 300 
 
 100 1 
 
 300 
 
 260 
 
 40 
 
 216 
 
 156 
 
 60 
 
 289 
 
 231 
 
 58 
 
 340 
 
 300 
 
 40 
 
 312 
 
 312 
 
 
 
 100 
 
 67 
 
 33 
 
 219 
 
 182 
 
 37 
 
 260 
 
 234 
 
 26 
 
 287 
 
 275 
 
 12 
 
 483 
 
 323 
 
 160 
 
 485 
 
 395 
 
 90 
 
 703 
 
 503 
 
 200 
 
 555 
 
 421 
 
 134 
 
 205 
 
 137 
 
 68 
 
The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 273 
 
 Black and Mulatto Students in Leading Negro Schools 
 
 {Continued) 
 
 Enrolled Mulatto Black 
 
 Talladega College 
 
 71 
 
 67 
 
 4 
 
 Talladega, Ala. 
 
 
 
 
 Tillosten College 
 
 250 
 
 190 
 
 60 
 
 Austin, Texas 
 
 
 
 
 Walden University 
 
 765 
 
 695 
 
 70 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 
 
 
 Wilberforce University 
 
 450 
 
 394 
 
 56 
 
 Wilberforce, Ohio 
 
 
 
 
 Wiley University 
 
 463 
 
 373 
 
 90 
 
 Marshall, Texas 
 
 
 
 
 9,172 7,567 1,605 
 
 The number of mulattoes to black Negroes in the student 
 body of these schools stands thus, according to the informa- 
 tion submitted, in the approximate ratio of five to one. This 
 tabulation, however, can be taken as giving only an indica- 
 tion of the facts. In only two cases are the figures based 
 on an actual inquiry. One of these investigations showed 
 the entire student body to be mulatto ; the other showed only 
 six students out of a total of seven hundred who did not 
 know of any mixture of blood. An accurate statement in 
 the case of many of the other schools would reduce the num- 
 ber reported as full-blooded almost, if not quite, to the van- 
 ishing point and probably would reduce materially the pro- 
 portion in the case of all. But the ratios as given may 
 perhaps be taken as indicating the approximate numbers 
 who are dark in color — say three-fourths or more Negro 
 blood — and those who are so obviously of mixed blood as 
 to permit of no question. 
 
 Throwing the data in regard to the teachers and school 
 officials who are not elsewhere mentioned into tabular form 
 we have the following: 
 
274 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 
 
 MEN 
 
 
 
 WOMEN 
 
 
 
 
 Black 
 
 Mul. 
 
 Total Black 
 
 Mul. 
 
 Total Totals 
 
 College Presidents 
 
 3 
 
 26 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 Women Principals 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Pres. Agr. & Ind. Col. 
 
 1 
 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Tuskegee Institute 
 
 8 
 
 116 
 
 124 
 
 1 
 
 68 
 
 69 
 
 193 
 
 Doctors of Philosophy- 
 
 1 
 
 11 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Miscellaneous 
 
 16 
 
 184 
 
 200 
 
 6 
 
 57 
 
 63 
 
 263 
 
 Totals 
 
 29 
 
 352 
 
 381 
 
 7 
 
 127 
 
 134 
 
 515 
 
 Names repeated 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Corrected totals 
 
 27 
 
 339 
 
 366 
 
 7 
 
 127 
 
 134 
 
 500 
 
 The Negro preachers on the average are not a particu- 
 larly superior class of men. As a rule, they are uneducated 
 and frequently are profoundly ignorant. 57 Morally they 
 are perhaps inferior to any other group of professional men 
 among the Negroes. 58 But aside from training, or native 
 ability, or character, they are a conspicuous and influential 
 group. The ignorant and immoral preacher, just as the one 
 of character and training, is a leader among his people. 
 The church, through its preachers, does more perhaps than 
 any other institution except the lodge, to modify and di- 
 rect the thinking and the acting of the race. The preacher, 
 then, regardless of his training or character, must be taken 
 as representing leadership among the Negroes. 
 
 67 Not one in ten has so much as a high-school education according 
 to a writer in the New York Age. See issue of 10-7-1915. Daniels, 
 speaking of the Boston Negro preachers, says that "most of them are 
 ignorant and incompetent floaters and hangers-on . . ." John Dan- 
 iels, In Freedom's Birthplace, p. 248. 
 
 68 Daniels considers that over 25 per cent of the Boston preachers 
 "are patently lax in their morals, and the majority is not free from 
 more or less suspicion." Ibid., p. 248. See, also, Archer, Thro 
 A fro- America, p. 139, and C. H. Brough, "Work of the Commission 
 of Southern Universities on the Race Question," Atlantic Congress, 
 1913, p. 362. 
 
The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 275 
 
 Many of the Negroes who gained prominence prior to 
 the emancipation did so through their preaching. The Ne- 
 gro Year Booh 59 gives a list with brief biographical sketches 
 of these "noted Negro preachers" prior to the Civil War. 
 The list contains the names of sixteen men and one woman. 
 Tradition has it that five of these men were full-blooded 
 Negroes ; the evidence seems fairly conclusive that twelve 
 of the number were men of mixed blood. Fifteen of the 
 seventeen have been previously mentioned in other connec- 
 tions. The two additional men are Jack, or Uncle Jack, 
 and Joseph Willis. Jack was an itinerant preacher in Vir- 
 ginia. "He was a full-blooded African and was licensed 
 to preach in the Baptist Church." 60 Willis was a free Ne- 
 gro in South Carolina. He "organized the first Baptist 
 Church west of the Mississippi." 61 He was, probably, a 
 mulatto. 
 
 Among the present-day Negro clergy, the Bishops and 
 the general officers of the principal religious denominations 
 may perhaps be taken as typical of the Negro preacher at 
 his best. 
 
 The Negro Year Book 62 gives the Bishops of the Col- 
 ored Methodist Episcopal Church as follows: 
 
 R. A. Carter 
 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 N. C. Cleaves 
 
 Jackson, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Elias Cottrell 
 
 Holly Springs, Miss. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 L. H. Holsey 
 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 M. F. Jamison 
 
 Leigh, Tex. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Isaac Lane 
 
 Jackson, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 C. H. Phillips 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 G. W. Stewart 
 
 Birmingham, Ala. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. S. Williams 
 
 Augusta, Ga. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 69 Issue for 1914-1915, pp. 170-76. 
 60 Negro Year Book, 1914-1915, p. 174. 
 81 Ibid., p. 174. 
 "Ibid., p. 179. 
 
276 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 The General Officers of the Colored Methodist Episcopal 
 Church are given as follows : 63 
 
 J. A. Bray 
 
 Birmingham, Ala. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 William Burrows 
 
 Memphis, Tenn. 
 
 
 A. R. Calhoun 
 
 Pine Bluff, Ark. 
 
 mulatto M 
 
 John W. Gilbert 
 
 Birmingham, Ala. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. A. Hamlett 
 
 Jackson, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. C. Martin 
 
 Jackson, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. H. Moore 
 
 Pine Bluff, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 L. E. Rosser 
 
 Jackson, Tenn. 
 
 
 J. C. Stanton 
 
 Pittsobo, N. Car. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. R. Starks 
 
 Sedalia, Mo. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. S. Stout 
 
 Pine Bluff, Ark. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 The Bishops 
 
 of the African Methodist 
 
 Episcopal Church 
 
 are as follows : < 
 
 55 
 
 
 W. D. Chappelle 
 
 Columbia, S. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 James M. Conner 
 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 
 black M 
 
 L. J. Coppin 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. S. Flipper 
 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. H. Heard 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 John Hurst 
 
 Baltimore, Md. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. Albert Johnson 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Joshua M. Jones 
 
 Wilberforce, Ohio 
 
 mulatto 
 
 B. F. Lee 
 
 Wilber force, Ohio 
 
 mulatto 
 
 H. B. Parks 
 
 Chicago, 111. 
 
 mulatto 
 and Indian 
 
 C. T. Shaffer 
 
 Chicago, 111. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 C. S. Smith 
 
 Detroit, Mich. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 B. T. Tanner 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 H. M. Turner 
 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Evans Tyree 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 black ■ 
 
 The list of general officers of the African Methodist Epis- 
 copal Church is as follows : 68 
 
 "Negro Year Book, 1914-1915, p. 179. 
 
 64 One correspondent called Calhoun a full-blood Negro. 
 
 "Negro Year Book, 1914-1915, p. 180. 
 
 88 Conner is himself authority for this classification. 
 
 m Generally so considered. 
 
 "Negro Year Book, 1914-1915, p. 180, 
 
 L > 
 
The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 
 
 277 
 
 G. W. Allen 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 [ra T. Bryant 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. C. Caldwell 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 black 69 
 
 J. R. Hawkins 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 A.. S. Jackson 
 
 Waco, Texas 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. T. Janifer 
 
 Chicago, 111. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. I. Lowe 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 black 
 
 T. Frank McDonald 
 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. W. Rankin 
 
 New York City 
 
 mulatto T0 
 
 R. C. Ransom 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 B. F. Watson 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 El. R. Wright, Jr. 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 The Bishops of the 
 
 African Methodist 
 
 Episcopal Zio 
 
 Church are as follows: 
 
 71 
 
 , 
 
 F. W. Alstor 
 
 Montgomery, Ala. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 3. L. Blackwell 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 72 
 
 F. S. Caldwell 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 3. W. Clinton 
 
 Charlotte, N. C. 
 
 black 
 
 Z. R. Harris 
 
 Salisbury, N. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 T. W. Hood 
 
 Fayetteville, N. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Alexander Walters 
 
 New York City 
 
 mulatto 
 
 A. J. Warner 
 
 Charlotte, N. C. 
 
 black 
 
 Below are listed the general officers of the African Meth- 
 odist Episcopal Zion Church: 73 
 
 Winston-Salem, N. C. 
 Charlotte, N. C. 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 Charlotte, N. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 7S 
 mulatto 
 
 •J. G. Atkins 
 Frank K. Bird 74 
 Aaron Brown 
 Gr. C. Clement 
 
 69 This may be open to question. See photograph in A. M. E. Church 
 Review, Jan. 1916, p. 182. 
 
 70 All authorities agree in calling Rankin a mulatto. His photo- 
 graphs show a man of rather typical Negro features. See, for exam- 
 ple, the A. M. E. Church Review, Jan. 1916, p. 177. 
 
 71 Negro Year Book, 1914-1915, p. 181. 
 
 73 One authority called Blackwell a full-blooded Negro. 
 78 Negro Year Book, 1914-1915, p. 181. 
 Ti Deceased. 
 78 A dark man. 
 
278 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 J. C. Dancy 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. H. Goler 
 
 Salisbury, N. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. S. Jackson 
 
 Birmingham, Ala. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 L. W. Kyles 
 
 Mobile, Ala. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 M. D. Lee 
 
 Rock Hill, S. C. 
 
 mulatto 76 
 
 John F. Moreland 
 
 Charlotte, N. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 T. W. Wallace 
 
 East St. Louis, 111. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. W. Wood 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 The only Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church is 
 Isaac B. Scott 77 of Monrovia, Liberia. Scott is a mulatto. 
 
 The general officers of the Methodist Episcopal Church 
 are as follows : 78 
 
 J. N. C. Coggins 
 
 Topeka, Kan. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 M. S. Davage 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Samuel D. Ferguson 
 
 Cape Palmas, West Africa 
 
 mulatto 
 
 C. C. o acobs 
 
 Sumter, S. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. M. Jones 
 
 Montgomery, Ala. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Robert E. Jones 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. W. Lucas 
 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 George W. Moore 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 I. G. Penn 
 
 Cincinnati, O. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 I. L. Thomas 
 
 Baltimore, Md. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 S. N. Vass 
 
 Raleigh, N. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. P. Wragg 
 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 The officers of the National Baptist Convention are as 
 follows : 79 
 
 S. W. Bacote 
 
 R. H. Boyd 
 
 Miss N. H. Burroughs 
 
 A. A. Cosey 
 
 S. E. Griggs 
 
 R. B. Hudson 
 
 E. W. D. Isaac 
 
 Kansas City, Mo. mulatto 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. mulatto 
 
 Washington, D. C. mulatto 
 
 Mound Bayou, Miss. \\<fs mulatto 
 
 Memphis, Tenn. mulatto 
 
 Selma, Ala. mulatto 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. mulatto 
 
 16 One authority considered Lee a full-blood Negro. 
 Negro Year Book, 1914-1915, p. 182. 
 
 77 
 
 n Ibid., pp. 182-83. 
 , P- 
 
 79 Ibid., p. 182. 
 
The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 279 
 
 L. G. Jordan 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Robert Mitchell 
 
 Bowling Green, Ky. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. C. Morris 
 
 Helena, Ark. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. G. Parks 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 A. J. Stokes 
 
 Montgomery, Ala. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 mulatto 
 
 New York City 
 
 mulatto 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 mulatto 
 
 The list of officers of the New England Baptist Conven- 
 tion is as follows : 80 
 
 W. A. Harrod, Cor. Sec'y 
 W. Bishop Johnson, President 
 W. P. Lawrence, Vice-President 
 Holland Powell, Rec. Sec. 
 Robert D. Wynn, Treasurer 
 
 A summary of the preachers and church officials thus far 
 mentioned follows : 
 
 Noted early preachers 
 Bishops C. M. E. Church 
 Gen. Officers C. M. E. Church 
 Bishops A. M. Church 
 Gen. Officers A. M. E. Church 
 Bishops A. M. E. Z. Church 
 Gen. Officers A. M. E. Z. Church 
 Bishops M. E. Church 
 Gen. Officers M. E. Church 
 Officers Nat. Bap. Conv. 
 Officers New Eng. Bap. Conv. 
 
 Totals 
 
 Names repeated 
 
 Corrected totals 5 50 2 57 
 
 The two Negro officers 81 of the Episcopal Workers 
 Among the Colored People are both mulattoes. 82 The Ne- 
 
 Black 
 
 Mulatto I 
 
 Jnknow 
 
 n Total 
 
 5 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 11 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 
 101 
 
 2 
 
 114 
 
 6 
 
 51 
 
 
 
 57 
 
 80 Ibid., p. 182. 
 
 81 Ibid., p. 182. 
 
 H. B. Delaney, President, and G. F. Bragg, Secretary. 
 
280 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 gro members of the Executive Committee of the Interna- 
 tional Sunday School Association already have appeared in 
 other connections in the previous lists. The six Negro 
 priests in the Catholic Church 83 so far as known are mu- 
 lattoes. Father Augustus Tolton of Chicago, the first Ne- 
 gro Priest in the United States, 84 was a dark man of mixed 
 blood. Father Raphard 8:> of Philadelphia, the one Negro 
 Priest in the Greek Catholic Church, 86 is a dark man, but 
 not a full-blooded Negro. The Oblates of Providence, 87 a 
 Catholic Sisterhood, was founded by Father Joubert, a Sul- 
 pician Priest, in 1829. The four young women who com- 
 posed its original membership were mulattoes. 88 The 
 founders, under the direction of Father Rousselon, of the 
 Congregation of the Sisters of the Holy Family, were four 
 "free women of color." All seem to have been mulattoes. 89 
 The Knights of Peter Klaver was founded by three white 
 men and four Negroes. Three of the Negroes were mulat- 
 toes, the other of unknown ancestry. Among the Interna- 
 tional Secretaries of the Y. M. C. A. are six Negroes. 90 Four 
 of these are known to be mulattoes and two are unknown. 
 
 Among these minor organizations of a religious or semi- 
 religious sort, then, there is mentioned but one man of pre- 
 sumably pure Negro blood though there are several who are 
 unknown. 
 
 A summary of the organizations previously mentioned is 
 as follows : 
 
 83 Negro Year Book, 1914-1915, p. 182. 
 
 84 Died 1913. 
 
 85 Rev. Robert Morgan. 
 
 89 Negro Year Book, 1914-1915, pp. 183-84. 
 
 87 Ibid., p. 184. 
 
 88 Catholic Encyclopaedia. 
 
 89 Ibid. 
 
 90 Negro Year Book, 1914-1915, p. 187. 
 

 The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 281 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 s 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 Black Mulatto Unknown 
 
 Officers, Episcopal Workers among 
 the C. P. 
 
 Afro-American Presbyterian Council 
 
 N. Members, Intern. S. S. Association 
 
 Negro Priests, Catholic Church 
 
 Negro Priest, Greek Catholic Church 
 
 Charter Members, Oblates of Provi- 
 dence 4 
 
 Charter Members, Sisters of the H. 
 Family 
 
 Knights of Peter Claver 
 
 Y.M.C.A. International Secretaries 
 
 Totals 1 24 9 
 
 The foregoing lists of church bishops and other officials 
 and functionaries would seem to be a fairly comprehensive 
 and representative representation of the leadership among 
 the various churches and church organizations. A sugges- 
 tion as to the racial ancestry of the rank and file of the 
 Negro ministry is given by the photographs in the books, 
 magazines, and papers of the race. No class among the 
 Negroes advertise themselves with more persistency and 
 shamelessness than do the preachers. Almost every issue 
 of almost every Negro publication has from one to a dozen 
 or twenty photographic reproductions of preachers who 
 have delivered, or are about to deliver, some masterpiece of 
 pulpit oratory. The current publications of the race, there- 
 fore, furnished a rather rich assortment of Negro divines. 
 A compilation of Negro preachers from these current pub- 
 lications and from the literature generally was made and 
 classified as in preceding cases. The tabulation included 
 in all four hundred and ninety-five names. Of these eight 
 were of women and four hundred and eighty-seven were of 
 
282 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 men. Eighty-six of the men and three of the women were 
 dark Negroes though not in all cases full-blooded. Four 
 hundred and one of the men and five of the women were 
 mulattoes. 
 
 This study has brought together the names of six hun- 
 dred and forty-three members of the Negro ministry. Six 
 hundred and thirty-five of them are men. Ninety-eight of 
 these are of men who are, or for social purposes may be 
 considered to be, full-blooded Negroes. Five hundred and 
 twenty-six are men who are obviously of mixed blood. There 
 are eight women, of whom three are black and five are mu- 
 lattoes. Nine of the individuals listed are of unknown an- 
 cestry. The ratio of mulattoes to blacks among the edu- 
 cated and the better known members of the Negro ministry 
 thus stands between five and six to one. When the names 
 previously mentioned are removed there remain the names 
 of five hundred and eighty persons. Ninety-five of these 
 are considered as full-bloods and four hundred and eighty- 
 five are known to be mulattoes. The ratio here stands 
 slightly over five to one. 
 
 In literature, the Negro has as yet produced little, if 
 anything, of permanent value. Much has been attempted 
 and in many lines, but little, if any, first-class work has 
 appeared so far. 
 
 In poetry and fiction, with rare exceptions, the Negroes 
 who have published works have been men ashamed of their 
 own race and who have assimilated but imperfectly the white 
 man's civilization. The works have been imitations of the 
 white man, an attempt to give artistic expression to a life 
 that the writers did not share and but imperfectly under- 
 stood. Ashamed of the black man, and frequently unac- 
 quainted with him, the Negro writers have been unable, 
 or unwilling, to give expression to real Negro life. The 
 
The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 288 
 
 effort has been made to present the Negro as a white man 
 with a colored skin. 91 In fiction, as in life, the effort to 
 make a white man of a Negro has failed. As a result of 
 the failure on the part of the writers to understand either 
 the Negroes or the white people, the Negro in literature has 
 been a creation that is like neither the one nor the other. 
 Aside from the slight work of Paul Laurence Dunbar, a 
 frank interpretation of Negro life and Negro character by 
 a Negro who knows his people and is not ashamed of them 
 is yet to be written. 
 
 In other forms of writing, the Negro has been handi- 
 capped by a lack of training. Few Negroes are trained 
 men. A dozen names include all the men of the race who 
 have received a first-class university training. Even the 
 number of college graduates is very small, and most of 
 these are from so-called colleges or universities which are 
 generally not prepared either in equipment or faculty to 
 give a first-class high school training. The graduates of 
 the best of these "Universities" at most are trained in two 
 years of college work. Consequently little is to be expected 
 of the Negro in a scholarly way — the surprise is that there 
 has been anything. Of real scientific study by Negroes, 
 there has been almost nothing ; of first-class historical study, 
 very little. On the Negro question, to the discussion of 
 which the Negroes have contributed more in volume than to 
 any other question, no Negro as yet has been able to give 
 an unbiased, objective statement. 
 
 The only attempt worthy of any serious consideration, 
 by a member of the race, to evaluate the writing of Negroes 
 is that of G. B. Brawley. In a small volume published in 
 
 91 
 
 The Negroes in fiction seem always to be mixed-bloods, octoroons 
 or near-white, and only the rough and despicable and pitiable charac- 
 ters are black. * 
 
 
284 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 1910, 92 he says 93 that he has attempted 
 
 ... to test in the light of critical principles th< 
 literature so far produced by the Negro people oi 
 America, and to review their achievement in every de- 
 partment of the fine arts. Much that has been writ- 
 ten on the Negro Problem, while it may have some value 
 in the search for truth, is, from the standpoint of po- 
 lite literature, absolutely worthless ; so that compara- 
 tively little of the writing on this large subject has beer 
 considered. 
 
 He discusses the work of five writers of the race who have 
 more or less claim to consideration as writers of literature. 
 Two of these, Phyllis Wheatley Peters and Paul Laurence 
 Dunbar, were pure-blooded Negroes. The other three: C. W. 
 Chestnutt, W. E. B. DuBois and W. S. Braithwaite, are 
 men of mixed blood. All of these persons have been men- 
 tioned in other connections in this or the preceding chapters. 
 
 These persons, according to Mr. Brawley, compose the 
 list of Negroes who have produced anything in the way of 
 literature. In a further chapter 94 on "Other Writers," 
 whilst making no claim that they have produced any litera- 
 ture, he mentions nineteen other writers with more or less 
 claim to note. Three of these seem to be white persons, 95 
 two to be black or nearly so, and fourteen to be persons of 
 mixed blood. All these persons, with the exception of Inez 
 C. Parker, an imitator of Dunbar, and Mrs. A. E. John- 
 son, the author of a Sunday School book, have been included 
 in one or more of the preceding lists. Both these women 
 seem to be mulattoes. 
 
 In this connection, perhaps, should be mentioned The Jour- 
 
 82 The Negro in Literature and Art. 
 
 83 Preface. 
 
 84 Chapter VII, pp. 35-38. 
 
 86 William C. Frost, H. B. Frissell and Lidia Marie Childs. 
 
Atlanta 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Washington 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Chicago 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Washington 
 
 mulatto 
 
 The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 285 
 
 nal of Negro History, the first issue of which appeared in 
 January, 1916. It is almost exclusively the work of white 
 men and women and mulattoes. The Executive council and 
 list of associate editors as announced in the first issue in- 
 cluded the names of eleven Negroes, ten of whom are mu- 
 lattoes. Omitting the names of white persons connected 
 with the publication and also the names of Negroes included 
 in other compilations, four names remain. These men are: 
 
 J. A. Bigham 
 Walter Dyson 
 A. D. Jackson 
 G. C. Wilkinson 
 
 In a pamphlet reprinted from the Fourteenth Report of 
 the Atlanta Conference, under the title Negro Literature, 
 are mentioned some sixty-five names exclusive of the white 
 persons included apparently by mistake. Forty-three of 
 these names have been mentioned in other connections. Of 
 the names remaining, twelve are of mulattoes and ten are 
 names or pseudonyms of individuals concerning whom there 
 is nothing known. Of the total number, five seem to have 
 been black. 96 The others so far as known were mulattoes. 
 
 A further compilation of the names of Negro writers 
 mentioned in the literature includes almost every Negro who 
 has risen to any prominence. 97 But in relatively few cases 
 does their best claim to distinction rest upon their published 
 works. They have in most cases, therefore, been included 
 in other divisions of this chapter or in the preceding chap- 
 ters. There still remain, however, the names' of forty-nine 
 
 9a Wheatley, Dunbar, Sinclair, Miller and Crummell. 
 
 87 ". . . A list of 2,200 negro authors was once compiled by the Li- 
 brary of Congress and investigation showed that with very few ex- 
 ceptions these Negro authors came from the mixed stock." C. A. Ell- 
 wood, Sociology and Modern Social Problems, p. 206. 
 
286 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 individuals who have published works of more or less im- 
 portance and who are not elsewhere mentioned. Adding to 
 these the two mentioned by Brawley, four men on the Edi- 
 torial Staff of The Journal of Negro History and twelve 
 from the pamphlet on Negro Literature, we have a total of 
 sixty-seven names of individuals whose reputations rest 
 wholly or in part on their ability as literary artists, and who 
 have not been mentioned elsewhere in these chapters. Fifty- 
 nine of these are names of men, and eight are names of 
 women. All the women are mulattoes. Four of the men 
 are full-blooded Negroes, while the remaining fifty-five are 
 mulattoes. Of the total sixty-seven, four are pure Negroes 
 and sixty-three are of mixed ancestry — a ratio of nearly 
 sixteen to one. 
 
 In the field of Negro journalism, new ventures are made 
 almost every week and old ventures fail with almost equal 
 frequency. Most of the journals have a short and not very 
 prosperous existence. Of the thousands of such ventures 
 since John B. Russwurm started The Journal of Freedom 
 in 1827, there was, in 1914, a total of four hundred and fifty 
 being published. 98 
 
 A list was made of the more important of these journals 
 and their editors taken as representing one phase of leader- 
 ship. A goodly number of these men are editors only inci- 
 dentally and have been mentioned in other connections. 
 Eighty-eight, however, have not been included elsewhere. Of 
 this list, seven — all mulattoes — are women. Eighty-one are 
 men, twelve of whom are black men and sixty-nine, mulat- 
 toes. Of the eighty-eight, seventy-six are mulattoes and 
 twelve are black — a ratio of something over six to one. 
 
 In the field of artistic and semi-artistic endeavor, the 
 Negro is almost unrepresented. The few individuals who 
 
 "Negro Year Book, 1914-1915, p. 373. 
 
The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 28 ^ 
 
 have made success already have been mentioned in other con- 
 nections. H. O. Tanner in painting and Meta Vaux War- 
 rick " in sculpture are the most conspicuous examples of 
 artistic success. Both these persons are of mixed blood; 
 
 (Tanner is light and Miss Warrick dark. E. M. Bannister, 
 a New England mulatto, was perhaps the first Negro to 
 succeed as an artist. Brawley 10 ° mentions William A. Har- 
 per, a mulatto of Chicago, as among the more promising of 
 the younger painters. As sculptors of success or promise 
 should be mentioned Edmonia Lewis and Bertina Lee. 
 Both are mulattoes. In addition to these six names men- 
 tioned by Brawley as worthy of serious consideration, men- 
 tion was made in the literature of five other painters of 
 some note who have not been mentioned elsewhere. In each 
 of these cases, the individuals are mulatto men. Five of the 
 six names mentioned by Brawley have been mentioned else- 
 where. 
 
 On the stage, in competition with the performers of the 
 white race and playing before audiences of white people, 
 very few Negroes have been able to make even a tolerable 
 success. Whether due to a peculiarly difficult apprentice- 
 ship through which the Negro with stage ambitions must 
 pass 101 or to a relative absence from the race of any his- 
 trionic ability of a high order, 102 the number of Negro 
 stage celebrities is very small. The drama has had no con- 
 siderable following among the race, and the productions de- 
 pending upon race patronage for support generally have 
 not been of a high order of merit. Brawley 103 names Ira 
 
 "Mrs. S. C. Fuller. 
 
 100 j<j ie jy e g ro i n Literature and Art, p. 44. 
 
 101 Brawley, The Negro in Literature and Art, p. 39. 
 
 102 P. A. Bruce, "Race Segregation in the United States," The Hib- 
 bert Journal, Vol. 13, p. 877. 
 
 10 *The Negro in Literature and Art, pp. 39 ff. 
 
288 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 Aldridge as the one Negro who succeeded in the legitimate 
 drama. Aldridge was a mulatto. In musical comedy, he 
 names Bert A. Williams and Aida Overton Walker as the 
 most successful. Both are mulattoes. 
 
 From various other sources, a compilation was made of 
 the more popular Negro players. 104 Excluding names pre- 
 viously mentioned, the list contained the names of one hun- 
 dred and thirteen men and women with more or less claim 
 to distinction. Fifty-nine of these names were of women, 
 and fifty-four were of men. Four of the women and four of 
 the men are dark-colored Negroes of approximately full 
 blood. Fifty-five of the women and fifty of the men are ob- 
 viously mulattoes, in a large per cent of cases very light- 
 colored mulattoes. Of the total number, one hundred and 
 thirteen, one hundred and five are mulattoes and eight are 
 Negroes of pure or nearly pure blood, a ratio somewhat over 
 thirteen to one. Most of the more talented and better- 
 known Negro actors have been mentioned in other compila- 
 tions, and so are excluded from this summary. They are 
 in every case persons of mixed blood. To include them in 
 the summary would slightly raise the proportion of mulat- 
 toes. 
 
 Several Negroes have been more or less justly famed for 
 their ability as orators. Brawley 105 names Frederick 
 Douglass, J. C. Price, and Booker T. Washington as the 
 most conspicuous. Price was a black man; the other two 
 were mulattoes. Oratory, however, is an abdominal rather 
 than cerebral exercise, so there seemed no reason for mak- 
 ing a special category to include men gifted in this way. 
 Such men, in case they seemed to be of some consequence, 
 
 1M A few readers not elsewhere mentioned are included in this com- 
 pilation. 
 
 186 The Negro in Literature and Art, pp. 41-42. 
 
The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits £89 
 
 iave been placed in other lists. 
 
 The plantation melodies were the Negro's first efforts in 
 , musical way and his reputation for music rests for the 
 aost part upon this crude, primitive music. These melo- 
 lies seem to be distinctly an American product — the Afri- 
 an had no music — and largely a product of the latter days 
 if slavery. They express in a simple way the joys and sor- 
 ows of an untutored people. It was in the rendition of this 
 ausic that the Negro excelled. The words are of unknown 
 >rigin and of no literary value, generally without sense. The 
 )lantation melodies were very close to wordless music. 
 
 Later the Negroes adopted and sometimes adapted the 
 imple church hymns; they sometimes excel in the produc- 
 ion of this sort of music. A relatively small and untrained 
 congregation frequently is able to produce effective church 
 nusic. The "coon songs" so far as composition was con- 
 cerned were largely the work of white men. In "rag time" 
 ;he Negro had a minor part though the assertion that it 
 s a racial product has about the same claim to credence 
 is has the claim that it is music. 
 
 However the Negro already has done something in a mu- 
 ical way. "There are scattered indications," says Kelly 
 Miller, 106 "that the Negro possesses ambition and capacity 
 r or high-grade classical music." A few vocalists have ap- 
 peared whose reputation rests upon something more than 
 he prestige of color. 107 A small number have a musical 
 education, several are successful writers of popular songs, 
 vhile others have made some reputation as performers. But 
 m the whole, it must be recognized that the Negro in music 
 
 109 Race Adjustment, p. 241. 
 
 ""There is a popular myth more or less current in both the races that 
 he Negro is a natural musician and the audience finds in the most 
 barbarous performance by Negro talent the thing for which their 
 ^repossessions call. 
 
290 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 is a promise rather than a reality. 108 
 
 No critical study apparently has been made of the Ne- 
 gro musicians, and no compilation of any considerable num- 
 ber of the leading ones. Johnson 109 names seven composers, 
 performers, or teachers of music. Brawley mentions twen- 
 ty-four 110 who have made some success in a musical w T ay. 
 Elsewhere throughout the literature, other individuals oi 
 talent or promise are mentioned. From the various sources, 
 a compilation was made without an attempt on the part oi 
 the present writer to evaluate the compositions, the voca": 
 power, or the technical skill of the persons mentioned. The 
 miscellaneous list thus secured included in all, exclusive oi 
 those mentioned elsewhere in this study, the names of one hun- 
 dred and seventy-one musicians and composers. One hundrec 
 and ten of these are names of men and sixty-one are names 
 of women. Of the men one hundred were mulattoes and ter 
 were black men. Of the women, three were found to be blact 
 and fifty-eight to be mulattoes. Of the one hundred anc 
 seventy-one, one hundred and fifty-eight are mulattoes anc 
 thirteen are Negroes of full blood. This is on the basis oi 
 classing as full-blooded all individuals who are approxi- 
 mately so. This is a ratio of slightly over twelve to one. 
 
 A recapitulation of the various lists of men and womer 
 whose ethnic composition has been analyzed in this chapter 
 shows a total of 2,129 names. Of these, 1,844 are names 
 of men and 285 are names of women. The 1,844 men divide 
 
 108 No account is here taken of the indecent songs as they are foi 
 the most part unwritten. For their number and variety and for the 
 extent to which they are generally known by the children as well a* 
 by the men of the race, as well as for their minutely detailed vul- 
 garity and lascivious indecency they are perhaps not equaled by the 
 lewd literature of any people. 
 
 109 James W. Johnson, "The Negro of To-day in Music," Charities 
 Vol. 15, pp. 58-59. 
 
 The Negro in Literature and Art, pp. 53 ff. 
 
 110 
 
The Negro and the Mulatto in Pursuits 291 
 
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292 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 into 206 Negroes of pure or nearly pure blood and 1,638 
 of mixed blood. The 285 women divided into 18 pure and 
 267 of mixed blood. The total number of black Negroes 
 is 224; the total number of mulattoes is 1,905. The ratio 
 of mulattoes to Negroes of full blood is slightly more than 
 eight and one-half to one. The relationship existing in the 
 different groups is best shown in the tabulation (see p. 291). 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 THE NEGRO AND THE MULATTO IN BUSINESS AND INDUSTRY 
 
 IN the business and economic world, the Negro has not 
 as yet been able to enter into successful competition 
 with other more energetic and commercially-minded peoples. 
 The half-century since the Emancipation has seen the race 
 crowded out, little by little, from many of the occupations 
 in which it formerly held a virtual monopoly. 
 
 There are, however, numerous instances of Negroes who 
 have made a success in a larger or smaller way in the busi- 
 ness life of the community. Where the Negro has been suf- 
 ficiently isolated from competition with other peoples, indi- 
 viduals have been able to build up successful business enter- 
 prises. In general, this has been by building up a business 
 within the race, though there are numerous instances of 
 successful business enterprises that do not depend entirely 
 upon race patronage. In fact, the United States Census 
 figures seem to bear out the statement 1 that there is little 
 possibility of a Negro business man making a living solely 
 from the patronage of the race. Two-thirds of his patron- 
 age must be white in order for him to succeed. The accu- 
 racy of such a generalization varies with the section of the 
 country and the nature of the business enterprise. 
 
 Booker T. Washington has brought together a large 
 group of inconspicuous Negroes who have made some de- 
 
 1 The Colored People of Chicago: An Investigation Made for the 
 Juvenile Protective Association, 1913. 
 
 293 
 
294 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 gree of success in the business or industrial world. 2 The 
 group includes fanners, grocers, barbers, and men of that 
 general type. The men mentioned, then, are, for the most 
 part, of no particular individual concern, but as a whole 
 they represent what is best and most prosperous among the 
 Negro middle-class group. To attempt to find the racial 
 ancestry of many of these men would require an amount 
 of work out of all proportion to the significance of the find- 
 ings. No attempt has been made, therefore, to make the in- 
 formation concerning this group of men complete. Consid- 
 erably over half the number, including all the more con- 
 spicuous ones, have been determined and the findings given 
 for what they may be worth. There is no reason to believe 
 that the relative ratios of blacks and mulattoes would be 
 materially altered, if the data were brought to complete- 
 ness. 
 
 The total list of men and women mentioned in the volume 
 contains the names of some persons previously mentioned I 
 in other connections and a larger number, including nearly 
 all of any real importance, will appear in a later and more 
 representative list. 3 The list of names, therefore, is not 
 reproduced here, but a summary is given showing the dis- 
 tribution into mulattoes and full-blooded Negroes of those 
 not elsewhere mentioned. This list includes the names of 
 twenty-three women and one hundred and thirty-five men. 
 Of the men, eleven seem to be black and one hundred and 
 twenty- four are mulattoes. Twenty-two of the women are 
 mulattoes and one seems to be a full-blooded Negress. Of 
 the one hundred and fifty-eight individuals, twelve are 
 classed as black and one hundred and forty-six are mulat- 
 toes. The ratio of mulattoes to blacks in this list is slightly 
 
 2 The Negro in Business. 
 8 Pages 298 ff. below. 
 
Negro and Mulatto in Business and Industry £95 
 
 over twelve to one. 
 
 Of the successful business enterprises carried on by Ne- 
 groes, the most conspicuous, perhaps, are the Negro banks. 
 These institutions in most cases are small but their presi- 
 dents form, if not the best, at least the most conspicuous, 
 class of successful men in the Negro business world. They 
 are the business aristocracy. For this reason, the group 
 of Negro bankers has been selected for analysis into the 
 black and mixed elements for the light that it may give in 
 determining the relative success of these elements in the 
 economic and commercial life of the community. 
 
 The Negro Year Book 4 gives the list of Negro banks and, 
 where known, their presidents. The total list includes the 
 names of fifty-eight separate institutions. In seven cases, 
 the president of the institution is not given. Of the fifty- 
 one presidents named, the ancestry of twelve was not de- 
 termined. Of the thirty-nine institutions whose presidents 
 are known, four seem to be black men and thirty-five mulat- 
 toes, a ratio of about nine to one. Seventeen of the fifty- 
 one have been mentioned in other connections. Of the seven- 
 teen previously mentioned, all are mulattoes. The list of 
 banks, omitting those whose presidents have been mentioned 
 in other connections, is taken from the Year Book. There 
 is here added information, where the facts are known, in 
 regard to the ethnic composition of the presidents of the 
 institutions. 
 
 Alabama Penny Saving and Loan J. O. Diffay mulatto 
 
 Company 
 
 Birmingham, Ala. 
 Alabama Savings Bank Henry A. Boyd mulatto 
 
 Selma, Ala. 
 American Bank Wm. D. Neighbors mulatto 
 
 Chicago, 111. 
 
 4 Issue of 1914-1915, pp. 311-18. 
 
296 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 Anderson Tucker and Company, 
 Bankers 
 
 Jacksonville, Fla. 
 Anniston Penny Savings Bank 
 
 Anniston, Ala. 
 Atlanta State Savings Bank 
 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 Bank Boley and Trust Company 
 
 Boley, Okla. 
 Bank of Mound Bayou 
 
 Mound Bayou, Miss. 
 Brickhouse Savings Bank 
 
 Hare Valley, Va. 
 Crown Savings Bank 
 
 Newport News, Va. 
 Delta Penny Savings Bank 
 
 Indianola, Miss. 
 Dime Bank 
 
 Kinston, N. C. 
 Enterprise Savings Bank 
 
 Springfield, 111. 
 Farmers' and Citizens' Savings 
 Bank 
 
 Palestine, Texas 
 Farmers' and Mechanics' Bank 
 
 Tyler, Texas 
 Forsyth Savings and Trust Com- 
 pany 
 
 Winston-Salem, N. C. 
 Fraternal Bank and Trust Com- 
 pany 
 
 Fort Worth, Texas 
 Fraternal Savings Bank and 
 Trust Company 
 
 Memphis, Tenn. 
 Houston Savings Bank 
 
 Salisbury, Md. 
 Industrial Savings Bank 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 Isaac Smith Trust Company 
 
 Newbern, N. C. 
 
 C. H. Anderson 
 
 W. H. McDonald, Cashier 
 
 black 
 
 T. J. Jackson 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. 0. Ross 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Johnson 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. W. Frances 
 
 mulatto 
 
 B. T. Coard, Jr. 
 
 
 E. C. Brown 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. A. Attaway 
 
 mulatto 
 
 T. B. Holloway 
 
 
 John M. Mosby 
 
 
 E. M. Griggs 
 
 black 
 
 W. A. Redwine 
 
 
 J. S. Hill 
 
 
 J. J. Scott 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Melvin J. Chisum 
 
 mulatto 
 
 John W. Lewis 
 
 mulatto i 
 
 Isaac H. Smith 
 
 black 
 
Negro and Mulatto in Business and Industry 297 
 
 A. L. Tucker 
 N. H. Alexander 
 
 J. P. Stanley 
 
 J. F. Riddick 
 R. F. Taniel 
 F. L. Lights 
 W. L. Mitchell 
 L. A. Bell 
 
 Samuel Lindsay 
 
 D. W. Baker 
 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mechanics' Investment Co. 
 
 Savannah,. Ga 
 Montgomery Penny Savings 
 Bank 
 
 Montgomery, Ala. 
 Mutual Aid and Banking Com- 
 pany 
 
 Newbern, N. C. 
 Mutual Savings Bank 
 
 Portsmouth, Va. 
 Nickel Savings Bank 
 
 Richmond, Va. 
 Orgen Savings Bank 
 Houston, Texas 
 Penny Savings Bank 
 Columbus, Miss. 
 People's Bank and Trust Com- 
 pany 
 
 Muskogee, Okla. 
 People's Dime Savings Bank and 
 Trust Co. 
 
 Staunton, Va. 
 People's Savings Bank and Trust J. M. Townsend 
 Company 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 Solvent Savings Bank and Trust J. M. Sanford 
 Company 
 
 Memphis, Tenn. 
 Sons and Daughters of Peace S. A. Howell 
 Penny, Nickel & Dime Sav- 
 ings Bank 
 
 Newport News, Va. 
 Southern One Cent Savings Bank 
 Waynesboro, Va. 
 
 This list includes the names of thirty-four men not here- 
 tofore mentioned. In twelve cases, the ancestry of these 
 men was not determined. In the twenty-two remaining 
 cases, four are names of men of full blood and eighteen are 
 names of mulattoes. 
 
 Of the various organizations of Negro business men, the 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 
298 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 largest is the National Negro Business League. This orga- 
 nization was founded in 1900 and, with its subsidiary state 
 organizations, numbers among its members almost every 
 Negro of business or of professional importance anywhere 
 in the country. The life members of the organization form 
 the most representative list of successful and leading Ne- 
 groes anywhere available. The officers elected for 1914- 
 1915, the Executive Committee and the list of Life Mem- 
 bers as given in the Report of the Fifteenth Annual Con- 
 vention of the League have been arranged in alphabetical 
 order and are here reproduced. To the lists as given in the 
 report, is here added the fact of mixed or pure blood in all 
 cases where the facts could be obtained. 
 
 The officers elected for 1914-1915 were as follows: 
 
 Booker T. Washington 
 
 Tuskegee, Ala. 
 Charles Banks 
 
 Mound Bayou, Miss. 
 J. E. Bush 
 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 John M. Wright 
 
 Topeka, Kansas 
 P. J. Allston 
 
 Boston, Mass. 
 Charles H. Brooks 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 Emmett J. Scott 
 
 Tuskegee, Alabama 
 Charles H. Anderson 
 
 Jacksonville, Fla. 
 F. H. Gilbert 
 
 Brooklyn, N. Y. 
 R. C. Houston 
 
 Fort Worth, Texas 
 William H. Davis 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 E. A. Robinson 
 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 President 
 
 First Vice-President 
 
 Second Vice-President 
 
 Third Vice-President 
 
 Fourth Vice-President 
 
 Fifth Vice-President 
 
 Secretary 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Registrar 
 
 Assistant Registrar 
 Official Stenographer 
 Sergeant at Arms 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
Negro and Mulatto vn Business and Industry 299 
 
 The executive committee was given as follows 
 
 W. T. Andrews 
 
 Sumpter, S. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. B. Bell 
 
 Houston, Texas 
 
 mulatto 
 
 S. E. Courtney 
 
 Boston, Mass. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 S. G. Elbert 
 
 Wilmington, Del. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 T. J. Elliott 
 
 Muskogee, Okla. 
 
 mulatto 
 and Indian 
 
 W. C. Gordon 
 
 St. Louis, Mo. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 George C. Hall 
 
 Chicago, 111. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 T. H. Hayes 
 
 Memphis, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Algernon B. Jackson 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. C. Jackson 
 
 Lexington, Ky. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. E. Jones 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Scipio A. Jones 
 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. C. Napier, Chairman 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Logan H. Stewart 
 
 Evansville, Ind. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 The list of life members was given as follows : 
 
 
 3yrus Field Adams 
 
 Chicago, 111. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 M. S. Alexander 
 
 Millard, La. 
 
 black 
 
 William Alexander 
 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Phillip J. Allston 
 
 Boston, Mass. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Charles W. Anderson 
 
 New York City 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. T. Andrews 
 
 Sumter, S. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. A. Attaway 
 
 Greenville, Miss. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 rlenry Avant 
 
 Helena, Ark. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. H. Ballard 
 
 Lexington, Ky. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Charles Banks 
 
 Mound Bayou, Miss. 
 
 black 
 
 VTrs. Charles Banks 
 
 Mound Bayou, Miss. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Charles T. Bass 
 
 Sullivan, Ind. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 tfme. I. B. Beale 
 
 West Newton, Mass. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 r. B. Bell 
 
 Houston, Texas 
 
 mulatto 
 
 5. C. Berry 
 
 Athens, Ohio 
 
 mulatto 
 
 ("esse Binga 
 
 Chicago, 111. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 . H. Blodgett 
 
 Jacksonville, Fla. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 ames A. Bond 
 
 Williamsburg, Ky. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 rheophilus Bond 
 
 Madison, Ark. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Eugene P. Booze 
 
 Mound Bayou, Miss. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 r. W. E. Bowen 
 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 i. A. Boyd 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 I. F. Boyd 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
300 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 R. H. Boyd 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Charles H. Brooks 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. H. Brooks 
 
 New York City 
 
 mulatto 8 
 
 D. H. Brown 
 
 St. Augustine, Fla. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Ira T. Bryant 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Nannie H. Burroughs 
 
 Louisville, Ky. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. M. Burroughs 
 
 • Memphis, Tenn. 
 
 
 Chester E. Bush 
 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mrs. Cora E. Bush 
 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. E. Bush 
 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. A. Cabaniss 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. C. Calhoun 
 
 Eatonville, Fla. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 T. J. Calloway 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Richard Carroll 
 
 Columbia, S. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 James G. Carter 
 
 Tamatave, Madagascar 
 
 mulatto 
 
 H. M. Charles 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 R. R. Church 
 
 Memphis, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 George W. Clinton 
 
 Charlotte, N. C. 
 
 black 
 
 J. A. Cobb 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Walter L. Cohen 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 N. W. Collier 
 
 Jacksonville, Fla. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Bishop E. Cottrell 
 
 Holly Springs, Miss. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Samuel E. Courtney 
 
 Boston, Mass. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 John Covington 
 
 Houston, Texas 
 
 black 
 
 A. C. Cowan 
 
 Brooklyn, N. Y. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. Alexander Cox 
 
 Cambridge, Mass. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. W. Cox 
 
 Indianola, Miss. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mrs. Belle Davis 
 
 Indianapolis, Ind. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Charles T. Davis 
 
 Council Bluffs, Iowa 
 
 mulatto 
 
 George W. Davis 
 
 Muskogee, Okla. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Wm. H. Davis 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 A. C. Dungee 
 
 Montgomery, Ala. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 S. G. Elbert 
 
 Wilmington, Del. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mrs. S. G. Elbert 
 
 Wilmington, Del. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 T. J. Elliott 
 
 Muskogee, Okla. 
 
 mulatto ■ 
 
 J. Emanuel 
 
 New York City 
 
 black 
 
 Wm. P. Evans 
 
 Laurinburg, N. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 C. E. Ford 
 
 Buffalo, N. Y. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 G. W. Franklin 
 
 Chattanooga, Tenn. 
 
 black 
 
 S. A. Furniss 
 
 Indianapolis, Ind. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 8 One authority calls 
 
 Brooks a full-blood. 
 
 
 6 A mixture of white. 
 
 Negro and Creek Indian. 
 
 
Negro and Mulatto m Business and Industry 301 
 
 James E. Garner 
 
 New York City 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. H. Garner 
 
 Columbia, S. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 George A. Gates 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 i 
 
 Mifflin W. Gibbs 
 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 F. H. Gilbert 
 
 Brooklyn, N. Y. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 C. W. Gilliam 
 
 Okolona, Miss. 
 
 J T 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. L. Girideau 
 
 Jacksonville, Fla. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 James H. Gordon 
 
 Brooklyn, N. Y. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. C. Gordon 
 
 St. Louis, Mo. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 A. A. Graham 
 
 Pheobus, Va. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Bishop Abraham Grant 
 
 Kansas City, Kan. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 F. A. Gray 
 
 Greenwood, Miss. 
 
 
 Miss Mary A. Gray 
 
 Paris, 111. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 C. A. Groves 
 
 Edwardsville, Kan. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. G. Groves 
 
 Edwardsville, Kan. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Walter P. Hall 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. A. Hamlin 
 
 Raleigh, N. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 James R. Hamm 
 
 Boston, Mass. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mrs. Carol V. Harris 
 
 Chicago, 111. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Gilbert C. Harris 
 
 Boston, Mass. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. H. Harris 
 
 England, Ark. -*? 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Henry A. Hatcher 
 
 Waterbury, Conn. 
 
 
 Allen Hatter 
 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 John R. Hawkins 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Thomas H. Hayes 
 
 Memphis, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Wm. V. Hewitt 
 
 Muskogee, Okla. 
 
 
 John A. Hibbler 
 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 George Hoagland 
 
 Bloomington, 111. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. H. Holtzclaw 
 
 Utica, Miss. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 A. C. Howard 
 
 New York City 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Alexander S. Howard 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 P. W. Howard 
 
 Jackson, Miss. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 S. P. Hurst 
 
 Clarksdale, Miss. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 G. M. Howell 
 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. C. Jackson 
 
 Lexington, Ky. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. B. Jefferson 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 A. N. Johnson 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 C. F. Johnson 
 
 Mobile, Ala. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. H. Johnson 
 
 Baynesville, Va. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. I. Johnson 
 
 Richmond, Va. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. P. Jones 
 
 Vicksburg, Miss. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 7 One authority says that Gates is a white man. 
 
302 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 Miss Hazel K. Jones 
 
 R. E. Jones 
 
 Scipio A. Jones 
 
 T. W. Jones 
 
 L. G. Jordan 
 
 Mrs. Mary Josenberger 
 
 C. W. Keatts 
 W. A. Kennedy 
 Willis A. Kersey 
 H. W. Keys 
 
 H. H. King 
 
 D. L. Knight 
 J. A. Lankford 
 J. R. Levy 
 
 A. L. Lewis 
 J. H. Lewis 
 M. N. Lewis 
 Warren Logan 
 W. L. Majors 
 M. C. B. Mason 
 U. G. Mason 
 Anthony McCarthy 
 J. B. McCulloch 
 E. E. McDaniel 
 J. D. McDuffy 
 
 D. C. McGilbray 
 
 E. H. McKissack 
 Moses McKissack 
 Kelly Miller 
 
 T. J. Minton 
 I. T. Montgomery 
 B. J. Morgan 
 T. Clay Moore 
 E. C. Morris 
 R. R. Moton 
 W. O. Murphy 
 J. C. Napier 
 Mrs. J. C. Napier 
 W. D. Neighbors 
 Dave Nelson 
 
 8 Or nearly so. 
 
 3 Often incorrectly called 
 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 
 Topeka, Kansas 
 
 Louisville, Ky. 
 
 Fort Smith, Ark. 
 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 
 Boley, Okla. 
 
 Indianapolis, Ind. 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 Yazoo City, Miss. 
 
 Louisville, Ky. 
 
 Jacksonville, Fla. 
 
 Florence, S. C. 
 
 Jacksonville, Fla. 
 
 Boston, Mass. 
 
 Newport News, Va. 
 Tuskegee, Ala. 
 St. Louis, Mo. 
 Cincinnati, Ohio 
 Birmingham, Ala. 
 New York City 
 Muskogee, Okla. 
 S. McAlester, Okla. 
 Ocala, Fla. 
 Boynton, Okla. 
 Holly Springs, Miss. 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 Washington, D. C. 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 Mound Bayou, Miss. 
 Indianapolis, Ind. 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 Helena, Ark. 
 Hampton, Ya. 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 Chicago, 111. 
 Scotts, Ark. 
 
 a full-blood Negro. 
 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 8 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 9 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
Negro and Mulatto in Business and Industry 303 
 
 F. M. Nesbitt 
 Charles Nunn 
 Berry O'Kelly 
 R. C. Owens 
 Mrs. R. C. Owens 
 ilnman E. Page 
 Thomas F. Parks 
 C. H. Parrish 
 Fred D. Patterson 
 Spenser Patterson 
 F. A. Payton, Jr. 
 A. C. Perdue 
 E. S. Peters 
 James T. Peterson 
 W. R. Pettiford 
 L. M. Porter 
 Wm. M. Porter 
 Troy Porter 
 Harry T. Pratt 
 S. D. Redmond 
 
 Memphis, Tenn. 
 Haughville, Ind. 
 Method, N. C. 
 I>os Angeles, Cal. 
 Los Angeles, Cal. 
 Langston, Okla. 
 Louisville, Ky. 
 Louisville, Ky. 
 Greenfield, Ohio 
 St. Denis, Md. 
 New York City 
 Muskogee, Okla. 
 Mobile, Ala. 
 Mobile, Ala. 
 Birmingham, Ala. 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 Cincinnati, Ohio 
 Paris, 111. 
 Baltimore, Md. 
 Jackson, Miss. 
 
 Mrs. Leila Walker Robinson New York City 
 
 W. E. Roberson 
 
 Wade C. Rollins 
 
 J. O. Ross 
 
 P. C. Roundtree 
 
 H. A. Rucker 
 
 Mrs. Daisy Saffell 
 
 J. S. Sanford 
 
 M. P. Saunders 
 
 G. W. F. Sawner 
 
 Mrs. Lena Sawner 
 
 E. J. Sawyer 
 
 W. A. Scott 
 
 Scott, Wilkerson and Scott 
 
 S. R. Scottron 
 
 T. J. Searcy 
 
 G. W. Shadwell 
 
 H. C. Shepherd 
 
 W. H. Sims 
 
 Alfred Smith 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 Prairie View, Texas 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 Little Rock, Ark. 
 Atlanta, Ga. 
 Shelbyville, Tenn. 
 Memphis, Tenn. 
 Brooklyn, N. Y. 
 Chandler, Okla. 
 Chandler, Okla. 
 Bennetts ville, S. C. 
 Edwards, Miss. 
 Memphis, Tenn. 
 Brooklyn, N. Y. 
 Memphis, Tenn. 
 Guthrie, Okla. 
 Memphis, Tenn. 
 Muskogee, Okla. 
 
 black 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 10 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto u 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 midatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulattoes 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Oklahoma City, Okla. 
 
 10 One authority called Page a full-blood Negro. 
 
 u One authority considered Parrish a full-blood Negro. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 
304 
 
 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 Isaac H. Smith 
 
 New Bern, N. C. 
 
 black 
 
 R. L. Smith 
 
 Paris, Texas 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Wilford H. Smith 
 
 New York City 
 
 mulatto 
 
 C. C. Spaulding 
 
 Durham, S. C. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. B. Stephenson 
 
 Olive Branch, Miss. 
 
 
 J. M. Strauther 
 
 Greenville, Miss. 
 
 black 
 
 C. T. Taliaferro 
 
 Perry, Okla. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 H. A. Tandy 
 
 Lexington, Ky. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Hilliard Taylor 
 
 Boley, Okla. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Preston Taylor 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Holmes Terrs 
 
 Holly Springs, Miss. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Watt Terry 
 
 Brockton, Mass. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 James C. Thomas 
 
 New York City 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. W. Thomas 
 
 Bennettsville, S. C. 
 
 black " 
 
 E. G. Tidrington 
 
 Indianapolis, Ind. 
 
 mulatto 
 mulatto 
 
 John S. Trower 
 
 Germantown, Pa. 
 
 E. D. Tucker 
 
 England, Ark. 
 
 
 Mrs. Pope Turnbo 
 
 St. Louis, Mo. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 M. W. Turner 
 
 Indianapolis, Ind. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 N. T. Velar 
 
 E. Pittsburg, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 W. T. Vernon 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 black 
 
 Mrs. C. J. Walker 
 
 Indianapolis, Ind. 
 
 mulatto " ' 
 
 A. G. Wallace 
 
 Okmulgee, Okla. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. E. Ward 
 
 Columbus, Ohio 
 
 mulatto 
 
 B. T. Washington 
 
 Tuskegee, Ala. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. W. Washington 
 
 Marlin, Texas 
 
 mulatto 
 
 John L. Webb 
 
 Yazoo City, Miss. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 John W. Wells 
 
 Chicago, 111. 
 
 
 Matthew Welmon 
 
 Brooklyn, N. Y. 
 
 
 R. W. Westberry 
 
 Sumter, S. C. 
 
 black 
 
 C. P. Williams ' 
 
 Chicago, 111. 
 
 
 G. G. Williams 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 J. A. Williams 
 
 Tampa, Fla. 
 
 black 
 
 J. S. Williams 
 
 Shreveport, La. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 S. Laing Williams 
 
 Chicago, 111. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 E. D. Willis 
 
 Lexington, Ky. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 T. J. Wilson 
 
 Memphis, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 T. J. Wilson, Jr. 
 
 New York City 
 
 mulatto 
 
 B. L. Windham 
 
 Birmingham, Ala. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 T. C. Windham 
 
 Birmingham, Ala. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 "Probably. 
 
 
 
 13 One correspondent 
 
 called Mrs. Walker full-blood. 
 
 
Negro and Mulatto in Business and Industry 305 
 
 J. Winter 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 5. W. Wood 
 
 Lonewa, La. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 rohn M. Wright 
 
 Topeka, Kan. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Fohn T. Writt 
 
 Pittsburg, Pa. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 Mrs. M. L. Young 
 
 Edwards, Miss. 
 
 mulatto 
 
 The list contains a total of two hundred and thirty-five 
 separate names. Of these, eighteen are of women and two 
 lundred and seventeen are of men. The eighteen women 
 seem in every case to be mulattoes. Of the men, seventeen 
 seem to be of pure blood, while in sixteen cases the facts 
 were not discovered. In one hundred and eighty-four cases, 
 the men are known to be mulattoes. Of the total two hun- 
 Ired and thirty-five, sixteen are not known, seventeen are 
 black, and two hundred and two are mulattoes. The ratio 
 jf mulattoes to full-blooded Negroes stand approximately 
 at twelve to one. 
 
 From all other sources, an additional compilation was 
 made of successful business men. This list was independent 
 of particular business connections. It contained real estate 
 men, undertakers, farmers, merchants, and men in dozens of 
 other lines of business. The criterion for selection was the 
 known or alleged special success in an economic way. The 
 list secured on this basis represents, naturally, a much more 
 mixed group than either of the preceding. It includes, on 
 the one hand, some of the most wealthy and highly success- 
 ful Negroes in the country and, on the other, a goodly num- 
 ber whose success is only nominal. It is, however, believed 
 to be a representative list of successful American Negro 
 business men. 
 
 This compilation contained a total of three hundred and 
 eighty-nine names. Twenty-eight of these were names of 
 women and three hundred and sixty-one were names of men. 
 The women were in every case mulattoes. Three hundred 
 
306 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 and six of the men were beyond question of mixed blood. 
 Fifty- five were either full-blooded- Negroes or very dark mu- 
 lattoes. Of the total three hundred and eighty-nine, fifty-five 
 were classed as full-blooded Negroes and three hundred and 
 thirty-four as Negroes of mixed blood. The ratio of mu- 
 lattoes to full-blooded Negroes stood, in this compilation, 
 in the approximate ratio of six to one. 
 
 The analyses of the compilations of men and women suc- 
 cessful in business and industry show, in each case, similar 
 results, though with considerable variation between the dif- 
 ferent lists. Washington's Negro m Bwsmess contains the 
 names of two hundred and twenty-six persons whose racial 
 ancestry in one hundred and fifty-eight cases was determined. 
 Twelve of these were classed as black and one hundred and 
 forty-six were classed as mulattoes — a ratio of slightly over 
 twelve to one. The thirty-nine bank presidents were in four 
 cases classed as black and in thirty-five cases as mulattoes — 
 a ratio of nearly nine to one. The two hundred and nine- 
 teen of the total two hundred and thirty-five officers and 
 life-members of the National Negro Business League were 
 found to be in seventeen cases black and in two hundred and 
 two cases individuals of mixed blood — a ratio of approxi- 
 mately twelve to one. The list compiled from the miscel- 
 laneous sources contained the names of three hundred and 
 eighty-nine persons, fifty-five of whom were found to be 
 black and three hundred and thirty-four to be of mixed 
 blood. This gives a ratio of slightly over six to one. The 
 total number of names in the four compilations is eight hun- 1 
 dred and twelve. Eighty-seven are classed as black and 
 seven hundred and twenty-five as mulattoes, giving a ratio i 
 of something over eight to one. 
 
 The first three of these lists contain names elsewhere 
 mentioned and in a few cases the same name is mentioned 
 
Negro and Mulatto m Business and Industry 307 
 
 n more than one of the compilations. By removing all du- 
 )licates and all names of men who have been mentioned 
 n other connections, the number of names is considerably 
 •educed though the ratios found to obtain between the mu- 
 attoes and full-bloods is not materially altered. The ninety- 
 ?jight names in Washington's Negro in Business not elsewhere 
 nentioned are in seven cases names of black men and in 
 linety-one cases the names of mulattoes — a ratio of nearly 
 :hirteen to one. The twenty-two bank presidents not else- 
 where mentioned are four black and eighteen mixed-bloods 
 — a ratio of four and one-half to one. The one hundred 
 and twenty-four names appearing exclusively in the list of 
 life members of the National Negro Business League are in 
 eight cases of black men and in one hundred and sixteen 
 cases names of mulattoes — a ratio of fourteen and one-half 
 to one. The list compiled from the miscellaneous sources 
 contains no names elsewhere mentioned. In the four lists, 
 there is a total of six hundred and thirty-three names not 
 found in any other compilation. Seventy-four of these are 
 of men who are classed as Negro, and five hundred and fifty- 
 nine are classed as mixed-bloods. This is a ratio of some- 
 what under eight to one. It is thus seen that by removing 
 from the lists the names of men of sufficient importance to 
 be mentioned in more than one connection we have reduced 
 slightly the ratio of mulattoes to Negroes of pure blood. 
 A tabulation of the names appearing exclusively in these 
 four lists follows: 
 
 Men Women Totals 
 
 Black Mul. Total Black Mul. Total Black Mul. Totals 
 Negro in Business 6 70 76 1 21 22 7 91 98 
 
 Banks 4 18 22 4 18 22 
 
 N. N. B. League 8 101 109 15 15 8 116 124 
 
 Miscellaneous 55 306 361 28 28 55 334 389 
 
 Totals 73 495 568 1 64 65 74 559 633 
 
308 The Mulatto in tlie United States 
 
 There still remain a number of influential and important 
 men and women of the Negro race who do not fall natu- 
 rally into any of the preceding groups. There are individ- 
 uals whose influence among their own people is shown by the 
 positions to which they have been advanced in the various 
 lodges and other strictly racial organizations. There are 
 a considerable number of individuals who have gained some 
 notoriety and exercise some influence on the thinking and 
 acting of the members of the race through professional agi- 
 tation. Other important and leading persons are engaged 
 in Young Women's Christian Association and Young Men's 
 Christian Association work and various other sorts of up- 
 lift work among the Negroes. There are prominent club 
 women, church and social workers, professional and scientific 
 men, newspaper men other than editors, farm demonstration 
 agents, and various other successful and influential men and 
 women who have not been heretofore mentioned. 
 
 These individuals were brought together in a final com- 
 pilation of a more or less miscellaneous nature. The total 
 number of names in this list was six hundred and thirty-five. 
 Analysis of this list showed the names of five hundred men 
 and one hundred and thirty-five women. Sixty-four of the 
 men and five of the women were classed as black; though, 
 here as elsewhere, this category contained the names of men 
 who are by no means pure-blood Negroes. Four hundred 
 and thirty-six of the men and one hundred and thirty of 
 the women who were obviously and unmistakably of mixed- 
 blood origin were classed as mulattoes. The classification 
 of the six hundred and thirty-five names thus showed sixty- 
 nine to be names of Negroes and five hundred and sixty-six 
 to be names of mulattoes. This is a ratio of something 
 over eight to one. 
 
 A combination of this list of names with the lists of busi- 
 
 
Negro and Mulatto in Business and Industry 309 
 
 ness men previously tabulated, gives a total of 1268 names 
 of men and women considered in this chapter and not else- 
 where included. Of these, 1068 are names of men and 200 
 are names of women. The men classify as 137 black and 
 931 mulatto; the women, as 6 black and 194 mulatto. The 
 total 1268 divide into 143 black and 1125 mulattoes — a 
 ratio of nearly eight to one. Throwing the data into tabular 
 form we have the following: 
 
 Men Women Totals 
 
 Black Mul. Total Black Mul. Total Black Mill. Totals 
 
 Businessmen 73 495 568 1 64 65 74 559 633 
 
 Not classified 64 436 500 5 130 135 69 566 635 
 
 Totals 137 931 1068 6 194 200 143 1125 1268 
 
 The inquiry into the relative status of the mulattoes and 
 the full-blooded Negroes in the United States has taken into 
 consideration a total of 4267 men and women. Summaries 
 showing the sex of the persons considered, as well as their 
 distribution into mulattoes and Negroes of full-blood, have 
 been given in connection with the various compilations. 
 Recapitulations of these summaries have been given at the 
 close of the chapters. Bringing together in a single table 
 the partial findings separately arrived at, we have the fol- 
 lowing : 
 
 Men Women Totals 
 
 Black Mul. Total Black Mul. Total Black Mul. Totals 
 Chapter VIII 14 205 219 2 22 24 16 227 243 
 Chapter IX 57 465 522 7 98 105 64 563 627 
 Chapter X 206 1638 1844 18 267 285 224 1905 2129 
 
 Chapter XI 137 931 1068 6 194 200 143 1125 1268 
 
 Totals 414 3239 3653 33 581 614 447 3820 4267 
 
 We are now in possession of a sufficient amount of de- 
 tailed and verified data to express something more than mere 
 
310 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 opinion concerning the relative success of the Negro of pure 
 and the Negro of mixed blood. The list of 4267 Negroes 
 before us includes every member of the race who has made 
 any marked success in life; it includes every member of the 
 race mentioned in the histories as an individual of import- 
 ance; it includes the men who are, in the opinion of some 
 thirty-odd of the best informed Negroes in the country, the 
 foremost living members of the race ; it includes the names 
 of those men and women who are, or have been, considered 
 of enough importance to have received mention in the 
 biographical and intimately personal accounts with which 
 the literature of the Negroes abounds ; it includes the names 
 of those men who have attained any high civil or political 
 position, or have made any particular reputation, either 
 national or local, either within or without the race, in any 
 professional or artistic pursuit; it includes the men who 
 have made any particular success in business or industral 
 lines ; it includes, in short, as nearly complete and exhaus" 
 tive a compilation as could be made of that relatively small 
 group of Negroes who have risen superior to their fellows. 
 It is believed that no Negro of first-class importance has 
 failed to be included in some one of the various lists or sum- 
 maries. It is believed that in very few cases individuals have 
 been included whose accomplishments do not entitle them to 
 some special mention when the criterion is, as here, unusual 
 success within the Negro group. But granting that there may 
 have been some few individuals omitted who should have been 
 included and some few individuals included who should 
 have been excluded — granting, that is, a reasonable margin 
 of error — the list here brought together and analyzed con- 
 tains the names of the members of the race who because of 
 education, opportunity, special talent, superior native abil- 
 ity, exceptional industry or for other reason have made a 
 
Negro and Mulatto in Business and Industry 311 
 
 noteworthy success in business, professional, artistic, or 
 other lines of human endeavor and so have become the excep- 
 tional and the important men of the race. The list is com- 
 posed of that group of men and women who compose the 
 intellectual, social, and economic aristocracy of the Negro 
 world. 
 
 In the analysis of this group of exceptional Negroes, 
 effort was made to follow the same line of demarcation 
 adopted by the Bureau of the Federal Census. In the group 
 of full-blooded Negroes, were placed those who so consider 
 themselves or are so considered by other Negroes who know 
 them, as well as those individuals of undoubtedly pure Ne- 
 gro ancestry. In the group of mulattoes, were placed those 
 individuals who claim to be mulattoes or who so pass in the 
 communities in which they live, as well as those whose color 
 and features show clearly and unmistakably that they are 
 of a mixed racial origin. No individuals were placed in the 
 mulatto group where the evidence of mixed ancestry did not 
 appear to be conclusive. Many questionable and border-line 
 cases were placed with and counted as Negroes of full blood. 
 Consequently, in the full-blooded group, there are doubtless 
 many individuals of mixed blood; probably a goodly per- 
 centage of them are in some degree of mixed ancestry ; pos- 
 sibly there are in this so-called full-blooded group more 
 individuals of mixed than of pure blood. A stricter defini- 
 tion of the terms full-blooded and mixed-blood would 
 decrease the number classed as full-blooded and increase the 
 mixed-blood group by an equal number. But in almost every 
 case, the persons placed in the full-blooded group are dark- 
 skinned individuals, of say three-fourths or more Negro 
 blood, who consider themselves and pass among their fel- 
 lows as Negroes of pure blood and, inasmuch as we are con- 
 cerned with social conditions rather than with biological 
 
312 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 facts, there is no essential fallacy in so classing them. 
 
 Classified on this basis of distinction, 447 names fall into 
 the full-blooded group and 3820 names fall into the group 
 of mulattoes. The 614 women included in the total are in 
 33 cases classed as Negroes of full blood and in 581 cases 
 as mulattoes. The ratio of mulattoes to black women thus 
 stands at seventeen and six-tenths to one. The 3653 men 
 are in 414 cases classed as Negroes of full blood and in 
 3239 cases as mulattoes. The ratio of mulattoes to black 
 men thus stands at seven and eight-tenths to one. 
 
 The higher percentage of mulattoes among the list of 
 women than among the list of men is due on the one hand 
 to its being a smaller group and so representing a higher 
 average of ability and, on the other hand, to the fact that 
 many of the women owe their prominence to the fact that 
 they are the wives of Negroes of importance. To the ex- 
 tent that the latter is the case, the preponderance of mu- 
 latto women is indicative of the tendency of marriage selec- 
 tion among the Negro males rather than of intellectual su- 
 periority among mulatto females. They are selected by the 
 men because of their relative absence of color and owe their 
 prominence to the fact of that selection. 
 
 In many of the lists, a very much higher ratio than eight 
 and one-half to one was found to prevail. In a few large 
 lists, generally of a miscellaneous sort, the ratio was some- 
 what lower. The rise above, or the fall below, this ratio of 
 eight and one-half to one, it will have been noticed, depended 
 in every compilation of any size upon the degree of im- 
 portance and real distinction of the men whose names com- 
 posed the list. The ratio of blacks to mulattoes, for ex- 
 ample, in the compilation of doctors and dentists was ap- 
 proximately fifteen to one; while in the compilation of 
 preachers, the ratio was approximately five to one. In the 
 
Negro and Mulatto in Business and Industry 313 
 
 one case, membership in the profession implies at least a 
 minimum of training and native ability; in the other case, 
 membership in the profession implies the minimum of train- 
 ing and ability. The ratio of eight and one-half to one is 
 thus the ratio prevailing between the mulattoes and blacks 
 in a list of about four thousand of the most prominent 
 individuals of the race. If the list be reduced in size 
 by the elimination from it of the less important persons, the 
 ratio of mulattoes to Negroes of pure blood would be cor- 
 respondingly raised. By lowering the standard so as to in- 
 clude a yet larger number of persons in the compilation, 
 the relative number of mulattoes to full-blooded Negroes 
 would be correspondingly decreased. The ratio of eight 
 and one-half to one, therefore, is the ratio prevailing when 
 a standard is used, which draws the line between the mass 
 of the race and the four thousand who are the race's fore- 
 most men. 
 
 The ratio of mulattoes to Negroes of full blood among 
 the four thousand leaders of the race is eight and one-half to 
 one. The ratio of blacks to mulattoes in the general Negro 
 population, on the basis of the same definition of the terms, 
 is approximately four to one. If the standard be raised 
 so as to exclude the individuals of the lower degrees of abil- 
 ity and success, the proportion of mulattoes to Negroes 
 of full blood will very greatly exceed the ratio of thirty-four 
 to one. If the definition of full-blooded Negro be made to 
 exclude those mixed-blood individuals of brown skin who 
 pass as full-blooded Negroes, there will be a further increase, 
 perhaps about a doubling, in the ratio of mulattoes to full- 
 blooded Negroes among the leading men of the race. Stated 
 in another way, the relative chances of a black child and a 
 mulatto child, chosen at random from the members of the 
 race, attaining to a position among the elite of the race 
 
314 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 are from thirty-four to fifty, or perhaps a hundred times f 
 as great in the case of the child of mixed blood. The rela-i 
 tive chances of the mulatto child over the black child de-i 
 pend upon the standard of success called for and the degree 
 of accuracy with which the terms full-blooded and mixed- 
 blood are defined. On the basis accepted for the purposes 
 of this study, the chances of the mulatto child developing 
 into a leader of the race are thirty-four times as great as 
 are the chances of a black child. 
 
 We have arrived then at the facts in regard to the asser- 
 tion and the assumption which it was the purpose of this 
 section to investigate. This assumption was that the Negro 
 people in America have produced as many superior indi- 
 viduals of pure Negro blood as superior individuals of mixed 
 blood. 14 The investigation has shown that the assertion 
 is unsupported by the slightest basis of fact. Not even by 
 accepting the loosest possible definition of terms, can it 
 be made to appear that the full-blooded group even ap- 
 proaches within a measurable distance of the mixed-blood 
 group in the production of men even slightly superior to 
 the racial average. The full-blooded Negro group has not 
 produced as many superior men as has the mulatto group. 
 According to the strictness or the looseness of the definition 
 of full-blooded Negro that is used, and the high or low de- 
 gree of superiority that is accepted as the test, the twenty 
 per cent of mixed-bloods among the American Negroes have 
 produced eighty-five per cent or upwards of the race's su- 
 perior men. 
 
 14 See p. 186 above. 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 THE ROLE OF THE MULATTO IN THE INTER-RACIAL SITUATION 
 
 THE role that a mixed-blood race plays in an inter- 
 racial situation in which it is placed is dependent for 
 the most part on facts and forces outside the race itself 
 and over which its members are able to exercise little or no 
 control. Their ambition is much the same everywhere ; their 
 opportunity to realize their ambition varies with different 
 social situations. The part they play in a social situation 
 is dependent upon the attitude of the dominant group which, 
 in turn, is largely dependent upon the exigencies of the 
 general social situation. 
 
 The desire of the mixed-blood man is always and every- 
 where to be a white man ; to be classed with and become a 
 part of the superior race. The ideal — the center of gravity 
 — of the hybrid group is outside itself. The ideal of beauty, 
 of success, of all that is good and desirable is typified by the 
 superior race. The ambition of the man of mixed-blood is 
 to be identified with the superior group; to share its life, 
 its work, and its civilization. Certain mixed-blood groups, 
 as groups, have been able partly to realize this ambition. 
 In individual and exceptional cases, persons of mixed-blood 
 are able in most urban communities to escape from their 
 group and pass as members of the advanced race. Every- 
 where, were it possible, the mixed-blood group would break 
 with their darker relatives, hide their relationship to them, 
 and, through marital relations, obliterate from their off- 
 
 315 
 
316 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 spring the physical characteristics which mark them as 
 members of a backward and despised race. Where this may 
 not be, where an intolerable racial consciousness on the part 
 of the superior race assigns individuals of all degrees of 
 intermixture and of all stages of cultural advancement to 
 the status of the backward race, the individuals of mixed 
 ancestry tend to form a separate caste and to approach 
 as near as may be to an equality with the superior group. 
 
 There would seem to be no exception to this among groups 
 of mixed-bloods anywhere. The Eurasians despise the 
 Indian, separate themselves from him and endeavor to ap- 
 proach, in habits, customs, and manner of life, the dominant 
 British group. 1 They bitterly resent a special racial desig- 
 nation which sets them off from the English ; they claim to 
 be "European" and demand that they be so classed and 
 recognized. 2 Among the Eskimos of the Greenland West 
 Coast, the native's social standing is fixed according to his 
 degree of approximation to the characteristic features of his 
 Danish superiors. 3 The lighter the individual's color, the 
 more eligible he is as a matrimonial possibility. The upper 
 strata of Jamaica's "coloured" population separate them- 
 selves from the other mulattoes, call themselves "white," ad- 
 vocate intermarriage and, opportunity presenting, prac- 
 tice it. 4 The metis of Brazil draw a more or less rigid social 
 
 1 Mary Helen Lee, The Eurasian: A Social Problem, pp. 12-13. 
 
 2 J. Smith, Ten Years in Burma, p. 117. Lee, The Eurasian, p. 14. 
 
 8 See p. 32 f. above. 
 
 4 Davenport shows that among the hybrid population of Jamaica 
 and Bermuda there is a marriage selection against the dark males. They 
 have less opportunity to become husbands of light-colored women than 
 do light-colored males and hence they have a smaller chance of becom- 
 ing fathers. This selection, he thinks, must have a real effect, in suc- 
 cessive generations, in causing the hybrids to become lighter. C. B. 
 Davenport, Heredity of Skin Color, pp. 27 ff. See, also, William Thorp, 
 
Role of Mulatto in Inter-Racial Situation 317 
 
 color line against the more highly colored groups and en- 
 deavor to form such matrimonial unions as will, they hope, 
 bring their offspring yet closer to the white type. 5 The 
 Spanish half-breeds everywhere show a similar tendency. 
 "Every one wishes to be reckoned as a white man." 6 The 
 mixed-breed Indians in the United States tend to intermarry 
 among themselves and not with the full-bloods. 7 In the 
 United States almost every Negro of prominence from Fred- 
 erick Douglass to Jack Johnson has married a white woman 
 or a light-colored mulatto. 8 
 
 There is no intention here to criticize the mulattoes or 
 
 "How Jamaica Solves the Negro Problem," World's Work, Vol. 8, p. 
 4912; and Charles K. Needham, "A Comparison of Some Conditions 
 in Jamaica with those in the United States," Journal of Race Devel- 
 opment, Vol. 4, pp. 189-203. 
 
 5 Jean Baptiste de Lacerda, "The Metis or Half Breeds of Brazil," 
 Inter-Racial Problems, p. 382. 
 
 9 James Bryce, South America, p. 460. E. A. Ross, South of Pan- 
 ama, p. 168. 
 
 7 About four-fifths of the 88,030 persons of mixed Indian and white 
 blood are one-half or more than one-half white. Indian Population in 
 the United States and Alaska, United States Census, 1910, Supple- 
 ment 1915, p. 35. 
 
 8 ". . . Whereas we do not put our individual stamp of approval on 
 Johnson marrying a white woman . . . but we still point to the many 
 notable cases of black men who have married white women and the 
 multitude of prominent colored individuals who barely miss committing 
 the heinous crime by invariably marrying the near-white women of 
 their race. What is so commonly practiced by the higher ups in every 
 community should not be so highly censurable in Mr. Johnson's action 
 simply because his matrimonial fitness largely looms up to the colored 
 woman from a standpoint of financial healthiness of purse." C. A. 
 Stokes, Kansas City Sun, a Negro paper, 4-3-1915. See, also, W. H. 
 Thomas, The American Negro, p. 408; Maurice S. Evans, Black and 
 White in the Southern States, p. 33; R. W. Shufeldt, The Negro: A 
 Menace to American Civilization, p. 196; Ray Stannard Baker, "The 
 Tragedy of the Mulatto," American Magazine, Vol. 65, pp. 582-98; 
 Bert Williams as quoted in the Chicago Defender, 12-26-1914. 
 
318 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 other men of mixed blood ; quite the contrary. To recognize 
 their desire to be white, their ambition to associate them 
 selves through marriage or otherwise with the white race 
 is but to recognize their ability to appreciate the superioi 
 culture of the white group. u An opposite tendency or 
 their part would go far towards establishing the thesis oi, 
 the congenital inability of the lower group to assimilate 
 white civilization. It would show a deliberate preference 
 on their part for the inferior in the presence of the supe- 
 rior. 
 
 In contrast to the social ambition of the mixed-blood 
 group, racial antipathy on the part of the dominant group 
 is everywhere present. 10 Actual social equality between 
 divergent racial groups in a population is found nowhere. 
 Whether it be right or wrong, natural or artificial, this caste 
 feeling exists and is always a factor in the racial situation. 
 The way in which it manifests itself, varies with the people 
 in contact and the conditions of their association. It may 
 find its expression in a good-natured tolerance of the short- 
 comings of an inferior group; it may show itself as con- 
 tempt for a weak and backward race; it may show itself as 
 disgust at the strange manners and customs of a degraded 
 people ; it may be expressed as an intense and bitter hatred 
 for the opposite race; it may take any one of a great num-< 
 ber of forms ; but it is nowhere wholly absent. In general, 
 the wider the difference in physical and cultural traits 
 between the two races in contact, the more intense and 
 
 9 "The fact that it is always the lighter race that puts the taboo on 
 the colored, and that the latter is everywhere eager to mix with the 
 whites, is only an evidence of the general trend of choice towards the 
 higher efficiency of the white race." U. G. Weatherly, "A World-Wide 
 Color Line," Popular Science Monthly, Vol. 79, pp. 474-86. 
 
 10 B. L. Putnam Weale, "The Conflict of Color," World's Work, Vol. 
 19, pp. 12327-29. 
 
Role of Mulatto in Inter-Racial Situation 319 
 
 bitter is the antipathetic feeling between them. 11 It is more 
 intense between the North Europeans and the blacks than 
 between any other two races. It is usually, though not 
 always, less marked between the Mediterranean races and 
 the primitive peoples of America than between any other 
 culture and nature peoples who have come into contact with 
 each other. 12 The number of members of the lower race 
 in the social situation is also a factor conditioning the feel- 
 ing that their presence arouses. A few individuals of a 
 divergent type ma}' excite interest and curiosity; they may 
 even enjoy a prestige simply by virtue of their unlikeness. 
 But if present in greater numbers and especially if their 
 presence is felt to constitute a menace to the superior cul- 
 ture, the feeling against them may rise to a pitch of fanat- 
 ical barbarism. Political conditions may be such as to 
 compel the disavowal of this race prejudice, business rea- 
 sons may counsel its concealment, individual isolation from 
 racial contact may even prevent its rising above the thresh- 
 old of consciousness ; but consciously or subconsciously it is 
 an ever-present and active force wherever two races are in 
 contact. 
 
 It is the desire for social equality on the part of the 
 mixed-blood group in conflict with the caste feeling of su- 
 periority on the part of the dominant group which fur- 
 nishes the key to an understanding of the place that the 
 nixed-blood man occupies and the role which he plays in 
 liiferent racial situations. These are the factors which 
 ire always present and operating wherever a mixed-blood 
 
 "James Bryce, The Relation of Advanced and Backward Races, pp. 
 8-19. 
 
 "However, ihe Castilian Spaniards in Spanish America gave an ex- 
 ibition of caste feeling and of contempt for inferior peoples perhaps 
 owhere else equaled in colonial history. 
 
320 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 race has appeared between two groups distinct in appear- 
 ance and divergent in culture, occupying the same territory 
 in anything like equal numbers. 
 
 It is the conflict of these two factors which determines 
 the role of the mulatto or other hybrid population. As a 
 consequence of the variability of the factors among differ- 
 ent racial groups and of their intensification, modification! 
 or disguisement in conformity to the peculiar needs of the 
 particular situation, the mixed-blood populations are found 
 to play quite different roles in different inter-racial situa- 
 tions. They may be allowed to identify themselves with, 
 and to become an integral part of, the culturally superior 
 group or race. They may occupy a place apart, form an 
 outcast group with a social status inferior to that of either 
 of the parent races. They may be a connecting link be- 
 tween the white and the colored elements in the population 
 They may be used as a buffer between the extreme racial 
 types in the community. They may identify themselves 
 with, and become the leaders of, the lower race of the popu- 
 lation. There ma}' also be various combinations of these 
 roles and numerous transitional stages from one to another. 
 
 Where the hybrid race has been granted the opportunity, 
 it has identified itself with the advanced group. The mixed- 
 blood race of white, Indian, and Negro ancestry in Brazil 
 affords perhaps the best illustration of this tendency. 
 
 The social advance of the metis began during the regime 
 of slavery. "As they were more active and intelligent than 
 the blacks, they soon made their way into the homes and 
 were occupied in domestic service. Many of them won the 
 esteem of their masters and those about them. Some of 
 them, giving proof of real intelligence and devotion to their 
 employers, were, from a feeling of gratitude, emancipated 
 by the latter and were given the rudiments of an artistic 
 
Role of Mulatto in Inter-Racial Situation 321 
 
 education. . . ." 13 Many of those who were freed contin- 
 ued to live under the same roof with their former masters 
 and their advance continued "in accordance with the laws 
 of intellectual selection." 14 
 
 At the time of the Emancipation, 15 the separation that 
 already existed between the metis on the one hand and the 
 Negroes and Indians on the other began to widen. 16 The 
 metis, who were already found for the most part in the 
 towns, became more exclusively an urban population. The 
 class differences that had been accentuated for political 
 purposes among the lower classes 17 gave them a profound 
 "contempt for productive employments." They imitated 
 the classes above them, ceased to labor, and formed a pseudo- 
 leisure class. 18 
 
 The Negroes from the moment of their emancipation be- 
 came enamored of the leisure life. Neither they nor the 
 Indians would longer engage in laborious occupations with 
 any degree of regularity. 19 The Negroes began to with- 
 draw from the centers of civilization and to find more con- 
 genial associates among the Indians of the interior with 
 
 "Lacerda, Inter-Racial Problems, p. 379. See, also, Sir Harry H. 
 Johnston, The Negro in the New World, p. 99. 
 "Lacerda, Inter-Racial Problems, p. 379. 
 15 1888. 
 
 16 The importation of slaves continued in Brazil to almost the date of 
 emancipation. Over sixty thousand were imported in 1848. T. C. 
 Dawson, The South American Republics, Part 1, p. 457. 
 
 17 A. G. Keller, Colonization, p. 313. 
 
 ""But the mestizo runs to oratory and politics; not to labor." W. H. 
 Koebel, The South Americans, p 97. 
 
 19 ". . . the efforts which have been made in Brazil to attract the 
 Indian or the mixed Indian and Negro population to the mines have 
 not. ... on account of the indolent nature of the colored inhabitants." 
 Sir Charles W. Dilke, "Forced and Indentured Labor in South Amer- 
 ica." Nationalities and Subject Races, p. 106. 
 
 "The negro, no longer a slave but a free and occasionally a some- 
 
322 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 whom they readily intermixed and into whose ranks they 
 tended to disappear. 20 
 
 At the time of the Revolution and the establishment of 
 Brazilian independence, the mixed-blood group was suffi- 
 ciently numerous and powerful to compel a recognition 
 of social equality 21 and secure an equal place in the affairs 
 of the government. 22 Consequently, the mixed-bloods came 
 into closer contact with the culture group, while the gap 
 between the mixed-bloods and the Negro-Indian group wid- 
 ened. 23 At the present time, the metis are sloughing off , 
 more and more the customs and habits of the colored races 
 and conforming more closely to the manners of life of the 
 white group. By marriage selection, they endeavor to 
 make their children more like the Portuguese and less like 
 the members of the lower groups. Economic and profes- 
 sional success, or the achievement of political position ad- 
 mits them to the lighter grades of Brazilian society. Pov- 
 erty, atavism, or failure may throw individual members into 
 
 what arrogant person, works only when he feels inclined." Koebel, 
 The South Americans, pp. 92-93. 
 
 ". . . owing to the large proportion of negro blood among the work- 
 ing classes and the luxurious vegetation by means of which life can 
 be at least supported with a minimum of effort, the people are inclined 
 to be indolent. . . ." The South American Year Book, 1915, p. 216. 
 
 ^Lacerda, Inter-Racial Problems, p. 381. Johnston, The Negro in 
 the New World, p. 100 f. n. 
 
 It is to be remembered that conditions differ very radically in 
 North and South Brazil. The great bulk of the Negro population is 
 in the tropical regions of the North. Between the North and South 
 Brazil "There is very little in common save the language." Koebel, 
 The South Americans, p. 9. "So mixed is the blood of the lower classes 
 that it is very difficult to tell who or what many people are, . . ." 
 South American Year Book, p. 216. 
 
 "All races and classes are recognized by the constitution as equal. 
 
 u Lacerda, Inter-Racial Problems, p. 381. 
 
 79 Ibid., p. 382. 
 
Role of Mulatto in Inter-Racial Situation 323 
 
 the lower groups between which and the mixed-blood group 
 there is coming to exist the same impassable barrier which 
 in the United States, Jamaica, and South Africa exists 
 between the whites and the mulattoes. 
 
 Of course in general mode of life, social customs, etc., 
 the educated coloured people of Brazil are scarcely dis- 
 tinguishable from the Portuguese middle or upper 
 classes, according to their means and social status. The 
 peasants, however, away from the towns lead a more 
 African existence, and except that the house or hut 
 may be a little superior to the average negro home in 
 Africa, manners and customs in domesticity are little 
 changed from the standard of the Gold Coast or Da- 
 homey — not a very low standard, by the by. 24 
 
 The mixed-bloods are, therefore, for all essential pur- 
 poses, a part of the advanced group, and tend to become 
 more and more so. They have considerable influence in the 
 governmental affairs of the country. All offices and honors 
 are open to them. In the solution of the racial problem, 
 so far as the above is true, they simply have no part. They 
 have left the race, escaped from it, and by every means in 
 their power endeavor to conceal and obliterate their for- 
 mer connection with and relationship to the primitive 
 group. 25 
 
 "Johnston, The Negro in the New World, p. 105. 
 
 25 The idea that the Brazilian Negro is being absorbed into the white 
 race and transformed into a white man without essentially changing 
 the physical type of the population is hardly to be taken seriously. 
 It represents a "hope and the belief" rather than a rational judgment. 
 Mr. Roosevelt says that the men and women "with whom I closely 
 associated were in the great majority of cases pure white, save in the 
 comparatively rare instances where they had a dash of Indian blood"; 
 that the men and women of high social position are as unmixed as the 
 corresponding classes in Paris or Rome, and that they will continue to 
 
 
324 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 . . . He is now a "Homem Brazileiro," and the word 
 negro, even when applied to one of pure negro race, has 
 come to be used only as a term of abuse, which may 
 be made still further offensive by supplementing it 
 with the words "de Africa." This has come to be one 
 of the most offensive terms one can apply to a Brazil- 
 ian citizen, even though he be of unmixed negro de- 
 scent. If you must discriminate as to colour in con- 
 versation, you speak of a "preto." 26 
 
 Under other conditions, the bastard race may be the 
 connecting link which holds together the divergent racial and 
 cultural elements in a population. This seems to be the 
 role of the mixed-blood group where they are a numerically 
 important part of the population, and where there is a 
 relatively weak sense of nationality on the part of the white 
 group. Stated in other words, it is their role in those inter- 
 racial situations where there is a more or less rapid amal- 
 gamation in process between the divergent elements of the 
 
 be pure white; that the classes immediately below have absorbed and 
 will continue to receive a small amount of Negro blood while in "the 
 ordinary people" the absorption of Negro blood will be "large enough 
 to make a slight difference in the type." And finally he quotes a Bra- 
 zilian "statesman" to the effect that the Negro is disappearing by 
 absorption into the white race and "his blood will remain as an appre- 
 ciable, but in no way a dominant, element in perhaps a third of our 
 people, while the remaining two-thirds will be pure whites." When it 
 is remembered that an eighth and frequently a sixteenth or even less 
 of Negro blood in a Negro-White cross is sufficient to "make a slight 
 difference in the type" it is readily seen that, even if there should 
 be no further increase in Negro blood, the population of the country will 
 need to be increased by from one hundred and fifty to two hundred 
 million white persons in order that the present ten million Negroes and 
 mulattoes may be absorbed into the lower third of the population with- 
 out producing more than a slight change in the type. The utterances 
 of Mr. Roosevelt are often taken seriously. See T. R. Roosevelt, 
 "Brazil and the Negro," Outlook, Vol. 106, pp. 409-11. 
 "Johnston, The Negro in the New World, p. 100. 
 
Role of Mulatto in Inter-Racial Situation 325 
 
 population. It is the part played by the mixed-blood group 
 in Cuba, in many parts of Spanish America, and in certain 
 regions of Brazil. 
 
 In Cuba, the mulatto occupies much the position of a 
 connecting link between the pure-bred Spaniard on the one 
 hand and the full-blood Negro on the other. There is no 
 sharp break between the whites and the mulattoes, nor be- 
 tween the mulattoes and the Negroes. The different shades 
 of the hybrid group serve to connect the opposing cultural 
 and physical types. They grade almost imperceptibly into 
 the whites above them and into the blacks below them. The 
 color line, in the sense in which that phrase is understood 
 in the United States, Jamaica, and South Africa, is neither 
 hard nor fast 27 and the mulatto is free to associate and to 
 intermarry with the members of the white group. 28 In pro- 
 portion to his success in life and his approximation to the 
 Spanish cast of countenance, he is able to get himself 
 accepted into the less exclusive grades of white or near- 
 white society. 29 All this does not imply any lack of preju- 
 dice or caste feeling on the part of the Spaniards. Caste 
 feeling does not center at any one point ; it is diffused 
 throughout the population. 30 Color is a badge of inferi- 
 
 27 "Yet the Negro is losing ground, politically and socially, and 
 unless he is content with his present status of farmer, laborer, petty 
 tradesman, minor employee, and domestic servant, there will arise a 
 'colour question' here as in the United States." Johnston, The Negro 
 in the New World, p. 60. 
 
 38 The one thing that makes the relations of the races more friendlly 
 in Cuba than in the United States is that there their desire to mix 
 with the whites is granted. R. L. Bullard, "How Cubans Differ from 
 Us." North American Review, Vol. 186, pp. 416-21. Note particularly 
 p. 417. 
 
 29 R. L. Bullard, "The Cuban Negro," North American Review, Vol. 
 184, p. 624. 
 
 ao lbid., p. 628. 
 
326 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 ority. 31 The men at the top are white ; the men at the 
 bottom are black. 32 Every man between is envious of the 
 colors lighter than himself and contemptuous of those more 
 highly colored. 
 
 The racial situation on the mainland is not markedly dif- 
 ferent. The mixed-blood race stands, industrially, politi- 
 cally and socially, between the white on the one hand and 
 native on the other. Except where Negro blood is present, 
 there is generally no sharp breach between the mixed-blood 
 group and the white race and no definite breach between 
 the mixed-blood group and the mother race. The mixed- 
 bloods envy the white and endeavor to marry into the white 
 or near-white society. In proportion to the difference in 
 their social status, they despise the Indian and the Negro. 
 The mixed-blood group, however, ranges in appearance 
 from the near-white to the near-Indian type and so forms 
 a physiological tie between the mixed-white and white group 
 and the Negro and Indian group. 
 
 In general, the role of the mixed-blood individuals in Span- 
 ish America seems to be that of a connecting link between 
 the extremes of the population. It is their part to mix 
 with the whites and the blacks and to serve as a tie be- 
 tween the two. Racial amalgamation goes on between the 
 whites and the mixed-bloods, and between the mixed-bloods 
 and the Natives. The hybrid population is increased by 
 both unions as well as by mixture among themselves, and 
 the population approaches more and more to that of an 
 exclusively hybrid one. 33 
 
 31 Bullard, North American Review, Vol. 184, p. 629. 
 
 32 Many of the Negroes are no further advanced than those in the 
 Congo. William Inglis, "The Future of Cuba," the North American 
 Review, Vol. 183, pp. 1037-40. Note especially p. 1039. 
 
 33 In some of the more advanced states it seems already to have 
 reached this stage. Chile has, more than most South American coun- 
 
Role of Mulatto in Inter-Racial Situation 327 
 
 The final outcome of these racial arrangements is de- 
 pendent simply upon the relative numbers of the racial 
 groups in the population. Where the hybrid is the numer- 
 ically dominant group, as in Mexico, 34 it represents the 
 probable future type 35 of the country's population. 36 
 Where the white group is the more numerous and especially 
 where it is being constantly reinforced by immigration, as 
 is the case of Southern Brazil, the hybrid group tends to 
 approximate more and more the white type, 3 ' and a single 
 color line to separate the mixed-white group from the mixed- 
 Indian and black groups. Where the native group predom- 
 inates and where there is no appreciable immigration and 
 no effective caste feeling on the part of- the mixed or su- 
 perior groups to save them from a further infusion of native 
 blood, the population is gradually reverting, in appearance 
 and civilization, to the Indian type. The racial problem 
 in the Spanish American countries finds its expression in 
 periodical revolutions and a more or less chronic state of 
 
 tries, been able to draw the line between the whites and the various 
 grades of pure- and mixed-blood natives below them. Keller, Coloni- 
 zation, p. 317. Bryce says "there are no longer any pure Indians" 
 and that most of the aristocracy have remained pure white. South 
 America, p. 232. See, also, p. 478. 
 
 84 Seventy-five per cent mixed; 15 per cent Indian; 10 per cent Euro- 
 pean descent. 
 
 85 If one may speak of a "type" in a hybrid population. 
 
 36 Sir Charles Bruce, "The Modern Conscience in Relation to the 
 Treatment of Dependent Peoples and Communities," Inter-Racial Prob- 
 lems, pp. 291-92. James Bryce, "Migration of the Races of Men," 
 Contemporary Review, Vol. 62, p. 130. J. H. Van Evrie, White Su- 
 premacy and Negro Subordination, pp. 157-58. Friedrich Ratzel, His- 
 tory of Mankind, Vol. 2, p. 27. 
 
 37 Lacerda, Inter-Racial Problems, p. 378. Luis Cabera, "The Mexi- 
 can Revolution — Its Causes, Purposes and Results," Annals of the 
 American Academy of Political and Social Science, Supplement, Jan. 
 1917, pp. 4-5. 
 
328 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 guerilla warfare. 
 
 Where there exists a strong sense of nationality or of 
 racial pride on the part of each of the two parent races;! 
 in the situation, the mixed-blood individuals usually are < 
 without a respected position in the society of either. Each 
 race having a civilization in which it believes and which it e 
 considers the superior of any other, there is no natural J 
 place for the half-castes except within the ranks of one orl 
 the other of the parent races. There is no middle ground. J 
 If they are rejected by both races or refuse to cast their 
 lot with one and are rejected by the other, they are simply 
 outcasts. They may form or be formed into a special caste, 
 but it is a caste with an inferior social status within one 
 or the other of the parent races, and not a class intermediate 
 between the parent groups. The Eurasians are perhaps 
 the best present-day example of a group rejected by both 
 the races of which their ancestry is composed. 
 
 In the Asiatic situation, the colored races have their own 
 civilization to which they hold with a tenacity at least equal 
 to that which the white man shows for his. The difference 
 in culture is not merely a matter of degree ; it is a difference 
 in kind. It is not that one is so much higher than the 
 other, as is the case where the Negro and most of the lower 
 races are in contact with the whites, as that they are dif- 
 ferent civilizations. To depart from one is not to approach 
 the other; it is simply to decline in that civilization. 
 
 In this situation, the mixed-blood individuals must be 
 either Europeans or Orientals. They cannot occupy a status 
 above the one race and below the other. The civiizations 
 are not so serially arranged. The hybrids cannot be part 
 one and part the other. They may occupy an inferior sta- 
 tus in either group, but this is not an indication that they, 
 for that reason, stand nearer to the other. They cannot 
 
Role of Mulatto in Inter-Racial Situation 329 
 
 break connections with the white group without discarding 
 European civilization; to go over to the colored group 
 would be to accept the civilization of the Indians. But to 
 the Orientals, the Eurasians are as much outcast as they 
 are to the Europeans ; they can no more be Hindus than 
 they can be Englishmen. They must give up one civiliza- 
 tion or the other, and content themselves as best they may 
 with the status assigned them by the group with which they 
 elect to be identified. The older Portuguese Eurasians have 
 for the most part reverted to the Indian civilization and 
 accepted a special status therein. The English Eurasians 
 or "Indo-Europeans" have endeavored to be English 38 and 
 have received some recognition from the British rulers, 
 though they are nowhere accepted by the Europeans on 
 terms of social equality. They occupy subordinate clerical 
 positions in the government service and are almost wholly 
 dependent upon the English patronage for the means of 
 existence. 
 
 The Eurasian occupies an unenviable position. He 
 is too proud to mix with the natives, who will, indeed, 
 have none of him, and the European shuns him. He 
 is a sort of social neutral stratum, regarded as for- 
 eign and looked upon with suspicion by the brown 
 race, and looked down on with contempt by the white. 
 Popularly supposed to inherit all the vices and none 
 of the virtues of his parents, there is little ever said 
 in his favor. I fear you cannot call the Eurasian trust- 
 worthy or truthful as a class, though of course there 
 are many honorable exceptions. Certain it is he sel- 
 dom rises to high employ, and is chiefly engaged in 
 clerkly duties, for he has an unconquerable aversion to 
 physical work or energy of any sort. The Eurasian 
 88 ". . . they cling to their connection with the ruling class with a 
 
 pride and persistency that is almost pathetic." Herbert Compton, 
 
 Indian Life in Town and Country, p. 210. 
 
330 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 society is one apart and unique, and its etiquette and 
 manners are often a fine burlesque on those of the 
 white race, with which its members are proud to claim 
 connection. Their womenfolk affect gaudy colours, 
 and a Eurasian ball will display as many rainbow tints 
 as a mulatto one. . . ." 39 
 
 They are a sensitive, generally discontented, and trouble- 
 some element in the community. 40 Their presence creates 
 the most difficult of the minor problems in India. They 
 stand in the presence of two civilizations and two race 
 groups, but they are members of neither. They are com- 
 pelled to remain a special group accepted by neither race 
 and despised by both. 41 They are neither a connecting 
 link between the races nor a harmonizing group between 
 the extreme racial types. They are no more the spokesman 
 or representative of the Hindus, than they are of the 
 English. They are simply outcasts from both races with 
 no natural role or dignified social status in the Indo-Euro- 
 pean situation. 
 
 Elsewhere in the East, the Oriental-European half-breed 
 has developed much the same type of mind. He has no 
 part to play in the inter-racial situation; he is himself a 
 problem. 42 "The East seems to me to teach emphatically 
 that the crossing of different races is always and every- 
 where a bad thing." 43 
 
 30 Compton, Indian Life in Town and Country, pp. 208-9. 
 
 40 At the time of the Sepoy mutiny the Eurasians cast their lot with 
 the Europeans and for a time a certain solidarity was established 
 between them but the friendly feeling scarcely outlasted the time of 
 danger. 
 
 "£lisee Reclus, Asia, Vol. 3, p. 389. 
 
 42 See James A. LeRoy, The Americans in the Philippines, pp. 26, 
 65, 68 ff. Charles E. Woodruff, "Some Laws of Racial and Intellec- 
 tual Development," Journal of Race Development, Vol. 3, p. 175. 
 
 43 President Eliot, Chautauquan, Vol. 70, p. 285. See, also, Wu Ting- 
 
Role of Mulatto in Inter-Racial Situation 331 
 
 Under certain other conditions, the presence of the mu- 
 latto population is utilized to lessen the friction between 
 the pure-blooded races. The natural tendency of its mem- 
 bers to form a separate parasitic caste when denied social 
 equality^ with the dominant race is seized upon and fos- 
 tered, and a caste developed in the community separate from 
 either the white or the black, and standing between the two. 
 In this position, they lessen the amount of contact between 
 the extreme types of the population and so may lessen the 
 clash between the races. They are used as a buffer between 
 the pure-blooded groups. 
 
 It is in about this role that the mulatto seems to figure in 
 the racial situation in the British colony of Jamaica. The 
 group of ruling whites is very small, 44 but here, as else- 
 where, the English have refused to debase their civilization 
 by compromising with the colored element in the formation 
 of their national institutions. The civilization is distinct- 
 ively English. But the governmental policy, dictated by 
 the home office, has been devised with a view towards har- 
 mony between the races. 45 
 
 The mulattoes are not a numerically important part of 
 the Negro population, but the white rulers have realized 
 their possibilities for harm as dissatisfied agitators among 
 the blacks. They also have realized the possibilities of the 
 group as a harmonizing factor in the racial situation. As 
 a consequence, they have utilized the mixed-bloods as a 
 means of control of the lower and more numerous group, 
 
 Fang, "China," Inter-Racial Problems, pp. 128-29, and Moh. Sourour 
 Bey, "Egypt," Inter-Racial Problems, p. 170. 
 
 44 About 2 per cent. See p. 66 above. 
 
 45 That English opinion, not local opinion, must be the ultimate judge 
 of local affairs is the conscious policy of British Colonial rule. See 
 Gilbert Murray, "Empire and Subject Races," Nationalities and Subject 
 Races, pp. 7-8. 
 
 
332 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 and as a means of lessening the friction between the ex 
 treme types of the population on the Island. 
 
 By catering to the mulattoes' desire for special recog 
 nition and by fostering their caste feeling of superiority t 
 the blacks, 46 the English have built up a middle-class grou; 
 between the white aristocracy and the black peasantry 
 This group includes the educated and professional classe 
 of the Negro group and the more successful colored indi 
 viduals in all lines of human endeavor. 47 The mulattoes b* 
 long to the intermediate class by right of birth. 48 Blac 
 men occasionally gain admittance if endowed with speck 
 natural ability, or if they have been exceptionally successfi 
 in the accumulation of property. 49 
 
 This mulatto class has been separated in sentiments an 
 
 48 The pride of the Jamaican in his white blood is shared by the oth< 
 mixed-bloods of the Islands. "The Native Bermudians (brown) co? 
 sider themselves much superior to the (black) Jamaicans." See Flo 
 ence H. Doneilson, Appendix B (a) in Davenport, Heredity of Sfo 
 Color, p. 105. 
 
 47 Earl Finch, "The Effects of Racial Miscegenation," Inter-Bad 
 
 Problems, p. 111. 
 
 48 "There is a considerable element of the Jamaica population whic 
 is known as 'sambo,' an element with about one-fourth of white bloo( 
 this Caucasian or Semitic mixture shows itself plainly in their col( 
 or their features, and they should, strictly speaking, be classed i 
 'coloured.' But very few members of this section of the people hai 
 so classified themselves in the census ... the term coloured, having \ 
 custom come to be applied to persons of a distinctly brown or cle? 
 complexion." H. G. de Lisser, Twentieth Century Jamaica, p. 4 
 Quoted by Charles K. Needham, "A Comparison of Some Conditioi 
 in Jamaica with those in the United States," Journal of Race Develop 
 ment, Vol. 4, p. 192. 
 
 49 Ibid., pp. 191-92. Catering still further to the mulattoes' desi: 
 to be white certain members of the mulatto group of less than on 
 fourth Negro blood are allowed to designate themselves "whites t 
 law." Membership in the latter group is conditioned by the whitene 
 of skin. They are the social aristocracy of the mulatto group thouf 
 by no means necessarily the men of superior ability. 
 
Role of Mulatto in Inter-Racial Situation 333 
 
 interests from the black group 50 by a deliberate and thor- 
 ough-going application of the "divide and rule" policy. 51 
 By a judicious distribution of petty political offices and 
 honors, 52 the whites secure their loyalty and cooperation in 
 the affairs of government in spite of the rigid color line 
 which they draw against them in social affairs. Any Negro 
 who shows ability or talent for leadership is diplomatically 
 separated from the black group and his loyalty to the gov- 
 ernment and to the ruling whites assured by a political or 
 other honor proportional to his danger as a disgruntled 
 agitator among the blacks. Such political honor or the 
 accumulation of a considerable amount of property will 
 allow him entrance to "colored" society and, if the honor 
 or the fortune be sufficient, assure him a mulatto wife. 53 
 The larger the fortune, the whiter the wife. 
 
 In this way the black race is separated from its natural 
 leaders and remains a black and happy, a contented and 
 helpless mass. 54 The mulatto, dependent upon the white 
 aristocracy for his political position and business oppor- 
 tunities and flattered by a racial designation that separates 
 him from the peasantry and implies his superiority to it, 
 
 60 J. A. Froude, The English in the West Indies, pp. 24-25. 
 
 "See Sir Henry Cotton, Nationalities and Subject Races, pp. 46-47, 
 and Lala Lajpat Rai, "The Present Condition in India," Nationalities 
 and Subject Races, pp. 32, 39. The discussion here is in regard to 
 the Indian polity. 
 
 Compare the "divide and rule" policy of Spain's early colonial policy. 
 H. C. Morris, The History of Colonization, Vol. 1, pp. 252-53. 
 
 62 ". . . 'colored' men occupy most of the subordinate, and some of 
 the higher positions in the public service." W. P. Livingstone, "The 
 West Indian and American Negro: A Contrast," North American Re- 
 view, Vol. 185, p. 647. See, also, Johnston, The Negro in the New 
 World, pp. 280, 268. 
 
 63 Thorp, World's Work, Vol. 8, pp. 4912-13. 
 
 M Encyclopaedia Britannica: Jamaica; Thorp, World's Work, Vol. 8, 
 p. 4910; Froude, English in the West Indies, p. 50. 
 
334 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 maintains that obsequious and respectful attitude of mind 
 toward his superiors which is a universal characteristic of 
 the dependent and the Unfree. 55 Harmony between the races 
 is maintained at the price of a helpless peasantry and an 
 intellectually prostituted middle-class group. 56 
 
 This temporizing policy adopted in Jamaica is in strong 
 contrast to that followed where the group of the white 
 race in actual daily contact with the Negroes has been, 
 allowed to dictate the relationship of the races. 57 In all 
 
 66 The mulattoes are not in all cases satisfied with the arrangement. 
 Davenport quotes "An olive-skinned man" as saying: "'I've often 
 said I'd change the British flag for the American flag any day. Inj 
 America they are prejudiced against all colored people. You may be 
 a millionaire, but if you're colored you can't marry into white families 
 or associate with them. Here with the English, if you are colored and 
 have money you are all right, they associate with you; but if vol 
 haven't money you are nowhere. The English aren't as honest as the; 
 American, for they (English) hate the color just the same and only 
 accept it for the money. . . .' " Heredity of Skin Color, Appendix B 
 (b), p. 106. See, also, Livingston, North American Review, Vol. 185, 
 pp. 646-47. 
 
 66 H. E. Jordan, "Biological Status and Social Worth of the Mulatto," 
 Popular Science Monthly, Vol. 82, p. 573, stresses the absence of politi- 
 cal contention, Jamaica not being a self-governing colony, in account- 
 ing for the difference in the race problem in Jamaica and the United 
 States. ". . . But perhaps the perfect adjustment between the races 
 in Jamaica and the elimination of any 'problem' of this kind finds its 
 explanation in a more rational and a more consistent political treat- 
 ment made possible by the absence of any constitutional prescription. 
 We may well suspect that the inconsistency of according to the negro 
 legal (constitutional) equality and withholding it practically (politi- 
 cally and socially) has had a morally harmful effect upon both black and 
 white. To stultify oneself as between one's theory and practice is ' 
 always subversive of high moral tone. . . ." 
 
 67 It is also very different from the German native policy. The Ger- 
 mans, believing that an educated native of any shade of color is neces- 
 sarily a rascal, have avoided the complications produced by a semi- 
 educated native population by conforming their native educational policy 
 to the industrial needs of the situation. Keller, Colonization, p. 589. 
 
Role of Mulatto in Inter-Racial Situation 335 
 
 :hese cases, the mulattoes are definitely excluded from so- 
 cial equality with the whites and forced to find their asso- 
 ciates either with the colored group or among others of 
 :heir own kind. No special provision has been made for 
 ;hem and they are dependent upon their own exertions — 
 'avored by the prestige their color gives them — for their 
 success in life. No self-governing, North European group 
 :ver has been willing to compromise its civilization by admit- 
 ing the lower race to an equal hand in the affairs of gov- 
 rnment. The more numerous the individuals in the colored 
 rroup and the more their presence endangers civilized stand- 
 irds, the more unyielding has been the policy of exclusion. 
 
 In the self-governing colonies of South Africa, no effort 
 s made to follow a policy toward the mulattoes that will 
 nsure harmony between the races. 58 An impassable color 
 ine is drawn by the whites between the races. The white 
 nan recognizes no difference between the various grades of 
 Negroes and Negro intermixtures below him in the social 
 cale. 59 Consequently, the mixed-bloods cannot form a 
 ►uffer between the races as in Jamaica. Intermarriage does 
 lot occur and the refusal of the whites to recognize the 
 dixed-bloods as being on a higher social plane than the 
 latives, prevents them from being either a physiological or 
 . social connecting link between the races. 
 
 The mulattoes, superior here as elsewhere, to the black 
 lement of their ancestry, resent the refusal of the white 
 lan to recognize their superiority and grant them special 
 >rivileges and a special status. 60 They are a discontented 
 ,nd troublesome element in the community. 61 They cannot 
 
 08 H. E. S. Freemantle, The New Nation, pp. 217-18. 
 69 James Bryce, Impressions of South Africa, p. 375. 
 
 60 M. S. Evans, Black and White in South East Africa, p. 289. 
 
 61 Freemantle, The New Nation, pp. 319-20. 
 
336 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 break with the white group and identify themselves with 
 the black without discarding all the essential elements of 
 white civilization. 62 Their situation is, in many respects, 
 like that of the Eurasians. Both groups stand between 
 races having a strong sense of racial integrity and race 
 pride. Both groups have to choose between the civilizations. 
 The South African mulattoes can no more stand as part- 
 native and part-white, than the Eurasians can be part- 
 Hindu and part-European. 
 
 The South African mulattoes, then, are without a part 
 to play in the racial situation. Numerically they are an 
 insignificant part of the native population. The numbers, 
 the organization, and the better developed sense of national 
 pride and racial integrity among the natives prevent the 
 mulattoes from enjoying great prestige among the black 
 group. Their importance in the native group depends upon 
 their worth rather than on the whiteness of their skin. Con- 
 sequently, the mulattoes are slow to go over to the native 
 population and identify themselves with the native group. 
 They play no dignified role in the racial situation. 63 
 
 It remains to note in somewhat more detail the role that 
 the mulatto has played and now plays in the racial situa- 
 tion in the United States. This falls more or less naturally 
 into three pretty distinct parts : I. his role under the 
 
 M The mulatto of course has no desire to do so. His contempt for 
 the native is as great as is that of the white man. The prejudice be- 
 tween different groups for example, is so great that there are in Natal 
 separate schools for natives, natives of St. Helena, Indians, Natal half- 
 breeds and Mauritians. See M. S. Evans, Black and White in the South- 
 ern States, p. 262. 
 
 63 For a discussion of the so-called Ethiopian movement see Free- 
 mantle, The New Nation, pp. 184-85; "The South African Natives," Ch. 
 4, Report of the South African Native Races Committee; Current Liter- 
 ature, Vol. 39, pp. 63-64. 
 
Role of Mulatto in Inter-Racial Situation 337 
 
 aver j and reconstruction regimes ; II. the present day "in- 
 illectuals" or "radicals," and III. the present day "conserv- 
 tives" or "middle-class" group. A consideration of these 
 ;ages in the mulattoes' role in the United States will be the 
 isk of the following chapter. 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 
 THE ROLE OF THE MULATTO IN THE UNITED STATES 
 
 BETWEEN the Negro and the white American there 
 always has been absolute social separation on the basis 
 of color. At the time of their first contact on American 
 soil, the two races differed in language, customs, and habits 
 of life ; in moral, mental, and religious development, as well 
 as in ethnic origin, historical tradition, and physical appear- 
 ance. A black skin, therefore, very quickly came to signify 
 an inferior culture and, only a little later, came to be the 
 badge of a servile condition. Between these races, there 
 could be no social equality; there was not even a possibility 
 of a harmonious working relation except on the basis of 
 superiority and subordination. 
 
 When individuals of mixed ancestry presently appeared, 
 there was manifested no disposition to treat them as essen- 
 tially different from the Negro. Their physical appear- 
 ance, though markedly different from that of the pure- 
 blooded race, was sufficiently marked to set them off as a 
 peculiar people. In large part, they were the offspring of 
 a class of whites whose degraded status was not markedly 
 superior to the status of the Negro; when such was not 
 the case, the bastard origin of the mulattoes shocked the 
 conventional moral sense of the community and militated 
 against a community recognition of them as socially supe- 
 rior to the Negroes of full blood. This attitude presently 
 found formal expression in the legislative enactments which 
 
 338 
 
Role of the Mulatto in the United States 639 
 
 assigned the mulatto to the status of the mother. 
 
 But the individual mulatto was, or what amounted to the 
 same thing was believed to be, intellectually superior to the 
 full-blooded Negro. Consequently, the occupational differ- 
 entiation within the race everywhere operated to his advan- 
 tage. The favored classes among the slaves, as the numbers 
 of the mulattoes increased, came more and more to be light- 
 colored classes. The trained mechanics and the trusted 
 servants were drawn from the most intelligent ; these were 
 always assumed to be the mulattoes. Moreover, the mu- 
 lattoes made a better appearance than the black Negro 
 and were less offensive in close association, and so gravitated 
 to those house and personal duties which brought them into 
 personal association with the master class. The plantation 
 slaves and the rough laborers in the cities and the towns 
 were the black men. The division was, of course, not every- 
 where equally marked and it was seldom a sharp and com- 
 plete separation. There were many full-blooded blacks 
 among the favored classes and there were mulattoes in con- 
 siderable numbers among the lower classes of slaves, but 
 the tendency was toward a more and more complete separa- 
 tion of the colors. Manumission further widened the breach 
 that existed in bondage. The free Negro group at all times 
 contained a preponderance of mulattoes; in some places it 
 was, to all intent and purpose, a mulatto group. Such edu- 
 cation of the Negro as existed before the war was almost 
 entirely mulatto education ; 1 it was limited to the free 
 Negroes and to certain favored individuals and groups 
 among the slaves. All things tended to make the mulatto 
 a superior man and to make the superior groups among 
 
 1 A failure to recognize this fact is a glaring defect in the most 
 important recent study of this subject by a mulatto. See C. G. Wood- 
 son, The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861, 
 
 
340 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 the Negro race, mulatto groups. 
 
 On their side, the mulattoes were not slow to recognize 
 their superiority and to exaggerate it. The lack of sym- 
 pathy? for example, between the house servants — largely 
 mulatto — and the field hands — mostly black men — was 
 throughout the slavery period a characteristic feature of 
 the institution. 2 As freemen, the mulattoes formed sepa- 
 rate societies, where they existed in numbers sufficient to 
 permit it, and held themselves aloof from the slaves and 
 the black men. In the North, the free Negroes came to 
 recognize the slavery of slaves, but claimed special recog- 
 nition for themselves as free men. 3 During the slave regime, 
 the free mulatto society of Charleston became an elaborately 
 organized and highly exclusive institution. It still exists in 
 much of its pristine glory. 4 In Louisiana and especially in 
 Mobile and New Orleans, the free Latin-Negro Creoles were so 
 far separated in fact and in sympathy from the Negroes and 
 the slaves, that they volunteered their services to the Con- 
 federacy at the outbreak of the Civil War. Elsewhere, 
 though the break was generally not so obvious nor so wide, 
 the same caste feeling separated the mulatto and the free 
 Negro from the black man and the slave. 
 
 This potential mulatto class, however, received no spe- 
 cial recognition from the dominant race. However, much 
 as the mixed-bloods may have been favored as individuals 
 
 a E. Atkinson, "'The Negro a Beast,'" North American Review, Vol. 
 181, p. 209. 
 
 »W. E. B. DuBois, Souls of Black Folk, p. 49. 
 
 4 "In places like Charleston they had (and still have to some extent) 
 an exclusive society of their own which looked down on the black 
 Negro with a prejudice equal to that of the white man." Ray Stan- 
 nard Baker, "The Tragedy of the Mulatto," American Magazine, 
 Vol. 65, p. 588. See, also, Maurice S. Evans, Black and White in the 
 Southern States, p. 93. 
 
Role of the Mulatto in the United States 341 
 
 tfhile in bondage and helped as individual freemen, the dom- 
 nant group everywhere refused to recognize mixture of 
 >lood as sufficient basis for special class recognition. The 
 lominant group classed all Negroes, regardless of color, 
 is members of the black race, and made divisions among 
 ;hem on other lines. Their classification was an economic 
 md not an ethnic one ; they, for example, separated the 
 S T egroes into slave and free, into house servants and plan- 
 ;ation hands, and in various other ways according to the 
 ipecial situation. That these legal and industrial divisions 
 corresponded largely to the division of the race into mixed- 
 >loods and pure-bloods was, from the white man's point of 
 dew, incidental. He refused to countenance the mulatto 
 jroup as a superior class in the community. The mulat- 
 ;oes, therefore, had only the pride of their white blood to 
 iustain them as a separate and superior caste. 
 
 Throughout the slavery period, the mulattoes were usu- 
 dly not the leaders of the race; if indeed, one can speak 
 >f leaders before the Emancipation. 5 They were, in most 
 :ases, the superior individuals among the race ; 6 they were 
 Lardly in a position to be leaders, they lacked the recogni- 
 ion of the dominant race. Those who were free were equally 
 ar from leadership. They were, for the most part, in the 
 ^orth and consequently they were generally without per- 
 gonal acquaintance with the real Negro and, in most cases, 
 vithout any accurate knowledge of Southern life and con- 
 litions. They believed themselves to be superior to the black 
 nan and felt themselves to be inferior to the white man. 7 
 
 5 ". . . The great mass of the Negro people in the United States were 
 lumb. In the plantation states, the black man was a chattel; in the 
 Northern states, he was a good deal of an outlaw." Booker T. Washing- 
 on, Frederick Douglass, p. 98. 
 
 "See p. 190 ff. above. 
 
 T J. R. Ficklin, History of Reconstruction in Louisiana, p. 127. 
 
 
342 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 
 They formed, or tended to form, separate groups somewhere 
 between the two and out of touch and sympathy with both. 
 It was a matter of class separation on horizontal lines 
 rather than a matter of leadership. 
 
 In the anti-slavery propaganda, the Negro or the Mulatto 
 had little part. 8 He was the object about which the fac- 
 tions contended, but was, for the most part, not himself an 
 actor in the drama. Certain Negroes were exploited by 
 the abolitionists for campaign and demonstration purposes, 9 
 but so far as this was not the case, they were a quiescent 
 and non-participating group in the national struggle. 
 Baker 10 gives an accurate summary of the situation : 
 
 In the antebellum slavery agitation Negroes played 
 no consequential part; they w^ere an inert lump of hu- 
 manity possessing no power of inner direction; the 
 leaders on both sides of the struggle that centered 
 around the institution of slavery were white men. The 
 Negroes did not even follow poor old John Brown. 
 After the war the Negro continued to be an issue rather 
 than a partaker in politics, and the conflict continued 
 to be between groups of white men. . . . Even in Re- 
 construction times, and I am not forgetting exceptional 
 Negroes like Bruce, Revels, Pinchback and others, -the 
 Negro was a partaker in the government solely by vir- 
 
 8 A complete list of the Negroes who took any active or important 
 part in the propaganda is given on page 192 above. Washington, 
 Frederick Douglass, pp. 154-55, names twelve, all of whom are included 
 in the list above. 
 
 9 "William Lloyd Garrison was quick to discern that the cause needed 
 this fugitive slave, more than any other man or thing, as an argument 
 and an illustration of the further work of the anti-slavery society." 
 Washington, Frederick Douglass, p. 72. He is speaking here of the 
 anti-slavery people using Douglass as an exhibit. See, also, p. 144. 
 
 10 Ray Stannard Baker, "Problems of Citizenship," Annals of the 
 American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 49, p. 93. 
 
Role of the Mulatto in the United States 343 
 
 tue of the power of the North. As a class the Negroes 
 were not self-directed, but were used by the Northern 
 ^constructionists and certain political Southerners, 
 who took most of the offices and nearly all the pilferings. 
 
 After the emancipation of the slaves, many Northern mu- 
 lattoes presented themselves and were advanced by the abo- 
 litionists as the logical leaders of the newly freed race ; " 
 they assumed the role of spokesmen for the people of their 
 color. The fact that they were members of the Negro race 
 was accepted by themselves and by many of their Northern 
 friends as evidence of sufficient qualification for the delicate 
 and arduous task of leading and representing the liberated 
 blacks. 12 
 
 But aside from the caste feeling of superiority due to 
 their white blood, their longer period of freedom, and their 
 somewhat superior education, these Northern mulattoes were 
 in other ways disqualified for any real leadership. The 
 mulattoes and free Negroes were for the most part city men, 
 while the Negroes were, and had always been, a rural popu- 
 lation. The natural arrogance and naive assumption of 
 superiority which seem everywhere to be persistent traits 
 of the city-bred men, served to widen the gulf that caste 
 feeling made between the freedmen and their proposed 
 leaders. They did not understand the country men. The 
 gap was still further widened by their lack of knowledge 
 of the South and the conditions prevailing there. Many of 
 them had been associated directly or indirectly with the 
 abolitionists who, though engaged for the better part of a 
 generation in agitation, knew nothing about the Negro, 13 
 
 u See Washington, Frederick Douglass, p. 270-71. 
 12 Booker T. Washington, "Negro Disfranchisement and the Negro in 
 Business," Outlook, Vol. 93, p. 311. 
 18 Mr. Washington would include the whole North as well as the abo- 
 
344 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 
 and but little about his condition. So, in addition to the 
 prejudices and misconceptions common to their locality, 
 the mulattoes were handicapped for any real leadership by 
 the possession of a whole body of sentimental doctrine which 
 when not false seldom had any relation to the objective facts. 
 The abolitionists, and consequently their followers, saw 
 everything in terms of their propaganda ; their zealous de- 
 votion to their cause obscured their perception of reality. 
 Facts were made to fit theory. They did not look upon 
 the Negro as a primitive man whom slavery had been slowly 
 raising to a higher cultural level; they looked upon him 
 as an individual whom slavery had degraded to his present 
 condition; 14 and attributed to him all the desirable traits 
 of human nature. The Negro of their conception was an 
 idealized abstraction; a glorified creature of the imagina- 
 tion and of the Uncle Tom's type of literature. 15 The re- 
 frain of the abolitionists that the Negro was "half a cen- 
 tury ahead of the poor white man of the South," was ac- 
 cepted by their mulatto disciples as a fact. They rarely 
 had anything more than a superficial comprehension of the 
 meaning of the anti-slavery propaganda in which they took 
 part; they were full of words, abstractions and misconcep- 
 
 litionists. ". . . the people of the North had . . . little knowledge of 
 the Negro's character. . . ." Frederick Douglass, p. 248. 
 
 14 "The Negro inherits a brain which work has cultivated for four 
 generations, and added to it the skill of a practical hand. The white 
 man inherits a brain sodden by the idleness of four generations, and he 
 has improved his birthright by a life of soddenness. . . . Fairly con- 
 sidered, the only class ready for suffrage in the South is the Negro.'* 
 Wendell Phillips, 1865. Quoted by F. A. Bancroft, Negro in 
 Politics, p. 10. 
 
 16 This idea persists among the Northern mulattoes even to-day. "I 
 do not think it is claiming too much to say that 'Uncle Tom's Cabin' 
 was a fair and truthful panorama of slavery; . . ." James W. John- 
 son, The Autobiography of an Ex-colored Man, p. 40. 
 
Role of the Mulatto in the United States 345 
 
 tions, and, at the close of the war, they were dominated 
 by the fixed determination to reverse the economic and so- 
 cial status of the two races in the South. 
 
 When these men went into the South after the war to 
 become leaders of the newly-freed race, many of them for the 
 first time came into contact with the real Negro. They had 
 known an abstraction. The Negro and the conditions of 
 his life were so unlike their expectations, and their own 
 training was so pitifully inadequate that, in the crisis of 
 their disillusionment in regard to the Negro's character and 
 conditions, they were in general unable to accommodate 
 themselves to the real conditions in such a way as to make 
 them valuable men in the situation. The disillusionment 
 brought a reaction in their sentiments and their attitudes 
 toward him and toward themselves. 16 They became resent- 
 ful toward the Negro. 17 They were unwilling or unable to 
 
 16 ". . . We passed along until, finally we turned into a street . . . 
 and here I caught my first sight of colored people in large numbers. . . . 
 here I saw a street crowded with them. They filled the shops and 
 thronged the sidewalks and lined the curb. I asked my companion if 
 all the colored people in Atlanta lived in this street. He said they did 
 not, . . . The unkempt appearance, the shambling, slouching gait and 
 loud talk and laughter of these people aroused in me a feeling of almost 
 repulsion. . . ." Johnson, The Autobiography of an Ex-colored Man, 
 pp. 53-54. 
 
 "The most bitter arraignment of the Negro which at the same time 
 keeps accurately to the facts is the volume of W. H. Thomas, The 
 American Negro, a mulatto who went South after the War to be a 
 leader of the race. As a disclosure of the mulattoes' sentiments and 
 attitudes it is the most valuable single document in Negro literature. 
 It states the things that others deny or endeavor to conceal. Said one 
 of the most widely known mulattoes of the race in discussing the book: 
 "Of course it's true; every word of it is true. But, damn it, we don't 
 want those things told." The chief value of the document, however, 
 is quite aside from the facts with which it deals. It lies in the treat- 
 ment of the facts, in the naive disclosure of the psychology of the dis- 
 illusioned mulatto. 
 
346 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 put themselves on a social par with the freedman and to 
 attempt to help him. They became more and more ashamed 
 of their race and of the color which associated them with 
 it. 18 Their contempt for the blacks, combined with their 
 general ignorance of what to do or how to do it, made them 
 for the most part men of no value in the situation. Instead 
 of leaders, the mulattoes from the North tended to become 
 agitators and so to become an additional race problem with- 
 in the already difficult one of readjusting the relationships 
 of the races. 
 
 The political reconstruction of the South gave a brief 
 opportunity for the mulatto and Negro politicians. 19 In 
 spite of the War and the Emancipation, the bulk of the 
 Southern Negroes remained loyal to their Southern whites 
 and willing to be led by them. 20 In order to insure the per- 
 manent supremacy of the Republican party in national 
 politics, it was deemed necessary to use the newly-freed 
 blacks. 21 But to do this, it was necessary to separate them 
 
 18 The repulsive reaction of the Northern trained mulatto in contact 
 for the first time with the real Negro has found its best expression to 
 date in the book of Mr. DuBois, The Souls of Black Folk. This book 
 is the outcome of the brief period of bitter exile which the author 
 spent as a teacher in a Negro school in the South. Aside from the 
 subject matter of which they treat these essays are an illuminating dis- 
 closure of the psychology of a timid and unpractical man, white in train- 
 ing, association, and thought and nearly white in appearance, with no 
 real knowledge of his race and with only an academic sympathy for it, 
 who is thrown for the first time among a body of blacks, classed with 
 them, compelled to find his associates among them and who refuses, 
 subconsciously, to accept the classification. 
 
 19 These Negro politicians were very largely recruited from the free 
 Negro class of the South. 
 
 20 Mr. Washington says that the Negro would have followed the lead- 
 ership of the Southern white "as willingly, if not more willingly, than 
 that which he did accept." Frederick Douglass, p. 254. 
 
 21 "As you once needed the muskets of the blacks, so now you need 
 
Role of the Mulatto in the United States 347 
 
 'in sympathy from their late masters. The first agency in 
 the destruction of this loyalty was the Freedman's Bureau. 
 To complete the work of alienating the sympathy of the 
 Southern whites and blacks, and to anchor the black vote 
 to the Republican party, was a task of the Reconstruction 
 policy in general. To this end, every means known to venal 
 politics — from simple theft to official murder — was employed 
 without scruple or hesitation by a group of men debased 
 beyond the power of common language to describe. Both 
 races suffered from the policy. 
 
 In this period, the Negro and mulatto leaders were simply 
 tools in the hands of the vandals. The independent part 
 they had in the political life of the time was not an im- 
 portant nor a creditable one. A few men of ability ap- 
 peared and also a few honest ones. 22 The majority of these 
 men and all of any ability were mulattoes. The great mass 
 of these Negro politicians, however, was not markedly su- 
 perior to the rank and file of the newly enfranchised race, 23 
 and even the best were moved by no conceptions of unselfish 
 public policy. 24 In nearly all cases, they were wholly un- 
 
 their votes." Charles Sumner, Speech in the Senate, Works, Vol. 11, 
 p. 50. 
 
 22 Washington, Frederick Douglass, pp. 278-80. 
 
 See, also, Negro Year Book for lists of these Negro politicians 
 of Reconstruction days. 
 
 23 "Beverly Nash, for many years the leader in the Senate and on the 
 stump, had been a boot-black and a hotel porter." Bancroft, The 
 Negro in Politics, p. 30. Nash was known as "a five thousand dollar 
 man," that being the amount he always asked for his vote on important 
 bills. 
 
 24 " '. . . if the Negro knows enough to fight for his country, he knows 
 enough to vote; if he knows enough to pay taxes to support the govern- 
 ment, he knows enough to vote; if he knows as much when sober as an 
 Irishman knows when he is drunk, he knows enough to vote.' " Fred- 
 erick Douglass. Quoted by Washington, Frederick Douglass, pp. 258-59. 
 
348 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 educated, 25 without responsibility, 26 and devoid of any sense 
 of public or private honesty. They were, just as they were 
 intended to be, simply a convenient means by which the 
 white politicians could more easily rob and steal: the Negro 
 was frequently allowed the questionable honor of holding a 
 political position, while the white politician collected the 
 plunder. 27 
 
 The end of the Reconstruction Period marked an end 
 of the Negro as a participant in the local political situation 
 in the Southern States. The withdrawal of the Federal 
 troops and the restoration of law and order, left them with- 
 out a vocation or a support ; they had no work or place in 
 the life of the society. In large measure, they left the 
 South at the close of the period. The Federal government, 
 however, always has been liberal in the bestowal of political i 
 offices on the Negro politicians, and a few continued to 
 exist throughout the South. 
 
 The reaccommodation of the races after the war and the 
 Emancipation, and especially after the period of political 
 reconstruction, took place in accordance with local condi- 
 tions. The difference in different regions was, in the main, 
 due to the presence of larger or smaller numbers of the un- 
 assimilated element in the body politic. In regions where 
 the numbers were not great, they could be ignored; the 
 
 25 In the South Carolina Legislature of 1873 for example, many of 
 the members could neither read nor write. In Mississippi "the County 
 supervisors were often black, only a few of whom could either read 
 or write." Bancroft, The Negro in Politics, pp. 30, 39-40. 
 
 28 In the South Carolina Senate 1868, "Only four of the Negro Sena- 
 tors were on the tax books; and they together paid only $2.10. Fifty- 
 eight of the colored representatives paid no taxes." Ibid., p. 22. 
 
 27 "After a session or two of apprenticeship under white leaders, many 
 of the Negro officials became adepts in the shameless practices of the 
 time." Ibid., pp. 29 ff. 
 
Role of the Mulatto in the United States 349 
 
 greater percentage of Negroes in other regions colored the 
 whole subsequent growth of the community life. At no time 
 or place, however, were the Negroes able to exercise any 
 marked influence on the course of events ; they were nowhere 
 able to modify the attitudes or even the overt acts of the 
 dominant group. The policy or lack of policy was every- 
 where dictated by the white race. On the side of the Ne- 
 groes, it was marked by their accommodation to a social 
 policy which they were not able to control or modify. The 
 policy has varied from time to time and from place to place, 
 but it has done so without consulting the wishes of the Ne- 
 groes. The single universal fact has been the consistent 
 denial of social equality to members of the race. 
 
 In the South, the emancipation of the Negro was followed 
 by a prolonged period of unfortunate doctrinaire experi- 
 mentation which retarded a reaccommodation between the 
 races that held any promise of permanence or mutual satis- 
 faction. The first effect of the emancipation, once the Ne- 
 groes realized its actuality, was a complete and profound 
 economic, social, and moral disorganization of the Negro 
 people. The white South was confronted with the problem 
 of adjusting the relations of the races in conformity with 
 the changed economic and legal conditions. There was 
 no precedent to guide them. Nowhere had two such races 
 ever arrived at mutually satisfactory working relations on 
 any other basis than that of superiority and subordina- 
 tion. Slavery of the one by the other was the only adjust- 
 ment that ever had worked. 
 
 The natural difficulty of the problem was made yet more 
 difficult by the period of punishment visited on the South in 
 the decade following the War. The promise of government 
 grants of land and other property by the confiscation of 
 the property of the white South and its redistribution among 
 
350 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 the late slaves, intensified the general economic disorganiza- 
 tion resulting from the war and the emancipation of the 
 slaves, and spread among the Negroes a general discontent 
 with their condition and a disinclination to improve it by 
 any real and continued effort. 28 The efforts to improve 
 the Negroes' condition by means of a fashionable literary 
 education, diverted some of the best energies of the race 
 from the simpler and more important forms of education, 
 produced a class of superficially educated men unfitted for 
 any useful work among their people. The increase in the 
 number of these, like the increase of the uneducated idle 
 riff-raff, aggravated the friction between the races. 29 The 
 efforts of the missionaries and others to bring about a revo- 
 lution in the Negroes' character and in the inter-racial social 
 life, inflamed their social ambitions and alienated the sym- 
 pathy of the whites. The enfranchisement of the blacks 
 prevented any normal division of opinion on matters of a 
 public social nature. The paramount need of bending every 
 effort toward the preservation of their civilization retarded 
 progress toward a permanent and mutually satisfactory ad- 
 justment between the races. 30 The result of this period was 
 the almost complete destruction of the mutually sympathetic 
 feelings which so generally had characterized the relations 
 of the races during the slave period. 31 As time went on, 
 such friendlly association as survived the Reconstruction 
 days — principally that between the older slaves and the 
 
 28 W. L. Fleming, "Forty Acres and a Mule," North American Review, 
 Vol. 182, pp. 721-37. 
 
 20 McCord, The American Negro as a Dependent, Defective and Delin- 
 quent, p. 65. 
 
 80 Bruce, "Race Segregation in the United States," Hibbert Jour- 
 nal, Vol. 13, p. 868. 
 
 "McCord, The American Negro as a Dependent, Defective and Delin- 
 quent, p. 18. 
 

 Role of the Mulatto in the United States 351 
 
 older slave masters — became less and less. The younger 
 generation of both races had not the body of sentiment to 
 withstand the crisis ; those of a later generation lacked it 
 altogether. 32 After a decade, the mechanics and skilled 
 workmen in all industrial and domestic lines who had re- 
 ceived their training under the slave regime, began to dis- 
 appear or to become too old for further effective employ- 
 ment. 33 The new education had trained no younger ones 
 to take their places. A decline in the Negroes' condition 
 was inevitable ; all through the period of political and so- 
 cial agitation and of classical education, the race lost 
 ground. It was in the eighties that the Northern political, 
 educational, and religious tutelage of the post-bellum pe- 
 riod was coming to fruitage. 34 
 
 In the meanwhile, however, there were other forces at 
 work making for an adjustment of the races in accordance 
 with the character of the two races and in response to the 
 
 83 "The entire body of Negroes, under middle age, have not even 
 a tradition among them of that kindly intercourse between the master 
 and his bondsmen which did so much to smooth away the harsher feat- 
 ures of slavery in its practical working. They cannot understand the 
 feeling of loyalty which made their fathers the faithful protectors of the 
 Southern white women and children when all the white men had been 
 enrolled in the armies of the Confederacy." Bruce, Hibbert Journal, 
 Vol. 13, p. 870. This loyalty of the slave to his former master is a 
 thing that frequently does not fall within the comprehension of the 
 present generation of mulattoes. Benjamin Brawley, one of the most 
 capable of the present generation of mulattoes, discussing with con- 
 siderable insight the recent fiction dealing with Negro characters, is 
 unable to grasp the fact that a Negro of exceptional type should have 
 preferred to remain with the old master. See, "The Negro in American 
 Fiction," Dial, Vol. 60, pp. 445-50, especially the criticism of "Abraham's 
 Freedom" {Atlantic, 9-1912), pp. 448-49. 
 
 88 Booker T. Washington, The Future of the American Negro, Chap- 
 ter 3. 
 
 84 Sir Harry H. Johnston, The Negro in the New World, p. 403. 
 
352 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 influences of the common environment. There was slowly 
 growing up a body of industrious, law-abiding, and self- 
 respecting Negroes, and with their increase in number, in 
 wealth, and in self-respect, they were assuming a growing 
 importance in the affairs of the race. Previous to the Eman- 
 cipation, there was throughout the South a goodly number 
 of property-owning free Negroes with a respected position 
 in the life of the community. In the decades immediately 
 following the emancipation of the Negroes, the Federal 
 government distributed among them a considerable amount 
 of property and, in addition to this Federal aid, there was 
 the plunder which in many of the states came to the race 
 during the period of Negro domination in political affairs. 35 
 After the war, and especially after the Reconstruction 
 Period, a goodly number of Negroes had returned to their 
 plantations, 36 or had settled down elsewhere and had begun 
 to lead a frugal and industrious life, to educate their children 
 and otherwise to make a common sense effort to improve 
 their condition. 37 The conditions of life were absurdly 
 easy. 38 Any industrious and sober man could, as the re- 
 sult of a few years' labor, become possessed of sufficient 
 
 35 In only a few cases, however, were the Negro politicians sufficiently 
 shrewd to save the fortunes accumulated through theft and corruption 
 during the period of Negro domination. 
 
 36 Nicholas Worth, Autobiography, p. 14. 
 
 37 For the most part these were men who had received an industrial 
 education under the slave regime. See Washington, "The Story of 
 the Negro," Outlook, Vol. 93, p. 311. 
 
 38 "It was easy to live in the South. The mild climate and fertile 
 soil, the abundance of game in forest and stream, the bountiful supply 
 of wild fruits, the accessibility of forests with firewood free to all, the 
 openhanded generosity and universal carelessness of living made it pos- 
 sible for the average Negro to idle away at least half his time and 
 yet live in tolerable comfort." G. S. Winston, "The Relations of the 
 Whites to the Negroes." Annals of the American Academy of Political 
 and Social Science, July, 1901. 
 
Role of the Mulatto in the United States 353 
 
 land and other property to make him independent of the 
 wage system. An honest, industrious, and useful Negro 
 citizenship was the desire of the white South and every 
 Negro who showed a disposition to improve his condition 
 received the encouragement and assistance of the better 
 class of white men. 89 In spite of all this, however, the growth 
 of the middle-class was abnormally slow ; 40 but there grad- 
 ually emerged a body of men within the race possessed 
 of a little property and of an ambition to accumulate 
 more. 
 
 The two forces chiefly responsible for the rise of this 
 racially independent middle-class, and a consequent new 
 adjustment of the races, were the growth of the agricul- 
 tural and industrial education for the Negro and the segre- 
 gation of the Negro by the whites. 41 The whole movement 
 to develop an industrially-educated, land-owning, law-abid- 
 ing, and decent-living Negro group among the blacks, usu- 
 ally thought of in connection with the name of Booker T. 
 Washington, was the result of an effort on the part of the 
 white South and some of the saner leaders among the 
 Negro people to make the Negro see and grasp his oppor- 
 tunity. 42 The movement was based on the wreck of the 
 
 88 So general was the assistance of Southern white men to the am- 
 bitious and law-abiding Negro that Mr. Washington, himself the best 
 representative of this growing middle-class, says that almost every 
 successful man of the race can trace his success to the assistance of some 
 white neighbor or friend. The Story of the Negro, Vol. % pp. 35 ff\ 
 
 40 Ibid., Vol. 2, Chapter 2, "The Rise of the Negro Land-Owner," gives 
 the most favorable statement of the case that can be made. 
 
 41 These two main forces were, of course, assisted or modified by va- 
 rious minor factors operating locally. 
 
 4a "A very weak argument often used against pushing industrial 
 training for the Negro is that the Southern white man favors it, and 
 therefore, it is not best for the Negro." Washington, The Future of 
 the American Negro, p. 64. 
 
 I 
 
354 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 earlier efforts to improve the condition of the Negroes. 
 Classical education for the race was everywhere recognized 
 to have failed. 43 The citizenship that had been given them 
 had proved their detriment. 44 The campaign for social 
 equality had been even more injurious to the Negroes and 
 had proved even more of a failure. 40 The discussion of 
 the Negroes' political status had served only to alienate the 
 sympathy of the white man without resulting in any gain 
 to the Negroes. 46 Antagonizing the white man, bewailing the 
 fate of the Negroes, and blaming others for their pitiable 
 condition, did not improve the situation. 47 The industrial 
 movement was based on a recognition of the facts and a 
 knowledge of the conditions. There was a frank recognition 
 of the failure of the earlier program, an honest admission 
 of the Negroes' defects of character, 48 an honest admission 
 of the fact that the Negroes lacked not opportunity so 
 much as energy and intelligence to take advantage of their 
 opportunities ; there was a recognition that cooperation 
 between the races was necessary if the Negroes were to 
 
 43 Just as the ideal of literary training for primitive people has every- 
 where failed to produce satisfactory results. "The defect of a primarily 
 literary training lies in the fact that it distracts attention from the real 
 intellectual needs of a race. ... It ordinarily leads to a dangerous half- 
 education implying a well-trained memory but an undeveloped judg- 
 ment, together with an overweening self-confidence and vanity. . . ." 
 Paul S. Reinsch, Colonial Administration, pp. 49-50. 
 
 44 Washington, The Future of the American Negro, p. 65. 
 
 48 Booker T. Washington, "Let Down Your Buckets Where You Are," 
 Address delivered at the Cotton States Exposition in Atlanta, Georgia, 
 September 18, 1895. Reprinted in Booker T. Washington, Up From 
 Slavery: Autobiography, pp. 217-37. 
 
 46 Hubert H. Bancroft, The New Pacific, pp. 606-7. 
 Evans, Black and White in the Southern States, pp. 205-6. 
 
 47 See Edward Ingle, The Negro in the District of Columbia, p. 42. 
 "Evans, Black and White in the Southern States, pp. 204-5. 
 
Role of the Mulatto in the United States 355 
 
 prove themselves desirable members of society. 49 It was a 
 movement from within the race and the section of the coun- 
 try affected. 
 
 Washington and Tuskegee were selected to symbolize the 
 movement which has come to be the most important factor 
 working for the development of the Negro. The movement 
 helped to build up a self-respecting and useful group of 
 successful farmers, mechanics, tradesmen, teachers, and the 
 like who were not ashamed of their work or of their color. 50 
 It did, in a constructive and positive way, what the policy 
 of segregation was doing in a negative way. 51 The Negro 
 began to buy land and to assume a fixed habitation. To 
 the extent that he did so, he became an independent and 
 self-respecting man and an asset to the community in which 
 he lived. 52 As this self-respecting class grew in numbers, 
 wealth, and importance, it formed the nucleus about which 
 the race could unite. It was the basis for a nationality. 
 As the spirit of race pride and race consciousness and pride 
 of accomplishment increased, there was an increasing tend- 
 ency to race separation and consequently to the develop- 
 ment of the bi-racial type of adjustment. 
 
 Meanwhile, and from a diametrically opposite direction, 
 the policy of segregation operated to build up an independ- 
 ent Negro group. The segregation of the Negroes in many 
 of the relations of life had, at the desire of the Negroes 
 
 49 McCord, The American Negro as a Defective, Dependent and Delin- 
 quent, p. 125. 
 
 50 The opponents of Mr. Washington deny that there is a "scintilla 
 of evidence to show that the increase in these ventures and in property 
 owning by Negroes is due solely or even mainly to the influence of in- 
 dustrial and agricultural education." V. P. Thomas, The Crisis, July, 
 1913, p. 145. 
 
 51 Booker T. Washington, The Story of the Negro, Vol. 1, p. 31. 
 82 See Evans, Black and White in the Southern States, p. 204. 
 
356 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 themselves, taken place long before the Emancipation. With 
 the freedom of the slaves came more voluntary segregation 
 and, as the South began to recover from the financial effects 
 of the War and the Reconstruction, came legal separation 
 in more and more lines. With the disappearance of the 
 older generation of slaves and slave-masters and the ap- 
 pearance of a newer generation containing many idle, in- 
 solent, and dangerously criminal Negroes, the legal separa- 
 tion of the races was adopted as a matter of police protec- 
 tion. It served to avoid the constant conflicts resulting 
 from the contact of the rougher classes of the two races. 53 
 It kept apart the ignorant and the vicious of the two races 
 and so made for harmony in the racial life of the com- 
 munity. 54 Residential segregation always had been the rule, 
 but the desire to get away from the rougher and more ig- 
 norant classes and to be among the whites led certain pros- 
 perous and ambitious Negroes and mulattoes to move into 
 white residential districts. Whether the motives impelling 
 such actions on the part of the Negroes was a desire to 
 assert their equality with the whites, or the perfectly laud- 
 able desire to live in better localities and to get their chil- 
 dren away from the moral dangers which surrounded the 
 predominantly Negro districts, their presence was equally 
 offensive to the white residents. The uniform result of such 
 actions on the part of the Negroes was the withdrawal of 
 the whites, the consequent depreciation in the value of the 
 property, and the section becoming a Negro settlement. 
 Legal residential segregation grew up in order to restrain, 
 
 53 In New Orleans, for example, where there existed a large number 
 of free mulattoes, separate accommodations were provided long before 
 the War. 
 
 B4 McCord, The American Negro as a Dependent, Defective and Delin- 
 quent, p. 273. 
 
Role of the Mulatto in the United States 357 
 
 not the mass of the race but the ambitious Negroes and 
 mulattoes who desired to escape from the race and asso- 
 ciate with, and live among, the whites. 
 
 As the practice of racial segregation spread, it was pres- 
 ently seen that, in some ways at least, it was proving a 
 real help to the Negroes. It kept the race together, pre- 
 vented the loss by the race of its superior and talented 
 individuals. It forced the Negroes back upon themselves, 
 forced them to rely more upon themselves and less upon 
 the whites, and it forced them to develop and to manage 
 their own institutions and to develop their own social and 
 economic life. 55 As they were forced to become more self- 
 dependent, they gained in self-confidence and consequently 
 in self-respect. In a negative way, the practice of segre- 
 gation combined with the industrial and agricultural educa- 
 tional policy to build up an independent and self-reliant 
 peasantry and middle-class group. Before the Negroes lay 
 the greatest economic opportunity ever offered to the peas- 
 antry of any country in the world. The educational leaders 
 sought to impress this fact upon the race ; the segregation 
 policy forced the Negroes to embrace the opportunity be- 
 fore them. To the extent that the Negroes became settled 
 and industrious, they became prosperous. As they became 
 prosperous they became contented, law-abiding, and valu- 
 able men in the community. Consequently, the segregation 
 policy was further extended and advocated, 56 not alone as 
 a defensive measure and because of the harmony it gave in 
 the affairs of the races, but as the most effective legal 
 
 55 E. G. Murphy, The Schools of the People. Evans, Black and 
 White in the Southern States, p. 156. 
 
 M Frequently by the Negroes. For example: "Let us as a race not 
 wait for the Caucasian to force us but let us segregate voluntarily in 
 every particular. The white man has suggested it and now let us fol- 
 
358 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 method, so far discovered, to help the Negroes to help them- 
 selves. 
 
 With the growth of a middle-class, chiefly through the 
 operation of these two factors, and its increase in numbers 
 and in importance in the affairs of the race, there is coming 
 to be a new and a radically different type of adjustment 
 between the races in the South. 57 This new adjustment 
 tends to be a bi-racial one: a vertical division on race lines. 
 The two races are separate in all those relations where 
 opportunity for conflict seems likely to arise between indi- 
 vidual members, and in all things social or that remotely 
 imply social equality. Their residence districts are apart. 
 They have separate accommodations when they travel. 
 Their schools, churches, lodges, and places of entertainment 
 and amusement are separate and distinct. Each race has 
 its own organizations, and manages its own affairs. They 
 cooperate or oppose each other as races on matters affect- 
 ing the relations of the races. In matters of mutual con- 
 cern, a conference between the representatives or leaders 
 of the two races arranges for cooperative action. Each is 
 held responsible for the individual behavior of the members 
 of its own group. They may work for the same ends, inde- 
 pendently but cooperatively ; except, however, in the strictly 
 
 low it up. His prescription [proscription?] and boycotting will help us 
 to get together, if we have an ounce of race pride." The Conservative 
 Counselor, Waco, Texas, 9-2-1915. See, also, "Editorial Comment," The 
 A fro- American, Baltimore, Maryland, 12-11-1915. 
 
 This view is of course almost as superficial as that of the militant 
 mulattoes who violently oppose every tendency toward segregation. Both 
 are surface views. The real ground on which the policy is to be de- 
 fended, from the Negroes' point of view, is indicated below. See pp. 
 390 ff. Residential segregation was declared unconstitutional by a 
 ruling of the United States Supreme Court 11-5-1917. 
 
 67 The bi-racial adjustment is of course not anywhere complete; it is 
 in the process of becoming. 
 
Role of the Mulatto in the United States 359 
 
 business relation of employer and employee, the races need 
 not come into contact ; they remain separate groups. They 
 live a life apart, beside each other and yet separate in all 
 the affairs of social and community life. 
 
 The bi-racial arrangement — the separation of the Negroes 
 from the whites and their independence in many of the 
 affairs of life — created a need and supplied a place for the 
 superior men of the race. Under the earlier conditions, the 
 Negroes had looked to the whites as the superior and edu- 
 cated class and depended upon them for advice and lead- 
 ership ; they uniformly preferred the services of white pro- 
 fessional and business men to the services of the professional 
 and business men of their own race. To the extent that the 
 races became separated and the Negroes gained in inde- 
 pendence and developed a sense of racial pride and self- 
 reliance, there was a place for an educated class within the 
 race ; there was a need for teachers and preachers, for physi- 
 cians and lawyers, for business men and entertainers, and 
 for all the host of other parasitic and semi-parasitic classes 
 that go to make up a modern community. With the rise 
 of a middle-class, the race was able to support a profes- 
 sional and leisure class ; previously the educated Negro was 
 an idler and a parasite. The isolation of the race forced 
 the Negroes to depend upon their own educated men and 
 so made a place for such men. 
 
 Within the Negro group and catering to their own peo- 
 ple, the men superior by nature, by virtue of education, 
 because of special training, because of natural shrewdness, 
 because of the possession of property or by virtue of the 
 possession of the elements of natural leadership, became the 
 leaders of the race. The separation of the races freed the 
 Negro professional and business men from the competition 
 of the better trained and more efficient white men and con- 
 
360 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 sequently gave them an opportunity to rise out of all pro- 
 portion to their native ability and training. The plane of 
 competition became one on which they could hope to suc- 
 ceed. The older — the slave and reconstruction plan of ad- 
 justment — was an accommodation on horizontal lines. The 
 white man was at the top, the black man was at the bot- 
 tom. It was a caste distinction that prevented the rise of 
 the capable individual out of his group. In the newer ar- 
 rangement, the opportunity to rise was limited only by 
 the ability and the industry of the individual man. There 
 was no superior caste above him. 
 
 As has been previously pointed out in detail, the superior 
 men of the race are, with scarcely the proverbial exception, 
 mulattoes. 58 The segregation of the Negroes, the rise of 
 a middle-class, and the consequent bi-racial adjustment of 
 the races thus have made a place and furnished a vocation 
 for the mulattoes. Unable to escape the race and unable 
 to constitute a caste above the race, they remained with 
 the race and became its real leaders. 59 They are the pro- 
 fessional and business men of the race. They are the 
 leaders in all the racial and inter-racial affairs. The bi- 
 racial arrangement gives the mulatto the opportunity for 
 a useful life and, at the same time, it allows him to remain 
 
 88 J. R. Brackett, The Negro in Maryland, p. 94. 
 
 00 ". . . Although resenting a classification which they consider illogi- 
 cal and unnatural, they have never been given any choice in the matter 
 and they have, at last, come to acquiesce in the arrangement. What 
 is the result? It is leading to the unification of all A fro- Americans as 
 no personal inclination or mutual persuasion could have done. The 
 'colored' (mulatto) class, which contains the most intelligent and ambi- 
 tious men of the race, has deliberately thrown its lot with the black, 
 and set itself to the task of educating and training them for the great 
 struggle which they believe is to come. . . ." W. P. Livingstone, "The 
 West Indian and the American Negro," North American Review, Vol. 
 185, p. 646. 
 
Role of the Mulatto in the United States 361 
 
 superior to his black fellows. 
 
 These Southern mulatto leaders, however, are men who, 
 at least outwardly, consider themselves Negroes. 60 They 
 are men who have given up, in practice if not in theory, 
 the hopeless struggle for social recognition by the whites 
 and identified themselves with the black group. 61 Their 
 status is fixed ; they are members of the Negro race. Social 
 equality with the whites is out of the question and the de- 
 nial of it ceases to disturb them. The success they make 
 in life is in another direction and the amount of it depends 
 upon themselves. They are men who have concealed, if they 
 have not succeeded in overcoming, their aversion for the 
 black man. They do not openly flaunt their superiority 
 because of their white blood, and they find their life and 
 their work among their darker and more backward fellows. 
 The mulattoes, for the most part Southern mulattoes, have, 
 in this new adjustment of the races, found their place as 
 the real and natural leaders of the race. They are the 
 men who teach the black man in the schools and in the 
 Negro colleges, who preach to him from the pulpits, who 
 manage his banks and business enterprises, who rise to prom- 
 inence in all the social, political, and economic affairs of 
 
 80 "I love my people and prefer to live among them. I am not ashamed 
 of being a Negro." C. V. Roman, "Racial Self-respect and Racial 
 Antagonism," Atlanta Congress, 1913, p. 445. 
 
 61 The condition of the mulatto or educated Negro who has not yet 
 reached this point in his development appears everywhere in the writings 
 of the mulattoes. For example: ". . . there is to my mind no more 
 pathetic side to this many sided question than the isolated position into 
 which are forced the very colored people who most need and could best 
 appreciate sympathetic cooperation; [the educated and upper classes] 
 and their position grows tragic when the effort is made to couple them, 
 whether or no, with the Negroes of the first class I mentioned [the 
 lower classes]." Johnson, The Autobiography of an Ex-colored Man, 
 p. 78. 
 
362 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 the race. They, too, are the men who rob and defraud him 
 in the lodges, who grow wealthy, through appealing to the 
 Negro's desire to be like the white man, with nostrums to 
 blanch the skin and straighten the hair, who gain wealth 
 and distinction among their race by fostering, and catering 
 to, the Negro's morbid interest in and superstitious fear 
 of death and love of vulgar funeral display. But whether 
 they guide and help the black man or fatten on his gulli- 
 bility? they are in every respect the prominent men of the 
 race and the leaders in the race's social affairs. Whether 
 1 hey are engaged in robbing the black man, preaching to 
 him, healing his sick or burying his dead, and in spite of 
 their concealed dislike and their contempt for the degraded 
 black man, the mulattoes are endeavoring to raise him to 
 a higher mental, moral, and industrial plane. 
 
 The organization takes on the form of a primary group 
 relation. From the similarity of life and activities, comes 
 a similarity of sentiments and ideas. The mulattoes and 
 other superior men become an integral part of the race, de- 
 sirous of a respected place in the thoughts of the group, 
 and ambitious for an honored place in its counsels. The 
 mulatto feels himself in alliance with the group and in the 
 cooperation of common activities there arises a sympa- 
 thetic understanding and appreciation which fuses the mu- 
 latto, in sentiments and attitudes, with the larger whole. 
 He is identified with the black group, feels the mute long- 
 ing of the common folk, feels himself a part of it, is moulded 
 by it, and comes, little by little, to realize himself as a 
 factor in the common life and purpose of the group. He 
 ceases to be, in thought and feeling, a stranger among his 
 people; he learns to appreciate them, ceases to be ashamed 
 of his relationship to them, ceases to resent being classed 
 with them. Their problems become his problems ; their life, 
 
Role of the Mulatto in the United States 368 
 
 his life. The mulatto thus ceases to be a problem within 
 a problem; he becomes a functioning unit in the social life 
 of an evolving people. r 
 
 In the South, as elsewhere among the Negro people, the 
 mulattoes enjoy a prestige because of their color; the Ne- 
 groes readily accept them as superior men. The condi- 
 tions of life for the Negroes are decidedly easier in the 
 South than in other sections of the country and this is 
 especially the case for the mulattoes and other men of busi- 
 ness and professional training. 62 To the extent that they 
 do a work for the good of the race and live an honest and 
 industrious life, they are helped by the white man and do 
 not have to meet his competition. Race prejudice and dis- 
 crimination are less clearly manifested 63 than in sections 
 of the country where the struggle for professional exist- 
 ence is somewhat more severe, and where the tolerance of 
 racial shortcomings is less evident. There is no lack of 
 
 02 It is to be remembered, of course, that in competition, the Southern 
 trained Negro has proven his equality if not his superiority to the North- 
 ern trained Negro. See G. E. Haynes, The Negro at Work in New 
 York City, pp. 50 ff. 
 
 63 E. R. Turner, The Negro in Pennsylvania, p. 149. 
 Editorial, The Free Lance, 11-6-1915. 
 
 "Despite evidences of racial friction which crop out here and there, 
 the relations existing between the individual Negro and the individual 
 white man are often closer and better understood and more sympa- 
 thetic than those obtaining in any community outside of the South." 
 Booker T. Washington, The Southern Workman, quoted from the Chi- 
 cago Defender, 12-19-1914. 
 
 "For years after the war the North went into a frenzy, especially 
 during political campaigns, over outrages, real and alleged, upon their 
 colored fellow-citizens in the South. In the North to-day the Negro 
 has less chance to gain a livelihood above the very humblest levels than 
 he had twenty-five years ago, and only in rare instances does education 
 beyond the prime essentials benefit him in his struggles upward." 
 Boston Traveller, 11-15-1915. 
 
364 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 opportunity. There are fewer men in proportion to the num- 
 ber of the race who are trained and it is proportionately 
 easier for the men of a little training and ability to rise 
 to positions of importance within the group. The superior 
 education of the mulattoes qualifies them for leadership ; 
 their superior ambition and greater self-confidence pushes 
 them to the front. The mulatto, even though only slightly 
 superior, is assured of success once he has cast his lot with 
 the Negro people. His role on the Southern situation is 
 the role of leadership. 
 
 The role of leadership is, of course, a peculiarly difficult 
 one ; the Negroes do not readily follow their own best leaders. 
 The mass of the Negroes are ignorant, untrained in self- 
 direction, and not awake to the importance of self-help and 
 cooperative association. They are pretty generally unre- 
 liable and subconsciously recognize their own unreliability; 
 bitter experience has made them more suspicious and dis- 
 trustful of their own race than of the white. Petty jeal- 
 ousies among the leaders themselves are continually break- 
 ing out into factional strife. Public spirit and pride of race 
 is still more a hope of certain individuals than a realiza- 
 tion of the masses. It is the problem of the leaders of the 
 race to organize this ignorant and distrustful peasant peo- 
 ple, replace a bizarre idea of education by saner ones, 
 teach them the need of industry and morality, and lead 
 them to a respect for, and a belief in, their own race. 
 
 In those sections of the country where the Negroes are 
 relatively less numerous, they have in general not been 
 legally assigned a definite racial status in the community 
 life. No special provisions have been made for their edu- 
 cation. There are no restrictions on their place of resi- 
 dence. They are free to intermarry and otherwise associate 
 with individuals of a different racial extraction to the extent 
 
Role of the Mulatto in the United States 365 
 
 of their desire and opportunity. There has been a refusal 
 on the part of the .white people to recognize publicly the 
 presence of the Negroes as constituting a problem distinct 
 from other social problems of the community life. 64 The 
 policy has been rather to ignore their presence and to leave 
 them to accommodate themselves individually as best they 
 may to the social situation. Ostensibly at least, they stand 
 on the same legal and social footing as other members of 
 the population. 
 
 As a consequence of the absence of any restrictive or 
 other legislation applying particularly to the Negro people, 
 their greater individual freedom of choice and action, there 
 is a less definite and uniform accommodation between the 
 races and more of individual variation from the usual mode. 
 The conditions of life, however, are markedly more difficult. 
 There is more of prejudice and active discrimination in 
 economic and industrial relations. The individual relations 
 between members of the races are in general marked by 
 less of personal friendliness ; there is not the good-natured 
 expectation of inefficiency and toleration of shiftlessness 
 which marks the relations of the races in the South. 65 The 
 Negro is in individual competition with men of the other 
 race, and, in general, he has to measure up to their stand- 
 ard of efficiency and reliability in order to secure and 
 retain employment. Among the Negro people of the North, 
 therefore, there is more failure, dissatisfaction, complaint, 
 more bitterness, more enforced idleness, more distress,- pov- 
 erty, and crime than in those sections of the country where 
 the Negroes do not come into direct individual competition 
 
 64 It has not, of course, been possible to live up to any such theory. 
 See the Negro Year Book, pp. 365-67. 
 
 85 This is due in large part to the fact that in the North the Negro 
 is in the city, whereas in the South he is more generally a rural man. 
 
366 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 with better trained and more energetic and ambitious rivals. 
 Among those who have succeeded, however, there are more 
 examples of conspicuous individual success, as measured 
 by white standards, than where the competition is racial 
 and not individual. The struggle for success is more diffi- 
 cult, the failures are more numerous, but the rewards of 
 success are greater. 
 
 There is among the Negroes in the North an absence of 
 unity and race solidarity. ' The numbers of the race are 
 relatively small, widely scattered, unorganized, and without 
 a common interest. It is predominantly an urban popula- 
 tion and stands for the most part as a population of un- 
 skilled laborers dependent for the means of livelihood upon 
 white employers; 06 Their tendency to congregate in one 
 or a few sections of the cities and towns gives an appearance 
 of unity which in reality does not exist; the residential 
 segregation is a matter of economic necessity rather than 
 a matter of choice. The race is divided into innumerable 
 antagonistic groups, societies, orders, factions, cliques, and 
 what not, endless in number and puzzling in complexity, 
 whose mutual jealousy and distrust prevent any united, co- 
 operative action. There is no leadership that has any con- 
 siderable following and no program for racial progress that 
 has the assent of more than a faction of the Negro group ; 
 there is nothing to hold the various factions together and 
 the group is without any semblance of organized unity. 
 
 The superior men of the race, even more than in the 
 South, are mulattoes. There is not, certainly, always a 
 sharp and complete separation; there are occasional blacks 
 among the educated section and by no means all the mu- 
 
 
 06 
 
 See, for example, A. P. Comstock, "Chicago Housing Conditions: 
 VI. The Problem of the Negro," The American Journal of Sociology, 
 Vol. 18, pp. 241-57. 
 
Role of the Mulatto in the United States 367 
 
 lattoes are in the non-laboring classes. But the occupa- 
 tional differentiation is pretty complete. Speaking gener- 
 ally, the successful group is a light-colored group, while 
 the great uneducated mass is dark. Moreover, the individ- 
 uals who have risen markedly above their fellows in suc- 
 cess in any line are, with rarely an exception, mulattoes. 
 The successful professional and business man are in almost 
 every case men of mixed blood and generally men of rela- 
 tively little Negro admixture. The same thing is true of 
 the men prominent in every line of work. In education, the 
 mulattoes are almost the only members of the Negro com- 
 munity who avail themselves of the school opportunities 
 beyond the legal minimum. The prominent and educated 
 men and women of the race are mulattoes and the mulatto 
 group as a whole occupies a higher economic and intellec- 
 tual status than do the darker colored groups. 
 
 The Northern mulattoes are, however, in spite of their 
 superior education and position, without a definite role in 
 the inter-racial life of the community. More than in the 
 Southern section of the country, the mulattoes are separated 
 in fact and in sympathy from the mass of the race. They 
 are proud of their European blood, their smoother features, 
 their "better" hair and their higher economic status; they 
 are not always careful to conceal the fact. Frequently 
 they live apart from the Negro community, find their social 
 life among others of their kind, attend white churches or 
 form congregations of their own class and color. 67 The 
 upper class mulattoes are frequently without much acquaint- 
 ance with the real Negroes. In their professional or busi- 
 ness life, they are separated from the mass of the race and 
 come often into very little contact with them even in a busi- 
 
 67 See E. H. Abbott, "The South and the Negro," The Outlook, Vol. 
 77, pp. 367 ff. 
 
368 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 ness way. Their idea of the Negro and their attitude to- 
 ward him, is the idea and the attitude of the white man. 
 The attitude is one of more or less kindly toleration and 
 mild contempt which changes to active discrimination and 
 positive hatred when the Negro assumes the attitude of an 
 equal and seeks the privilege of social equality. In their 
 public utterances the Negro may be idealized, but there is 
 no desire or disposition on the part of the mulatto to have 
 any intimate association with him. 
 
 Yet the mulattoes assume the role of spokesman for the 
 race; they undertake to represent the Negro and to speak 
 for him. Their superior education, their higher economic 
 status as well as their greater individual success, and their 
 more prominent position give plausibility to their assump- 
 tion of leadership and allow them, rather than men who are 
 closer to the race and better able to voice the feelings and 
 attitudes of the inarticulate mass, to get themselves accepted 
 as representatives of the Negroes. They appear as cham- 
 pions of the Negro at all times when there is profit or noto- 
 riety to be gained by so doing. They make incendiary 
 speeches, draw up petitions and protests, appear before leg- 
 islative and executive committees as the representatives of a 
 people they only imperfectly represent. They are the men 
 Mr. Washington had in mind when he wrote: 68 
 
 . . . there are others who claim that the Negro is 
 too submissive. The latter insist that, if he had the 
 courage to stand up and denounce his detractors in the 
 same harsh and bitter terms that these persons use to- 
 ward him, in a short time he would win the respect 
 of the world, and the only obstacle to his progress 
 would be removed. 
 
 It is interesting, sometimes amusing, and sometimes 
 
 rs 
 
 The Story of the Negro, Vol. 1, pp. 190-91. 
 
Role of the Mulatto in the United States 36b 
 
 even pathetic, to note the conception of "bravery" and 
 "courage" which some colored men, who put their faith 
 in this solution of the Negro problem, occasionally ap- 
 ply to other members of their race. For a long time 
 after freedom came, and the same is not infrequently 
 true at the present time, any black man who was will- 
 ing, either in print or in public speech, to curse and 
 abuse the white man, easily gained for himself a repu- 
 tation of great courage. He might spend thirty min- 
 utes or an hour once a year in that kind of "vindica- 
 tion" of his race, but he got the reputation of being 
 an exceedingly brave man. Another man, who worked 
 patiently and persistently for } ;r ears in a Negro school, 
 depriving himself of many of the comforts and necessi- 
 ties of life, in order to perform a service which would 
 uplift his race, gained no reputation for courage. On 
 the contrary, he was likely to be denounced as a coward 
 by the "heroes," because he chose to do his work with- 
 out cursing, without abuse, and without complaint. 
 
 The larger part of the present-day discussion of inter- 
 race matters, the agitations for social and political rights 
 and privileges, the fulminations against discriminations, 
 the exaggerations of real and fancied wrongs, is not the 
 work of Negroes. It is a small, widely scattered, light- 
 colored and largely deracialized group of mulattoes who have 
 not found their place in the bi-racial community life — who 
 refuse to be Negroes and are refused the opportunity to be 
 white — whose sentiments and attitudes find expression in 
 the present-day agitations. The bitter, abusive tone of so 
 much present-day Negro literature does not voice the atti- 
 tude of the Negro ; the real Negro is remarkably free from 
 bitterness. The rank and file are intimately concerned with 
 the daily problem of earning a living; they accept the social 
 situation and their place therein more as a matter of fact 
 than as a hardship. The abstract rights for which certain 
 
370 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 individuals and groups within the race contend interest 
 them very little or not at all. The Negroes have given very 
 little support to the so-called radical movements. 69 A na- 
 tive common sense leads them to a half-conscious recognition 
 of the futility of systematically antagonizing the race upon 
 which they are so largely dependent. The trend of senti- 
 ment has been away from, rather than towards, an advocacy 
 of rights and privileges which they are not in a position to 
 demand and which the opposite race seems less and less in- 
 clined to bestow upon them. There has been a pretty gen- 
 eral acceptance by the more intelligent Negroes in all sec- 
 tions of the country of the Southern point of view. 70 
 
 The agitations of the mulatto groups and individuals 
 are, for obvious reasons, carried on in the name of the 
 Negro, not in the name of the mulatto. The ends to be 
 reached are such as concern the real Negroes very little. 
 The agitations voice the bitterness of the superior mulat- 
 toes, of the deracialized men of education, culture, and re- 
 finement who resent and rebel against the intolerant social 
 edict that excludes them from white society and classes 
 them with the despised race. The demands resolve them- 
 selves in last analysis into a demand that all race distinc- 
 tions be blotted out and that each man be accepted on the 
 basis of his individual merit irrespective of his race or 
 
 89 The National Association for the Advancement of the Colored Peo- 
 ple, the chief present-day association concerned with the political rights 
 and the social ambitions of the Negroes, claims a membership of only 
 9,500. Of this membership many, perhaps the great majority, are white 
 persons. Certainly the organization has always been financed and largely 
 managed by white persons. See The Crisis, 3-1916, p. 225. 
 
 70 Many leading Negroes who were earlier identified with the move- 
 ment in opposition to the policies of Booker T. Washington, later went 
 over to the constructive point of view. See, for e.g., John Daniels, In 
 Freedom's Birthplace, p. 128. 
 
Role of the Mulatto in the United States 371 
 
 color. 71 The result of the adoption of such a policy would 
 be, of course, to allow the exceptional men of the race, that 
 is the mulattoes, to escape from it and be accepted by and 
 absorbed into the white race. The demands of the militant 
 mulattoes thus amount to a plea for special privilege; it 
 is a plea for themselves and not for the Negroes. They ask 
 the opportunity to escape from the race toward which they 
 feel much the same prejudice as does the white man/ 5 They 
 are Negroes only by compulsion. 
 
 The inter-racial situation in the North is thus, in very 
 large part, a caste arrangement. The mulattoes are the 
 superior men and form, or tend to form, a separate and ex- 
 clusive class above the race. They assume the role of 
 spokesman for the race but they are not an integral part of 
 it as are the mulatto leaders of the South. The Negroes 
 resent, more or less, the mulattoes' assumption of superior- 
 ity and their presuming to speak for a race with whom 
 they neither live nor associate. At the same time, it is the 
 desire of every ambitious Negro to secure admittance to 
 the more exclusive circles and to escape from the black 
 group. The mulattoes are rather outside the race, above 
 it. They have not given up the hope of equality with the 
 whites ; they are not satisfied to be Negroes and to find their 
 life and their work among the members of the race. They 
 are contemptuous of the blacks who are socially below them 
 and envious of the whites who are socially above them. The 
 accommodation of the races is on horizontal lines with the 
 educated and light-colored mulattoes standing between the 
 blacks and the whites. 
 
 The arrangement, however, seems to lack the elements 
 of permanence. The realization of the mulattoes' ambi- 
 
 71 See, for example, "Editorial," The Crisis, 2-1914, pp. 186-87. Also, 
 Katherine B. Davis, The Crisis, 6-1914, pp. 83-84, 
 
372 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 tion is dependent upon a change of attitude on the part of 
 the white population. Their recognition of the mulatto 
 as superior to the black Negro would insure the perma- 
 nence of the mulatto caste ; it would give it a recognized 
 place in the society. 72 Their granting of the demands for 
 a complete removal of all distinctions based on race or 
 color would allow the escape from the race of the superior 
 and light colored individuals. 73 But curiously enough the 
 rebellious attitude of the militant mulattoes against the 
 habitual attitude of the white group and their agitations 
 against discriminations, whether carried on by themselves 
 or by their white sympathizers, which have for their real 
 though seldom openly avowed and sometimes not consciously 
 understood purpose the allowing of the superior, educated 
 mulattoes to escape from the Negro race and to be absorbed 
 into the white race — their protests and complaints and cam- 
 paigns of bitterness and abuse — have an effect quite differ- 
 ent from that desired. It tends to defeat its own object 74 
 and works ultimately to the profit of the Negro group as a 
 whole rather than to that of the protesting group. Instead 
 of influencing the white man to recognize the mulattoes as 
 a superior type of man and to accept them on a rating dif- 
 ferent from that on which he accepts the mass of the race 
 — as an individual regardless of race or color — the effect 
 is to identify the complaining individuals more closely with 
 the masses of the race; it tends to solidify the race and, 
 in the thinking of the white man, to class the agitators with 
 it. Its effect is not to break down the white man's antipathy 
 and prejudice, but to make the feeling more acute and to 
 
 " The Jamaican solution of the race problem. See pp. 331-35 above. 
 "The Brazilian solution of the problem. See pp. 320-24 above. 
 74 A fact frequently recognized by the Negroes themselves. See, for 
 e.g., The Kansas (City) Elevator (A Negro Paper), 2-2-1916. 
 

 Role of the Mulatto in the United States 373 
 
 make more conscious and distinct the determination of the 
 white people to preserve their ideals of racial and social 
 purity. 75 It results in a stricter and a more conscious 
 and purposeful drawing of the color line and a drawing of 
 the line where it had previously not been drawn. In the 
 elfort to escape the race, the mulattoes become more than 
 ever identified with it. 76 The segregation policy which ex- 
 ists in all lines everywhere in the South and less openly 
 and frankly but frequently not less effectively in the North 
 wherever the Negroes are numerous and troublesome, is in 
 large part a reaction on the part of the white people against 
 the militant mulattoes' efforts to achieve social equality 
 with the whites. 
 
 Both the mulattoes and the Negroes stand to profit in 
 the end by the agitation of the radical mulatto group for 
 social and class recognition. The struggle for abstract 
 rights is not productive of any important results in the 
 way of removing racial prejudice or social discrimination; 
 it has rather the contrary tendency. But it serves to iden- 
 tify the mulatto with the race and this is an advantage 
 both to the black and to the yellow man. The black Negroes 
 are the gainers by having their natural leaders thrust, 
 even though it be against their will, back upon the race. 
 The mulattoes are gainers in that they are thus forced to 
 see and to embrace the great opportunity which the pres- 
 ence of the people of their own race affords them for a 
 useful and a valuable life of real leadership. The horizon- 
 
 76 "Race Separation Without Discrimination," Outlook, Vol. 86, p. 576. 
 
 79 Evans, Black and White in the Southern States, p. 208. 
 
 "... I am in grave doubt as to whether the greater part of the fric- 
 tion in the South is caused by the whites having a natural antipathy 
 to Negroes as a race, or an acquired antipathy to Negroes in certain 
 relations to themselves." Johnson, The Autobiography of an Ex-colored 
 Man, p. 78. 
 
374 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 tal accommodation — the caste system — of the North seems 
 destined ultimately to transform itself, as the earlier caste 
 system of the South has already largely done, into a ver- 
 tical accommodation — a bi-racial system. 
 
 
CHAPTER XIV 
 
 summary: present tendencies 
 
 IN summarizing this study, emphasis should be placed 
 on the fact that it has had to do with the mulatto as a 
 social group rather than as a biological type. Mixture 
 of blood, however important or unimportant it may be in 
 itself, has not been the subject of inquiry and there is no 
 assumption concerning its good or ill effects. But mixture 
 of blood has been made the basis of class and caste distinc- 
 tions. As a result of these distinctions — and possibly be- 
 cause of their mixed ethnic origin — various groups, physi- 
 cally distinguishable because of their mixed ancestry, have 
 appeared, manifest a peculiar psychology and play a dis- 
 tinctive role in various inter-racial situations. It is with 
 the status of one of these groups — the mulatto in the United 
 States — with which this study has had principally to do. 
 Without predicating or assuming anything with regard to 
 the inherent mental superiority, inferiority, or equality of 
 the members of the mixed-blood group, as compared with 
 either element of their ethnic ancestry, inquiry was made 
 concerning their origin and increase in numbers, their sta- 
 tus in the general social situation, and their role in the 
 inter-racial community life. So far as there has been any 
 unavoidable presupposition concerning inherent mental ra- 
 cial capacity, it has been the presupposition of approxi- 
 mately equal mental possibility among the various human 
 types and that such inequalities as may be found existent, 
 
 375 
 
376 The Mulatto m the United States 
 
 culturally or otherwise, are rationally explainable on the 
 assumption of inferior racial opportunity. 
 
 As preliminary to the main topic of inquiry, a survey 
 was made of the chief of the mixed-blood groups which have 
 appeared in other bi-racial situations. This survey was 
 necessarily brief and, owing to the scanty, defective and 
 frequently contradictory nature of the data available con- 
 cerning these groups, the conclusions are highly tentative. 
 In general, however, it may be said that mixed-blood indi- 
 viduals have appeared everywhere when two racial groups 
 representing different cultural stages have been brought 
 into contact. The size of these mixed-blood groups seems 
 to have been dependent upon the races in contact, the rela- 
 tive numbers of the advanced and backward groups, the 
 presence or absence of women of the advanced group and 
 the class of the advanced in contact with the backward 
 race. These mixed-blood groups are everywhere the result 
 of illicit relations between the men of the superior and the 
 women of the inferior group. Everywhere the women of 
 lower races, if not actually seeking sexual relations with 
 the men of the advanced race, nowhere show any pronounced 
 repugnance to such association. The mixed-bloods as a 
 group everywhere have formed, or tended to form, or been 
 formed, into a separate class or caste standing somewhere 
 between the two parent races. Judged from the point of 
 view of the superior race, they have reached everywhere a 
 social position superior to that of the mother race and 
 nowhere have they achieved a position of equality with the 
 advanced group. The superior individuals who have ap- 
 peared among the lower racial groups have been, almost 
 without exception, members of this mixed-blood class. The 
 ambition of the mixed-bloods seems everywhere an ambition 
 to be accepted into the advanced race and to escape from 
 
Summary. Present Tendencies 377 
 
 the lower group. Their actual role in the inter-racial sit- 
 uation is consequently dependent upon the attitude of the 
 dominant group. Where no social color line has been for- 
 mally drawn against them, they have tended to identify 
 themselves with the superior race and themselves to draw a 
 color line against the lower race or else to serve as a 
 physiological tie between the extremes of the population 
 during the process of its reduction to a mongrel unity. 
 Where a color line has been drawn against them by the 
 superior group in the population, they everywhere have 
 tended to form an intermediate caste in the population. 
 Where this caste has been more or less frankly recognized, 
 it serves as a harmonizing group between the population 
 extremes. Where it has not been recognized by the superior 
 race, the caste seldom has been able to maintain itself and 
 the mixed-blood individuals tend to unite their interests 
 with, and become an upper-class among, the lower group. 
 
 Passing, then, to the mulatto in the United States, it was 
 found that the intermixture of the races had gone on during 
 the whole period that the races have been in contact on 
 American soil. This mixture was particularly rapid during 
 the colonial era owing to the scarcity of women of the white 
 race and owing to the fact that the lack of any intolerant 
 racial prejudice allowed the lower classes to associate, and 
 freely intermix, with the Negro women. The mixture prob- 
 ably somewhat decreased during the period of national 
 slavery owing to a bitter hatred that grew up between the 
 Negroes and the lower-class whites and to the fact that the 
 Negroes were under a stricter control. The intermixture 
 also appears by statistical measurement to have gone on at 
 a rate somewhat slower than was actually the case owing to 
 the fact that much of it was with the mulatto rather than 
 with the black girls. Since the Emancipation there has 
 
 
378 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 continued to be a rapid increase in the number of mulattoes. 
 
 The intermixture of the races in the United States has 
 been almost exclusively outside the bounds of the marriage 
 union. There has been a little intermarriage between the 
 races, generally between lower-class white women and Negro 
 or mulatto men. The number of such marriages, however, 
 has been so small as to be entirely negligible in the con- 
 sideration of race mixture. There has been a much larger 
 amount of concubinage of Negro girls by white men. This 
 form of sex relation was common in some sections during 
 the slave regime and still exists to some extent. The great 
 amount of the intermixture, however, has been of the na- 
 ture of temporary associations implying absolutely nothing 
 in the way of sentimental attachment on either side and 
 being in point of fact nothing more than a satisfaction of 
 the physical appetite of the individuals concerned. This 
 form of association at present is most frequently between 
 mulatto men and black girls, on the one hand, and between 
 white men and mulatto girls, on the other. 
 
 As individuals, the mulattoes always have enjoyed op- 
 portunities somewhat greater than those enjoyed by the 
 rank and file of the black Negroes. In slavery days, they 
 were most frequently the trained servants and had the ad- 
 vantages of daily contact with cultured men and women. 
 Many of them were free and so enjoyed whatever advan- 
 tages went with that superior status. They were considered 
 by the white people to be superior in intelligence to the 
 black Negroes and came to take great pride in the fact of 
 their white blood. They' developed a tradition of superi- 
 ority. This idea was accepted by the black Negroes and 
 consequently the mulattoes enjoyed a prestige in the Negro 
 group. Where possible, they formed a sort of mixed-blood 
 caste and held themselves aloof from the black Negroes and 
 
Summary: Present Tendencies 379 
 
 the slaves of lower station. 
 
 The mulattoes, at all times in the history of the Negro 
 in America, have been the superior individuals of the race. 
 Of the score or so of men of first-rate ability which the 
 race has produced, not more than two at the most were 
 Negroes of pure blood. Of the two hundred or so who have 
 made the most noteworthy success in a business or profes- 
 sional way, all, with less than a dozen exceptions, are Ne- 
 groes of mixed blood. Of some two hundred and forty-six 
 persons, presumably the most successful and the best known 
 men the race has produced, at least thirteen-fourteenths of 
 them are men of mixed blood. Of the list of six hundred 
 and twenty-seven names of persons compiled from the his- 
 torical and biographical literature and including men of 
 a distinctly lesser degree of note, only about one-ninth were 
 even of approximately pure blood. The same condition 
 was found to prevail in the examination of compilations 
 of the leading men in the various professional and semi- 
 professional pursuits ; the professional men of the race are 
 nearly all mulattoes as are the men who have succeeded in 
 some form of artistic or semi-artistic endeavor. In the in- 
 dustrial and business world the same condition prevails ; the 
 men who have made any marked success are found to be 
 in nearly every case from the mixed-blood group. It was 
 further found that by taking large numbers of cases from 
 any profession or pursuit and consequently tapping lower 
 ranges of ability and success, the ratio of black men to mu- 
 lattoes was increased. The higher the standard of success, 
 the lower the per cent of full-blooded Negroes. This was 
 the case as between different professions and within the 
 ranks of the same profession ; the ministry has a much 
 higher per cent of full-blood Negroes than does the medical 
 or the teaching profession ; the higher positions in all the 
 
380 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 professions have been reached by mulattoes, very seldom 
 by black Negroes. Speaking generally, the intellectual 
 class of the race is composed of mulattoes ; a black man 
 in the class is a rather rare exception. 
 
 The role which these mixed-blood individuals have played 
 in the inter-racial situation has varied with the time and 
 the place. During the slavery period, they were the su- 
 perior individuals ; but they were not leaders. In the decade 
 just preceding the Civil War, a few persons of Negro blood 
 took a minor part in the anti-slavery agitation. During the 
 Reconstruction Period, they were in some cases used by the 
 white politicians, but had little independent part. After 
 the War and the Reconstruction, there was a further sepa- 
 ration between the superior mulattoes and the mass of the 
 race; the tendency for them to form a caste within or just 
 above the Negro group continued. 
 
 In the North, the mulattoes of education have tended 
 to be agitators for equal social, civil, and political rights. 
 They consider the ballot an inherent human right rather 
 than an earned responsibility; consequently, they do not 
 endeavor to fit the Negroes to meet the requirements of 
 suffrage, but strive to force the abandonment of suffrage 
 requirements. In social and civil affairs, they insist that 
 equality of treatment is synonymous with identity of treat- 
 ment. Their spirit is one of complaint and bitterness. They 
 represent a grievance rather than a policy of constructive 
 work. They emphasize what the law can do for the Negro 
 and concern themselves very little with what the Negro can 
 do for himself. They assume, moreover, the role of spokes- 
 man for the race though, as a whole, they neither understand 
 nor represent the Negro. They do not live with the Ne- 
 groes ; they do not know the Negroes, and, in general, they 
 do not know the condition of the race. They are widely 
 
Summary: Present Tendencies 381 
 
 separated in appearance and in sympathy from the mass 
 of the Negro people. They are not even in close touch with 
 the mass of the Negroes in the Northern States. They have 
 not, as yet, found themselves nor their place in the general 
 social life of the community. 
 
 In the South with the growth of industrial education and 
 the rise of a middle-class within the Negro group, the mu- 
 lattoes have taken their place as the natural leaders of the 
 race. The bi-racial adjustment of the races has allowed 
 the rise of men of superior ability and of training and has 
 provided a place for them. These men are, in all but the ex- 
 ceptional cases, mulattoes and generally men of more white 
 than black blood. The teaching of these Southern mu- 
 latto leaders is work and service. They emphasize what 
 the Negroes can do to improve their condition and recog- 
 nize that they will gain in efficiency and in strength of char- 
 acter by overcoming obstacles. They are close to the Ne- 
 gro; they are content to be classed with the race. They 
 have abandoned any hope they may have entertained of 
 being white men. They have their work and their place. 
 Their social and consequently their psychological status 
 is fixed, and there is, therefore, an almost entire absence of 
 the bitterness which characterizes the Northern division of 
 
 the mulatto group. 
 
 ***** 
 
 Any race, or group within a race, which is subjected to 
 discrimination or persecution tends to take on the form 
 of a nationality. The natural bonds of union within are 
 strengthened by the opposition from without. A race con- 
 sciousness and a race pride tend to develop as a defensive 
 reaction. The struggle of races and of race groups is 
 not so much an economic struggle as it is a struggle for 
 self-respect and race preservation. As the group or race 
 
382 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 in contact with one of superior culture itself advances to 
 a degree of culture, the innate desire of the members to 
 isolate themselves from unpleasant stimulation and to enjoy 
 the association of others of their kind, becomes strength- 
 ened by their consciousness that their presence is an unwel- 
 come intrusion upon the desires of the other race. A de- 
 veloping consciousness of worth reinforces the innate tend- 
 ency and the prideful reaction. The ostracized group 
 develops a pride of accomplishment in an effort to offset 
 the feeling of inferiority which the rejection by the supe- 
 rior group necessarily creates. The race or group escapes 
 the unpleasant stimulation given by the latent or active 
 hostility of the superior group by retiring within itself 
 and endeavoring to become self-sufficient. This seems to 
 be the tendency of the American Negro group in the pres- 
 ent decade. 
 
 The obstacles to racial solidarity among the American 
 Negroes, however, are very numerous and very real. Their 
 isolation is nowhere complete; geographically they are set- 
 tled among a more numerous white population on which, 
 in very large measure, they are economically and cultur- 
 ally dependent. They lack a distinctive language, one of 
 the most valuable focal points for the growth of such a 
 sentimental complex, and, in the common language, there is 
 no body of literature by members of the race that is in 
 in any way distinctive, or in which a pride of achievement 
 can center. Their religion is but a recent acquisition and 
 in creed differs in no essential way from the religion of the 
 white race. Their manners, customs, and habits of life 
 are in no way distinctive. The race is without a history, 
 or even a tradition of past greatness. Consequently, there 
 are no historical names about which a popular tradition 
 can grow. The only accomplishments of the race are mod- 
 
Summary: Present Tendencies 383 
 
 ern ones ; a generation into the past brings them against 
 the bleak fact of slavery and beyond that lies the age-long 
 condition from which enslavement by a civilized race was 
 a mighty step. Color, the peculiarity of physical type, 
 is the obvious basis for their nationality. But color is 
 everywhere correlated with primitive and degraded people; 
 it is a thing from which to escape, not a thing of which to 
 be proud. 
 
 In spite, however, of the apparently insuperable obstacles 
 in the way of a Negro nationality in America, the present 
 tendency is clearly in that direction. It is toward an iden- 
 tification of the various creeds and a union of the various 
 classes in the race ; toward a feeling of pride in the growing 
 accomplishments of the race and a consciousness of unity 
 of interest. Whatever may be the limit that the tendency 
 may finally reach, it is being promoted both designedly and 
 undesignedly by both the whites and the blacks, and by 
 forces from within and from without the race. 
 
 The isolation of the race through voluntary action on 
 its part and through legal action on the part of the white 
 race, is the most important single fact making for class 
 consciousness and race solidarity. This isolation of the race 
 is not a recent phenomenon. It is the legal recognition and 
 enforcement of the separation and the extension of it to 
 include every line of contact and every individual of the race 
 which is the characteristic feature of the present policy. 
 The degree to which the races are admittedly separate is 
 somewhat different in different regions. Where the numbers 
 of the race are small and their activities have not conflicted 
 with the white man's idea of what the Negroes' attitude 
 and behavior should be, they have, except in the proscrip- 
 tion against social equality, met with no serious difficulty 
 I beyond the contempt-to-hatred attitude of their white neigh- 
 
384 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 bors. But wherever their numbers have become consider- 
 able, or their attitude has become assertive, the Negroes 
 have met the non-intercourse policy of the dominant white 
 man. 
 
 The present tendency is toward an increased application 
 intensively and extensively of this segregation policy. Resi- 
 dential segregation is w r ell-nigh universal. In the South, 
 generally, it is enforced by state laws and city ordinances ; 
 in the North, by various means depending upon the local 
 conditions. 1 In the school, the Negro child is separated from 
 the white in all the states having a considerable black pop- 
 ulation. The number of Negro schools is increasing in the 
 cities of the North. Where separate schools are not spe- 
 cially provided, the residential segregation in the Northern 
 cities usually confines the Negro children to one or a few 
 schools. 2 The churches and church organizations are gen- 
 erally separate and tend to become more independent in 
 their development. The membership of most of the well- 
 known secret societies is limited to white men. The clande- 
 stine lodges of the Negroes under similar names have noth- 
 ing in common with the white organizations except the 
 names 3 and the Negroes have organized many secret so- 
 
 1 In Chicago the most effective technique seems to be a gentleman's 
 agreement among the real estate men. 
 
 A recent ruling of the United States Supreme Court — November 5, , 
 1917 — holds all residential segregation laws to be unconstitutional. It 
 will be of interest to note in how far this decision will modify the 
 present tendency. 
 
 2 It is still an open question and one just beginning to be investigated 
 scientifically, whether or not the difference in mental ability of the races 
 is sufficiently great to warrant their separate education as a matter of 
 economy and educational policy. See, for e.g., M. J. Mayo, The Mental 
 Capacity of the American Negro. 
 
 3 See G. W. Crawford, Prince Hall and His Followers, for a recent . 
 effort by a mulatto to prove the legitimacy of Negro Masonry. 
 
Summary: Present Tendencies 385 
 
 cieties under distinctive names. The social life of the races 
 is everywhere separate and distinct. 4 Slowly the race is 
 evolving its own group of business and professional men 
 who cater exclusively to their own race while the white 
 business and professional men tend to avoid the patronage 
 of the Negroes. 5 In all lines and in all sections of the coun- 
 try, the tendency of the white people seems to be to force 
 the Negro people back upon themselves and to allow them 
 or to force them to develop their own institutions and racial 
 life. 
 
 This policy on the part of the whites is supplemented by 
 the desire of the rank and file of the Negroes themselves. 
 A.n overwhelming majority of the Negroes accept racial 
 separation as a simple and natural matter of fact. 6 It sel- 
 lom concerns them in any concrete way and they are but 
 ittle interested in abstract considerations. They live in 
 Negro settlements as a matter of social choice and of eco- 
 lomic necessity. They avail themselves thankfully of what- 
 ever school facilities are offered them; other things being 
 qual, they generally prefer the separate schools. 7 They 
 
 4 See O. Madden, "A Color Phase of Washington," The World To-day, 
 To\. 14, pp. 549-52. 
 
 5 The largest department store in Chicago, for e.g., endeavors by in- 
 ttentive treatment to discourage Negro patronage. 
 
 See reference to Hartman Furniture Company in the Crisis, 4-1915, p. 
 16. White bankers frequently refuse deposits of Negroes and direct 
 lem to institutions managed by members of their own race. 
 
 8 See Maurice S. Evans, Black and White in the Southern States, pp. 
 44-45. What the Negro resents is, frequently, not so much the fact 
 f segregation as the humiliating way in which the policy is enforced 
 ad the abusive tone of many of its advocates. 
 
 1 "There is not the slightest doubt but that separate school systems, 
 y giving colored children their own teachers and a sense of racial 
 ride, are enabled to keep more colored children in school and take them 
 irough longer courses than mixed systems. The 100,000 Negroes of 
 
 altimore have 600 pupils in the separate high school; New York, with 
 
386 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 seek and prefer the society of their own class and color. 
 The fact that they are unwelcome in the hotels and restau- 
 rants, in the theaters and other places of amusement and 
 entertainment open to the whites, never comes within the 
 experience of any but the very exceptional Negro. The ex- 
 clusion policy of the whites is in line with the natural tend- 
 ency of the blacks ; it affects and offends the small class 
 of educated and cultured individuals who have more in com- 
 mon, intellectually and otherwise, with the cultured whites, 
 than they have with the mass of the Negro people. 8 
 
 On the part of the leaders among the Negroes, there is 
 an increasing amount of voluntary segregation in more 
 places and in more lines. Separate schools are advocated 
 and petitioned for: they open positions for the teachers. 
 Professional and business men see it more and more to then 
 advantage to promote a spirit of race solidarity. 9 Tc 
 the extent to which this exists, they cease to be in compe 
 tition with the business and professional men of the othei 
 race. 10 In increasing numbers they are going South, iden- 
 tifying themselves with the race, and finding their life anc 
 work among the black group. The opportunities for th< 
 educated and ambitious Negro or mulatto is greatest amon^ 
 the people of his own race. 11 Competition there is not s< 
 keen and the slightly superior individual can become ai 
 important and influential person. The matter of self-inter 
 
 a larger colored population, has less than 200 in its mixed high schools. 
 Editorial, Crisis, 2-1912, p. 184-85. 
 
 8 See E. W. Blyden, Christianity, Islam and the Negro Race, pf 
 168-69. 
 
 9 Editorial, "Segregation — Let Her Come," The Conservative Coun 
 selor, Waco, Texas, 9-2-1915. 
 
 10 See Editorial, "Paying for a Name," Chicago, Illinois, Idea, 9-9-191J 
 n Booker T. Washington, "Why Should Negro Business Men G 
 
 South?" Chanties, Vol. 15, pp. 17-19. 
 
Summary: Present Tendencies 387 
 
 est ranges them on the side of the segregation policy where 
 the rank and file always have been as a matter of choice. 
 The acquisition of these men increases the feeling of im- 
 portance on the part of the group and so increases its tend- 
 ency toward unity. With the increase of racial unity, 
 the opportunities for educated men in the race increase in 
 number and importance, and this, in turn, attracts with in- 
 creasing force the mulatto and other superior men of the 
 race. 
 
 The self-respect as well as the self-interest of the educated 
 Negro tends to the same end as the proscription of the 
 white and the temperament of the blacks. Speaking gener- 
 ally, no Negro, regardless of color or training, is welcome 
 in any social organization of cultured white people any- 
 where in America. In the semi-social and professional or- 
 ganizations, the same thing is in general true. 12 If the 
 Negro is not barred from the medical, bar, teaching, and 
 other professional associations, he never is made to feel 
 that he is welcome. As a consequence, the Negro, to the 
 extent of his culture and education, stays away when he 
 finds that he is not wanted. It is the only action he can 
 take and preserve his self-respect. 13 
 
 By going South, the educated Negro is allowed to forget 
 that he is denied privileges granted to others, that the race 
 is looked upon as inferior and treated as alien. These are 
 things which concern the individual very little. Aside from 
 the professional agitator, they distress the Negro not at 
 
 "The action of the American Bar Association in regard to certain 
 near-white Negroes who had been accepted into membership without the 
 fact of their race being known to the Association is a case in point. 
 See "The American Bar Association and the Negro," Outlook, Vol. 102, 
 pp. 1-2; "Lawyers and the Color Line," Literary Digest, Vol. 45, p. 
 361 ; "The Color Line at the Bar," The Nation, Vol. 94, pp. 509-10. 
 
 18 Editorial, The Voice of the People, Birmingham, Ala., 3-13-1915. 
 
388 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 all. In the North, however, they are the constant refrain 
 from which the only escape is an escape from the race. 
 In the South, the educated Negro can escape this ever- 
 lasting agitation about his status and his rights. There his 
 social status is fixed and once he realizes and accepts this 
 fact, it ceases to trouble him. He has his own group and 
 he is definitely excluded from white society. The treat- 
 ment in the matter is at least consistent and the mulatto, 
 recognizing the impossibility of achieving a position of so- 
 cial equality, ceases to be concerned about it and loses his 
 bitterness at being excluded. He is able to stop "thinking 
 black." The morbid brooding over real and fancied wrongs 
 gives place to a healthy thought about actual problems. 
 The attitude of slavish dependence — the childish wail for 
 others to right his wrongs — is replaced by an attitude of 
 manly independence, a determination to face the world and 
 to play a manly part therein. Agitation gives place to 
 work ; self-reliance replaces self-pity. He no longer lives 
 "behind the veil"; he is dealing with objective reality. He 
 becomes a useful man and, in proportion to his ability, a 
 leader among his people. 
 
 Another thing making for the increase in this spirit of 
 nationality is the growing literature of the race. This is a 
 focal point about which the sentiments of the race can 
 crystallize. As it increases in volume and in quality and 
 comes to be more widely read, the sentiment of pride cor- 
 respondingly increases. There is also some effort being 
 made by the Negroes themselves to create a Negro history. 14 
 A tradition of musical genius already exists among the race 
 and, outside musical circles, is generally accepted by the 
 whites. The gift which so many Negroes have for effective 
 public speaking is another tiling of which the race is ex- 
 
 14 See p. 216 above. 
 
Summary. Present Tendencies 389 
 
 ceedingly proud. The point here is that regardless of the 
 slender basis of fact upon which many of these things rest, 
 they have an immense effect upon the thinking of the race. 
 It is the opinion that a race has of itself that counts in 
 the growth of a nationalistic spirit, 15 and the opinion of the 
 best thinkers of the race is coming more and more to be 
 that if the Negroes desire really to reach a full manhood 
 they must reach it by being Negroes rather than by being 
 weak imitations of white people. 
 
 Whether it be because of compulsion on the part of the 
 whites or because of voluntary action on the part of the 
 Negroes, there is an increasing segregation on the part of 
 the Negroes and consequently an increasing tendency toward 
 racial solidarity. 
 
 In this growing nationality, the mulattoes who have gone 
 over to the race and cast their fortunes with it are the aris- 
 tocracy. Broadly speaking, they are the only members of 
 the race who are educated. Consequently, they now form 
 the professional classes. For the most part, they are the 
 property-owning members of the race 16 and most of the 
 Negroes who have made any conspicuous success in a busi- 
 ness or industrial way are members of the mulatto division. 
 They are, then, the important men in the commercial and 
 business affairs of the race. Their color or rather absence 
 of color helps to qualify them for a social position among the 
 elite. They have a confidence, born of their pride in their 
 color and their more or less successfully concealed contempt 
 
 15 The belief of the modern Greek, for example, and his boundless 
 pride in the belief, that he is descended from the ancient historical race 
 is not of any less social significance because of the mythological nature 
 of the belief. Similarly, the Irish National movement is chiefly cen- 
 tered in religion, reinforced by myths of ancient greatness. 
 
 10 See Booker T. Washington, "Negro Homes," Century, Vol. 76, pp. 
 71-79. 
 
390 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 for a black skin, that the black man seldom attains. They 
 have, and tend to maintain, an exclusive social status that 
 is the despair and the envy of the black man. 17 Their 
 superior economic position, their superior training, their 
 light color and the tradition of superiority, all combine to 
 make them the important and superior individuals in any 
 racial group. 
 
 Certain consequences of this movement are fairly obvious. 
 According as one judges these to be desirable or undesirable, 
 one will be disposed to approve or oppose the nationalistic 
 tendency. 
 
 Racial solidarity means an increased isolation of the 
 Negro group. The bi- racial adjustment tends to keep the 
 races apart. The further the Negroes develop a sense of 
 nationality, the further do they voluntarily separate them- 
 selves from the white world. Direct individual competition 
 between the members of the races tends to diminish. They 
 receive less stimulation from the culture of the other race; 
 they are isolated from that stimulation. 18 To the extent 
 that this becomes true, the Negroes cease to measure their 
 talents and accomplishments by the standards of the supe- 
 rior race. They do not compete with the white man, The 
 isolation narrows their interests and their conceptions, foi 
 there is little with which to compare them and weigh their 
 value. They do not need to measure up to the white man's 
 standard ; they can live and succeed on a lower plane of 
 efficiency. They are more or less out of the stream of 
 social advancement and the strenuous competition of mod- 
 ern life. This isolation means, of course, a slower advance 
 
 17 See editorial, "Don't Blame All," The Bee, Washington, D. C, 1-30- 
 1915. See, also, Boston Reliance, 3-13-1915. 
 
 18 J. H. DeLoach, "The Negro as a Farmer," Atlanta Congress, 1913, 
 p. 381. 
 
Summary. Present Tendencies 391 
 
 on the part of the Negroes toward the standards and ac- 
 complishments of European civilization ; but it also means 
 a more normal development, a more gradual accommodation 
 to ideas and standards that, by the great mass of the race, 
 are at present neither appreciated nor understood. A 
 gradual elevation of the race means less disorganization 
 of the individual and of the group. The crises in the ad- 
 vance are less radical and the chances for a normal ac- 
 commodation are greater. In brief, it means a slower but 
 a more normal advance toward the ideals and standards of 
 I the white group. 
 
 The isolation consequent upon the formation of a na- 
 tionality tends, in many ways, to inferior educational oppor- 
 tunity for the members of the race. To the extent that the 
 schools are separated and the Negro schools in the hands 
 of the race, the black children will get their schooling from 
 mulatto teachers. These mulattoes are themselves but su- 
 perficially and imperfectly trained men. The highest esti- 
 mate would hardly place the number of college trained 
 Negroes at five thousand. 19 They, for the most part, are 
 the product of miserably inefficient Negro colleges. As 
 long as these colleges exist with their present low stand- 
 ards — and the nationalistic tendency is to put them more 
 and more in the hands of the race — the graduates, so far 
 as schooling is concerned, will be equal, perhaps, to the 
 graduate of the ordinary white high school. The teachers 
 of the race will, at best, be graduates of these inferior col- 
 leges, and the masses of the race will be defectively trained 
 just to the extent that they are isolated from the white 
 
 10 C. H. McCord estimates the number of Negro college graduates 
 from 1840 to 1909 as 3,853, and from 1910 to 1914 inclusive as 1,147, 
 a total of 5,000 in all for the period of 75 years. The American Negro 
 as a Dependent, Defective and Delinquent, p. 14. 
 
392 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 race. 20 Under the nationalistic system, therefore, the black 
 man will not make very rapid strides in educational advance- 
 ment. 
 
 The growth of a nationality means the increasing compe- 
 tition on racial lines and the decreasing competition of in- 
 dividuals of the two races. Here, as elsewhere, competition 
 is a selective process. The fact that individual differences 
 are everywhere greater than race differences makes compe- 
 tition act against stratification on the basis of race and 
 tends to put the individual, regardless of race, into the place 
 for which he is best fitted. The racial competition results 
 in forcing the mass of the race into the occupation, or small 
 group of occupations, in which they are best fitted to sur- 
 vive, or for which no other group will compete. The dis- 
 placement of the race from many vocations on which they 
 once had a virtual monopoly has already gone very far. 
 Mrs. Fannie Barrier Williams, 21 writing in 1905 in regard 
 to the Negroes of Chicago, says on this point : 22 
 
 ... In the matter of employment, the colored people 
 of Chicago have lost in the last ten years nearly every 
 occupation of which they once had almost a monopoly. 
 There is now scarcely a Negro barber left in the busi- 
 ness district. Nearly all the janitor work in the large 
 
 20 "If such segregation led to the formation of Negro communities 
 entirely apart from the life of the state and the current civilized life 
 around them, with the prospect of personal and communal deterioration, 
 I should be against it. But I can see no reason why it should be so. 
 The best of the race would join the movement, the educated and trained 
 would be available to keep the community life at a high standard, while 
 the highest voluntary assistance and advice of the philanthropic whites 
 would be willingly given. . . ." Evans, Black and White in the South- 
 ern States, p. 259. 
 
 21 See p. 223 above. 
 
 ""Social Bonds in the 'Black Belt' of Chicago," Charities, Vol. 15, 
 p. 43. 
 
Summary: Present Tendencies 393 
 
 buildings has been taken away from them by the Swedes. 
 White men and women as waiters have supplanted col- 
 ered men in nearly all the first-class hotels and restau- 
 rants. Practically all the shoe polishing is now done 
 by Greeks. Negro coachmen and expressmen and team- 
 sters are seldom seen in the business districts. . . . 
 
 In the decade following, the Negroes still further lost 
 ground. Not only in Chicago but throughout the country, 
 the Negroes have been forced out of every occupation in 
 which they have come into competition with another race. 
 Only as roustabouts and rough laborers in the cities, and 
 as agricultural laborers in the South, have the Negroes been 
 able to hold their own. 23 
 
 The growth of racial solidarity probably means a les- 
 sening of racial intermixture. The segregation and the 
 voluntary isolation prevent, in large measure, the opportu- 
 nity for it to take place. So long as the races are not iso- 
 lated and remain on different cultural levels, intermixture 
 will go on to the extent of the desire of the males of the 
 superior race. Segregation does not lessen the tendency to 
 intermix; it lessens the opportunity. On the other hand, 
 the developing sense of race pride tends to .the same end. 24 
 The Negro woman ceases to desire such relations when they 
 come to mean disgrace instead of prestige. When the Ne- 
 gro provides as well for his wife as the white man does for 
 his black or yellow concubine, there is also less disposition 
 on the part of the race women to form such unions. 25 The 
 
 23 
 
 E. C. Branson, "The Negro Working Out His Own Salvation," 
 Atlanta Congress, 1913, p. 390. The exceptions to such generalizations 
 are of course very numerous. In some cases the Negroes have been 
 forced up instead of out. 
 
 24 Thomas Nelson Page, The Negro, p. 291. 
 
 26 See Editorial "Enemies Within Our Camp," The Chicago Defender, 
 4-22-1916. 
 
394 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 vicious elements of the race, moreover, will be restrained 
 by a sense of public disapproval and casual intermixture 
 will decrease. 
 
 The growth of a nationalistic spirit may very conceivably 
 mean an increase of friction between the races. 26 The in- 
 crease of race pride and personal self-respect, until it 
 reaches a stage beyond mere bumptiousness and braggado- 
 cio, has a tendency to bring the man into conflict with his 
 social surroundings. The mulattoes going over to the Ne- 
 groes and becoming their leaders contain a large per cent 
 of disgruntled agitators. 27 So far, also, as the mulattoes 
 are Northern men, they are unfamiliar with the Negro char- 
 acter and with the conditions of life in the South. That they 
 are not always wise leaders may well be supposed. Their 
 mistakes may increase racial strife unless restrained by 
 the common sense of the members of the two races. 28 Some 
 opponents of the segregation policy even predict race wars 
 and revolutions — analogous, apparently, to the situation 
 in the Latin-American countries which has been brought 
 about, partly at least, by the adoption of an opposite policy 
 — as the final outcome of the segregation policy. 29 Except 
 for the placid disposition and the native common sense of 
 the black man, the anarchistic teachings of some of the mal- 
 contents doubtless would result occasionally in rioting and 
 the growth of a spirit of racial ill-will. 
 
 26 S. D. McEnery, "Race Problem in the South," Independent, Vol. 
 55, p. 426. 
 
 27 "There is, indeed, rather a tendency to racial solidarity in opposi- 
 tion to the whites on all questions whatsoever; . . . There is, more- 
 over, a not rare belief among the whites that the preachers and leaders 
 contribute to increase these tendencies and teach hostility rather than try 
 to uplift the race morally." Page, The Negro, p. 304. See, also, p. 307. 
 
 ^McCord, The American Negro, p. 109. 
 'Segregation," Crisis, 12-1913. 
 
 
 29 «( 
 
Summary: Present Tendencies 395 
 
 The mulattoes at present are the leading men of the race 
 and the indication is that they will become more and more 
 so as time goes on. They have an immense start of the 
 blacks and, granting that they have an equal amount of 
 native ability, there is no immediate prospect of their losing 
 the lead they now have, but every reason to believe that the 
 gap will tend to widen. It is certainly being widened at the 
 present time. 
 
 The mulattoes are the property-owning class among the 
 race. Most of the business is conducted by them. They 
 are the ones who own homes and other property. Whatever 
 be the advance that the black man may make, the mulatto 
 group with the aid of the accumulated capital is advancing 
 in economic prosperity at even greater strides. 
 
 The mulattoes are at present the educated and the pro- 
 fessional classes among the race. Moreover, at present they 
 make the greatest use of the schools of a secondary and col- 
 lege character which provide education to members of the 
 race. This means that, for a generation at least, the mu- 
 lattoes will continue to be the intellectual group 'of the 
 race. 
 
 The ideal of the Negro is a light-colored man. So long 
 as the overwhelming majority of the notables of the race 
 are yellow or near-white rather than brown or black, the 
 ideal of the race will continue to be light rather than dark. 
 With the growth of racial solidarity, these individuals are 
 more and more included within the race where their light 
 color is a distinct asset to them. 30 The ideal of the race 
 tends to perpetuate the mulatto as a superior type. 
 
 The mulattoes are everywhere proud of their white re- 
 
 80 This is true in spite of a species of "race pride" which seeks out 
 )lack men for high positions and show purposes instead of seeking 
 :orapetence. 
 
 / 
 
396 The Mulatto in the United States 
 
 lationship and anxious to preserve it. Nearly every man 
 of the group marries a woman lighter than himself. The 
 number of prominent mulattoes with wives who are black, 
 or even noticeably darker than themselves, are scarcely 
 more numerous than those who have married white wives. 
 The tendency, then, from generation to generation is for 
 the intellectual part of the race to become lighter and 
 lighter in color. 
 
 A very small number of very light mulattoes each year 
 desert the race and become incorporated into the white race. 
 This number tends to increase as successive generations of 
 admixture of white blood lighten the color, straighten the 
 hair, and smooth the features of the race. At present, how- 
 ever, the intermarriage of white women with mulattoes, as 
 well as the illicit admixture of white blood, far more than 
 counterbalances the losses to the group through such 
 changes of racial status. 
 
 Furthermore, the mulatto group continually is being im- 
 proved by the addition to it of the best blood of the Negro 
 race. 'The black man of ability, in almost every case, mar- 
 ries into the mulatto caste; and his children, with whatever 
 of their father's superior mentality they inherit, are mu- 
 lattoes. So far as his superiority is inherited, it becomes 
 an asset to the mulatto group. The black man of greatest 
 ability, perhaps, of any black man in the race is married 
 to a light-colored mulatto woman. The most widely known 
 black man of the race has a wife who is near white. The 
 black man who approached nearer to genius than any othei 
 man the race has produced, married a light mulatto. The 
 rule is almost without an exception that the black man oi 
 consequence marries into the mulatto caste. The mulattc 
 group thus, on the assumption of the transmission of su- 
 perior mental capacity, tends to become not only a cultur 
 
Summary: Present Tendencies 397 
 
 ally but a biologically superior group. 
 
 The mulattoes are thus the vital point in the whole race 
 problem. It is their ideas, their sentiments, and their atti- 
 tudes, in so far as they identify themselves with the race, 
 that tend to prevail. The fact needs to be recognized in 
 any dealing with the race, or in any efforts for race better- 
 ment. 
 
 In any study and discussion of the race problem, scien- 
 tific accuracy as well as a decent regard for simple truth 
 requires that the writer indicate whether his discussion has 
 to do with full-blooded Negroes or with the men of mixed 
 blood. The failure to make this simple and elementary dis- 
 tinction, more than any other one thing, has made the vast 
 bulk of the literature relating to the Negro in America 
 either worthless or vicious. 
 
 - 
 
 : 
 
 ■ 
 
INDEX TO NAMES OF MEN WHOSE ETHNIC 
 ANCESTRY IS ANALYZED 
 
 Abbott, A. R., 228, 238. 
 
 Abbott, A. W., 247, 259. 
 
 Abbott, Granville S., 217. 
 
 Abner, David, 265. 
 
 Adams, Mrs. Agnes, 234. 
 
 Adams, Cyrus Field, 299. 
 
 Adams, John, 217. 
 
 Adams, J. W., 222. 
 
 Adams, Lewis, 238. 
 
 Adger, Robert, 229. 
 
 Aldridge, Ira, 196, 198, 288. 
 
 Alexander, John H., 228, 247. 
 
 Alexander, J. N. W., 254. 
 
 Alexander, M. S., 299. 
 
 Alexander, N. H., 297. 
 
 Alexander, William, 299. 
 
 Alexander, W. G., 222, 259. 
 
 Allen, B. F., 268. 
 
 Allen, G. W., 277. 
 
 Allen, Isaac B., 234. 
 
 Allen, Macon B., 234. 
 
 Allen, Richard, 191. 
 
 Allen, William G., 238. 
 
 Allensworth, Lt. Col. A., 247. 
 
 Allston, J. H., 234. 
 
 Allston, Philip J., 234, 298, 299. 
 
 Alstor, J. W., 277. 
 
 Ambush, James Enoch, 217. 
 
 Amiger, W. T., 266. 
 
 Amo, Anthony William, 189. 
 
 Anderson, C. H., 296, 298. 
 
 Anderson, Charles W., 203, 208, 
 
 253, 299. 
 Anderson, Duke William, 217. 
 Anderson, John C, 232. 
 Anderson, J. H., 225. 
 Anderson, Louis B., 228. 
 Anderson, Osborn Perry, 231. 
 Anderson, Major W. T., 247. 
 Andrews, W. T., 299. 
 Annibal, 189. 
 Annibal, Son of, 189. 
 
 Antoine, C. C, 220, 252. 
 Appo, William, 231. 
 Archer, H. E., 228, 266. 
 Archer, Mrs. Henrietta M., 228. 
 Armisted, E. H., 234. 
 Armstrong, William O., 234. 
 Arnett, B. W., 232. 
 Atkins, S. G., 225, 277. 
 Attway, W. A., 296, 299. 
 Attucks, Crispus, 197, 200. 
 Attwell Ernest, 238. 
 Attwell, Joseph S., 238. 
 Attwood, L. K., 238. 
 Augusta, A. T., 232, 247, 260. 
 Augustin, Peter, 229. 
 Avant, Henry, 299. 
 
 Bacote, S. W., 278. 
 
 Bagnall, Powhattan, 234. 
 
 Bailey, Grandmother, 229. 
 
 Bailey, J. B., 234. 
 
 Bailey, L. C, 257. 
 
 Baker, D. W., 297. 
 
 Baker, Gertrude M., 234. 
 
 Baker, Harry E., 225, 256. 
 
 Baker, T. Nelson, 270. 
 
 Baldwin, Maria L., 238. 
 
 Ballard, W. H., 299. 
 
 Banks, Charles, 208, 298, 299. 
 
 Banks, Mrs. Charles, 299. 
 
 Banks, J. B., 222. 
 
 Banks, Walden, 234. 
 
 Banneker, Benjamin, 189, 190, 196, 
 
 198, 199, 257. 
 Bannister, E. M., 220, 287. 
 Baptiste, George de, 239. 
 Barbadoes, James, 219. 
 Barnet, Mrs. Ida Wells, 201. 
 Barnett, Ferdinand L., 228. 
 Barrier, Anthony, 229. 
 Barrier, Miss Ella D., 222. 
 Bass, Charles T., 299. 
 
 399 
 
400 
 
 Index to Names 
 
 Basset, E. D., 217, 251. 
 Beale, Mme. I. B., 299. 
 Beaman, Amon C, 229. 
 Beaman, Jehiel C, 234. 
 Beams, Charlotte, 217. 
 Beckett, W. W., 265. 
 Becraft, Maria, 217. 
 Bell, George, 232. 
 Bell, J. B., 299. 
 Bell, James M., 231. 
 Bell, L. A., 297. 
 Benjamin, Edgar P., 234. 
 Benjamin, L. W., 257. 
 Benjamin, Miss M. E., 257. 
 Benson, John J., 238. 
 Benson, William E., 238. 
 Bentley, C. E., 203, 209. 
 Bergen, Madam Flora B., 201. 
 Berry, E. C, 238, 299. 
 Bethune, Miss M. M., 266. 
 Bethune, Thomas, 220. 
 Bibb, J. D., 225. 
 Bigham, J. A., 285. 
 Binga, Jesse, 238, 299. 
 Bird, Frank K., 277. 
 Bishop, H. C, 203. 
 Black, Henry, 222. 
 Blackshear, E. L., 225, 268. 
 Blackwell, G. L., 277. 
 Blair, Henry, 258. 
 Blodgett, J. H., 299. 
 Blue, L., 257. 
 Bluitt, B. R., 260. 
 Blyden, Edward W., 199. 
 Bogle, Robert, 229. 
 Bonchet, Edward A., 270. 
 Bond, James, 239. 
 Bond, James A., 299. 
 Bond, Theophilus, 299. 
 Booker, Joseph A., 224, 265. 
 Booze, Eugene P., 299. 
 Boss, Hon. Harry, 200. 
 Bowen, Mrs. Ariel, 225. 
 Bowen, J. W. E., 203, 208, 299. 
 Bowler, Jack, 239. 
 Bowser, Mrs. Rosa D., 225. 
 Boyd, B., 239. 
 Boyd, Henry, 217. 
 Boyd, H. A., 299. 
 Boyd, Henry A., 295. 
 Boyd, R. F., 260, 299. 
 Boyd, R. H., 203, 208, 278 300. 
 Bradford James, 232. 
 
 Bragg, Fellow, 239. 
 Braggs, Geo. F., Jr., 225. 
 Braithwaite, William S., 200, 203 
 
 208, 284. 
 Brawley, B. G., 203. 
 Brawley, E. M., 225. 
 Bray, J. A., 276. 
 Brooks, Charles H., 298, 300. 
 Brooks, Paul C, 234. 
 Brooks, W. H., 225. 
 Brown, Aaron, 277. 
 Brown, A. M., 239. 
 Brown, D. H., 300. 
 Brown, E. C, 296. 
 Brown, E. E., 234. 
 Brown, Henry, 257. 
 Brown, Henry E., 239. 
 Brown, Miss H. Q., 201, 203. 
 Brown, John M., 217. 
 Brown, Nellie, 220. 
 Brown, Richard L., 220. 
 Brown, Roscoe C, 260. 
 Brown, S. N., 225. 
 Brown, William Wells, 192, 20C 
 
 239. 
 Browne, Hugh M., 229. 
 Bruce, B. K., 196, 199, 250. 
 Bruce, Mrs. B. K., 203. 
 Bruce, John E., 203. 
 Bruce, Roscoe C, 203, 209, 252. 
 Bryan, Andrew, 19. 
 Bryant, Ira T., 203, 209, 277, 30C 
 Bryant, W. W., 234. 
 Buchanan, Noah, 252. 
 Buchanan, W. S., 267. 
 Buckner, George W., 253, 254. 
 Bugg, J. H., 239. 
 Bulkley, W. H., 203. 
 Bulkley, William L., 270. 
 Bundy, Richard W., 253. 
 Burkins, Eugene, 220, 257. 
 Burleigh, Harry T., 200, 203, 20* 
 Burns, Anthony, 220, 229. 
 Burr, Seymour, 234. 
 Burrell, W. P., 239. 
 Burroughs, George L., 239. 
 Burroughs, Miss Nannie H., 20J 
 
 266, 278, 300. 
 Burroughs, W. M., 300. 
 Burrows, William, 276. 
 Burwell, L. L., 239, 260. 
 Bush, Anita, 200. 
 Bush, Chester E., 300. 
 
Index to Names 
 
 401 
 
 Bush, Mrs. Cora E., 300. 
 
 Bush, John E., 209, 239, 254, 298, 
 
 300. 
 Bush, Mrs. Olivia Ward, 234. 
 Bush, William H., 203. 
 Butler, H. R., 225, 260. 
 
 Cabaniss, J. A., 300. 
 
 Cain, R. H., 217, 251. 
 
 Caldwell, J. C, 277. 
 
 Caldwell, J. S., 203, 277. 
 
 Calhoun, A. R., 276. 
 
 Calhoun, R. C, 300. 
 
 Calloway, T. J., 300. 
 
 Campbell, J. B., 239. 
 
 Cannon, George E., 260. 
 
 Capitien, James Eliza John, 189. 
 
 Cardozo, F. L., 232. 
 
 Cardozo, T. W., 252. 
 
 Carey, Lott, 217. 
 
 Carey, Mary A. S., 217. 
 
 Carney, William H., 217. 
 
 Carr, James L., 203. 
 
 Carroll, Jacqueline, 234. 
 
 Carroll, Richard, 239, 300. 
 
 Carson, Simeon L., 260. 
 
 Carter, Rev. E. R., 222. 
 
 Carter, H. C, 252. 
 
 Carter, James G., 253, 300. 
 
 Carter, Lt. Louis A., 248. 
 
 Carter, R. A., 210, 275. 
 
 Carter, W. J., 203. 
 
 Carver, G. W., 210, 269. 
 
 Cato, 220. 
 
 Chappelle, Julius B., 234. 
 
 Chappelle, W. D., 225, 276. 
 
 Charles, H. M., 300. 
 
 Charlton, Melville, 220. 
 
 i Chase, William Calvin, 224. 
 
 iChavis, John, 191. 
 
 iCheatham, H. P., 251. 
 ^Cherry, M. A., 257. 
 
 (Chester, T. Morris, 232. 
 
 Chestnutt, C. W., 194, 195, 198, 
 203, 208, 284. 
 hiles, Nick, 210. 
 :«|Chosum, Melvin J., 296. 
 Chretien, Paul, 239. 
 Church, R. E. Jr., 209. 
 Church, R. R., 300. 
 31ark, Jonas, 234. 
 
 Dlark, J. Milton, 234. 
 lark, J. S., 268. 
 
 Clark, Peter H., 229. 
 
 Cleaves, N. C, 275. 
 
 Clement, G. C, 277. 
 
 Clinton, George W., 209, 277, 300. 
 
 Coard, B. T., Jr., 296. 
 
 Cobb, J. A., 253, 300. 
 
 Coggins, J. N. C, 278. 
 
 Cohen, Walter L., 300. 
 
 Coker, Daniel, 232. 
 
 Cole, Bob, 200, 234. 
 
 Cole, Rebecca J., 260. 
 
 Collier, N. W., 300. 
 
 Conner, James M., 276. 
 
 Cook, Elijah, 239. 
 
 Cook, Eliza Ann, 217. 
 
 Cook, George F. T., 199. 
 
 Cook, George W., 203, 210. 
 
 Cook, John F., Jr., 199. 
 
 Cook, John F., Sr., 199. 
 
 Cook, Will Marion, 203, 208. 
 
 Coolidge, J. S., 257. 
 
 Cooper, Mrs. Anna J., 228. 
 
 Cooper, E. J., 228. 
 
 Copeland, John Anthony, 231. 
 
 Coppin, Fanny M. Jackson, 199. 
 
 Coppin, L. J., 203, 209, 276. 
 
 Coppin, Thomas, 229. 
 
 Corbin, J. C, 232. 
 
 Cornell, A. C, 222. 
 
 Cornish, Alexander, 217. 
 
 Corrothers, James D., 220. 
 
 Cosey, A. A., 278. 
 
 Coshburn, Walter M., 222. 
 
 Coshburn, Mrs. W. M., 222. 
 
 Costin, Louisa Parke, 217. 
 
 Costin, Martha, 232. 
 
 Costin, William, 217. 
 
 Cottrell, Charles, 253. 
 
 Cottrell, Elias, 239, 275, 300. 
 
 Council, W. H., 222. 
 
 Coursey, Robert F., 234. 
 
 Courtney, S. E., 210, 260, 299, 300. 
 
 Covington, John, 300. 
 
 Cowan A. C, 300. 
 
 Cox, J. M., 226, 266. 
 
 Cox, W. Alexander, 235, 300. 
 
 Cox, W. W., 300. 
 
 Craft, Henry K., 239. 
 
 Crafts, William, 229. 
 
 Crafts, Mrs. William, 229. 
 
 Crawford, Joshua, 235. 
 
 Crogman, William Henry, 203, 209. 
 
 Cromwell, J. W., 226. 
 
402 
 
 Index to Names 
 
 Crowdy, William, 235. 
 
 Crowther, Samuel, 239. 
 
 Crum, W. D., 239. 
 
 Crum, W. E., 235. 
 
 Crummel, Alexander, 196, 197, 199, 
 
 285. 
 Crummell, Boston, 239. 
 Cuffe, John, 218. 
 Cuffe, Paul, 196, 199. 
 Cugoano, Ottobah, 189. 
 Cummings, Harry S., 203. 
 Curtis, Bishop, 239. 
 Curtis, A. M., 203, 259, 260. 
 Curtis, James L., 200, 203. 
 Curtis, J. Webb, 228. 
 Custalo, William, 222. 
 
 Dabney, Austin, 239. 
 Dailey, Sam, 239. 
 Dailey, U. G., 260. 
 Dalton, Thomas, 235. 
 Daneey, J. C, 203, 209, 278. 
 Dandridge, Ann, 218. 
 Dangerfield, Newby, 231. 
 Daniels, Jim, 231. 
 Darden, J. H., 222. 
 Darden, John W., 260. 
 Davage, M. S., 278. 
 Davidson, Shelby, 257. 
 Davis, A. K., 220, 252. 
 Davis, Mrs. Belle, 300. 
 Davis, B. J., 209. 
 Davis, B. O., 209, 248. 
 Davis, Charles T., 300. 
 Davis, D. W., 226. 
 Davis, George W., 300. 
 Davis, Henrietta Vinton, 201. 
 Davis, I. D., 226. 
 Davis, Mrs. L. A., 222. 
 Davis, W. R., 257. 
 Day, J. Howard, 229. 
 Day, William Howard, 239. 
 Dean, Jennie, 239. 
 De Grasse, John V., 218, 260. 
 Delancey, Martin R., 230. 
 De Large, R. C, 220, 251. 
 De Mortie, Louise, 218, 235. 
 De Mortie, Mark, 235. 
 Dennison, F. A., 203, 209. 
 Derrick, W. B., 224. 
 Dett, R. N., 203. 
 Deveaux, John H., 239. 
 Dickerson, William F., 218. 
 
 Dickinson, J. H., 257. 
 Dickson, Rev. Moses, 239. 
 Diffay, J. O., 295. 
 Diggs, J. R. L., 270. 
 Dillon, Dr. Sadie, 239. 
 Dogan, M. W., 210, 266. 
 Dorsett, C. N., 239, 260. 
 Dorsey, Thomas L., 230. 
 Dossen, Vice-President, 240. 
 Douglass, Charles R., 230, 240. 
 Douglass, Frederick, 192, 196, 19' 
 
 198, 199, 200, 210, 252, 288. 
 Douglass, H. Ford, 230. 
 Douglass, J. H., 203. 
 Douglass, Lewis H., 230. 
 Douglass, W., 257. 
 Downing, George T., 230. 
 Downing, Thomas, 230. 
 Doyle, James, 258. 
 Draper, Garrison, 232. 
 Drew, Howard P., 200. 
 Drury, Theodore, 235. 
 Du Bois, W. E. B., 195, 197, 19) 
 
 200, 203, 207, 270, 284. 
 Dubuclet 240. 
 Duckery, Henry, 235. 
 Dudley, James B., 267. 
 Dumas, Alexandre, 188, 197, 200. 
 Dumas, A. W., 260. 
 Dunbar, Chas. B., 260. 
 Dunbar, Paul Laurence, 194, 19 
 
 197, 198, 199, 200, 210, 224, 28 
 
 285. 
 Dunbar, Mrs. Paul Laurence, 22 
 Dungee, A. C, 300. 
 Dunlop, Alexander, 240. 
 Dunn, Oscar J., 220, 252. 
 Duprey, William, 235. 
 Durham, James, 189, 191, 196, 26! 
 Dyson, Walter, 285. 
 
 Earnest Louis, 222. 
 Easton, Hosea, 235. 
 Easton, Joshua, 235. 
 Edmonds, T. H., 257. 
 Eggleston, E. F., 240. 
 Elbert, S. G., 299, 300. 
 Elbert, Mrs. S. G., 300. 
 Ellerson, L. B., 226. 
 Elliot, R. B., 196, 199, 251. 
 Elliott, J. T., 299. 
 Elliott, T. J., 300. 
 Emanuel, J., 300. 
 
 
Index to Names 
 
 40S 
 
 Europe, James Resse, 200, 203. 
 Evans, Henry, 191. 
 Evans, Matilda A., 240. 
 Evans, Mrs. S. J., 228. 
 Evans, Wm. P., 300. 
 
 Ferguson, John C, 260. 
 Ferguson, Joseph, 260. 
 Ferguson, S. D., 203, 278. 
 Fields, W. R., 240. 
 Fisher, D. A., 257. 
 Fleet, John H., 218. 
 Flipper, Henry O., 247. 
 Flipper, J. S., 204, 276. 
 Floyd, Silas X., 220. 
 Ford, C. E., 300. 
 Ford, J. E., 210. 
 Forten, Miss Charlotte, 218. 
 Forton, James, 192, 258. 
 Fortune, T. Thomas, 195, 204, 208. 
 Fountain, W. A., 265. 
 France, Joseph J., 260. 
 Frances, J. W., 296. 
 Francis, J. R., 226, 228. 
 Francis, William, 189. 
 Franklin, G. W., 300. 
 Franklin, Nicholas, 218. 
 Frence, John B., 228. 
 Frierson, A. U., 226. 
 Fuller, S. C, 204, 208, 260. 
 Fuller, Mrs. S. C, See Meta Vaux 
 
 Warrick. 
 Fuller, Thomas, 189, 190. 
 Furniss, Henry W., 204, 254. 
 Furniss, S. A., 300. 
 
 Gabriel, 218. 
 Gaones, John S., 240. 
 Gamble, H. F., 260. 
 Ganes, John F., 230. 
 Gardner, Eliza, 235. 
 Garland, C. N., 235, 260. 
 Garner, James E., 301. 
 Garner, J. H., 301. 
 Garnett, H. H., 196, 197, 199. 
 Garrett, Thomas, 220. 
 Gaskins, Nelson, 235. 
 Gates, George A., 301. 
 Gell, Monday, 220. 
 Geoffray, L'Islet, 189. 
 Gibbs, Miss Hattie, 222. 
 Qibbs, J. C, 219. 
 
 Gibbs, Miffin Wistar, 192, 301. 
 
 Gibson, G. W., 240. 
 
 Gilbert, F. H., 298, 301. 
 
 Gilbert, J. W., 226, 276. 
 
 Gilbert, M. W., 226, 276. 
 
 Gillian, C. W., 301. 
 
 Girideau, W. L., 301. 
 
 Gladden, Lt. W. W., 248. 
 
 Gleaves, R. H., 220, 252. 
 
 Gleed, Robert, 252. 
 
 Gloucester, John, 191. 
 
 Goddard, Julius B., 235. 
 
 Goiens, John W., 269. 
 
 Goler, W. H., 204, 265, 278. 
 
 Gomez, General Maximo, 228, 248. 
 
 Goodwin, G. A., 226. 
 
 Gordon, Henry, 240. 
 
 Gordon, James H., 301. 
 
 Gordon, Nora A., 222. 
 
 Gordon, Sarah, 240. 
 
 Gordon, W. C, 299, 301. 
 
 Graham, A. A., 301. 
 
 Grant, Bishop A., 224, 301. 
 
 Grant, George F., 235. 
 
 Gray, F. A., 301. 
 
 Gray, Miss Mary A., 301. 
 
 Gray, William, 240. 
 
 Green, Benjamin T., 240. 
 
 Green, Charles Henry, 232. 
 
 Green, E. E., 260. 
 
 Green, John, 224. 
 
 Green, Lt. J. E., 248. 
 
 Green, John P., 218. 
 
 Green, Shields, 231. 
 
 Green, S. W., 210. 
 
 Greener, R, T., 196, 197, 208, 220. 
 
 Gregory, J. M., 204. 
 
 Grigg, John A., 265. 
 
 Griggs, E. M., 296. 
 
 Griggs, Sutton E., 210, 278. 
 
 Grimes, Leonard, 218. 
 
 Grimke, Archibald H., 204, 208. 
 
 Grimke, F. J., 194, 204, 208. 
 
 Gross, F. W., 265. 
 
 Gross, William E., 240. 
 
 Groves, C. A., 301. 
 
 Groves, J. G., 301. 
 
 Groves, Marjory, 235. 
 
 Hackley, Mrs. E. A., 220. 
 Hale, W. J., 210, 267. 
 Hall, Mrs. Anna M., 218. 
 Hall, Charles H., 235. 
 
404 
 
 Index to Names 
 
 Hall, G. C, 204, 208, 240, 259, 260, 
 
 299. 
 Hall, Primus, 230. 
 Hall, Prince, 240. 
 Hall, R. M., 240. 
 Hall, Walter P., 301. 
 Hamilton, R. T., 260. 
 Hamlett, J. A., 276. 
 Hamlin, J. A., 301. 
 Hamm, James R., 301. 
 Hansberry, E., 223. 
 Haralson, Jare, 240, 251. 
 Hargrave, F. S., 260. 
 Harlan, Robert, 232. 
 Harllee, N. W., 226. 
 Harper, Fenton, 240. 
 Harper, Frances E., 201. 
 Harper, Mrs. F. E. W., 192. 
 Harper, William A., 287. 
 Harris, Charles E., 235. 
 Harris, C. R., 277. 
 Harris, Mrs. Carol V., 301. 
 Harris, Gilbert C, 235, 301. 
 Harris, J. H., 301. 
 Harris, T. N., 240. 
 Harrison, Hazel, 220. 
 Harrod, W. A., 279. 
 Hart, Mrs., 228. 
 Hart, W. H. H., 204. 
 Hatcher, Henry A., 301. 
 Hatter, Allen, 301. 
 Havis, Ferdinand, 210. 
 Hawkins, J. R., 204, 209, 277, 301. 
 Hawkins, Mason A., 204. 
 Hawkins, T. S., 240. 
 Hawkins, W. Ashbie, 204. 
 Hayden, Lewis, 192. 
 Hayes, Alexander, 218. 
 Haynes, George E., 209, 270. 
 Haynes, Lemuel, 191, 196, 198. 
 Hayes, Roland W., 204. 
 Hayes, Thomas H., 299, 301. 
 Hazel, William A., 235. 
 Heard, W. H., 226, 276. 
 Hemmings, Robert, 235. 
 Hendley, Willie M., 269. 
 Henry, Sam, 252. 
 Henson, Josiah, 232. 
 Henson, Mathews, 200, 240. 
 Herndon, A. F., 210. 
 Hershaw, L. M., 204. 
 Hewin, J. T., 226. 
 Hewitt, W. V., 301. 
 
 Hewlett, E. M., 240. 
 Hibbler, John A., 301. 
 Higgins, W. H., 260. 
 Higiemonde, 188. 
 Hill, James, 252. 
 Hill, J. S., 296. 
 Hill, Mrs. L., 240. 
 Hill, L. P., 240. 
 Hills, J. Seth, 260. 
 Hilton, John T., 235. 
 Hilyer, A. F., 226, 257. 
 Hoagland, George, 301. 
 Hodges, M. Hamilton, 235. 
 Hogan, Ernest, 200. 
 Holloway, Richard, 240. 
 Holloway, T. B., 296. 
 Holloweil, William, 230. 
 Holly, J. T\, 240. 
 Holmes, William E., 223, 265. 
 Hood, J. W., 204, 209, 277. 
 Holsey, L. H., 204, 275. 
 Holtzclaw, W. H., 301. 
 Hope, John, 204, 208, 265. 
 Hort, Mrs. Emma T., 223. 
 Horton, George, 232. 
 Hosier, Harry, 240. 
 Houston, R. C, 298. 
 Howard, A. C, 301. 
 Howard, Alexander S., 301. 
 Howard, E. C, 260. 
 Howard, P. W., 301. 
 Howell, G. M., 301. 
 Howell, S. A., 297. 
 Hubbard, A., 240. 
 Hubert, Z. T., 265. 
 Hudson, R. B., 278. 
 Hull, D. J., 265. 
 Hunt, A. H., 235. 
 Hunt, H. A., 226. 
 Hunt, William H., 224, 253. 
 Hunter, John E., 260. 
 Hunton, W. A., 204, 210. 
 Hurst, John E., 204, 209, 276. 
 Hurst, S. P., 301. 
 Hyer, The Sisters, 220. 
 Hyman, John, 240, 251. 
 
 Isaacs, E. W. D., 204, 278. 
 Ish, I. G., 224. 
 
 Jackson, A. B., 260, 299. 
 Jackson, A. D., 285. 
 Jackson, A. S., 277, 
 
Index to N dines 
 
 405 
 
 Jackson, Deal, 240. 
 
 Jackson, George H., 254. 
 
 Jackson, Jennie, 240. 
 
 Jackson, J. C, 299, 301. 
 
 Jackson, J. S., 278. 
 
 Jackson, Miss Lena T., 226. 
 
 Jackson, Mary C, 228. 
 
 Jackson, T. J., 296. 
 
 Jackson, William L., 232. 
 
 Jacobs, C. C, 278. 
 
 Jacobs, H. P., 252. 
 
 Jack, Uncle, 275. 
 
 Jamison, M. F., 275. 
 
 Janifer, J. T., 277. 
 
 Jason, W. C, 268. 
 
 Jasper, John, 240. 
 
 Jefferson, E. B., 301. 
 
 Jenifer, J. T., 204, 210. 
 
 Jenkins, O. C, 240. 
 
 Jenkins, S. J., 223. 
 
 Jennings, Cordelia A., 240. 
 
 Jennings, Mrs. Mary F., 240. 
 
 Johnson, 296. 
 
 Johnson, Mrs. A. E., 284. 
 
 Johnson, A. N., 301. 
 
 Johnson, Billy, 235. 
 
 Johnson, C. F., 210, 301. 
 
 Johnson, Elijah, 220. 
 
 Johnson, Harvey, 204. 
 
 Johnson, H. L., 204. 
 
 Johnson, H. T., 210. 
 
 Johnson, J. A., 204, 210, 276. 
 
 Johnson, J. O., 226. 
 
 Johnson, J. Rosamond, 200, 204, 
 
 209. 
 Johnson, John Thomas, 232. 
 Johnson, James W., 201, 204, 208, 
 
 226, 254. 
 Johnson, L. E., 240. 
 Johnson, Peter A., 260. 
 
 Tohnson, Sol. C, 241. 
 
 Tohnson, W. Bishop, 279. 
 
 Tohnson, W. H., 301. 
 
 Tohnson, W. I., 301. 
 
 Tones, Mme. (Black Patti), 201. 
 
 Tones, Absolom, 220. 
 
 Tones, A. D., 260. 
 
 Tones, E. M., 278. 
 
 Tones, E. P., 301. 
 Jones, Miss Hazel K., 302. 
 Jones, Henry, 229. 
 Jones, John, 230. 
 Jones, J. G., 241. 
 
 Jones, J. H., 226. 
 
 Jones, Joshua M., 276. 
 
 Jones, John W., 261. 
 
 Jones, Miles B., 260. 
 
 Jones, R, E., 204, 208, 278, 299, 302. 
 
 Jones, Scipio A., 210, 299, 302. 
 
 Jones, Sissieretta, 201. 
 
 Jones, T. W., 226, 302. 
 
 Jones, Wiley, 241. 
 
 Jordan, D. J., 226. 
 
 Jordan, L. G., 204, 209, 279, 302. 
 
 Josenberger, Mrs. Mary, 302. 
 
 Juan, 229. 
 
 Just, E. E., 204, 209. 
 
 Kealing, H. T\, 195, 204, 209, 266. 
 
 Keatts, Chester W., 224. 
 
 Keatts, C. W., 302. 
 
 Kelly, James, 223. 
 
 Kennedy, W. A., 302. 
 
 Kenney, J. A., 241, 261. 
 
 Kerr, S., 226. 
 
 Kersey, Willis A., 302. 
 
 Keys, H. W., 302. 
 
 King, G. H., 223. 
 
 Kina:, Horace, 223. 
 
 King, H. H., 302. 
 
 King, J. T., 223. 
 
 King, M. N., 223. 
 
 King, W. E., 209. 
 
 King, W. W., 223. 
 
 Knight, D. L., 302. 
 
 Knox, George L., 226. 
 
 Kyles, L. W., 278. 
 
 Lafon, Thorny, 220. 
 
 Lambert family, 241. 
 
 Lambert, William, 219. 
 
 Lane, Isaac, 241, 275. 
 
 Lane, J. F., 265. 
 
 Lane, Lunsford, 192, 193. 
 
 Lane, W. C, 235. 
 
 Laney, Lucy, 204. 
 
 Lankford, J. A., 302. 
 
 Langford, Sam, 207. 
 
 Langston, John M., 196, 197, 199, 
 
 251. 
 Lattimore, Andrew E., 235. 
 Latimer, George, 235. 
 Lavalette, W. A., 257. 
 Lawrence, W. P., 279. 
 Lawson, R. Augustus, 204. 
 Leary, John, S., 232. 
 
406 
 
 Index to Names 
 
 Leary, Lewis S., 231. 
 
 Leary, Matthew, 241. 
 
 Leary, Matthew, Jr., 241. 
 
 Lee, Bertina, 220, 287. 
 
 Lee, B. F., 204, 208, 276. 
 
 Lee, Joseph, 235, 254. 
 
 Lee M. D., 278. 
 
 Lehman, M. J., 223. 
 
 Leile, George, 191. 
 
 Levy, J. R., 261, 302. 
 
 Lewis, A. L., 302. 
 
 Lewis, Edmonia, 201, 287. 
 
 Lewis, James, 204. 
 
 Lewis, J. H., 235, 302. 
 
 Lewis, John W., 296. 
 
 Lewis, M. N., 302. 
 
 Lewis, W. H., 201, 204, 207, 254. 
 
 Lewis, W. I., 226. 
 
 Lights, F. L., 297. 
 
 Lindsay, Samuel, 297. 
 
 Livingston, Lemuel W., 254. 
 
 Logan, Warren, 205, 210, 302. 
 
 Logan, Mrs. Warren, 226. 
 
 Loguen, Bishop, 218. 
 
 Long, Jefferson, 241, 251. 
 
 Loudin, F. J., 257. 
 
 Lovett, William C, 236. 
 
 Lovinggood, R. S., 266. 
 
 Lowe, J. I., 277. 
 
 Lowry, Samuel, 232. 
 
 Lowther, George W., 236. 
 
 Lucas, Sam, 201. 
 
 Lucas, W. W., 223, 278. 
 
 Lugrade, S. L., 241. 
 
 Lundy, Benjamin, 230. 
 
 Lynch, James, 252. 
 
 Lynch, John R., 205, 208, 248, 251. 
 
 Lynk, M. V., 266. 
 
 Lytic, Miss Lutie A., 228. 
 
 McCarthy, Anthony, 302. 
 McCarty, Owen, 241. 
 McCary, William, 252. 
 Maceo, 248. 
 
 McClennon, A. C, 261. 
 McClellan, G. M., 226. 
 McCord, Sam, 241. 
 McCoy, Benjamin M., 218. 
 McCoy, E., 205, 257. 
 McCoy, Elijah T., 198. 
 McCrorey, H. L., 265. 
 McCulloch, J. B., 302. 
 McDaniel, E. E., 302. 
 
 McDonald, J. Frank, 277. 
 McDonald, W. H., 296. 
 McDonough, David K., 261. 
 McDuffv, J. D., 302. 
 McGilbray, D. C, 302. 
 McKane, Cornelius, 236. 
 McKee, John, 220. 
 McKinlev, J. Frank, 228. 
 McKinley, Whitfield, 254. 
 McKissack, E. H., 241, 302. 
 McKissack, Moses, 302. 
 Majors, W. L., 302. 
 Margetson, G. Reginald, 236. 
 Marshall, John R., 205. 
 Marshall, Napoleon B., 236. 
 Martin, J. A., 268. 
 Martin, J. C, 276. 
 Martin, John Sella, 236. 
 Martin, Martha and sister, 232. 
 Martin, William M., 228. 
 Mason, Cassius, 205. 
 Mason, Mrs. Lena, 226. 
 Mason, M. C. B., 226, 302. 
 Mason, U. G., 241. 
 Mathews, William E., 230. 
 Matthews, James C, 205. 
 Matthews, Victoria E., 241. 
 Matthews, W. Clarence, 236. 
 Matzeliger, J. E., 220, 257. 
 Maxwell, Leigh R., 223. 
 Merrick, John, 241. 
 Middlcton, Charles H., 218. 
 Miles, Alexander, 228. 
 Miles, Marv E., 232. 
 Miller, Kelly, 194, 195, 201, 205 
 
 207, 285, 302. 
 Miller, T. H., 241, 251. 
 Minton, F. J., 302. 
 Minton, Henry, 229. 
 Mitchell, Charlie L., 218. 
 Mitchell, John, 205. 
 Mitchell, John, Jr., 208. 
 Mitchell, Mrs. Nellie B., 236. 
 Mitchell, Robert, 279. 
 Mitchell, S. T., 232. 
 Mitchell, W. L., 297. 
 Mollison, W. E., 205. 
 Montgomery, Ben, 241. 
 Montgomery, I. T., 205, 208, 252 j 
 
 302. 
 Montgomery, Thornton, 241. 
 Moody, O. L., 266. 
 Moore, A. M., 261. 
 
Index to Names 
 
 407 
 
 Moore, Alice Ruth, 220. 
 
 Moore, Fred R., 209, 254. 
 
 Moore, G. W., 205, 278. 
 
 Moore, J. H., 276. 
 
 Moore, Lewis B., 205, 270. 
 
 Moore, T. Clay, 302. 
 
 Moorland, J. E., 205, 208. 
 
 Moreland, John F., 278. 
 
 Morgan, B. J., 302. 
 
 Morgan, Clement G., 236. 
 
 Morgan, J. H., 226. 
 
 Morris, Albert, 241. 
 
 Morris, E. C, 205, 208, 279, 302. 
 
 Morris, E. H., 194, 205, 208. 
 
 Morris, Freeman, 241. 
 
 Morris, J., 232. 
 
 Morris, Robert, 232. 
 
 Morris, W. R., 205. 
 
 Mosby, John M., 296. 
 
 Mossell, N. F., 205, 209, 261. 
 
 Moten, Lucy, 205. 
 
 Moton, R. R., 201, 205, 207, 269, 
 
 302. 
 Mott, Lucretia, 229. 
 Moultry, Francis J., 241. 
 Murphy, W. O., 302. 
 Murray, Daniel, 205. 
 Murray, G. W., 226, 251, 257. 
 Murray, J. L., 223. 
 Muse, Lindsay, 218. 
 Myers, Cyrus, 223. 
 Myers, George A., 241. 
 Myers, Stephen J., 230. 
 
 I Nance, L., 257. 
 Napier, J. C, 205, 208, 254, 299, 
 
 302. 
 Napier, Mrs. J. C, 302. 
 Nash, Charles E., 241, 251. 
 Neighbors, W. D., 295, 302. 
 Nell, William, 232, 236. 
 N elson. Davfo 302. 
 
 elson, Ida Gray, 228. 
 Nesbitt, F. M., 303. 
 Newby, Dangerfield, 231. 
 Newton, Osborn A., 236. 
 Nickens, Owen T. B., 241. 
 Norman, M. W. D., 223. 
 Nunn, Charles, 303. 
 
 O'Connell, Pezavia, 270. 
 O'Connor, 257. 
 Ogden, Peter, 241. 
 
 O'Harra, J. E., 231, 251. 
 
 O'Kelly, Berry, 303. 
 
 O'Kelley, C. G., 265. 
 
 Olandad, 189. 
 
 Olney, D. W., 226. 
 
 Oncles, Father, 205. 
 
 Osborn, Perry Anderson, 231. 
 
 Ossie, Keebe, 241. 
 
 Othello, 189. 
 
 Otis, Joseph E., 241. 
 
 Outlaw, John S., 261. 
 
 Owens, Mrs. R. C, 303. 
 
 Pace, Dinah, 241. 
 Page, Inman E., 268, 303. 
 Palmer, John H., 269. 
 Palmer, Loring B., 261. 
 Pamphlet, Gowan, 232. 
 Parker, James B., 224. 
 Parker, Inez C, 284. 
 Parks, H. B., 205, 276. 
 Parks, Thomas F., 303. 
 Parks, W. G., 279. 
 Parrish, C. H., 303. 
 Partee, W. E., 226. 
 Patrick, Thomas W., 236. 
 Patterson, Fred D., 303. 
 Patterson, Spenser, 303. 
 Paul, Thomas, 236. 
 Payne, Christopher H., 254. 
 Payne, D. A., 196, 199. 
 Payne, G. A., 265. 
 Payton, F. A., Jr., 303. 
 Pelham, R., 258. 
 Penn, I. G., 205, 209, 241, 278. 
 Penn, W. F., 261. 
 Pennington, J. W. C, 196. 
 Perdue, A. C, 303. 
 Perry, Christopher, 210. 
 Perry, C. W., 241. 
 Peters, "Dr.", 236. 
 Peters, E. S., 303. 
 Peters, John, 220. 
 Peters, Phyllis Wheatley, 189, 190, 
 196, 198, 199, 201, 202, 210, 284. 
 Peterson, B. H., 226. 
 Peterson, James T., 303. 
 Peterson, John, 241. 
 Pettey, Mrs., 226. 
 Pettiford, W. R., 303. 
 Phelps, Mrs. Mary Rice, 223. 
 Phillips, C. H., 205, 275. , 
 Phillips, Henry L., 205. 
 
408 
 
 Index to Names 
 
 Pickens, William, 208. 
 Pierce, Charles, 218. 
 Pinchback, Napoleon, 241. 
 Pinchback, P. B. S., 205, 209, 252, 
 
 253. 
 Pinheiro, Don T., 236. 
 Pitts, Coffin, 236. 
 Piatt, Miss Ida, 223. 
 Pledger, William A., 224. 
 Plummer, "Elder," 236. 
 Poindexter, James, 218. 
 Pollard, L. M., 241. 
 Pompey, R. S., 269. 
 Ponton, M. M., 265. 
 Pope, James W., 236. 
 Porter, J. R., 226. 
 Porter, L. M., 303. 
 Porter, Maggie, 241. 
 Porter, Troy, 303. 
 Porter, W. M., 303. 
 Powell, B. F., 223. 
 Powell, Clayton, 201. 
 Powell, Holland, 279. 
 Pratt, Harry T., 303. 
 Price, J. C„ 199, 241, 288. 
 Prillerman, Byrd, 268. 
 Prioleau, G. W., 248. 
 Procter, H. H., 209. 
 Prosser, 229. 
 Prout, John, 232. 
 Purcell, I. L., 226. 
 Purvis, C. B., 241, 261. 
 Purvis, Robert, 192, 196. 
 Purvis W. B., 220, 257. 
 Pushkin, Alexander, 188. 
 
 Quinn, William Paul, 218. 
 
 Rainey, J. H., 220, 251. 
 
 Rakestraw, W. M., 269. 
 
 Rankin, J. W., 277. 
 
 Ransier A. J., 220, 251, 252. 
 
 Ransom, R. C, 205, 209, 277. 
 
 Raphard, Father, 280. 
 
 Rapier, James T., 220, 251, 261. 
 
 Rav, Charles M., 230. 
 
 Ray, Charlotte. 241. 
 
 Ray, E. P., 257. 
 
 Ray, Peter Williams, 261. 
 
 Raymond, John T., 236. 
 
 Raymond, Theodore H., 236. 
 
 Reason, Charles L., 232. 
 
 Redmond, Sarah, 232. 
 
 Redmond, S. C, 241. 
 
 Redmond, S. D., 303. 
 
 Redwine, W. A., 296. 
 
 Reed, L. S., 242. 
 
 Reed, William L., 236. 
 
 Reeve, J. B., 205. 
 
 Reid, Dow, 242. 
 
 Reid, Frank, 242. 
 
 Remond, C. L., 192, 196. 
 
 Revels, Hiram R., 220, 250, 253. 
 
 Reynolds, H. H., 257. 
 
 Rich, William, 230. 
 
 Richards, Fannie, 233. 
 
 Richardson, A. St. George, 226. 
 
 Richey, C. V., 258. 
 
 Riddick, J. F., 297. 
 Ridley, Mrs. U. A., 242. 
 Rischer, H. K., 242. 
 Roberts, E. P., 209, 261. 
 Roberts, D. R., 233. 
 Roberts, Isaac L., 236. 
 Roberts, Thomas Wright, 218. 
 Roberson, W. E., 303. 
 Robinson, David R., 236. 
 Robinson, E. A., 298. 
 Robinson, G. T., 226. 
 Robinson, J. P., 224. 
 Robinson, Mrs. Leila, 303. 
 Robinson, Mrs. M. A., 223. 
 Robinson, R. G., 227. 
 Rock, David, 236. 
 Rock, John S., 242. 
 Rollins, Wade C, 303. 
 Roman, C. V., 209, 261. 
 Rosell, David, 261. 
 Ross, A. W., 230, 242. 
 Ross, John, 85. 
 Ross, J. O., 296, 303. 
 Rosser, L. E., 276. 
 Roundtree, P. C, 303. 
 Rucker, H. A., 205, 303. 
 Ruffin, G. L., 230. 
 Ruffin, Mrs. J. St. P., 205. 
 Ruffin, Stanley, 236. 
 Ruggles, David, 242. 
 Russell, G. P., 268. 
 Russell, James S., 242. 
 Russwurm, J. B., 192, 196. 
 Rutling, Thomas, 242. 
 
 Saffell, Mrs. Daisy, 303. 
 St. Benedict, The Moor, 242. 
 
Index to Names 
 
 409 
 
 St. Pierre, John, 242. 
 Salem, Peter, 242. 
 Sampson, Benjamin, 242. 
 Sampson, B. K., 233. 
 Sampson, George M., 242. 
 Sampson, James D., 242, 
 Sancho, Ignatius, 189. 
 Sanders, D. J., 223. 
 Sanderson, Thomas, 242. 
 Sanford, J. M., 297. 
 Sanford, J. S., 304. 
 Sanifer, J. M., 242. 
 Saunders, M. P., 303. 
 Sawner, G. W. F., 303. 
 Sawner, Mrs. Lena, 303. 
 Sawyer, E. J., 303. 
 Scarborough, W. S., 198, 205, 208, 
 
 266. 
 Scarlett, John E., 236. 
 Scott, Emmett J., 205, 207, 
 
 298. 
 Scott, I. B., 205, 210, 278. 
 Scott, J. J., 296. 
 Scott, Lt. O. J. W., 248. 
 i Scott, Walter, 242. 
 Scott, W. A., 303. 
 I Scott, Wilkerson and Scott, 303. 
 Scott, William E., 205. 
 iScottron, S. R., 303. 
 Scruggs, B. E., 223. 
 Searcy, T. J., 303. 
 Sejour, Victor, 242. 
 Selika, Madam, 202. 
 Seme, Pixley Isaka, 242. 
 Shadd, Mary Ann, 233. 
 Shadwell, G. W., 303. 
 Shaffer, C. T., 205, 276. 
 Shaw, M. A. N., 236. 
 Shaw, Mrs. Mary E., 242. 
 Shepard, C. H., 261. 
 Shepherd, H. C, 303. 
 Sheppard, Mr., 242. 
 Sheppard, Ella, 242. 
 Sheppard, W. H., 242. 
 Shirley, Thomas, 229. 
 Shorter, James, 218. 
 Shorter, Mrs. J. A., 242. 
 Sidney, Thomas, 233. 
 Simms, S. William, 236. 
 Sims, W. H., 303. 
 Sinclair, 285. 
 
 Sinclair, William A., 220. 
 Singleton, David, 253. 
 
 Singleton, Huston, 223. 
 
 Slater, T. H., 261. 
 
 Smalls, Robert, 205, 251, 255. 
 
 Smiley, Charles H., 242. 
 
 Smith, Albretta Moore, 223. 
 
 Smith, Alfred, 242, 303. 
 
 Smith, Mrs. Amanda, 202. 
 
 Smith, B. S., 205. 
 
 Smith, Blanche, V., 236. 
 
 Smith, C. S., 205, 209, 276. 
 
 Smith, Eleanor A., 236. 
 
 Smith, Harriet, 237. 
 
 Smith, H. C, 205. 
 
 Smith, Mrs. Hannah G., 236. 
 
 Smith, Isaac H., 296, 304. 
 
 Smith, Joshua B., 237. 
 
 Smith, James McCune, 196, 242, 
 
 261. 
 Smith, Mary E., 237. 
 Smith, Mrs. M. E. C, 227. 
 Smith, R. L., 209, 304. 
 Smith, R. S., 227. 
 Smith, Stephen, 229. 
 Smith, Wilford H., 195, 304. 
 Smythe, John H., 227, 242. 
 Snow, Benjamin, 218. 
 Snowden, John Baptist, 233. 
 Spaulding, C. C, 304. 
 Sprague, Mrs. Rosetta D., 227. 
 Stafford, A. O., 220. 
 Stanley, Alexander, 242. 
 Stanley, Charles, 242. 
 Stanley, John, 242. 
 Stanley, John C, 242. 
 Stanley, J. P., 297. 
 Stanton, J. C, 276. 
 Starks, J. R., 276. 
 Steele, Carrie, 242. 
 Stephenson, J. B., 304. 
 Sterrs, Alexander, 242. 
 Sterrs, Willis E., 261. 
 Stevenson, William, 237. 
 Steward, T. G., 206, 209, 248. 
 Stewart, Austin, 218. 
 Stewart, F. A., 242, 261. 
 Stewart, G. W., 275. 
 Stewart, Logan H., 299. 
 Stewart, T. McCants, 233. 
 Still, Charity, 223. 
 Still, James, 237. 
 Still, Peter, 242. 
 Still, William, 192. 
 Stokes, A. J., 279. 
 
410 
 
 Index to Names 
 
 Storum, James, 227. 
 Stout, R. S., 276. 
 Straker, D. A., 223. 
 Strauther, J. M., 304. 
 Street, H. Gordon, 237. 
 Stringer, T. W., 253. 
 Strong, J. W., 265. 
 Stubbs, Julian, 237. 
 Suggs, D. C, 243. 
 Sutton, E. H., 257. 
 
 Talbert, Mary B., 227. 
 
 Taliaferro, C. T., 304. 
 
 Talley, T. W., 227. 
 
 Tandy, H. A., 304. 
 
 Taniel, R. F., 297. 
 
 Tanner, B. T., 198, 206, 210, 276. 
 
 Tanner, Henry O., 194, 197, 198, 
 
 199, 200, 201, 206, 208, 210, 
 i 287. 
 
 Tate, W. A., 269. 
 Taylor, Hilliard, 304. 
 Taylor Major, 201. 
 Taylor, Marshall W., 218. 
 Taylor, Preston, 304. 
 Taylor, R. R., 243. 
 Taylor, S. Coleridge, 197, 201. 
 Taylor, W. L., 194. 
 Teamoh, Robert T., 237. 
 Terrell, Father of R. H., 233. 
 Terrell, Mrs. Mary Church, 202, 
 
 206. 
 Terrell, Mother of Mary C, 233. 
 Terrell, R. H., 206, 208, 253, 
 
 258. 
 Terrs, Holmes, 304. 
 Terry, Watt, 304. 
 Thomas, Alex S. 218. 
 Thomas, I. L., 278. 
 Thomas, James C, 243, 304. 
 Thomas, J. W., 304. 
 Thomas, Lillian J. B., 223. 
 Thompson, R. W., 227. 
 Thurman, Mrs. Lucy, 243. 
 Tibbs, Roy W., 220. 
 Tidrington, E. G., 304. 
 Tolton, Father Augustus, 280. 
 Toussaint, Francois Dominique, 
 
 189, 197, 248. 
 Townsend, A. M., 261, 266. 
 Townsend, J. M., 297. 
 Trotter, William H., 208. 
 Trotter, W. Monroe, 206, 237. 
 
 Troumontaine, Julian, 233. 
 Trower, John S., 243, 304. 
 Truth, Sojourner, 192, 196, 197, 
 
 199, 202. 
 Tubman, Harriet, 192. 
 Tucker, 261. 
 Tucker, A. L., 297. 
 Tucker, E. D., 304. 
 (Tucker, T. de S., 227. 
 Tulane, Victor H., 243. 
 Tunnell, W. V., 206. 
 Turnbo, Mrs. Pope, 304. 
 Turner, Benjamin S., 243, 251. 
 Turner, C. H., 206, 210, 270. 
 Turner, H. M., 218, 247, 276. 
 Turner, M. W., 304. 
 Turner, Nat, 218. 
 Twe, Dihdwo, 237. 
 Tyler, Ralph W., 210, 255. 
 Tyree, Evans, 206, 210, 276. 
 
 Vachon, George B., 233. 
 
 Valladelid, Juaji de, 239. 
 
 Vass, G. W., 206. 
 
 Vass, S. N., 278. 
 
 Vassa, Gustavus, 189. 
 
 Velar, N. T., 304. 
 
 Venegar, F. T., 268. 
 
 Vernon, W. T., 206, 209, 265. 
 
 304. 
 Vesey, Denmark, 218, 243. 
 Villa, Panco, 248. 
 
 Walder, Walter F., 237. 
 
 Waldron, J. Milton, 210. 
 
 Walker, 237. 
 
 Walker, Aida O., 201, 202, 288. 
 
 Walker, Mme. C. J., 201, 304. 
 
 Walker, David, 192, 196. 
 
 Walker, Edwin G., 237. 
 
 Walker, George, 201. 
 
 Walker, H. L., 227. 
 
 Walker, John W., 261. 
 
 Walker, Maggie B., 206. 
 
 Wall, Josiah T., 243, 251. 
 
 Wall, O. S. B., 243. 
 
 Wallace, A. G., 304. 
 
 Wallace, J. E., 265. 
 
 Wallace, T. W., 278. 
 
 Wallace, W. N., 227. 
 
 Waller, O. M., 227. 
 
 Walters, Alexander, 206, 208, 277. 
 

 Index to Names 
 
 411 
 
 alton, L. P., 261. 
 
 Ward, E. E., 304. 
 
 Ward, S. R., 218, 243. 
 
 Ward, T. M. D., 218. 
 
 Garfield, W. A., 206, 210, 261. 
 
 Waring, J. H. N., 243. 
 
 Warner, A. J., 277. 
 
 Warrick, Meta Vaux, 220, 287. 
 
 Washington, Booker T., 194, 195, 
 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 210, 
 
 I 288, 298, 304. 
 
 Washington, Mrs. Booker T., 202. 
 j Washington, J. W., 304. 
 
 Washington, Mrs. Margaret, 223. 
 
 Washington, Mrs. S. I. N., 237. 
 
 Watson, B. F., 277. 
 
 Wavman, A. W., 218. 
 
 Webb, John L., 304. 
 
 Wells, John W., 304. 
 
 Wells, Nelson, 218. 
 
 IVelmon, Matthew, 304. 
 .West, F. L., 269. 
 
 West, W. B., 223. 
 |Westberry, R. W., 304. 
 iWestons, 243. 
 
 fVharton, Heber E., 243. 
 
 Wheatland, Marcus F., 206. 
 
 Wheaton, J. F., 228. 
 (Whipper, William, 192. 
 (Whitaker, J. W., 227. 
 
 [White, Clarence C, 206. 
 
 .White, Fred, 206. 
 
 SJWhite, G. H., 206, 210, 251. 
 
 [White, T. P., 233. 
 White, W. J., 233. 
 Whiting, J. L., 269. 
 jjWier, Felix, 220. 
 Wilder, J. R., 227. 
 
 Wilkinson, G. C, 285. 
 Wilkinson, R. S., 268. 
 
 Williams, Bert, 196, 201, 206, 209, 
 
 288. 
 'Williams, C. P., 304. 
 Williams, C. T., 209. 
 
 Williams, Charles W. M., 237. 
 
 [Williams, Daniel H., 194, 198, 206, 
 
 207, 259, 261. 
 Williams, Mrs. D. H., 223. 
 
 Williams, E. C, 206. 
 
 Williams, Miss Emma Rose, 223. 
 
 Williams, Mrs. Fannie Barrier, 
 223. 
 
 Williams, G. G., 304. 
 
 Williams, George H., 198. 
 
 Williams, G. H. C, 268. 
 
 Williams, George Washington, 243. 
 
 Williams, J. A., 304. 
 
 Williams, J. B. L., 227. 
 
 Williams, J. M. P., 253. 
 
 Williams, J. S., 304. 
 
 Williams, P. B., 257. 
 
 Williams, R. S., 275. 
 
 Williams, Mrs. Sylvanie F., 223. 
 
 Williams, S. Laing, 304. 
 
 Williams, W. T. B., 206, 210. 
 
 Willis, E. D., 304. 
 
 Willis, Joseph, 275. 
 
 Wilson, Butler R., 237. 
 
 Wilson, Edward, 228. 
 
 Wilson, James H., 261. 
 
 Wilson, J. M., 253. 
 
 Wilson, T. J., 304. 
 
 Wilson, T. J., Jr., 304. 
 
 Windham, B. L., 304. 
 
 Windham, T. C, 304. 
 
 Winter, L., 305. 
 
 Wolff, James G., 237. 
 
 Wolff, James H., 237. 
 
 Wood, J. W., 278. 
 
 Wood, N. B., 228. 
 
 Wood, S. W., 305. 
 
 Woods, Granville T., 194, 195, 198, 
 
 257. 
 Woods, Lyates, 258. 
 Woods, R. C, 266. 
 Woodson, Ann, 233. 
 Woodson, C. G., 206, 209, 270. 
 Woodson, Emma J., 233. 
 Woodson, J. W., 206. 
 Work, Henry, 243. 
 Work, Monroe N., 206, 210. 
 Wormley, James, 233, 257. 
 Wormley, Mary, 218, 233. 
 Wormley, William, 218. 
 Wragg, J. P., 278. 
 Wright, Elizabeth E., 243. 
 Wright, E. J., 237. 
 Wright, Herbert R., 254. 
 Wright, John M., 298, 305. 
 Wright, Mrs. Minnie T., 237. 
 Wright, R. R., 206, 218, 268. 
 Wright, R. R., Jr., 206, 208, 270, 
 
 277. 
 Wright, Theodore S., 230. 
 Writt, John T., 305. 
 Wych, A. A., 261. 
 
412 Index to Names 
 
 Wyche, R. P., 227. Young, Major Charles, 206, 208, 
 
 Wynn, Robert D., 279. 247, 248. 
 
 Young, James H., 228. 
 Yates, Iola D., 237. Young, Mrs. M. L., 305. 
 
 Yerb, William J., 254. Young, Nathan B., 210, 268. 
 
GENERAL INDEX 
 
 
 mntus, 71. 
 jolitionists, 342-344. 
 ihievement of Negroes, 183-184, 
 a93. 
 
 timixture of blood. See Amal- 
 gamation. 
 
 idvance Guard," 194. 
 friea, South, 71-77; Bastaards, 
 74-75; classes in, 75-76; color 
 line in, 75; illicit sex relations, 
 75; intermarriage in, 75; mixed- 
 blood people in, 72; mixture of 
 races, 71; population of, 71; 
 race prejudice in, 76; race sep- 
 aration in, 75. 
 jgitation, effect of, 371-374. 
 gitators, mulatto, 346, 380-381. 
 malgamation, 17, 77, 86. See, 
 also, Intermarriage, intermixture 
 of races. 
 
 mbition of mulatto, 315-318. 
 merica, South, 33-51, 88. 
 merican Indians. See Indians. 
 hglo-Indians. See Eurasians, 
 htipathy, race, 25, 317-319. See, 
 |also, Race prejudice, 
 nti-slavery propaganda, 342. 
 pache, 78. 
 
 rabs, half-caste, 28. 
 rawak Indians, 65. 
 rt, Negro in, 286-292. 
 ksimilation in ancient times, 26. 
 ttitude; of Northern mulattoes, 
 368-374; of races in Spanish 
 America, 40-41; toward first 
 American Negroes, 166-168. 
 ixiliary wives, 22. 
 
 ickward race, definition of, 18. 
 
 inks, Negro, 295-297, 307. 
 
 astaards, 71-75. 
 
 bgraphy of Negroes, 221-231, 
 
 237-245. 
 
 
 Bi-racial, 355, 358-360, 373-374. 
 Boston Negroes, 233-237. 
 Brazil, 27, 88. 
 Brazilian Negro, Roosevelt on, 
 
 323-324. 
 Business, Negro in, 293-307. 
 Business League, Negro, 289, 298- 
 
 306, 307. 
 
 Cannibalism, 63. 
 
 Cascos, 13. 
 
 Caste, basis for, 19; accommoda- 
 tion to, 360, 371 ; in primitive 
 society, 21. 
 
 Cherokee, 85. 
 
 Children, treatment of half-caste, 
 95-96. 
 
 Civilized Tribes, 81, 82, 84. 
 
 Class distinctions; in Cuba, 59; 
 in Jamaica, 68; in Philippine 
 Islands, 52-53; in Spain, 24; in 
 Spanish America, 44-49; South 
 Africa, 73. 
 
 Classes, influence of, on race inter- 
 mixture, 90-92. 
 
 Color line; among American In- 
 dians, 85; among Negroes, 177- 
 179; in Brazil, 36-37; in Cuba, 
 57; in Haiti, 63; in Jamaica, 67; 
 in South Africa, 75; in Spanish 
 America, 47. 
 
 Color prejudice; in Spanish Am- 
 erica, 50; in Cuba, 60. See, 
 also, Race prejudice. 
 
 Coloured, defined, 14. 
 
 Coloured peoples, 27; of Jamaica, 
 316; of South Africa, 27. 
 
 Comanche, 78. 
 
 Communication, effect on race in- 
 termixture, 16. 
 
 Competition, as affecting race 
 prejudice, 101, 338. 
 
 Concubinage, 28-29; 139-144; 378. 
 
 413 
 
414 
 
 General Index 
 
 Croatans, 81, 85. 
 
 Cuba, 57-60; color inferiority in, 
 325-326; mulatto in, 326. 
 
 Dance, 60, 88; orgiastic, 62. 
 Dentistry, Negro in, 262-263, 291. 
 Determination of racial type, 327. 
 Differentiation among slaves, 169- 
 
 172. 
 Disorganization in South, 349. 
 Distribution of mulattoes, 113, 
 
 122-124. 
 Divide and Rule, policy of, 333. 
 Douglass, Frederick, 317. 
 
 Early American Negroes, 190-192. 
 
 Educated classes, 395. 
 
 Education of Negro, 339, 350; 
 
 Woodson's, 231-233. 
 Eminent Negroes, 197-199. 
 Enfranchisement of Negroes, 350. 
 Escapement from the race, 396. 
 Eskimo half-castes, 27, 31-32, 316. 
 Ethnological distinctions, 47. 
 Eurasians, 26-31, 316. 
 Exclusion policy, 334-335. 
 Exogamy, 21. 
 
 Famous colored women, 201-202. 
 Famous Negroes, 199-201. 
 Fertility of mixed marriages, 83. 
 Foremost men of the race, 207- 
 
 210. 
 Formation of primitive state, 97- 
 
 98. 
 Free mulattoes, 176-177. 
 Free Negroes, 112-113. 
 Freedman's Bureau, 347. 
 French-Canadians, 77. 
 
 Greeks, 22. 
 
 Greenland, 31, 88. 
 
 Griffe, 12. 
 
 Griquas. See Bastaards. 
 
 Haiti, 61-65; civilization of, 61-62; 
 classes in, 64; color line in, 63; 
 dress, 65; education in, 63-65; 
 marriage in, 62-64; political con- 
 ditions, 62; population of, 63; 
 presidents of, 65; race hatred 
 in, 65; religion in, 62-63. 
 
 Half-breed; as a separate cast< 
 328-331; illegitimate origin o: 
 88; increase in numbers, 93-94 
 psychology of, 19; treatment o| 
 chlldlren, 95-96. See, als( 
 Eurasians. 
 
 Hindu. See Eurasians. 
 
 Histories of the race, 216-220. 
 
 Hopi Indians, 80, 81. 
 
 Hybrid, variability of, 12. 
 
 Hybridization, 28. 
 
 Ideals of the Negro, 180-181. 
 
 Illicit sex relations, 145-155, 37£ 
 classes involved, 145-155; durin 
 colonial times, 144-155; effect o| 
 freedom on, 160-161; effect o 
 slavery on, 158-160; indenture 
 servants, 146-150; white wome 
 and Indians, 155; white wome 
 and Negroes, 153-155; slav 
 owners and slaves, 145-146. 
 
 Immigrants in Spanish Americ; 
 38. 
 
 Indentured servants, 146-150. 
 
 India, 88. 
 
 Indians, 77-85; as slaves, 82; whit 
 crosses, 28; fertility of, 83; hall 
 breed, 78-85, 317; Hopi, 81-8£ 
 intermixture, 77-79; Iroquoi 
 77-78; Navajo, 81; Negro intei 
 mixture, 82-83; Oklahoma, 81 
 Osage, 85; race problem amonji 
 84-85; St. Regis, 81; Wyar 
 dots, 84. 
 
 Inquisition, 25. 
 
 Industrial education, 381. 
 
 Intermarriage, 69, 94-95, 127-13! 
 316, 378; classes involved, 13( 
 131; 136-137; in Brazil, 36; i 
 Greenland, 32; in South Afric.' 
 75; in Spain, 24; in Spanis 
 America, 48-50; laws concerning 
 128-130, 134; Negro and Indiai 
 155-158. 
 
 Intermixture of races, 15-16, 395 
 394; among American Indian 
 78-79 ; conditions determining 
 88-93; effect of, on civilizatioi 
 17; in ancient world, 22-23; i 
 Brazil, 33-38; in Cuba, 57-6C 
 in Greenland, 31-33; in Hait 
 61-65; in India, 27-31; i 
 
General Index 
 
 415 
 
 Jamaica, 65-71; in North Am- 
 erican Indian group, 77-85; in 
 Philippines, 51-54; in primitive 
 society, 21-22; in Spain, 23-26; 
 in Spanish America, 38-51; in 
 South Africa, 71-77; in West 
 Indies, 55-71; when a problem, 
 17-18. 
 
 nventors, Negro, 256-259, 291. 
 
 roquois, 77-78. 
 
 slam, policy of, 24. 
 Isolation, 359, 383, 390-391. 
 
 Jamaica, 65-71; classes, 66; edu- 
 cation, 67; population, 66; rela- 
 tion of sexes, 67; separation of 
 colors, 67-68; Spanish occupancy 
 of, 65. 
 
 Johnson, Jack, 317. 
 
 journalism, Negro in, 286, 291. 
 
 Kafirs, 73. 
 
 Key to race problem, 86-104. 
 
 Law, Negro in, 263-264, 291. 
 Leadership, Negro, 364, 366-367, 
 
 395. 
 Literature, Negro in, 282-286, 291 ; 
 
 of Negroes, 388. 
 L'Ouverture. See Toussaint. 
 
 Mango, 13. 
 
 Manitoba, mixed-bloods in, 77. 
 
 Manumission, 339. 
 
 Marabon, 12. 
 
 Meamelouc, 12. 
 
 Medicine, Negro in, 259-263, 291. 
 
 Mestizo, 27, 33; Chinese, 27, 51- 
 
 54, in Spanish America, 40; 
 
 social position of, in Spanish 
 
 America, 46-49; in Mexico, 44; 
 
 Spanish, 27, 51-52. 
 Metif, 12. 
 Metis, 27, 33-38, 316-317; advance 
 
 of, 320-323; characteristics of, 
 
 34-35. 
 Mexico, races in, 43-44. 
 Middle-class, growth of, 358. 
 Migrations, 14-15. 
 Ministry, Negroes in, 274-282, 291. 
 Miscegenation, 22; in Brazil, 33; 
 
 in Greenland, 31-33; in India, 28. 
 See, also, Intermarriage. Amal- 
 gamation. Intermixture of 
 races. 
 
 Mixed-blood caste, 376. 
 
 Mixed-blood race. See Half- 
 breed. 
 
 Mixed-bloods as a cohesive force, 
 22. 
 
 Mixed marriages. See Intermar- 
 riage. 
 
 Mixture of blood, 22, 375. 
 
 Mongrel type, 28. 
 
 Moriscos, 24. 
 
 Mulattoes; as leaders, 341, 360- 
 364; caste, 316; children of 
 white women, 175-176; definition 
 of, 11-14; Hall, 110; improve- 
 ment of, 396-397; increase of, 
 118-122; key to race problem, 
 86-104; militant, 371; number 
 of, 116-118; pride in color, 395- 
 396; problem of, 19; sentiments 
 of, 341, 343; societies, 340; su- 
 periority of, 339, 395. 
 
 Music, Negro in, 289-291. 
 
 Musical tradition, 388-389. 
 
 Mustifee, 13. 
 
 Mustifino, 13. 
 
 Natal. See South Africa. 
 
 National Association for the Ad- 
 vancement of the Colored 
 People, 370. 
 
 Nationalities, composition of, 16. 
 
 Nationality; effect of , on economic 
 competition, 392-393; effect of, 
 on education, 391-392; effect of, 
 on intermixture of races, 393; 
 effect of, on isolation, 390-391; 
 effect of, on race friction, 394; 
 tendency toward, 383; sentiment 
 of, in Roman colonies, 23. 
 
 Native policy in ancient times, 
 26-27. 
 
 Navajo, 81. 
 
 Negro aristocracy, 389-390. 
 
 Negro; Brazilian, 321; business 
 league, 298-305 ; disappearance 
 of, in Brazil, 38; Indian inter- 
 mixture, 82; in history, 188-189; 
 middle class, 353-359 ; politicians, 
 347-348. 
 
416 
 
 General Index 
 
 Obstacles to race solidarity, 382- 
 
 383. 
 Occupational differentiation, 339. 
 Octoroon, 13. 
 Oklahoma, 81. 
 
 Opportunities of mulattoes, 378. 
 Origin of mixed-bloods, 88, 376. 
 Osage, 85. 
 
 Persistence of negroid character- 
 istics, 105. 
 
 Philippine Islands, 51-54. 
 
 Phoenicians, 22. 
 
 Physical appearance, as basis for 
 class distinctions, 18-19. 
 
 Politicians, Negro, 346-347. 
 
 Politics, Negro in, 249-256, 291. 
 
 Polygamy, 62, 64. 
 
 Porto Rico, 56. 
 
 Portuguese, 88; in Brazil, 33ff.; 
 in India, 28. 
 
 Prestige of mulattoes, 363. 
 
 Presuppositions, 375-376. 
 
 Professional classes, 395. 
 
 Property-owning class, 395. 
 
 Psychology of mixed-bloods, 19, 
 102-103. 
 
 Quadroon, 13. 
 Quarteron, 12. 
 
 Race; competition, 392-393; de- 
 fined, 14; friction, 76, 394; har- 
 mony, 100; hatred, 48, 65; inter- 
 mixture (see Intermixture of 
 races); pride, 21; repugnance, 
 28; separation, 75, 385-386. 
 
 Race prejudice, 70; basis for, 18; 
 as affected by numbers, 99-100; 
 growth of, in American colonies, 
 167-168; in Philippines, 53; in 
 South Africa, 76. 
 
 Race problem, 85; defined, 18-19; 
 in Jamaica, 70; in Spain, 24. 
 
 Race solidarity, absence of, in 
 North, 366-368; consequences of, 
 390ff. See, also, Nationality. 
 
 Races and classes in Spanish Am- 
 erica, 40. 
 
 Races, relative tendency toward 
 intermixture, 88-90. 
 
 Races; biological effect of cross- 
 
 ing, 13; distribution of, 
 
 Spanish America, 42-43. 
 Reconstruction policy, 347. 
 Rizal, 53. 
 Role of mulatto, 104, 380-3: 
 
 338ff., 377, 315ff., 320. 
 Romans, mixture with subje 
 
 peoples, 23. 
 
 Sacrata, 12. 
 
 St. Regis, 81. 
 
 Sambo, 13. 
 
 Sang-mele, 12. 
 
 Santo Domingo, 56. 
 
 Segregation, 355ff., 384-385. 
 
 Self-interest, 387-388. 
 
 Self-respect, 387. 
 
 Separation of colors in Jamaid 
 68. 
 
 Sexual selection, 38. 
 
 Slave traffic, 106-107. 
 
 Slavery; domestic, 27; effect ■ 
 race intermixture, 92-94 ; 
 Cuba, 57; in ancient times, 2 
 in West Indies, 55ff.; of India 
 in Spanish America, 39. 
 
 Slaves; classes among, 172-17 
 distribution of, 108. 
 
 Snake worship, 63. 
 
 Social; classes in Cuba, 58-59; di 
 tinction in Jamaica, 68; equs 
 ity, 319-320, 349; separatio 
 See Color line. 
 
 Soldiers, Negro, 246-249, 291. 
 
 Southern mulatto leaders, 361 ff. 
 
 Southern policy, 353ff. 
 
 Spain; mixture of races in, 2! 
 race problem in, 24-25. 
 
 Spanish America, 33ff. 
 
 Spanish half-breeds, 317. 
 
 Statistics of mulattoes, 106. 
 
 Status of mixed-bloods, 96, 33 
 336; as affected by physical a] 
 pearanee, 98; as affected by cu 
 tural differences of races, 99; i 
 slaves, 174-177; in Brazil, 31 
 38; in Cuba, 325-326; in Indi 
 316, 328-330; in Greenland, 31( 
 in Spanish America, 326-327; i 
 Jamaica, 331-333. 
 
 Status of Negroes in North, 364i 
 
 Status of slaves, 167-168. 
 
 Students, Negro, 270-274. 
 
Superior mulattoes, per cent of, 
 
 311-314. 
 Superiority of mulattoes, 101-102, 
 
 181, 187-188, 379. 
 
 ♦'Talented Tenth," 196-197. 
 Teachers, Negro, 264-274, 291. 
 Toussaint, 64. 
 Tradition of mulatto superiority, 
 
 378-379. 
 Tuskegee. See Southern Policy. 
 
 "Uncle Tom's Cabin," 344. 
 
 Variability of mixed-bloods, 83- 
 84. 
 
 General Index 
 
 417 
 
 Voluntary segregation, 386-387. 
 Voodooism, 62. 
 
 Waltz. See Dance. 
 
 Washington, policy of. See South- 
 ern policy. 
 
 West Indies, 55-71, 88. 
 
 "Whites by Law," 27. 
 
 "Who's Who in Colored America," 
 202-206. 
 
 Women, influence of, on race in- 
 termixture, 91-92. 
 
 Wyandots, 84. 
 
 Zambos, 33. 
 
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